The Romane historie vvritten by T. Livius of Padua. Also, the Breviaries of L. Florus: with a chronologie to the whole historie: and the Topographie of Rome in old time. Translated out of Latine into English, by Philemon Holland, Doctor in Physicke

THE XXIIII. BOOKE OF THE [unspec H] HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa, from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome. (Book 24)

The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the foure and twentith Booke.

HIerome, king of the Syracusians (whose grandfather Hiero had beene a friend unto the people of Rome) [unspec I] revolted unto the Carthaginians, and for his crueltie and pride, was by his own people murdered. Titus Sempromus Gracchus the Proconsull, had a fortunate battaile neere Beneventuin, against the Car∣thaginians and Hanno their Generall, through the helpe especially of the bondslaves, whome for their good service, be commaunded to be made free. Claudius Marcellus the Consull Iaid siege unto Syra∣cusain Socitie, which wholly in manner was fallen away and turned to the Carthaginians. W••re was proclaimed against Philip, king of the Macedonians, who in a night skirmish was surprised, disco••fited, and put to flight: and with his armie welneere disarmed, escaped into Macedonie. To manage that warre, Valerius the Pretour was sent. This booke containeth also the acts atchieved in Spaine by P. and Cn. Scipions against the Carthaginians. Syphax king of the Numidians, having entred into amitie with the Romanes, fought against Masanissa king of the Massilians: who stood for the Carthaginians, and being overcome, passed over into Spaine with a most mightie armie unto Scipio, lying [unspec K] over against Gades, where the narrow sea runneth betweene Affricke and Spaine. The Celtiberians also were received into friendship, whose aids the Romanes sent for: and this was the first time that mercenarie souldiours were waged, and served in the Romane wares.

HAnno was not so soone returned out of Campane, into the countrie of the Brutij, but by their helpe and guidance he sollicited to rebellion the Greek cit∣ties, which continued the more willingly in league and alliance with the Ro∣mans, because they saw, that the Brutij, whom they both hated and feared, sided with the Carthaginians. And first hee assaied and went in hand with Rhegium, where he spent certaine daies to little or no purpose. In this mean time, the in∣habitants [unspec L] of Locri, were busie in carrying away with great hast the corne, wood, and fewell, and all things else, necessarie for the use of man, out of the countrey into the cittie; because they would leave nothing for the enemie to prey upon. And daily more & more of them went out of the gates by heapes, so as at last there were no more left in the cittie, than those that were com∣pelled to repaire the breaches of the wals and the gates, and to bring into the turrets & bulwarks store of darts and other shot. Againstthis multitude and confused medley of all ages, sexes, and degrees, raunging over the fields, whereof most were altogether unarmed, Amilcar the Car∣thaginian, sent out his Cavallerie, giving them direction, and charging them to hurt no person. These horsemen opposed their troupes betweene them and home, onely to exclude them out of the citie, when they were scattered one from another in flight. The Generall himselfe in per∣son [unspec M] encamped on a high ground, from whence hee might view the countrie and the cittie. And gave commaundement to a cohort of the Brutij, to approch the wals, to call forth the principall cittizens of Locri to parle, and by making promise of Anniball his friendship, to persuade and exhort them to yeeld up the towne. At the first they gave no credite at all unto the Brutij, whatso∣ever

[unspec A] they said. But afterwards, when they discovered Hanno and the Carthaginians upon the hils, and heard by some few of their owne cittizens that were fled backe and escaped, how all the rest of the multitude were fallen within daunger of the enemies, they made answere, that they would conferre and consult thereupon with the bodie of the people. So immediately they were assembled together. The most light headed persons were desirous of a change and new alliance: they also, whose kinsfolke and friends were by the enemie intercepted and kept out of the cittie, had their minds engaged and bound sure ynough, as if they had put in hostages: and some few who were well affected inwardly in heart, & liked of constancie and true loialtie, yet durst not be knowne thereof, and shew themselves to stand to it: so as, they all agreed in outward appearance, to surrender themselves to the Carthaginians. And after they had closely conveighed into the [unspec B] haven, and embarked L. Atilius the captaine of the garrison, and all the Romane souldiours that served under him, to the end, that they might bee transported to Rhegium, they received Amil∣car and the Carthaginians into the cittie, with this condition, that presently there should bee concluded a league, upon equall and indifferent covenants and capitulations betweene them. But the promise in this behalfe (when they had once yeelded themselves) was nothing well per∣formed: whiles Amilcar charged the Locrians, with fraudulent dismissing and letting goe the Romanes: & they againe alleaged for their excuse, that they fled away, and made an escape. The horsemen also followed hard in chase by land, if haply either the tide might cause the ships to stay in the current within the streight, or drive them a land. But those whom they pursued, they could not overtake: marry, other ships they espied, crossing the streights from Messana to Rhegi∣um. [unspec C] Roman soldiors they were, sent from Claudius the Pretor, to lie in garison there, and to keepe the towne. Whereupon they presently departed from Rhegium.

As for the cittizens of Locri, they had peace graunted them by expresse order and dire∣ction from Anniball upon these conditions: Imprimis, That they might live free under their owne lawes: Item, That both the cittie and the haven should remaine still in the hands of the Locrians. The substance of the covenant rested and was established upon these tearmes, That the Carthaginians and Locrians should aid and assist one another mutually, both in peace and warre. So the Carthaginians retired from the streights, notwithstanding the muttering & mur∣muring of the Brutij, because they had left Rhegium and Locri untouched, which two citties they made full account to have sacked and rifled. And therefore they of themselves having le∣vied [unspec D] and put in armes a power of fifteene thousand of their owne youth, marched forward to assaile Croton, a Grecian cittie likewise, and seated upon the sea. Assuring themselves, much to better their estate, if they could bee possessed of a port and sea-towne, fenced with strong walls and bulwarkes. This onely troubled and perplexed their minds, that they durst not, but send unto the Carthaginians for aid: fearing, least they might seeme to have entered into action and warre, without regard of the common good of their confederates, if they called them not: and doubting besides, that if the Generall of the Carthaginians should proove againe, rather an arbitratour of peace, than a coadjutour in warre, they should fight in vaine against the libertie of Croton, as they had done before, against the cittie of Locri. Whereupon they thought best to send Embassadors unto Anniball for his warrant, and to be [unspec E] secured from him, that if Croton were recovered by the Brutians, it should be subject unto them. Anniball made answere that this matter required consultation of men present with them in place, and therefore he put them over to Hanno, from whom they received no certaine answere to trust unto. For willing they w ere not, that a noble and rich citie, as it was, should be spoiled: and besides, they were in good hope, that in case the Brutians should assaile it, and the Cartha∣ginians all the while not seene, either to allow or help them in their enterprise, the citizens would the more willingly revolt unto them. The inhabitants within Croton were not of one mind, and affected alike. For there was one maladie that had infected all the cities of Italie, namely, the dis∣sention betweene the Commons and the Nobles. The Senatours inclined to the Romanes, the Commoners on the other side tooke part with the Carthaginians. This division within the citie, [unspec F] the Brutij were by a fugitive runaway advertised of in these tearms: namely, that Aristomachus the ringleader and head of the Commons, minded to betray the citie: that it was a wide vast and de∣solate towne, taking a great circuit of ground: and all the walls being decaied and in sundry pla∣ces broken downe, the Senatours and the Commons kept their severall gards and watches in sundrie quarters far asunder. And look (quoth he) where the Commons ward, there ye may enter

at your pleasure. Vpon this intelligence and direction given by the fugitive, the Brutij enviro∣ned [unspec G] the citie round about: and being let in by the Commons, at the first assault were maisters of all places, saving the Castle. The Nobles held that peece, foreseeing what might happen, and therefore provided themselves of a sure refuge. Thither sled Arislomachus also, pretending that he ment to deliver the citie to the Carthaginians and not to the Brutij. Now this citie Croton had a wall (before Pyrrhus comming into Italie) twelve miles in compasse; but after it was laid wast by that warre, scarce the one halfe of the towne was inhabited. The river that was wont to run through the mids of the towne, passed now along the walls without those streetes where the houses stood thick and well peopled, far from the parts inhabited.

Sixe miles without the towne there stoode a noble temple of Lacinia Inno, more renowmed than the citie itselfe, as being honored with great religion and devotion of all the cities and na∣tions [unspec H] there about. A sacred grove there was in that place compassed with a thick wood, of tall Firre trees, having in the mids within it divers pleasant and fruitfull pastures, wherein were fed beasts consecrated unto the goddesse, of all sorts, without any keeper and pastour. And albeit this cattaile went forth in the morning by heards and flocks of their owne kinde, severed by themselves, yet at night they used to returne back againe to their owne penns and stalls, without harme received either by the wait-laying of wilde and ravenous beasts, or by deceitfull fraude of men. Great increase therefore and much commoditie acrued by those cattaile, in so much as thereof was made a massy Columne or piller of beaten gold, and consecrated in that place, so as the temple was famous, as well for riches, as holinesse and devotion. And many times it falleth out, that to such notable places there are attributed some strange miracles. For the report goeth, [unspec I] that there standeth an alter in the very porch of the temple, the ashes lying whereupon, no wind was ever knowne to blow away.

But to returne to Croton. The Castle thereof on the one side standeth upon the sea, on the o∣ther side it bendeth and looketh toward the land. Defended in times past it was, only by the na∣tural situation of the ground, but afterwards fortified also with a wall; on that part whereas Dyo∣nysius the tyrant of Sicilie, having gained the back rocks and cliffes behind, by craft and guile sometime wan it. This Castle at that time supposed to be strong and safe enough, the Nobles seized and kept, notwithstanding the Brutij and their owne commons besieged them. At length the Brutij seeing the Castle imprenable, by all the forces and assaults that they could make of themselves, were driven of necessitie to crave aid of Hanno. Who having assaied to draw and [unspec K] urge the Crotoniates to yeeld, upon these conditions, To suffer a Colonie of the Brutij thither to be brought, & there planted; and that thereby a citie lying so wast & desolate, might be reple∣nished and peopled againe, as in auncient time: could not move and persuade any one of them all, but Artstomachus. For all besides, protested and said, they would dye before they would be intermingled with the Brutij, to change their owne rites and manner of life, their customes, their lawes, and within a while their language also, for others that were strange and foreine. Aristoma∣chus alone, seeing that he could not prevaile neither by persuasions to induce them to yeeld, nor find any meanes to betray the Castle like as he had done the towne before, fled away to Hanno. Shortly after, certaine embassadors from Locri, by the licence and permission of Hanno, entred the Castle, and persuaded them to be content for to be translated to Locri, rather than to abide [unspec L] and stand out the extremitie: saying, that they had sent embassadors already to that intent, unto Anniball, and had gotten a graunt at his hands, that they might so do. So they abandoned Cro∣ton, and the Crotoniates were brought downe to the seaside and embarked, and the whole mul∣titude departed to Locri.

In Apulia, the very winter season was not quiet betweene the Romanes and Anniball. Sem∣pronius the Consull wintred at Luceria, and Anniball not farre from him in Arpi: and as they could spie opportunitie, or take their vantage, of the one side or the other, there passed some light skirmishes betweene them. But the Romanes had alwaies the better, and everyday more than other, became more warie and secured from all traines and deceitfull snares of the enemie.

In Sicilie the Romanes found a great change, and all out of order, by reason that king Hiero [unspec M] was dead, and the crowne translated to his nephew, or sonnes sonne, Hieronymus: being yet a child, not like to use his owne libertie with moderation, and much lesse to sway the kingdome and scepter with discretion. His guardians and friends gladly enterteined the protection and government of such a nature, and were readie enough to plunge him headlong into all vice and

[unspec A] wickednesse. Which king Hiero foreseeing, was willing (by report) in his latter dayes, to have left Syracusa free and at libertie, to the end that so noble a kingdome, acquired & established by good meanes, should not under the lordly dominion of a child, to the great obloquie and shame of the world, be ruinate and come to nought. But his daughters with tooth and naile crossed this his designement, and made full reckning, that the child should only beare the name of a King, but the government of the whole State should wholly rest in them and their husbands, Androno∣dorus and Zoilus: who were the principall guardians, left to oversee the young Prince. And an easie matter it was not, for an aged man, now fourescore yeares old and ten, so hardly laid at day and night, by the faire speeches, and feminine flatteries of his daughters, to keepe his mind free; and to applie and convert it to intend private regards, and the publicke consideration of the [unspec B] State.

And therefore he left fifteene tutors to oversee and governe the child, whom he besought upon his death-bed, even when he was going out of this world, to mainteine entier and unspot∣ted, the faithfull alleageance to the Romanes, which he had kept and observed inviolate for the space of fiftie yeares: and to set to their helping hand willingly, to direct the young Prince above all, to tread in his steps, and to follow that discipline wherein he had bene nurtured and taught. After he had given this charge, and yeelded up his breath, the guardians came abroad; brought forth the kings last will and restament, and shewed the young Prince in the open assemblie of the people (and welneere fifteene yeares of ago he was.)

Where some few, such as were bestowed here and there of purpose, within the prease of the assemblie for to shout and shew testimonie of their joy and goodliking, approved with open voyce, and allowed the kings will: whereas all [unspec C] the rest, fared as orphans in a citie bereaved of their king, and (as it were) become fatherlesse, and feared all things that might ensue. The King was interred, and his funerals solemni∣sed, with the love and kinde affection of his people and subjects, more than with any stu∣dious care and diligence of his owne friends that were neerest to him. After this, An∣dronodorus removed from about the Prince all other guardians but himselfe, giving out estsoones, that Hicronymus was past a child, and able to governe of himselfe as King. Thus by deposing the Protectour-ship, which was commune to him and many others, he tooke upon him and usurped the power and authoritie of them all. Hard it was even for a right good king and well governed, that should succeed after Hiero, to find favour and win grace among the Syracu∣sians: so heartily they affected and loved king Hiero. But Hieronymus, as if hee had bene willing [unspec D] and desirous, that by his vicious and wicked life, they should have a great misse of his grandfa∣ther, and wish againe for him; at the very first sight, when hee shewed himselfe abroade in open place, declared unto the world, what difference and great oddes there was. For they who so ma∣ny yeares togither had never seene Hiero, nor his sonne Gelo, either in habit of apparrell, or in a∣ny other ornaments and port, differing from all other citizens, now beheld him in his purple robes, with his regall crown & diademe, attended with his guard and traine of armed pensionars: yea and other while, after the manner of Denis the Tyrant, riding foorth of his court & pallace, in a chariot drawne with foure white steeds. This proud pomp and stately array was accompani∣ed and suited with semblable qualities and conditions. He contemned and despised all men: he scorned most proudly to give audience to humble suppliants: and sent them away with reproch∣full [unspec E] termes & taunts. And not only strangers, but also his very guardians hardly might have ac∣cesse unto him: and to conclude, his lusts and delights where unto hee gave himselfe, were new and straunge: his crueltie that hee exercised outrageous and inhumane. So dread and terrible was hee to all, that some of his Tutours, either by making themselves away, or by voluntarie exile were driven to prevent and avoid the danger of cruell torments. Of whom, three onely, who alone had more familiar recourse into the court, to wit, Andronodorus and Zoilus, the sonnes in law of king Hiero, that had married his daughters, and one Thraso, had little or no care given unto them in other matters; but whiles two of them drew toward the Carthaginians, and Thra∣so to the Romane alliance: with their arguing, debating and dispute, they otherwhile turned the mind of the young king to hearken & give audience to their opinions. Now it hapned that there [unspec F] was a conspiracie intended against the life and person of the Tyrant, and the same detected by one Calo, the companion & playfere of Hieronymus, & of the same age: one who ever from his childhood had bene familiarly acquainted with him, and inward to all his secrets. This revealer of the conspiracie, could appeach and nominate of all the conspiratours onely Theodorus, by whom himselfe was made privie to the treason, and sollicited to be a complice therein. The par∣tie

was apprehended incontinently, and delivered unto Andronodorus to bee tortured. Who at [unspec G] the first without delay, confessed himselfe to be guiltie, but concealed all the rest that were acces∣saries. At the last, when hee had bene torne, mangled, and dismembred, with most dolorous torments, and intollerable for any man to endure: pretending and making semblance, that hee could abide no longer paines; disclosed not for all this, the guiltie persons in deed, but accused the innocent, and said falsly, that Thraso was the first deviser of the whole plot: and unlesse they had borne themselves, and relied upon so mightie an head, to set them on worke, they would never have attempted so daungerous an enterprise. Hee appeached also some other of the Ty∣rant his guard and houshold servants and daily waiters: even such as came into his mind during the time of his dolours and paines, & whom amid his grones he imagined to bee such, as whose lives might be best spared, and deaths least lame nted. The naming of Thraso especially made the [unspec H] Tyrant to beleeve, that the detection sounded to a very truth in deed: whereupon the man was im∣mediately led to execution and put to death: & the other innocents, as cleer as himselfe, rasted of the same cup and suffered with him for companie. As for the conspiratours themselves, albeit one of their fellowes was a long while put to bitter and extreame torture, there was not one of them, that either hid his head or made an escape▪ so assured confidence had they in the resolute constancie and faithfull promise of Theodorus: and such power and strength had Theodorus him∣selfe, to keep close the secrets committed unto him. Now when Thraso was ones dispatched out the way, who onely was the meanes to hold them in, and to bind them to their alliance and allea∣geance to the Romanes: then forthwith they began openly to encline to rebellion, and sent as Embassadours for the same purpose, two noble young gentlemen, Hipocrates and Epicides unto [unspec I] Anniball. From whom also they were sent backe againe in embassage. These were both borne at Carthage, but descended in bloud from the Syracusians by their grandfather, that was from thence banished: and were themselves by the mother side, meer Carthaginians. By entercourse of these two Embassadours, a league was concluded between Anniball and the Tyrant of Sara∣cose. And Anniball was content that they should abide still as leggers in the Tyrants court.

When Appius Claudius the Pretour and lord Deputie of the province of Sicilie, heard these newes, hee addressed straightwaies embassadours unto Hieronimus: who saying that they were come to renew the alliance which they had with his grandfather, had scornfull audience given them to deliver their message, and were dismissed and sent away by Hieronimus with a ••rumpe, demaunding of them by way of a scoffe, How they had sped at the battaile of Cannae. For I can [unspec K] hardly beleeve (quoth he) that all is true which the embassadours report of that field: and I would gladly know the certeine truth, & thereupon deliberate & take counsell, which side I were best to take.

The Roman Embassadors said, they would repaire againe unto him, when he could begin once to give audience with gravitie & in good earnest to their embassage: and so after they had warned and admonished, rather than praied and entreated him, not to change, but to stand to the first covenant and promises, they departed. Then Hieronimus sent his Legates to Car∣thage, for to confirme the league with the Carthaginians, according to the alliance and amitie made with Anniball. In which it was capitulate and covenanted, that when they had expelled the Romanes out of Sicilie (which would shortly come to passe, in case they sent thither ships and a power of men) the river Himera, which (as it were) divided the Iland in the mids, should confine [unspec L] and limit, both the Saracosian kingdome, and the dominion of the Carthaginians. After this, being puffed up with the faire flattering speeches of such as were about him, who suggested un∣to him, to remember & call to mind, that not only king Hiero was his grandfather, but also king Pirrhus by the mother side: hee sent Embassadours unto the Carthaginians, to give them from him to understand, That he demed it right & meer, that all Sicilie wholly should lie unto his do∣minion: and that the Empire of Italie onely, belonged properly to the Carthaginian people to acquire and conquer. This levitie and vainglorious humour, they neither wondred at, as a straunge thing in a giddie brained young man; nor yet greatly blamed and found fault with, so long as they might estrange him wholly and alienate him altogither from the friendship of the Romanes. But all things in him turned to his overthrow and utter confusion. For whiles Hipo∣crates [unspec M] and Epicides were sent afore with two thousand soldiours, for to sound and sollicite the cit∣ties to rebellion, that were held by the garrisons of the Romanes: and himselfe in person entred the countrie of the Leontines, with all the rest of the forces, which amounted to fifteen thousand foot and horse togither: certeine conspiratours, who chaunced all to be his owne souldiours, and

[unspec A] bare armes under him▪ possessed themselves of a vake house, standing over a narrow lane, through which the king was wont to go down into the market-place of the citie: there, when other stood armed and well appointed, and waiting when the king should passeby, one of the conspiratours (whose name was Indigemine••) had given him in charge, because he was one of the squires of the kings bodie, when the king approached neere unto the doore of the said house, to find some oc∣casion or other, in that streight passage, to stay the troupe and traine that followed behind. And so liee effected indeed, and put in execution, as it was agreed and contrived. For Indigemines lift up his foot, making as though he would loose and slacke a streight knot of his sho latchet, which hindred his going, whereby hee staied the companie that followed after, so long, that the king passing by alone without his guard of armed men about him, was assaulted in the while▪ and re∣ceived [unspec B] sundrie stabbes and wounds, before they could come to reskue and save him. Hereupon arose an outcrie and tumult, and divers of the guard let slie at Indigemines, who by this time was readie to oppose himselfe, and to ward all venues: howbeit he was hurt onely in two places, and so escaped. The guard seeing the king there lying dead, fled away as fast as they could. The mur∣theters, some of them betooke themselves into the market-place unto the multitude, that rejoy∣ced for the recoverie of their freedome: others repaired to Syracuse, to intercept and prevent the designments of Andronodorus, and other favourites and followers of the late king.

Whiles things stood in these uncerteine and doubtfull tearmes, Appius Claudius foreseeing warre like to ensue, and that very shortly, addressed his letters unto the Senate of Rome, certify∣ing them that Sicilie enclined alreadie, and was at hand to side with the people of Carthage, [unspec C] and with Anniball. Himselfe in the meane time, bent all his forces toward the frontiers of the Province and confines of that kingdome, to withstand and hinder all the proceedings and en∣terprises of the Syracusians.

In the end of that yeare, Q. Fabius by order from the Senate, fortified Puteoli, a towne of merchandise, & which in time of the warres began to be much resorted unto & frequented, and there he placed a garison. From whence as he was in his journey toward Rome against the grand Election of Magistrates, he proclaimed the solemne assembly of the people for that purpose, to be the next Comitiall day that followed upon his arrivall thither: and so it fell out, that he went along the citie side immediatly upon his journey, and came downe into Mars field before he entred the citie. Vpon which day, when it hapned that the centurie of the younger sort was [unspec D] drawne out first by lot, and had the prerogative, and by their voyces nominated T. Ollacilius and M. Aemylius Regillus for Consuls, * 1.1 then Q. Fabius after silence made, rose up, and delivered this or such like speech.

If either we had peace in Italie, or warre at leastwayes with those enemies, with whom if we dealt either negligently or unadvisedly, the matter were not much, nor impor∣ting great hazard and danger. I would thinke, that whosoever disturbed and crossed your favours and free affections which ye bring hither with you into this solemne place of assembly, to bestow honors and dignities upon whom ye please, had but small or no regard of your libertie and free∣dome. But since that in this warre and with this enemie, never any Generall of ours faulted in the managing of his affaires, but it cost us deere, and wee had some great foile and overthrow▪ it be∣hoveth you, that with what mind and carefull regard yee enter the field to combate in your ar∣mour, [unspec E] in the same yee should come hither into this Mars field in your gownes, and so proceed by your suffrages to elect your Consuls: and that every one of you should thus say to himselfe, I am to nominate a Consull to match with Generall Anniball. No longer since, than this very yeare, when as before Capua, Iubellius Taurea, the bravest horseman & Cavalier of all the Cam∣panes defied the Romanes, and challenged them to sight man to man, Asellus Claudius the no∣blest knight of all the Romanes, and best man at armes, was chosen to encounter him. In times past, against a Gaule that offered combate upon the bridge over Anio, our auncestours sent out Manlius a couragious, resolute, and puissant champion. Neither can I denie, but upon such ano∣ther occasion, not many yeares after, the like trust was reposed in M. Valerius, who tooke armes likewise against another Gaule that challenged single fight. And even as we are desirous, & wish [unspec F] to have our foot and horsemen both, more valourous and hardie than our enemies, or if that will not be, at leastwise equall unto them, and able to countermatch them: even so let us be care∣full to find out a Generall of our own, comparable every way to the cheefe commaunder of our enemies. And when we have chosen the best warriour and captaine in the whole cittie, then pre∣sently without any longer delay, being elect and created for one yeare, he shall be sent to match

with an old-captaine, that hath ever continued in the field, one, who is not enclosed within com∣passe [unspec G] of time, nor restreined and gaged within the streight bounds of law, but that he may order and manage every thing, according as the ocasions and present occurrences of warre do require•• whereas, by that time that we can make all readie, and dispose every thing in order, and set in hand to begin our affaires, the yeare is come about and cleane gone. Now for asmuch as enough hath bene said, what manner of Consuls ye ought to create: it remaineth to speake somewhat of them, whom the prerogative centurie so highlie favoureth, and is so much affected unto. As for M. Acmylius Regillus, he is the Flamin of Quirimus, whom neither we may take from his mini∣sterie of Sacrifice, nor yet retaine and keepe him still, but we shall neglect either the service of the Gods, or the due care and regard of the warres. Octacilius hath maried my sisters daughter, and hath faire issueby her. But your favours and good turnes shewed both to me and also to my [unspec H] auncestors, are not of so small accoumpt and reckning, but that I ought to preferre the Com∣mon-weale before all private regards and alliances whatsoever. Every mariner, yea and any pas∣senger is able to steere and rule a Ship in a calme water: but when a blustering tempest is up, and the vessell tossed in a troubled surging sea, and caried away with violent force of the winds, then there had neede to be a man in deede, and a skilfull Pilot to sit at the sterne, and to guide the helme. We, sayle not now in a still and quiet sea: But we have bene drenched and in a manner drowned with some stormes alreadie: and therefore we ought to have exceeding great care, and be wel advised aforehand, whom we have to be the steeres man. In a matter of lesse consequence and importance, we have made triall ô T. Octacilius, of your knowledge and service and you have not given us yet, so good proofe of your vertue and prowessetherein, that we should put you in [unspec I] trust with the managing of greater affaires. A navie whereof you were Admirall, we rigged and trimmed to your hands this yeare, for three causes: first, to anoy and spoyle the sea coast of Af∣frick: secondly, to defend and keepe to our behoose the ports and havens of Italy: last of all, and above all, to empeach and stay all supplies and new succours, together with money, munition, and victuall, for being transported unto Anniball from Carthage. If Octacilius have performed, I say not all these things, but in any one quit himselfe well, to the good and benefit of the State, Elect him Consull hardly, and good leave have you. But if it appeere, that while you had the rule of the Armada, all things (that a man would have) passed out of the country unto Anniball, with as great safetie and securitie, as if the seas had bene open and void of enemies: If, I say, the sea coast of Italie hath all this yeare bene more in danger, and subject to susteine harme, than that of Af∣frick: [unspec K] what reason can you alledge, wherefore the people of Rome should choose you above all others, to oppose as Captaine to confront their enemie Anniball. If you were Consull in place alreadie, we would judge it requisit and good, to nominate and create a Dictatour, according to the example of our forefathers: neither could you take snuffe or be offended, that there should be found in the citie of Rome a better warrior, and more sufficient than your selfe. And surely it concerneth no man more than you, ô Octacilius, to see that there be not imposed a burden upon your shoulders, under which you should faile and fall downe right. Wherefore I advise and ex∣hort you all, as much as possibly I can, in electing of Consuls this day, to cary that mind, and use that carefull providence, as yee would, in case yee were standing armed in battaile aray; and to choose out of hand two Generall captaines, under whose conduct and government, ye should [unspec L] presently fight a field: and make choise of such Consuls, unto whom out children were to take the oth of allegeance: at whose commandement, they should come and assemble together, and under whose charge and protection they might willingly serve as souldiours. The poole Thra••y menus, the plaine before Cannae, are heavie examples for us to remember: but yet they serve for good precedents unto us, to teach us how to avoid the like mischiefe another time.

So the pre∣rogative Centurie of the younger and puinie sort, was called againe to a new scrutinie, and to give their voices again. Whereat when T. Octacilius began to cry out aloud and say very stoutly, that Fabius his drift was to continue Consul still, and therwith grew to be clamorous & trouble∣some to the assembly: the Consul commanded the Lictours to go unto him, & to lay hold upon him. And for as much as yet he had not entred into the citie, but came downe streightwayes into [unspec M] the Mars field presently from his journey, he put them in mind, that the knitches of the rods to∣gether with the axes within them, should be borne before him. And in the meane time the pre∣rogative centurie began afresh to give their voices: and by it were nominated Consuls Q. Fab. Maximus the fourth time, and M. Marcellus the third time: and all the centuries besides with∣out

[unspec A] any squaring and variance elected the very same. One of the former Pretours likewise was chosen againe, namely Q. E••lvi••s Flaccus. And other new were created, that is to say, T. Octaci∣lius Crassus the second time, Q. Fabius the Consull his sonne, who at that time was Aedile of the chaire▪ and P. Cornelius Len••••lus. After the Election of the Pretours was ended and finished, there passed an Act and decree of the Senate, that Q. Fulvi••s should extraordinarily have the charge of the citie, and be Pretour there: and that he above all other, when the Consuls were gone forth to the warres, should be president and Governour of the citie of Rome. There fell great raine and much snow that yeare, whereby the Tybre overflowed the fields, overthrew many houses, and overwhelmed much cattaile and people, so as they utterly perished.

Thus in the fifth yeare of the second Punick warre, Q. Fab. Maximus the fourth time, and [unspec B] M. Claudius Marcellus the third time, when they entred their Consulship, set the citie on thin∣king and musing of them more than usually had bene knowen. For in many yeares there had not bene the like couple of Consuls. And old men would talke and say, that even so were Max. R••llus and P. Declus declared Consuls against the Gaules warre: and after them likewise, Papy∣ri••s and Carvilius against the Samnites and Brutij; against the people also of Lucania and Ta∣rentum. Marcellus was created Consul in his absence, whiles he was with the armie abroad, and Fabius being himselfe present and president of the Election, was ordeined to continue still in his Consulship. The occasion of the time, the neccessitie and occurrence of the warres, and the perill and hazard of the whole state were such, as no man looked nerely into the example and prece∣dent to find fault withall, nor had the Consull in any jealousie of ambition and desire of rule: [unspec C] but rather every man commended his noble and ••autie mind, who seeing that the Common∣wealth stood in need of an excellent Captaine, and knowing himselfe without all question to be the man made lesse reckning and account of the envie and ill will of men, that thereby happily might accrue▪ than of the good and profit of the Common-wealth. The same day that the Con∣suls began their office, they assembled the Senatours in the Capitoll: and the first thing they did, was a decree, that the Consuls should either cast lots, or agree together betweene them∣selves, whether of them two should assemble the people for the election of Censors, before he set forward to the armie. After this, all they had their authoritie prolonged and continued still, who were emploied abroad with the forces; and their commissions were renewed and sealed a∣gaine, for to abide in the government of their Provinces: to wit, T. Grace••••s at Luceria, where he [unspec D] abode with the armie of the Voluntaries: O. Terentius Varro in the Picene countrey: M. Pompo∣mus in the province of Gaule (on this side the Alps.) It was enacted also, that of the Pretors of the fonner yeare, Q. Mulius as Viz Pretour, should governe Sardinia: that M. Valerius at Brun∣dusium▪ should skoure the river, looke to the sea coasts, and have an eye to all the attempts & en∣terprises of Philip king of the Macedonians. P. Cornelius Leni••lus the new Pretor was appointed to rule the Province of Sicilie: and T. Octacilius to be admirall of the same navie, which the yeare before he had the charge of against the Carthaginians?

Many prodigious a••d strange signes were reported that yeare, and so much the more, as they were beleeved to be true of the simple and superstitious sort of people. Namely, that within the chappell of Sospita Iano in Lanuvium, the ravens builded their nests. In Ap••lia, a greene palme [unspec E] tree was on a light fire. At Man••••••a, a poole maintained by the overflowing of the river Mincius, appeared red with bloud. At Cales it rained chaulke, and at Rome in the beasts market it rained blo••d. In a village called 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a spring under the ground; brakeout and yeelded 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aboun∣dance of water, that it overturned▪ tumbled up and downe, and carried away (as it had beene the streame of a river) diverse vessels, as pipes, tunnes▪ barrels▪ and terces that were in the place. The open and publicke hall within the Capitoll, the temple of V••le••ne in Mars field, a nut-tre•• in the Sabines countrie: the high street, the wall, and a gate at Gabij, were all blasted with lighte ning and fire from heaven. And by this time, other miraculous and ••onstrous signes were common∣ly blowne abroad, to wit, that the speare of Mars in Prenesse, of it owne ••••cord ••••••••red and mo∣ved forward: that an oxe was heard speake in Sicilia: that the infant within, the mothers wombe, [unspec F] in the Marrucines count•••• was heard to crie •••• Triumphe. At Spoletum, a woman turned to be a man. At Hadria there appeared an alter in the skie, and apparitions or fl••ws of men discovered about the sa••e, arraied in white. At Rome also within the cittie was seene ••ow the second time a swarme of Bees in the very market place: a t••ing wondered at, because it was rare and sildome knowne. Some there were also, that avouched, how they discried armed ••egions on the hill

Ianiculum. Whereupon the citie rose up in armes, & when they were come into the Ianicle, they [unspec G] said plainely, that there were none there appeared, but the ordinarie inhabitants of the hil. These prodigious sights, by direction from the Aruspices, [i. the Soothsayers] were expiare & the gods pacified with greater sacrifices: and a solemne procession and supplication was proclaimed unto all the gods that were shrined at Rome, and had their chappels there.

After all complements performed, that belonged to the pacification of the gods▪ the Consuls proposed unto the Senate concerning State matters, and especially about the managing of the warres, Namely, what forces should bee prepared, what numbers of souldiours levied, and where they should be bestowed severally. And agreed it was, That there should bee eighteene Legions emploied in the warres. Whereof the Consuls were to take unto them two a peece the provin∣ces likewise of Gaule, Sicilie, and Sardinia, should bee guarded each of them with other twaine. [unspec H] Q. Fabius the Lord Deputie of Apulia, was to have two Legions under his hand, to commaund the province: and T. Gracchus other two of voluntaries, to keepe the countrie about Luceria▪ and C. Terentius the Pro-consull, to have the charge of one in the Picene countrie: and M. Valerius another, for the navie about Brundusium: and last of all, twaine were left behind for the guard and defence of the cittie of Rome. For to make out this full number of Legions, s••xe of necessi∣tie were to bee levied new. And the Consuls were appointed with all convenient speed to enroll them: and likewise to provide an Armada that yeare, of 150 gallies, together with those ships which rid in the river, along the coasts of Calabria, for the defence of that countrie. When the muster was done, and the new shippes haled and shot into sea, Quintus Fabius assembled the Centuries for the Election of Censors: wherein were created, M. Attilius Regulus, and P. Furius [unspec I] Philus.

The rumour still ••ncreased, that Sicilie was out, and up in armes. Whereupon T. Octacilius was commaunded to goe thither with his fleet. And because there wanted sailers and marriners the Consuls by vertue of a decree of the Senat, published an Edict, That as many as in the time of L. Acmylius, and C. Flaminius Censors, either themselves or their fathers were assessed in the Subsidie booke, from 50000 Asses unto 100000 in goods, or who afterwards grew to that worth, should find one marriner, and six months pay. Item, That whosoever were rated above 100000 unto 300000 should be charged with three marriners, & one yeares pay. Item, That whosoever were valued in the Censors booke betweene 300000 and 1000000, should allow five marriners. Item, That those above that proportion should set out seven. And every Senator should provide [unspec K] eight marriners, and furnish them with a whole yeares pay. According to this Edict, the marri∣ners were set out well armed and appointed, by their maisters, and having with them aforehand mear dressed and sodden to serve them thirtie daies, they were embarked. This is the first time that ever the Romane navie was furnished with sailers and mariners, at the proper charges of pri∣vate citizens.

This extraordinarie preparation more than usuall, terrified the Campanes most of all other, for feare least the Romanes would begin warre that yeare, with laying siege to Capua. Therfore they dispatched Embassadours unto Anniball, requesting him to come neerer unto Capua with his forces. For why? at Rome there were new armies levied, for to assaile that citie: & the Romans were not discontented more with the revolt of any than of them. And for as much as this mes∣sage [unspec L] was delivered in such hast and feare, Anniball thinking it good to make speed, least the Ro∣manes prevented him, dislodged and removed from Arpi, and encamped upon Tisata over Ca∣pua, in the sort, where he kept of old. Then, leaving the Numidians and Spaniards behind him both to guard the campe, and also to defend Capua, he went downe with the rest of his armie to the lake Avernus, pretending in shew there to sacrifice; but in very deed to sound and sollicue Putcoli and the garrison there, for to rebell. Maximus was no sooner advertised, that Anniball was departed from Arpi, and in his returne to Campania; but he journied night and day, and never staied, untill he was come againe and repaired to his armie. And withall▪ he gave order and di∣rection unto T. Gracchis, to remove with his power from Luceria and to draw neere to Beneven∣tum: likewise unto Q. Fabius the Pretour, (who was the Consull his sonne) to supplie the roume [unspec M] of Gracchus at Luceria. At the same time, the two Pretours took•• their journie and went into Si∣cilie, P. Cornelius to the armie there on land, and Octacilius to keepe the seacoast, and to bee Ad∣mirall of the navie: and the rest sped them every one into their severall provinces. They also who had their authoritie and government continued, ruled the same countries that they did before.

[unspec A] Whiles Anniball abode at the Lake Avernus, there came unto him from Tarentum, five no∣ble young gentlemen (Romane associates) which had been taken prisoners, some at the poole Thrasymenus, others at Cannae, whom hee had sent home in the same manner of curtesie, as he had shewed ever to all the allies of the Romans.

These gentlemen, in remembrance of his favors and benefits, made report unto him, that they had persuaded and induced a great part of the youth of Tarentum, to entertaine rather the amitie and alliance of Anniball, than of the people of Rome: and for this intent they were sent embassadours from them, to request in their name, that it might please him to come neerer with his forces to Tarentum. For say they, if they might but once see from out of Tarentum his standerd and ensignes, and himselfe neere encamped, the citie would without delay be surrendred up into his hands. For the younger people had the [unspec B] commons at their beck and commaundement, and the commons ruled the whole state of Taren∣tum at their pleasure. Anniball after hee had commended and thanked them, and withall loa∣den them with many faire and great promises, willed them to returne home, to hasten and set forward, and effect these intended designements, saying, that he would be there in good and conuenient time.

With these hopes the Tarentines tooke their leave, and departed. Anniball himselfe was wonderfully desirous to be maister of Tarentum. He saw it was a noble citie and a wealthie, seated also by the sea side, and a very commodious port, looking and lying toward Macedonia: and well he wist that King Philip (if he should passe over into Italie, seeing the Ro∣manes were possessed of Brundusium) would arive at this haven. When he had performed the Sacrifice for which he thither came, and (whiles he made his abode there) foraied all the terri∣torie [unspec C] of Cumes, even as farre as the Cape of the Promohtorie Misenum: sodainely he turned his armie and marched to Puteoli, for to surprise and give a camisado to the fort and garison there. There were sixe thousand of them within the towne: and the place not only by naturall situation strong, but also surely fortified by industrie of man. Anniball having stayed there three dayes, and assaied the fort and the garrison on every side, seeing hee could not prevaile nor effect any thing, went forward from thence, and proceeded to the wasting of the territorie of Naples, upon anger, rather than any hope of gaining the citie. The Commons of Nola, who long time were discontented with the Romanes, and at deadly fewd with their owne Senatours, upon his com∣ming into the territorie and confines so neere unto them, began to rise in a commotion. Wher∣upon, there came Embassadours unto Anniball, requiring him to advance to Nola, upon assured [unspec D] promise, that the towne should be delivered into his hands. But Marcellus, who was sent unto by the Nobles, prevented this their plot and designement: and in one day, he reached to Suessula from Cales, notwithstanding hee made some stay to ferrie over the river Vulturnus. And so the next night he sent into Nola 6000 footmen, and 300 horse, for to aid and defend the Senat. And like as the Consull bestirred himselfe with all speed and diligence, to make Nola sure to him aforehand, so Anniball contrariwise temporised, being not so readie now to credite the Nolanes; as having twise before given the like attempt, and to no purpose in the end, and therfore hee tri∣fled out the time, and made small hast.

At the same time also, Q. Fabius the Consull came against Casilinum, which was kept by a garrison of the Carthaginians, to see if he could surprise it. And to Beneventum at one time (as [unspec E] if they had been so agreed) came on the one side, Hanno from the Brutij, with a great power of foot and horse; and on another side, Gracchus from Luceria: who entred the towne first. From whence, so soone as hee heard that Hanno lay encamped within three miles of the cittie, by the river Calores, and there wasted the countrie, he himselfe issued, and pitched his tents within a mile of the enemie: where he assembled all his souldiours togither, purposing to make a speech unto them. He had with him the legions that consisted most of voluntaries, who already two yeres before, had bene more willing to deserve their freedome in silent maner, than to chalenge and demand it with open mouth. Howbeit he perceived when he departed out of the winter harbors, that they began to murmure & grumble in the armie when they marched: & to complain in this wise. What? shal we never serve in the quality & condition of freemen? Whereupon he had written [unspec F] unto the Senate, and shewed unto them, not so much what they desired, as what they deserved to have: certifying them, that unto that day they had done him good and valiant service: & wanted nothing save onely their freedome, but they might go for true and lawfull soldiors. Whereupon the lords of the Senate had put it unto his discretion, for to do by them what he thought was ex∣pedient for the common-weale.

Thereupon, before that he should joyne battaile with the ene∣mie,

hee pronounced these words before them all, and said: That now the time was come, of ob∣taining [unspec G] and acquiring that libertie, which so long they hoped after. For the next morrow, they were to affront their enemies with banner displaied, and to fight in a plaine and open ground, where without feare of any ambush, the triall might be made with fine force & true valour▪ Who soever therfore can bring me the head of an enemie, him my pleasure & will is, to make free im∣mediatly: and who so looseth ground and reculeth, him will I chastise as a bondslave ought to bee punished. Now every man hath his state and condition lying in his owne hands: & of your freedome, not only my selfe will assure you, but for further warrant, yee have the allowance of M. Marcellus the Cos. & generally of all the LL. of the Counsel, whose advise I sought, & who com∣mitted unto my hands the ordering of your libertie.

And withall, he read the Consuls letters, and the decree of the Senate in that behalfe. Whereat they set up a mightie crie, in token of their as∣sent [unspec H] and approbation, and called for battaile, & earnestly urged to give the signall out of hand. Then Gracchus having pronounced the next day for battaile, dismissed the assembly. The soul∣diours were joyous, especially such as were to have their freedome in reward of one daies service, and bestowed the rest of that day in making their armour and weapons readie. The morrow after, so soone as the trumpets began to sound: they were the first of all other, that presented themselves before the Generall his pavilion, well appointed and readie to fight: and by the sun-rising Grac∣chus led forth his men into the field in order of battaile. The enemies for their parts, were nothing behind, but forward to encounter them. They were in number seventeen thousand of footmen, most of them Brutij and Lucans: of horsemen, twelve hundred: among whom there were very few Italians, the rest were in manner all Numidians and Moores. The fight was sharpe, and con∣tinued [unspec I] long, and for foure houres it was not seene which side had the better. No one thing else troubled the Romans more, than their enemies heads, which were the prises to redeeme the sol∣diours libertie. For as any had killed their enemies lustilie, they were faine first, with much a do, to cut off their heads, within the troublesome prease & tumult, & so to loose time: and after that, by reason that their right hands were emploied and occupied with holding the same heads, it fell out, that the best souldiours gave over fighting, and the feeble dastards & fearfull cowards only, were to maintein the medley. Which when the Marshals of the field & Colonels reported unto Gracchus, and namely that there was not a souldiour of the enemies standing, that was wounded and hurt anymore: but they that lay along were hacked and hewed as it were by bur∣chers: and that his owne souldiours instead of swords, held their enemies heads in their hands: [unspec K] hee commaunded in all hast, that upon a signall given, they should fling away their heads from them, & charge afresh upon the enemies. For their valor & prowesse (faith he) was well enough seene alredie, and evidently testified, & so long as they were so hardie men, & bare themselves so manfully, they should not need to doubt of their libertie. Then the conflict began to be renew∣ed, and withall, the horsemen charged the enemies: whom the Numidians received with equall valour: insomuch as the fight of the cavalerie was as bravely performed, as the other of the In∣fanterie: whereupon once againe the victorie seemed doubtfull, to which part it would encline: whiles in both hosts, the Generals reproached and debased the adverse part. Gracchus said, that the Brutij and Lucanes were so often vanquished and subdued by the Romane auncestors: and Hanno againe girded at the Romanes, calling them bondslaves, and souldiours let loose out of [unspec L] prison and houses of correction. At the last, Gracchus declared alowd and said, They were not to hope at all for their libertie, unlesse that day their enemies were discomsited & put to flight. This one word of his at length set their bloud in such an heat, that they raised a fresh shout, & as if they had bin cast again into a new mould, they charged upon the enemies so violently, that they could no longer be resisted & withstood. First, they that fought in the vantguard of the Carthaginians were put out of order; then they about their standards and ensignes: and last of all, the whole battaile was driven backe and reculed. Whereupon they faire turned their backes, and fled so fast one upon another into their campe, in such feare and fright, that not so much, as at the very gates nor upon the rampiar, they staied once, & turned againe to make head: so as the Romans following them hard at heeles into their campe, as it were in one traine pell mell, made a new [unspec M] skirmish even within the rampiar of their enemies. Where the fight was not so combersome, by reason of the streightnesse of the roume wherein they were pent, but the massacre and execution was as cruell & bloudie. The prisoners also that were among the enemies, in this confused med∣ly and tumult joyned themselves and stucke close togither: and having caught up some weapons,

[unspec A] helped forward the victorie: & either charging upon the backs of the Carthaginians slew them, or else hindred them in their flight and running away. So of that great armie, there were not all∣out two thousand (and the most part of them horsemen) that escaped with the Generall himself: all the rest were either slain or taken prisoners: and of militarie ensignes were caried away 40 save twaine. Of the victours, there died fast upon two thousand. All the spoyle, but only the prisoners, was graunted to the souldiours. The cattell also was reserved, as many as within thirtie daies the right owners could justly make claime unto for their owne. When they were returned laden with booties and pillage into the campe, there were almost 4000 of the voluntarie souldious, who had fought but faintly, and brake not into the campe with the rest: who for feare of punishment seized a little hill not farre from the campe, and kept it for their hold. But the morrow after, be∣ing [unspec B] fet from thence bythe Colonels, they repaired again to the campe, at what time as Gracchus had summoned his souldiours to an assembly. Where, after that the Proconfull, first had rewar∣ded his old souldiours with militarie gifts, according to each one his prowesse and good service in that battaile: then as concerning the voluntaries, he said thus much, That hee had liever they were all commended by him, good and bad one with another, than that one of them that day should cast of any punishment: and therefore hee pronounced them all free in the name of God, to the benefit, happinesse, and selicitie, both of the common-weale, and also of themselves. At which word, they lift up their voyces alowd with exceeding cheerfulnesse and alacritie: and one while they clipped and embrased one another in their armes, with gratulation and joy: another while againe, they held up their hands toward heaven, wishing and praying at the gods hands, [unspec C] all good blessings for the people of Rome, and for Gracchus especially.

Then (quoth Gracchus) Before that I had made you all alike, and to have equall part in the right and priviledge of free∣dome, I would not set upon any of you, either the marke of a stout and hardie souldiour, or the note of a fainthearred and beastly coward. But now that I have discharged my selfe of the trust committed unto me by the Common-weale, to the end, that all difference betweene prowesse and cowardise, should not be forgotten altogither and perish; I will take expresse order, that the names of all them, whose conscience accused them of saint fighting, and avoiding the hazard of battaile, and therefore erewhile withdrew themselves apart, bee brought unto me. And when they are cited and called forth every one by his name, I will compell them to take a corporall oth (quoth hee) that unlesse it be upon sicknesse, so long as they shall continue in soldierie, they nei∣ther [unspec D] eat nor drinke but standing upon their feet. And this punishment (I am sure) you will wil∣lingly take in good part: when yee shall consider better of it, and see that you could not have had an easier note of disgrace and shame, for your false hearts and slender service. Then hee gave the signall to trusse up bag and baggage, and sounded the remove, and so dislodged: & thus the souldiours carrying and driving before them their boties, all the way disporting themselves so merrilie and jocund, returned to Beneventum, as if they had come from some great dinner, upon a solemne and festivall day, and not from fighting a bloudie battaile.

All the people of Be∣neventum, came forth in great numbers to meet them at the gates, welcomed the souldiours, bad them joy, embraced them, and envited them to their houses, to give them enterteinment and lodging. The bourds were spread in every mans court-yard, and furnished with store of vi∣ands: [unspec E] they willed them to come and make merrie with them, and requested Gracchus to give his souldiours leave to feast and make good cheere. And Gracchus was content, but upon this con∣dition, that they should all eat their meales abroad in the open street. Then all things was brought forth, and set upon the tables, at every mans doore. The voluntaries tooke their repast and refection, either with their caps on their heads, or else covered their crownes with white wooll: some sitting, some standing: waiting and serving one another at the table, and eat their meat, & fed with them togither. This was such a worthie sight & solemnitie, that Gracchus after hee was returned to Rome, caused the repesentation and resemblance of the celebration of this day, to be drawne and portraied in colours, and the picture to remaine in the temple of the god∣desse Libertie, which his father caused to be built in the mount Aventine, of certeine fines and [unspec F] forfeits, and afterwards there dedicated it.

Whiles these matters thus passed at Beneventum, Anniball having spoiled and harried the territorie about Naples, removed toward Nola, and there encamped before the town. Whom when the Consull understood to be comming, he sent for Pomponius the pro-Pretour, togither with that armie which lay encamped above Suessula, & provided to meet with the enemie, min∣ding

presently to bid him battaile. He sent out Claudius Nero with the strength of his horsemen•• [unspec G] in the dead time of the night at a backe gate, that was farthest from the enemie, giving him ••n charge to cast about closely, and fetch a compasse, and faire and softly to follow the enemie, as he marched: and when he perceived the battaile was begun, then to come forward, and set upon•• him behind on his backe. But whether it were that Ner•• missed of the way, or having not ••••me ynough, could not put this pollicie in execution, I know not. In his absence the a••••nes joined battaile, wherein (no doubt) the Romans had the better hand. Howbeit, for default that the horse∣men were not there in due time, the order of the direction failed, and tooke not effect. And not•• withstanding that the enemies gave ground and reculed, yet Marcellus durst not follow hot up∣on them, but sounded the retreat to his own men, being in a good way of victorie. Yet were there by report above 2000 of the enemies slaine that day, but of Romans under 400. And about the [unspec H] sunneset, Nero who all the day and night past, had tired horse & man, and done no good, and now returned, without so much as a fight of the enemie, was sharply rebuked of the Cos. insomuch, that he gave him this checke to choke him, That it was long of him and none else, that they had not cried quittance with the enemie, for the overthrow and losse received at Cannae. The day following Marcellus came downe againe into the field, readie to give battell. But Anniball, as one that secretly confessed himselfe to be overcome, held himselfe close, within the strength of his campe. And on the third day, giving over all hope to get Nola, (an enterprise that never sped well) he departed in the still time of the night toward Tarentum, upon a better and more assured hope to gaine it by treason.

The civile affaires at Rome were managed with no lesse courage at home, than the warres in [unspec I] the field abroad. For the Censors, who by reason that the citie treasure waxed low, were eased of their care of setting out the publick works of the cittie by the great: & having nothing els to do, emploied themselves in reformation of mens manners and chastising of vices and enormities, which sprung upon warre: like as mens bodies, which by long and lingering sickenesse growne weake, ever and anon breed new diseases. And first they convented before them those citizens, who after the battail at Cannae, were (by report) minded & disposed to leave the Commonweale, and to depart out of Italie. The ringleader of them all was L. Cecilius Metellus, who hapned then to be Treasurer of the cittie. He, with the rest of that crue, who were culpable in the same crime, were commaunded to make their answere, and plead their causes: but when they were not able to cleare and quit themselves, the Censors charged them openly, that they had given out certaine [unspec K] words, and made speeches against the State, tending to a sedition & conspiracie, for to abandon Italie. Next after them were cited to appeare, those cunning and craftie companions above said, who with their over-subtile interpretation and construing of words, would seeme to avoid their oth: those captives, I meane, who being on their way to Rome, came backe secretly into the camp of Anniball, and tooke themselves thereby freed and discharged, because they had sworne to returne againe. But these and the others afore rehearsed, as many as served upon the citie horses, had their horses taken from them, were displaced out of their tribe, and condemned all to loose their voices, and to serve without cittie pay. Neither were the Censors carefull to correct the Se∣nate, and reforme the degree of the knights onely, but also they proceeded to rase out of the publicke checkroll of the younger cittizens, the names of all those, who for soure yeares space [unspec L] had not served in warres, as many, I say of them, as could not justly plead and alleage, either ordi∣narie immunitie by law, or sicknes for their excuse. And of these, were found guiltie above 2000: who were awarded to be Aerarij, & all of them to be removed out of their tribe. And besides this shameful disgrace and note of ignominie awarded by the Censors, there passed an heavie decree of the Senate against them, to wit, That all they whome the Censors had thus scored and no∣ted, should bee bound to serve on foot in the warres, and be confined and sent over into Sicilie, to the residue there, of the armie that remained at Cannae. And no other time of service and warfare was limited unto this sort of souldiours, but untill the enemie were driven cleane out of Italie.

Whiles the Censors, as is aforesaid, upon occasion that the citties stocke was so decaied, gave [unspec M] over and forbare to bargaine for the repairing & maintenance of the churches and holy tem∣ples, and for the finding and provision of chariot horses for the State, and such like; there resor∣ted unto them a great number of those that were woont at the speare to take these bargaines at their hands by the great, and for a grosse summe of money: who exhorted the Censors, to deale

[unspec A] in those matters still, and to set, let, and enter into bargain with them, as if the citie chamber wan∣ted no mony; making this offer, that none of them all would demaund paiment out of the com∣mon chist, before the warres were fully ended.

Then repaired unto the Censors, the maisters of those bondmen, whom T. Sempronius had mannumised and set free at Beneventum, saying, that they were sent for by the Triumvirs, out of the office of the Bankers called Mensarij, for to receive againe their monies, according as they priced and valued their slaves: how beit, they would not, before the warre was finished. And as the hearts of the Commons were thus favourablie affected, to sustaine and support the povertie of the treasure house; so the stockes of money also that belonged first to Orphanes, and afterwards to widdowes, began now to be bestowed in the chamber of the citie: and they that presented and [unspec B] brought in those monies, beleeved assuredly, that they could not lay them up more sure and safe, than in the publicke credite & securitie of the citie. And whatsoever out of these stockes was dis∣bursed and defraied, for to buy and provide any thing for the Orphanes or widdows aforesaid, the treasurers kept a book therof, & noted it down in a register. This kindnes & benevolence of privat persons unto their countrey, extended it selfe from the citie, even as far as to the camp: insomuch, that neither horseman nor centurion would take their wages, but rebuke and rate them, that could find in their hearts to receive their pay, tearming them no better than mercenaries and hirelings.

Now Q. Fabius the Consull lay in camp before Casilinum, which citie was kept with a gari∣son of two thousand Campanes, and seven hundred of Anniball his souldiers. They had for their captaine and commaunder, one Statius Metias, sent thither by Cn. Magius Attellanus, who [unspec C] for that yeare was * 1.2 Mediastuticus of Capua. He put the bondslaves and commons in armes, entermingled one with another, for to enter upon the camp of the Romanes, whiles the Consull was busie in assaulting Casilinum. Fabius was nothing ignorant of all these things, and there∣fore he sent unto Nola to his colleague there, signifying unto him, that there was neede of a se∣cond armie to make head against the Campanes, whiles the other was employed about the assault of Casilinum: and telling him besides, that either he must himselfe come in person, lea∣ving a meane garison behind him at Nola: or els if he might not be spared from thence, for feare of danger from Anniball, he would send for T. Graccbus the Proconsull, from Beneven∣tum. Vpon this message, Marcellus having left in Nola a gard of two thousand souldiers, with the rest of his forces, presented himselfe before Casilinum: upon whose comming, the Cam∣panes [unspec D] who were readie to set forward, stayed themselves and were quiet. So both Consuls togi∣ther jointly began to assault Casilinum: where, the Romane souldiers that rashly came under the walls received much hurt: and Fabius seeing little good done, judged it best to surcease and give over the enterprise, being a service of small consequence, and nath'lesse very dange∣rous: and to depart from thence, seeing there was businesse toward of greater importance. But Marcellus contrarywise was of opinion and said, that as there were many things which great warriours were not to attempt: so if they were once taken in hand, and the adventure given, they were not lightly to be given over and laid aside; for as much as in it lay matter of great conse∣quence, for same and reputation, both wayes•• and so he prevailed, that the enterprise was not neglected and abandoned. Whereupon, there were mantilets, and all other kinds of fabricks [unspec E] and engines of batterie and assault, bent against the citie •• so, as the Campanes besought Fa∣bius, that they might depart to Capua in safetie. And when some few were gone forth, Marcellus possessed himselfe of that gate whereout they went and then they fell to kill and slay one with another, first about the gate: and after they had rushed once in, they put to like execution those also within the citie. Fi••tie there were or thereabout of the Campanes, that first gate out of the towne, and fled for mercie to Fabius: and they by his gard and safe conduct, arived at Capua. But see, Casilinum, through the lingering slacknesse of the inhabitants that craved protection, was (by advantage taken of their long parley, and temporising) woon by the enemies. The cap∣tives, so many as were either Campanes or Anniball his souldiours, were sent to Rome, and there clapt up fast in prisons. But the multitude of the townesmen, were distributed into sundrie cities [unspec F] adjoyning, and there kept in ward:

At the very same time that the Consuls after their conquest, retired from Casilinum, Grac∣cbus being in the countrie of the Lucanes, and having gathered and enrolled certaine cohorts and companies of souldiours out of those parts, sent them out a forraying, under the conduct of a captaine of Allies, into the territories of the enemies. Hanno encountred them as they stragled

in scattering wise out of order, and set upon them, and paid his enemies againe with the like dif∣feature [unspec G] and losse, or not much lesse, than that which he had received at Beneventum: and in great hast withdrew himselfe into the country of the Brutij, for feare least Gracchus should overtake him.

The Consull Marcellus returned back to Nola, from whence he came, and Fabius went for∣ward into Samnium, to spoile and wast the countrie, and to recover by force of armes the cities which had revolted. The Samnites about Caudium were piteously and grievously damnified: their villages in all places set on fire, their fields laid wast and destroyed, and great booties both of cattaile & people driven away. Sixe townes forced by assault, namely, Compulteria, * 1.3 Telesia, Cossa, Melae, Fuisulae, and Orbitanium. In the Lucanes countr••e, the towne of * 1.4 Blandae: and in Apulia the citie * 1.5 Ancae was assaulted. In these townes and cities, there were taken prisoners and [unspec H] slaine 25000 of the enemies: of fugitives and rennegate traitours there were recovered 370, whome the Consull sent home againe to Rome, and being thither come, they were all beaten and skourged with rods in the Comitium, and then pitched downe headlong to the earth, from the rock Tarpeia. These exploits were atchieved by Q. Fabius, within the compasse of a few dayes. But Marcellus by occasion that he lay sick at Nola, was hindered from performing any feates of armes. The Pretour likewise Q. Fabius, who had the charge and jurisdiction of the pro∣vince about Luceria, woon by force about the same time the towne Accua, and fortified a stan∣ding camp planted before Ardoneae.

Whiles the Romanes were thus employed about these affaires in divers other places, Anni∣ball was come unto Tarentum, to the exceeding great damage and detriment of all places where [unspec I] he journeyed: but being arived once in the territorie of Tarentum, he began to march and lead his armie more peaceably. There he did no harme at all, made no havock, nor once went out of the high way. And it was evidently seen, that all this was done not upon any modestie that appeared either in souldiour or captaine, but only to win unto him the hearts of the Tarentines. But when he approched the walls of the citie, and saw no commotion, nor insurrection from thence upon the discovery of his Vantgard, as he thought he should, he pitched his camp al∣most a mile from the towne. Now had M. Valerius the Viz-Pretour, who was Admirall of the Fleete at Brundusium, sent T. Valerius his Lieutenant unto Tarentum, three dayes before that Anniball shewed himselfe before the walls. He had mustred and enrolled the floure of the No∣bilitie, and so bestowed at every gate, and about the walls where neede required, good gards for [unspec K] defence: with such vigilant diligence both day and night, that he gave no opportunitie and ad∣vantage either to the enemies to adventure any assault, or to the doubtfull and untrustie friends to practise any treason. So Anniball, having spent there certaine dayes in vaine, and seeing none of them who repaired unto him at the lake * 1.6 Avernus, either to come themselves, or to send mes∣senger or letters: and perceiving now that he had rashly and foolishly followed vaine promises, and so was deluded; dislodged, and removed from thence. And even then also he spared the ter∣ritorie of Tarentum, and did no hurt at all: and albeit his feined and counterfet lenitie and mild∣nesse hitherto tooke no effect: yet he hoped still thereby to corrupt their faithfull alleageance to the Romanes: and so he went to Salapia. And (by reason that now midsomer was past, and he liked well of that place for a winter harbour) he conveyed thether all the come from out off the [unspec L] territorie of Metapontum and Heraclea. Then he sent out the Numidians and Moores, to fetch booties and prises from out of the Salentine countrey, and all the woods and chases next unto Apulia, from whence they drave of other cattaile small store: but of horses especially they brought away great numbers, of which there were foure thousand divided amongst the horse∣men to be handled, broken, and made gentle.

The Romanes seeing there was like to be war in Sicilie; & the same not lightly to be regarded: and that the death of the tyrant there, rather gave the Saracosians good captains, than wrought any change in their minds, or alteration in the cause: assigned unto M. Marcellus, one of the Consuls, that province to governe. Presently upon the murder of Hiero••y••us, first the souldiours in the Leontine countrie, began to mutine and make an uprore, and boldly spake and said, That [unspec M] the kings death should be expiate, and his obsequies solemnised with sacrificing the blo••d of conspiratours. But afterwards, when they heard often iterated the sweet••••••me of liberti•• & free∣dome restored unto them: and that there was good hope that the souldiours should have a lar∣gesse dealt amongst them out of the kings treasure, and be under the commaund of captaines of

[unspec A] better qualitie, and having besides all this, a bederoll rehearsed unto them of the Tyrant his crueltie and soule facts, and of more silthie and lothsome lusts: their affections were so altered, that they suffered the bodie of their king to lie above ground unburied, whom a little before, they so greatly desired and wished for. Now as concerning the conspiratours, whiles the rest of them remained behind to assure and possesse themselves of the armie, Theodorus and Sosis tooke the kings horses and rode post, as hard as ever they could, to Syracusa, for to surprise upon a sud∣dain all his followers & favourites (who knew nothing of that which was done) & fall upon them unawares: but they were prevented not onely by the same (which above all other things in such cases is most swift) but also by a courrier one of the kings servants. Whereupon Andronodorus had seized before hand of that part of the citie which is called the Iland, togither with the castle, [unspec B] and all other places that hee could come at, which were thought of any good importance; and them he fortified with good gards. Theodorus and Sosis being entred within the citie at * 1.7 Hexapylos after the sunne setting, in the twy-light and shutting in of the evening: and shewing the kings roi∣all robes all embrued with bloud, & the ornament & attire likewise of his head, he passed through * 1.8 Thica, & called alowd unto the people to fight all at once for their libertie, and to arme them∣selves, and willed them to repaire into * 1.9 Acradina. The people some of them ran out into the streets, others stood in their entries and porches, divers looked out at the windowes from with∣in their houses, and asked what the matter might be? Every place shone with torch and cresset∣light, and was filled with sundrie garboiles and hurlyburlies. As many as were in armes gathered togither in the open places of the citie: those that were unarmed, tooke downe off the temple of [unspec C] ••up. Olympius, the spoiles of the Gaules and the Illyrians, which the people off Rome had given as a present to king Hiero, and which he set alost for a memoriall: praying unto Iupiter that hee would vouchsafe them this gracious favour, as to bestow those sacred weapons & harnish upon them, that meant to arme themselves therwith, for the defence of their countrie, for the mainte∣nance of the churches & shrines of the gods, and for the recoverie of their libertie. This multi∣tude also joined with the Corps de gards, that in the principall quarters of the citie, were bestowed in places convenient. But Andronodorus amongst other places that he fortified, made sure al∣so with strong gards of armed men the publike garners of the citie within the Iland. There was a place enclosed round about with foure-square stone, and built strongly like a fortresse•• this was possessed by the youth that had bene appointed for to guard and defend that quarter: and they [unspec D] sent messengers into the Acradina, to signifie that the garners & the corne were kept by them to the behoose of the Senate. And on the morrow at the breake of day, the whole people, as well armed as unarmed, assembled togither in Acradina, within the pallace. And there before the altar of Concordia, which in that place stood erected, one of the principall and chiefe cittizens, named Polyneus, made an oration unto them all, with franknesse of speech enough, tending unto libertie, and yet seasoned with modestie and moderation, in this wise.

Men (qd.he) that have ex∣perience of servitude and other indignities, fall to abhorre the same, and their stomackes rise a∣gainst them as known evils. But as for civill discord, what calamities & miseries it bringeth with it, the cittizens of Saracose have heard their fathers tell, and not seen and tasted themselves. That yee have bene so readie to take armes and weapons in hand, I commend you for it: but I would [unspec E] con you more thanke, if yee used them not, unlesse ye be driven thereto by extreame necessitie. For the present, I hold it good, & my counsell is, that embassadours be sent unto Andronodorus, to intimate unto him, yea and to require and charge him, to submit himselfe unto the Senat and people, and by them to be ordered: to set open the gates of the Iland, to put away from about him his guard, and deliver up the castle and garrison. But in case hee intend under the pretence of being guardian or protectour to the kingdome of another, therby to usurpe it to his own use; he must be given to understand, by mine advise, that we will seek to recover our libertie out of the hands of Andronodorus, more fiercely & forcibly than from Hieronymus. And so presently upon this assembly, embassadors were sent.

Then the Senate went togither & sat in counsell: for, as du∣ring the raigne of Hiero, there was a set and ordinarie publike counsell of State: so after his death [unspec F] unto that day, the Senatours were neither called togither, nor their advise taken or sought in a∣ny matter. When the embassadours were come unto Andronodorus, & had delivered their mes∣sage, hee was himselfe (verily) for his owne part, moved with the generall consent of the citizens; but especially when hee considered, that among other quarters of the cittie possessed by the ad∣verse side, that one part also of the Iland, which was the strongest, was betraied (as it were) & held

out against him.

But when the Embassadors called still upon him to come forth, his wife Dem••∣rata, [unspec G] daughter of king Hiero, pussed up still with the proud mind & haughtie stomack of a prince, and full of the vaine humour and spirit of a woman, put him eftsoones in mind of a saying, that Denis the Tyrant had evermore in his mouth, namely, That a man should not ride on horsebacke to be deposed from royall dignitie and estate of tyrannie, but be led faire and softly a foot-pace, and go to that, as a beare to the stake. An easie matter (quoth she) it is for one to yeeld and forgo the possession of high place and honor, and a thing that may be done in the turning of an hand, whensoever one will: but to compasse and attaine thereto, is a right hard matter, and of all o∣ther most difficult. You were best therefore to borrow some respite of time of the Embassadours, for to take farther deliberation of this maine point, and in the mean while, to use the advantage thereof, to send for the souldiours out of the Leontine countrie: unto whom no doubt, if you [unspec H] would promise a reward out of the Princes treasure, you shall be lord of all.

This perilous un∣happie counsell of a woman, Andronorus neither despised and rejected altogither, nor yet pre∣sently accepted and embraced: supposing it a better and safer course, if hee meant to aspire un∣to high dignitie and great puissance, for the present to temporize and give place unto the ne∣cessitie of the time. And therefore hee willed them to carrie backe unto the Senate this answere from him, That hee submitted himselfe, and would be ordered and set downe by the Senate and the people. The morrow after, so soone as it was daylight, hee caused the gates of the Iland to be set open,* 1.10 & shewed himselfe in the market place of Acradina: where hee ascended up unto the altar of Concord, from which the day before, Polyneus had made a speech unto the people.

Hee began his oration with an excuse of his late comming and long stay behind, and ctaved pardon [unspec I] therefore: alleadging that hee had kept the gates shut, not because he meant to separate his own affairs from the State, & not to take such part as the citie tooke: but when swords were once drawn, hee feared, what would be the end and issue of murders & massacres, & whither men would stay their hands, when there was assurance of libertie effected, (as being contented with the death on∣ly of the Tyrant) or whither, as many as either in bloud and kindred, or in affinitie and alliance, or in other offices or service, were toward the K. & his court, should be touched culpable in the fault of another, and so likewise have their throats cut. For after that (quoth hee) I understood once, that they who had delivered and set free their countrie, were minded and willing to save & pre∣serve it, thus enfranchised; and that there was consulting on all hands indifferently, for the good of the state, I made no longer doubt of the matter, but to yeeld both mine owne person, and also [unspec K] all that ever was under my hand (as committed unto me upon trust and fidelitie) unto my native countrie: now that he, who put all into my hand, is through his own follie & outrage overthrown and brought to confusion. Then turning to the murderers of the tyrant, and by name calling unto Theodorus and Sosis. A noble and memorable peece of service yee have alreadie done, (qd. he) but trust me truly, your glorie in this behalfe is begun onely, and not throughly finished and performed: nay, a great daunger is yet behind, unlesse yee see to the generall concord and uni∣tie of all parts, that the common libertie of the cittie, turne not into pride and insolencie be∣yond all measure.

After his speech ended, he laid downe the keies of the gates, and of the kings treasure, at their feet. And so for that day, when the people were dismissed from the assemblie, with joy and mirth [unspec L] they went in procession and supplication with their wives and children, round about all the Churches and chappels of their gods. The day following, the solemne Election was held for the creation of Pretours. And first, before all others, Andronodorus was chosen, and the rest for the most part, the very murderers of the Tyrant. They elected also two that were absent, to wit, Sopater and Deomenes. Who being advertised of all matters that passed at Syracuse, delivered up the kings treasure which lay in the Leontines countrie, and was now brought unto Syracuse, into the hands of the Treasurers; who for the same purpose were created. Likewise that which was in the Island, and in Acradina, was committed over unto their custodie. That part also of the wall, which devided the Island from the rest of the cittie, and was supposed too strong a bar betweene, was by common consent cast downe and rased. And as their minds were thus affected and encli∣ned [unspec M] to procure and mainteine libertie, so all other matters sorted sutable, and followed a••ter ac∣cordingly.

Hippocrates and Epicides, when tidings came of the Tyrants death (which Hippocrates would faine have had concealed, and therefore flew the messenger that brought newes thereof) being

[unspec A] forsaken of the souldiours, returned to Syracusa; supposing for the present, that to bee the safest course they could take. Where, because they would grow into no suspition, nor be noted to seek for some opportunitie and occasion of change and alteration in the State, first they presented themselves before the Pretours & Governours of the cittie, and so by their mediation, they had accesse to the Senate.

They gave out, that they had been sent from Anniball unto Hieronymus as unto a friend and confederate, and had yeelded obedience unto him, as they were willed by their owne Generall and Commander. Now their desire was, to return againe unto Anniball. But for as much as they might not trava••le in safetie, for the Romane forces, that ra••nged all over Sicilie, they craved a convoy and sufficient guard to conduct them, as farre as to Locri in Sicilie: assuring them, that by this small courtesie and defart of theirs, they should reape great thanks of [unspec B] Anniball, and come into high favour with him. The suite was soone obtained.

For desirous they were, that those Cavaliers that used to lead the king, and were expert and skilfull besides in war, and there with needie and audacious, should bee sent away: but they made not so good speed to put this their desire in execution, as they should have done. For in the mean season, these young and lustie martiall men, and such as ever had conversed with the souldiours, went up and downe one while to them, another whiles to the fugitive straungers that were revolted, (who for the most part were sailers and sea men that came from the Romanes) yea, and sorted themselves with the basest and most abject persons of the Commoners, spreading tales, and whispering into their eares, sundrie suspitious matters of crime against the Senatours and great men of the Nobili∣tie, saying, that they plotted and practised closely under hand nothing else, but that Syracusa un∣der [unspec C] a colour of reconciliation and accord, should be reduced to the obedience of the Romanes: and then, the side and faction, and some few with them that are of counsell to renue the associati∣on, might bee lords, and tyrannize over the rest. By this meanes there flocked multitudes, everie day more than other, to Syracusa: whose eare were tickled, and itched still to heare such sunni∣ses, and were apt ynough to give credite thereto. And they gave not onely Hippocrates and Epi∣cides, but Andronodorus also good hope of an alteration, and a new world. For he (being at length overcome with the importunate suggestions of his wife, whoever put into his head, That now was the only time to usurpe and take upon him the rule of the State, whiles all things were troubled, and in a confused medley, upon their new and unknowne libertie; whiles the souldiours were presented in their way, to bee dealt with all, and dayly mainteined and fed out [unspec D] of the kings eschequer; and whiles those captaines sent from Anniball, by reason of their ac∣quaintance with the souldiours, were present to set forward, and further his designements) first therefore acquainted Themi••tius, who had married Gelo his daughter, with his complot: and after a few daies (full unadvisedly) imparted his mind also, unto one Aristo, an Actor of Tragedies, whom he used aforetime to make privie unto his other secrets. This Aristo was well borne, and descended of a worshipfull house, a man in good place and of honest reputation: and his pro∣fession (for among the Greekes it is reputed no matter of shame, to play either in Tragedies or Comedies) was no blot••ither to his birth, or disgrace to his calling: and therefore as one who made more reckning of his dutie to his country, than of private friendship, bewrayed and dis∣closed all the treason unto the Pretors. Who finding by good proofes and certaine evidences [unspec E] that this was no forged and counterfet information, after consultation had with the auncients of the counsell, by their warrant and direction, set a gard of armed men about the dore of the Senate house, and so soone as Themistius and Andronodorus were entred in place, slew them outright. And when there began some uprore upon this fact, which in shew seemed very hor∣rible and heinous (especially to all the rest that knew not the cause:) at length they appeased the tumult, and caused silence, and brought the enformer into the counsell house, that had detected the intended treason: who declared all things orderly in particular: namely, that this conspira∣cie was devised & sprung first from the mariage of Harmonia the daughter of Gelo, who was wed∣ded unto Themistius: that divers auxiliarie souldiers of Affricanes and Spaniards, were appoin∣ted and provided to massacre the Pretours, and other principall citizens: that their goods were [unspec F] promised unto the murderers to be ransaked and rifled: that besides, there was a band of mer∣cenarie souldiours (such as were wont to be at a beck, and readie to execute the commaunde∣ment of Andronodorus) set in a readinesse, to seize the Island againe, and keepe it to his use. And when hee had laid every thing abroad in order, with all circumstances, what the practises were, and by whom they were to be performed and executed, & shewed before their eies most plainly,

the whole conspiracie••and namely, what persons and what forces should have beene emploied•• [unspec G] Then the whole bodie of the Senate were likewise verily persuaded, that they had deserved such an end, and were as justly murdered as Hieronymus. But without the counsell-house dore, the confused multitude, composed of all sorts of people, who were doubtfull of the matter, & knew not what to make thereof, cried out. And albeit they menaced and threatened before the entrie and porch of the Senate, yet at the sight of the dead bodies of the Conspiratours, lying before their face, they were affrighted and soone hus••••••so as with great silence they followed the whole bodie of the Commons to the publicke place of assemblie. Vnto whome, Sopater by order from the Senate, and his fellow Pretors, was commaunded to make an Oration.

Hee began formally to inveigh against Andronodorus and Themistius,* 1.11 (as they that accuse men at the barre) and ripped up their former life past, charging them with all the wicked deeds [unspec H] and impious facts, committed since the death of Hiero: For what (quoth he) did Hieronymus; nay what could he doe of himselfe, so long as he was but a child and stripling, and scarcely come all the while he lived, to have any haire on his face? His officers and guardians, were they that ruled all, and managed the kingdome at their pleasures, but so, as the blame and heavie load lay upon him. Who if they had perished either before Hieronymus, or at leastwise together with him, they had been but well ynough served. But they, who long ago had deserved to die, and for whom the gallowes had alreadie groned, ceased not still, after the death of the tyrant, to devise & plot new mischiefes, one in the necke of another. At the first, openly in the sight of the world, Andronodo∣rus by shutting the gates of the Island, entered by way of inheritance upon the kingdome, and sought to seize in his owne right, as immediat heire apparent, upon those things that hee held [unspec I] under the prince, only during his nonage. Afterwards, being betraied by them that were in the Island, and besieged round about by the whole citie (which was possessed fully of the Acradina) seeing, that in vaine he had attempted to be king by apert and open force; he sought meanes now to aspire thereto secretly, and by cunning sleights. Neither could hee bee so much as reclaimed and woon, by any favours and honors done unto him: who being himselfe a traitor to the free∣dome of the state, was notwithstanding advanced to be Pretour, among other redeemers of the libertie of their countrie. But no marvell it was (quoth he) that these men were of this haughtie spirit, and longed to bee Kings; for they had to their wives two princely dames, the daughters, one of king Hiero, and the other of his sonne Gelo.

At these words, the people from all parts of the assemblie, began to crie out with one voice, [unspec K] that neither of them both were worthie to live, nor any one besides of the kings stocke & linage ought to remaine upon the face of the earth. See the nature and disposition of the multitude. Ei∣ther they serve basely, or rule prowdly. Libertie that is the meane betweene, they have neither the skill to despise with reason, or the grace to entertaine in measure. Now, there wanted not (ye may be sure, as at all times else) readie instruments and firebrands, to helpe forward, and kindle more anger, such, as seeing the Commoners distempered already, and bloudily minded of themselves, put them forward to murder and massacre. As it appeared then. For immediately, as the Pretors put up a bill, that all the kings stocke should be rooted out, and the whole line utterly extingui∣shed: before in manner that it was all red out and published, it passed cleare, and was graunted. And presently there were sent certaine persons from the Pretours, that murdered Demarata and [unspec L] Harmonia the daughters of king Hiero and Gelo, the two wives of Andronodorus and Themisti••••. Now there was another daughter of Hiero, named Heraclea, wife to Sosippus, who having ben sent as Embassador from Hieronymus, to king Ptolomeus, chose a life in voluntarie exile, & lived not with his wife. She having an inkling given her aforehand, and knowing that the murderers were comming also toward her, tooke her two daughters, virgines: and together, with their haire loose hanging downe their shoulders, and in other most poore array and rufull habit, able to have moved pittie and compassion, * 1.12 they were fled into a privat Oratorie or chappell unto their house-gods, to save themselves.

The mother seeing the murtherers, fell to entreating them most pitteously, and recommended unto them the late remembrance of her father Hiero, and her brother Gelo: Beseeching them not to suffer her (an innocent and guildesse person) [unspec M] to fare the worse, and be punished upon harred that was borne unto her nephew Hieronymus. As for me (quoth she) I reaped no good by his reigne and kingdome, unlesse it were the banishment and absence of my husband: and as by the life of Hieronymus, my fortune was not so good as my sisters; so after hee was murdred and dead, my cause is not so bad, nor like unto hers. More∣over,

[unspec A] over and besides, in case Andronodorus had effected his designements, my sister should have ben a Queene, and reigned together with her husband: but as for me, I must have bene a subject and servant with the rest. Againe, if there were any messenger sent unto Sosippus, to report the death of Hieronymus, and the restitution of Saracose to libertie: who can make doubt, but that forth∣with he would be embarked and take the seas, and returne againe into his countrey? But how much are men put besides their hope, and deceived of their expectation? And who would ever have thought, to have seene in a freed state his wife and children in danger to lose their lives? For wherein do we hinder the common libertie, or the course of lawes? What danger can come to any person from us, one desolate lone woman and in manner a widow, and two yong maidens living as orphans fatherlesse? And if it be said againe, that there was in deed no feare of hurt to [unspec B] be imagined from us; but only the kings bloud and kinred was odious in the eyes of the people: Then quoth she, let us be sent away farre from Saracose and Sicilie, and confined over to A∣lexandria, the wife to her husband, the daughters to their owne father. But when they would nei∣ther give eare to her words, nor incline their hearts to pitie and compassion: then, because she would not spend longer time in vaine (for now she saw some of them drawing their swords forth) she gave over all intreating for her selfe, and be sought them instantly to be good yet, to the yong fully girles, & spare their lives, unto whom being of that age, even the very enemies in their heate of anger forbare to offer violence: and that seeing they were to be revenged of tyrants, they would not play the tyrants themselves, and commit that wickednesse, which they seemed to hate in others. Amid these words the murderers (sent from the Pretors) pulled her forth of the in∣ward [unspec C] and most secret place of the chappell,* 1.13 and cut her throte: and when they had so done, they assayled and sell upon the maidens, besprent with the bloud of their mother: who for sorrow of heart and feare together, being past themselves and out of their wits, and as it were in a furious fit of frenzie, ranne against them, and gate out of the chappell: minding, if they could have escaped foorth and recovered the streete, to set the whole citie on an uprore.

And so they shifted for themselves poore wenches, by running too and fro within the house, (which was not large and spatious) that for a good while they escaped amongst the thickest of so many armed men, and oftentimes avoided their reaches, and caught no hurt: yea and when they had caught hold of them, notwithstanding they were to strugle with so many hands, and those so strong, yet they wound away from them all: untill at length after they had received many a [unspec D] wound, & filled every place with bloud, they fainted & sunke down, & yeelded up their innocent spirits. This murder, no doubt, was of it selfe piteous; but much more lamentable, by occasion of a present accident. For streight after, came a messenger with expresse commandement, to spare the women, and not to kill them: for that upon a sodaine the hearts of the people relented, and enclined to mercie. But when they heard that there was so quick dispatch made of execution, that neither they had time to bethinke themselves and repent, nor space to coole upon their heat, they fell from pitie and compassion, into an extreme fit of anger and choler. The multi∣tude thereupon began to mutter and murmure, and called to have an election of Pretours in the roume of Andronodorus and Themistius (for they were both of them Pretours:) which new e∣lection was not like to fall out in the end to the good liking and contentment of the other Pre∣tours [unspec E] in place. So a day was set downe, and proclaimed for this election. At which time, it hap∣ned that beyond all mens expectation, one from the farthest part of the assembly nominated Epicides: and then another from thence named Hippocrates. After which, the same voyces came thick and threefold still, so as it seemed the multitude would wholie goe that way. The people there assembled, were a confused sort intermingled as well of a number of souldiers, as of a com∣panie of citizens and commoners: yea and many of them were strangers fugitives, shuffled a∣mong, such as rather than their life, desired a generall change and alteration. The Pretours at first dissimuled all, and would seeme to take no knowledge thereof: but thought it best to put off the matter to a farther day: yet overcome at last with the common accord and consent of the people: and fearing withall a mutinie and sedition, pronounced and declared the men aforena∣med, [unspec F] for Pretours. Neither would they, at first hand so soone as they were created, set that a∣broach which was in their mind & desire to effect: notwithstanding they were displeased and dis∣contented much, both for that there had bene embassadors dispatched unto Appius Claudius, about a truce for ten dayes: and also when it was obteined, that there were others addressed, to treat for the renewing of the auncient league with the Romanes.

At the same time (Ap.Claudius) the Romane Generall lay at Murgantia with an Armada of [unspec G] 100 gallies, waiting there to heare what was the event of the troubles which arose upon the mur∣der of the tyrants: and how far-forth men would proceede upon this their new and unwonted libertie. And much about those dayes, when as the Saracosian Embassadours were sent from Appius, unto Marcellus now comming into Sicilia, Marcellus himselfe after he heard the condi∣tions of peace, thought they would grow to some good agreement and conclusion in the end: and therefore sent other embassadours also to Saracose, personally to debate and conferre in the presence of the Pretours concerning the renewing of the league aforesaid. But by tha•• time, they found not the citie in the same quiet tune and peaceable state. For Hippocrates and Epicides, after newes came that the Carthaginian navie was arived and rid at anker under the bay of* 1.14 Pa∣chynus, confidently and without all feare buzzed in the ••ares one while of the mercenarie soul∣diours, [unspec H] another while of the fugitive traitours, many false surmises against their brethren in of∣fice, and namely, that they went about to betray Saracose to the Romanes. But Appius began to keepe his Armada at anchor in the very mouth of the river, listening to know what hart and hope they of the contrary faction had, to effect that which they intended. Much credit was given (as it should seem) unto those slaunders and lewd suggestions: insomuch as at the first, the multi∣tude ran to the water side in a great hurrey and tumultuous manner to hinder their landing, if haply they attempted it. In this troublesome confusion of all things, it was thought good, that the people should meete together to deliberate what was best to be done. In which assembly, whiles some drew one way, other haled and pulled another way, and were at the point to mutine and grow to asedition, Apollonides one of the principall and chiefe citizens made a speech to [unspec I] very good purpose for preservation of the publicke peace,* 1.15 and thus he said. Never was there any citie neerer, either to hope of assured safetie, or to feare of utter destruction, than this of ours at this present.

For if all would goe one way together, and with one accord either incline to the Romanes, or bend to the Carthaginians, there were not a citie under the cope of heaven, whose state were more happie and fortunate than ours. But in case we be distracted, and the Common∣weale go divers waies, there would not be more bitter and cruell warre betweene the Saraco∣sians and the Romanes, than among the Saracosians themselves: when within one and the same walls, there should be banding one against another, and each side have their forces, their armor, and their captaines of their owne. And therefore we ought of all hands to endevor what we can, that all may be of one mind and draw in the same line. As for the maine point now in question, [unspec K] Whether societie and alliance be the better and more commodious, the Romanes or the Car∣thaginians, is a matter of far lesse moment & importance than to be consulted and studied long upon. Howbeit, in choosing our friends and allies, we are to be directed bythe authoritie and act of Hiero, rather than of Hieronymus: and to preferre that amitie which we have tried for 50 yeares in much felicitie, above a friendship for the present unknowne, and sometime heretofore found unfaithfull. It maketh somewhat also, to resolve upon this course, that in case we should deny peace and alliance to the Carthaginians, we neede not presently go to warre with them: but with the Romanes we must out of hand make accoumpt either of peace, or els of hot warres.

This speech of his, the lesse that it favoured of offactious partialitie and affection, the more aucto∣ritie and sway it caried with it. And besides the deliberation of the Pretours and choise Sena∣tours, [unspec L] the advise also of the martiall men was taken. And therfore the captaines of all their owne ensignes and companies, yea and the great commaunders of the auxiliarie forces of their allies were willed to fit in counsell together with them. When the matter had bene often debated, and muc h contention and hot words passed betweene, at the last, because there appeared no co∣lourable reason or cause to make warre with the Romanes, they agreed that a peace should be concluded, and that together with their embassadors, there should be others also from them sent to ratifie and confirme the thing.

There passed not many daies between, when out of the Leontines countrie there arrived cer∣teine Oratours, to crave helpe and succour for the gard and defence of their marches. This em∣bassage seemed to come very fitly and in good time, for to exonerate and rid the citie of the un∣ruly [unspec M] and disordered multitude, and likewise to send out of the way, their chieftaines and ringlea∣ders. So Hippocrates the Pretour was commaunded to lead thither the fugitive straungers. Many also of the mercenarie souldiours, that were waged to helpe them in their warres, accompanied them: so as in all, the number amounted to foure thousand. This expedition and journey con∣tented

[unspec A] greatly as well the senders and setters of it out, as also the parties themselves that were sent foorth. For these of the one side had a good occasion and opportunitie now offred them, to contrive a chaunge in the state (the onely thing that so long they had desired) and those of the o∣ther, were right glad, that the sinke (as it were) of the cittie was now well scoured & voided away. But this was like the palliative cure of a sore, & a lightning for the present of a sick bodie: wherby it might soone after by relapse fall backe, as it were, into a recidive, and a worse disease and more daungerous than the other. For Hippocrates began at first to make rodes by stealth into the con∣fines bordering upon the Romane Province, and there to wast and spoyle: afterward when Appius had sent a power of men to defend the frontiers of his confederates, hee-charged with his whole power upon that guard that was opposed against him, and flew many of them. Where∣of, [unspec B] when Marcellus was advertised, hee dispatched embassadours incontinently to Saracose, to charge them with the breach of peace: and to give them to understand, that there would never bee wanting some occasion or other of quarrell and warre, unlesse Hippocrates and Epicides were removed, and sent farre enough out of the way, not onely from Saracose, but also quite out of Si∣cilie. Epicides for feare least if hee remained present in the cittie, he might be charged & brought in question, for the fault and trespasse of his brother absent, or be wanting for his part, in the raising of new warre; went himselfe also in person into the Leontines countrie: and seeing them there forward enough of themselves, and provoked alreadie against the Romanes, began also to alienate & turne their harts from Saracose.

For in these termes he suggested & informed against the Saracosians: namely, how they had capitulated with the Romans, that all the cities & nations [unspec C] which were under the kings, should be subject unto them, and within their jurisdiction: so as now they cannot be content (quoth hee) with their libertie, unlesse they rule also like lords & kings. I would advise and counsell you therefore, to send word unto them and give them to under∣stand, that the Leontines likewise deeme it good reason, that they should themselves be free: in regard either that the tyrant was killed within the ground of their citie, or because the first alarme for libertie began there. For they leaving and abandoning the captaines there that followed the king, ran at once from thence to Saracose. And therefore they are (faith hee) to rase that foresaid article out of the instrument of the covenants, or not to accept at all of peace with that condition.

Soon were the multitude persuaded here unto. And therfore when the embassadors of the Saraco∣sians came to the Leontins, both to make complaint for killing of the Romans Corps de guard, &•• [unspec D] also to commaund peremptorily, that Hippocrates & Epicides should depart either to Locri, or to what other place they would rather chuse, so they went their waics & voided clean out of Sicilie they returned unto them this stout answere againe: that neither the Saracosians had any com∣mission and warrant from them, to make peace with the Romanes in their name, neither would they bee tied and obliged to any confederacie made by others than their owne selves.

This an∣swere the Saracosians made report of to the Romanes, and said plainly, that the Leontines were not under their jurisdiction, to be ordred and confu••ed by them and therefore, any thing com∣prised in the league with them notwithstanding, the Romanes might warre against them with∣out breach of any covenant: and in that warre they would not for their parts, fail•• them, but doe their best: upon condion, that when they were once subdued•• they might be reduced againe un∣der [unspec E] their obedience, according to the covenant comprehended in the league. Wherupon Mar∣tellus with his whole power went forth against the Leontines, and sent for Appius also, to as∣saile them on the other side: and so hote were his souldiours in this service, and bare themselves so resolute, for anger that the guard was slaine, during the time that there was treatie of peace betweene, that at the very first assault they woon the cittie.

Hippocrates and Epicides, after they saw the walls skaled, and the gates of the citie broken open, betooke themselves for their safetie, with some few into the castle, from whence by night they made a secret escape, and fled to Her∣besus▪

As the Saracosians marched from home with a power of eight thousand armed men, and were come forward, as far as to the river Myla, they met with a messenger, who told them that the citie Leontium was forced. They reported other newes besid••s as well lies as ••oths, one with [unspec F] another, namely, that townsmen & soldiours indifferently without respect were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the sword that ••e•• thought verily, there was not left one alive of fourteene yeares of age and upward, that the cittie was put to the sacke, and all the rich mens goods were given away. At this so fearfull and horrible news, the armie staied and went not forward. And when they all were greatly trou∣bled,

their leaders Sosis and Diomenes, consulted what to do. This lowd lie, arose not upon no∣thing, [unspec G] but was occasioned by mistaking of a matter. For there were scourged and beheaded of fugitive traitours, to the number of two thousand. But of Leontines and other souldiours, there was not one hurt, after the cittie was lost. And every man had all his owne goods restored unto him againe: saving that onely which in the first hurlyburlie of a cittie newly woon, hapned to miscarie & perish. Howbeit upon this bare report, they neither could be induced to go forward to the Leontines, complaining & grieving that their fellow souldiours were so betraied & mur∣dered, nor yet to abide there still, for to expect and heare more certeine tidings. The Pretours perceiving their minds disposed to revolt, and yet hoping that this mutinous fit of theirs would not continue long, in case the captaines and heads of their furie and follie were once rid out of the way, led the armie to Megara: and went themselves in person with a few horsemen toward [unspec H] Herbesus, hoping to gaine the cittie by treason, whiles they all there were affreighted. But seeing that enterprise would not prevaile, they minded to use forcible meanes. The morrow after, they dislodged and raised their camp from Megara, purposing with all their forces to assaile Herbe∣sus. Hippocrates & Epicides supposing this to be the only way for them, although at the first sight not the safest, (considering all hope besides was cut off) namely to put themselves into the hands of the soldiours, who were for the most part acquainted with them, & besides, upon the bruite of the execution and massacre of their fellow souldiours, throughly chafed, went out to meet the armie. The foremost ensigns in the forefront, hapned to consist of those six hundred Creten∣sians, who in the warres of Hieronymus had served under them, and received a favour and benefit at Anniball his hands. For being taken prisoners at Thrasymenus, among other auxiliaries that [unspec I] came to aid the Romanes, they were set at large and sent away without ransome. Whom when Hippocrates and Epicides knew by their colours, habite, and fashion of their armour, they held out branches of olives and other veiles and tokens of suppliants, beseeching them humbly to receive them, and being once received, to vouchsafe to protect them, and not to deliver them in∣to the hands of the Saracosians: by whom they should soon be yeelded unto the people of Rome, for to be murdered and cut in peeces. At this, they all cried alowd with one voice, & willed them to be of good cheere, for they should fare no worse than their owne selves. Vpon this commu∣nication the ensignes staied, and the armie stood still and marched not forward: but the gene∣rall captains wist not as yet what the cause might be of this stay. After the rumour was spred that Hippocrates and Epicides were come, and that all the hoast throughout by a generall applause see∣med [unspec K] to like well of their comming: the Pretours incontinently set spurs to horse, and rode for∣ward apace to the forefront of the vantgard, demaunding of the Cretensians, what manner and fashion this was of theirs? and how they durst be so bold, as to parle and talke with enemies? and without license of their Pretours, to entertein them within their companies? And herewith they gave commandement, that Hippocrates should bee apprehended & bound sure with chaines. At which word the Cretensians set up such a crie, and the rest so aunswered it againe with the like, that it was well seene, in case they had proceeded forward as they began, they should have incur∣red themselves no small danger. And thus in great perplexitie, and feare of their owne lives, they commaunded to turne ensignes, and retire unto Megara, from whence they came; and dis∣patched messengers presently to Saracose, to signifie in what tearmes they stood. Hippocrates see∣ing [unspec L] the souldiours given to be suspitious and readie to beleeve every thing, devised a cunning shift besides, in this manner. After he had sent out certein of the Cretensians to beset the waies betweene them and Saracose, he pretended that they had intercepted some letters from thence, which hee read unto the souldiours, and were in deed framed and indited by himselfe. The ••••nor of the letters ran in this forme. The Pretours of Saracose, to M. Marcellus their friend, greeting.

After these salutations and commendations premised, as the maner is, it followed written thus: You have done well and orderly, in sparing none at all of the Leontines. But all other mercena∣rie souldiours besides, are in the same Predicament: neither wil Saracose be ever in quiet, so long as any forraine aide be either in the cittie or in your armie. And therefore our advise and counsel is, that you would endevour to get them into your hands, who with our Pretours are encamped [unspec M] before Megara, and by execution of them to deliver and set Syracusa free in the end.

The contents of these letters were not so soone read, but with such an outcrie & al'arme they ran to their weapons on all hands, that the Pretours amid this garboile, were fain to ride away as fast as they could gallop, toward Syracuse. But although they were fled, the mutinie neverthelesse

[unspec A] continued and was not appeased: for the soldiors fell upon the Syracusians that were in the camp amongst them, and they had all drunke of the same cup, and not one escaped, but that Epicides and Hippocrates, came betweene, and opposed themselves against the multitude in this their fu∣rious rage, not upon any pittifull compassion that was in them, or regard of common humanitie; but because they would not cut themselves from all hope of returne: and besides, they were not onely desirous to have the souldiours themselves affectionate unto them and faithfull, and with∣all in steed of hostages: but also purposed, by this so great desert, first to gain and win unto them the kinsfolke and friends of those souldiours, and afterwards to oblige and bind them fast, by so good a pawne and gage, remaining still among them. And having good experience, with how small a puffe and gale of wind, the common people turneth every way, they suborned a soldiour, [unspec B] one of them who was besieged within the citie of Leontium, to carrie newes to Syracusa, suting with those false tidings that were reported at the river Myla: yea, and to aver the same confident∣ly upon his owne knowledge, and tell things that were doubtfull, as if they were most certain, and by himselfe seene and knowne: thereby to stirre up men to anger and indignation.

This fellow was not onely credited of the common multitude, but also being brought into the Counsell house, he greatly mooved the Senate: insomuch, as some of them, more light of beleefe than others, gave it out openly and said, That it was happie, that the avarice and crueltie of the Ro∣mans was thus discovered among the Leontines. And God blesse us from them here. For if they set foot once within Syracusa, they would commit the like outrages, yea, and worse too, a great deale, & more horrible; as they should find there greater matter to work upon, & to satisfie their [unspec C] covetous and greedie appetite to the full. Whereupon, they agreed in generall, to shut the gates and to stand upon their guard, and defend the cittie.

But they all feared not alike, nor hated the same persons. For the martiall men, in a manner every one, and a great part of the common peo∣ple abhorred the name of the Romanes: the Pretours, and some few of the principall citizens, albeit they were in the huffe, and possessed with the false report aforesaid, yet they had more regard to provide for a mischiefe that was more imminent and neere, and readie presently to fall upon their heads. And now by this time Hippocrates & Epicides were come before Hexapylos. Within the citie, the kinsfolk and friends of those citizens which were in the armie, drew together in con∣venticles, conferred among themselves to set the gates open, and agreed to have the common countrie of them all, to be defended against the violence of the Romanes. Now, when one onely [unspec D] wicker of Hexapylos was opened, and they readie to enter in thereat, the Pretours came upon them in the manner. And first they commaunded by word of mouth, and threatened them; after that, by vertue of their place and authoritie, they seemed to fright and terrifie them: and last of all, seeing nothing could prevaile, forgetting their owne dignitie and majestie of their calling, they fell to pray & intreat them, not to betray their countrie to those, who aforetime were the instruments and supposts of the Tyrant, and now the corrupters of the armie. But so deafe care gave all the multitude in this their rage and furious fit unto the Pretours, that they within; as well as without, set their hands to, by all forcible meanes to burst downe the gates, and so when they were all broken open, the armie was let in safe, and received within the Hexapylos. The Pre∣tours fled for refuge with the youth and strength of the citizens into Acradina. The mercenaries, [unspec E] the fugitives, and all the souldiours that were left in Syracusa (of them who served the king) joined to the armie, and augmented their forces. And so Acradina also, was upon the first assault woon). All the Pretours; but those that escaped by flight, and saved themselves in the mids of this hur∣rie, were slaine: and the night comming upon them, staied the massacre. The day following, all bondslaves were called to receive the cap, and made free: the prisons were set open, and the priso∣ners let goe at large. And this confused rable and multitude of all sorts, created Hippocrates and Epicides Pretours. And thus Syracusa, having for a short time libertie shining favourably upon it, fell backe againe into her old servitude.

When newes hereof came to the Romanes, incontinently they dislodged and removed the campe from Leontium; and marched directly toward Saracose. It hapned the same time that [unspec F] the embassadors sent from Appius by the way of the haven, were embarked in a galeace of five banks of ores: but another galley of foure banks which was sent before, was not so soone entred into the mouth of the harbour, but it was taken: and the Embassadours hardly, and with much adoe escaped in the other. And now, the world there was growne to this passe, that no lawes of peace, no nor so much as the very laws of arms were observed, but broken clean: at what time as

the Romane armie lay in campe a mile and an halfe from the citie, at Olympium, the temple of [unspec G] Iupiter.

For when it was thought meet to send Embassadours from thence, Hippocrates and Epici∣des with their followers encountred them without the gate, and charged them upon their perrill not to enter the cittie. The Romane Oratour alleadged and said, That he came not to proclaime warre against the Syracusians, but to bring aid and helpe, as well unto those, who having escaped out of the middest of the slaughter fled unto the Romane campe, as also unto them, who being kept under with fear, endure bondage and thraldome more miserable than banishment, yea and death it selfe. Neither will the Romanes (saith hee) put up that shamefull and cruell murder of their allies without due revenge. And therefore, if those persons who were fled for succour unto them, may returne home safely into their countrie: if the authors of that massacre above said, be delivered into their hands: and if the Syracusians may enjoy againe their libertie, together with [unspec H] their lawes, there shall not need anyhostilities or warre. But in case these conditions bee not per∣formed, they would persecute with fire and sword, all such as shall hinder and stand against the same, whosoever.

To this, Epicides framed his words in this wise. If (saith hee) yee had any message and commis∣sion, to parle with my brother and mee, wee would returne you an answere accordingly. In the meane while, yee were best be gone for this time, and returne againe when the citie and state of Syracuse shall be under their governance, unto whom yee were sent. As for war, if the Romanes thinke it good to deale that way, they shall find and know by experience, trie when they would, that it is one thing to assaile Syracusa, & another to set upon Leontium. And so leaving the Em∣bassadors, he made the gates fast against them. [unspec I]

From this time forward, the Romans laid siege unto Syracusa, and began to beleaguer it both by sea and land at once. On the land side at Hexapylus, by water at Acradina, upon the walls whereof the sea beateth. And like as they wan the citie of the Leontines, by terrifying them at the first assault, and therfore distrusted not, but that they should force and enter this also, oneside or other, being so large and vast as it was, not compact, but built so scattering, one part farre asunder from another, they approched with all their fabrickes, engines, and ordinance of batte∣rie against the walls. Which enterprise of theirs, so resolutely begun, and so hotely and forciblie followed, had sped well and taken effect, if one man at that time had not been in Syracusa. Ar∣chimedes was hee, a singular Astronomer. A rare man for contemplation & beholding the skie with the plannets, and other starres therein fixed: but a more wonderfull enginer, for devising [unspec K] and framing of artillerie, ordinance, fabrickes, and instruments of warre, whereby he would with very little ado and at ease, checke and frustrate all the inventions which the enemies with so great difficultie had prepared for to give the assault. This cunning artificer and admirable workeman, had planted engines of all sorts, upon the curtaine of the wall, which stood on certaine hils, and those not of even height: and having for the most part, high places that yeelded hard accesse, and some other low againe, whereunto men might come on even and plaine ground, hee fitted and furnished every place accordingly. Now Marcellus from out of his gallies of five ranckes of oares, assaulted the wall of Acradina, which (as is abovesaid) is washed and dashed upon, with the sea. And from the other gallies, the archers, slingers, yea and the light armed darters (called Velites) whose javelins are of that fashion, that they be unhandsome to be launced backe againe [unspec L] (by those that have not the cast and skil of it) so assailed the defendants, that they hardly suffered any one to stand upon the wals without hurt and danger. These, I say, kept their gallies far distant from the wall, because archers and darters had need of some space and compasse to launce and let drive their shor. But unto the gallies of five course of oares, there were adjoined other two of either side: for which purpose the oares within were taken away, that they might close larbourd to starbourd, and so be coupled one unto the other. And thus being rowed as one entire gallie, by the helpe of the utmost oares without forth, they carried upon them platformes of timber, framed with floutes and losts of plankes, and other engines and instruments within them to bat∣ter and shake the wals. Against this artillerie from the gallies, Avchimedes bestowed and dispo∣sed upon the walls counter-engines of sundrie sizes, some greater, some smaller. Against those [unspec M] gallies that were furthest of, he weighed and discharged stories of exceeding maine weight, and those that were neerer, he annosed with lighter bullets, but those hee shot far thicker upon them. And last of all, to the end, that his owne citizens, might without taking harme, make a counter∣batterie against the enemies, and so annoy them, he caused certaine barbacanes or loopeholes,

[unspec A] almost a cubit deep, to be pierced through the wals, & to stand thick from the foot therof, to the parapet; and all to flank the enemie, through which ouvertures: they within shot closely against the enemies, some arrowes out of bowes, some quarrels out of scorpions and brakes, of meane and indifferent bignesse. And against those gallies, which approched more close and neer under the walls (because they would be within the shot, and that they within might carie and levell over them) he devised a crane or swipe to be planted aloft upon the wals, having at the one end, which hung over the sea, a drag or grappling hooke of yron like an hand, fastened thereto with a strong chaine: which tooke hold upon the proo of a gallie, and when the heavie counterpoise of lead at the other end, weighed it downe to the ground, and therewith drew with it the proo up on high, whiles it hung thus aloft in the aire, the gallie stood in a manner endlong upon the [unspec B] poupe. And then the swipe being let go again all at once sodainly with a sway, dashed the gallie, tumbling (as it were) downe from the top of the wall, with such a swinge and violence against the water (to the exceeding feare of the marriners) that if it had fallen directly downeright upon the keele, yet needs it must have received good store of water into it. Thus all their provision for as∣sault by the sea side, was deluded and made void: and then they turned their whole forces from thence, to give assault by land. But even that part of the wall likewise, was as wel furnished with all manner of engines & ordinance, provided at the great charge of Hiero, and by his careful fore∣cast for many yeers together: but devised & framed by the artificiall cunning and skil only of Ar∣chimedes. Besides, the naturall situation of the ground was a great helpe: for that the rocke, upon which the foundations of the wall stand, is for the most part so steepe and bending forward, that [unspec C] not only the shot levelled out of any engine, but also whatsoever was but rolled & tumbled down, with the very own weight & poise, came with a great force and violence upon the enimie. Which foresaid cause, made the assailants to have difficult climing up, and as unstedfast footing & kee∣ping of their hold. Whereupon they went to counsell. And considering well, that all their at∣tempts and enterprises were thus deluded & mocked by the enemie: it was thought good to give over assault, and only by long and continuall siege, to cut them off from all victuals both by land and sea. In the mean while Marcellus with one third part (welneere) of the armie, went forth in ex∣pedition, to recover againe those cities, which taking occasion upon these troubles, were revolted to the Carthaginians. And he gained Pelorus & Herbesus, which yeelded on their own accord. As for Megara, which he woon by assault, he rased it downe to the ground, and sacked it, to the [unspec D] fearefull example of all the rest, and especially of the Saracosians.

And much about that time, Himilco also, who had a long time rid in the Bay of the Cape Pa∣chynus with his Armada, disbarked & set a land at Heraclea (which they cal Minoa) 25000 foot∣men, 3000 horsemen, & 12 Elephants. He had not all this power of men when he lay with his fleet under Pachinus. For after that Hippocrates had taken & held the possession of Saracose, he went to Carthage: where, being sent unto both by embassadors from Hippocrates, & also by letters from Annibal (who moved him & made remonstrances, That now the time was come to recover Sicilie again with much honor & glorie: and being himselfe there present in person no bad sollicitor by word of mouth to further & follow the cause) he easily persuaded the Carthaginians & prevailed that as great a power both of horse & foot as might possibly be raised, should passe over into Sici∣lie. [unspec E] Being arived at Heraclea, within few daies after Agrigentum was delivered up into his hands. And all other cities, which had banded & taken part with the Carthaginians, were put in so good hope to drive the Romans out of Sicilie: that even they at last who were besieged within Saracose, took hart unto them; & were so in their ruffe, that supposing part of their forces sufficient enough to defend their citie, they parted between them the charge & managing of the whole war in this manner: That Epicides should remaine behind for the guard and defence of the citie, and Hip∣pocrates ioyne with Himilco, and warre jointly against the Romanes. Hee with 10000 foot, and 500 horse, set out by night: and passed betweene the Corps de guard, where none at all warded, and encamped about the citie Acerrae. As they were fortifying their campe, Marcellus came upon them as hee retyred backe from Agrigentum, possessed now by the adverse part: whether [unspec F] he had made great hast, but in vaine, in hope to prevent his enemies, and get thither afore: but little thought he (and nothing lesse) than in his returne from thence, at that time and in that place, to meete with an armie of Saracosians that should make head against him. Howbeit, for feare of Himilco and the Carthaginians, whom he knew to be abroad, and with whom he was not able to make his part good with that power which he had about him, he marched as circum∣spectly

as he could, having his eye on every side, and led his army in good order of battaile a∣gainst [unspec G] all occurrences whatsoever might happen by the way. And so as good hap was, that care∣full forecast and diligence, which he was provided with against the Carthaginians, served him in very good steed against the Sicilians. Finding them therefore busie in pitching their tents, with∣out order, and skattred asunder, and most of them unarmed, he environed soone all the Infan∣terie that they had, and put them to the sword. But the Cavallerie after a slight skirmish begun, fled with their leader Hippocrates to Acrae. Marcellus after he had by this fight repressed and kept in the Sicilians, who were at hand to fall away and revolt unto the Romanes, returned to Saracose: and after some few dayes, Himilco joyned with Hippocrates, and encamped about eight miles from thence, upon the river Anatis.

Likewise about the same time or very neere, it hapned that 55 war-ships of the Carthagini∣ans, [unspec H] under the conduct of Bomilcar, Admirall of the Armada, put into the great haven of Sara∣cose out of the deepe and maine sea: and also the Romane fleete of thirtie gallies, with five ranks of ores, arived at Panormus, and landed the first legion there: and thus the warre was turned and diverted from Italie. So wholly seemed both nations, as well Romanes as Carthaginians, amused upon nothing now but Sicilie. Himilco making full accoumpt to prey upon the Romane legion which was set a land at Panormus, as they should come to Saracose; missed of the right way to meete with them: for he marched and led his power far within land higher in the countrey, but the legion coasted along by the sea side, accompanyed as it were with the fleete which flanked them: and came to Pachinus unto Appius Claudius, who with part of his forces went out to meet them on the way. But the Carthaginians made no long stay about Saracose. For Bomilcar ha∣ving [unspec I] small trust and confidence in his ships, considering that the Romanes were comming to∣ward him with a fleete, and were twise as many in number: and withall seeing, that by sojourning there, he did no other good but with his companie empoverish and eate out his friends, spred and halfed up saile, and with a mery wind passed over into Affrick. Himilco also, who had dogged and followed after Marcellus in vaine as far as Saracose, to espie some good opportunitie and vantage to bid him battaile, before he joyned with a greater power: seeing that he was hereof disappointed, and the enemie lying about Saracose safe and secure, as well in regard of their for∣tifications, as their forces: because he would not spend any longer time to no purpose in sitting there still, to looke upon their allies how they were besieged, he dislodged and removed from thence: attending, wheresoever there were any hope and likelihood of revolt from the Romanes, [unspec K] thither tocome with his armie, and shew himselfe in person, to encourage and animate by his presence, those that favoured his part. And first he recovered Murgantia, where the Romane garison was betrayed by the inhabitants, and delivered unto his hands. Into which citie the Ro∣manes had conveyed great store of corne, victuall, and provision of all sorts. Vpon this revolt, other cities also tooke hart unto them, and the Romane garisons were either thrust and driven out of the castles and fortresses, or els were treacherously betrayed, surprised, and destroyed.

The citie Aenna, seated upon an high hill, and on every side inaccessible, as it was by naturall situation of the ground imprenable, so it had a strong garison within the castle, and a captaine of that garison, one, that was not so easy to be compassed and over-raught by deceitfull traines. His name was Pinarius, a wittie man, & hardie withall, who reposed more trust in his owne diligence [unspec L] to prevent, that he might not possibly be deceived, than in the truth and faith of the Sicilians. And at this time more than ever before, he stood upon his gard, and tooke heedful care of him∣selfe and his charge, by occasion that he heard of so many treacheries & treasons, so many revolts of cities, and massacres of garisons: and therefore as well by day as night, he looked that the castle was well provided and furnished of good watch and ward continually, and the souldiers ne∣ver departed from their armor nor their appointed place. Which when the chiefe citizens of Aenna perceived, who already had covenanted with Himilco, and promised to betray the fort and the garison: and saw that the Romane captaine was so wary, that he lay not open unto the oppor∣tunitie of any fraudulent and guilefull course, they resolved by apert and open meanes to effect this their designed enterprise. They alleaged therefore unto Pinarius, that the citie and castle [unspec M] both, ought to be in their power: since that they entred into league and amitie with the Romanes as free men, and were not yeelded as slaves to be kept in duresse and prison. Reason would there∣fore, and meete it was (as they thought) that all the keyes of the gates were delivered unto them. With good and trustie allies, their owne faith and truth is the surest bond. And no doubt, the

[unspec A] people and Senate of Rome would con them greater thanke, and esteeme more deerely of them, if so be they of themselves not by constraint but of willing mind, would abide and continue in their sound allegeance and fast friendship. Pinarius made answere againe, That he was by his generall placed there, captaine of the garison: at his hands he received the keyes of the gates, and the Constableship of the castle, and the same to hold and keepe neither at his owne will, nor at the pleasure of the men of Aenna, but at his disposition, who sealed him his commission. Now for a captaine to abandon his fort (quoth he) is a capitall crime among the Romans, by vertue of a law, which our fathers themselves have confirmed, even by the exemplary punishment & death of their owne children, who have transgressed the same. And seeing the Consull Marcellus is not far off; ye may if it please you, send your embassadours unto him, of whom you may be certified, [unspec B] under whose power, commandement, and government I am. Tush, say they, we will never send unto him. But if words and reasons may not prevalle, we will worke some other meanes to reco∣ver our libertie againe. Then quoth Pinarius to them,* 1.16 If ye thinke much to addresse your mes∣sengers to the Consull, yet do me this favour, as to call a common counsell of the people for my sake, that I may know whether these demaunds proceede from some few, or from the whole bodie of the citie. So it was accorded and agreed, that a generall assemblie should be proclaimed against the morrow. Then Pinarius after that he was departed from this parlie, returned into the fortresse, and calling his souldiers together, spake unto them in this wise. I suppose, ye have heard alreadie (my souldiers) in what sort the Romane garrisons have, these dayes past, bene betrayed and murdred by the Sicilians. That treacherie, hitherto ye have avoided & escaped; first & prin∣cipally [unspec C] through the goodnesse of thegods: next and immediatly by your owne valour and pro∣wesse, and by continuall watch & ward, standing in your armor both day & night. And I would to God ye might passe as well the time to come, without falling into this hard choyse, either to en∣dure & suffer some horrible mischiefe: or to execute and commit a fearefull example of crueltie. This intended treason of theirs, hath bene carried and conveyed closely and cautelously all this while, & seeing they cannot as yet, meet with any advantage to surprise us, they would seem now openly and without dissimulation, to demaund for to have all the keies of the gates under their hands. Which we should not so soon part with & render unto them, but presently Aenna would turne to the Carthaginians, and more cruelly should we heere be murdered and hewen in pee∣ces, than the garrison was at Murgantia. Much a do I had to obtaine of them respite of this one [unspec D] night, to take further counsell: that I might advertise you of the present danger, wherin both I and you stand. To morrow morning by day light, they purpose to hold a solemne assembly of the people, and to make a speech unto them, to accuse me, and to stirre them up against you. And to morrow is the day, that the citie Aenna shall overflow either with the bloud of you, or of the inhabitants. And be yee well assured, that as ye shall loose all that you have, if they surprise you: so in case you prevent them & begin the fray, there shall no perill at all betide you. Looke who first laieth hand on his sword & draweth it, he shall carie away the victorie cleer. Therfore ye must beethere, prest in your armour, and attentive to expect a signall from me. I my selfe will bee present in the assembly, and with parling and debating, temporise and draw out the time, untill ye be all in readinesse and every thing in order. And so soone as I shall give you a signe with my [unspec E] gowne, then let me heare you set up an outcrie, then let me see you fall upon the multitude: down with them and spare not, and put them all to the sword. See in any case there be not one of them escape your hands and remaine a live, from whom yee may feare any harme, either by fraud or force. And now I beseech thee ô Dame Ceres, and thy daughter Proserpina, and all other gods in heaven above, or in hell beneath, who inhabit this cittie, these holy lakes and sacred groves, wherein yee are honoured and worshiphed, to vouchsafe to be propice and favourable unto us; in case wee enter into this action and enterprise, for the avoiding of treacherie intended against us, and not to offer mischiefe unto other: and not otherwise. I would use more words unto you my friends and souldiours, for to animate and encourage you, if it were that you had to deale with men in armes: but since they are naked, unarmed, & unwarned, you shall kill and sley them [unspec F] at your pleasure, and satisfie your selves with their bloud. And to the end thatyou need not feare any harme from Himilco and the Carthaginians, loe the Consull himselfe lieth encamped neere at hand. After this exhortation; they were dismissed, to take their refection and rest. The next day, they were bestowed in sundrie parts of the cittie, some to beset all the streets, others to stop the passages and the waies against the townsmen, that they might not escape. But the most of

them stood upon and about the Theatre, and were nothing suspected, as being used heretofore [unspec G] to behold and see the assemblies of the people. The Romane captaine Pinarius, was by the ma∣gistrates brought forth & presented before the people where hee pleaded, That it lay not in his hands, but in the power and authoritie of the Consull, to dispose of that which they demanded: and he iterated for the most part, the same allegations that he shewed the day before. At first they began gently, some few by litle and litle: afterwards more and more of them, required him to deliver up the keies; and so consequently all with one voice, charged and commaunded him so to do: and when hee seemed to make some stay & deferrethe matter, they menaced & threatned fiercely, yea, and seemed as if they would no longer for beare, but proceed to extreame violence. Then the captaine made a signe with his robe, according to the former agreement & with that, the soldiers who had their eies upon him, waitingwistly for the signall and were readie for execu∣tion, [unspec H] set up a lowd crie & ran some from aloft, upon the multitude assembled over against them; others stood thicke at every corner of the Theatre, where the people should go forth, & opposed themselves against them. Thus the men of Aenna, shut up & penned within the theatre, wer mas∣sacred & lay tumbled one upon other; not they onely that were killed, but such also as fled one o∣ver anothers head: the sound fell upon the wounded, the quick upon the dead, one with another, by heapes. Then there was running from thence sundrie waies, & as if the citie had bin taken up∣on assault by the enemie, there was nothing but murdering & flying away in every place. And as hote & furious were the soldiers in the execution of this unarmed multitude (whom they judged worthily & justly to be killed) as if like danger presented unto them, or choller raised in set battel, had provoked them therto. Thus Aenna was held still for the Romanes by this means: were the [unspec I] deed simply ill, or by circumstance needful & necessarie; Marcellus misliked not of the fact, and granted the pillage of the citizens of Aenna to the soldiers: supposing that the Sicilians throgh∣ly frighted by this fearfull example, wold betray no more garisons. The calamitie & hard fortune of this citie, (standing, as it did, in the very hart of Sicilie) was in one day divulged and noised throughout the Iland, from one end to the other. And otherwise, a famous & renowned town it was, either for the natural situation so exceeding strong or because all places in it, were accounted sacred & holy, in remembrance of Proserpina; who in times past left her footing & traces there, at what time as she was stollen away & ravished [by Pluto.] Now it was generally thought by the Si∣cilians, that this cursed & detestable massacre, had defiled & polluted not onely the habitations of men, but also the temples of the gods: whereupon even they likewise, who stood but doubtfull [unspec K] and indifferent before, fell now away from the Romanes, and turned to the Carthaginians.

Then Hippocrates retired to Murgantia, and Himilco to Agrigentum: who were sent for, by the conspiratours and traitors within Aenna, and approched with their forces, but to no pur∣pose. Marcellus returned to the Leontines countrie: and after hee had brought into the campe corne and other victuales, and left there a mean guard, hee presented himselfe to the siege that lay before Saracose. And when hee had sent Appius Claudius to Rome to sue for the Consulship, hee commited the charge in his roume of the armada there, and the old leaguer unto T. Quintius Crispinus. Himselfe erected and fortified his wintring harbours five myles from Exapylos, at a place which men call Leontia. And these were the affairs of Sicilie unto the beginning of winter.

In the same summer, the warre began likewise with king Philip, which long before had bene [unspec L] suspected. For there came Embassadours from Oricum to M. Valerius the Pretour, Admirall of the fleet, for the defence of Brundusium, and the sea coast therabout, of Calabria, & made report that Philip first assaied to win Apollonis, and was come up the river with one hundred & twen∣tie light gallies, or foists with two rankes of ores against the streame: and afterwards, seeing hee could not effect his purpose so speedily as hee hoped, privily by night hee approched with his armie to Oricum: and that the cittie, situate upon a plaine, neither strongly fenced with walls, nor well manned with souldiours, ne yet furnished with armour and munition, was at the first assault surprised and woon. And as they recounted these newes, so, they besought him to graunt aid and succour: and to make head against this undoubted enemie of the Romanes, either by land, or forces at sea, and to chase him away from them: who for no other reason were by him as∣sailed, [unspec M] but because they were neer neighbors to Italie. M. Valerius leaving the guard of that place to T. Valerius his Lieutenant generall, with a fleet of ships well rigged, furnished, and ap∣pointed; and having embarked these souldiours (which the gallies for war would not receive) in the merchants ships of burden, arrived at Oricum on the second day after: and finding that citie

[unspec A] kept with a small and slight garrison, which Philip when he departed from thence, had left there, recovered it without much resistance. Thither repaired unto him Embassadous from Apollonia, who brought word that they were besieged, because they refused to revolt from the Romanes: and were not able to hold out any longer against the forcible attempts of the Macedonians, un∣lesse a garrison of Romanes were sent unto them. Hee promised to effect whatsoever they desi∣red, and so shipped a thousand elect and choise souldiours in gallies, & sent them to the mouth of the river, under the conduct of a captaine of Allies Naevius Crispus, an industrious man & an expert souldiour. He having landed his men, and sent the gallies backe to Oricum (from whence hee came) to the rest of the armada, conducted his souldiours higher in the countrie, farre from the river side, by a way that was not beset nor held by the kings forces: and in the night season, [unspec B] unwares to all the enimies, entred the citie. The day following they rested, only the captain tooke a survey of the youth & able men of Appollonia, of their armor & the munitions & forces of the citie. When hee had seene and perused all, thereupon hee was well appaied and encouraged to fight, and wit hall, hee had learned by the escoutes and spies, how retchlesse, ydle, and negligent the enemies were without. So at midnight hee went forth of the cittie without any noise, and en∣tred the campe of the enemies so carelesly guarded as it was, and lying so open: that by credi∣ble report, there were above one thousand men gotten within the trench & rampiar, before that any one was ware therof: and if they had held their hands & not fallen to killing, they might have passed on still even as farre as to the kings pavilion. But by reason that they slew the warders next the gates, the enemies were raised: whereupon, they were all so frighted and terrified, that [unspec C] not onely there was never a souldiour tooke weapon in hand, and went about to repulse the ene∣mie out of the campe but even the king himselfe, halfe naked as he was, and newly wakened out of his sleepe; clad in simple apparrell, scarce decent for a common souldiour, much lesse ywis for a king, was faine to run toward the river side to his ships. Thither also the other multitude fled disordered in heapes. There were not many under three thousand, either slaine or taken prisoners in the campe. Yet there were more by oddes of the enemies taken, than killed. In the rifling of the campe, the Apollonians met with Catapults and Balists, and other engines provided for the assault of the cittie, which they conveighed all to Apollonia, to serve for defence of their walls against the like occasion of needfull service. All the bootie besides of the campe was graunted unto the Romanes.

[unspec D] Tidings hereof being come to Oricum, M. Valerius presently set forth the Armada as far as to the mouth of the river, that the king might not flie away and escape by sea with his ships: wher∣upon Philip distrusting his power as well by sea as shore, and doubting he was notable to match the Romanes, drew up some of his ships to land, setfire upon the rest, and so by land went into Macedonie, with a great part of his souldiors disarmed and spoiled. The Romane fleet wintered at Oricum with M. Valerius.

The same yeere in Spaine the affairs went variably on both sides. For before that the Romans passed over the river Iberus, Mago & Asdruball defeited a mightie host of Spaniards, so as, all the farther part of Spaine had fallen from the Romanes, but that P. Cornelius made hast to transport his armie over Iberus, and came in good time to settle the wavering and doubtfull minds of the [unspec E] allies. At the first, the Romans encamped at * 1.17Castrum Altum, a place memorable for the death of great Amilear. The castle was well fortified, and thither afore, they had conveied corne. But because all those quarters thereabout were full of enemies, and sundrie times their Cavallerie had charged the Romane footmen, and gone cleere away without any harme, whereby there had ben slain at times upon a 2000 of them, which either made small hast away, & staied behind, or straggled loosely over the fields: the Romans departed from thence, neerer unto places of more securitie & peace, and fortified themselves in campe upon the mount of Victoria. Thither earne Cn. Scipio with all his forces, and likewise Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo, the third captaine of the Carthaginians, with a full armie. And they all encamped beyond the water, over against the for•• of the Romanes abovesaid. P. Scipio, accompanied with certaine light armed souldiors, was gone [unspec F] out closely to discover and take view of the places thereabout howbeit, nor so covertly, but hee was espied by the enemies, and (no doubt) they had put him to a shrewd foile in the open plaine champion, but that hee tooke a little hill thereby for his vantage. Where hee was environned and beset round about: but by the comming of his brother Cneus, he was delivered out of that daunger.

Castulo, a famous and strong citie in Spaine, and so neere linked in affinitie to the Carthagi∣nians, [unspec G] that Anniball from thence maried his wife, raunged to the Romanes. The Carthagini∣ans came against Illiturgum, and began to assault it, because a garison of the Romanes lay there: and like they were to be maisters of the towne, by occasion especially of a great dearth and scar∣citie of victuals within. But Cn. Scipio for to relieve his friends and the garison, went out with a legion lightly appointed without cariages, and marching betweene the two camps of the ene∣mies, skirmished with them, slew many of them, and entred the citie. The morrow after, he sal∣lied out, joyned in fight with the enemie, and sped as well: so as in both battailes there were slaine of them, above twelve thousand in the place, more than ten thousand taken prisoners, and 36 mi∣litarie ensignes caried away. Thus the siege brake up at Illiturgum. After this, the Carthaginians began to lay siege unto Bigerra (a citie also confederate with the Romanes.) But Cn. Scipio at [unspec H] his comming raised that siege without any conflict. Then the Carthaginians from thence went forward against Munda, and the Romanes followed them thither streight after. There they en∣countred together, and fought a set battaile with banners displayed, for the space welneere of foure houres. And as the Romanes bare themselves bravely, and had gotten the better, and were at point of the victorie, the retreat was sounded, by occasion that Cn. Scipio was hurt fore in his thigh with a barbed javelin, and the souldiers about him were greatly afraid, that the wound was deadly. But no doubt, if it had not bene for that stay and hinderance, the very camp of the Car∣thaginians might that day have bene forced. For not only the souldiers, but the Elephants also were driven already so farre as the trench, and even there upon the very banke, 39 of them were sticked with darts and pikes. In this battaile like wise, were killed (by report) twelve thousand [unspec I] men, almost three thousand taken prisoners, and 57 militarie ensignes woon. Then the Cartha∣ginians retyred back to the citie Aurinx, and the Romanes followed upon them, because they would give them no time to rest and breath themselves after their fright. Where Scipio being brought into the field in a litter, gave them battaile the second time, and got the victorie cleere: but sewer of the enemies were slaine by the one halfe than afore, because there were not so many in number left to fight. But (as they are a nation given naturally to renew warre, and to be ever fighting, and can not give over) they soone repaired and made up all their forces. For Asdruball 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent his brother Mago, to levie and gather new souldiours: whereupon they tooke fresh hart againe to try another field. These, being for the most part other souldiours (new come) fought as it were in revenge, and to uphold that side which in few dayes space had so often taken the foyle, [unspec K] and demeaned themselves as couragiously as they before, and sped as untowardly. For there were slaine of them above eight thousand, not many under one thousand taken captives, with militarie ensignes 58. In rifling of them, there was found very much spoile of the Gaules, as rings of gould, carkanets, colars, and bracelets great store. Over and besides, two great lords or prin∣ces of the Gaules, whose names were Moenicaptus and Civismarus, were slaine outright in that conflict. Eight Elephants taken alive, and three killed.

Now when as the affaires in Spaine went thus fortunately with the Romanes, they began at length for very shame to thinke of Saguntum, a towne that was the cause of all these warres, and had now five yeares already bene in the hands and possession of the enemie. Whereupon by force of armes they recovered it, drave out of the towne the garison of the Carthaginians, and [unspec L] restored it againe to the auncient inhabitants, as many as remained alive, and had escaped these broiles of warre. As for the Turdetanes, who were the occasion of the warres betweene the Sa∣guntines and the Carthaginians, they subdued them, and brought them under their subjection, sold them in port sale, and destroyed their citie utterly. These were the atchievances in Spaine during the time that Q. Fabius and M. Claudius were Consuls.

At Rome, when the new Tribunes of the commons were once entred into their office, pre∣sently L. Metellus one of the Tribunes aforesaid, arrested the Censors P. Furius, and M. Attilius, peremptorily to make their apparance and answere before the people. These Censors had taken from him being Treasurer the year before, his horse of service allowed him by the citie, cassed & displaced him out of his Tribe, deprived him of libertle to give his voice, & made him Aerarius, [unspec M] and all, for being a partie with them at Cannae, who complotted to abandon Italie. But by the meanes and mediation of the other nine Tribunes, they were discharged: for they would not suf∣fer, that the Censors should come to their answere whiles they were in office. And the death of one of them, namely P. Furius, was the cause that they could not accomplish the sessing & num∣bring

[unspec A] of the citizens. And then M. Attilius surrendred up his Magistracie. Qu. Fabius Max. held the solemne assembly and parliament of the people for the election of Consuls, wherein were created Q. Fabius Max. the Consul his sonne, and T. Sempronius Gracchus the second time, both absent. For Pretours, there were elected M. Atilius, and with him, they who at that time were Aediles of the chaire, to wit, P. Sempronius Tuditanus, Cn. Fulvius Centimalus, and M. Aemy∣lius Lepidus.

This yeare, as it appeareth in old Records, were the Stage-playes first set out by the Aediles of the chaire, and continued foure dayes. This Aedile Tuditanus aboue named was he, who at Cannae (when all besides him for feare were astonied, in that wofull calamitie) brake forcibly through the mids of the enemies, and escaped. When Q. Fabius the old Consull had [unspec B] finished the Election, then the new Consuls Elect were sent for, to repaire unto Rome, and they entred their Magistracie. Then they assembled the Senate for to consult and take order for the warre, for the provinces as well their owne, as those that were under the Pretours: also concer∣ning the armies, and the disposition of every charge and place of commaund. So the provinces and armies were divided in this wife: The warre with Anniball, wheresoever it fell out, was com∣mitted to the managing of the Coss, with the charge of one armie, which Sempronius himselfe had before under his conduct: and of another, commaunded by Fabius the Consull. And those were two legions. M. Aemylius the Pretour, whose lot it was to have the jurisdiction over the foreiners, had committed his auctoritie unto his Colleague Atilius, the Pretour of the citi∣zens of Rome, that he might governe the province about Luceria, and those two legions, over [unspec C] which Q. Fabius now Consull, had the commaund, whiles he was Pretour. To Sempronius the Pretor, befell the province of Ariminum. To Cn. Fulvius was allotted Suessula, with two legions likewise: so as, Fulvius should have the leading of the legions of citizens, and Tuditanus receive his from M. Pomponius. The government of the forein provinces continued still in the former deputies. M. Claudius ruled Sicilie, so farre as the dominion of king Hiero extended: and Lentu∣lus the Viz-Pretour, had the charge of the old province. T. Octacilius was high Admirall of the navie, without any new supply or augmentation of forces. M. Valerius was employed in Greece and Macedonie, with one legion, and the armada which he had before. Q. Mutius was L. Depu∣tie in Sardinia, having under him the old armie, consisting of two legions. And C. Terentius had the administration of the affaires in Picenum, with that one legion which long time he had bene [unspec D] captaine of. Moreover, it was decreed and agreed upon, that there should be mustred and en∣rolled two new legions of citizens, and twentie thousand men besides levied of allies and asso∣ciates. With these captaines and these forces abovesaid, they provided for the defence and maintenance of the State and Empire of Rome, against many warres at once, either in hand alreadie, or suspected shortly. The Consuls having enrolled two legions of citizens, and chosen a supplie to make out the rest, before that they set foote out of the citie, procured the pa∣cification of the gods, for the fearefull & prodigious tokens that were reported. For the wall and gates of Rome were blasted and smitten with lightning from heaven: and likewise the temple of Iupiter at Aricia. Other vaine objects and illusions also of the eyes and eares, which men imagi∣ned they saw and heard, were beleeved for truthes. Namely, there appeared in the river of Tarra∣cina [unspec E] certain resemblances and shewes of gallies, whereas in deede there were none such. And in the temple of Iup. Vicilinus, which standeth in the territorie of Cossa, there was heard; forsooth, rustling of armour: and the river of Amiternus seemed to run with bloud. When satisfaction was made for these strange signes, the gods pleased, and all well againe, according to the di∣rection set downe by the Priests and Prelates, then the Consuls set forward in their expedition, Sempronius into Lucania, and Fabius into Apulia. Where, it so fell out, that Fabius the father re∣paired into the camp at Suessula, as Lieutenant & assistant unto his sonne. And when Fabius the yonger went forth tomeete him, and his sergeants or huishers marching afore, said not a word to Fabius the father, nor put him aside to give way, for very reverence of his person, (such a maje∣stie he caried) the old man rode forward, and passed by eleven of the said Lictors with their [unspec F] bundels of rods. Then the Consull commaunded the Serjeant that was next himselfe to do his office: and with that, the said huisher called upon old Fabius, to alight from his horseback: and at last, as he set foot a ground: I did all this but to try quoth he, my sonne, whether you knew well that you were a Consull or no.

There came that night secretly to the Consull while the camp lay there, one Cassius Attinius

an Arpinate, with his three bondslaves, promising, that if hee might have a good reward for his [unspec G] service, he would betray Arpos into his hands. Fabius then proposed this matter unto his coun∣sell, to be debated off. Some were of opinion, that Altinius was to be whipped and put to death, fugitive renegate and false knave as he was: a common enemie, and a dangerous to either part, and playing with both hands, like a double-hearted hypocrite. Who first, after the overthrow at Cannae (as if hee might turne with the wheele of fortune, and goe from his woord and faithfull promise, and change ever as (he changeth) raunged himselfe unto Anniballs and by his example, drew with him Arpos to revolt and rebell: now, after that he seeth the Roman estate to rise again and hold up head (and that, beyond his hope, and contrary to his desires) he would play the villain and turne-coat againe, and come with a new practise of a more shamefull treason than before: as if trecherie andfalshood were of the nature and qualitie of a judgement passed in Septenivirall [unspec H] court: and as if he might be allowed to carrie two faces under a hood, & alterevery houre. Faith∣lesse friend, that he is, not to be trusted, and slipperie enemie, not to be regarded. A good deed it were, that together with that same traitour of Falerij, and the other of king Pyrrhus, hee made a third, and were punished accordingly for exemplarie justice, to teach all rogues and renegates hereafter, how they run from their lords and maisters. On the other side, old Fabius (the Consuls father) replied againe and said, That men now adaies had forgotten how to make difference of seasons, and in the very heat and middest of warres, reasoned and gave their opinion and censure of every thing and person, as in a free time of open peace: when as indeed, wee are to thinke, consider, and deliberate of this point, that (if possible it might bee) no more of our allies revolt from the people of Rome, rather than invite and incite them thereto: and after one is [unspec I] started aside, and upon repentance returned againe to the auncient amitie, to fall a reviling and rebuking of him, and bitterly to say, that he deserveth to be made an example to all others. For if it may be lawfull for one to turne from the Romanes, and held unlawfull to returne again unto the Romanes, no man need doubt, but shortly the Romane Empire will bee forsaken of all her consederates and allies, and we shall see within a while all the citties in Italie linked and consede∣red in fast league and friendship with the Carthaginians. And yet (quoth hee) I am not the man, that thinketh Altinius worthie to bee trusted in any thing for all this, but I would take a meane course and middle way betweene both extremities. My opinion is therefore, that for the present he should be taken neither for enemie nor friend, but commaunded to ward, & to have the liber∣tie of a prisoner, and only be kept forthcomming in some confederat & trustie citie, not far from [unspec K] the campe, during the time of the warre. And when the warre is once finished and ended, then I hold it good to deliberate and consult, whither that his former revolt hath deserved more pu∣nishment, than this his present returne meriteth favour and grace.

Every men liked well of this advise of old Fabius, and gave their assent. So he was bound with chaines, and both himselfe and his companie delivered over and put in custodie, & a good round summe of gold, which he then had brought with him, was by commandement reserved for his use. At Cales he made his abode: where all the day time he used to walk at libertie, with his keepers following him, but in the night they kept him close prisoner. But at Arpi, where his home was, they of his own house began first to misse him, and seeke for him: afterwards, when it was noised throughout the whole citie, that he was out of the way, and could not be found: the fame hereof caused a tumult, for the losse of a [unspec L] principall person as hee was, thus revolted to the enemie. And for feare of an alteration in the State, presently the newes thereof was sent to Anniball. Who was nothing offended thereat, both because long asore he had the partie himselfe in jelousie and suspition, as one neither fish nor flesh, a man of no credit, and hardly to be trusted: and also for that he found a good occasion and quarrell to seize upon the goods of so rich and substantialla citizen, and to make sale therof. But to the end, that the world might thinke, that hee was more angrie against his person, than greedie of his substance, he joined with crueltie, a grave course also of judiciall severitie, that the one might serve as a fuile to give lustre to the other. For having sent for his wife & children into the campe, first he examined them straitly, for to know whether he was fled, and what store of sil∣ver and gold he had left behind him at home in his house: and when he had learned ynough of [unspec M] them touching every particular, and as much as he desired, he burnt them quicke to ashes.

Fabius being departed from Suessula, purposed the first thing that hee did, to assaile Arpi. Where he lay encamped a mile from the town: and after hee had well viewed by neere approch, the situation of the cittie, and considered the wall, looke where hee saw it was most strong

[unspec A] and sure, and therefore guarded most slightly and negligently, there especially he purposed to give the hotest assault. And when he had sufficiently provided & got together all ordinance and engines, requisite for the batterie of cities, he made choise of the most hardie and valiant Cen∣turions of the whole armie, and set over them certaine Tribunes and marshals, valourous and doubtie goodmen, and appointed unto them a regiment of sixe hundred souldiours (for so many he thought sufficient for the present service) with direction and commaundement, that when the trumpet sounded the reliefe of the fourth watch, they should bring skaling ladders to that place aforesaid. Now there stood a gate low and narrow, answering to a street not much used and frequented, by reason that quarter of the citie was not inhabited, but stood void. That gate hee gave them order first to scale and climbe over, and then to goe forward on the wall, & from with-in-forth [unspec B] to breake downe the barres, and levell the said gate, and when they were maisters of that quarter of the citie, then to wind the horne, & give signall to the rest of the forces for to approch and come hard to the towne, saying, That he would have all things in readinesse, and in good or∣der. This direction was performed accordingly with great diligence, & that which was thought and feared, would have been an hinderance and let unto them in the action, was the onely thing which helped them most, that they were not descried. And that was a smoking shower of raine that began after midnight, which caused the warders and watchmen to quit their standings, forsake the Sentinels, and to flie into the houses for covert. The first noise of the storme pouring downe with such force, made, that the rumbling of the souldiours could not bee heard, as they were breaking downe the gate; and as it grew after to raine more softly, and so kept still at one, [unspec C] it sounded gently and sweetly in their eares, untill it brought a good many of them fast asleepe. Now after they had seized the gate, the marshals gave order, That the Cornettiers should be be∣stowed in that void street aforesaid, distant equally asunder, and to wind their hornes, for to wa∣ken and raise the Consull. Which being done, according as it was before agreed, the Cos. com∣maunded the standards and ensignes to be brought forth, and somewhat before day light, ente∣red at the said broken gate into the citie. With that, the enemies at length began to rouse them∣selves, for now the shower and storme was past, and the day approched. There was a garrison in the citie at hand of five thousand of Anniball his souldiours, armed and well appointed: and the Arpines of themselves were 3000 strong. Those the Carthaginians put in the forefront, as a forlorne hope, and opposed them against the enemie, for feare of some trecherous pranke [unspec D] that they might play behind their backes. First they began to arraunge themselves to fight in the darke, blind, and narrow lanes. For the Romanes had filled and taken up not onely all the streets, but also the houses that were next the gate, to the end, they might not be gauled with shot, and wounded from aloft. Some Arpines and Romanes fell at length to meet, to take knowledge and acquaintance one of another, and so began to commune and talke together. The Romanes as∣ked what the Arpines meant to rebell; for what offence and harme given of the Romanes, and for what desert & benefit received from the Carthaginians, should they (being naturall Italians) maintaine warre, for Aliens, straungers, and barbarous nations, against the Romanes their old friends and auncient allies; and so to bring Italie in subjection to Affricke, to do homage and fealtie, yea and to become tributarie, and to pay pension unto it? The Arpines excused and clee∣red [unspec E] themselves, saying that they (simple men, and ignorant of all things) were bought and sold by their great rulers and principall cittizens, and lived in manner as captives and slaves under the commaund of some few persons, that might do all. Vpon this beginning, more & more of them grew to parling and conference. At length the Pretour of Arpi himselfe, was by his own people and citizens brought and presented before the Consull: where, after faithfull promise passed, be∣tweene the ensignes & the battailes; the Arpines immediatly bent their forces on the Romanes side aginst the Carthaginians. The Spaniards likewise (who were not many under one thousand men) after they had capitulate and agreed with the Romane Consull, nothing but this one arti∣cle, That the garison of the Carthaginians might be sent forth & passe away safe without harme: came with their colours to the Consull. Then all the gates were set open for the Carthaginians [unspec F] to depart: and being sent away upon safe conduct, without any harme at all or dammage unto Anniball, arrived at Salapia. Thus Arpi was restored againe to the Romans, without the losse and detriment of any one man, but one onely old traitour and new fugitive revolt. The Spaniards were appointed to have double allowance of victuals: and they performed good, faithfull, and valiant service many times after to the Commonweale.

When one of the Consuls was in Apulia, and the other in Lucania, one hundred and twelve [unspec G] men of armes, Gentlemen of the nobilitie of Capua, having license graunted by the magistrates to go out of the citie, pretending to make a rode into the enemies countrie, and to fetch in boo∣ties and prises, came directly to the Romanes campe, lying about Suessula. And meeting with the Corps de guard, declared who they were, & that they would parle with the lord Deputie. Now Cn. Fulvius was the Generall and commaunder of the armie there: who being advertised and certified heereof, gave order that ten onely of all that number, should bee brought before him unarmed. When he had heard their suite and demaund, which was nothing else, but that when Capua was recovered by the Romanes, they might have their goods restored unto them: he re∣ceived them all into his protection. The other Pretour also Sempronius Tuditanus, woon by force the towne Cliternum: where there were taken prisoners above seven thousand men: and a good [unspec H] deale of copper and silver coine gained besides. At Rome there chanced a fearfull and pittifull fire, which continued two nights & one whole day. All between Salinae & the gate Carmentalis, togither with the Aequimelium and the street Iugatium, were burned downe and made even with the ground. Likewise without the gate the fire spred far all about, and in the temples of Fortuna and Dame Matuta, and Spes, consumed much, as well hallowed as prophane.

The same yeare, when all things prospered well & had good successe in Spain, P. and Cn. both Scipions having recovered many associates & those of ancient league, that came in again to him and yeelded themselves; and besides, gained some new consederates: conceived good hope, and tooke heart to proceed farther even into Affricke.

Syphax king of the Numidians, on a suddaine fell out with the Carthaginians, and became [unspec I] their prosessed enemie. Vnto him the Scipions addressed three Centurians as Embassadours, to treat with him about a league and alliance: and to promise withall, that if he went on still to trou∣ble and molest the Carthaginians, by making warre upon them, hee should do an high favor to the Senate and people of Rome: and that they would endevour and bring about, that in good time and place, hee should be well requited for that kindnesse, and receiue at their hands a dou∣ble recompence with thankes. This embassage pleased the barbarous king right well.

And after he had conferred & reasoned with the Embassadors, concerning militarie affairs, and the know∣ledge of warfare: and heard those old and experienced soldiers talke of war, he soone found his own wants, & how unskilfull himselfe was in many points & feats of armes, in comparison of that methodicall and orderly discipline, whereof they had discoursed. The first thing then, that he re∣quested [unspec K] at their hands, was this: that as they were good friends and faithfull allies, two of them only would go back with their embassie unto their generals, and that the third might remain with him, to read unto him a lecture in the militarie science of warfare. Saying, that the nation of the Numidians, were raw and altogither unskilfull in footmens service, & onely nimble and practised in fight on horseback. So (quoth he) from the first beginning of our nation have our ancestors used to warre: and so have we from our childhood bene enured to fight. Mary, an enemie I have, trusting and presuming much upon on his Infanterie, whom I would gladly be able to match every way in all kind of service. Footmen I am able to set out as well as another: for why? my realme is populous, & yeeldeth aboundance of men: but altogither ignorant wee are, how to fit them with armour, how to marshall them, how to order and set them in battaile array: insomuch as all [unspec L] my people in battell go to it pell mell, and are as a multitude hudled and thrumbled togither at a venture, without skil, without discretion and advisement.

The Embassadours aunswered and said, that for the present, they would do according to his will and pleasure: but withall, they had his faithfull promise and word of a Prince, that hee should immediatly send backe their companion againe, in case their Generals approved not their deed in that behalfe. Q. Statorius his name was, that staied behind with the king. So Syphax sent by the two Romans, his answere to the fore∣said embassage, into Spaine: and besides, with them other Numidians, Embassadors of his own, to receiue farther assurance and securitie from the Romane Generals: unto whom hee gave in charge, that foorthwith they should sollicit, persuade, and entice all the Numidians that were auxiliarie souldiours unto the Carthaginians, and served in any campe, cittie, or garrison [unspec M] town of theirs, for to abandon them and come to him. And Statorius for his part, having muste∣red a great multitude of serviceable young men, chose forth and enrolled a power of footmen, to serve in the kings warres: and when hee had sorted them into bands and companies, and ordred them in battaile array, as neere as possibly hee could, to the manner of the Romanes: he

[unspec A] trained them in their running to follow their colors: he taught them to keep their places in their rankes, and to double their files: and likewise he accustomed them to travaile & do worke: & so acquainted them with other militarie orders and exercises, that within short time, the king repo∣sed as good confidence, and was as mightie in his new Infanterie, as in his old cavallerie: and in a set pitched field on even ground, was able to meet the Carthaginian with banner displaied, and give him the foile in a full battaile. The comming of the kings Embassadors into spaine, was to the Romanes also a matter of great consequence and importance: for upon the rumour and fame that went thereof, the Numidians began to fall away apace, and to come thicke unto the Romanes. Thus were the Romanes joyned in amitie and friendship with king Syphax.

When the Carthaginians had intelligence of this new alliance, they addressed immediatly [unspec B] their embassadours to Gala, who reigned in another part of Numidia, over a nation called Mas∣syla.

This Gala had a sonne named Masanissa, of seventeen yeares of age, but a youth of such to∣wardnesse, and so forward in vertue, that even then hee made good and apparant shew, that he would another day enlarge his dominion, and make a more flouring and mightie kingdome, than his father should leave it unto him. These Embassadors declared unto Gala, that for as much as Syphax had entred league, and was banded with the Romanes, to the end that by their alliance and societie, he might be more mightie and puissant against other kings & nations of Affricke: it were also better for him and much more commodious, to joyne with the Carthaginians in all convenient speed: before that either Syphax passed over into Spaine, or the Romanes into Af∣fricke: And Syphax (say they) may soone be defeated and overthrown now, while that hee hath [unspec C] gained naught yet, but the bare name of the Romane league.

Gala was soone persuaded to send a power of men, especially at the earnest instance of his son, who was very desirous of that war, and to have the mannaging therof. He with the helpe of the Carthaginian legions, vanquished Sy∣phax, & gave him a great overthrow. So as at that field there were slain by report, in one day thir∣tie thousand. Syphax himselfe in person, with some few Numidian horsemen fled backe to the Maurisians, that inhabit the farthest coasts, hard upon the Ocean over-against Gades. But the Barbarous people at the same of his comming so resorted in great numbers to him out of all parts, that in a short space, hee was able to arme mightie host. And before he could with them crosse ouer into Spaine, which was divided from Affricke, with a narrow arme of the sea, Masa∣nissa was come with his victorious armie: who in that place, of himselfe, without any help or aid [unspec D] of the Carthaginians, gave Syphax battaile, to his great honour and singular glorie. In Spaine no memorable exploit was atchieved, but that the Romane Generals allured and drew to them the able and serviceable manhood of the Celtiberians, for the same hire and stipend, that they bargained for with the Carthaginians: and sent from thence above three hundred Spaniards of the noblest parentage into Italie, to solicite their countrimen who served under Anniball as auxi∣liaries, to follow them and take part with the Romanes. This onely, touching the affaires of Spaine that yeare, is a thing worthie to bee noted and remem∣bred, That the Romans never waged soldiour to serve in their war before that time, when the Celtiberians began to be their mercenaries, and first received pay.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Oration of Q. Fabius to the people of Rome.
• * 1.2

  The head magistrat, as lord Maior▪
• * 1.3

  Thelese.
• * 1.4

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.5

  Call••••••.
• * 1.6

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tri∣••••••.
• * 1.7

  The citie of Syaracuse was di∣vided into foure parts, Hexapy∣los, Tiche, A••chradina and Insule.
• * 1.8

  In other authors called Tyche, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Fortuna, whose temple there stood.
• * 1.9

  Achradine of others.
• * 1.10

  The Oration of Andronodorus.
• * 1.11

  Sapater his speech to the people of Syracus••.
• * 1.12

  The pittifull words of dame Heracles.
• * 1.13

  The tragicall murder of Lady Heraclea and her two daugh∣ters, yong vir∣gins.
• * 1.14

  P••rts L••ngo∣bardo, or Cabs Pass••o.
• * 1.15

  The Oration of Apollonides, to the people of Saracosse.
• * 1.16

  Pinarius his speech to his souldiours.
• * 1.17

  Chaslian hatit: