The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

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The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke
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Livy.
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London :: Printed by Adam Islip,
1600.
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Rome -- History -- Early works to 1800.
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"The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A06128.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 13, 2024.

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Page 544

THE XXV. BOOKE OF THE [unspec G] HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the [unspec H] Cittie of Rome. (Book 25)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the five and twentith Booke.

PVublius Cornelius Scipio, surnamed afterwards Africanus, was made Aedile, before he was of Lawfull yeares. Anniball woon the citie Tarentum (all but the castle, into which, the Romane garison was retired) by meanes of certain young Tarentine gentlemen, who had made sem∣blance, that they went by night a hunting. The solemne plaies in the honour of Apollo, were [unspec I] now first instituted, upon occasion of certaine propheticall verses of Martius, wherin the over∣throw at Cannae had been foretold. Q. Fulvius and App. Claudius Consull, sought fortunatly against Hanno, a Duke or captaine of the Carthaginians. T. Sempronius Gracchus the Pro∣consull, was by a Lueane (his host that gave him entertainment) trained into the danger of an ambush, and slaine by Mago. Centenius Penula, who had served in the warres as a Centurion, having made sent un∣to the Senate, to have the leading of an armie, and promised, if this petition were graunted, to win the victorie of Anni∣ball, and to vanquish him, tooke the charge of eight thousand footmen, and gave battaile to Anniball: but hee was slaine himselfe, and his whole armie defeited and put to the sword. Cn. Fulvius the Pretour fought unfortunately against Anniball, and lost the field: in which fight there died sixteene thousand men. Himselfe, with two hundred horsemen fled and escaped. Capua was besieged by Q. Fulvius, and App. Claudius, the Consuls. Claudius Marcellus in the third year of the siege, wan Syracusa, and bare himselfe in that service like a worthie and noble knight. In that tumult and burliburlie [unspec K] when the citie was newly taken, Archimedes, whiles he was busily occupied about certaine Geometricall figures and forms that he had drawne in the dust, was killed. The two Scipions, Pub. and Cornel. after so many and so worthie exploits per∣formed fortunately in Spaine, came to a wofull and bearie end, being themselves slaine there, with the losse welneere of their whole armies, in the eight year after that they went into Spain. And the maine possession of that province had beene quite lost, but for the singular manhood and industrie of L. Matius a knight of Rome, who having rallied and gathered together the remnants of the armies, so encouraged them, that by their valiant service two severall encamped holds of the enemies were woon, seven and thirtie thousand of the enemies slaine, and eighteene hundred taken prisoners, and a great rich bootie obtained. Wherupon he was called Captaine Martius.

WHiles these affaires thus passed in Affricke and in Spaine, Anniball em∣ploied the summer season in the territorie of Tarentum, in hope by [unspec L] treason to be maister of the cittie of the Tarentines. In which meane while, certaine base cities of the Salentines, and townes of no impor∣tance revolted unto him. And at the same time, of those 12 States of the Brutij, which the yeare before had turned, & banded with the Car∣thaginians, the Consentines and Thurines were rallied wholly again to the devotion of the people of Rome. And more of them had retur∣ned likewise, but for L. Pomponius Veientanus, captain of the allies: who after he had made certaine rodes into the countrey of the Brutij, and sped his hand well with many booties, tooke upon him the countenance of a sufficient Colonell, and was no lesse repu∣ted: and having gathered a power of men, suddainly in hast without good advisement, fought [unspec M] with Hanno. In which conflict, a mightie multitude of his men were either slaine or taken priso∣ners. But, as good hap was, they were but a disordered unruly rable of rusticall clownes and bond∣slaves: and the least losse of all other, was the captaine himselfe, who amongst the rest was taken captive: a man as then, the authour of a rash and foole-hardie fight, and had beene aforetime a

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[unspec A] Publicane or farmer of the citie revenues, and alwaies (through his naughtie practises and cun∣ning fetches and shifts wherein he was become skilfull) a disloiall person, and daungerous both to the publicke State, and also to those privat companies and societies, with whom he had com∣merce and dealing. Sempronius the Consull, lying in the Lucanes countrie, made many light skir∣mishes, but not any one worth remembrance, and woon certaine poore townes, and of small re∣gard, belonging unto the Lucanes.

The longer that this warre continued lingering, whiles prosperous successe and adverse mis∣hap interchangeably wrought much varietie and alteration, as well in the inward minds of men, as in their outward state & fortune; such religious zcale and superstition (& the same for the most part in forein ceremonies) had so seized & possessed the citie, that either the men or gods therof, [unspec B] were sodainly all at once become clean altered, and transfigured. In so much as now the Roman rites & holy observations were contemned, not only in secret, and within dores at home in their privat houses, but abroad also in the open streets, yea and in the common place and Capitoll: where there flocked alwayes a fort of women, that neither offred sacrifice and oblations, nor said their prayers, and did their devotions according to the use and custome of their native countrie and citie. Certaine od priests and chaplaines, yea and doting wiseards and blind prophets, had inveagled the minds and consciences of men: whose number was the greater by reason first of the rurall people and paisants of the countrie, who for neede and povertie, and for feare toge∣ther, were driven to quit their lands which they had not tilled and husbanded, by reason of the long warres, and many invasions and rodes that laid all wast, and so retired into the citie: after∣wards [unspec C] by the easy occupation and readie meanes of gaine which they found by the errour of o∣thers, whom they soone seduced and abused: which trade they used and practised openly, as if it had bene a lawfull art and misterie. At the first, divers good and honest persons began secretly to grieve and be offended herewith, yea and to mutter and utter their griefes in private: but after∣wards in processe of time, the matter was presented before the LL. of the counsell, and brake forth to open complaint in publick places. The Aediles and Triumvirs capitall were blamed much, and sharply rebuked of the Senate, for not redressing these disorders: and when they went in hand, to rid the common place of this multitude, and to cast down, overturne and fling away the preparation and provision for their sacrifices and oblations, they had like to have bene misused and mischieved by the people. When this maladie and misorder seemed now to be greater [unspec D] than might be remedied and reformed by the meaner and inferior Magistrate, M. Aemylius, Pre∣tor of the citie for the time being, received commission by order from the Senate, to see that the people were eased and delivered from this new religion and superstition. He not only red unto them in a publike assembly the decree of the Senate in that behalfe, but also made proclamation, Imprimis, that whosoever had any bookes of prophesies or prayers, or treatises written of this art and science of sacrifices, should bring in all those books and writings unto him before the Ka∣lends of Aprill next ensuing. Item, that no person should sacrifice either in publick place, or sa∣cred Church, after any new forme or forein rites and traditions. And in that yeare, there dyed certaine publick Priests, to wit, L. Cornelius Lentulus the Arch-prelate, or high Priest: and C. Pa∣pyrius Masso, the sonne of Caius, a Bishop. Also P. Furius Philus an Augur, and C. Papyrius Masso [unspec E] the sonne of Lucius, a Decemvir, deputed for holy mysteries. In place of Lentulus and of Papy∣rius, were M. Cornelius Cethegus, and Cn. Servilius Cepio substituted high-priest and bishop. For Augur, there was created L. Quintus Flaminius: and L. Cornelius Lentulus was chosen Decemvir over sacred ceremonies and divine service.

Now the time drew neere of the solemne election of new Consuls: but because it was not thought good to call the old away, (busied as they were in the warres) T. Simpronius one of the Consuls, nominated for Dictator, to hold that election aforesaid, C. Claudius Cento, who named for his Generall of the Cavallerie Q. Fulvius Flaccus. This Dictatour, the first comitiall day fol∣lowing, created for Consuls Q. Fulvius Flaccus abovenamed, his Generall of horsemen, and Ap. Claudius Pulcher, who in his Pretourship had the jurisdiction and government of the province [unspec F] of Sicilie. Then were the Pretours elected, Cn. Fulvius Flaccus, C. Claudius Nero, M. Iunius Syl∣lanus, and P. Cornelius Sulla. When the Election was ended, the Dictatour resigned up his place.

That yeare was Aedile Curule, together with M. Cornelius Cethegus, one P. Cornelius Scipio, whose surname afterwards was Africanus. When he stood and made suite for the Aedileship, and

Page 546

the Tribunes of the Commons were against him, objecting that he was not eligible and capable [unspec G] of that office, for that he was not of lawfull age to be a competitor, and to put in for it: If (quoth he) all the Quirites and citizens of Rome will choose me Aedile, I have yeares enough on my back. Whereupon, in favour and furtherance of his suite, there was such running and labouring on all hands to the Tribes for their voices, that the Tribunes sodainely surceased their pur∣pose to hinder him. And this was the largesse and donative that the Aediles bestowed. The Ro∣mane Games were, according to the wealth of that time, exhibited and set out with great state and magnificence, and continued one day longer than ordinarie: and for every street through∣out the citie, was allowed a * 1.1Congius of oyle. L. Villius Tappulus, and M. Fundanus Fundulus Aediles of the Commons, accused certaine dames and wives of the citie before the people, of dishonest and incontinentlife: and sonie of them being condemned, they forced into banish∣ment. [unspec H] The Games called Plebeij, were renewed for two dayes: and by occasion of these games, a solemne feast or dinner was kept for the honor of Iupiter.

Then Q. Fulvius Flaccus the third time entred the Consulship, together with Appius Clau∣dius: and the Pretours cast lots for their Provinces. It fell unto P. Cornelius Sulla his lot, to have the jurisdiction both of citizens and strangers, which before was executed by twaine. To Cn. Ful∣vius Flaccus fell Apulia: to C. Claudius Nero, was allotted Suessula: and M. Iunius Syllanus his hap was to have the rule of the Tuscanes. The Consuls were appointed by decree of the Senate to warre with Anniball, and to have under their commaund two legions apeece: and that one of them should receive his legions of Q. Fabius, the Cos. of the former yeare: and the other take his, at the hands of Fulvius Centimalus. As for the Pretours, Fulvius Flaccus had commission for [unspec I] the conduct of the legions at Luceria, which served under Aemylius Pretour there: and Nero Claudius was to have the leading of those that were under the hand of C. Terentius in Picenum: and that they should provide themselves of supply to make up the full number of the compa∣nies. M. Iunius had the charge of the legions of citizens mustred the yeare before to serve in Tus∣cane: T. Sempronius Gracchus, and P. Sempronius Tuditanus continued still in the government of their provinces, the one of Lucania, the other of Gallia, and kept their owne forces. Likewise P. Lentulus governed the old province in Sicilie: M. Marcellus was L. Deputie of Saracose, and so far as the realme and dominion of king Hiero reached. T. Octacilius Admirall of the navie. Greece was governed still by M. Valerius. Sardinia by Q. Mutius Scaevola. Spaine by P. and Cornelius Scipiones. To the old armies before, there were other two new legions levied and enrol∣led [unspec K] by the Coss. So as in all, the whole forces for that yeare amounted to 23 legions.

When the Consuls should muster the souldiours, they were hindered by occasion of a lewd pranke plaied by one M. Posthumius Pyrgensis, to the great trouble & disquiet of the state & pub∣like peace. This Posthumius was by his vocation and calling a publican, who many yeares togi∣ther for crastie and deceitfull dealing, for avarice and covetousnesse, had not his fellow in all the cittie, but it were L. Pomponius Veientanus againe; the same man, whom the yeare before, as hee forraied the territories of the Lucans rashly & unadvisedly, the Carthaginians by the conduct of Hanno had taken prisoner. These two (for as much as it was covenanted & indented before, that the transporting of those things which were for the provision of the armies beyond sea, should be warranted by the citie against all danger of tempest; and that all dammage & losse of goods that [unspec L] way miscarrying, should not lie upon the shoulders of the Publicanes, who had undertaken by great, to serve the armies, but be made good againe out of the common chest & treasure:) these Publicans (I say) not only gave false information of certain shipwracks, but also if they brought word at any time truly of some ships that were perished, they were such onely as were lost by their owne fraud and deceit, and not cast away by chaunce or violence of weather. For they would fraight and charge certeine old vessels and shaken bothomes, with some few wares of small or no worth at all, and suffer them to sinke for the nonce in the deepe sea, and save the marriners and sailers, with small pinnases and cockbotes prepared aforehand for the purpose: and when they had done, lie shamefully and say, that they had lost merchandise and commodities in those ships of sundrie sorts, and of great valew. These cunning parts of theirs had bene the yeare past revea∣led [unspec M] and notified to M. Aemylius the Pretour, and the Senate by him made acquainted there∣with: howbeit there was nothing done, nor any act of Senate devised for the chastisement of the offender: because the LL. of the Counsell in no case would offend the companie and societie of these publicans and fermers, in such a time especially, when there was some need of them. Then

Page 547

[unspec A] the common people tooke the matter into their owne hands, for to proceed with more severi∣tie against these lewd and fraudulent practises. At length, two of the Trib. of the Com. Sp. and Lucius, both Carvilij, arose up and shewed themselves. For seeing how odious and infamous an indignitie this was, and not to be suffered, they brought M. Posthumius in question, and laid an action & set a fine upon his head, of two hundred thousand * 1.2Asses. When the day of triall was come, whither the fine aforesaid should stand and be paid, or taken off and remitted; and that the commons were assembled in so great number, that the great court-yard of the Capitol would scarcely hold the multitude: the defendant spake for himselfe and pleaded at large. But the one∣ly hope that hee seemed to have was this, in case C. Servilius Casca a Trib. of the Com. a friend and neere kinsman of Posthumius, would by vertue of his place come betweene & stop the course [unspec B] of law for proceeding farther, before that the tribes & wards were called forth, to go togither and to give their voices. The two Tribunes abovenamed, having broughtforth the witnesses to de∣pose, & their depositions being taken, commanded the people to void & make way: And the lotterie casket or fosser was brought forth to cast lots, in what tribes the Latines should give their voices. All this while the Publicanes were earnest with Casca, to dissolve the assembly by one means or other, and put off the court for that day. The common people on the other side, called on hard, and gainsaied it. And as it fell out, Casca sat formost in one of the points and corners of the assembly. Hee wist not what to do, his mind was so perplexed for shame of the one side, if he did not helpe his friend and kinsman, and for feare on the ether side, because hee saw the people so egerly bent. The Publicanes seeing small hope of helpe in him, with full intent to make some [unspec C] sturre, and to trouble the court, put forward forcibly and advaunced themselves through a void way, seized upon an high place, and between the Tribunes & the people, rushed in upon them, and fell to quarrell and braule both with the people of the one side, and also with the Tribunes on the other: insomuch as they were like to go togither by the eares. Wherupon Fulvius the Con∣sull; See ye not (quoth hee to the Tribunes) how basely yee are accounted of, and made of no better reckoning among them, than private persons? See yee not a roiot & mutinie toward, un∣lesse yee make hast and breake up the assembly? So the commons were dismissed, and a Senate called:* 1.3 Where the Consuls made relation unto the Lords of the Counsell, & complained how the solemne Session and Court of the Commons, was by the audacious violence of the Publi∣canes disturbed:

That Court (I say) wherein M. Furius Camillus, upon whose exile ensued the de∣struction [unspec D] of the cittie, suffered himselfe to bee condemned by ungratefull cittizen: wherein the Decemvirs afore him, by vertue of whose good lawes, the cittie is governed, and wee live at this day: and wherein many principall citizens afterwards, have bene content to be set down and judged by the people. Moreover, how Posthumius Pyrgensis by force wrested from the commons, the libertie of their voices and suffrages: subverted and made void the judiciall Session of the commons: curbed the Tribunes and had no regard of them: came as it were in warlike man∣ner against the people of Rome: and gat for their vantage the higher ground, to keepe the Tri∣bunes from comming unto the commons: & to stop the tribes for being called to scrutinie and to give their voices: and nothing else it was that kept men from committing a fray, and shed∣ding bloud, but the patience of the magistrats themselves: in that for the present, they gave place [unspec E] to the furious rage and malapart saucinesse of a few: and for his will and pleasure brake up the as∣sembly, before they could go togither about the matter they were met for: (which the defendant himselfe with force and armes was readie to stop & hinder for going forward) because they might have no occasion given them to quarrell, which was the onely thing that they sought for. When this matter with all the circumstances was throughly skanned of, and the best men there had spoken their minds, and given their opinion according to the outragiousnesse and indignitie of the thing: and therupon the Senate decreed, that this violence tended to the breach of common peace, and the hazard of the state (a most daungerous precedent to bee suffered) then without more ado, the two Carvilij Tribunes of the Com. laid aside cleane all debating about the penall fine aforesaid, and indited Posthumius of a capitall crime: and commaunded him to be attached [unspec F] by a principall Sergeant, and to be led to prison, unlesse hee put in good sureties for his appa∣rance to aunswere the cause, such as would be bound for him bodie for bodie.
Posthumius put in baile: and made default at his day. Then the Tribunes called the Commons togither, preferred a bil unto them, which they granted to passe as an act, in this forme: That if M. Posthumius came not forth and made apparance before the * 1.4Calends of May, and being cited and called that day, aun∣swered

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not to his name, and no lawfull excuse alleaged for his absence, they judged him to bee a [unspec G] banished man, and therefore awarded his goods to be sold in portsale, and himselfe to bee ex∣communicate, and interdicted the use of water and of fire: and to loose the benefit of a cittizen for ever. This done, they began also to endite all those, one after another, of a capitall crime, who were his abbetters, and the movers and stirrers of a sedition and commotion of the people, and to call for personall pledges. At the first they committed as many of them as could find no such sureties: and afterwards, those also that were sufficient to put in baile. For the avoiding of which daunger, most of them departed into voluntarie exile. This was the end of the Publicanes frau∣dulent dealing: and this was the issue of their audacious enterprise, in defence and maintenance of their guile and deceit.

After this, a solemne Court was called for the creation of the Arch-prelat, and M. Cornelius [unspec H] Cethegus newly elected Prelat, was the President of this election. Three competiours there were, who sued for that Prelacie, & strived earnestly one against the other: namely Q. Fulvius Flaccus, Consul for the time being, who also had before bene twise. Consull, & Censor besides; also T. Monlius Torquatus, a man of great reputation, for that he had bin likewise dignified with a double Consulship, and one Censureship; and last of all, P. Licinius Crassus, who as yet, was to sue for the Aedileship: howbeit, this young man in that sute and contention was superiour, and carried it away from those grave, auncient and honourable persons. Before him, for the space of an hun∣dred and twentie yeares, there had not bene created any one, the highest priest, (save only P. Cor∣nelius * 1.5Calussa) but had fit before in the yvorie chaire and borne office of state. The Consull had much ado, to go through with the levie, & to enroll the full legion of soldiours, by reason [unspec I] that the small number of young and able men would hardly affoord both to furnish out the new legions of cittizens, and also to supply and make up the old. Howbeit the Senate would not suf∣fer them to give over their enterprise which they were about, but agreed that there should bee chosen two Ternions of Triumvirs: the one sort of them to be sent out, within the compasse of fiftie miles every way from Rome, the other to go farther; with commission, to take good view and survey, both within that precinct and without, in all through-fares and market townes: in bo∣roughs and places of frequent assemblies; of all persons of free condition that they could set eie on: and so many as they thought able men of bodie to beare armes, although they were not come to the lawfull age for service, to prest them for soldiours. Also it was decreed, that the Tri∣bunes of the commons, if they so pleased, should put up a bill, that all under seventeene yeares [unspec K] of age, who had bound themselves by militarie oth, should have as good pay, as if they had bene enrolled souldiours at seventeen yeares or upward. By vertue of this decree, the two Ternions aforesaid of the Triumvirs being chosen, made diligent search, and visited all the countrie over for free borne men accordingly.

At the same time letters came from M. Marcellus out of Sicilie, concerning the demaunds of those souldiours who served under P. Lentulus, and they were red in the Senate house. That ar∣mie consisted of the residue which remained after the field lost at Cannae, and was confined into Italie (as hath bene said afore) with this condition, not to returne back into Italie before the Pu∣nick warre should be ended. These souldiours obteined licence of Lentulus to send as embassa∣dors unto Marcellus (where he lay in winter harbour) the principall men of armes, such as served [unspec L] on horses allowed by the citie, the chiefe centurions also and the bravest souldiours and choise floure of the legions. One of these in the name of the rest, having libertie graunted for to speake, made his oration in this wise.* 1.6 We had come to you into Italie, ô M. Marcellus when you were Consull, immediatly upon that decree made against us (which if it were not unjust and un∣reasonable, yet surely it was heavie and rigorous enough:)

but that we hoped to be sent into this province (so generally troubled and out of order by the death of the KK.) there to be em∣ployed in some dangerous and cruell warre against the Sicilians and Carthaginians both at once: and so with our bloudshed and grievous wounds to make satisfaction for our trespasse unto the Magistrates and rulers of Rome. Like as in our fathers dayes, they which were taken prisoners by king Pyrrhus before Heraclea, made amends for their fault by their good service [unspec M] against the same Pyrrhus. And yet, I can not see, [my LL. of the Senate] for what ill desert of our parts, ye either have bene displeased aforetime, or are offended at this present with us. For me thinks, I see both Consuls, and the whole bodie of the Senate of Rome, when I behold your face ô Marcellus: whom if we had had to our Consull at Cannae, it would have gone better both

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[unspec A] with the Common-weale, and with ourselves, then it did. For I beseech you, suffer us now, be∣fore I make mone, and complaine of our hard state and condition, to purge our selves of that crime for which we are blamed. Set case, that neither the wrath of the gods, nor destinie and fa∣tall necessitie (upon the law and decree whereof dependeth the immutable order and infallible course and consequence of all things in the world) was the cause that we were diffeated and over∣throwne at Cannae, but our owne selves, and our default was the occasion: let us see then, whose fault it was, the souldiours, or the Generals? For mine owne part, I remember I am a souldier, and of my Captaine and Generall I will never speake but well; of him especially, unto whom I know the Senate rendred thanks, for that he despaired not of the common-wealth; and whose government ever since his flight and running away, hath bene proroged from yeare to yeare, [unspec B] and who hath had the conduct of armies continually. Neither wil I say ought of the rest likewise, who escaped that unfortunate foile and diffeature, I meane our militarie tribunes and Colonels, who (as we here say) sue for dignities, beare honourable offices in citie, yea and rule whole Pro∣vinces as LL. Presidents in forein parts. Is it so indeede my LL? do ye so easily pardon and for∣give your own selves & children? and deale ye so hardly, so rigorously and cruelly, against us base abject persons, and vile wretches? And was it no shame and dishonor imputed to the Consull and other great personages of the citie to flie, when there was no other hope? and were the poore souldiers sent by you into the field with this intention, to be al killed up, & none to escape? At the battaile of Allia, the whole armie in a manner fled away: Also at the straights of Caudium (to say nothing of other shamefull foiles of our armies) the host yeelded up their armour to the enemie, [unspec C] before they joined battell, and fought one stroke. Yet, so far off it was, that those armies sustained any infamie & shameful reproch therefore, that both the citie of Rome was recovered againe by the means of those regiments which fled from Allia to Veij: and also the Caudine legions which returned to Rome naked, were sent againe into Samnium well armed: who subdued & brought under the yoke of subjection, the very same enemies, who had taken such pride and joy in that di∣shonour and ignominie of theirs. And now, for the armie before Cannae, is any man able to come forth and charge them justly, that either they fled, or for cowardly fear behaved themselves unseemely, and not like souldiours? Where were slaine in field above fiftie thousand men: from whence the Consull fled with fiftie horsemen, and no more: and of which companie there is not one remaineth alive, but whom the enemie, wearie with killing, spared and left. I remember, at [unspec D] what time as the prisoners taken there, were denied money to pay for their raunsome, then eve∣ry man commended and praised us, for saving and reserving our selves against another day, to be emploied in the service of the Commonweale: for returning unto Venusia to the Consull, and for making a good shew of a complet armie. But now, in worse case are wee, than in our fathers dayes, captives have beene that were taken prisoners. For they onely had their armor and wea∣pons changed for worse, their rancke in the battell shifted, their place in the campe where they should quarter, altered: which notwithstanding, they recovered again al at once, by performing their good devoir to their countrie, and winning a victorie in one fortunate battell. Not one of them was ever confined (as it were) to a place of exile: none put beside hope to be discharged from soldierie by serving out his full time: and to bee briefe, they were set to fight with some ene∣mie [unspec E] or other, where they might once for all, either loose their life, or end their dishonour. And wee, against whom nothing can be objected at all, unlesse it be this, that wee were the cause, and none but wee, that some citizen of Rome might bee said to remaine alive of all those that were at the battell of Cannae: we I say, are sent farre ynough off, not onely from our native countrey, and Italie, but also from all enemies: where we waxe old in exile, to the end, that we should have no hope, no occasion and opportunitie to wipe away and cancile our disgrace, to mitigate and pacifie the anger of our fellow cittizens, and finally to die with honour. But it is neither end of shame, nor reward of vertue and valour, that we desire and crave: but only that we might be per∣mitted to make proofe of our courage, and shew our prowesse. Paines and perils wee seeke for, and to be emploied in daungerous adventures, like hardie men and brave souldiors. Two yeares [unspec F] alreadie there hath beene sharpe and hot warre in Sicilie. Some cities the Carthaginians woon by force, othersome the Romanes tooke likewise by assault. Whole regiments of foote, many troups and cornets of horse encounter together, and assaile one another. At Saracose there are great enterprises and worthie feats of armes, both by sea and land. The shouts of them that fight, the very clattering and ringing againe of their armour and weapons, wee can heare where

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we are, and we sit still like idle luskes, and doe nothing, as if we had neither hands nor weapons to [unspec G] fight with. T. Sempronius the Consull, with legions of bondslaves, hath bidden battell to the ene∣mies, and fought with them in plaine field so oft, that they are well recompensed for their labour with gaining their freedome first, and then the Burgeoisie of the citie. Let us yet, in place & qua∣litie litie at leastwise, of bondslaves taken up and bought for money against these warres, fight with those enemies, as wel as they have done, and by our fight trie, whether we can regain our enlarge∣ment and libertie. Will you yourselfe, ô Marcellus, make triall of us, and of our valour, by sea, by land, in pitched field, and battell raunged, or in giving assault and winning of walled townes? Put us to it, and spare not. The hardest adventures, the most paineful and daungerous enterprises, are they which we require most gladly: that we may have that betimes, and at once, which we should have come unto at Cannae: seeing that all the time we have lived since, hath been destined to our [unspec H] ignominie and disgrace.

At these words they fell downe prostrate at Marcellus his feet. Marcellus answered them, that he had neither power of himselfe, nor commission otherwise, to content them, and satisfie their request. Howbeit, write to the Senate he would: and according as the LL. should give advise and direction, so he would do and not faile. These letters (as I said before) were brought to the Con∣suls, and by them red in the Senate house. And after deliberate consultation about their con∣tents, the Senate passed this decree: That as concerning those souldiours, who had forsaken their fellowes fighting before Cannae, the Senate saw no reason, why they should be put in trust any more with the affaires of the Common-wealth: but if M. Claudius the Proconsul thought it good otherwise, he might do according to that which he judged convenient, and to stand with [unspec I] his owne credit, and the safetie of the State. Provided alwayes, that not one of them be dispensed with, and freed from service or charge of souldierie: nor rewarded with any militarie gift in testi∣monie and token of his valour: ne yet reduced home againe into Italie, so long as the enemie made abode there.

After this, the Pretour for the citie, by vertue of a decree from the Senate, and an act of the Commons, assembled the people together. In which Session were created five Commissioners called Quinqueviri, for the reedifying and repairing of the turrets and the walls: Likewise two other fraternities of Triumvirs, the one for taking an inventarie of all sacred things, and to signe and note all offrings and oblations: the other for reedifying the temples of Fortune and dame Matuta, within the gate Carmentalis, and likewise of Spes without the gate, which the yeare past were consumed by fire. Great and fearefull tempests hapned this yeare. On the Albane mount it [unspec K] rained stones continually for two dayes. Many places were blasted and smitten with lightning from heaven, and namely two chappels in the Capitoll, and the rampier about the camp and fort above Suessula in divers places thereof: and two watchmen in their Sentinels stricken starke dead. The wall and certaine turrets thereon at Cumes, not only smitten, but also shaken downe and overthrowne with lightnings and thunderbolts. At Reate there was seene an huge stone to flie to and fro in the aire. The sunne also appeared more red than it useth to be, and like to bloud. In regard of these prodigious fights, there was a solemne Procession and supplication all one day: and the Consuls for certaine dayes together, attended onely upon divine service of the gods: and the Novendiall sacrifices were devoutly celebrated nine dayes together. [unspec L]

Now whereas a long time alreadie both Anniball hoped, and the Romanes also suspected that the Tarentines would revolt: there fell out betweene, an occurrence and outward accident, which hastned it the rather. There was one Phileas a Tarentine, who having abode long at Rome under colour of an embassador leger, a busie headed man, and of an unquiet spirit, one that of all things could not away with rest and peace, in which so long as he lived he thought every day a yeare, and that now he was waxen old and aged therein, found meanes to haue accesse unto the hostages of the Tarentines. Kept they were in the Close belonging to the temple of Liberty, with the lesse attendance and carefull eye, because it was expedient and good neither for themselves, nor for their citie, to make an escape, & deceive the Romanes. These hostages he had oftentimes sollicited and persuaded by much talke and many reasons, and at length having bribed and cor∣rupted [unspec M] two sextaines and wardens of the said temple, he trained them forth in the evening out from the place where they were in safe custodie: and when he had accompanied them onward on the way as a guide, and directed them how to passe secretly, he fled himselfe and they together. By day breake the next morning they were missed, and their escape was noysed throughout the

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[unspec A] citie. Whereupon, men were sent out after them from all parts, to fetch them in againe: who ha∣ving overtaken them at Tarracina, laid hold of them, and brought them back to Rome: where in the Comitium, they were, by the consent of the people, beaten with rods, and then throwne downe headlong from the cliffe Tarpeia.

The cruell rigor of this punishment, caused much anger; and provoked two of the noblest and most famous Grecian cities in Italie to indignation, not only in publick generally, but also in private particularly: according as any man was either in bloud joyned, or in alliance and friend∣ship linked to them who were thus fouly and shamefully put to death. Amongst whom there were about thirteene noble gentlemen of Tarentum, conspired together, and the chiefe of them were Nico and Philomenes. These conspiratours before they would stirre and enter into any [unspec B] action, thought best to speake and confer with Anniball first: and so having gone forth of the citie, under a pretence as if they went to the chase a hunting, by night they came unto him. But when they drew neere unto the camp, the rest hid themselves within a wood neere unto the high way: Nico and Philomenes only went forward to the watch, and there being taken (as they reque∣sted themselves) were brought before Anniball. Who when they had delivered unto him their complot, and upon what occasions they entred into that designement, they were highly com∣mended, and promised great rewards, and willed and charged by him, that to the intent they might beare their countrymen in hand, how they ever went out of the citie to fetch in some booties, they should drive afore them into the citie, certaine cattaile of the Carthaginians, which were put out to pasture and feeding: and herewith gave them his word to do it safely, and [unspec C] without any impeachment & resistance whensoever. Thus these yong gentlemen were seene to bring in good store of cattaile: and as they were knowne to make this adventure the second time and oftner still, men marvailed the lesse at the matter, & suspected nothing. Now upon a new par∣ling and communication with Anniball, they covenanted with him upon his faithfull promise in these termes, Imprimis, for the Tarentines themselves, to enjoy freely their lands and goods, and live under their owne lawes. Item, to pay no pension nor tribute unto Anniball, nor be forced to receive a garison against their wils. And last of all, to betray the garison souldiours of the Ro∣manes, and all their fortresses and places of strength deliver up into the hands of the Carthagi∣nians. When these conditions and capitulations were agreed upon, then Philomenes used much oftner to go forth and come in againe in the night: and as he was knowne to be a great hunter, [unspec D] and much delighted in that exercise, he had his hounds following him hard at his heeles, and all other furniture about him fit for huntsmen: and lightly ever he tooke some wild beast or other with his hounds, or els got something from the enemie, that of purpose lay readie for his hands: and alwayes as he brought home ought with him, he would bestow it either upon the captaine of the Romane garison, or deale it among the warders of the gates. And they all, verily beleeved and were persuaded, that his going out and in thus, most by night, was only for feare of the ene∣mies. Now, when he had used this so accustomably, that he had made it an ordinary practise, in so much, that at what time of the night so ever he had but once lured or whistled, the gate was streight set open for him: then Anniball thought it time, to put the plot abovesaid in execution. Three dayes journey he was off. Where because he would have men the lesse mervaile, why he [unspec E] kept a standing camp so long stil in one place, he seigned and made himselfe sick. The Romanes also, that lay in garison at Tarentum, gave over to suspect his long abode and leaguering there. But after that he was determined and resolved to advance toward Tarentum, he picked out ten thousand foote and horsemen together, whom he supposed for nimble bodies, swist foot∣manship, and lightnesse of armour, to be most meere for expedition: and with them at the fourth watch of the night, he marched forward with his ensignes. And having sent out afore-hand fourescore Numidian light horses, he commaunded them, to ride about and scoure all the waies on every side, and to cast their eye to espye and discover all the coasts, that no coun∣trie people a far off might descrie and view the armie on foote, but they should be seene: and withall, to bring in, as many as were gone before, and kill all them they met & encountred: to the [unspec F] end that the paisants there inhabiting, might thinke they were theeves and robbers, rather than the vantcurriers and foreriders of an armie. Himselfe in person marching with great speed and celeritie, pitched his camp almost 15 miles from Tarentum. Neither would he there, be knowne unto his men of his purpose, nor tell them whither they should go: onely he called his souldiers togither, and charged them to hold on the direct way, and not suffer any one to turne aside,

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not in the march go out of his ranke or file: & above all things, to be readie for to receive their [unspec G] charge and commaundement from their captaines, and do nothing without their warrant and commission. As for himselfe, hee would when he saw his time, let them know his mind, & what the service was that he would have done. And about the same very houre and instant, newes came as farre as Tarentum, that some few Numidian horsemen forraied the countrie, and had put the villagers in great fright all about. At which tidings, the captaine of the Romane garrison was no more moved, nor made any other hast, but only gave order, that some of the horsemen the next morning by day light should ride forth, to keepe the enemie from farther excursions. In the meane time, they that had this charge, bare themselves so carelesly in providing themselves to execute that which they were commaunded, that contrariwise, they tooke those outrodes of the Numidians for a good argument, That Anniball with his armie was not dislodged, but abode [unspec H] still in leaguer where hee lay first. Anniball when it was once darke and dead night, began to set forward. Philomenes was there readie to be his guide, loden with his game hunted as his manner was. The rest of his conspiracie waited their time to execute their several charges, as it was agreed among them. Now it was ordred betweene them afore, that Philomenes comming in at the usuall little wicket, with his venison that he had hunted, should bring in with him some armed men: and Anniball on another part, come to the gate called Temenis, which looked toward the East, and stood on the land side of the cittie, a good way within the wall, as it were in a nouke. When Anniball approached the said gate, hee made a fire, in token that hee was come (as it was devi∣sed between them before) and it flamed forth and gave a shining light. The like did Nico againe. Then the fires on both sides were put out, that they made no more blaze. And Anniball in great [unspec I] and still silence, led his armie close to the gate. Nico came suddainely at unawares upon the watchmen fast asleepe, killed them in their beds, and opened that gate. Anniball entred with his regiment of footmen, and commanded the cavallerie to stay behind, to the end they might have libertie of open ground to ride, whithersoever there was need, and as occasion required. Now by this time, Philomenes also was come neere to that little gate on the other side, where he used to make his egresse and ingresse to and fro. And when he had raised the watchman with his voice so well knowne, and with his whistle wherewith now he was familiarly acquainted, and said withall, that hee was troubled with tugging and lugging of a foule & heavie beast: therewith the wicket was set open. Two lustie fellows there were carrying in the wild bore between them, and he himselfe followed with one of the huntsmen, lightly & nimbly appointed, & whiles the watchman [unspec K] his eye was upon the two porters that carried the beast, wondring at the bignesse of the bore, and tooke no heed to himselfe, Nicomenes thrust him through with his bore-speare. Then there en∣tred in after them, about thirtie men armed, who killed the rest of the watch, and brake downe the great gates withall: and immediatly there entred the companies with banner displaied: and so, forth from thence they were conducted and brought to the market place, without making any noise, and there joyned themselves to Anniball. Then Anniball dividend two thousand Gaules in∣to three: regiments, whom hee sent into sundrie parts of the cittie: and gave order to the Taren∣tines and the Affricanes, to get possession of the most principall & populous places of the citie; and when the crie and shout was once up, to kill all the Romanes wheresoever, and to spare the townsmen. But to the end that this might bee orderly done, hee gave direction to the young [unspec L] Gentlemen aforesaid of Tarentum, that so soone as they espied a farre off, any of their owne cit∣tizens and countriemen, they should bid them be quiet and still, to hold their peace, to bee of good cheere and feare nothing. By which time, they began to set up a shout and crie, as men use to do in a cittie taken by assault: but what the matter should be, no man of the towne or garrison could certainly tell. For the Tarentine inhabitants supposed verily, that the Romane souldiours of the garrison were risen up to sacke the citie: the Romanes on the other side, thought that the townsmen mutinied, and they were in doubt of some traiterous practise. The Captaine himselfe awakened and raised at the first tumult, escaped to the key, where he tooke a small barge or whit∣rie-bote, & fled to the castle. The trumpet also that sounded from the Theatre, made the greater terror: for it was both a Roman trumpet, provided aforehand for the purpose by those traitors, [unspec M] and a Grecian blew it, one who had no skill; & so it was doubtful, both who he was that sounded, and who they where that he gave signall unto. When day appeared, and the Romans saw the ar∣mour of the Carthaginians and Gaules, then they wist well in what doore the wind was, and how the world went: and the Greekes seeing the Romanes lying along every where slaine, were soon

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[unspec A] ware that the cittie was taken by Anniball. But after it was broad day light, and that the Romanes who remained unkilled, were fled into the castle, and the noise and hurliburly began by little and little to slake and give over: then Anniball commaunded the Tarentines to bee called to a ge∣nerall assembly, and to present themselves without armes. When they were all come togi∣ther, but onely those who with the Romanes were fled for companie into the castle, there to abide such fortune as they; Anniball spake kindly unto the Tarentines, gave them good & friend∣ly words, rehearsed with great protestation what favors he had shewed to all their cittizens, whom hee had taken prisoners either at Thrasymenus, or at Cannae: and withall, after he had bitterly in∣veighed against the lordly and proud rule of the Romans, he commaunded every man to repaire home to his own house, and set his own name upon his dore: for that, so many houses as had not [unspec B] the name written upon them of themaster thereof, he would presently upon sound of trumpet, commaund to be rifled. Over & besides, that if any one should happen to write his own name, and set it on the doore or lodging-house of a Romane (for he saw divers of their houses emptie) he would take him for an enemie, and deale with him accordingly. After this speech ended, and the assembly dissolved, when the dores were marked with their titles and inscriptions aforesaid, wherby the houses of friends & enemies were known distinctly one from another: the signall was given by sound of trumpet: & then there was running every where from all parts, to ransake the lodgings of the Romans. And some pretie sprinkling of pillage they met withall. The next day af∣ter, he advanced against the castle to assault it, which after he saw imprenable & not possible to be woon, either by forcible assault, or by artificiall devises of fabricks & engines, by reason that both the sea came to it, wherwith the greater part therof was compassed, in maner of a demie Iland, and [unspec C] also fortified besides on another part with exceeding high and steepe rockes: and withall, fenced from the cittie with a strong wall and deepe ditch: therefore, because hee would neither let nor hinder himselfe from atchieving greater affaires, whiles he was carefully busied onely about de∣fending the Tarentines, nor yet leave them without a strong guard, for feare least the Romanes from out of the castle, might at their pleasure come upon them, hee determined to raise a ram∣piar for a partition betweene the castle and the cittie, for their defence against the said garrison. And he was not out of hope, but that when the Romans should offer to issue forth to hinder the said worke, they might also be fought withall: and in case they adventured rashly to run on, and engage themselves too far, they might be cut off in their heate, & the forces of the garison might [unspec D] be to diminished and abated by some great slaughter & execution, that the Tarentines of them∣selves should be able with case to defend their cittie against them. The said worke was not so soone begun, but the Romanes all of a suddaine, set open the castle gate, sallied forth and char∣ged upon the pioners as they were labouring about their bulwarke. The guard that attended for the defence of the workemen, and stood before their worke, fell off and suffered themselves to be put backe, to the end that the enemies upon their first successe, should be more adventurous: supposing that the further they gave ground, the more of the other would follow after and chase them. Which being perceived, the Carthaginians whom Anniball had kept close for this purpose, and had in readinesse very well appointed, rose out of all parts, and made head againe. Neither were the Romanes able to abide their forcible violence. And flie they could not in mul∣titudes, [unspec E] by occasion that the straightnesse of the place would give no leave: and besides, many things lay in their way: partly the work that was begun, & partly other provision of stuffe brought for the same, which mightily hindred and impeached them. Most of them fell headlong into the trench: and to be short, more perished in their flight, than were killed in the fight. After this, the fortification went in hand againe, and none durst venture to hinder it. So he cast a mightie deep ditch, and raysed an high rampier within it. Also behind it, a pretie distance off, he went in hand to build a mure or wall to it, in the very same quarter; that they might be able even without any guard at all, or strength of men, to defend themselves against the Romanes. Howbeit, he left them an indifferent band of souldiours, which might withall help out somewhat in making of [unspec F] the wall. Himselfe then departed with the rest of his armie as farre as the river Galesus (five miles off from the citie) and there encamped. From which standing camp, he came back once againe to survey the worke: and finding that it went better forward than he looked for, he began to con∣ceive some good hope that the citadell also might be woon by assault. For why, it was not defen∣ded surely by situation on high ground, as others are, but seated on a plaine, and divided from the citie, by a wall only and a ditch. Now when as it began to be assailed with fabricks, and ar∣tillerie

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devised of all sorts, there hapned a new supply to be sent from Metapontum to aid the ga∣rison: [unspec G] whereby the Romanes tooke hart unto them, in so much as in the night time of a sodain, and before they were looked for, they set upon the fabricks and ordinance of the enemies plan∣ted thereupon: some they cast downe and overthrew, others they fired and consumed. And there an end of Anniball his assault of the castle from that side.

The onely hope behind now, was in continuall siege: and yet that hope promised no great ef∣fect, because they that held the castle, had the sea free at their command, all that side, whereas the said fort (standing as it were in an halfe Island) overlooketh the mouth of the haven: and the citie contrariwise, was wholly secluded from all entercourse of passage & commodities comming in by sea, and liker were they that besieged the fortresse, to feele the want and scarsitie of victuals, than those that were besieged within it.

Then Anniball, after he had called together the princi∣pall [unspec H] citizens of Tarentum, laid open unto them all, the present difficulties, saying, That he neither saw any way to win by force the castle so strong and fortified as it was, nor had any hope at all to gaine it by siege, so long as the enemies were lords of the sea. But if they had ships once, wherby they might hinder and stay the comming in of their victuals and other commodities, the ene∣mies immediatly would either quit the peece, or yeeld themselves. The Tarentines held well with that, and approved the devise. But (say they) he that giveth us that counsell, must also affourd us meanes to effect the same. For the Carthaginian ships, if they were sent for, and set out of Sicilie might well doe the seat: mary, as for our own which lie shut up as it were, within a little creek and bay, considering, that the enemie keepeth the mouth and entrie of the haven, how is it possiblie that they should get out from their harbour into the open sea, and passe without daunger? Passe [unspec I] (quoth he?) Passe they shall, make no doubt of that. Many things, I tell you, considered in their owne nature are combersome and difficult, but by pollicie and wit of man are easily welded and wrought with a sleight. Yee have a cittie here seated upon a plaine and champaine ground, the waies answering to every side of it, are even, large, and broad ynough, yea, and open to all quar∣ters. I will chuse that way which crosseth the middest of the cittie, and passeth along to the ha∣ven and the sea, and so will carrie and transport the ships upon waines, with no great adoe and trouble. And so, both the sea shall bee ours cleare, which now the enemies keepe, and also wee shall besiege the castle round, as well by sea as by land: nay, more than that, within shorttime wee shall either enter it, being abandoned of the enemies, or else bee maisters both of it and them together.
[unspec K]

These words not onely put them in good hope, that the enterprise would be effected, but also set them in a wonderfull good conceit & admiration of the captain himselfe. Then out of hand, all the waines and carts were taken up from all places as many as could bee had, and were put to∣gether, and coupled one to another. Divers cranes and other instruments were set to, for to draw up the ships to land, the way made plaine and levell, that the carts might go more easily, & passe away with lesse trouble & more expedition. After this they got together draught oxen, cartjades and other labouring beasts, yea, and men also for to draw: and thus the worke was lustily begun, insomuch, as within few daies, the fleet well rigged, appointed, and dressed, was brought about the castle, and rid at anker even in the avenue and entrie of the haven. In these tearmes stood Ta∣rentum, when Anniball left it, and returned backe to his wintering harbours. But authours write [unspec L] diversly of this revolt of Tarentum, whither it happened the yeare past, or at this present. But the greater number of them, and those that lived neerer to that time, when the remembrance of these matters was fresh, affirme that it was this very yeare.

At Rome, the Consuls and Pretours both remained still, untill the * 1.7fifth day before the Ca∣lends of May, by occasion of the Latine holydaies, upon which day, when they had performed a solemne sacrifice, with all complements thereto belonging, on the Albane hill, they departed every one to his severall charge and province. After this, there crept into the minds of men a new scrupulositie of conscience upon certaine propheticall verses of one Martius, a noble & famous prophet in times past. Now, by reason that in the yeare before, there was diligent search and in∣quilition made, for such bookes of Fortune, according to a decree graunted out of the Senate, [unspec M] those verses came to light, and to the hands of M. Aemylius Pretour of the cittie, who sat upon that commission. And he immediately gave them to Sulla the new Pretour. Of two prophesies of Martius, the one, which afterwards caried the greater authoritie with it, by reason of the event that happened so right, and declared it so evidently, caused the other also, whereof the time was

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[unspec A] not yet come, to be of credite and beleeved. The former contained a Prediction of the overthrow at Cannae, in these or such like words:

From Trojane line, O Romane once descended, Flie Canna river, neere to Cannae towne: Least strangers borne, who have thy death intended, Force thee to fight on Diomede his downe. But warning mine, thou wilt not rest upon, Vntill with bloud thou first doe fill the plaine; [unspec B] And then to sea from fruitfull land, anon Thy men shall downe the streame by thousands slaine. Thy flesh must bait the fish in Ocean deepe, And lure the soules that flie from high to pray, And feed wild beasts, on earth below that keepe. Marke well my words love thus me taught to say.

And they who had been souldiors, and served in those warres, knew as perfectly Diomedes his plaines, and the river * 1.8Canna, as they did the very defeiture it selfe, and losse at Cannae. Then was the other prophesie likewise read, which was the darker of the twaine: not onely because fu∣ture [unspec C] things are more uncertaine, than those which are past alreadie; but also by reason of the kind of writing, which was more obscure and intricate, in these tearmes:

If enemies yee would expell, if botch and plaguie sore * 1.9 Sent from a farre, ye would drive forth, and vexed be no more. To Phaebus (Romanes) I advise, ye vow, from yeare to yeare To set forth plaies in solemne wise, with mirth and merrie cheare. From publicke stocke, the people must, part of the charge disburse: The rest shall yee, for you and yours, defray with private purse. The soveraine Pretour must precure these games to be perform'd, [unspec D] Who sits in place, mens pleas to beare, and see all wrongs reform'd. Then shall the ten Decemvirs hight, the Greekish rites observe, In slaying beasts for sacrifice, and nothing from them swerve. If all be done accordingly, your ioy shall aye increase, Your State shall daily grow in wealth, and fruits of blessed peace. For god Apollo will you save, he will your foes destroy. Who at their pleasure wast your fields, and worke you much annoy.

For the explanation and expiation both, of this prophesie, they tooke one whole day. And [unspec E] the morrow after, there passed a decree from the Senate, That the Decemvirs should peruse and looke into the bookes of Sibylla, about the exhibiting of those said games, in the honour of Apollo, and celebrating likewise of the sacrifices. And when all was perused, and relation made before the Senate: the Lords made an Act, and set downe an order, First, to vow and set forth solemne pastimes accordingly, to the honour of Apollo. Item, After the Games were done and finished, to allow the Pretour* 1.10 twelve thousand Asses, toward the expenses of the divine service, and two greater beasts for sacrifice. There passed also another Act of the Senate, That the De∣cemvirs should celebrate divine service, and sacrifice after the observance and rites of the Gre∣cians; and offer upon the altar these beasts, to wit, an Oxe with guilded hornes, and two white female goats, with guilded hornes likewise, for Don Apollo: and a cow with hornes, in like manner [unspec F] guilded, for Dame Latona. The Pretour, when hee was to represent the Games within the Circus Maximus, gave commaundement, and made proclamation, That the people, during the time of those solemnities, should contribute money, for an offering to Apollo, every man according to his abilitie, and as he might well spare. This is the beginning of the Apollinare Games & plaies, exhibited for to obteine victorie, and not for to escape some plague or pestilence, as most men

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suppose. And when they were celebrated, the people stood to behold and look on, adorned with [unspec G] garlands upon their heads, and the dames and matrones of the citie went in procession, & made supplications. Every mans dore was set open, and they feasted and made good cheare generally through the citie in the open street; and a high holliday this was, solemnised with all kind of ce∣remonies that could be devised.

But to returne againe to Anniball, who was about Tarentum; and both Consuls remaining in Samnium, but readie, as it seemed, to besiege Capua: it fell out, that the Campanes alreadie were distressed with hunger and famine, (a calamitie that usually followeth long and continuall siege) and the reason was, because the armies of the Romanes had impeached and hindred their seednesse. Therefore they dispatched Embassadors to Anniball, beseeching him, that he would take order for graine to be brought into Capua, from all parts neere adjoining, before that the [unspec H] Consuls were come abroad with their legions into their territorie, and all the waies beset, and passages stopped by the guards and companies of the enemies. Whereupon, Anniball gave di∣rection to Hanno, that he should remove out of the countrie of the Brutij, and passe over with his forces into Campania, and endevourso, that the Campanes might bee provided of sufficient store of corne. Then Hanno dislodged anone, and departed with all his power out of the * 1.11Bruti∣ans countrey, purposing to avoid the leaguer of his enemies, and namely the Consuls, who lay in Samnium: and when he approached neere to * 1.12Beneventum, hee pitched his tents three miles from the citie it selfe, upon a high ground. After which, he commaunded, that the corne should be brought to him into his campe, out of all the associate and confederate cities thereabout, into which it had been caried in the summer afore, & allowed a good guard for the safe convoy there∣of. [unspec I] After this, he sent a messenger to Capua, to give them notice, upon what day they should at∣tend, and be in readinesse to receive their corne; and against the time, provide out of the coun∣trey for the cariage, carts, waines, and draught-beasts, and packehorses of all sorts. But the Cam∣panes, like as they caried themselves in all things else, idlie and negligently, so in this they were very flacke and retchlesse: for they sent little above fortie carres, and some few beasts for cariage besides. For which they had a checke given them, and were rebuked by Hanno, because that hun∣ger, which causeth the very dumbe beast to bestirre it selfe and make hard shifts, was not able to pricke them forward to be more carefull about their owne businesse. So there was a farther day appointed for to fetch their corne, and to come more furnished and better provided for cariage. All this being reported to the men of Beneventum, with the circumstances and particulars, as [unspec K] it was, they addressed with all speed ten Embassadours to the Romane Consuls, encamped then about Bovianum. Vpon which intelligence given of the affaires at Capua, they tooke order, and agreed betweene themselves, that one of them should conduct an armie into Campania. And Fulvius, who undertooke that charge, marched by night to Beneventum, and put himselfe with∣in the walls of the towne. And there he was advertised by them that dwelt neer hand, That Hanno was gone out with part of his forces, for to purvey corne; that there were 2000 carts come, with a rude and disorderly multitude besides of people, without armor; that all that they did was in hur∣rie, in hast, and great feare; and finally, that the camp was out of forme and fashion, and all good militarie order cleane gone, by reason of a rable and multitude of countrey clownes, come out of those quarters, and entermingled amongst them. The Consull, I say, being enformed forcer∣taine [unspec L] by credible persons, of these things, gave his souldiours warning to make readie against the next night ensuing, nothing but their ensigns & weapons, for that they were to charge upon the campe of the Carthaginians. And so they set forward at the releese of the fourth watch, leaving their packes and trusses with all their bag and baggage behind them at Beneventum: and pre∣senting themselves before the campe, somewhat before day, they put them into such a bodily feare, and so terrified them, that if it had beene pitched upon a plaine ground, no doubt, it had been woon at the first assault. But the height of the place, and their rampiers and fortifications besides, which could not possiblie bee entered upon, without climing upon the steepe hill with much difficultie, were a defence unto it. By day light there was a lustie assault given, and a hot skirmish begun, but the Carthaginians not onely defended and kept their rampier, but also [unspec M] (as having the vauntage of the ground) they chased and thrust the enemies backe, as they mounted up the hill. Howbeit, resolute hardinesse overcame all hardnesse and difficulties whatsoever. For in diverse places at once they advaunced as farre as the banckes and trenches; but it cost bloudie blowes first, and the death of many a souldiour. The Consull therefore

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[unspec A] calling the Coronels and Marshals together, said, it were not amisse to give over that rash and headie attempt, and, as he thought, it were the safer course, for that day to retire the armie to Be∣neventum, and on the morrow to encampe themselves afront the enemie, to the end, that nei∣ther the Campanes might get foorth, nor Hanno returne and enter into the towne againe. And that this might bee the sooner effected, and with a great deale more ease, hee would send for his Colleague also with his armie, and both of them jointly bend their forces that way. But these devises of the captaine generall were soone dasht. For as he was about to found the retreat, the souldiers with a loud voyce cryed out, that they could not away with such faint cap∣taines; they skorned to be commaunded in so cold and slothfull service; they would none of that: and so put the Consull out of his hent. It hapned, that next unto the gate entring into [unspec B] the enemies campe, there served a cohort or companie ofthe Peligni, led by Captaine Vibius, who caught the banner out of the bearer his hand, and flung it over the rampier, and with that, fell to cursing himselfe and his companie both, wishing a plague light upon him and them to, if the enemies went away with that banner: and therewith led himselfe the way, and brake first through the trench, and over the pallaisado into their campe. Now by this time the Peligni fought within the rampier: and then Valerius Flaccus a Coronell of the third legion, from ano∣ther side fell to upbraid the Romanes, and hit him in the teeth with their beastly cowardise, for suffering their allies to have the honor of entring & taking the camp. Whereupon T. Pedanius (a centurion of the regiment called Principes, and serving in the first place thereof) took likewise an ensigne from him that caried it, and withall, Now shall, quoth he, this ensigne, and this Cen∣tinere (meaning himselfe) presently be within the rampier of the enemies: let me see who dare [unspec C] follow, and save it from being taken by the enemie. At first, his owne band and companie follo∣wed him hard at heeles, as he clambred to get over the rampier, and then the whole legion came after likewise. By this time, the Consull also seeing his souldiers climbing over the rampier, chan∣ged his purpose, & was of a cleane other mind: and from calling & reclaming his souldiers back, fell to exhort and encourage them, shewing in how great hazard and danger a right hardie and valiant cohort of allies were, and the whole legion of citizens besides. They all therefore set to, and every man did his best: and notwithstanding there was many a dart driven and javelin launced, notwithstanding the enemies opposed their armour and bodies full against them, yet they never stinted to assay every place, as well high as low, untill they were broken through, and [unspec D] gotten in. Many a man was hurt (ye may be sure) but yet even they that bled untill they fainted, and were not able to fight any longer, carried this mind and strove withall, to dye yet within the rampier of their enemies. Thus in the turning of an hand the campe was woon, as easily as if it had bene pitched upon a plaine and even ground, and notfortified at all with trench & rampier. From this time now, there was no more fighting, but killing on all hands in that medly and con∣fusion of pell mell within the camp. Slaine there were of enemies more than sixe thousand, and above seven thousand taken prisoners, together with the Campane purveiors for corne, and all the provision of waines, carts, and labouring beasts. Besides, another huge bootie was taken, which Hanno when he went a foraging all abroad, had raised out of the countrie of the associates of the people of Rome. Then the Consull after he had cast downe all the fortifications of the [unspec E] campe, returned from thence to Beneventum. And there both the Consuls together (for Ap. Claudius also thither came after a few dayes) made sale of all the prises and pillage, and devided the fame. Vibius the Pelignian, and T. Pedanius a principall centurion of the third legion, by whose forward and singular good service, the campe of the enemies was forced, were rewarded especially above the rest. Hanno then together with some few forragers whom by chance he had with him, returned from Cominium Ceritum (whether the newes came of the losse of the camp) into the Brutians country, more like one that fled in rout, then marched in warlike order.

The Campanes also having heard, as well of their owne losses as of their allies, sent embassa∣dours unto Anniball, to certifie him, That both the Consuls were at Beneventum, that the warre was within a dayes journey of Capua, and but a step from the very gates and walls of the citie: [unspec F] and unlesse he made good hast to succour and reskew them, Capua would sooner come under the obedience and subjection of the enemies, than Arpi did. And he was not to make such a reckning of all Tarentum (much lesse then of the castle alone) as in regard thereof to leave Ca∣pua undefended, and yeeld it to the people of Rome, Capua I say, which he was wont to com∣pare and make equall with the citie of Rome. Anniball promised that he would take care for the

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good estate of the Campanes: and for the present he sent two thousand horsemen with the em∣bassadors, [unspec G] as a guard to keepe the country and territorie from invasion and spoile.

The Romanes in this meane time, among other their affaires, neglected not the safetie of the castle of Tarentum, and the garison there besieged. For C. Servilius, Lieutenant, by order and au∣thoritie of the Senate, was sent by P. Cornelius the Pretour into Hetruria, to purvey for come, and to buy store: who with certaine ships laden therewith, arived in the haven of Tarentum, passing even through the guards of the enemies. At whose comming, they that before whiles they had but small hope, were oftentimes by way of parlie moved by the enemies to go to the contrary side, now themselves began to persuade and sollicite the enemies to come unto them. And the garison surely was strong enough, considering that the souldiors which lay at Metapontum, were drawne from thence to the defence and keeping of the castle of Tarentum. And therefore the [unspec H] Metapontines, so soone as they were delivered of the feare whereby they were kept and held in as with a bit, revolted unto Anniball. Semblably did the Thurines also, who inhabited the same tract by the sea side. They were moved and persuaded thereto, not so much by the rebellion of the Tarentines and Metapontines, with whom they were linked in kindred, and ioyned neere in bloud (over and besides that they were descended as well as they, out of Achaia) as with anger towards the Romanes for the hostages lately by them killed. Their friends therefore and kinsfolke dispatched letters and messengers unto Hanno and Mago (who were in the countrie of the Brutijneere at hand) offering to deliver the citie into their hands, if they brought their power and presented it before their walls. Now was there one M. Atinius, captaine there over a small garison, whom they supposed might bee easily drawne forth of the towne to make some rash [unspec I] and inconsiderate skirmish, presuming not so much upon his owne souldiours (who were but an handfull) as upon the youth and floure of the Thurians, whom he had of purpose enrolled into bands and companies, and furnished with armour against the like occasions of service. The Carthaginian captains afore named, had divided all their forces between them in two parts, and were entred into the territorie of Thurij: and Hanno with his regiment of footmen, advaun∣ced with banners displaied before the citie: Mago with the horsemen, staied behind close among the hils, over-against the towne, and there lay secretly in ambush. Atinius then, who by his espi∣als was enformed only of the squadrons of footmen, came forth with his forces into the field, ignorant (God wot) both of the falshood and treason of the townsmen, and also of the covert traines and ambushment of the enemies. The skirmish of footmen was exceeding faint & cold, [unspec K] whiles the Romanes being but few, fought in the vantguard: and the Thurines looked rather when the skirmish should end, than made any hast to fight themselves and helpe: and withall, the squadrons of the Carthaginians gave ground for the nonce, to traine the enemie as farre as the side of the hill, under which, on the other side their horsemen lay in wait and were ambushed. And thither they were not so soone come, but the horsemen made hast to shew themselves, with a great outcrie, and presently put to flight the raw and disordered companie and multitude of the Thurines; who were not very fast and found in heart to them on whose side they fought. The Ro∣manes, albeit they were environned round, whiles the footmen lay still at them on the one side, and the horsemen charged them a fresh on the other side, yet they mainteined fight, and held out a long while: but at last, they likewise turned their backe and fled to the cittie. There the trai∣tours [unspec L] and conspiratours being gathered togither on heapes, so soone as they had let in at the gates standing wide open, the companies of their owne cittizens: when they saw once the Ro∣manes running apace in disaray toward the citie, made a false alarme, crying alowd that the Car∣thaginians were at hand, and that both enemies and friends togither intermingled, would enter the cittie, unlesse they made better hast to shut the gates. So they excluded the Romanes out, and gave them as a prey to be hewne in peeces by their enemies. Howbeit, Atinius with some few, was received within the towne first. After this, there was some mutinie and dissention betweene the citizens themselves, for a little while. Some were of mind to stand upon their guard and defend the towne: others were of opinion, to yeeld unto fortune of the time, and deliver it up to the vi∣ctors hands. But in conclusion, fortune & bad counsel togither, (as for the most part it falleth out) [unspec M] prevailed. And so, after they had brough Atinius and his souldiors to the haven side, unto their ships for to be embarked, more upon good will that they bare to him for his mild & just govern∣ment, and therefore were readie to save him, than for any regard at all they had of the Romanes, they received the Carthaginians into the cittie.

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[unspec A] The Consuls then led the legions from Beneventum into the territorie of Capua, not only to make spoile and mare the corne, that was laid up alreadie in strong townes against winter, but also to assaile Capua: supposing they should make their Consulship renowmed unto posteritie, by the destruction of so rich and wealthie a citie: and besides, do away that great dishonour and shamefull blemish of the Empire of Rome, in suffering a cittie so neere unto them to continue now three yeres in rebellion, without revenge and condign punishment. But to the end that Be∣neventum should not be without a guard, and that against all suddaine accidents and occurren∣ces of warre, in case Anniball should come to Capua, for to reskue and aid his allies, (which they made no doubt but he would do) there might be horsemen to withstand his violence: they com∣maunded T. Cracchus to come out of Lucania, with the cavallerie and light armed footmen: [unspec B] and to take order and leave some other to governe the legions and the standing campe, for the guard and defence of those parts there.

Gracchus before hee dislodged out of the Lucanes countrie, hapned to have a fearefull and prodigious token, as he offred sacrifice. For after the sacrifice was performed and accomplished, two snakes came gliding out of a blind hole, no man knew how, to the entrails of the beast, and fell to eat the liver: and so soon as they were espied, suddainly glid out of sight and were no more seene. Now, when as the bowel-priers had given advise to kill a new sacrifice, and so soone as the inwards were opened and laid foorth, to tend and looke unto them more heedfully; the snakes came againe, as it is reported, the second & third time: and when they had once given as it were an assay, and tasted the liver, they went cleere away without hurt and untouched. And albeit the Soothsayers aforesaid, had given an Item, and foretold, that this prodigious fight perteined pro∣perly [unspec C] unto the chiefe captaine and Generall, and warned him to take heed of some close per∣sons & secret practises: yet his fatall destinie of death that hung over his head, could by no fore∣cast and providence be altered and avoided. Now there was one Flavius a Lucane, the principall head of that bend and side of the Lucanes, which when the other faction revolted unto Anniball, tooke the Romanes part; and having bene by them chosen the Pretour, had continued in that place of magistracie a yeare alreadie: this man all on a suddaine chaunged his mind and affection, and seeking to wind and enter into the favour of Anniball, could not be content to re∣volt himselfe, and to draw with him the Lucanes to rebellion; unlesse he made a league also and covenant with the enemies, and sealed it with the murder and bloud of his Generall: of him (I [unspec D] say) who being entereined and lodged in his house, he purposed villanously to betray. He entred therefore into secret speech and conference with Mago, governour over the Brutij, & having ca∣pitulated with him, under his faithfull word and promise, That if he delivered the Romane Gene∣rall into his hands, the Lucanes might live in freedome under their owne lawes, in league & ami∣tie with the Carthaginians; he told him of a place into which hee would bring Gracchus, with a small companie and guard about him: willing Mago to put his foot and horse in armes, and in such a place aforehand, wherein he might bestow closely and secretly a mightie number of men. When the place was well viewed and considered all about, they agreed upon a day, for putting this plot in practise.

This done, Flavius commeth to the Romane Generall Gracchus, and en∣formeth him that he had begun an enterprise of great consequence, for the accomplishment and [unspec E] full perfecting whereof, he needed the helping hand of Gracchus himselfe. Namely, he had per∣suaded with all the Pretours and Governours, who in that universall and generall trouble of all Italie, had revolted unto Anniball, for to returne againe into the league and friendship of the Romanes; seeing that the Romane state and their dominion, which by the overthrow at Cannae was come in a maner to the lowest ebb, and fallen into extreame despaire, flowed now againe, and grew every day more than other, greater and mightier; whereas contrariwise, the puissance of Anniball decaied much, and was wellneere come to nothing: besides, the Romanes were men that might be appeased and reconciled againe, especially the trespasse being so long ago done and past: for never was there nation vnder the sunne, more tractable, more exorable and readie to pardon a fault: and how often have they (to go no further for examples) forgiven the open [unspec F] rebellion even of their forefathers and auncestors? These (quoth he) were my words unto them, and in deed, but my words. Mary they had liever heare Gracchus himselfe speake, and heare the same from out of his owne mouth: they would more gladly talke with him in person, & take hold of his right hand, which as the assured pawn of his faithfull promise, he carieth alwaies with him wheresoever he goeth, and they desire no more. I have therefore (faith he) appointed a conve∣nient

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place of enterview and conference: lying out of the way and forth of sight, but yet not far [unspec G] from the Romanes campe. There the matter may be dispatched in few words, and all the name and nation of the Lucanes, reduced under the obedience and alliance of the people of Rome.
Gracchus suspecting no fraud nor harme, neither in his words nor deeds, sounding all to a great likelihood of simplicitie and truth in his conceit, departed out of the campe attended upon with his sergeants, and guarded onely with a comet of horsemen: and so by the guidance of his owne host, in whose house he lodged, was plunged headlong within the daunger of the ambush of his enemies. Who suddainly arose: and Flavus because he would put it out of doubt that hee was a traitour, went to their side and joyned with them. Then they let flie arrowes, & shot darts against Gracchus and his horsemen on every side.
Whereupon Gracchus alight from horseback, & com∣manded the rest to do the same, exhorting them, that the only thing which fortune now had left [unspec H] unto them, they would grace and honour with vertue. For what remaineth else for us, (a small handfull unto them) environned as we are with a multitude of them, within a valley compassed about with hills and woods, but present death? This onely we are to resolve upon, Whither in this present amazednesse and hartlesse feare, we will as beasts suffer our throats to be cut without revenge againe; or turning wholly our timorous expectation and suffering of death, into chol∣ler and courage, fight adventurously and manfully, and bathing our hands in the bloud of our enemies, loose our lives and fall down dead, upon the weapons and bodies of them, lying gas∣ping themselves under us. Ah that Lucane, that fugitive rogue and rebell, that treacherons and falle traitor, see ye all lay at him. Whose hap it will be, ere he die, to bee his priest, to sacrifice and send him to the devill, hee shall win an honourale price, and find no small solace and comfort [unspec I] in his owne death.

With these words, he wrapped his rich coate of armes about his left arme (for they had not brought forth with them so much as their shields) & charged with exceeding force upon the enemies. The fight was farre greater on their part than for the proportion and number of the men.* 1.13 The bodies of the Romanes lay open most unto the shot. And thus overcharged on all sides, from the higher places: as being in the valey subject to the voley of their darts, they were soone perced through. When Gracchus was left naked alone, and his guard dead at his feete, the Carthaginians did what they could to take him alive: but he having espied among the ene∣mies his good host and friend, that Lucane, ran among the thickest prease: where he was so fully bent to mischiefe him, that they could not will nor choose but kill him outright, without they [unspec K] would have lost the lives of many other. He was not so soone dead, but Mago sent him streight∣wayes unto Anniball, and commaunded that his bodie together with the knitches of rods (be∣longing to his Magistracie) should be presented and shewed before the Tribunall feate of the Generall. And this is the true report of the end of Gracchus: to wit, that he let his life in the Lu∣cane land, about the plaines which are called Veteres Campi. There bee some that tell it other∣wise, how he being accompanied with his Serjeants, and three serving men his bondslaves, went out from the campe within the territorie of Beneventum, neere unto the river * 1.14Calor, for to wash himselfe: where there chaunced his enemies to lurke, and lye in wait among the willowes and falowes that grew by the banke side, and so being unarmed and naked too, he was assaulted, where he defended himself as well as he could with flinging at them pible stones such as the river [unspec L] afforded and caried downe with the streame, and so was slaine. Others write, that by advise of the Bowell-priers, he went out of the camp halfe a mile off, for to purge and expiate in some pure and cleane place, those prodigious tokens above rehersed: and there was beset and environed round about with two troupes of Numidian horsemen, who hapned there to lye in ambush. See how variable and uncertaine the fame goeth, both in what place, and after what manner, this so noble and famous person came by his death. Nay the very funerall and sepulture also of Grac∣chus, is diversly delivered. Some say, he was enterred by his owne souldiours within the Romane camp. Others give out and say (and that is the more common report) that by the appointment of Anniball he was buried in the very entrance of the Carthaginian leaguer; that there was a fu∣nerall fire made in solemne wise to burne his corps; that the whole armie justed and ran at tilt [unspec M] and tornement in their complet armor; that the Spanyards leaped and daunced Morrice; and each nation according to their guise and manner, performed sundry motions and exercises as well of their weapons, as of their bodies: yea, and that Anniball himselfe in proper person, with all honor of funerall pompe that might be devised, both in word and deed, solemnized the ob∣sequies

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[unspec A] in the best manner. This say they that affirme the thing to have hapned in the Lucanes countrey. But if a man should beleeve them, who record how hee was slaine at the river Calor, then the enemies gat nothing of him but only his head. Which being presented unto Anniball, he sent Carthalo immediatly with it into the Romane campe, unto Cn. Cornelius the Treasurer or Questor: who there within the very camp performed the funerals of the Generall, and both armie and citizens of Beneventum together solemnized the same right honourably.

The Consuls being entred into the territorie of Campane, as they forraied all abroad, straggling one from another, were by the townesmen of Capua which salied out, and by the horsemen of Mago, put in feare; whereupon in great fright and hast, they rallied the souldiours to their colours, that were raunged over the countrie: but before they could well embattaile them, [unspec B] and set them in array, they were discomfited, and lost above a thousand and five hundred men. Vpon which good successe, the enemies (as they are a nation by nature prowd) began to be very lustie and exceeding audacious, insomuch, as they offered to skirmish sundrie times with the Ro∣manes, and ever challenged them to fight. But that one battaile, so unadvisedly and inconside∣rately atchieved, made the Consuls more circumspect & warie afterward. Howbeit, one small oc∣currence happened, which, as it encouraged and animated them againe, so it abated the hearts, and daunted the boldnesse of the other. For in warre there is nothing (bee it never so little) but one time or other, it is the occasion of some great consequence and importance. There was in the campe one T. Quintius Crispinus, lincked in special friendship and familiaritie with Badius, a citizen of Capua. Their acquaintance grew and encreased upon this occasion: This Badius up∣on [unspec C] a time, before the revolt of Capua, fell sicke at Rome, and lying in Crispinus his house, was li∣berally and kindly used, yea, and tenderly seene unto by him, during his sicknesse. This Badius ha∣ving put himselfe forward before the standing guards, that warded at the gate of the Romane campe, willed, that Crispinus should be called out unto him. Which being told unto Crispinus, he supposed no otherwise of it, but that he would talke friendly and familiarly with him. For al∣beit both nations generally were at enmitie, in regard of the publicke state, yet the private right and band of hospitalitie, remained still in force, and was not forgotten, and therefore hee went out somewhat apart from the rest of his fellowes. Now, when they were come in sight and inter∣view one of the other. I chalenge thee, ô Crispine (quoth Badius) to combat: let us mount on horsebacke, and trie it out betweene us two, without any other companion, whether of us is the [unspec D] better man at armes. To this Crispinus made answere againe and said, Wee want no enemies, neither you nor I, upon whom wee may make proofe of our manhood: as for mee, if I met and encountred you in the very battaile, yet I would decline, avoid, and shift from you, least I should defile and staine my hand in the murder and bloudshed of my guest and friend. And with this hee turned from him, and went his way. But the Campane contrariwise, upon these words, was the more eager with him, railing and rating at him for his effeminat cowardise and dastardlinesse, letting flie at the harmelesse and innocent man, all spightfull tearms and reproch∣full language; which himselfe ywis (if he had his due) was well worthie of: calling him a friendly foe, and a kind enemie indeed, and finally charged him, that he made his excuse of sparing him, for friendship sake, whom he knew he was not able to match in manhood and valour. But if (qd. [unspec E] he) thou thinkest, that by the breach of publicke league and covenant, our private bands of ami∣tie and hospitalitie, are not yet ynough broken in sunder, then here I pronounce openly, in the hearing of two armies, That I Badius a Campane, renounce all hospitalitie with thee T. Quintius Crispinus a Romane, and so farewell all friendship for ever: I will, I say, have no more to doe by way of acquaintance with thee, no societie, no alliance, no hospitalitie will the guest have with that host, who in hostile manner is come to invade his native countrie, and to make assault upon the publicke buildings and private houses thereof. And therefore, if thou bee a man, meet me in the field. Crispinus drew backe a long time, and was loth to enter into the action, but at last his fellow horsemen, serving in the same troup and cornet with him, forced and persuaded him, not to suffer that bragging Campane, thus to insult over him without revenge. Wherupon he made [unspec F] no more adoe, nor any longer delay, but whiles he went unto the L. Generals, to know their plea∣sure, whither they would permit and license him, out of his order and ranke, to fight with an ene∣mie that chalenged him, and gave him defiance. And having obtained leave, he buckled his ar∣mour about him, tooke his weapon, mounted on horseback, and calling upon Badius by name, bad him come forth if he durst to single fight. The Campane made no stay, and so with speare in

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rest, set spurres to, and they ran their horses full cariere one at the other. Crispinus with his lance [unspec G] pierced Badius above his shield, through the left shoulder, and therewith unhorsed him, & when he was fallen to the earth with the push, he alight himselfe from his horse, minding on foot to fall upon him as he lay along, and so to dispatch him outright. But Badius, before his enemie seised upon him, left his targuet behind and his horse, and by good footmanship recovered his owne fellowes. Crispinus then, all goodly to bee seene with the spoiles of his enemie, made shew of the horse and armour that he had woon, and bearing up withall the bloudie point of his launce, was with much praise and great gratulation of the souldiours, brought honourably to the Consuls, and presented before them. At whose hands hee was both highly commended, and also liberally rewarded.

Anniball having dislodged out of the territorie of Beneventum, and removed into Capua, [unspec H] within three dayes after he was come thither, brought forth his forces into the field, making no doubt at all, but that, considering the Campanes in his absence, had but few dayes before fought fortunatly, the Romanes now would be so much lesse able to abide his royall armie so often used to victorie. And verily when the medley was once begun, the Romane battailons of the Infan∣terie were much troubled and distressed, especially with the fierce assault of the horsemen, who overcharged and pelted them mightily with their darts and Iavelins, untill the signall was given to their owne Cavallerie also, to set hard to, and charge the enemies with their horse. Now whiles the men of armes were busy in fight on bothsides, it hapned that the regiment of Sempronius [Gracchus lately slaine] were descried marching afar off, under the conduct of Cn. Cornelius the Treasurer, which put both parts in like feare, least they were some new and fresh enemies that [unspec I] aduanced against them. So they sounded the retreat on either side, as if they had bene agreed so to do, departed out of the field (as a man would say) on even hand, and retired themselves unto their severall holds: howbeit, the greater number was slaine of Romanes, upon the first violent charge given by the horsemen. From thence, the Consuls intending to draw Anniball away from Capua, departed sundry wayes, Fulvius into the territorie of Cumes, and Claudius into the Lucanes country. The next day, when Anniball was advertised, that the Romanes had aban∣doned their camp, and that they were gone into divers parts with their severall armies, being at first uncertaine whom to pursue, resolved at length to make after Appius, and so began to do. But after he had once trained the enemie about to the place that he desired, he returned him∣selfe another way to Capua. And Anniball hapned also upon a new occasion presented, to have [unspec K] a good hand of his enemies in those parts.

There was one M. Centenius, surnamed Penula, one of the chiefe Centurions of the Pilani, a singular good captaine in that kind, as well in regard of his mightie and goodly body, as also of his brave mind, and valiant courage.

This man having served out his ordinary time required by law, was by the meanes of P. Cornelius Sulla the Pretor, brought into the Senate house, and be∣came a petitioner unto the LL. of the Counsell, that he might have the leading of five thousand footemen: promising that within short time, by reason he was so well acquainted with the nature and qualities of the enemie, and withall so much beaten in coasting those quarters, he would do some great deede, and atcheive a peece of notable service: and looke, by what cunning devises and strategemes, both our leaders and our armies had bene untill that day, entrapped and ouer∣raught [unspec L] , the very same would he use and practise against the enemie.
He was not so vaine and unadvised in making this offer, but they were as sottish & foolish again in taking him at his word, and trusting him: as who would say, A good leader and commaunder, and a stout and hardie souldiour were all one. And so where as he demaunded but five thousand, he had the charge given of eight thousand: where of the one halfe were citizens, the other allies and confederates: and besides them, he himselfe also gathered together out of the country as he marched, a good companie of voluntaries: in so much as his power was doubled, by that time he came into the Lucanes country, where Anniball abode, after that he had followed Claudius in vaine, and to no effect. But a man that had but halfe an eye, might see what the sequele and event would be of the conflict betweene Generall Anniball, and Centiner Centenius: betweene both armies also, [unspec M] the one of old beaten souldiours used ever to victories, the other of raw novices and young be∣ginners, yea many of them taken up sodainly in hast, and slenderly armed by the halfes. For so soone as both hoasts had confronted one another, and that on neither side they dallied and shif∣ted off, but minded presently to go to it and fight; soone were they on both parts arranged in

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[unspec A] order of battaile. And albeit the Romanes had many disadvantages, yet they mainteined skir∣mish more than two houres: and that so hotely and couragiously, that they shrunke not one jote, so long as their leader stood on foote. But after that he once was strucken downe and slaine, who not only in regard and remembrance of the former name (that he had woon) of valour and prowesse: but also for feare of future shame and dishonor, in case he should remaine alive after the defeature of his forces, whereof he was the onely cause through his foole-hardie rashnesse, presented himselfe desperately upon the pikes of his enemies, where he might be sure of no∣thing but present death: & incontinently the Romane battailon was discomfited & put to flight. And so hard bested they were, in seeking waies and meanes to escape (all the avenues were so laid and beset with the horsemen) that of so great a multitude, there were hardly one thousand saved, [unspec B] all the rest miscaried here and there, and came by their death one way or other.

In this meane time, Capua was streightly beleaguered by the Consuls, and they began to assault it in most forcible manner: great preparation there was of all things needfull unto such an exploit, and with great diligence every thing provided and brought accordingly. Coe was conveighed to Casilinum, and laid up there for store: at the mouth of the river Vulturnus (where now the citie standeth) was the skonce and castle fortified (which Fabius before had built) and a strong garison therein planted, to the end that both the sea so neere, and the whole river also might be at their commaund. Into these two fortresses standing on the sea side, as well the corne which lately was sent out of Sardinia, as also that which Mtius the Pretor had bought out of Hetruria, was transported from the port of Ostia, whereby the army might be served plen∣tifully [unspec C] all winter season. Over and besides that losse received in the Lucanes country, the armie likewise of the Volones, i. voluntary souldiours (which during the life of Crassus, had served truly and faithfully) now abandoned their colours; as if by the death of their Captaine they had taken themselves fully discharged from warfare.

Anniball made no small account of Capua: for willing enough he was, that his allies & friends there, should not be forsaken & left in so great perill wherein they stood; and yet upon that for∣tunate successe which hapned unto him through the rashnesse of one Romane captaine, his fin∣gers itched to be doing with another of them, and hoped to find some good opportunitie and advantage to surprise and overthrow both captaine and armie. Whereas therefore certaine A∣pulian Embassadors advertised him, that Cn.Fulvius the Pretour, (who at the first in assaulting [unspec D] of certaine citties in Apulia, which had revolted unto Anniball, bare himselfe like a wise & pru∣dent captaine: now afterwards, upon his good fortune and happie speed in those affairs, wherby himselfe and his souldiours had made up their mouthes and filled their hands well with booties and pillage) both himselfe and his men were growen so idle and so dissolute, that no good go∣uernment nor militarie discipline remained among them: hereupon Anniball having good ex∣perience, (as often heretofore, so in this late instance but few daies past) in how small steed an ar∣mie serveth, when it is directed by an unskilfull leader, removed his forces into Apulia. Now lay the Romane legions and Flvius the Pretour, encamped about Herdonia. And when the newes came thither, that the enemies were on their journey comming toward them, hardly might the souldiours be reclaimed and staied, but they would in all hast plucke up standards and ensignes, [unspec E] and straightwaies go into the field and bid them battaile, without commission and commaun∣dement of their Pretour. And no one thing more held them backe, than the assured hope they had, to doo it at their pleasure whensoever they would. Anniball the night following, having certeine intelligence, that there was a tumult in the campe, & that most of the souldiours migh∣tily importuned their Generall, to put forth unto them the signall of battaile, and called earnest∣ly unto him for to lead them out into the field, made full account to meet with good opportu∣nitie and occasion, to have a faire day of his enemies: and therefore he bestowed three thousand men lightly appointed, in divers villages thereabout, among the thicke groves and bushes, and within the woods: who at a signe given them, should all at once upon a suddaine, start up & leap forth of their lurking corners: and withall, he gave order to Mago, with two thousand horsemen [unspec F] or therabout, to keep all the waies wheras he supposed they were most like to flee & make escape. Having thus ordred all things beforehand in the night time: at the breake of day he entred the field with his armie, & embattailed himself in warlike maner. Fulvius for his part, was not behind; not induced so much upon any hope or conceit he had of good speed, as drawne & haled there∣to, through the rash enforcement and compulsion of his souldiours. And therfore as they came

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forth to battaile upon a head and heat, incosiderately, so they were set in array as disorderly; [unspec G] even at the pleasure of the souldiours, according as they came forth and tooke up their rankes and files, as they list themselves: & then againe, as the toy tooke them in the head, left the same, either upon wilulness or fear. The first legion togither with the left wing or cornet of horsemen, were first marshalled: and the squadrons drawne and stretched ou in a great length: nowith∣standing the Knight-marshals and Coronels cried out, that withinforh, there was no srength no powe at all; and that the enemies wheresoever they should happen to charge, would breake in upon them and go through. But no holesome counsell for their owne good, might be taken and considered upon: nay they would not so much as lend their eae, & give them the hearing. And by this time Anniball was in place, with another manner of armie (you may bee sure) and otherwise ordred and aranged. And therefore the Romanes were not able to abide so much as [unspec H] the firt shout and shocke of the onset. The capaine himselfe (as foolish and headie as Centeni∣us, but in courage and resolution farre short of him) seeing how the world went, the field like to be lost, his souldiours in feare and great perplexitie; recovered his horse in grea hast, and with some two hundreth horsemen fled away and escaped: all the armie besides, beaen backe affront, beset behind, flanked on the sides, and environned round; were so killed and hewen in peeces, that of eighteene thousand, there were not past two thousand saved. And the enemies besides were maiters of the campe.

When these losses one in the necke of another were reported at Rome, the ciie was set in a great fit of sorrow and feare for the while: but so long as the Consuls, in whom rested the maine chaunce, had hitherto prospered and sped well, they were the lesse ••••oubled at these by-blowes and crosse misforunes. Whereupon they addressed C. Lectorus and M. Miilius as messengers [unspec I] unto the Consuls, willing them to gather togither with good care and diligence, those disper∣sed reliques and remainders of the two armies; also to have an eye & heedfull regard unto them, that upon feare and desperation they yeelded not themselves o the enemie (as it hapned after the Cannian overhrow;) and last of all, to make diligent search and seeke out those Volones, or voluntarie servitours, that had abandoned their ensignes and cassed themselves. The like charge was laid upon P. Cornelius, who had commission besides to levie more men. And he made pro∣clamation throughout all market townes, faires, & places of frequent resor, That those Volones should be found out and brought againe to their owne colours, to serve as aforetime. All these directions were executed and accomplished with exceeding great care and diligence. [unspec K]

Appis Cludius the Consull, after he had made D. ••••nius captaine of the sconce erected up∣pon the mouth of the river Vulturnus, and M. Aurelius Cota Governor of Pueoli, with commis∣sion, That as any ships [with corne] from out of Hetruria or Sardinia arrived there, they should immedialy send the corne to the campe; went backe himselfe to Capua: where hee found Q. Fulvus his Colleague, transporting thither all provision from Casilinum, and making preparati∣on for the assult of Capua. Then both Coss. jointly togither besieged the citie: and sent unto Cludus Nero the Pretor, for to come unto them from Suessula, out of the old camp of Claudius. Who likewise leaving a small garrison there to defend the peece, with all his power and forces, descended into the plaines before Capua. So there were three roiall pavillions pitched for three LL. generals about Capua: and three full armies in three sundrie places began to fortifie, ere∣cting [unspec L] bastilons and forts in places not farre distant: yea and to cast a trench and raise a rampiar round about the cittie, And in divers quarters at once, they skirmished with the men of Capua, whensoeuer they came to hinder their fortifications, with so good successe, that the townsmen were driven at last to keepe within their gates and walls. But before that those rampiars and tren∣ches abovesaid were fully finished, and all ends brought togither, there were Embassadours dis∣patched unto Anniball, to complaine in the name of the Capuans, as finding themselves grie∣ved, that hee had forsaken Capua, and in a manner delivered it into the Romanes hands: and withall, to beseech him earnestly, that now or never, he would reskue and succor them, being not onely besieged, but also shut up and almost renched about, as within a prison. P. Cornelius like∣wise [unspec M] the Pretour of the citie of Rome, sent his letters unto the Consuls, advising them before they had fully invested Capua round about, to make offer unto the Capuans of this libertie, That as many as would, might depart with bag and baggage out of Capua: and whosoever went forth before the * 1.15Ides of March, should enjoy their freedome and all their goods and lands: but as ma∣ny as after that day, either departed or arried there still behind, should be reckoned no better

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[unspec A] than very enemies. These intimations were made known unto the Campanes, but so light tey set by them, that they fell a railing, reviling, and menacing the Romanes, with most reproachfull taunts and spightfull tearmes. Anniball was departed from Herdonia with his legions un∣to Tarentum, hoping either by force or fraud to gaine the castle. And seeing he little prevailed, he turned from thence, and tooke his way to Brundusum, supposing that towne would bee be∣traied into his hands. Whiles he lay there also and lost his time in doing nothing, the Embassa∣dours of the Campanes arrived and came unto him, with complants and humble requests both at once. Vnto whom Anniball made this glorious and lordlike aunswere with a majesie: Once al∣readie have I raised the siege, and never will the Consuls, I row, abide my second comming. The Embassadours having received their dispatch, departed with this hope: but much ado [unspec B] they had, to put themselves within Capua, so enclosed round was it (by this time) with a double trerch and a rampiar.

It fortuned at the very same instant, when Capua was thus streightly beleaguerd, that the siege also & assault of Saracose came to an end: helped forward & hastned by intestine treacherie and treason withall, as well as by force of armie & valour of captaine abroad. For Mrcelius in the be∣ginning of the spring, doubtfull in himselfe and hanging in suspence, whither to bend his whole foces toward Agrigentum, against Himileo & Hippocraes, or still proceed to besiege Saracose: albeit he saw the cittie might not possibly be woon, either by forcible assault, (considering it was by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 both by sea and land invincible) or pining famine, by reason the pa∣sage in manner lay open to and fro betweene it and Carthage, or ae transporting of all [unspec C] sort of victuals: yet because hee would leave no stone unrolled, but trie all waies that could be devised; he commaunded certaine revolts from the Saracosians (for there sided with the Romanes some of the noblest persons of the citie, who at the time of the first backsliding from the Romanes, because they misliked and abhorred all rebellion and change in the state, were driven out and banished the citie) to deale with their bend and faction by way of conference, to sound the harts (I say) of such as were their followers, and to sollicite them to their part: and with∣all to assure them (upon their warrant) that if by their meanes Saracose were betraied, they should live in freedome, and enjoy their owne lawes as they would themselves. But no opportu∣nitie could they espie for to parlie and talke with them. For by reason that there were many suspected to encline and draw that way, every man had a carefull eye and regard unto them, [unspec D] that there could be no treachery practised, but soone it would be found out and derected. Yet a bond-servant toward one of the banished persons abovesaid, hapned to be let into the citie, pretending that he was run away from the adversepart unto them: who hapning to meet with some few, began to move and broch such a matter. After which, certaine others lying close hid∣den under the nets in a fisher bore, came about by water to the camp of the Romanes, and had conference and communication with those former fugitives and exiled men. And thus from time to time, this was practised in the same manner, by divers and sundry persons, untill at length they were a crew of fourescore in all. Now when all things were concluded for the betraying of the citie, neere upon the point of execution, it chanced that one Attalus (a false brother among them, who tooke snuffe that he was not specially trusted in the matter) disclosed the conspira∣cie [unspec E] unto Epicides, and appeached the parties: whereupon they were all put to extreame torture, and suffered death every one. When this plot would speed no better, they conceived hope ano∣ther way, by a new occasion and occurrence that presently offred it selfe. There chanced one Da∣masppus a Lacedemonian, sent from Syracusa, as a messenger to king Philip, for to bee taken pri∣soner by the Roman armada. Now, both Epicides was very desirous & exceeding carefull how to ransome him, & also Marcellus was not unwilling for his part to graunt the same. For even then, the Romans began to affect the friendship of the Aetolians, with which nation the Lacedemoni∣ans were confederate, and in league. So, when there should be commissioners and delegates sent on both sides, to parle & treat about his redemption, the most indifferent place for them to meet in, was at the key or wharfe of * 1.16Trogili, fast by a turret which they call * 1.17Galeagra, as being just in [unspec F] the middest between, & most convenient for both parties. It happened now, that as they had re∣course oftentimes thither about this businesse, one of the Romans well viewed the wall neere by, he counted the stones, that appeared in the forefront of the wal, and made estim ate to himselfe of their quadrature & proportion; & withall, giving a guesse as neere as he could, of what heigth (by his reckoning) & measure, the wall might be: and supposing it was a good deale lower, than

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either he himselfe or others, had alwaies before taken it to be, and easie to be skaled with ladders, [unspec G] even of a meane size and middle sort, hee relateth the matter, and his conceit of it to Marcellus. And in his opinion it was a thing not to be neglected, but to bee thought upon. But for as much as, there was no accesse unto that place, by reason, that for the lownesse thereof, it was the more carefully guarded and defended, it was thought good to wait for some opportunitie and advaun∣tage to helpe that difficultie. Which, as good hap was, offered it selfe presently unto them by meanes of a fugitive: who gave them intelligence, that they held a solemne feast of Diana at that time within the cittie, and the same continued three daies together: also hee said, that for want of other things, during this siege to make good cheare withall, they spared for no wine, but made merrie therewith in great plentie and abundance. For why? not only Epicides had bountifully be∣stowed wine upon the whole Commons, but also the great men of the cittie had in every ward [unspec H] and parish where they dwelt, allowed a proportion besides, of their owne charges. When Mar∣celius heard this, he called unto him some few of his Colonels and knight Marshals, and confer∣red with them: and when they had sorted out certaine choise and elect Centurions and soldiors, fit and sufficient men to adventure and execute so great a peece of service, and withall provided ladders secretly; to all the rest he commaunded a watchword and warning to be given, That they should betimes take their refection of meat and repose of sleepe, for that in the night they were to be emploied in an expedition and action of service. After this, when he thought it was about the time, that they (as having feasted all day long, and well filled their bellies with meat, and their heads with wine) were gone to rest, and newly fallen sound asleepe, he commaunded one ensigne or companie of souldiours, to carie ladders; and besides them, there were upon a thousand well [unspec I] armed and appointed, marching with silence and in thin ranckes, brought thither to the place. When the formost without any stirre or noise at all, had skaled the top of the wall, others follo∣wed in their course. For the forward and resolute boldnesse of the former, was able to animate and encourage the rest, if they had been falsehearted. By this time now, the thousand armed sol∣diours had seized that part, when the rest of the ladders were set to: and upon more ladders still, they gat up to the wall in diverse places, upon a signall given them from the gate Hexapylos. Vnto which places the Romanes were now come, and found no sturring at all, but exceeding silence and desolation, for as much as a great fort of them had made good cheare within the tur∣rets, and either were fast asleepe with drinking wine alreadie, or else were bibbing still, notwith∣standing their eies were heavie, and their hearts asleepe. And yet, some few of them they tooke in [unspec K] their beds, and killed. Neere unto Hexapylos there is a little wicket, which with great violence they began withall, to breake it open. So as now, both from the wall (as was before appointed) they gave signall by sound of trumpet: and also from all parts they went not to worke any more by stealth, but plainely and openly without dissimulation. For they were come alreadie as far as Epi∣polae, a place full of watchmen and warders. And the enemies were to be terrified now and struc∣ken into feare, and no longer to be dealt withall by craft and guile. And it fell out so indeed, that they were mightily skared. For they heard not so soone the sounding of the trumpets, and the shouting and outerie of them that were possessed of the walls and one part of the cittie, but the warders, thinking all was gone, some ran along upon the wall, others leapt from the walls, or else were borne downe headlong, with the prease of others that were affrighted. And yet many there [unspec L] were, who were not ware at all of this miserie and extremitie, both because generally they were all dead asleepe, and also by reason that the citie was so wide and large, that a thing felt and seene in some remote parts, reached not streightwaies throughout, to all the rest. The gate Hexapylos was broken downe somewhat before day, at which Marcellus with all his power entred the citie. He wakened them all, and set them to their businesse; he made them take weapon in hand, and to helpe (what they could) a citie in a manner wholly surprised and taken. Epicides made hast from the Island (which they themselves call Nasos) with a companie of souldiours about him, making full account to drive them out againe: as supposing, that they were but some few, who through the negligence of the watchmen and warders were gotten over the wall: and ever as he met with any that were skared and in feare, hee said unto them eftsoones, that they themselves made more [unspec M] adoe, and every thing worse than there was cause, reporting all in greater measure and more fear∣full manner than need was in very truth. But when he saw all places about * 1.18Epipolae full of armed men, after some small voley of shot, and little skirmish with the enemie, (whereby hee provoked them, rather than did any good else) hee turned backe againe with his companies, and retired in∣to

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[unspec A] Acradina, not fearing so much the violence and multitude of the enemies, as least some inte∣stine mischeefe by this occasion might arise, and that he should find in this tumult and hurlibur∣ly, the gates of Acradina, and the Island shut against him. Marcellus being entered within the walls, tooke his prospect from the higher places, and when hee beheld under his eies the most goodly and beautifull citie of all others in those daies, (by report) he wept and shed teares abun∣dantly, partly for joy that he had brought his purpose to so good a passe, and partly in compassi∣on and remembrance of the auncient glorie and renowme of that citie. Hee called to mind the navies of the Atheniens by them sunke and drowned: hee thought upon the utter overthrow of two puissant armies, together with the losse of two most noble and famous captaines of theirs: moreover, there came into his memorie so many wars fought against the Carthaginians, with [unspec B] so great perill and hazard: so many and so mightie Tyrants and kings that raigned and kept their seat and roiall court there: & amongst the rest, he could not chuse but think of king Hiero, of fresh and famous memorie, a prince, who above all other gifts which his owne vertue and fortune had graced & endued him withall, was recommended especially for his many favors and good turnes done unto the people of Rome. When all these things presented themselves to his remembrance, with this cogitation besides, how all that beautie and glorie within one houres space was readie to burne on a light fire, and to be consumed into ashes: before that he advanced his ensignes against Acradina, hee sent before, those Syracusians who had conversed (as is afore∣said) amongst the guards and garrison of the Romans, to persuade the enemies with mild & gen∣tle speech, yet, to yeeld the citie. It so fell out, that the most part of them that warded the gates and [unspec C] walls both, of Acradina, were certaine fugitive revolts fled from the Romanes, who had no hope atall, upon any condition whatsoever to be pardoned. These would suffer none, either to approch the walls, or to parle and speake with any. And therefore Marcellus, after hee saw that enterprise frustrate & disappointed, commaunded to retire with the ensignes unto Euryalus. This Euryalus is a little mount and fort, situate in the utmost quarter of the citie, remote far from sea, and com∣manding the high way that leadeth into the fields, & the middle parts and very hart of the whole Island; a place very commodious for the taking up & receipt of all victuals. The captain of this hold was Philodemus an Argive, placed there by Epicides. Vnto whom there was sent from Marcel∣lus, Sosis, one of them that murdred the tyrant: and after long communication, Sosis with craftie words abused by him, & colourably put off until another time, made relation unto Marcellus, that [unspec D] Philodemus had taken a farther day of respite & deliberation. But he put off still from day to day, triflingout the time of purpose, untill Hippocrates & Himilco might come with their forces and le∣gions, making no doubt, but if he mought receive them into his fortresse, the whole armie of the Romans being now enclosed within the walls, should be overthrowne, and utterly defaited. Mar∣cellus seeing that Euryalus was not delivered up, (and forced possibly it could not bee) encam∣ped himselfe betweene Neapolis and Tyche (so are two parts of the citie named, and may for their bignesse go well enough for two entier cities of themselves:) for feare, least if he were once entred into the populous and most inhabited places of the citie, his souldiers greedie of pillage, would not bee kept together, but runne loosely up and downe to rifle. Thither came unto him from Tyche and Neapolis, Embassadours and Oratours, with olive braunches adorned with sa∣cred [unspec E] veiles and infules, humbly beseeching him to hold his hand from effusion of bloud, & firing the citie. Marcellus calling his counsell about these their petitions, rather than demaunds, after mature deliberation, by generall consent of all, gave expresse and streight commaundement to the souldiours, that no man should offer abuse or violence to the bodie of any freeborne person whatsoever: as for all besides, his will and pleasure was it should bee their bootie. Now was the campe of Marcellus defended on both sides with housing in steed of a wall, and hee bestowed a good corps de guard at the gates thereof, lying open overagainst the streets: least when the soul∣diours ran to and fro in the citie, the campe in the meane while might be assailed. Then upon the sound of trumpet the souldiours fell to their businesse, ran into all parts, brake open dores, set all on a fearefull hurrey, but spilled no bloud: and they never gave over ransacking and rifling, untill [unspec F] they had cast out and carried away all the riches and goods, that had beene a gathering a long time, during their wealthie and prosperous estate. Amid these stirres, Philodemus also seeing no hope of succours and rescue, after he had covenanted for his securitie, to return safe and without harme to Epicides, withdrew his garrison away with him out of the fort, and rendred it up to the Romanes.

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Now whiles every man was turned another way, and busied in that part of the citie which was [unspec G] forced, Bm••••car taking the advantage of one night, wherein the Romane fleet by reason of a vio∣lent tempest could not ide at anchor in the maine sea, gat forth of the haven of Saracose with 35 ships, and having sea-roume, halfed up sailes, and away he went with a mery gale of wind, lea∣ving 55 behind for Epicides and the Saracosians: and after he had informed the Carthaginians in what danger the state of Saracose stood, returned within few dayes with a fleete of a hundred saile, rewarded for his labor (as the report went) by Epicides, with many rich gifts, which the trea∣sure of king Hiero paid for. Marcellus possessed now of the fortresse Euryalus, and having planted there a garison, was well rid of one care yet: for he doubted, least if a new power of ene∣mies had bene received behind his back into that fort, they would greatly have annoyed his men, enclosed now as they were, and encombred within the walls. [unspec H]

After this he besieged Acradina, and invested it round about, and fortified three severall campes (in meet and convenient places) against it, hoping to shut them up into such streights, that they should be driuen to extreame scarcitie & want of all things. Now when as for certaine daies, the guards of the one side & the other had rested quiet; sodainly upon the arivall of Hippo∣crates and Himilco, they within began from al parts to set freshly upon the Romans. For, first Hip∣pocrates (after he had encamped and well fortified himselfe fast by the great Key, and giuen a signall to them that kept Acradina) assaulted the old campe of the Romanes, where Crispinus lay with his guard for the defence thereof: then Epicides also sallied forth, and brake upon the Corps de guard of Marcellus: and withall, the Carthaginian fleet approched close to the strond that lieth betweene the citie and the Romane camp, to hinder that Crispinus might have no aid sent [unspec I] unto him from Marcellus. And yet for all this ado, the enemies made a greater stirre and tumul∣tuous alarme, than any skirmish to speake of: for Crispinus not only gave Hippocrates the repulse, and drave him from the defenses of his owne campe, but also followed him in chase, as he fled fearefully in hast away: and Marcellus forced Epicides to take the citie againe, and get it over his head. So as now they seemed very sufficiently provided and appointed against all dangers from thence forth, of their sodaine fallies and irruptions.

* 1.19Over and besides all these troubles, there hapned a common calamitie unto both, the plague and pestilence: in such manner, as it might soone have withdrawne the minds, as well of the one part as of the other, from thinking any more of warre. For, besides that it fell out to be the Au∣tumne or harvest season of the yeare, the place it selfe by nature unholsome, stinking and cor∣rupt [unspec K] (but much more without the citie than within) the extreame and intollerable heate of the weather mightily distempered al their bodies generally, in the camps both the one & the other. At the first, by occasion of the distemperature of the season, and corruption of the place, they both fell sick and died: but afterward by visiting and tending one another that were infected, the disease grew catching and contagious, and so spred and increased more and more: in such manner, as either they that were fallen sick perished for want of looking to and diligent atten∣dance; or if any came about them, to keepe them and minister unto them, they were infected and endangered also as deepely as the other: so as every day a man could go no where, but either death, or corses caried forth to their graves, were presented to his eies: night and day in all places there was nothing heard but weeping, wailing, and piteous lamentation. In the end their hearts [unspec L] were so hardned and made savage againe, by continall usage to this miserie, that not only they gave over to weepe over the dead, and to accompanie them unto their sepulchres with due mourning and dolefull plaints, but also to cary them forth and to interre them: so that the breathlesse bodies lay scattred all abroad on the ground in the sight of them, that looked every houre for the like miserable death themselves. The dead killed the sick: the sick infected the sound, partly with feare, and partly with the corruption and pestiferous stench that came from their bodies. And because they would dye rather upon the swords point, than of this maladie, some of them made offer to go alone among the armed guards of their very enemies, to be kil∣led out of hand, and rid out of their miserie. Howbeit, the plague was hotter by farre in the Car∣thaginian camp, than among the Romanes, by reason of the corrupt water, and much slaughter [unspec M] committed there, & so long siege about Saracose. For of the enemies armie, the Sicilians at the first, so soone as they saw the sicknesse to spread commonly, and increase by reason of the corrup∣tion of the place, got themselves away, and stole every man home to the cities neere adjoyning. But the Carthaginians were faine to stick by it still, as having no place to retire themselves unto,

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[unspec A] and so, they together with their Generals themselves Hippocrates & Himilco, died all of them, and not one escaped. Marcellus when he saw this mortalitie grow thus hote, brought his people into the citie, where the houses & shadowie places yeelded some good refreshing to the sick & weake bodies: howbeit, many also of the Romane armie went of it, and turned up their heeles. Thus when the land-souldiours of the Carthaginians were all gone and consumed of the plague, the Sicilians who had served under Hippocrates, withdrew themselves into certaine townes, which were not great, yet sure and strong, both by naturall situation, and also by strength of walls and other defenses; the one of them three miles from Saracose, the other fifteene miles distant from the haven mouth: and thither they conveighed from out of their own cities adjoyning, all man∣ner of victuals, and sent abroad for aids of men.

[unspec B] In the meane while Bomilcar set saile once againe with his fleete for Carthage, where he made relation of the state of their confederates in such termes, that still he fed them with some hope, That not only by their help they might be saved, but also that the Romans (notwithstanding they had in some sort forced and taken the citie) might be surprised and taken there themselves: and in conclusion persuaded and prevailed so with them, that they graunted not only to send with him a great number of hulks & caricks, laden with store of all things, but also to furnish him with more ships of warre, to encrease his Armada. Whereupon he departed from Carthage with 130 gal∣lies, and 70 ships of burden, and had forewinds good enough to set him over into Sicilie. But those winds kept him from doubling the point of the cape Pachynus.

The fame and rumor first of Bomilcar his comming, and then his delay above mens expecta∣tion, [unspec C] that checked it againe, wrought diversly in the minds of the Romanes and Syracusians, ministring one while feare, another while joy unto them both. Whereupon Epicides fearing least if the same Easterly winds which then held, and were settled in that corner, should continue many dayes more, the Carthaginian navie would returne againe into Affrick, leaving the guard of Acradina to the captaines of the waged and mercenarie souldiours, failed to Bomilcar, riding still with his fleete in the rode that looketh toward Affrick, and fearing a conflict at sea, not so much because he was inferiour to the enemies either in force or number of ships (for he had many more than the Romanes) but for that the winds stood more favourably to help the Roman Armada than his: howbeit, in the end he persuaded him to try the fortune of a battaile at sea. And Marcellus for his part, seeing both the Sicilian forces gather and assemble togither from [unspec D] all parts of the Island, and understanding that the Carthaginian fleet was comming with great store of victuals: for feare least at any time whiles hee was shut up within the enemies cittie, hee should be assailed both by sea and land: albeit he was short of them in number of ships, yet deter∣mined to hinder Bomilcar for arriving at Saracose. Thus rid two armadaes of enemies affron∣ting one another, about the head of Pachynus, readie to joyne battaile, so soone as the calme∣nesse of the weather would give them leave to advaunce into the maine and open sea. Therefore when the East wind began to lie, which for certeine daies had blustred and raged, first Bomilcar waighed anchor: and the vantguard of his armada seemed to gather still into the deepe, only be∣cause hee might more easilie gaine the Cape and promontarie aforesaid. But so soone as he saw the Romanes ships make way toward him, (I wot not what suddaine accident it was that afrigh∣ted [unspec E] him) he set up all his sailes and fell off, into the maine sea: and after he had sent certain mes∣sengers to Heraclea, willing them for to set againe their hulkes home into Affricke, himselfe co∣sted all along Sicilie, and shaped his course for Tarentum. Epicides disappointed thus on a sud∣daine, of so great hopes that he had, because he would not returne againe to the siege of a cittie, whereof a great part was lost alreadie, saileth to Agrigentum, there to abide & expect the event and finall issue, rather than to stirre himselfe and trie any more, how to helpe them with any succour from thence.

These things being reported in the campe of the Sicilians, to wit, that Epicides had quit Sa∣racose; that the Carthaginians had abandoned the whole Iland of Sicilie, and in manner yeel∣ded it againe into the hands of the Romanes: after they had sounded first their minds who were [unspec F] besieged, by talke and conference with them, they sent Embassadours unto Marcellus, to treat about condititions of surrendring the cittie. When they were growne in a manner to this point, without any squaring or difference at all, That the Romanes should have the signorie all and wholly which belonged unto the kings: and that, all the rest the Sicilians should enjoy, with li∣bertie & their own proper lawes; the Embassadors aforesaid called forth to a parley, those unto

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whom Epicides at his departure had committed the government of the affaires, and declared [unspec G] unto them, that as they were addressed Oratours unto Marcelius, so they were from him sent un∣to the armie of the Sicilians: that generally all, as well the besieged, as those who were without the daunger of the siege, should be comprised within the treatie, and abide one and the same fortune: and that neither the one side nor the other, should capitulate or enter into any covenant for themselves apart, without all the rest. Who being received and admitted, for to falure and speake unto their kinsfolke & friends, made them acquainted with the agreement and composi∣tion betwene Marcellus and them: and so after they had presented unto them some good hope of their safetie, they persuaded with them so farre forth, as to joyne with them, and all togither, for to set upon & assault the bodies of the captains deputed by Epicides, namely Polycletus, Philistio, and one Epicides surnamed Sydus.

When they were once made away and killed, they called the [unspec H] multitude togither unto a generall assembly: where they complained greatly of their povertie, and penurie of all things (for which they were woont to murmure secretly among themselves:) And albeit yee are distressed (say they) with so many miseries and calamities, yet are yee not to blame fortune therefore, so long as it was in your owne power and choise, either to be delivered from them, or to endure them longer. As for the Romans (said they) it was not hatred, but meer love and charitie, that moved them to come against Saracose for to assault it. For when they heard that the government of the state was usurped by Hippocrates and Epicides (the ministers first belonging to Anniball, and after to Hicronymus) then they began to lay siege unto it, inten∣ding not the overthrow and destruction of the cittie it selfe, but to put downe and depose the cruell tyrant that ruled the state. Seeing then, that now Hippocrates is dead, Epicides excluded [unspec I] from Saracose, his deputies and captaines killed, and the Carthaginians driven out of all their hold and possession of Sicilie, both by land and sea, what reason have the Romanes, but to bee willing and well content, that Saracose should continue in safetie now, as well as if Hiero himselfe were living, the onely mainteiner & observant upholder of the Romane amitie? And therefore, if ought but well should happen, either to the cittie, or to the cittizens, yee may thanke your selves, and none else, for letting slip opportunitie now offered, of reconciliation & attonement with the Romanes. Never looke to have the like occasion hereafter, to that, which at this instant is presented: if yee had the grace to see what a doore is opened for you, to be delivered from the yoke of most insolent & proud tyrants.
This speech they gave eare unto with exceeding accord and generall applause. But before that any Embassadours were nominated to bee sent unto Mar∣cellus, [unspec K] it was thought good that new Pretors should be created. Out of the number of which Pre∣tours, there were Oratours addressed unto Marcellus.
And the principal man among them, spake in this wise. Neither we Syracusians (quoth hee) ô Marcellus, at the first revolted from you Ro∣manes, but Hieronymus, impious and wicked Prince as he was; yet nothing so much hurtfull to you as to us: nor afterwards, when peace was knit again upon the murder of the tyrant, was it any cittizen of Saracose, but Hippocrates and Epicides (the kings right hands and ministers, who op∣pressed and kept us under, with fear of one side, & with deceivable sleights on another side) that made the brack, & were the troublers & disturbers of this peace. Ne yet can any man come forth and say truly, that ever we were at our owne libertie, and enterteined not peace and amitie with you. And now also I assure you, so soone as by the massacre of these, that held Saracose in such [unspec L] oppression and bondage, we began againe to be our owne men, and to have the law in our owne hands; the first thing you see that we do, is this, to come & present ourselves unto you, to deliver up our armour and weapons, to yeeld our bodies, our cittie, the walls, and all the strength therof, and to refuse no condition, that it shall please you Romans to impose upon us. As to your self, ô noble Marcellus, the gods have given you the honour of conquest, over the most noble & beau∣tifull cittie of all other in Greece. Behold, how, what memorable acts soever that we have at any time atchieved, either by land or sea, all makes to the advancement of the glorious title & digni∣ty of your triumph. See you then, that another day it be not known by bare hear-say & the trump of fame, how great and mightie a cittie you have woon, but rather that it may stand still and re∣maine for all posteritie, for a marke and worthie spectacle to behold: to the end, that whosoever [unspec M] hereafter, shall resort thither by land, whosoever shall arrive there by sea, it may present unto them, both our Trophees and worthie victories over the Atheniens & Carthaginians; and also this of yours over us, the bravest conquest of all the rest. See (I say) that you leave for your house and familie, the cittie of Saracose whole and sound, to do homage and fealtie ever hereafter, to

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[unspec A] the name and linage of the Marcelli, and to hold of them as of their soveraigne LL. in chiefe and in villenage. That all the world may see, that the late remembrance of Hieronymus, beareth no greater stroke with the Romanes, than the ancient name of king Hiero, a noble Prince of famous memorie. Much longer was he a friend, than the other an enemie. His good deeds and many favours yee have tasted and felt with great contentment: the follie and madnesse of Hieronymus, hurt none of you, but wrought his owne confusion and overthrow. There was nothing but they might have obteined at the Romanes hands: all was cleere there, and no daunger from thence. But among their owne selves they were at more warre: there was the perill, there was all the mis∣chiefe. For the Romane rebels, who were runne from them, doubting that they should be deli∣vered over into their hands, and not comprised within the termes of the composition and pro∣tection, [unspec B] drave the auxiliaries also that were waged souldiours into the same scruple and feare. They hastilie therefore tooke armes, and first killed the Pretours: and afterwards, ran all about to massacre the Saracosians. Looke whom they hapned to meet, them they murdred in this fu∣rious fit of choller. Whatsoever came next to their hands, and lay handsome for them, they ri∣fled. And because forsooth, they would not be without their leaders, they created sixe provosts or captaines, that three should governe Acradina, and other three Nasos. At the last, after the uprore was appeased, the mercenarie souldiours aforesaid, followed the matter throughly by search and diligent inquirie, what were the capitulations in deed agreed upon with the Romans; and then began the very truth to appeare, namely that their condition and the fugitives were far different.

[unspec C] These Embassadours in very good time returned from Marcellus, and certified them that they were caried away with a wrong surmise and false suspition, and the Romanes had no just cause to punish them. Now there was one of those three Provosts of Acradina, a Spaniard, named Meri∣cus.

Vnto him there was sent for the nones among those of the retinue and traine of the Embas∣sadours aforesaid, one of the Spaniards, who were auxiliarie souldiours, serving under the Ro∣manes: who finding Mericus alone without other companie, gave him to understand especially above all things, in what tearmes he had left Spaine (& from thence he was newly come) name∣ly how the Romanes there were grown mightie, and held a great hand over them with their for∣ces. And that himselfe, in case he had a mind to doe some worthie deed, might soone rise, and be a great man in his countrey: chuse whether he list to serve under the Romanes, or returne againe [unspec D] into his owne home. Contrariwise, if he went on stil in this course he had begun, and minded still to be besieged, what long abiding place could he have there, shut up as he was from sea & land? Mericus pondered well these reasons: and when it was agreed, that there should bee addressed new Embassadours unto Marcellus, sent his owne brother with them, who by the selfesame Spaniard was brought apart from all the rest unto Marcellus: and after he had a protection gran∣ted, he laid the plot, and ordered all the matter how it should be done, and so returned to Acradi∣na.
Then Mericus because he would withdraw mens minds from all suspition of treason, and that he intended nothing lesse, than to betray Acradina, gave it out, That he liked not, and would no more of this recourse, ever & a none, of Embassadours betweene; and therefore as he would ad∣mit of none to come from Marcellus, so he would send no more to him. And to the end, that all [unspec E] the guards should bee kept more diligently, hee thought it good to devide conveniently among the Provosts, the quarters of the citie, and assigne to every one his ward by himselfe, and that ech one should be bound to answere for the safe keeping of his own division, and for no more. Then all gave their consent to part accordingly, and to himselfe befell the charge of that quarter which reacheth from the fountain or wel Arethusa, unto the mouth or entrie of the great key or haven. And hereof he gave notice and intelligence to the Romanes. Whereupon Marcellus caused a great hulke, laden with armed souldiours, to be fastened by an haling rope unto a gallie of foure course of oares, and so in the night by strength of oares to bee tewed and drawne up after it into Acradina, and landeth the souldiours over against the gate that is neer to the fountain Arethusa. This being done about the releefe of the fourth watch, Mericus received the souldiours that were [unspec F] set ashore at the gate, according as before it was agreed. And Marcellus by the dawning of the day, with all his forces gave a Camisado upon the walls of Acradina, in such manner, that not onely he turned thither unto his assault all those that kept Acradina, but also from Nasos there came running whole squadrons and companies of armed men (leaving their owne wards) for to repell and put backe the violence and assault of the Romanes. In this turmoile and trouble, cer∣teine

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barges appointed and furnished thereto aforehand, were brought about to Nasos, & there [unspec G] set other souldiours a land: who comming at unwares upon the corps de guards that were left halfe naked and very weake, by reason of the departure of their fellowes, and finding the gateswide open, at which erewhile the souldiours ran out, with small adoe were maisters of Nasos, left, as it was, forlorne of warders, who in feare made hast to run away and escape. And none of them all had lesse meanes to defend themselves, or smaller mind to tarrie still, than the fugitive rebels, for they durst not well trust their owne fellowes, and so in the hotest of the skirmish made an escape. Marcellus so soone as hee understoood, that Nasos was woon, and likewise that one quarter of Acradina was held and kept for him, and that Mericus with his guard had joined to his souldi∣ors, founded the retreat: for feare, that the kings treasure, which was more in name than in deed, should be rifled and spoiled. [unspec H]

Thus by suppressing the violence of the souldiours, both the rebell fugitives that were in Acradina, had good time and place to shift for themselves and get away, and also the Syracusi∣ans delivered now at last from feare, opened the gates of Acradina, and sent Oratours unto Mar∣cellus, craving nothing but life for themselves and their children.

Marcellus called his counsell to∣gether, and those Syracusians likewise, who in the time of civile dissention, were driven to forsake their houses, and remained among the garrisons of the Romanes: and then hee made the Em∣bassadours this answere. There have not been (quoth he) more benefites and good turnes for the space of fiftie yeares received at king Hiero his hands by the people of Rome, than detriments and mischeefes intended against them within these few yeares, by them that have seized and possessed the citie of Syracusa. But most of those mischeefes in the end, have lighted upon their heads right justly, who duly deserved the same: and for the breach of league and covenants, they [unspec I] themselves have suffered at their owne hands more greevous punishment by farre, than the peo∣ple of Rome would willingly ever have required. As for mee, this is the third yeere that I lie in siege before Syracusa; not, I assure you, with this intent, that the citie should not be reserved safe and found for the naturall people thereof to keepe and inhabite, but that the captaines & ring∣leaders of fugitives and rebels might not seize of it, and so hold it in captivitie and oppression. How much the Syracusians might have done with me at first, may be easily seen by the example either of those Syracusians who conversed among the guards of the Romanes, or of the Spa∣nish captaine Mericus, who yeelded up his garrison. Yea, and the hardie and resolute course in the end taken (although it were with the latest) by the Syracusians themselves, may sufficiently te∣stifie [unspec K] the same. Whereby also it may appeare, that for all my travell and paine which I have un∣dergone, for all the perils which I have adventured and passed through, about the walls of Syra∣cusa, both by land and water, thus long; I have gathered no fruit so sweet and pleasant as this, that it may be said, how I was able, yet at last, to win and conquere Syracusa.

Then the Questour was sent, attended with a guard, unto Nasos, for to enter upon the kings treasure there,* 1.20 and to keepe the same in safetie. The pillage of the citie was given to the souldiors: but there were appointed certaine warders over every house of theirs, who were among the gar∣risons of the Romanes, for to save the same. Amids many cruell, spightfull, and foule examples of anger, mallice, and covetousnesse, which happened to bee committed during the time of this saccage, it is reported, That in so great hurliburly as possiblie might bee, when a citie is newly [unspec L] taken,* 1.21 and hungrie souldiours runne to rifling, Archimedes was busily occupied, and stu∣dying upon certeine Geometricall figures that hee had drawne out in the dust, and happened to be slaine by a souldiour, that knew not who he was. Whereat Marcellus was much offended and displeased: and thereupon gave especiall order, that he should be honorably enterred: yea and caused his kinsfolkes to be sought out: and all they in remembrance of him, & for his name sake, were not onely saved, but also well accounted of, and had in good reputation. Thus you see in what sort, and by what meanes especially, Saracose was woon. A citie wherein was found such store of wealth and riches, as hardly would have bene gotten in Carthage, if it had bene forced then: notwithstanding it was able to hold out with Rome, and mainteine warre with equall force and power. [unspec M]

Some few dayes before the winning of Saracose, T. Octacilius with fourescore Gallies, of five ranks of ores, crossed the seas from Lilybaeum to Vtica, and being entred the gate before day light, chaunced to take by the way certaine Carikes charged with corne. After he was disbarked and set a land, he wasted grievously part of the territorie about Vtica, and returned to the citie

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[unspec A] with bootie and prises of all sorts. And the third day after he went from Lily 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he returned thither againe with 130 caricks full of corne and other bootie: and that corne he sent forthwith to Saracose: which if it had not come as it did in good time to help the present necessitie, the conquerours as well as the conquered had felt the smart of most extreame and grievous famine.

In the same sommer, the Romane Generals in Spaine (who almost for two yeares had done no memorable act there, but warred by pollicie and stratagemes, more than by force of armes) dislodged from their forts and winter harbours, and joyned their armies together. Then they cal∣led a counsell, where they jumped with one generall accord in this opinion, That considering all this while they had effected this much only, as to empeach and stay Asdruball from all meanes of passing over into Italie, it was now high time to make an end at once of the warre in Spaine. [unspec B] And to effect and bring this to passe, they supposed verily that their strength was well amended and sufficient, by reason that in the winter time they had levied and put in armes thirtie thousand Celtiberians. Now the Carthaginians had in Spaine then, no fewer than three armies. Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo, and Mago, were encamped with all their forces together, distant from the Ro∣manes almost five dayes iourney: Asdruball the sonne of Amilcar, an auncient warriour, and an old Captaine in Spaine, was somewhat neerer with his whole power, before a citie named Ani∣torgis. Him the Romane Generals were desirous to diffeate and vanquish first: and in good hope they were, that they had strength enough and to spare, for to accomplish that: mary, this was their only doubt and feare, least upon the discomfiture of him, the other Asdruball and Mago would for feare retire themselves into the unpassable woods, and take the wilds and mountaines, [unspec C] and so mainteine a long war. They supposed therefore it was the best course to divide their power betweene them in two parts, and at once to compasse the whole warre of Spaine. And thus they agreed to part their forces, namely, That P. Cornelius should lead two third parts of the armie, consisting of Romanes and allies, against Mago and Asdruball: and that Cn. Cornelius with the other third part of that old armie should joine with the Celtiberians, and warre against Asdru∣ball the Barchine [i. sonne of Amilcar abovesaid.] Both these captains with their hosts set out to∣gether in their journie, putting the Celtiberians before in the vantguard, & encamped neere the citie Anatorgis in the sight of their enemies, having but the river running betweene. And there Cn. Scipio staied behind, and made his abode with the power aforesaid: but P. Scipio went onward to performe that part of the warre which he purposed and intended. Asdruball after he percei∣ved [unspec D] that there lay in camp but a small power of Romanes, and that their whole hope relied up∣on the aids of the Celtiberians; as one that could well skill of the falshood and trecherie of the barbarous people, but especially of all those nations, among whom he had been so long a souldi∣our: by reason that both campes, as well his owne as the other of the Romanes, were full of Spa∣niards, hee used by the meanes of reciprocall commerce of their language, for to have secret speech and conference with the principall heads of the Celtiberians, and so treated with them, that in consideration of a great summe of money, they were persuaded and yeelded in the end to withdraw all their forces from thence, and give the Romanes the slip. And this they supposed was not so heinous & odious a fact. For why? they were not dealt withall to turn their swords up∣upon the Romanes, and to warre against them: againe, they were to have as good pay and wages [unspec E] to sit still, and not to serve, as was sufficient to bind them for to beare armes and fight: and last of all, rest it selfe, and sleeping in a whole skin, together with their returne home to their owne, and the joy and pleasure of visiting their friends, and seeing their goods and lands, were plausible and pleasing inducements to every man. And therefore the captaines themselves were no sooner drawne thereto, than the very multitude. Over and besides, to strike it dead sure, they stood in no feare of the Romanes (being so few as they were) that they could possiblie keepe them perforce. And surely, this might well serve, to be a Caveat for Romane captaines ever hereafter, and such precedent examples and instances as this, may stand in steed of good lessons indeed, to teach them how they trust again the aids of foreiners; & never to relie themselves so much upon them, but that they alwaies have in their campe the greater part of their owne forces, and the more [unspec F] number of their naturall souldiors. All on a suddaine therefore the Celtiberians dislodged, pluc∣ked up standerds, and departed from them, and never bad them farwell. And when the Romans demaunded the cause of this change, yea, & besought and importuned them to tarrie, they made them no other answere but this, That they were called and sent for home, by occasion of warres in their owne countrie. Scipio seeing, that these Allies of his were so slipperie, and could neither

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be intreated nor nforced to stay: and that himselfe alone without them was not able to make [unspec G] his part good with the enemie: and to joyne againe with his brother, was a thing impossible: for want of all other good meanes, for the present, when he saw no remedie els, determined to retire himselfe as farre backward as he could: having this especiall care above all things, not to en∣counter and joyne battaile with the enemie in plaine field, without some advantage, who now was passed over the river, and traced him hard at heeles in his dismarch.

About the same time P. Scipio stood in the like termes of feare, but in more danger by the comming of a new enemie, and that was Masanissa the young Prince, who then was a friend and pensionarie souldier of the Carthaginians: but afterwards mightie and renowmed for his ami∣tie with the Romanes. He with his Numidian horsemen first encountred P. Scipio, as he marched on his journey, and afterwards both day and night molested and troubled him very shrewdly: [unspec H] in such sort, that not only he would intercept and catch up those that were gone out wandering and straggling farre from the camp, a fuelling or foraging, and send them short of home; but also ride braving even before the camp. Many a time would he venture, yea and enter upon the thickest of the standing corps de guard, and make foule worke and trouble among them. By night also he used oft to make many starts upon a sodaine, and assaile the gates of the camp and the rampiar, and put them in exceeding great frights. So as the Romanes at no time, nor in no place could be at rest and quiet for him, but ever in feare and doubt of some shrewd turne or other by him: so as they were driven to keepe within their rampier, cut off from the use of all commodi∣ties abroad, and in a manner as good as besieged: and more streightly yet were they like to be be∣leaguered, in case Indibilis, who was comming (as the rumor went) with 7500 Suesseranes, were [unspec I] once joyned with the Carthaginians. Whereupon Scipio a warie warrior and prudent Captaine otherwise, driven to these hard extremities, and forced to make shifts, entred into a rash and in∣considerate designement, even to go on and meete (forsooth) Indibilis in the night, and in what place soever it should be his hap to encounter him, there to bid him battaile, and fight with him. Leaving therefore a meane guard to keepe the camp, and T. Fonteius his Lieutenant, as Provost and Captaine, he set out at midnight, and meeting with his enemies, joyned battaile with them: but they skirmished rather by loose companies in their march, than with their united forces in set and pight field. Howbeit, the Romanes had the better hand so much as it was, considering what a confused and disorderly medley there might be. But the Numidian Cavallerie, whom Scipio thought he was secured of, and that they were not aware of him, all on a sodaine flanked [unspec K] the sides of the Romanes, and mightily terrified them. Against these Numidians, whiles Scipio made head againe afresh, behold a third sort of enemies also charged upon his back, even the Carthaginian captaines, who by this time while the other were in fight, had overtaken their allies and were come thither. So as the Romanes were to maintaine battaile on all hands, and were at a stand, and in doubt with themselves against which enemie to turne first, or what way with a close couched squadron to give the venture for to breake through. As the Generall was thus mansully fighting, and encouraging his souldiours, presenting and opposing himselfe forward, where was most need and danger, his chance was to be run through the right side of his bodie with a Launce:* 1.22 and that massive band of the enemies which had charged upon the thicke battailon, which environed their captaine, seeing Scipio falling from his horse readie to dye, in [unspec L] great joy and mirth set up a cheerefull shout, and ran all over the armie, and caried glad tidings that the Romane generall was slaine. This voyce being once spread all abroad, caused both the enemies to take themselves undoubtedly for victours, and the Romanes to make no other ac∣coumpt but they were vanquished. Whereupon they having lost their leader, began forthwith to flye out of the field. But as it was no hard matter for them to make a lane and breake through a∣mong the Numidians, and other auxiliarie souldiours lightly armed; so to escape and go cleere away from so many horse, and footemen also, who were as swift on foote as the horsemen, it was almost impossible. Thus they were more in maner slain in their flight now, then in their fight be∣fore. And there had not one remained alive, but that the day being far spent alreadie, and toward evening, the night came on a pace and overtooke them. The Carthaginian captaines, and those [unspec M] also of Affrick, taking the full benefit of this their good fortune, slept not their businesse, nor made delay: but presently after the battaile, scarcely allowing their souldiours so much sleepe as would content nature, marched in great hast toward Asdrubal the sonne of Amilcar: making ac∣coumpt assuredly, that when they had joyned their power with his, they should breake the neck

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[unspec A] of this warre, and end it once for all. When they were come to him, great joy and gratulation there was betweene the captaines & the hoasts of both sides, for this fresh victorie newly atchei∣ved: and seeing they had alreadie defaited so brave a warriour and great commaunder, toge∣ther with his whole armie, they made no doubt but expected certainely to have another hand as good as this.

The newes verily of this so great a soile and overthrow, was not yet come unto the Romanes: but yet they were strucken into a sad dump and deepe silence, and more than that, into a secret presage & fore-deeming of some unluckie tidings: as commonly mens minds use to fore give & tell aforehand, when there is some mischiefe and ill toward them. The Generall himselfe, besides that he saw he was abandoned and forsaken of his associates, and knew the forces of the enemies [unspec B] so mightely reenforced; by good conjectures and guesses, yea and by very reason, was induced to suspect some losse and calamitie received alreadie, rather than enclined to hope after any good successe and happie speed. For thus he discoursed with himselfe: How is it possible that A••••••••∣ball and Mago should bring their armies together without conflict, unlesse my brother be slaine in fight, or have forgotten to be a warriour? how commeth it that he withstood them not? or how hapneth it that my brother followed not hard after them fast upon their backs? At leastwise, if he had not bene able to keepe them asunder, but that both captaines and armies must needs meete and joyne in one, yet he himselfe me thinks, at leastwise would have come by this time to his brother, and brought his owne power to his. In this perplexitie and anguish of spirit, he thought yet, for the present time, that the only good course he could take, was to withdraw himselfe backe [unspec C] from thence as far as he could and so all that one night unwares to his enemies (who so long only were quiet) he marched a great way, and woon much ground of them. The next morning, so soone as the enemies perceived that the Romanes were dislodged and gone, they sent out the Numidian light horsemen, and began to follow after them apace, and pursued them as fast as possibly they could: and before night the Numidian Cavallerie had overtaken them, and skir∣mished one while with the taile of their march, another whiles at their sides and flanks, and gave them no rest: whereat the Romanes made as it were a stand, and began to defend and save their armie as well as they could: yet with great warinesse and regard of securitie, Scipio encouraged them so to fight, as they might march on still and gaine ground, before the Infanterie overtooke them. But as one while the armie was on foote, and another while stood still, in long time they rid [unspec D] but a little ground. And Scipio seeing the night draw on apace, reclaimed his souldiours from farther skirmishes: and after he had rallied them together, he retired with them up to a little mount, no sufficient place (God wot) of safe retreat for an armie, especially so troubled & affrigh∣ted alreadie, yet higher than any other place all about. There the first thing that he did, was to bestow the baggage and cavallerie in the mids withinforth: and at first the infanterie raunged round about in a ring, made no difficult matter of it to put by the violent charge of the Numi∣dian horsemen. But afterwards when the three Generals marching with three full armies ap∣proched, their Captaine Scipio perceiving that he was never able to keepe the place without some fortification, began to cast his eye about, and to bethinke with himselfe, by what meanes possible he might empale himselfe round about as it were with a rampier: but the hill was so na∣ked [unspec E] of wood, and the soile of the ground besides so stonie and craggie, that he could neither finde any underwood fit to cut out stakes for a pallisaid, nor earth meete to make turfes for a banke, or minable for a trench: and in one word, all things untoward and unhandsome for a mound, and to fortifie withall. Neither was there any place there, to speake of, so sleepe and upright, but the enemie might at ease mount up and climbe it. All the hill on every side, had a gentle rising and ascent up to the top. Howbeit, to represent some shew and resem∣blance yet of a rampiar, they were forced to take their packe saddles, with their packes tied fast unto them, and so round about to pile them and raise them to the usuall height of a mure: And where there wanted packe saddles to make up the worke, there they were saine to heape togither, all sorts of fardels, trusses, and other carriages, and to put them betweene the ene∣mies [unspec F] and them. The Carthaginian armies when they were come, marched very easily up against the hill. But the new fashion and manner of their defences and fortifications, was very straunge unto them, so as at the first the souldiours marvelled much and were astonied thereat, and stood still. But their captaines on all sides cried out upon them. And why stand yee gaping (say they) so; and do not pull in peeces and plucke away that foolishbable there, good to make sport with?

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A very toy, that women & children would scarce stand about thus long? Why? the enemie is ta∣ken [unspec G] alreadie in a pinfold, and lieth lurking and hiding himselfe behind the trusses & other car∣riages. After this manner (I say) the leaders rated at the souldiours. But it was not so easie a mat∣ter, either to get over that barricado of the packes, or to remove and rid them out of the way, as they lay piled close against them; ne yet to unfold and unwrap the packe-saddles, lying over∣whelmed as they did, under the packes, and entangled togither with them. Thus they were hin∣dred and staied a long time: and when at length they had put this bag and baggage aside that was set in their way, and made passage and entrance for the armed men, and that in divers pla∣ces; the campe and tents were soone taken on all sides, ere a man could turne about: and so be∣ing few to many, and frighted men to late conquerours, no marvell if they were killed & hewne in peeces in every place. Howbeit, many of the souldiours having fled for refuge into the forrests [unspec H] neere by, escaped into the camp of P. Scipio, whereof T. Fonteius his lieutenant had the charge. As for Cn. Scipio, some write that he was slaine upon that mount, at the first onset & assault made by the enemies: others report, that with a few others he fled into a towne hard by the campe: and that there was a fire made round about it, and so when the gates therof were burned, which by no violent meanes otherwise they could breake open, the enemies entred and tooke it, and they within were killed every one, captaine and all.

Thus Cis. Scipio came to his end, in the seventh yeare after that he went into Spaine, and on the nine and twentieth day after that his brother lost his life. Their death was bewailed and la∣mented no lesse over all Spaine, than at Rome. For among the citizens at home, one part of their sorrow they tooke for the losse of the armies, another part went for the distraction & alienation [unspec I] of the province, and a third againe was spent in the cogitation of the publicke calamitie: but Spaine from one end to the other, mourned onely for their governours and captaines, and had a great misse of them. And Cneus of the twaine, was more bewailed, because he had bene lon∣ger time their ruler, and had woon the favour and affection of men, and possessed their hearts be∣fore the other: and was the first that ever gave them in those parts a proofe & tast of the Romans just and temperate government.

When the armie was thus defeated and brought to nothing, so as Spain seemed utterly lost, there arose one man yet, that recovered all againe, and brought the decaied state to the former perfection. There was in the armie one L. Martius, the son of Septimius, a gentleman & knight of Rome, a forward young man; for courage and wit, farre above the degree & condition where∣in [unspec K] he was borne. Besides this excellent & most toward disposition of his by nature, he had great helpes by the discipline and instruction of Cn. Scipio: under whom, for so many yeares hee was trained & had learned all militarie knowledge & skill meet for a souldiour. This Martius, what by rallying the dispearsed souldiours who were fled, and what by drawing others out of sundrie gar∣risons, had raised and assembled togither a reasonable good power, and joyned with T. Fonteius, the Lieutenant aforesaid of P. Scipio. But the Romane knight, above all others, grew to so great credit and reputation among all the souldiours, that when they had fortified their campe within the river Iberus, & were determined among themselves, to chuse one Generall over the armies, in a solemne assembly of souldiours, even by their owne militarie election: they went one by one in course one after another, unto the maine Corps de guard that defended the rampiar, and to the [unspec L] other wards belonging unto the campe, untill they had all given their voices: and so by generall consent created him their Generall. All the time which they had after, (and that was but small) they employed in fortifying their hold, and conveying thither corne and victuals: and what charge soever was imposed by him upon the souldiours, the same they executed readily and wil∣lingly, and without any shew that their hearts were dismaied and cast downe any jot at all. But after that newes was brought, that Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo, was comming against them, to dispatch cleane the reliques of the warre; that he had passed over Iberus and approached neere: and the soldiers saw once the signall of battell put forth unto them by this new Generall; calling to mind, what noble warriours they had served under but a while before; what worthie leaders they were wont to have, and with how puissant armies they used heretofore to go to the field; they [unspec M] fell a weeping every one, shaking and beating their heads: some lift up and stretched out their hands to heaven, blaming & accusing the gods: others lay along upon the ground, calling eve∣rie one upon his owne captaine by speciall name. Neither could their pitteous mones & plaints be staied, notwithanding the Centurions encouraged what they could, the souldiours of their

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[unspec A] companies: notwithstanding (I say) that Martius himselfe sometimes spake them faire, some∣times rebuked them, for giving themselves to such foolish and vaine puling, like women: & not rather resolve to raise up their hearts, and with him to quicken and whet their stomackes in de∣fence of themselves and of the common-weale, and not to suffer their former captaines and lea∣ders to lie dead and unrevenged. By this time now all on a suddain, the shout of the enemies was descried, and the sound of the trumpets were within hearing, being come close under the ram∣piar. Whereupon all at once, turning their sorrow and weeping into anger & indignation, they ranne every man to his armour and weapon: and as if they had bene horne mad, they hastned from all parts to the gates and entries of the campe, & charged upon the enemies as they came carelesly and without order and array. Immediatly this unexpected and suddaine object, stroke an exceeding feare into the Carthaginians: as wondring from whence so many enemies should [unspec B] start up so soone, considering the armies were so lately cleane in manner destroied; and how it came to passe, that being newly vanquished and put to flight, they should be so stout, so bold and confident of their own selves; who a gods name, should be their Generall, after the two Scipios were slaine; what captaine and governour had they over the campe; and who gave out the signal of battaile: mervelling (I say) at these premisses, and so many particulars, that they once imagi∣ned not afore, at first hand they wist not what to doe, but as amazed men, began to give ground and recule; but afterwards, being still fiercely followed upon with a violent charge, they were plainly beaten backe and put to flight. And verily, either there had beene a foule havocke and slaughter of them that fled, or a rash and daungerous enterprise for them who would have foll∣lowed [unspec C] the chase: but that Martius hastened to sound the retreat, and opposing himselfe against the foremost ensignes of the vantguard, yea and taking hold of some of them himselfe, staid the maine battaile & repressed their violence, who were upon the point alreadie to pursue them with heat. And so he reduced them back againe into the campe, as greedie as they were still of mur∣der, & thirstie of bloudshed. The Carthaginians, who at the first were driven from the rampiar, and for feare hastned away; after that they saw none to follow them, supposed they had bene afraid, and therefore staid still: whereupon they departed to their camp again in rechlesse man∣ner, faire and softly. And as carelesse as they were in their retire thither, so negligent were they in guarding the same: for although their enemies were neere, yet they remembred and thought againe, that they were but the taile and reliques of two armies, vanquished & defeated a few daies [unspec D] before. Vpon this resolute persuasion of theirs, and base conceit of the enemies, they were very negligent every way within their campe: whereof Martius having by his espiall, certeine intelli∣gence, resolved upon a designment, which at the first sight seemed more like a project of hazard, than an enterprise of hardinesse; and it was no more, but even upon a braverie to set upon the enemie in his owne campe, and give him a camisado. For as he thought it an easier emprese, to force the hold and pavilions of Asdruball, being but one, than to defend and keep his owne, in case three armies and three captaines should joyne againe togither: so hee considered withall, that either if he sped well in this exploit, he should restore and set upright againe unto the Ro∣manes, the decaied and prostrate state of Spaine: or if he were discomfited and put backe, yet by giving the adventure first upon the enemies, he should not be altogither contemned, and of no [unspec E] reputation. But least this attempt so suddaine, and the terror and error which may fall out in the night-time, should happen to trouble this his designed plot, & the course of his good fortune; he thought it not amisse, to make a speech unto his soldiers, and to exhort & encourage them asore hand. And therefore calling them togither to a generall audience, in this manner hee discoursed unto them of his intent and purpose.

My valourous and loiall souldiours,* 1.23 either the reverence and affectionate love of mine, to∣ward our cheefe captaines during their life, and after their death; or the very present condition and state wherein we all now stand; may be a sufficient testimonie and proofe to any man whoso∣ever, that this charge and government of mine, as it is in regard of your judgement of me right honourable, so it is in truth, and in very deed, to me most weightie, and full of care and trouble. [unspec F] For at what time as (but that feare tooke away all sence of sorrow) I was not so much maister of myselfe, as to seeke out and find some comfort and sollace for mine owne pensive soule and hea∣vie spirit; I was forced being but one, (which is a most hard matter for a man to doe in time of greefe) to minister consolation unto the common misfortune and calamitie of you all. And surely I have no list at all (the harder is my case) to avert my mind from continuall greefe of heart,

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not so much as even then, when as I am to studie and devise, by what meanes I may bee able to [unspec G] preserve (for the behoofe of my countrie) these small remnants of two armies. For why? the gree∣vous and bitter remembrance of calamities past, is ever before me. The two Scipions trouble mee all the day time with carefull thoughts, they disquiet me in the night season with fearfull dreams, they make mee oftentimes to start out of my sleepe, willing and charging mee, to suffer neither them nor their souldiours (who were your fellowes and companions, and for the space of eight yeeres in those parts where they served, never received foile) ne yet the Commonwealth, to con∣tinue unrevenged; warning me withall, to follow their discipline, their precepts, rules, and good instructions. And like as, whiles they lived here among us, there was no man more obedient than my selfe to their directions and commaundements; even so after their decease, whatsoever in my conceit, I judge they would have had especially done in all occurrences, the same my desire is, [unspec H] that you also (my souldiours) would like of and approove for the very best. I would not have you to weepe, waile, and lament still for them, as if they were extinct and gone for ever, (for they live still, and shall, so long as the world endureth, and continue immortall in renowme and fame of their worthie and noble acts) but rather so often as you remember and thinke of them, to go like hardie and valiant men to a field, even as if you heard them speaking unto you, or saw them gi∣ving out the signall of battell. Neither was it (I assure you) any other object but that, presented yesterday unto your eies and minds, which effected so memorable a peece of service as it was: by which ye have made good proofe unto your enemies, and given them to understand, that the Romane name died not together with the Scipioes; and that the vigour and vertue of that people which was not extinct and buried, by the overthrow at Cannae, will ever rise againe (ye may bee [unspec I] sure) out of all adversities, let cruell fortune storme and rage as much as ever she can. And now, since yee have shewed such valour and hardinesse alreadie of your owne accord, I have a mind, and would gladly see, how bravely yee will beare your selves upon the direction and commaun∣dement of your captaine. For yesterday, when I sounded the retreat unto you, at what time as you followed so freely upon the enemie, being troubled and disarraied; my desire and meaning was not, to represse and abate your bold courage, but to deferre and reserve it against some grea∣ter opportunitie of advantage, and for a more honourable and glorious exploit: that anon upon the first occasion, you being prepared and provided, might surprise them at unwares, & not stan∣ding upon their guard; armed and wel appointed, assaile them disarmed and naked; & that which more is, whiles they are in their beds fast and sound asleepe. And the hope that I conceive of this [unspec K] good opportunitie and effect thereof (my souldiours) ariseth not upon some fantasticall ima∣gination of mine owne braine, by hap-hazard and upon vain presumption, but grounded upon good reason and present experience. For verily, if a man should demaund even of you your own selves, What the reason was, that being but few in number, & lately discomfited, ye were able to defend your campe, against many more than your selves, and those heartened with fresh victo∣ries; yee would make no other answere but this, That you, fearing that which followed, had both fortified you campe in every respect with strong munitions, and were your selves well appointed and furnished, yea, & readie to receive them whensoever they came. And certes, so it is, & we find it true by experience: Men are least sure and secured against that which fortune saith is fearelesse, and need not to bee prevented, because that which wee neglect, is evermore open and exposed to [unspec L] all daungers. Now the enemies doubt nothing lesse at this time, than that we, who were so lately our selves besieged and assailed by them, will now come to give an assault upon them in their hold. Let us adventure to doe that which no man would beleeve that ever wee durst enterprise, and the selfe same cause which seemeth to make the thing most difficult, shall effect it soonest of all others. At the change of the third watch I will lead you forth without any noise at all in great silence. Well enformed and assured I am, that in their campe the Sentinels are not releeved in due course & order, neither yet the ordinarie corps de guard kept as they ought to be. Your shout and outcrie shall not so soone bee heard at the gates, nor your first charge and assault given, but yee shall surely be maisters of the campe. Then let me see you performe that carnage and execu∣tion among them heavie and dead asleepe, affrighted with an unexpected al'arme, and taken on [unspec M] a suddain unarmed, and in their beds; from which yesterday ye thought much, that ye were cal∣led away and reclaimed. I wote well, that this seemeth unto you an audacious enterprise, and full of hazard, but when things go crosse & stand in doubtfull termes, & when other means faile, the hardiest attempts, yea, & the most venterous and desperat courses, are ever safest and speed best.

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[unspec A] For if a man stay never so little at the very instant when a thing is to be done (whereof the op∣portunitie passeth and flieth away ere one would thinke) immediatly when it is once gone, he may fling his cap after well enough, and complaine thereof and say, had I wist, but never the neerer. One armie they have hard at hand, and two more are not farre off: now if we venture of them here, our opportunitie and advantage is as good as theirs. And once alreadie ye have made triall of their forces and your owne: put we it off another day, contenting ourselves with the bare name of yesterdaies sallie, and give over so, it will be great doubt and danger, least all the Generals with all their armies be rallied and re-united. And shall we then be able to hold our owne against three Generals and three hosts, whom Cn. Scipio having about him his whole puissance, fresh and in good plight, could not withstand nor abide? Our Captaines by dividing [unspec B] their forces, and dismembring one complete armie, were defeated and overthrowne: semblablie may our enemies, parted while they be, & severed asunder, be discomfited & brought to nought. Lo, this is the only way for us to warre, and none other. And therefore let us wait no longer than the commodious opportunitie of the next night. Goe ye then a gods blessing, make much of your selves, take your repast and repose, that yee may be fresh and lustie, to breake into your ene∣mies hold with the same resolute courage, where with erewhile yee defended your owne. The soul∣diours, as they gladly gave eare to this new counsell, of their new captain, so, the more audacious and adventurous that it was, the better it pleased them.
The rest of the day behind, they spent in frobishing and making readie their harneis and weapons, and in cherishing their bodies, yea, and the better part of the night they slept quietly. And so at the releese of the fourth watch they [unspec C] set forward.

Now were there other companies also of Carthaginians, beyond this next camp abovesaid, about sixe miles distant from thence. A hollow way and valey there lay betweene, standing thick of trees. In the middest of this wood, for a furlong space well neere, he bestowed closely a co∣hort of footmen, yea, and certaine horsemen of Romanes: but by his leave, this was but a craftie and slie tricke, borrowed of the Carthaginians. Thus the mid way being intercepted and taken up, the rest of the forces were conducted in a still march toward the enemies in the next campe. And finding no guards before the gates, no Sentinels upon the rampier, they entred in as it had been into their owne hold, and no man made resistance: then they sounded trumpets, & gave the alarme. Some fal to killing of the enemies halfe asleep; others fling drie litter & straw for to kindle [unspec D] fire, upon their hales & pavillions; othersome again keep the gates, that none should issue forth. So the fire, the outcrie, and massacre all together, put them out of their right wits, & made them, as it were, besides themselves; that neither hear they could, not yet make any shift for themselves. Vnarmed and naked men fell among the bands of armed souldiours. Some run in hast to the gates, others finding the waies and passages beset, run up to the rampier: and looke as any esca∣ped and gat away from thence by that meanes, hee flieth streightwaies directly toward the other campe. Where they were caught up by the cohort of footmen, and the cornet of horsemen, which rose up suddainly out of their Ambuscado: & being enclosed on every side, were killed to the last man. And yet, if it had been any ones good hap to have escaped from thence with life, so swiftly and with so great expedition, the Romans after they had gotten the neerer campe, sped [unspec E] themselves to the other, that he could not have recovered it before them, to bring newes of the defeiture. And even there likewise, the farther they were off from their enemie, the more negli∣gent they were: and because some also a little before day were slipt away a foraging, fuelling, and boot-haling, the Romanes found every thing more loose and out of order, than in the other campe. Their weapons onely stood reared up in their corps de guard, the souldiours themselves were unarmed, either sitting and lying all along on the ground, or walking up and downe before the gates, and under the rampier. With these souldiours so secure, so retchlesse, so disarmed and disordered (the Romanes being yet in their hote bloud, and not cooled upon their fresh massacre, and more than that, lustie and brag for their new victorie) began to make a fray, and to skirmish. But the Carthaginians were not able to keepe them out of the gates. And so within the campe [unspec F] there was a hote and cruell fight: for, from all parts thereof, they ran together upon the first alarme that arose in the very beginning of the tumult and skuffling. And long had that skirmish continued, but that the Romanes bucklers and targuets seene all bloudie, were a sample unto the Carthaginians of a former execution; and thereupon drave them into a mightie feare. This fearefull sight, caused them all to turne backe and take their heeles: and thus as many of

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them as escaped killing, gat out by heapes wheresoever they could make shift to finde way, [unspec G] and were cleane turned out of their campe and all that they had. So in the compasse of one day and night, by the conduct and direction of L. Martius, there were two encamped houlds forced and woon from the enemies: in which there were 37000 of the enemies slaine, faith Claudius, who translated the Annales of Acilius out of the Greeke tongue into the Latin, and 1830 taken prisoners, besides the gaine of a mightie rich bootie. In which pillage, there was found a shield of silver weighing 138 pound, with the image and portraiture of Asdrubal the Barchine. Valerius Antias recordeth, that the campe only of Mago was taken, and seven thousand men slaine: and that in another battaile with Asdruball upon a sally forth, there died ten thousand, and 4330 were taken prisoners. Piso writeth, that when Mago followed after our men in an hote and disorderly chase (for they seemed to give back and recule) there were [unspec H] five thousand men killed by the traine of an ambush. But all writers do blazon the great honor and fame of Duke Martius. And besides the very truth of his glorious name, they make mention also and speake of some miracles: namely, that as he made the oration unto his souldiours, there was seene a flaming fire burning from his head, without any sense and feeling of his, to the great wonder and feare of the souldiours that stood about him: and that in memoriall of this brave victorie over the Carthaginians, there remained in the temple of Iup. untill the Capitoll was burned, that foresaid sheeld, with the image of Asdruball, and it was called Martius his sheeld. After this, Spaine was quiet for a long time, whiles both sides after so many overthrowes given and taken betweene them, were loth to hazard the maine chaunce in one battaile.

In the time that these affaires passed in Spaine, Marcellus upon the winning of Syracusa, ha∣ving [unspec I] set all other things in order throughout Sicilie, with such faithfulnesse and upright integri∣tie, that not only he greatly augmented his owne glorie, but also enlarged the majestie of the people of Rome, brought over to Rome all the goodly and beautifull ornaments of that citie, their graven and molten images, their pictures and painted tables, where of there was great store in Syracose. These braveries (no doubt) at the first were no more but the spoiles of enemies, and lawfully acquired in right of warre and conquest. But from thence began our great love and liking to the cunning workmanship of Grecian Artisanes: and from hence came afterwards our licentiousnesse and outrage in spoiling and robbing, so commonly and ordinarily, all sacred and profane places, where these things were to be had: which staied not so, but proceeded and tur∣ned at length to the spoiling of the Romane gods themselves, and to that very first temple which [unspec K] by Marcellus was beautified and adorned principally above the rest. For strangers and forein tra∣veilers used in pilgrimage to visit the temples which were dedicated by Marcellus at the gate Ca∣pena, in regard only of the most rare and singular workemanship of the ornaments in that kind, of which at this day there is very little or nothing to be seene.

Now from all cities wellneere of Sicilie, there resorted Embassies unto him: as their causes were divers and unlike, so their conditions were not all one. As many as before the winning of Syracuse, had either not rebelled at all, or became reconciled and in favour againe, they were accepted in the qualitie of faithfull allies, and made much of: those who for feare after the losse of Saracose, yelded, were reputed as conquered, and received lawes and conditions at the wil and pleasure of the conquerour. There remained yetno small reliques of warre about Agrigentum [unspec L] for the Romanes to dispatch, namely Epicides and Hanno, the captaines of the former war: and a third, sent new from Annibal in the roume of Hippocrates, a citizen of Hippon (his countrymen name him Mutines) descended from the Libyphaenices, a man of Action, and one who under Anniball had bene brought up, and taught all feates of armes, and skill of warfare. Vnto his charge were committed by Epicides and Hanno the Numidian Auxiliaries, with whom he over∣ran all the countries belonging to the enemies: he went unto all the confederates, and so wrought with them to continue fast in their allegeance, and to send aides to every one in due time accordingly: in such sort, that within short time he got himselfe a great name throughout all Sicilie, so as the favorites and faction of the Carthaginians had no greater hope in any, than in him. And therefore both Captaines, as well Hanno the Carthaginian, as Epicides the Syra∣cusian, [unspec M] who for a time had bene pent up within the walls of Agrigentum, bearing themselves as well upon the fidelitie as policie of Mutines, boldly adventured to come forth of the walls of Agrigentum, and upon the river Himera encamped themselves. Whereof Marcellus having intelligence, forthwith removed with all his power, and sat him downe encamped, almost foure

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[unspec A] miles from the enimie, minding to wait and expect, what they did or went about. But Mutines gave him neither opportunitie of place to rest him long, nor respite of time to take counsell in, but crossed the river, and with exceeding terror, and tumultuous noyse assailed the standing guards of his enemies: yea and the morrow after gave them battaile as it were in a pight field, and drave them within their holds and fortifications. But being called from thence by occa∣sion of a mutinie of Numidians within the campe (who to the number almost of three hun∣dred, were departed to Heraclea Minoa) he went to appease their moods, and to reclaime them to due obedience: but he gave the rest of the captaines (by report) a great charge and ex∣presse warning, not to fight with the enemie, howsoever they did, in his absence. But both the captaines were greatly offended thereat, and Hanno especially, who was already mal-content, [unspec B] and repined at his glory: What? saith he, thinketh Mutines,a base Affricane, and not of the right stamp neither, to gage and rule me a Carthaginian Generall, sent with Commission from the Senate and people? He persuaded therefore Epicides effectually to passe over the river, and to strike a battaile: for, quoth he, if we should stay for him, and then happen to have a fortunate day of it and win the victorie, all the honor no doubt shall redound to Mutines.

Be yeesure, Marcellus thought this a great indignitie, that hee who had repulsed at Nola Anniball, even when he bare himselfe so brauely upon his fresh victorie at Cannae, should give one foot to these pettie enemies, vanquished alreadie by him both by sea and land: whereupon hee commaunded his souldiours to arme in all hast, and to bring foorth the standards and en∣signs.

But as he was arranging his men in battel aray, there came riding unto him all on the spur, [unspec C] with bridle on the horse necke, ten Numidians from out of the armie of the enemies, with these tidings & ntelligences, assuring them, That their countriemen, who first were offended and dis∣contented by occasion of that mutinie aforesaid, wherin three hundred of their companie de∣parted and went away to Heraclea: and then afterwards, because they saw their owne head and leader, by the practise of those other captaines, who maligned and envied his glorie, sent farre enough out of the way, even against the very day when the battaile should bee fought; were not disposed at all to fight, but would sit still and not stirre. A kind of people these were, deceitfull otherwise, & used to break promise; howbeit now, they were just & true of their word.
Vpon this, as the Romanes tooke better heart unto them, (for there was a speedie pursuivant or courrier sent throughout the battailons, from companie to companie, for to signifie unto them, that the [unspec D] enemie was disappointed and abandoned of his cavallerie, whom they feared most of all other) so the enemies were mightily dismaied and put in feare: for over and besides, that they had no helpe from them who were the greatest strength of their armie, they were in a deepe feare least their owne horsemen would set upon them. By which occasion, the conflict was not great, for at the first shout and shocke given, well it was seene which way the game would go, and the matter was soone determined. The Numidians, who at the first encounter and during the conflict, had stood quiet in both points of the battaile, seeing their owne fellowes turne backe and flie, bare them onely companie for a whilr as they fled: but after that they perceived them all, to make hast for feare, to Agrigentum: fearing also themselves, there to be besieged among them, slipt away every one to their one citties. Many thousands were there slaine and taken prisoners: and eight elephants besides taken alive. This was the last field fought by Marcellus in Sicilie: upon this [unspec E] victorie he returned to Syracuse. By this time now, was the yeare almost come about and grow∣ing to an end. And therefore at Rome the Senate decreed, that P. Cornelius the Pretour, should send letters to the Consuls, lying before Capua, purporting this tenor: That for as much as Anniball was farre from them, and no great matter of consequence like to bee performed the while at Capua; the one of them (if they thought so good) should repaire to Rome, for to create new magistrates in the roume of the old. The Consuls having received the letters, agreed be∣tweene themselves and tooke order, that Claudius should go to hold and accomplish the solemne election of magistrates: and Fulvius remaine still at Capua. So Claudius created new Coss. Cn. Fulvius Centimalus, and P.Sulpitius Galba the sonne of Servius: a man that had not borne any [unspec F] curule office of state before. After these, were Pretours chosen, L. Cornelius Lentulus, M. Corne∣lius Cethegus, C. Sulpitius, C. Calpurnius Piso. Vnto Piso besell the jurisdiction within the citie. Sulpitius had the government of the province Sicilie. Cethegus, of Apulia: and Lentulus, of Sardinia. The Consuls had the government of their provinces prorogued for to continue one yeare longer.

Notes

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