The tactiks of Ælian or art of embattailing an army after ye Grecian manner Englished & illustrated wth figures throughout: & notes vpon ye chapters of ye ordinary motions of ye phalange by I.B. The exercise military of ye English by ye order of that great generall Maurice of Nassau Prince of Orange &c Gouernor & Generall of ye vnited Prouinces is added

The Authors that haue written Tacticks; of this booke, and of the profitt, of the Arte. CHAP. I.

HOmer the Poet seemeth to bee the first, (at least we reade of) that had the skill of imbattailing an army, and that admired men indued with that knowledge, as appeareth by Mnestheus of whome he writeth.

His like no liuing wight was found, nor any age did yeild, To Marshall Troopes of horse, or bandes of foote in bloudie field.

Concerning Homers discipline militarie, the workes of Stratocles, & of¹ Fron∣tine a man of Consular dignitie, in our time are to be read. ² Aeneas perfected the Theorie thereof at large publishing many volumes of warfare, which were abridged by ³ Cyneas the Thessalian. Likewise ⁴ Pyrrhus the Epirote wrote Tac∣ticks, and his sonne⁵ Alexander, and Clearchus, and Pausanias, and ⁶ Euangelus, & ⁷ Polibius the Megapolitan (a man of great learning, Scipioes companyon) & Eu∣polemus, and ⁸ Iphicrates; ⁹ Possidonius also the Stoick sett forth the art of warre, & many other, some in Introductions, as Brion, some in large Tactick volumes. Al which, I haue seene, and read, and yet thinke it not much to purpose to men∣tion perticulerlie; being not ignorant, that it hath beene the manner of those writers for the most parte, to applie theire stile not to the ignorant, but to such as are alreadie acquainted with the matters they intreat of; as for the impedi∣ments, which presented themselues to mee, when first I gaue my minde to the studie of this art, as namely neither to happen vpon sufficient Instructours, nor yet to find light, or perspicuitie enough in the precepts delivered: I will ende∣vour, as much as I can, to remoue out of other mens way. And as often as wordes shall faile to expresse my meaning, I will for plainenes sake, vse the di∣rection of figures, and pourtraicts, adioyning thereby the view of the ey, as an aide, and assistance, to the vnderstanding, & withall retaine the termes of aun∣cient authours, to the end, that whosoever shal follow this booke for an intro∣duction, being therein exercised both to the same wordes; & also to the vsage of things expressed in them, may grow as it were acquainted, and imagine himselfe no straunger, when he cōmeth to read their workes. By which waies by me prescribed, I make no doubt, they will easely be vnderstood. Now that this art of all other is of most vse, may appeare by Plato in his booke of lawes where he saith: That the Cretan Law giver so contrived his Laws, as if men were alway praepared to fight. For all cities haue by nature vnproclaimed warre one against another. Which being so: what discipline is more to bee esteemed, or more avaylable to mans life, then this of warre.

Notes.

IT seemeth by this Chapter, that the Authors, that haue of auncient time written Ta∣ctiks, haue beene many: and those not of such kinde of men, as haue given themselues to study, and contemplation alone, but of such, as besides theire knowledge in good letters, haue beene actors in warre themselues, & (which is more) principall actors, some of them Generalls, other the next degree to generalls. Howbeit there is none heere mentioned by Aelian, whose workes are extant. Where by may be esteemed the inestimable losse, these la∣ter ages haue suffred in being deprived of such excellent monuments. I hope, I may so terme them without offence, though I haue not seene them. For what but excellent, can proceed from men of such excellencie in theire profession? such as the most parte of those were. Yet, for some of them, I can say nothing, as finding litle remembrance of them in auncient writers. Of this kind are Eupolemus, Stratocles, Hermias, Clear chus, Pausani∣as: albeit such names may often bee founde: The rest are specially mentioned, and much commended. Of whome I will set downe, what I finde.

• 1 Frontine a man of Consular dignity] I haue before noted some what of Fron∣tine. Wee haue of his, as it is thought, other workes, besides his stratagemes: But this booke of Tacticks, whereof Aelian speaketh, wee haue not. I will onely adde the relation ofa 1.1 Ve∣getius towching Frontine, who writeth thus: Cato the elder, albeit hee had beene both invinceable in armes, and often Generall of great armies, beleeued yet hee should more profit his Countrey, if hee laid downe in writing the disci∣pline of warre. For valiant actes are but of one mans age, but things written for the profite of the state endure for ever. Many other haue done the like, but especially Frontine: whose industry herein was greatly approved by the Em∣perour Traian.
• 2 Aenaeas perfected the Theory.] Aenaeas is mentioned byb 1.2 Polybius in his 10. book, where he discourseth of signes to be made by beacons of fire, in case an enemy approa∣cheth to any parte of our Countrey. His bookes were intituled Commentaries of the of∣fice of a Generall as Polybius saith; & Aelian heere calleth them books of the office of a Generall, the title being all one in effect. Of these bookes none haue reached to our age, but one alone, which compriseth precepts of defending a towne besieged, & some 5. or 6. years agoe came first to light, & priuitie: that worthy man Isaac Casaubon, the learned ornament of his Countrey, (and of England so long, as hee lived there) being the setter forth. And it is adioyned to his edition of Polybius. These bookes Tactick of Aenaeas were abridged (as Aelian saith) by.
• ...

  3. Cyneas the Thessalian] Plutarchin the life of Pyrrhus telleth vs what Cy∣neas was. c 1.3 There was, saith hee, in the Court of Pyrrhus a Thessalian, a man of great vnderstanding: & whoe having heard the orator Demosthenes, seemed alone of all, that then were esteemed eloquent, to renewe in the memory of the hearers an image & shadowe of the vehemencie & vigor of his vtterance. Pyrrhus held him in his Court, and made vse of him, in sending him in embas∣sages to people and Cities. In which embassages hee confirmed the saieng of Euripides.

  What ever force can doe, with trenchant swoordes: The same, or more, is wrought by pleasing wordes.

  Therefore was Pyrrhus wont to say, that Cyneas had gayned more Cities with his eloquence, then himselfe with armes. By occasion whereof he did

• ...

  him great honor, & employed him in his principal affaires. a 1.4 Ti••lly speaketh of his workes: your letters, (saith he to Papyrius Paetus) haue made me a great Gene∣rall: I was altogether ignorant of your so great skill in military matters. I see you haue read the books of Pyrrhus & Cynaeas. I therefore purpose to follow your counsel: this yet more, to haue some fewe shippes in a readinesse vpō the sea-coast. They say, there is noe better armour against Parthian horsemen. But why sport wee? you knowe not, with what a Generall you haue to doe. I haue in this my governement fully in practise expressed Xenophons institution of Cyrus: which before I had worne a pieces with reading. Pyrrhus & Cynaeas, hee nameth, as two principall Authors of warlick discipline: And where he addeth Xenophon, whoe, though he be not named by Aelian amongest the Tactick writers, deserveth yet not to be pretermitted, having been both a great Cōmaunder, & besides writtē largely of mi∣litary matters, whose workes also are now extāt; let vs see, what he saith of him in another place. b 1.5 Cyrus, saith he, is written by Xenophon, not according to the truthe of an history, but for a patterne of just governement. Whose wondrous grauity is by that Philosopher matched with singuler Curtesie, which bookes our A∣fricanus, (and that not without cause) was never wont to let goe out of his handes. And of Africanus he reporteth the like in his c 1.6 Tusculan quaestions.

• 4 Pyrrhus the Epriote wrote Tacticks.] Pyrrhus the K. of Epirus was of aun∣cient time esteemed one of the be•• ••eneralls, that ever was. What d 1.7 Anniballs iudgement was of him Liuy reporteth, & e 1.8 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the life of Pyrrhus. And Antigonus being de∣maunded, whom hee thought the greatest generall, then living, aunswered Pyrrhus. And where other Kings imitated Alexander the great in purple apparaile in num∣ber of gardes about theire persons, in carieng the necke a litleawry, & in spea∣king lowde, hee alone repraesented him in exploictes of armes, & in deedes of prowes, saith Plutarch. f 1.9Plutarch saith likewise: Towching his skill in the arte military howe to order a battaile, and howe to bring his men to fighte with most advantage, a man may draw proofe sufficient out of the books, he wrote; of which bookes Tully spake in the last paragraph.
• 5 And his sonne Alexander.] Pyrrhus had by his first wife Antigone a sonne called Ptolomey, by Lanassa, another called Alexander, & by Bircanna, the third named Helenus. g 1.10 All which albeit by race & inclination of nature they were Martial, yet brought he them vp, & from theire birth framed & enured to armes. And the report is, when vpon a time one of them, yet a chylde, asked him to which of them he would leaue his kingdome, to him, aunswered Pyrrhus, who shall haue the sharpest sworde: h 1.11 Iustin also makes mention of these three sonnes. Ptolomey was slaine at Sparta, asi 1.12 Iustin would haue it. k 1.13 Plutarch saith he was slaine in the way be∣twixt Sparta & Argos. l 1.14 Alexander reigned after his fathers decease, in the Realme of E∣pirus. That hee wrote Tacticks, I haue not read, but in Aelian onely.
• 6 And Evangelus] Plutarch discoursing of the studies of Philopaemen hath this in effect: m 1.15 He tooke noe delight to heare al kinde of discourses, nor to reade al books of Philosophy, but such onely, as might profit to the daylie encrease of vertue; And hee read not willingly other passages of Homer, then such, as hee thought had some efficacy to moue a mans hart to prowes. But amongest, and aboue al other readings, he speciall•• affected the Tacticks of Euangelus: & like wise the histories of the exploits of Alexāder the great. This is al I find of the Ta∣cticks of Evangelus. I gesse notwithstanding, he was a choice author because Philopaemen had him in such esteeme; of whome the same n 1.16 Plutarch writeth: That Greece bore him singuler affection, as the last vertuous man, which shee brought

• foorth in her ould age, after so many great, and renowmed Captaines of aun∣cient time; and alwayes augmented his power, and authority, as his glory en∣creased. In which respect a Roman, praising him, called him the last Grae∣cian; meaning that after him Greece bred noe great, nor any personage in deed worthy of her.
• 7 And Polybius] It is the same Polybius, whose History, so much as is extant, that excellent learned man Isaac Casaubon translated into Latin, and set foorth 1609. For his life and worth resort to the preface of the same Casaubon to Polybius his history. Hee had beene in Achaia, his owne countrey, Generall of the horse. Afterward being in displeasure with the Romans, hee lived long in pri∣son at Rome: and was for his worth finally released by intercession of the grea∣test men of Rome: and became companion to Scipio Africanus the younger; with whom also he was at the siege and destruction of Carthage. His Tacticks, whereof Aelian speaketh, are perished with other of his workes. Yet are there many passages dispersed heer, and there in his history, which argue his extraordinary skill in matters of warre. And it may seeme, that Aelian hath taken much from him both for matter, and wordes.
• 8 Iphicrates] Whoe will reade of Iphicrates, let him goe to a 1.17 Aemilius Probus, that writeth his life. His actes are also declared by Xenophon, and Diodorus Sicu∣lus, and Polyaen, and Iustin and divers others, as they were incident to theire generall histories. Hee was esteemed one of the best Generalls of his time: and was called out by name by Darius King of Persia to bee generall of the Graecians, his mercenaries, in the warre, hee had against the Aegyptians: His fame and aestimation was soe great with Alexander the great, that when his sonne (whose name was also Iphicrates) with other Graecians were taken prisoners by him, for that they came embassadours into Persia to Darius, he not onely spared him for the loue of the City of Athens, and for the remembrance of his fathers glory (b 1.18 the wordes of Arrian) but held him about him in honour so long, as hee liued, and after his decease sent his reliques to Athens, there to be interred by his friendes, and kinsfolk.
• 9 Posidonius the Stoick] Posidonius in his time was a Philosopher of high re∣nowne, and of the sect, that were called Stoicks. Tully citeth him often in his workes. In the second booke of Tusculan quaestions hee recounteth, c 1.19 that Pompey the great, on a time comminge to Rhodes, was desirous to heare him. But vnderstan∣ding hee was extreame sick of the goute, hee forbore not notwithstanding to visit him being a most noble philosopher: whome after hee had seene, and sa∣luted, and vsed with honorable wordes, and told him, hee was sory, hee could not heare him discourse, you may, if you please, quoth Posidonius: and I will not suffer paine to bee cause, that so great a man seeke mee in vaine. Then, as hee lay in his bed, began hee gravely, and copiously, to dispute, that nothing was good, but that, which was honest. And when firebrands, as it were, of torment towched him to the quick amiddest his disputation, he broke foorth often into these wordes: Sorow, all this is nothing: Though thou trouble me ne∣ver so much, I will not yet confesse, that thou art of thy self evill. So Tully. d 1.20 Pliny like∣wise telleth, that Pompey, after the warre of Mithridates, going into the howse of Posidonius, a man famous in Philosophy, forbid his serieant to knock at the doore (as the manner was▪) and the serieants bundles of roddes (saith he) were submitted to a doore by him, to whom East & West had submitted thēselues. The same e 1.21 Tully attributeth to this Posidonius the invention of a Sphaere, whose par∣ticuler conversions did worke the same in sonne & moone, and the other fiue planets, that is wrought by the motion of heauen euery day and night.

The preparation of warlicke forces and division of them, and how they are armed. CHAP. II.

I will then beginne with such ¹ preparations as are absolutely necessary for service in warre, the forces whereof are of two sortes, the one Land forces, the other ship forces. Land forces are such, as fight on land: Ship forces such, as are ordered for fight in shippes vppon Sea, or Rivers. But the or∣der of Sea service I will reserue for another place, and intreat now of things pertayning to Land service. The levies then for land service are either of those, that fight, and mannage Armes, or else of those that fight not, but remaine in the campe for necessary vses. They fight that stand ordered in bat∣taile, and with armes [assaile or] repulse the enemy. The rest fight not, as Phisitians, merchants, servants, and other, which follow the campe to minister vnto it. Such as fight, are either footemen, or Riders: footemen pro∣perly, that serue on foote. Of Riders, some vse Horses some Elephants. They, that vse Horses, are carye ••ither one Horse-back, or else in Chariotts. And these are the differences in generall. But in speciall the foote, and Horse receaue many other divisions; onely the Elephants, and Chariotts, never va∣rie. Footemen then are reparted into three kindes, one being Armed, ano∣ther Targettiers, the third light, or naked. ² The Armed beare the heaviest furniture of all footemen³ vsing according to the Macedonian manner large, round, Targetts, and ⁴ longe Pikes: ⁵ The Light contrarywise beare the lightest, having neither Curace, nor Greue, nor longe, or round Targett of any weight, but ⁶ flieng weapons onelie as ⁷ Arrowes, ⁸ Dartes, ⁹ Stones either for hand, or sling. To this kind is referred the ¹⁰ armour of the Argilos, who hath his furniture like to the Macedonian, but something lighter. For hee carieth ¹¹ a little slight Torgett, ¹² and his Pike is much shorter, then the Macedonian Pike: which manner of arming see∣meth a meane betwixt the light, or naked, and that which is proper∣lie called heavie: as being lighter, then the heavie, and heavier, then the light: and that is the cause, that many place it amongst the light.

The forces of Horse (which wee distinguished before from Chariotts) as being ordered in Troopes, are either ¹³ Cataphracts, or not Cataphracts. They are Cataphracts, that cover theire owne, and theire horses bodies all over with armour. Of not Cataphracts, some are Launciers, some Acrobolists. ¹⁴ Launciers are such as joyne with the enemy, and fight hand to hand with the Launce on horseback. Of these, some beare longe Targets, and are there∣vppon called Targetiers: Other some Launces alone without Targets, who are properlie called ¹⁵ Launciers, and of some Xestophori. ¹⁶ Acrobolists on horseback are such as fight a far of with flieng weapons. Of these, some vse darts, some bowes. They vse darts, whome wee call ¹⁷ Tarentines. Of Tarentines, there are two sortes; for some throw little ¹⁸ darts a farre of, and are termed Darters on horseback, but properlie Tarentines: others vse light darts, & ¹⁹ after they haue spent one, or two, close presently with the enemy like the Lanciers, which

wee spake of, and fight hand to hand. These in common speech are named light horsemen. So that of Tarentines some are properly called Tarentines, whose manner is to darte a far of. Some light horsemen, who joyne, and fight hand to hand. ²⁰ The horsemen that vse bowes are termed Archers on Horse∣back, and of some Scythians.

These then are the differences of such as are in the Campe, the kinds of Souldiers being in nomber nyne: Of footmen, armed, Targetiers, Light ar∣med, or naked: Of horsemen Lanciers, Darters, Archers, Cataphracts: And lastlie Chariots, and Elephants.

Notes.

IN this Chapter the kindes of Souldiers are distinguished according to theire seueral armes borne in fight. And therefore of foote some are called armed, because they beare heavy armes; other light-armed or naked, because they weare no defensiue armes, other some Targetiers, because theire chief defence rested in a slight target, wherewith they covered theire bodies. The horse also haue theire appellation, as theire armes are. And some are Cataphracts, because themselues & horses were armed compleatly, other Launciers, for that they vsed a launce: other some Acrobolists, by reason they fought with flieng weapons a farre of. The first thoughts of a Prince, or State, that is resol∣ved to put an army into the field, ought to be to provide armes. Armes are the security of theire own souldiers, the terror of the ennemy, the assured ordinary meanes of victory. The antiquity of armes is all one with the beginning of warre. For when of aun∣cient time mighty men puffed vp with pride, and led by ambition, sought by violence to enlarge their empire, and to bring vnder subiection their bordering neighboures, they were enforced to flye to the invention of armes, without which noe victory could bee obteyned. Since, armes haue been taken vp for defence also, necessity, the mother of artes, inventing a meanes to withstand ambition. As Antalcidas wel obiected to Agesilaus being wounded by the Thebans; you are well rewarded for your labour, quoth hee, since you would needes teache the Thebans to fight, that had nei∣ther will, nor skill so to doe. For the Thebans being put to necessity of de∣fence grewe warlick through many invasions of the Lacedemonians, saith a 1.22 Plutarch. Whoe were the inventers of the seueral pieces of armour, and of the diuers kindes of weapons vsed in old tyme, may appeare by the relation of b 1.23 Pliny in his natural history. This is certeyne, that the most warlick nations, and most victorious haue al∣wayes sought to haue advantage of theire enemies by advantage of armes. The end of armes is either to defend, or assault. Hence are armes diuided into two kindes: De∣fensiue, and Offensiue. Defensiue are those, which are worne to resist the force, and charge of the enemy. Of this sort are the head-piece, gorget, curace, vambrace, gant∣lets, tases, greves, and target. For whereas there are eleven partes in man, the woundes of any of which bring with thē vndoubted death (as some c 1.24 authors write) the braines, the two temples, the throate, the breast, the belly, the two muscles aboue the two elbowes, the other two aboue the knees, & the privy members pierced with a thrust: the headpiece serveth for the defence of the braine, and temples, the gorget for the throate, the curace for the breast, the vambrace for the muscles of the armes, the tases for the privities & belly, the greves for the muscles aboue the knees, and the target for further assurance of the whole body, being moueable against all strokes, and profers of the assailants. Offensiue armes are such, as men endevour to wound, or kill withall: as flieng weapons of all kindes, arrowes, stones out of slings, or the hand,

swordes, pikes, partizans, iavelines, and the like. a 1.25 But as defence, and security of a mans self is more agreable to nature, then to hurt an enemy, so are the defensiue armes preferred before the offensiue, in that they bring safety to him, that beareth them, where as the other are imployed in annoieng the enemy onely. The Poets sett foorth theire bravest and valiantest men alwayes best armed for defence. So Achilles in Homer, and Aeneas in Virgil, are armed to point with armes wrought by Vulcan, to the end to re∣maine vntowched amiddest the stormes of theire enemies weapons. The Graecian Law∣givers punished that souldier, that in fight cast away his target: not him, that lost his sword or pike. b 1.26 Plutarch writeth, that at such time as Epaminondas assaulted Spar∣ta (the most warlicke City of Greece) there was in the City a Spartan named Isadas, who was the sonne of Phoebidas, hee that surprised the Castle of Thebes called Cadmaea, and thereby stirred vp the warre betwixt the Thebans, and Lacedaemonians, & ruinated the principality of the Lacedaemonians in Greece. This man being in the flower of his age, and personable, and large of lymmes, ranne foorth of his howse all naked, his body annointed with oyle, without apparaile or armes, except a sword in one hand, & a Iavelin in the other; and breaking through the throng of those, that fought on his side, came to handes with the enemy, and overthrowing some, and killing other some, continued the fight, till the enemy was repulsed, and at last returned into the City without wounde. The chief magistrate vnderstanding hereof rewarded him with a Crowne for his valor, but yet fined him at a hundred c 1.27 drachmes, for that he durst vēter to fight without armes defensiue; iudging it a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 almost impossible, that a naked man should escape with life fighting against the armea••andes of so many valiant enemies, as the Thebans were.

In armes was required, that they should bee strong, that they should bee fitte, that they should bee comely; strong to protect, or annoy, fitt to sette close to the body and bee manageable, comely to grace him, that beareth them. That defensiue armes ought to be strong, may bee shewed by the end of armes; which is to saue harmlesse against ar∣rowes, dartes, and other offensiue armes of the enemy. If they faile of this end, they are of noe vse; it being better to be vnarmed, then cary armes, that will not defend. Without armes you haue the body free, and at liberty: carieng armes, though never so light, they must bee a cumber to you, and some what hinder the motion of your body. Armes there∣fore ought to bee sufficient to resist the weapons of the enemy. The inconvenience of defectiue and weake armes is well noted by Vegetius. c 1.28 From the building of the Ci∣ty of Rome, saith hee, till the time of the Emperour Gratian, the foote armed theire bodies with Cataphractes, and head-pieces. But when field exercise through negligence and slouth was given over, armour began to growe hea∣vy, because it was sieldome put on. They made suite therefore to the Empe∣rour first, that they might leaue of their Cataphractes, then, their headpieces. So our souldiers encountring with the Gothes, were oftentimes wholy de∣feated and slaine by the multitude of theire arrowes. And a litle after: so cometh it to passe, saith he, that they, whoe without armes, are exposed in the battaile to woundes, thinke not so much of fight, as of running away. Yet must wee not imagine, that those souldiers fought in theire ordinary apparaile onely: I encline rather to the opinion of d 1.29 Stewechius, whoe holdeth, that they tooke themselues to theire military coates, called in e 1.30 Notitia vtrâque, Thoracomachi: and to theire Targets; This Thoracomachus was a garment invented long before Gratians time, and worne vnder the armours of the souldiers, and was a kind of felt, but being noe profe a∣gainst arrowes, and theire targets not sufficient to cover theire heads, and whole bo∣dies from arrowes, They were obnoxius to the shotte of the Gothes, and receyved those overthrowes, Vegetius speaketh of.

The matter whereof strong armes were made, I find to bee divers. Some were forged of Steele: as the armour of Goliath, and the head-piece of K. Saul. For it is not there sette* 1.31 downe, what his curace was of, Notwithstanding it is likely, it was of the same matter, of which his headpiece was made. Whē I say these armours were of Steele, I follow therin the iudgement of Tremelius and Iunius, whoe so translate it; & with them also agreeth Va∣tablus. For the old trāslation hath, that they were of brasse: I haue not elsewhere read of steele armour. And it may bee, that the old translation had an eye vpon the vsage of aun∣cient time, wherin the matter of armes was principally of Brasse. Homer reporteth, that the armour of a 1.32 Diomedes was of brasse: & Pausanias, that all the b 1.33 Heroes (that is the aunciēt worthies about the time of the siege of Troy) had their armour of Brasse. c 1.34 Alcaeus the Poet in describing his armory saith, the rest of his armes were of brasse, as his head∣pieces, his greves, his Targets, only his Curaces were of linen. d 1.35 Pausanias reporteth al so that the sword of Memnon was of brasse, & the head of the speare of Achilles, & Pisan∣ders axe, & the head of Meriones his shafte. e 1.36 Servius Tullius in sessing the City of Rome, appointed the chiefest & richest Citizens to arme themselues with headpieces, greves, Cu∣race, & buckler alofbrasse. The f 1.37 targets of the Lacedaemonians were of brasse also by the in∣stitution of Lycurgus. So that brasse was much vsed in armes in the oldest times. And where Alcaeus speaketh of his linen Curace, I find that Curaces of linen were in request also evē in those times. Homer affirmeth that g 1.38 Aiax Oileus had a linen Curace. h 1.39 But afterward I∣phicrates the Athenian held them so good that he gaue them to his souldiers to weare, in stede of their vsuall armes made of iron, & brasse And Xenophon armeth i 1.40 Abradates the K. of Suse with a linen armour, adding that it was the manner of that Countrey▪ And Plu∣tarch saith, that k 1.41 Alex. the great, after he had gotten the victory against Darius in Cilicia, found emōgest the spoile a linē armour, which he afterward vsed in the battailes, he fought l 1.42 Patricius is so confident in the strength of a linen armour of his owne device, that he doub∣teth not to preferre it before well tempered iron. What his invention is, he keepeth to him∣self▪ for feare the Turk should haue intelligence of it, & so Christianity bee driven to an exi∣gent. Al men knowe, that the temper of an iron armour may be such, as wil resist the violence of a musket shotte, and that at a neere distance. Neither is this temper the invention of our dayes. The like hath been of auncient time. m 1.43 Plutarch writeth, that Demetrius be sieging Rhodes, was presented with two irō armours brought out of Cyprus, either of the weight of 40. pownds. The maker of them, whose name was Zoilus, desirous to shewe their strength, & firmenesse▪ caused one to be set vp at the distaunce of 26. paces, and bee shotte at with an arrowe discharged out of a Catapult. The armour hitte remayned vnpierced, nothing appea∣ring vpō it, but the rasing, as it were, of a pēknife. And that a Catapult is of more violēce, thē a mus••et, the effects thereof declared in history make plaine. Whether a linen coate be of that resistance, or not, hath not been yet tried. Nay the contrary hath been tried. For Alexander at a siege of a City of the Mallians (as I take it) was sore wounded with an Indian arrowe through an armour of linen. Whose armour I would iudge to haue beene not of the stende∣rest, and weakest, but of the surest kinde. Yet is it not to bee passed over that Iustus Lip∣sius alleageth out of Nicetas Choniates concerning a linen armour of Conradus of Mon∣ferrate: n 1.44 Conradus, saith hee, fought then with out a target, and in steede of a Curace hee had on a woven weed made of flaxe, soked in sowre wine, well salted, and often-folded. It was so sure against outward force of strokes, being fulled with wine, and salte, that it could not bee pier∣ced with iron or steele. This invention our age hath not beene acquainted with; whether it bee the same, that Patricius aimeth at, let experience iudge. That anti∣quity practised it in wooll, Pliny witnesseth, who writing of wooll and woollen garments saith: o 1.45 Of wooll wrought and pressed together by it selfe

alone (I think as our hatters worke felt) a garment is made; & if you worke it with vineger, it cannot bee strooke through with a sword. This wooll so wrought, he calleth coactam: which in Caesar, as I take it, is called Subcoactum. Caesars wordes sound thus: a 1.46 Pompey, although hee had noe purpose to hinder Caesars workes with his whole army; nor yet to hazard battaile, sent notwith∣standing archers and slingers, of whome hee had great store, to convenient places; and by them many of our souldiers were wounded; & a generall feare of arrowes fell vpon them; and well nigh our whole campe made themselues coates and cases of either felts (subcoactis) or quilts, or leather, thereby to avoide the daunger of flieng weapons. But wee will leaue Patricius to his fancy, and adde an example out of Xenophon of armes vsed by the Chalybes, a nation inhabi∣ting the Chaldaean Mounteines. b 1.47 The Chalybes, saith hee, were the most vali∣ant nation, that the Graecians passed through, & such as durst come to handes with them. They vsed linen Curaces reaching downe to theire bellies, and▪ in steede of winges, they had roapes thick woond, and fastened together. The strength of roapes thick woond togither must, noe quaestion; bee great. Caesar confirmeth it. Emongest other defences, which his souldiers deuised for assurance of a Turret against the Engins of the Marsilians, hee saith: c 1.48 They made foure sto∣ries of Cables fitting the length of the walles of the Turret, and foure foote broade, and fastened them hanging downeward to the beames sticking out of the Turret on those t••ee parts, which lay toward the enemy; which kinde of covering alone, they ••ad in other places made triall, could bee forced or strooken through by noe missiue weapon, or Engine whatsoever. This, I haue heard, was the device of the Spaniards in 88. to defend their ships against the fury of our artillery. Whereof I may inferre, that if Cables combined together bee of such assurance against Engines, roapes thick layde and fastened together must bee a strong defence a∣gainst a sword. To end with the matter, whereof armes were made, I finde likewise, that the d 1.49 Macrones vsed, in steede of Curaces, coates made of haire. And thus much of the matter of Armes.

Besides, armes should be fitt for the body, and for the strength of him, that beares them. When e 1.50 David was to fight against Goliath, K. Saul, seeing him without armour, caused his owne head-piece & curace to be put vpon him. David assayed to marche, but finding these armes to heavy, was faine to leaue them, and to goe against Goliath vnarmed. Saul was the f 1.51 tallest man of his nation, David but meane of stature, & to put armour propor∣tioned to a large body vpon him, that is a great way lesse of members▪ is as much, as to de∣liver him bound to his enemy. Xenophon emongest other causes, why the Lacedaemonian horse were beaten by the Thebans at the Leuctrian battaile, alleageth this for a maine cause▪ g 1.52 That the richest men kept & furnished out horses, & as often as musters were takē, the man, that was to serue, shewed himself, & answered to his name, & receiving horse & armes, such, as were given him, was so led against the ene∣my. They were beaten, saith Xenophō, receiving horse & armes at al adventure, not kno∣wing, whether they were fitt for service, or not. Whether armes be to bigge or to litle, they hurt a like. To litle, they pinche the bearer, & make him not able to endure labour; be∣cause he is in paine: To great, by theire slap and loose hanging about the body, they hinder the motion of those partes, that are to be imployed in fight. Being fitte they differ litle from ordi∣nary apparaile, except it be in weight: which inconvenience is easily remedied by vse, and practise. h 1.53 Tully writeth of the Roman souldier, that his continuall vse of armes was such, that hee noe more reconed his target, sword, head-piece, & other armes to bee burdenous vnto him, thē his shoulders, armes, & hāds; & said that armes were

part of a souldiers body, being so fitly made & borne, that need requiring, they could throw down their burdens, & vse their ready armes in fight, as the mem∣bers of their bodies. Yet must care be had, that theire weight exceed not the strength of him, that beareth them. For whoe wil be able to centin••w long in fight, that beside the la∣bour of fight, is charged with a burden more, then he can well bear? The proofe is plain in beasts, which how strong soever they be, faint & tire vnder to much weight. a 1.54 Alian af∣ter, speaking of the length of pikes, giveth this rule, that they bee noe longer then a man may well vse, & wield in handling. To much length maketh them to heavy, & vnfitte to be managed; wherby they rest vnprofitable to offend the enemy. In this property of fitnesse those armes & weapons are comprehēded, which are of most vse in the field. For as in all other artes thinges of greatest effect are alwayes praeferred, so is it in warr. There is great advantage in armes, which is the cause that one kinde hath been preferred before an other: Aemilius Probus giveth a notable testimony of skill in matters of warre to Iphi∣crates, of whom he writeth thus: b 1.55 Iphicrates the Athenian invented many things in warr. Hee chaunged the armes of the foote: For whereas before they vsed great targets, short pikes, & litle swordes, he gaue them litle round targets, cal∣led Peltae, that they might be fitter for motions, & encounters, and doubled the sise of their pikes, & made their swordes longer. Hee likewise chaunged theire Curaces, & in stede of iron, & brasse, brought in other wrought of linen, wher by he made them nimbler at all assayes. For lessening the weight, hee brought to passe, that they as much covered the body, and yet were very light, and fitte for vse. Of these targets, which Iphicrates invented, the names of Peltati (Tar∣getiers) sprong: of whom wee shall heare more in this chapter. And yet wee must not heereof cōclude that Iphicrates chaunged all the armed foote into Targetiers▪ (for the Athenians had still their armed, notwithstāding this invention of Targetiers, as c 1.56 Xeno∣phon testifieth) but where as the Athenians before had noe targetiers of theire owne peo∣ple, (as I coniecture) Iphicrates brought in this kind of armour: and so of the armed, hee made some targetiers, & left the rest to the armes, they bore before: iudging it more profi∣table to haue both Targetiers, & Armed of their owne people, then armed alone. d 1.57 Philo∣poemen also the braue Achaean Generall taught his Countrey-men in stede of longe targets & Iavelines to take arownd target (called Aspis) & a pike after the Macedonian māner, and to arme themselues with head-pieces, Curates, & greues; and to settle themselues to a staid, and firme kind of fight, in lieu of concursory, and peltasticall encounters, and by this meanes brought thē to be valiant, & braue souldiers, & victorious in their fights against their enemies. e 1.58 Polyb. discoursing of the Gaulois & Spanish swords of aunciēt time, saith, that the Gaules sword was so fashioned, that it served onely to strike with, and but for one stroke: after which it so bowed both in length & breadth, that vn∣lesse the point were rested vpon the grownd, & the blade rightened, you could not strike with it the second time. But the spanish sword was both for thrust & stroke, having a strong point, & a stiffe & sure edge to strike withal on either side by reason of the firmnesse of the blade. This difference the Romās espied, and being excellent imitators of all thinges, which were best for vse (though they were enemies from whom they tooke them,) made choice of the spanish sworde, & after Annibals time caused their foote to vse noe ether. f 1.59 Suidas witnesseth it: The Spaniards, saith he, in forme of swordes farre excell all other nations. For their swords both haue a strong point, and an edge on either side, that entreth deep in striking. Which caused the Romans, to lay down their owne countrey swordes, and take the spanish forme from them, that followed Anniball. The forme they took, but the goodnesse of the mettall, & exactnesse of the temper

they could never atteine vnto. The Romans then reiected the french swordes, as of small vse, & imitated the spanish, because they were fitt for service. Xenophon describing the nations, which followed Croesus against Cyrus, theire manner of arming, and order in battaile, telleth of the a 1.60 Egyptians, that they were armed with targets reaching downe to theire foote, with long pikes, & with swordes, which they call Copides, & for order, stood a hundred in depth, & bringeth in Cyrus deriding this manner of arming, and order, to his souldiers, sayeng they were a like armed, a like embattailed. For theire targets, said he, are greater then is fitte for action, & for fight, & being raunged a hundred deep, it is ma∣nifest, they will hinder one another in fight, except a fewe. b 1.61 Annibal, after his first victory against the Romās, armed his Africans (his best & most trusty souldiers) with the armour of the slaine Romans; because he fownd it better, then his owne; & Pyrrhus vsed not onely the armour, but the Italian souldiers also: & raunged them a cohort & a Merarchy, alter natiuely one by another. And c 1.62 Mithridates after his experience in his first warrs with the Romans, that aswell in arming, as in manner of fight, they excelled all other nations, left the arming of his owne Countrey, & brought in the Roman sword, & target, & reduced all as neere, as hee could vnto their discipline. So then strength & fitnesse are required in armes. To them is comelinesse adioyned. The shield of Achilles how was it bewtified with pictures & Stories by Vulcan? and that of Aenaeas, comming out of the same forge, how glorious was it? To say nothing of the braue armes of Hector, Agamemnon, Diome∣des, Glaucus, Turnus, Mezentius, & other. d 1.63 Alexanders armes were very rich. He had a Sicilian Cassock gyrded vpon a double linen Curace the spoile of Issos: his headpiece was of iron ••ining like pure silver, the work of Theophilus; about his necke was an iron gorget besette with precious stones. A sword hee had of wonderful temper & lightnesse, the gift of the Citiean King. Hee wore a bau∣dricke of prowder worke, then the rest of his armour, the work of the elder E∣licon, & the honour of the Rhodian City. e 1.64 And Cyrus the elder, that liued before Alex. time, had armes provided by his Grandfather Astyages both very faire, & fitte for his body. f 1.65 Abradates the Susian king had his headpiece of gold, & vambraces, and bracelets about his wrests, & a purple Coate, and a plume of hyacinthine fea∣thers. Neither did this bravery rest emongest the Princes alone. The souldiers of Cyrus g 1.66 were furnished with the same armes, that Cyrus himselfe bore, with scarlet coates, Curaces of brasse, brasse helmets, white plumes, swordes, & euery one a darte. They differed onely in this that their armes were guilded, Cyrus his armes shined, & had a reflexion, as it were, a looking glasse. And h 1.67 Alexan. hea∣ring of the riche armour, the Indians bore, to make his owne souldiers equall with thē in bravery, whom they exceeded in valor, caused theire targets to be plated over with silver (whereof they were after called Argyraspides) & their horse-bittes to be made of gold, & adorned theire Curaces, some with silver, other with gold. This might seeme pompe & superfluity in a yong King, were it not that the like was done by other the greatest Generals of auncient times. i 1.68 Cesar may serue for an example for al, whose souldiers how gallant and braue they were, Plut. testifieth in his life. The Romans otherwise much addicted to frugality, allowed yet liberally ornaments to the honouring of worthy souldiers, rewarding them for their service, k 1.69 with rich trappings for horses, chaines of gold, bracelets, crownes of gold & other honors: which they wore not on∣ly in the field, but at al other solemnities & meetings in the City. And for every common souldier they provided plumes of purple, or blacke fethers, every one of a cubit long. Of which plumes Polyb. giveth this iudgement: Pluimes, saith hee, being added to the rest of the armour maketh a souldier seeme twice as great, as hee is; and beside the faire shewe, they make, they are terrible to the enemy in fight. A man may seeme as light, as a fether, that discourseth of plumes, & fetcheth ornament from fethers.

Yet may I truely affirme, that the vse of plumes is very auncient, & that the Romans bo∣rowed it from the Graecians, and the Graecians from the a 1.70 Carians, whoe were the first in∣venters of them. As much is testified by b 1.71 Polyenus: He saith that Tementhes K of Egypt going to the oracle of Ammon about the state of his kingdome, had aunswer to beware & take heed of Cockes. Psammetichus, that sought the kingdom, had Pigretes a Carian to one of his familier friends▪ & learning of him, that the Carians were the first that invē∣ted Plumes to their helmets, & evē then continued the vse of them, & contecturing that the meaning of the Oracle was not of Cockes, but of men, that, wearing some ornament on their heads, had a resemblance of Cockes, waged a multitude of Carians against Temen∣thes, by whose help he overthrew Tementhes in battaile, & possessed himself of the crown of Egypt. Now for the true end of souldiers ornaments I wil onely adde one example. Phi∣lopoemen the Achaean in reforming the abuses crept into the Achaean State with great iudgement (I will vse the wordes of c 1.72 Plutarch,) reduced to order theire delica∣cies & superfluities. It was not possible quite to take away the sicknesse of vain & idle desires, wherewith they had of long time been possessed, delighting in excesse of apparaile, in riche dyes of coverlets, & carpets, striving one with an∣other, whoe should be most sumptuous in bankets & feastings. But by litle & litle beginning to turne theire thoughts from vnnecessary expences to a loue of comelinesse in thinges, that were profitable & honest, he brought them at last to leaue the expences of the body, & to shew themselues gallant, & braue, in soldierly, & warlick furniture. A mā might therfore haue seene the shoppes full of silver and golden cuppes cutte a pieces, of curaces guilded with gold, of silvered targets, and bittes; the places of exercise fraught with colts then first backed for service, & with yong gallāts managing their armes; & in the handes of women head-pieces adorned with divers-coloured trymmings, horsemens coates, and souldiers cloakes curiously embellished with flowers. For the very sight of these things both encreaseth Spirit, & stirreth vp desire, & engendreth an vndaunted boldnesse, and alacrity to daungers. In other shewes to much la∣vashing bringeth in effeminatenesse, & worketh a remissenesse of minde, the sence with vaine pleasings and ticklings subverting, as it were, the vigor and force of the vnderstanding. But in these the Spirits are much heigthened, and exalted. As Homer bringeth in Achilles at the very sight of his newe armour ravished and inflamed with a desire to bee doing with it. Thus garnishing the youth hee exercised & hardened them to laboure and warlicke motions, ma∣king them thereby to vndergoe with desire whatsoever they were commaun∣ded. So farre Plutarch. Out of whose opinion it followeth, that Bravery of armes rai∣seth the spirits, stirreth vp desire to fight, maketh the souldier bold, and cherefull to pe∣rills, and as Polybius holdeth pleaseth the sight, encreaseth stature in shewe, and is a terror to the enemy. Yet ought there therein a meane to be sought, & rather an assuraunce follo∣wed, then vaine gazing and ostentation. Antiochus being to fight with the Romans ga∣thered a mighty army together. And seing them glitter with gold and silver, and with all excesse of bravery, as the manner of the Asiaticall people was, tooke so great delight therein himself, that calling Anniball vnto him, hee shewed his troopes, and demaunded, if hee thought not that Army sufficient for the Romans: yes quoth Anniball, though they were the most covetous people in the world. Anniball with good reason derided the vaine shewe fitter for a mask, then a field, which hee assured himselfe, would fall into the Romans handes to bee spoiled. Mithridates committed the like errour in his first warre against the Romans. For, as Sophisters are wont for the most parte, saith d 1.73 Plu∣tarch, hee was in the beginning vaine glorious, and conceited by prowde war∣ring against the Romans with weake forces, but yet sette out with pompe, and

bravery to the outward view: But being foiled to his shame, and weighing in his minde, he must take vp second armes against them, he sought to reduce his forces to a true kinde of arming, & fitte for the service, he intended. Reiecting therefore multitudes, and confased threatnings of barbarians, and furnitures of armes guilded, and sette with precious stones, as being a pray for the con∣queror, and noe assurance for him, that weares them, hee brought in the Ro∣man swords, and caused long heavy targets to bee framed, and chose horses, rather that were already managed, and made fitte for service, then those, that were richly trapped and garnished. So farre Plutarch. The souldiers care there∣fore ought to bee first for surenesse, then for fitnesse, lastly sor comelinesse and ornament in armes. If the two first faile, the last availeth litle, and will proue rather a burden, then a defence. And thus much of armes in generall: Nowe followe the particulers of armes, as they are in Aelian.

1 Preparacions absolutely necessary for warre] The preparacions, whereof Aelian speaketh, are so necessary, that without them noe warre can be made or continewed. For purposing to fight by water you must haue shippes, by land, you must haue foote, and horse. For which, if you prouide noe armes, you put them into the field not to fight, but to bee slaughtered. The manner of fight in the field is not of one sort. Some time celerity is needfull, to attempt or prevent the enemy: sometime a slowe and sure proceeding, lest, with to much hast, wee be overtaken our selues Therefore the divers arming of souldiers, ought to be such, that they may serue for all occasions, and vses, and that wee may employ alwayes to service such, as by reas•• of theire armour, shall most fitte our purpose. Wherefore a 1.74 Iphicrates fittly resemble•• an army to a mans body: calling the heavy-armed the body, the light-armed the hands, the horse the feete, and the Generall the head: and as, if any of the rest were wanting, the army should bee lame, and halted, so if there want a Generall, it is vnprofitable, and of noe vse. The heavy armed are the body, which giue life and foode, as it were, to the rest: and to which the rest being distressed, re∣tire. The light-armed are the handes, which vppon euery occasion being put out to grype and ••ake hold vpon the enemy, are drawen in againe, when it is expedient. The horse, a•• feet, moue with celerity: the Generall is the head, that ruleth, that watcheth, that careth fo•• th•• rest, directing the times of theire motion, and of their rest. So then the whole force of the field consisteth of horse, and foote. And the foote are reparted into three kindes.

• 1 Armed, Targetiers and light-armed] These seuerall kindes of souldiers were vsed by all the Graecians especially by the b 1.75 Athenians, Lacedaemonians, and Thebans, whoe were the mightiest and t••e most warlick people of Greece. Alexander had them in his army against Darius. c 1.76 When Alexander, saith Arrian, came to the place, where Cyrus (with whom Xenophon was) encamped, and sawe the streights of Ci∣licia possessed with a strong gard, hee left Parmenio with the heavy-armed, to stay behind, himselfe about the first watch taking with him the Hypaspistes, archiers and Agrians, marched on toward the streights in the night. The ar∣med were left with Parmenion, himselfe tooke with him the Hypaspists (targetiers) ar∣chers, and Agrians: d 1.77 These Agrians were darters on foote. The like is to be found in divers other places of Arrian. e 1.78 Pyrrhus allso, that followed the Macedonian man∣ner in arming his souldiers, had the same division of armes. f 1.79 And Philip King of Macedony sonne of Demetrius. g 1.80 And Antiochus, that warred against the Ro∣mans.
• 2 The armed beare the heaviest furniture] This heavy furniture appeareth not by description of the armes, which Aelian giveth them: which are a Macedonian

• ... target, and a pike onely. * 1.81 Iphicrates, besides the target (lesse, then the Macedonian target) which he armed his Targetier withall, gaue him both a pike & a linen ••urace: So that if the Macedonian armed bore no•• more then a Target and a pike, his armes should be lighter, then Iphicrates his Targetier, who had a target, a pike, & a linen Curace. It hath been the manner of some Nations to beare targets alone without Curaces. So did the Egyptians in a 1.82 Xenophon: So the Gaules in b 1.83 Pausanias. There are againe, that haue born Curaces without Targets: as Phorcys the Phrygian in Homer: of which kinde of Curace, because it some what resembleth the Curaces of our time, I will reherse the descriptiō out of c 1.84 Pausanias. There lay vpon the aulter, saith hee, a brasen Curace, the forme whereof agreeth not with the vse of our times, but of old it was common. It had two plates of brasse, one fitte for the brest and the belly, the other to cover the backe. That before, was called gyalon (the hollow part) that behynd Pro∣segon (because it was added to the other.) They were fastened together with buttons behinde. It seemeth to bee a sufficient defence for a mans body with∣out a Target. Therefore Homer maketh Phorcys the Phrygian to fight with∣out a target, because he wore such a Curace. But yet, that it was not the manner of* 1.85 the Macedonian armed to beare pike & target alone, may be plaine many wayes. First d 1.86 Polyen giueth them headpieces, & greues, and targets, and pikes. Then doubt I not but they were as well armed as the rest of the Graecians, within whose Panoplia Curaces were comprehended as e 1.87 S. Paule testifieth rekoning as parcels of the Panoplia, a Curace, a tar∣get, & a headpiece. Now that the Macedonians had also their Panoplia (full or compleate arming) is to be fownd in f 1.88 Diod. Siculus. Where also Choragus the Macedonian (whom Q Curtius calleth Horatas) is said in the fight betwixt him & Dioxippus to be fully ar∣med. g 1.89 Leo describeth the Panoplia of the Macedonians after this manner. Alexander, sa••th hee, armed his Macedonians with a large target, a sword, a head piece, greues, vambraces, and a long pike. Philopaemen (as is before rehersed) reducing his Achaeans to the Macedonian arming, bringeth them to Curaces, head pieces & greues. The names also, that are attributed to the Armed, shew, they were otherwise armed.h 1.90 Plutarch calleth them Pephragmenos, & Cataphractos (as having theire bodies all armed & oppos••th them to Euzoni light or naked:) And by i 1.91 Vegetius, the armour it self is named Cataphracta, because the whole body is covered there with.k 1.92 Xenophon termeth them Thor••cophoros bea∣ring Curaces.) These are the strength of the battaile, and al 1.93 strong wall or rather a fortresse of the field▪ to whom the light-armed, andm 1.94 the horse also retire in time of need. As long as they stand the field is not lost; being defeated the rest can make noe resistance. Being armed with a single target without other armes, they incur the same daunger, that the Romans in Gratians time did, whoe for want of Curaces were entierly destroyed with the arrowes of the Gothes. Wherefore, it seemeth, Alian heer pointeth at the principall armes onely of the armed Macedonian. For after ward discoursing of the light-armed, he saith, they neither had Curace, nor greue, nor long or round target: implieng thereby, that the armed had them all. So n 1.95 Livy, comparing the armes of the Romans and Macedonians together, saith noe more, then, that the Macedonians were armed with a round target and a pike, the Romans with a long target, and a darte, called Pilum; when himself had o 1.96 before declared, they had head∣pieces, Curaces, and greues.
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  3 Vsing targets after the Macedonian manner] Targets were of two sortes, round targets, and long targets. Long targets were called Thureo, and were in forme like a doore▪ from whence they had theire name. For Thura signifieth a doore. These the Romans, and Gaules vs••d, albeit s••me what different in forme. The p 1.97 round had eight full handfulls in diameter, as Alian saith, and were termed As••ides Long targets were much disliked by the Graecians. Cyrus in Xenophon derideth them,

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  as both hindering the sight, & being vnwieldy: a 1.98 and Philopoemen chaunged them into round targets following the Macedonian manner. The targets of Philopoemē b 1.99 Pausanias termeth Arg••lican targets; It may be because they were first vsed by the Argiues in the battaile betwixt c 1.100 Acrisius Danaes father, and Praetus, who contended about the king∣dome of Argos.

  Of what matter these targets were, is a quaestion. Some take them to haue been made of other matter, & covered over with brasse: & that otherwise the souldier should not haue been able to haue born them for the weight. I deny not, that in auncient time some targets were plated with brasse: the rather, because I find, that Alexander to match the Indian pompe covered the targets of his souldiers with plates of silver. But, that the ordinary Macedonian target was so covered, I deny. d 1.101 Aelian after calleth them chalce (brasen) not epichalce (covered with brasse.) e 1.102 Polyb. saith, that the Macedonians in the time of K. Philip the sonne of Demetrius were called Chalcaspides (Brasen targetiers) not epi∣chalkitai, by which name, as Hesychius hath, they were called, that had their targets co∣vered with brasse. So likewise f 1.103 in the time of Perseus. And the Megapolitans, whoe imi∣tated the Macedonian manner of arming, are termed Chalcaspides g 1.104 in Polybius: I haue shewed, that the Lacedemonians had h 1.105 brasen targets by the institution of Lycurgus: & that, in the time of the Heroes almost all armour was made of brasse. i 1.106 The targets of the Lacede∣monians that were slaine at the battaile of Leuctra were brasse, and to bee seene in the time of Pausanias: and the brasen target k 1.107 of Pyrrhus, Which he left at Argos, being there slaine, was kept in the temple of C••es. As for the weight, it is not so great but it may become ligh•• enough by vse, and exercis•• wee see iron targets in vse at this day, and not hard to be borne. And albeit the weight bee not for euery mans strength, yet since it hath beene, and is, the manner to make choice of souldiers, and to fitte them with armes according to the ability of their bodies, I see noe reason, but the stronger sort might well bear them. Another sort of tar∣gets there was which differed from the Macedonian not so much in forme of roundnesse, as in matter, and manner of carieng. They were made of wicker, and borne in the left hand as our bucklers, which wee vsed not long since; and l 1.108 some covered over with hides, some not. m 1.109 Xenophon saith, that Cyrus the elder armed the Persians with these wicker targets: & reko ning vp the nations, through whose Countries the Graecians passed in their returne out of Per∣sia, & describing their armes, n 1.110 reporteth that the Chalybes, Taochi, & Phasians had targets of this kinde. Now, that they were borne in the left hand, is clear by the same Xenoph. o 1.111 Hee writeth thus of the fight betwixt Cyrus & Craesus: The Egyptians & Persians encoun∣tring together, the fight was hard, & sharpe: & the Egyptians aswel in number as in armes, had the advantage. For they fought with stiffe, long pikes, & theire large targets better covered their bodies, then Curaces, or wicker targets, and being borne on their shoulders availed to joint-thrusting foreward. Serring therefore their targets close, they advaunced, & ranne on. The Persians were not able to endure the shock, by reason they bore theire wicker targets at the armes end, but retiring by litle, & litle, & giving, & taking blowes, they main∣teined the fight till they came to the Engins. So farre Xenophon. Out of which words a man may plainely vnderstand the manner af bearing these wicker targets, which by rea∣son of lightnesse might easily bee held out at armes end. And as the Egyptian tar∣get, which reached downe to the foote, must needes bee heavy, and therefore had ••eed of the shoulder to support it, so was it with the brasen targets of the Macedonians, which were also weighty, by reason of the matter, they were made of. These therefore were likewise caried on the shoulder. Plutarch witnesseth it in the life of Aemilius. And the same Plutarch rehearseth that Cleomenes the King of Sparta taught his Lace∣daemonians, in steede of a speare, to vse a pike with hoth handes, and to beare their••

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  targets vpon the strappe not by the handle. The wordes are obscure, & need light, which I will giue as shortly, as I can. I find three wordes emongest the Graecians, all perteyning to* 1.112 a target. They are those Telamon, ochane, or ochanon, and porpax. Telamon in this sence (for it signifieth otherwise a band is by all confessed to bee the broade strappe, which is fastened to the handle of the target, & holdeth the target being cast about the necke, vnto the back. Of Ochane, & porpax is some variance. a 1.113 Suidas saith that Ochanon is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The hold of the targetb 1.114 Hesychius calleth it the Porpax of the target, & the band, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Of Porpaxc 1.115 Hesychius saith it is the handle of the target, & taketh Porpe i•• the same sence, making it the thing bearing vp the targett into which the hand and arme to the elbow is thrust.d 1.116 Suidas saith, Porpax is it, that they hold the target by; which is called ochanes: & againe, that some take it for the band of the target; other some for the middel iron that goeth through the tar∣get, on which the souldier taketh hold. So that both Hesychius, & Suidas agree, that Ochanon & Porpax are sometime alone, and signify the handle of the Target. In which sencee 1.117 Herodotus &f 1.118 Pausanias take Ochanon also. Hesychius further interpreteth it for the band of the target (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) which signification better agreeth with the meaning of Plutarch, who maketh an apparant difference betwixt thē, reporting that Cleomenes taught the Lacedemonians to cary their targets, by the Ochane, not by the Porpax. When he saith by the Ochane, bee meaneth by the strappe, by which, being fastened about the necke, the target is throwne over to the back, & resteth vpon the left shoulder. That, which I say, will better appeare, if we marke, what the Lacedemonians did before, & what Cleomenes advi∣seth them vnto. Before they caried a speare in the right hand, and a target by the handle in the left, so that both their hands were ful. The speare was not able to match the enemies pike (forg 1.119 Cleomenes had often to doe with the Macedonians & Achaeans, whoe both vsed pikes) & pikes, the Lacedemonians could not wield, with one hand; So then, to giue them liberty of both hands, he counselled thē to cary their targets at theire backs by the strappe or Ochane (which was the Macedonian manner) and not to hold them any more by the Porpax or handle; and so to free their left hand, to apply both to the menaging of a pike. This I take to be the direct meaning of Plutarch: Cleomenes then perswaded them to leaue theire speares, & take pikes. And left the target in the left hand might proue an impediment to the vse of a pike, hee thought best they should cary them at their backe by the Ochane. To cary them then by the strappe at the backe is to giue free vse to the left hand, without which a pike, specially a long pike, such as Cleomenes advised them vnto, cannot be wielded: as experience will teache any man, that list to make triall.

• 4 And long pikes.] Pikes for the most parte haue beene called by two names by the Graecians; Doru, and Sarissa. Aelian nameth them Dorata both heere, and in other places of this book. h 1.120 Xenophon, speaking of the weapons of the Cha∣lybes, saith they had Dorata of 15. cubits long; armed with iron at one end onely. Tet is Doru taken for a speare oftentimes, as in that place of Plutarch i 1.121 last reci∣ted where Cleomenes perswaded the Lacedemonians to chaunge theire Dorata (speares) into Sarissas (pikes.) The like recounteth hee of k 1.122 Philopoemen, whoe chaunged the speares of the Achaeans into pikes, calling the speares, Dorata, the pikes, Sarissas. And even in this place Aelian termeth them not Dorata simply, but with addition of Perimekestera, of a longsise. And after describing the armes of the Peltastes hee saith theire speares (Dorata) were much shorter then the pikes (Sarissae) of the armed. Properly the pike of the Macedonian is termed Sarissa; if sometime Doru, some other word is added to avoide the ordinary signification of Doru; as Doru macron l 1.123 in Xenophon, Doru perimekes in Aelian. Yet deny I not, but it may bee called Doru of the matter. For Doru signifieth wood of any kinde: and

• ... by consequent the wood, a pike is made of. But, as I said, the Macedonian pike is properly called Sarissa. What the length of this pike was, Aelian will shewe in the 14. Chapter. And for the wood it was made of, I take it to haue beene Corneil. For I finde that the Macedonian horsemans staffe was of that wood. a 1.124 Arrian confirmeth it, saieng: And nowe the Macedonians had the better both by reason of the strength of theire bodies, and experience in warre, and also because they fought with Corneil launces against Iavelins. For I assent not to the translater of Arrian whoe turneth Xystois Craneinois into Corneil dartes, where it should bee Corneil launces. For in that place Alexander is reported to haue fought with a launce, and to haue broken it in fight, and to haue asked another of Aretes, one of the Quiries of his stable, whoe had also broke his, and fought with the trun∣cheon, and to haue taken the launce of Divarates the Corinthian, and returned pre∣sently to the fight, and therewith overthrowne Mithridates the sonne in lawe of Da∣rius. Besides it is said, that the Macedonians had the advantage in weapons; Take it thus, that they fought with dartes against Iavelins, what advantage had they? especially being come to the shock: Dartes are vsed a farre of. At hand noe man figh∣teth with them, vnlesse hee haue noe other weapon. I thinke noe man will deny, but that a Iavelin in closing is more advantagious then a darte. And that Xyston signifieth a launce Aelian himselfe testifieth in this Chapter calling the laun∣ciers Doratophori, or Xystophori. The Macedonian then had his horsemans staffe of Corneil. Whi•• b 1.125 Pliny affirmeth to bee a sound and a fast wood. If his launce: a man may ••bably coniecture, his pike also, which exceeded the launce in length and thicknesse onely. Wee at this day preferre the Ashe before all woodes for toughnesse; lightnesse and beautie; especially if the vaine runne through to the end. Notwithstanding I finde in c 1.126 Cicuta a knight of Venice, an old souldier, and one that followed the Emperour Charles the fift in his warres of Africk, that the opinion of his time enclyned rather to Firre, both for lightnesse, and strength. I haue not seene the experience: therefore leaue I the iudgement to triall. Wee haue then out of Aelian that the armed, had both target and pike, that one man should at one time vse both tar∣get, and pike in fight, against the enemy will seeme incredible in our dayes. Yet vsed the Macedonian souldiers both; at one instant they both charged theire pikes, and covered themselues with theire targets against the flyeng weapons of the enemy. The manner was this: when they closed with the enemy, they charged theire pikes with both handes, and with a slight wryeng of the body, and lifting vp the right shoulder, whirled their target, hanging at their backe, vpon the left shoulder, that stood next the enemy in the charge: and so covered all theire body to the midle, and beneath. I haue touched it in the practise of Cleomenes. It appeareth more plainely in Plutarch, describing the battaile betwixt K. Perseus, and the Consul Aemilius. Hee hath this: d 1.127 The enemy approaching Aemi∣lius issued out of his Campe, and fownd the legionary Macedonians, bearing nowe the heades of their pikes stiffe vpon the targets of the Romans, not suf∣fering them to come vp to the sword: which when hee sawe, and sawe with all the other Macedonians casting about their targets from behinde their shoul∣ders, and receiving the Roman targetiers with their pikes abased together at one signal, and likewise the firmenesse of the battaile shutte vp, & serred, & the roughnesse of the front (the pikes lyeng out before) he became astonied, & af∣frighted, as having never before beheld so fearefull a sight. Which passion, & spectacle, hee afterward oftentimes recounted to his familier friends. This ioy∣••ing of targets in the front is called Synaspismos: whereof wee shall haue occasion to speake heere-after.
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• 5 The light.] They had divers names given them in the Greek history. Some∣times they are calleda 1.128 Euzoni, because they so girded vp theire apparaile about thē, that* 1.129 they were light and fitt for motion: Sometimesc 1.130 Askeuoi, because they beare no mili∣tary furniture of defence: Sometimesd 1.131 Elaphroi because they resemble (as some think) a harte in lightnesse, and swiftnesse: Sometimese 1.132 Gynnietae (naked) because they were without defensiu•• armes: Sometimes Psyloi (naked or light) as they are heere termed by Aelian, and byg 1.133 Appian, and the other, that I cited.
• 6 Flyeng weapons onely] The light-armed are divided into three kindes, Archers, Darters, and Slingers. Which three kindes were of much vse emongest the Graecians, and they beare onely flieng weapons. h 1.134 Xenophon testifieth that Cyrus the elder had them:i 1.135 And the Graecians in theire returne out of Persia:k 1.136 Alexander had them in his warre against Darius: andl 1.137 Pyrrhus in his warre in Italy, Sicill and Greece: m 1.138 The Graecians against Brennus King of the Gaules: n 1.139 Both the Athenians, & The bans at the battaile of Delos.
• 7 Arrowes] Archers haue alwayes beene of speciall esteeme for the field, and pre∣ferred before the other kindes of light-armed. Many nations haue beene commended for theire skill in shooting. Emongest the Graecians the Cretans were (of a••ncient time) sole archers,o 1.140 as Pausanias witnesseth. Yet was not theire service aequall with the ser∣vice of the Persians. For Xenophon confesseth, that the Persian bowe overreached the Cretan a great way: and that the Rhodians with theire sling owt-threw the Cretan bow. Of the Carduchans a people, through whose Countrey the Graecians passed at theire re∣turne out of Persiap 1.141 Xenophon writeth thus: They caried noe other armes, then bowes and slinges. They were excellent archers; and had bowes well nighe three cubits long; arrowes more, then two Cubits. When they shotte, they drewe the string, applieng theire hand some what toward the neither end of the bowe, setting theire left foote foreward. With theire arrowes they pier∣ced both targets, and Curates. The Graecians putting thonges to the mid∣dest of theire arrowes sent them back at the enemy in steede of Dartes. The same in effect is reported byq 1.142 Diodorus Siculus. Of the Parthian horsemen, Appian saith: When Crassus commaunded the light-armed to disband, & goe to the charge, they went not farre, but meeting with many arrowes, and being sore galled with them, they retired streight, and hid themselues emongest the ar∣med, and gaue beginning of disorder, and feare, repraesenting to the sight of the rest, the force, and violence of the shotte, that rent all armes, they fell vp∣pon, and made way aswell thorough bodies, that had the best, as the worst furniture defensiue: giving mighty and violent strokes from stiffe and great bowes, and forcing out the arrowe boisterously with the compasse, and bent of the bowe. r 1.143 Plutarch hath the very wordes, that are in Appian. The Indians also were good archers, albeit not much praised by Q. Curtius, s 1.144Hee saith: theire ar∣rowes were two Cubits long, which they deliver out of theire bowes, with more labour, then effect: for as much as the arrow, whose whole efficacy is in lightnesse, becometh altogether vnwieldy by reason of the weight. And yet hee telleth, that Alexander, at the assault of the principall City of the Mallians, was strooke thorough his Curace into the side beneath the pappes with an In∣dian arrowe: with whomet 1.145 Plutarch and Diod. Siculus accord. v 1.146 Arrian addeth the wound was so deep, that his breath was seene to issue out together with his blood. The Gothes and other people of the north, that invaded the Roman empire, had theire chiefe victories against the Romans by the help of bowes, and arrowes. x 1.147 Ve∣getius (before alleaged) speaketh it plainely: So our souldiers, saith hee, vnarmed

• both bodies and heads, encountring with the Gothes, were oftentimes who∣ly defeated, and slaine, with the multitude of theire arrowes. I may not preter∣mitte the praise of our nation in this skill. Our owne stories testify, that the great battailes, we gayned against the french, were gayned by the ioint-shooting of our archers principal∣ly. And that the English haue heretofore excelled in archery & shooting, is cleere by the te∣stimony even of Strangers.a 1.148 Cicuta (whom I named before) commending the vse of bows, as necessary for the s••rvice of the field (& that long after gunnes were invented) praefer∣reth the English before all other, and setteth him downe, as a patterne for other to follow. A••db 1.149 Patritius, disputing of the violence of arrows, doubteth not to affirme, that an En∣glish arrowe with a litle waxe put vpō the point of the head, wil passe through any ordinary Corslette or Curace. Howsoever the credit of bowes is lost, at this pre∣sent, with many great souldiers, yet haue they of auncient time been highly prised.c 1.150 Vege∣tius saith; how great advantage good archers bring in fight, both Cato in his bookes of military discipline doth shewe evidently, and Claudius, by aug∣menting the number of archers, and teaching of them the vse of theire bowes, overcame the enemy, whome before hee was not able to matche. Sci∣p••o Africanus (the yonger) being to giue battaile to the Numantines, that before had forced a Roman army to passe vnder the yoake, thought hee could not otherwise haue the better, vnlesse hee mingled chosen ar∣chers in euery 〈◊〉〈◊〉 And d 1.151 Leo the Emperour in his Constitutions milita∣ry hath this Constitution ••ongest other: You shall comm••un •• all the Roman youth, till they come to fourty yeares of age, whether they haue meane skill in shooting, or not, to cary bowes & quivers of arrowes. For since the art of shoo ting hath been neglected, many, & great losses haue befallen the Romans. A••d in another place:e 1.152 you shall enioyne the Commaunders vnder you, in winter to take a view, and to signify to the Turm••ches (Coronells) now many horse, & what kinde of armes the souldiers, vnder their commaundes, stand in need of, that necessary provision bee made, & the souldiers be furnished in time conve∣nient. But specially you are to haue care of archers; & that they, whoe remaine at home, & haue vacation from warre, hold bowes and arrowes in their how∣ses. For carelessnesse heerin hath brought great dammage to the Roman State. So Leo. This of ould time was the opinion of the Romans concerning archers. Howe wee are fallen out with them in our dayes (the skill of the bowe, being a quality so com∣mendable, and so proper to our nation) I knowe not, vnlesse fire-weapons perhaps haue put them out of countena••nce. And surely it may not bee denied, that the force of fireweapons of our time doth farre exceed the height of all old inventions for anoyeng the enemy. And, when I haue given them the first place, I will not doubt to giue the se∣cond to bowes and arrowes being so farre from casting them of, that I would rather fol∣low the wisdome of the Graecians; whoe albeit they esteemed arrowes the best flieng wea∣pons, yet thought it not amisse to hold in vse slinges, and dartes- Every weapon hath it property; and that which is fitte for one service, is not so fitte for another. The fire∣weapons haue theire advantages; They haue also theire disadvantages. Theire advan∣tage is, they pierce all defence of armour, and lighting vpon a place of the body, the wound whereof endaungereth life, they bring with them certeine death. Theire disad∣vantages are, they are not alwayes certeine, sometimes for want of charging, sometimes through over charging, sometimes the bullet rowling out, sometimes for want of good powder, or of dryed powder, sometimes because of an ill dryed matche, not fitte to coale, or not well cocked. Besides they are somewhat long in charging, while the musketier takes downe his musket, vncockes the matche, blowes, proynes, shuttes, casts of the pan,

• ... castes about the musket, opens his charges, chargeth, drawes out his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sticke, rammes in the powder, drawes out againe, and puts vp his skowring stick, layes the musket on the rest, blowes of the matche, cockes, and tryes it, gardes the pan, and so makes ready. All which actions must necessarily bee observed, if you will not faile of the true vse of a musket. In raine, snowe fogges, or when the enemy hath gayned the winde, they haue small vse. Adde that but one ranke (that is the first) can giue vpon the enemy at once. For the rest behinde, discharging, shall either wound theire owne Companions before, or else shoote at randon, and so nothing endaunger the enemy, the force of a musket being onely availeable at point blanck. Contrary wise the disad∣vantage of arrowes is in the weaknesse of the stroke; which is not able to enter a Cu∣race, that the foote or horse nowe vse. Yet can noe weather bee founde, where in you may not haue good vse of bowes: raine, snowe, winde, haile, fogges, hinder litle (es∣pecially the string of the bowe being not to wette) may rather profit Because in them you can hardly discerne, much lesse avoide, the fall of the arrowe. As for quicknesse in delivery the bowe farre excelleth the musket. A good single archer is able to giue fiue shotte in excha••nge for one of the musketier; and that with such certainty, that you shall not heare of an archer that misseth the delivery of his arrow, where the musketier, often faileth by reason of the accidents and impediuients before by mee rehearsed. Ioine that a whole squadron of archers, being embattailed, may shoote at once together: which onely the first ranke of musketiers may doe. And make the case there were a hundred mus∣ketters, and a hundred bowe-men eche digested into ten f••les, eche file conteyning ten men, the bowe men shall bee able to shoote at once a hundred arrowes (all theire arrowes) for ten bullets given by the musketiers, namely those ten of the first ranke discharging alone. It must not bee pretermitted, that the bowe and quiver both for marching, & all service, are lighter and of lesse labour to ••se, then a musket, which is noe small advantage in armes and fight. To conclude the bowe-men may bee placed behinde the armed foote, and yet in shooting over the Phalange anoy the enemy before ioyning, anda 1.153 all the time of fight, even whilest they are at pushe of pike; where the musketier, there placed, must either idlely look on, or else playeng with his musket, most of all endaunger his owne friendes. Neither is the force of arrowes so weake, as is immagined, noe not in the arming of our dayes. For the pike albeit hee haue his head and body covered, yet are his legges, and feete, his armes, and handes open to woundes: any of which parts being wounded bringes a disability of service. To say nothing of his face, and eyes, before which the showers of arrowes falling like a tempest without intermission, must needes breed a remedilesse terrour, and make him thinke rather of saving himselfe, then offen∣ding his enemy. The musketier being also vnarmed is as subiect to the shotte of arrowes, as the archer is to the shotte of the musket; and the arrow touching any vitall parte, as much taketh away life, as doth the musket. Lastly a horse-man for his owne person (I must confesse) is safe enough from the daunger of arrowes by reason of his armour but his horse, being a faire and large mark, and having neither barbe, nor pectorall, nor ought else to hide his head or breast, how can hee escape woundes? Witnesse our fieldes in France, where our Archers alwayes beate the frenche horse, being barbed, and bet∣ter armed, then our horse are, at this day. And for the bloudy effect of bowes the story of Plutarch is worth the rehersing. He, in the life of Crassus hath thus:b 1.154 The Parthians opposing the Cataphracts against the Roman horse, the other Persians gallo∣ping heer and there dispersedly, and troubling the face of the field, broke vp from the bottom, hills of sand, that raised infinite dust, whereby the Romans lost theire sight and voice: and thronging together, & thrusting one another were wounded, and died not a simple, or quicke deathe, but tormented with

• convulsions and panges of grief, walllowing vp, and downe, in the sande to breake the arrowes in theire woundes, or else endevouring to pluck out the hooked heades, which had pierced vaines and sinewes, renting a freshe them∣selues, & adding torment to torment: so that many died in this manner, & the rest became vnprofitable. And when Publius Crassus desired them once more to charge the Cataphracts, they shewed theire handes nailed to their targets, and theire feete fastened to the grownde, whereby they were vnable either to fly, or fight. These wonders did the Parthian bowes, which notwithstanding were not to bee compared to our auncient English bowes, either for strength, or farre shooting. And that wee may not seeme to rely vpon antiquity alone. a 1.155 The battaile of Curzolare (com∣monly called the battaile of Lepanto) fought in our dayes betwixt the Turkes, & Christi∣ans by sea may serue for an experience of the service of bowes and arrowes. In which there died of the Christians by the arrowes of the Turkes aboue siue thowsand, albeit they were in galleyes and ships, and had theire blindes pretended to saue from sight, and mark of the Turks, where as the artillery of all sorts of the Christians consumed not so many Turkes: notwithstanding the Christians had the victory. Nowe then for vs to leaue the bowe, being a weapon of so great efficacy, so ready, so familiar, and as it were so domesticall to our nation, to which wee were wont to bee accustomed from our Cradle, because other nations take themselues to the Musket, hath not so much as any shewe of reason. Other nations may well for beare ••at, they never had. Neither Italian, nor Spaniard, nor Frenche, nor Dutche, ha•• these fiue hundred years, been accounted Archers. It was a skill almost appropriated to our nation. By it, wee gayned the battailes of Cressy, of Poitiers, of Agincourt, in France: of Navarre, in Spaine: By it, wee made our selues famous over Christendome. And to giue it over vpon a conceit onely (for noe ex∣perience can say that our bowe was ever beaten out of the field by the musket) will proue an immitation of Aesops dogge, whoe carieng a piece of fleshe in his mouth over a ri∣ver, and seing the shadowe in the water, snatched at the shadowe, and left the fleshe▪ I speake not this to a base the service of muskets, which all men must acknowledge to bee great; I onely shewe, there may bee good vse of bowes, if our archers were such, as they were wont: which is not to bee dispaired, and will easily come with exer∣cise.
• 8 Dartes] The names of dartes are divers in the Greek Story. A Darte is often called Acontion: and thereof cometh Acontizo, to throwe a darte, and darters are calledb 1.156 Acontistae. So doth Aelian heere terme a darte. Sometimes a darte is ter∣med Palton of the verbe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieng to shake or make quiver. The word Palton is much vsed inc 1.157 Arrian andd 1.158 Xenophon especially, when they speake of the Persian dartes. Yete 1.159 Diodorus Siculus nameth the Persian darte Saunion: which name also is given to a Graecian darte by Plutarch, and by the same Diodorus. Sometimes a darte is named Doration: Doru, as I said, being a Speare, and Doration according to Suidas, a litle speare, or darte. Aelian vseth the word in this Chap. Lonche, albeit it properly signify thef 1.160 head of speare, or darte, yet doth it sometimes signify the darte it self, So is it ta∣ken ing 1.161 Xenophon, when hee telleth, that flieng weapons began to walk on all sides, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (that is dartes) arrowes, and stones out of slinges, and some out hands, And Dio∣dorus Siculus hathh 1.162 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to throwe dartes, even in the actes of Alexan∣der. Yet wee finde that speares were also cast vnder that name, andi 1.163 Xenophon saith, that the Thebans cast Dorata against the Lacedaemonians. The Darte hath beene in vse emongest all nations. The matter, fashion, and force of the Roman darte may bee seene ink 1.164 Vegetius, and inl 1.165 Lipsius his Commentaries ad Polybium. The manner of the darting of the Macedonian armed appeareth in the fight betwixt Choragus, and Dioxippus before by mee mentioned: where wee find that Choragus cast

• ... first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a 1.166 (Lanceam saith Curtius) at Dioxippus, when hee thought him with in his reache. But the darters, heere spoken of, are of the light-armed. Such were theb 1.167 Agrians in Alexanders Campe, whoe in all attempts of speed were im∣ployed by Alexander, and served to purpose by reason of theire lightnesse. The darte of the Graecian was a slender shaven piece of wood, about three foote long, armed at one end with a head of iron with a sharpe point, to the end to pierce, whatsoever it should fall vpon. For the length, I giue, it differeth not from the Roman darte in Polybius:* 1.168 and Xenophon seemeth to affirme it, when speaking of the arrowes of the Carduchans, c 1.169 he saith they were longer, then two cubits, & addeth, the Graecians sent them backe againe at the enemy in stede of Dartes. About the middest of these dartes they fastened a thong, which was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wherein, inserting theire forefinger, they launced the darte with more facility. Xenophon witnesseth it in the same place, and ••n another place hee saith, d 1.170 Xenophon commaunded the targetiers to marche with theire fingers in the thonges of theire dartes, the archers with theire arrowes nocked, the slingers with their scryppes full of stones, that they might be redy to let fly, when they were commaunded. These dartes were forcible enough to pierce armoures of that time, and that with them alonee 1.171 Iphicrates overthrew and distroyed a whole Mora of the Lacedaemonians, which people were accounted the best armed, and the most valiant of the Greekes, before the Macedonians came in credit.
• 9 Stones.] There are heere mentioned two manner of throwing stones, the one with the sling, the other with hand alone, The stones, thrown with the sling, fly with much more violence, then the stones throwne with the hand: and, being cast with a skillfull and strong arme, they reache a greater way, then a man would thinke. And yet not so farre, as bullets throwne out of a sling, which by Xenophons report outreached the Persian arrowes. I haue before touched the story: I will nowe lay downe Xenophons wordes. f 1.172 The Graeci∣ans (those ten thowsand, that returned out of Persia vnder the leading of Che∣risophus, & Xenophon) had not marched farre, before Mithridates appeared againe with 200. horse, and 400. Archers & slingers, which were very nimble & light. Hee came close vp to the Graecians as a friend. Being neer, some of his horse, & foote began to shoote, other to sling, & to wound the Graecians. The reare Commaunders of the Graecians were hardly bested. Yet could they doe nothing to anoy the enemy. For the Cretans shoote not so farre, as the Persi∣ans, & carieng noe armour of defence, they were faine to hide themselues with in the body of the armed; & the Darters were not able to reache the slingers of the enemy. Xenophon therefore having the rear, thought good to charge and follow the enemy. But hee was not able to overtake them, (for the Graecians had noe horse) & the Barbarian horsemen, shooting backward in theire flight, wounded many of them, that gaue the chace. To remedy this inconvenience Xenophons advice was to provide horse as many, as they could. And hearing, that there were many Rhodians in the Campe, skillful in slinging, whose slings reached twice as farre, as the Persian sling (for the Persians vsed stones, that fil∣led the hand the Rhodians leaden bullets) hee likewise advised to arme them with slings, and vse theire service. The next day the Graecians furnished out 50 horse, & 200. slingers. And when Mithridates shewed himselfe againe with a thowsand horse, & foure thowsand archers, & slingers, and came vp to charge, both the Rhodian bullets light emongest his troupes, and the 50 horse issuing forth fell vpon the enemy and put him to flight, and slew man•• of the foote in the chace, and tooke eighteene horse. Wee may heer note two kind of slinges one with the stone, the other with the bullet: and besides, that the Rhodian sling with the bullet over-reached both Cretan, and Persian bowe: which was yet afterward

• ... more plainely declared, a 1.173 when Tissaphernes charging the Graecians with his Persian archers, the Rhodian slinges so terrified him, that both himselfe, and his troopes with drewe. And allbut hee followed a farre of, yet durst hee noe more approache, but suffered them quiety to marche all that day, and many other afterward. In this arte of slinging, allthough many nations laboured, yet were there very fewe, that excel∣led. The b 1.174 Bible maketh mention of seaven hundred Gybeonites, whose skill was excel∣lent in sl••nging. Of other nations none might compare with thec 1.175 Baleares: of whome Diodorus Siculus writeth thus: Theire armor is three slinges, whereof they haue one about theire heades, another about theire waste, the third in theire hand. In warre they cast greater stones, then any other, and with such force, that they may seeme to bee sent out of a Catapult. Therefore in sieges and as∣saults of Cities they wound the defendants of the walles, and in the field breake targets, and head-pieces, and all defensiue armes. They ayme so cer∣teinely at any marke, that they seldome faile in hitting. The cause is theire continuall practise from theire childhode, theire mothers continually enfor∣cing them to sling, even when they are yet children. For setting vp bread vpon a poste, as a marke, they are not allowed to eate, vntill they hitte it, and haue it given them by theire mothers to eate. So farre Diodorus Siculus: with whom d 1.176 Vegetius agreeth. The same e 1.177 Vegetius saith that slinges were made either of flaxe, or of haire, The forme was that it had two ends, the one fastened to the hand, the oth•• ••o let slippe, being broadest in the middest, lest the stone should fall out. Diodorus hath before expressed with what force a stone went out of a sling. f 1.178 Ve∣getius addeth, that they are more violent, then any arrowe: piercing head-pieces, Curaces, and other armes. The same g 1.179 Vegetius limiteth the space of theire reache to six hundred foote: and saith, that slinges at that distance were seene often to hitte the marke: and attributeth as much to archers. h 1.180 There are, that affirme, that a leaden bullet sent out of a sling will melt with the vehe∣ment motion of the aire. Let the credit bee with the reporters. Wee haue not fownd that experiences in our pieces, which notwithstanding force out theire bullet with fire, & that with greater violence, then any hand sling can doe. For stones to bee cast with the hand seei 1.181 Vegetius. Polybius commendeth the vse of them.
• 10 The armour of the Argilos] What this Argilos should meane, I see lear∣ned doubt, and I haue litle to say. Whether it come as a diminitiue from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (swift) or from a City of Thrace, called Argilos, or from any other originall I will not affirme. Heere if the text bee not corrupted, and the worde crept in, or ex∣chaunged by the negligence of some copier, it must signifie a targetier. Which Aelians description maketh evident. That there was such a Ctty in Thrace you shall finde in k 1.182 Thucydides. And that the Thracian foote for the most part were Targetiers, I remember, I haue read in Xenophon. But then a quaestion may againe arise, seing the inhabitants of that City were not called argiloi but argilioi (for the City it self was called Argilos) why the Targetier should bee called Argilos, and not Argilios. The chaunge is not great. Many such mistakings are to bee fownde in transcribing of Copies. But I thinke rather there is an errour in the text; and that for two causes. First because Aelian dividing the foote into three kindes, Armed, Targetiers, and light-armed, and dis∣coursing of the armed and light-armed expressely by name, not so much as nameth the Targetier, but vnder the name of Argilos. Then for thatl 1.183 Lipsius (whether hee had another copy of Aelian, I cannot tell) citing this very place of Aelian, ci∣teth other wordes, then heere wee find. The Targetiers, saith hee, (out of

• ... Aelian, as hee praetendeth) vse, as it were, a middle kinde of arming. For theire Target, called Pelta, is a litle light Target, and theire pikes come much short of the Pikes of the armed. Vnlesse happily Lipsius haue borrowed the wordes out of Suidas imagining them to bee Aelians, and so citeth them vnder his name. For I finde them in Suidas in the explication of military appellations▪ but I finde them in noe editi∣tion of Aelian, that hit herto hath beene printed.
• 11 A litle slight target called Pelta] The forme of this litle target is diuersly expressed by divers Authors. a 1.184 The Scholiastes of Thucydides giveth it a Tetragonall or fouresided shape: with whom also iumpethb 1.185 Suidas, c 1.186 Hesychius saith, Pelta is a litle target having noe circumference, meaning, I thinke, it is not rounde. Hee saith al∣so it is a Thracian weapon: to both which significations Suidas agreeth. The Thraci∣ans vsed these kindes of Targets, and often sent these Targetiers to serue the Graecians. d 1.187 Nymphodorus (seeking to make a league betwixt the Athenians and Sitalces King of Thracia) promised to procure Sitalces to send them an army of horse, and Peltasts (Tar∣getiers.) Xenophon speaking of the Thracians, that assaulted his lodging, telleth, that e 1.188 after the Trumpet sounded, and many of his souldiers came to his aide, the Thracians fled casting, as theire manner was, theire Targets (Peltas) at their backes. f 1.189 When Dercyllidas invaded Bithynia, Seuthes the K. of Thracesent him horse and Peltasts (tar∣getiers) to his aide. But the Pelta, that Aelian heere mentioneth, was rounde. g 1.190 Suidas in the wordes, before alleaged by Lipsius, as out of Aelian called this target As∣pidisce: that is a litle Aspis, such as the Macedonians bore, which were without all quaestion rounde. The invention of this Pelta is attributed to Iphicrates the At he∣nian. h 1.191 For whereas the Athenians before his time vsed large round targets (aspides) which were not so easy to bee wielded, being heavy, he provided them litle targets to make them light, and quick for all service. He altered not the forme of the round∣nesse, but diminished the weight, in abating of the breadth. i 1.192 Aemilius Probus saith, hee made them beare litle targets (Peltas) in steede of large rounde targets (Parme,) where vppon they were ever after called Peltastae. The invention therefore of this kinde of Target is attributed to Iphicrates. For the litle targets of other formes were long before the age of Iphicrates. k 1.193 Cyrus the yonger had Graecian Targetiers in his army:l 1.194 and the Graecians at theire returne out of Persia: and likewisem 1.195 those, that ioyned with Thrasybulus to recover Athens out of the handes of the thirty Tyrants. All which were before Iphicrates time. n 1.196 Lipsius taketh the Pelta to differ litle or nothing from the Parma velitaris of the Romans, which doubtlesse was round. o 1.197 Polybius saith, the Roman horse-mens targets (Parme) were like to Cakes named Popana, which according to p 1.198 Suidas were broade, rounde, thinne Cakes.
• 12 And his pike is much shorter] If it bee as Diodorus Siculus and Aemilius Probus report, that Iphicrates was the inventer of the armes of the Targetier, the pike should bee litle shorter, then the Macedonian pike. Hee gaue them litle targets for great Targets, and doubled the length of theire pike, and sword. If the length of the pike were doubled, I cannot see, how it should come much shorte of the Macedonian Pike. But it may bee, they were long at first, and that afterward vse, and commodity brought them to a lesse sise, to the end the souldier should bee nimble and ready at charges. But had the Peltast noe other armes, then are heere mentioned? Hee had. Andq 1.199 first hee had a linen Curace for lightnesse sake, and then a sword of double length to his former sword. Further hee had dartes: Xenophon tellethr 1.200 that, in the battaile betwixt Artaxerxes & Cyrus, Tissaphernes charged the Graecian Targetiers, whoe divided themselues into two partes, and plied his horse with dartes as hee passed through them. The same Xenophon afterward telleth of the Targetiers vnder his commaunde, s 1.201 that hee directed them, to

• hold their fingers in the thongs of theire dartes, and bee ready to throw, when hee gaue a signe: a 1.202 And that these very Targetiers of Iphicrates with theire dartes and other missiue weapons destroyed a whole Mora of the Lacedemonians without com∣ming neere or closing with them. Yetb 1.203 Leo giveth the Targetiers noe more, then tar∣gets, and speares (Dorata.) But in that (as in many other thinges) I make noe doubt, hee followeth Aelian, whose wordes also hee well nighe reteynes, aswell in this place, as many other. In pervsing the story of Alexander (in Arrian, the most faithfull histo∣aian of his deedes) I find noe Targetiers by the name of Peltastae in all his army. The names of Armed, of archers, of Darters, of slingers I meete often: but not of Pelta∣stae. Which made mee once doubt, whether Alexander ever vsed them or noe. Since vpon better consideration I am induced to thinke, though the name in the story faileth, Yet the kinde of souldiers, so armed, and so appointed, as Aelian describeth, may easily bee found: and that vnder the name of Hypaspistes. Which name albeit most vsually signifie him, that carries another mans Target, yet is it also applied to souldiers, that are neither light, nor heavy-armed, of which kinde the Targetiers were, as a meane bet wixt both. That Hypaspistes signifieth noe heavy armed, may bee evident by the wordes of Arrian. c 1.204 Alex∣ander, when hee sawe the streights of Cilicia possessed with a strong gard, left Parmenio behinde withall, that were heavy armed, himselfe about the first, watche taking the Hypaspistae, and the Archers, and the Agrians (who were darters, as I haue shewed) led on in the night toward the streights, purposing to fall vpon the w••che, before hee was looked for. Hee left all the heavy-ar∣med with Parmenio, and tooke the Hypaspistae with him. And in another place hee saith:d 1.205 Alexander commaunded the Hypaspistae first to passe the river, and af∣ter them the Macedonian armed. Hee distinguisheth the Hypaspistae from the armed. And streight after:e 1.206 Three dayes after Alexander vnderstanding that Cleitus & Glaucias were ill lodged with theire army, & neither held watche, nor had cast a trenche for theire owne security (for they imagined Alexander marched away for feare) and that theire Campe was stretched out to a need∣lesse length, secretly repassed the river a litle before night, leading with him the Hypaspists, and the archers, and the Agrians, and the Phalanges of Per∣diccas and Coenus. And in the same booke at the assault of Thebes, when Perdiccas had engaged himselfe and brought Amyntas with his troupes in the same danger, Alexan∣der lothe to leaue them in hazard, advaunced with the rest of his army, and gaue a signe to the archers and Agrians to enter the trenche, the Agemata (Livy translateth them legions) and Hypaspists hee held without. So that in all these places hee distinguisheth them from the heavy armed, and maketh the Hypaspists one, the heavy-armed another. I might alleage other passages out of the same author, but these will suffise. That they were not of the light armed may bee proued by the same places of Arrian. Where they are alwaies distin∣guished from the archers and Darters, There targets make them vnfitt for slingers, and mention of slingers I find in other places. The very name she weth that they carry targets, and the great Etymologicon allo weth them spears beside their targets Whereby they are clearely exempted from the light armed ••t remaineth then, that they be the peltastae, which Aelian heere speaketh of, especially since they were armed with target and speare, which armes hee giveth to his targetiers, and to no other, except it be to the armed.
• 13 Cataphracts] The horsemen are divided into two kinds, Cataphracts (compleat armed) aud not Cataphracts. Cataphracts are those, that cover themselues and horse with ar∣mor. Not Cataphracts, that fight with launces, or with flieng weapons. Livytermeth* 1.207 Cataphracts (Loricatos) because they wore curasses The other sort are either launciers or Acrobolists. Acrobolists came not to the shocke, but plyed the enimy a farre of with

• ... flieng weapons. The Launciers closed, and charged the ennemy with theire launces. The word Cataphrasso (to cover with armes) giveth name to the horsemen Cata∣phracts: and as the horsemen are called Cataphracts, so is the furniture of horse and man called Cataphragma. How they were armed Aelian sh••weth when he saith they cover themselues and their horses with armour yet was it not always, that the whole horse was armed. a 1.208 For Xenophon speaking of the Persians in the time of the elder Cyrus, saith, they armed there horses with frontl••ts and pectoralls & covers for there thighes. As much hee saith of b 1.209 the six hundred horse that followed Cyrus the younger against Artaxerxes, sauinge they wanted couer for there thighes. The horsmen themselues he giueth great Curasses, and cuisses, and head-pieces. So it appeareth that the horse were not all over armed, but onely theire heads their breasts and there forethighes. Yet P••utarch speaking of the Cataphrast•• in the time of Lucullus, saith, theire leggs, and thighes were vnarmed. Concerning the Parthians Suidas, I know not out of what Author, hath thus: The Curasse of the Parthian horsemen is made in this manner: The part be∣fore covereth his breast, and thighes, and his hands to the fingers end, and his leggs. The hinder-part, his backe, and necke, and all his head. There are but∣tons made for the sides, with which both the parts being fastened, it mak••th the whole horsemen seem, as if hee were made of iron. The iron neither hin∣dreth the stretching out, nor the gathering vp of his limbs, it is so exactly fit∣ted to the nature, and sise of all parts of the body. Likewise they arme there w••ole horse with iron, except his hoofes, because theire owne armor would little availe, in case theire horse miscaried. Cu••tius discribeth the forme in the Per∣sian horsemen, whose furniture, hee saith, was made of plate fastened together in continued dependances of scales of iron c 1.210 Appian speaking how the Parthians seeking to terrify Crassus, and his army, vpon the suddaine cast away the couers of theire armour, and both themselues appeared in shining curasses, and head-pieces the Ma••gian iron of which they were made darting forth a flashing, and dispersed twinkling light, and their horses glistring in brasen, and iron furniture. Yet doth Appian in the s••me pla••e note, that the bellys of these horse, was not armed. d 1.211 For the french horsemen, saith he, that followed young Crassus, when they perceived, how little they prevailed with theire staues against the sure, and vnpierceable armour of the Parthians, ligh∣ting from theire owne, and creeping vnder the Parthian horses, stroke them into the bellys, and they impatient of paine and flinging heere, and there, and treading vnder foote, as well theire riders as theire enemies, died in the place. Plutarch hath the like. The Cataphracts, beside theire armour of defence, had a launce, or horsemans staffe, to fight with all. e 1.212 Plutarch affirmes it: Lucullus, saith hee, after hee sawe Tigranes his Cataphract horsemen (whoe were of most acount) de∣fended, as it were, by a hill, that had the ground aboue plaine, and broade, & the ascent (which was about fower furlongs in length) not very hard, or steepe, commaunded the Thracian, and gaule horsemen, hee had, to giue vp∣pon the flanke, and to put by the launces with theire swords: For the onely strength of the Cataphract is his launce, and it alone hee is able to vse either in defence of himselfe, or annoying the enimie: being by reason of the weight and harshnes of his furniture like a man shutte, and locked vp in a wall. Hether∣to Plutarch. Likewise the Part••ian Cataphracts, albeit they vsed bo••e, and arrows yet they had also launces, with which they came to the shocke with the enemie. f 1.213 When the armie of Anthony (saith the same Plutarch) sawe the Parthians ready to giue on, the armed turning their faces about toward the enimie, tooke in the light armed, and shutt them vp with in theire battels: themselues kneeling vpon one knee,

• h••ld out theire targets before, the second rankes with theire targets covered the heads, and vpperparts of the foremost, & the following rankes did the like one for another, the figure was like the tyling of a house, & represented a shew worth the seeing, and was the surest defence that might bee, to make the ar∣rowes glaunce of, without harme doing. The Parthians imagining this knee∣ling proceeded from wearinesse, and faintnesse, layed aside their bowes, and taking in hand theire launces, ranne vppon the Romans, whoe giuing a iointe showte sprung vp presently, and striking them with their darts, slewe the first, and put the rest to flight. By these two testimonies the launce of the Cataphract is clearly proved. In what manner the Cataphracts came to fight, Nazarius (cited by Stewechius) sheweth plainely in a Panegyrick of his. The Cataphracts, saith hee,* 1.214 in whom•• was the principall strength of the field, vse this discipline in char∣ging. After closing theire files, they keepe an equalitie in moving forward to charge, & being free from wounds, they break without difficulty any strength of battel opposed against them. They are saide to bee free from wounds, because both themselves & horses (especially before) are covered with sure armes. Theire moving must be slow, because of the weight of theire armes, which slownesse was recompenced with the violence of theire charge, which neither horse, nor foote was able to resist. And a 1.215 yet they had another incōvenience, in that, being overthrowne, or slipping, or falling to the ground, neither hors•• ••or man, were able easily to raise themselues againe. Such was the weight of theire armo
• 14. Launciers are such] Launciers, saith Aelian, ioine with the enemy, & fight hand to hand with the launce. And did not the Cataphracts so? They did, but theire armour differed much. The Cataphracts both horse, and man, were all over armed. The horse of the Launciers was not armed, and himselfe, albeit hee were armed, yet not so armed, but that many parts of his body were bare of armes. And his armour came much short of the compleate. Arrian saith that the Macedonians being launciers were not able to encounter with the Scythians, whoe were Cataphracts, both because of theire num∣ber, and also of theire manner of arming. And as the Launciers armour was not so ••eauie, as the Compleate, so was it more heauie, then the armour of the foote. Xenophon seemeth to signifie so much, telling of himselfe, that taking the targetiers of the front, and some out of the midst of the hollow square battaile, and three-hun∣dred chosen men, that Cherisophus had with him in the front, hee marched away with all speed to seise vpon the toppe of a certaine hill. b 1.216 And exhorting his souldiers to haste, you may well, quoth Sotridas, the S••cionian, talke of haste, that are on horseback. I, in the meane time with this heauie target, am scarce able to marche. Xenophon hearing this, streight dismounted, and dis∣ranking ••otridas, tooke away his target, and with it on his shoulder conti∣nued his hast in marching. By chance hee had on at that time a horsemans armour, where with although he were overpressed, yet slacked hee nothing of his pace. The rest of the souldiers beating and reviling Sotridas compelled him both to his target, and place againe. At last they gained the hill, they purposed, and made the enemie abandon the nether ground. Xenophon was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 overpressed with the horsemans armour. If it had beene but equall in weight with a foote mans, hee might, as well haue endured it, as the rest. Plutarch sheweth likewise the* 1.217 weight of the horsemans armour. Philopaemen, saith hee, willing yet to giue more strength to the Kings party (hee meaneth Antigonus, the gardian of Phillip afterward King of Macedonia) & to come to hands with the enemy that was already in route, lighted from his horse, and in a horsmans Curace, and heauie

• armour, wrestling hardly, and laboriouslye on foote with the ground, that was rough, & full of brooks, & ditches, hee was strooken through the thighes with a darte: the stroke beinge not daungerors, but forceble, so that the head passed through both his thighes. Hence both the heavinesse of the Launciers furniture may bee seen, and that Philopoemens thighes were vnarmed, through both which at once hee was wounded with a darte: And so the Launcier not so surely armed, as the Ca∣taphract. The armes, that the Launcier bore are described by a 1.218 Polybius speaking of the armes of the Roman horsemen; who writeth thus: The armour of theire horse∣men is at this day like the Graecian. Of old they had noe curaces, but fought in short gownes girded to them. By reason whereof they were ready, & actiue to alight from, and gett vp quickly, on theire horses. But their fight was daun∣gerous with the enemy▪ because they wanted armes. Theire staues had two incommodities. For, being made slender and quivering, they neither could touche the mark, they aymed at, and most of them, shaken with the motion of the horse, fell out to bee broken, before the head touched, or fastened vpon any thing. Ioyne, that, having no iron point at the butt end, they served but for one stroke onely, and that at the first. And yet the head being broken of, the remnant of the staffe was of noe vse. The targets they had, were made of oxe-hyde in forme like to cakes named Popanae, which are vsed in sacrifices. And they were neither fitte to encounter the enemy, by reason they had noe stiffnesse or fastnesse in resistance, and being resolved, and soked, or putrified with raine, they could not bee any thing worthe. Finding these inconvenien∣ces by experience, they quickly chaunged for the Graecian armour; In which the first stroke of the head of the staffe is certeyne, and worketh the designed effect, by reason of the forme, which is not quivering, but stiffe and sturdy: & likewise turning foreward the butte end, which is armed with a sharpe point, they might therewith fasten a sound, and forcible blowe vpon the enemy. The like may be said of the Targets, which both in charging, and defending, haue a sure & vnfailable vse. Which they noe sooner saw, then imitated. For the Ro∣mans, if any other nation, are good to change their fashions, and to choose that, which is best, wheresoever they finde it. The Launcier then had a Curace, a head-piece, a launce, and a sword for his armes, and this was generall in Launciers; but some had besides a target, and were therefore called targetiers. The Launciers were called in greeke Doratophoroi, or Xestophoroi: two seuerall appellations in shewe, but sig∣nifieng in deed but one thing, the one being derived from the matter, the other from the forme of the launce. b 1.219 Doru, as I said before, signifieth wood: and because all the Laun∣ciers armes excepting the launce, were of other matter, then wood, the launce was called Doru, (of the wood) and the Launciers Doratophoroi. As for Xyston, or Xeston (for they signify one thing) it commeth of the verbe Xuo, or Xeo to shaue, or polish (as our ioyners doe) and the launces, being made of wood shaven, or polished, are named Xysta, or Xesta, of the forme (as I said) that is given them by shaving, and the Launciers, that beare thes•• launces, Xestophoroi, or Xystophoroi. And heere I am once to note for all, that wee are not to presse wordes according to the proper signification of theire primitiues, from whence they are derived. For considering there are more things, then names of things (as Logicians say) the most copious language, that is▪ cannot giue proper names to all. Heereof come the wordes of divers significations. And howsoever names seeme at first rough, & straunge, vse, and custome maketh them smooth, and gives them passage. As the coyne of a Prince is currant by the stamp, hee setteth vpon the mettalle, what mettalle so euer it bee, fine, or base.
• ...

• 16 Acrobolists] The word importeth such, as throwe aloft, or from alofte. Ballo signifieth to throwe: Acron, the highest, or the vttermost. By common vsage Acro∣bolizo is taken for to dart, and by consequent to skirmish a farre of. Because such as cast flieng weapons, as darts, and stones, and the like, came not to stedfast fight, but lay aloofe, and onely threwe their weapons at the enemy, and of so doing are called Acro∣bolists. Acrobolismos in Polybius is interpreted Skirmishing. And a 1.220 Diodorus Siculus ioyneth Acrobolismos, and a short meddley in fight together, b 1.221 which Xenophon termeth Acrobolisis by another word flowing from the same fountaine.
• 17 Tarentines] They are so called of a Citty in Italy Tarentum by name, the inhabitants whereof, that were horsemen, vsed this manner of fight. But he maketh two kinds of Tarentines; one, that ever fought a farre of with darts, and never came to hand with the enemy, the other, that after a dart or two cast, came close vp, and fought hand to hand. c 1.222 Livy speaketh of a third kind of Tarentines, who vsed in fight two horses at once made fast together, and one being weary, leaped vpon the backe of the other.
• 18 Some vse darts a farre of] Of the manner of fight of these horsemen, the pas∣sage of Xenophon is worth repeating. d 1.223 After these things done, saith hee, the aide of Dionysius (which hee sent the Lacedemonians) arrived, being more, then twenty Gallyes. They brought French, and Spaniards, and aboue fifty horse. The next day the Thebans, and theire confederats, embattailing theire ar∣mie, and filling the•• ••ith the whole plaine even to the sea-side, & to the hills, that lay about the City (of Corinth) destroyed whatsoever, might serue to any vse. The horsemen of the Athenians, and Corinthians, seeing the strength, and multitude of the enemy, came not neere vnto them: but the horsmen of Dionysius, albeit fewe in number, galloping heere, and there, dispersedly, and putting spurrs to theire horse, charged them with their darts, and in case the enemy followed, they returned with all speed, and then turned againe, and threw darts afresh. In doeing these things they vsed to alight from theire horse, and rest themselues, and if any of the enemy singled out to fall vpon them, leaping quickly againe to horse-backe, they fled: and being pursued any distance from the army, as soone as those that pursued them retired, the Tarentines followed, and plyed them with their darts, and put them to great distresse: forcing the whole armie to advance, and retire, as they list them∣selues. So farre Xenophon. Another example I will adde out of Livy of the Numidians, whose manner of fight is all one with the Tarentine manner. e 1.224 In Ligu∣ria saith hee, nothing worthy of memorie was done a long time. At the end of the yeare all things were brought to extreame hasard. For both the Consuls camp, being assaulted, was hardly defended, and not long after, when the ar∣mie was ledd through a forrest, the way whereof was streight, and narrowe, the Ligurians possessed themselues of the mouth of the straights. Through which when the Consull could find no passage, hee turned about his armie, and purposed to reduct it, the way he came. But the mouth of those straights was likewise possessed by a part of the enemies forces. And now the remem∣brance of the Desaster of Caudium presented it self not onely to the minds, but even almost to the eyes of euery man. There were wellnigh eight hun∣dred Numidian horse at that time in the camp. The Commaunder of them promised the Consull to breake through on which side, hee pleased; onely he desired to know on which side most hamblets, and villages were. Vpon them, said hee, I will fall, and sett the houses on fire presently, that, that feare may

• compell the Ligurians to forsake the streights, they hould, and runne severall wayes to defend theire owne. The Consull much commended the man, and laded him with hopes of promises. The Numidians vp to horse, and began to ride heere and there, before the enemies gards, provoking yet no man. No∣thing at the first sight was more contemptible. The horse, and men, were little, and leane. The horsman vngirded, and vnarmed, saving that hee car∣ried darts; the horse without a bridle galloping deformedly with a stiffe neck, and a head thrust out at length. They purposely augmenting this contempt slid from their horses, and dallied, and sported, to bring the enemie to a gaze. Wherefore the enemy, which at first were intentiue, and ready for a charge, became gazers on, and the most part vnarmed themselues, & sett downe vpon the ground. The Numidians rode vp neerer, and then backe againe, and by little, and little, gott to the skirts of the forest; as if theire horses, being resty, had caried them forward against theire wills. At last, putting spurres to they broke through the midst of theire enemies gards, & entring into a larger field, they sett fire on all the houses next the way; then burned they the next vil∣lage, and wasted, and filled, all things with fire, and sword. The smoke first scene, then the cry of the people affrighted, lastly ould men, and children, flieng for succor, raised a tumult in the campe. Therefore without counsell or commaund every man of himself ranne to the defence of his owne, and in a∣moment both the enemies camp was forsaken, & the Consull, delivered from his siege, came to the place intended. By these two examples the kinde of fight, that these darters one horse-backe maintained, may he perceiued, which was a 1.225 not to come neer the enemy, but to keep a loofe, and lett theire darts fly. Besides not to obserue any order in files, or rankes, but straglingly to gallop the field, seeking by theire disbanding to tolle the enemy out of his strength, and so to worke theire advantage. And albeit in the second example, the Numidians vsed not theire darts, yet they would haue done it, if need had beene; and you shall find in other places of b 1.226 Livy, and Polybius, they did vsually, as also in c 1.227 Caesar.
• 19 After they haue spent one or two] These darters on horsebacke differ from the other before mentioned, because at the last they ioyne, and fight hand to hand with the enemy; which the other did not. And what fight they with all? not with launce; for then should they be Launciers, of whom wee haue spoken. But they fight with battel-axes, swordes, and such other short weapons. Suidas affirmeth it, alleged by d 1.228 Arcerius: These, saith hee, at first cast light darts a farre of, and afterward approaching, joyne with the enemy, fighting with battell-axes, or swords; which kind they call light-horsemen.
• 20 The horsemen, that vse bowes] I need not alledge any thing to shewe that the Scythians were good archers. It is knowne to any man, that is not ignorant of Hi∣story. I will onely note, that in flieng from the enemy, th••y harmed as much, as in fal∣ling on. For as they fled they turned half theire bodies backeward, and shotte at him, that followed, and expected noe such thing. Of which fashion of fight Plutarch giueth this iudgement. e 1.229 The Parthians, saith hee, in theire flight shoote backward, & doe it best of all other, except the Scythians; the invention being witty, both to saue themselues by that defence, and also to take away the shame of flight. That which Plutarch attributcth to the Scythians and Parthians, f 1.230 Xenophon saith, the Persians vsed also, both for manner of fight, and flight.

The framing of a Phalange, and definition of the art Tactick. CHAP. III.

BVt seeing every Phalange conteineth an vniting of bodies, offices of com∣maund, orders in place, a Convenient number of men, and wordes of Di∣rection aswell for daily exercise, or trayning, as for true fights, It seemeth neces∣sary to deduce euery of these things into perticularity. The first ¹ labour there∣fore in the art Tactick is for a Generall out of a multitude, that cometh to hand confused, to choose the fittest men, and dispose them into convenient places (that is to order them into files, and bodies) and of the whole number to pro∣portion a ² reasonable levie, & fitting the service in hand. ³ For to dispose and enable an Army, skillfully to march, to encampe, & to embattaile, is a matter of no small consequence. In asmuch as we often find mightie Armies through their disorder to haue been defeated by ⁴ a handfull of men wel disciplined & exercised. Wherefore Aeneas defineth this art to bee a science of warlike motion: Polybius, To be a skill whereby a man taking a multitude serviceable ordereth it into files, and bodies, and inst••teth it sufficiently in all things pertayning to warre.

Notes.

• 1 THE first labour] After prouision of armour followeth choice of men. What men, and out of what climats, and of what profession, and of what age, and of what constitution of body, and of what education, are to be chosen, because Aelian referreth to the discretion of the Generall, not setting downe any particular, I will likewise passe over, noting onely some places, where hee, that is disposed to seeke, may finde the cir∣cumstances of choice of souldiers. Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 1. 32. A. B. Polyb. lib. 6. 406. C. Et Lips. ad Polyb. lib. 1. Dialogo. 2. 3. 4. 5. Veget. lib. 1. cap. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Et Stewechius ad haec omnia cap. 31.
• 2 A reasonable leuy and fitting the service] Levyes are to be made according* 1.231 to the warre, which is vndertaken. The enemie is not alwaies of one strength. Sometimes the forces, against which wee are to lead our armie, are more, sometimes lesse. The Ro∣mans, if the number of enemies were not very great, vsed but a 1.232 a Consular Armie; which consisted of two legions of Romans, and of as many foote of theire Allies; when greatest, onely ioyned two Consular armies together. And for Allies theire foote, as I said, was equall with the Roman foote, theire horse were treble as many, and the Romans having three hundred horse to a Legion, the Allies had nine hundred. Yet in case of great* 1.233 necessitie, wee reade, that the number of the Legions was increased in a Consular armie. Polybius reporteth that, a little before the battaile of Cannae, the Con∣suls Lucius Aemilius, and C. Terentius, had allowed in theire armie, which they led against Anniball, eight Legions, which never was done before. b 1.234 Alexander the great being to invade the Kingdome of Persia, which for wealth, multitude of men, and largenesse of Territorie, was esteemed the richest, mightiest, and grea∣test Empire at that time in the world, had not in his armie aboue one and thirty thou∣sand foote, and fiue thousand, and odde, horse. c 1.235 Armies composed of multi∣tudes are neither fitt to bee guided, and commanded, nor yet to bee provided for.

• ... And hee that trusteth to multitudes, esteemeth not greatly the valour of his souldiers▪ a 1.236 Xerxes saide, he was not foiled by the Graecians through default of number, but because hee wanted men. As it is folly to leuy more men, then is needfull, so is it rashnesse, or b 1.237 rather madnesse to put a few souldiers to hasard against forces, that exceed in number, and valour. Briefly all levies are to bee tempered with consideration of per∣sons, times, places, and other circumstances.
• 3 For to dispose and enable an Armie] Heere are sett downe in a word, as it were, the principall heads of the art of warre, Marching, In camping, and embattailing; to which heads all other may very well bee referred. And of these three Aelian handleth in this treatise but two, namely embattailing, and marching: of embattailing, so much, as perteineth to forming of a common Macedonian Phalange; of Marching, no more, then belongeth to embattailing in a march, that is to ordering of your men in that figure, which shall yeald most advantage against the enemy, that meeteth you; excepting that hee shortly toucheth the marshalling of baggage in your marche. The other considera∣tions of marching, as laying, or avoyding ambushes, sending out to discouer, when to march by night, when by day, how to deceiue and avoyde the enemy lyeng neere, remedies against horse, against shotte, against multitudes, passages of mountaines, of woods, of rivers, of plaines, of drye, and sandy places, these, I say, and such like, hee toucheth not in a word. And for the skill of encamping, which comprehendeth the seating of your camp, and provision of all things belonging thereto, as also the siege, and defence of Citties, and fortresses, hee likewise passeth it over with silence, as a thing not incident to his purposed discourse.
• 4 A handfull of men well disciplined and exercised] What exercise doth for the making of good souldiers, experience of former times will teache. It hath been the manner of all famous generalls to bring theire souldiers to perfection by exercise. c 1.238 Vege∣tius saith very well, It is not length of life, or number of yeares, that teacheth the art of warre, but continuall discipline & meditation of armes. Let a sould∣ier serue never so many years, so long, as hee is vnexercised, hee shall bee still a raw souldier. The knowledge and science of armes maketh a souldier, which is not gay∣ned but by action. As long as a souldier handleth not his weapons, hee is noe Actor, but a looker on. For as all abilities in artes (which are called Habits) arise out of a number of actions precaeding, so can noe man atteyne to a perfect knowledge of armes, till hee haue with care, and diligence, employed his study and labour therein, and vpon the foundation of practise raised the frame of sound and perfect skill. Noe man is naturally borne a souldier. One may more incline to warre then another, but the skill commeth not without industry and paines. d 1.239 Plutarch saith, that it is neither Eurotas nor the place betwixt Babyx and Gnacion, that bringeth foorth valiant and warlicke men, but they are to bee fownd in all places, where youth is bred vp in shame of vice, and boldnesse to vndergoe perill for vertues sake. Eurotas was a river neere Lacedaemon; e 1.240 Babyx and Gnacion two rivers with in the same City. The Lacedaemonians were accounted the most valiant people of Greece. And Plutarch speaketh this of the victory, which the Thebans had against the Lacedaemonians; The Thebans, which till that day had noe reputation of valour; but afterward by exercise, & vse of armes, vnder Epaminondas, and Pelopidas, became the bravest souldiers of Greece: Not vnlike was the saieng of Pyrrhus to his muster-master: choose you, said hee, good bodies, and I will make them good souldiers. The strength of the body is requisite in a souldier to vndergoe the labours of warre; f 1.241 but exercise it is that giveth the perfect skill, and the desire to handle weapons. Therefore g 1.242 as Demosthenes, being de∣maunded what was the first and principall thing in the arte Oratory, answered Action,

• ... what the second, Action, what the third, Action: So may wee truely say, that in the art military exercise is not onely the first, second, & third, principall thing to make a souldier, but also all in all. Aelian speaketh not of exercise but in Generall: what particuler exercise is fitt for a souldier, hee, that desireth to knowe, let him reade. Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 2. 42. B. C. & lib. 3. 77. C. D. Veget. lib. 1. ad caput. 9. ad caput. 19. & lib. 2. caput. 23. 24. Iust. Lips. comment. ad Polyb. lib. 5. dialog. 14. Leo. caput. 7. Patric. Parallel. parte 2. 139. Now for the victories, that haue beene obteyned by a small number of men well exerci∣sed, against a multitude vnskillfull, and vntrained, I need, say nothing. Histories are plentifull witnesses therein. I will onely recite one example wherein the difference may bee seene not between skillfull, and vnskillfull, but between skillfull, and skillfull both enured to labour, and both brought vp vnder the same practise, and discipline of Armes. At what time, after the death of Alexander the great, his chiefest Commaunders fell at oddes emongest themselues; and sought every man to establish him∣self in the possession of his Conquests, it chaunced, that Antigonus, and Eumenes came to∣gether in two sundry battailes. In the first Antigonus had in his army aboue 28000. foote, 8500. horse, & 65. Elephants; Eumenes lesse foote, 17000. in all (but emongest them 3000. Argyraspides, whoe had served in all Alexanders battailes, & were invincible, & strok a great feare into the enemies harts) & about the number of horse, his enemy had, & So. Elephants: a 1.243 When the foote came to ioyne, saith Diodorus Siculus, the fight continewed a good while, & at last, many falling on either side, Eumenes his foote had the better by reason of the valour of the Macedonian Argyraspides. They, albeit they were stroken in years, yet in regard of the manifold perills, they had been in, excelled in courage, & skill of fight; in so much that no man was able to with∣stand them. And therefore being but 3000. in number, they were notwithstan∣ding sett against the enemy, as the strength of the whole army. In the other bat∣taile he speaketh of their age. b 1.244 At that time, saith he, the yongest of the Argyraspi∣des were noe lesse, then 60. years olde, or thereabout; the most of the rest about 70. & some were elder, al of thē vnmatcheable in skill & readinesse of fight, & strength of body; such was theire dexterity, and courage gathered in continu∣ance of dangers, which they had passed. Afterward rehearsing the battaile, he saith: The Argyraspides serring themselues close, and with liuely force falling vpon the enemy, killed some, and put other some to flight. And fought against the whole Phalange of the enemy with irresistible fury, not loosing one of theire owne men, & yet through skill & manhood slayeng of the enemy aboue 5000. & routed theire whole foote, which in number were many times more, then themselues. Thus writeth Diodorus Siculus of the olde practised Macedonians: who yet fought not against straungers, or rawe souldiers, or such, as were newly brought into the field, but against men of their owne nation, that had long handled armes, & wonne many victories, & been instituted, and trained in the same discipline and course military, that they themselues had been before: Such difference long practise, and experience wrought in the one against the other.

What a file, or Decury is, and of how many men it consisteth. CHAP. IIII.

TO order into files is ^r to make files. A file is a number of men begin∣ning at one Leader, and contineuing in order of followers to the last man.

The number of a file is diversly given, ² for some allow it eight, some twelue, and some sixteen men. Wee for this time will retaine the number of sixteen, both because that number is proportionable to the indifferent length of a Phalange, and also, if vse require at any time to double the depth thereof, and to giue it thirty two men, or to lessen, and contract it, and make it but eight; neither of both shall hinder the service of the light-armed behinde, ³ for whether they vse Darts, or slings, or Arrowes, they may easelie with their flieng weapons overreache the depth of the Phalange.

Notes.

NExt after arming, and choyce of souldiers, it followeth to put them in order for service, that is first to file them, then to band them (which is ioyning of files) and lastly to embattaile them, which is to make a Phalange. Of these in the follo∣wing chapters.

• 1 To make files] The Tacticks haue not expressed the precepts of this arte all in the same wordes. A file is heere called Lochos, the signification whereof is di∣vers. Sometimes it is taken for an a 1.245 Ambushe, and Lochan signifieth to lye in Am∣bush: it signifieth beside a number of men, that are of one body, as it were, and vn∣der one commaunder, who is called Lochagos, and Lochizo is to sett in files. The number of this body hath beene diversly taken. The Thebans Lochos Hieros first instituted by b 1.246 Gorgidas, or as other say by c 1.247 Epaminondas, consisted of three hundred men. The Lochos of the d 1.248 Lacedaemonians of fiue hundred and twelue. Xenophon in his returne out of Persia telleth, that the number of the e 1.249 Lochoi of the Graecians, which hee ledde, was almost a hundred armed men. And when they chose extraordinarie men to preserue the Plaesium (a hollow forme of square battaile where in the Graecians marched) from breaking, they appointed f 1.250 six Lochoi, of a hundred a piece, for that purpose, and Commaunders to leade them. And after hee reckoneth seventy men to a Lochos. And in the first booke of Cyrus his expe∣dition, hee telleth g 1.251 of two Lochoi of the armed of the Regiment of Menon, that were slaine by the inhabitants of Cilicia, and counted them a hundred men. Cyrus in the same Xenophon commaundeth his Lochos to bee made of twenty foure men. But the Lochos, that Aelian heere speaketh of is a lesse number, namely sixteene, which was the file of the Macedonians, as appeareth by h 1.252 Arrian, and i 1.253 Polybius. Albeit Arrian calleth it not Lochos, but Decas; and Polybius the depth of the battaile. This number of sixteene was vsed by the Graecians also before King Phillips time, as appeareth by k 1.254 Xenophon in his historie of the Graecians. And likewise by l 1.255 Thucydides, who reporteth, that the Siracusans were so ordered against the Athe∣nians. Leo saith it was the manner of the auncient warriers to make a file of sixteen, & calleth it a Tetragonall number.
• 2 Some allow it eight, some twelue] The Lacedaemonians made the depth of theire battaile sometimes eight men (for a file is it, that measureth the depth of the battaile) and so fought with theire enemies. m 1.256 Thucydides witnesseth as much: the Lacedaemonians▪ saith hee, were not alwaies ordered in depth alike, but as theire Lochagoi (they were commaunders of fiue hundred and twelue a piece) thought good, commonly notwithstanding the depth was of eight a piece. n 1.257 Xenophon also writeth, that Dercyllidas the Lacedaemonian, being to fight with Tissaphernes, and Pharnabazus, ordered his Phalange into eight. The same proportion was helde by o 1.258 Mnasippus the Lacedaemonian against the Corcyraeans,

• ... and by a 1.259 Clearchus the Lacedemonian against his enemies. Xenophon saith, that Thrasybu∣lus the Athenian, salieng out of Pyraeum against Pausanias the Lacedemonian King, ran∣ged his men into eight. His wordes are: b 1.260 When Thrasybulus and the other ar∣med sawe these things, they quickly gaue aide to theire owne people, and put theire armed in order eight deepe. Pausanias being hardly layed vnto, and retiring foure or fiue furlongs, commaunded the Lacedemonians, and theire Allies, to resort vnto him, and there casting his men into a deepe Pha∣lange, ledde against the Athenians. Out of which words wee may note, that the Lacedaemonians observed not alwaies that order of eight deepe, but varied according to place, or other circumstance. Yet ordinarily they gaue but eight to a file, or to the depth of theire Phalange, as Thucydides witnesseth before. c 1.261 The same Thrasybulus with his complices entring the base Citty of Athens called Pyraeum to free his countrie from bondage of the thirty tyrants, having but a fewe with him, possessed the court, which led to the temple of Diana, called Munychia, and being as∣saulted by the garrison of rhe Lacedaemonians, ordered his armed men into ten deepe, and the light armed behinde them. The tyrants, and theire fol∣lowers stood in battaile fifty deepe. d 1.262 At the battaile of Leuctra the Lacedaemo∣nian armed were twelue in depth, the Thebans fifty. e 1.263 Alexander the great leading his armie against Clitus, and Glaucias, the way being so narrow, that no more then foure might marche in front, made the depth of his armie a hundred and twenty. f 1.264 And the souldiers that Xenophon brought backe out of Persia, when they purposed to sacke Byzanti∣um, put themselues without commaunde in order of fifty deepe. In the text is fifty deepe, but the margent hath eight: which I take to bee the truer reading, because Xeno∣phon saith, the place was faire to sett a battaile, being voide of building, and having an even plaine. And it was not the manner of the Graecians to make a Phalange fifty deepe, vnlesse there were extraordinarie occasion. g 1.265 In the battaile of Delos betwixt the Athe∣nians, and Thebans, the Thebans were fiue and twenty in depth, the Athenians but eight. The same h 1.266 Athenian were eight in depth against the Syracusans. So that the depth of eight was much vsed among the Graecians. How-be-it I find not, that they cal∣led a file of eight by the name of Lochos. i 1.267 Cyrus the elder made his files of twelue men, and the leader thereof hee called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the file it selfe de∣cas, which in signification albeit it importe ten, yet wee must retaine the word, as it is vsed, and not fly to the originall of the Etimologie, as I noted before vpon other occasion. But Aelian maketh his file of sixten. His reason followeth.
• 3 For whether they vse darts &c.] The file being sixten in number, the sould∣iers therein every one having after-distance from other three foote, take vp in the whole depth fourty eight foote, and being doubled to thirty two men, they take vp ninety six foote, which amounteth to thirty two yards. That bowes and slings easilie out reache this distance, appeareth by Vegetius, before by mee alleaged, k 1.268 who saith, they stroke their marke six hundred foote of, which in our account by scores, is ten score. Of the darte a man may rather doubt, which notwithstanding with an exercised arme is sent much further, then thirty two yards. l 1.269 Lipsius writeth, that a dart was vsually cast foure hundred foote, which amounteth to a hundred thirty three yardes, or as wee in sho∣ting measure it, six score and odde. The reason why Aelian placed the light armed be∣hind wee shall see beere after in fitt place.

The order and parts of a file or Decury. CHAP. V.

'THE best man of every file is the first in place, and hee, that leadeth the file, who is also called the file-leader, the Commaunder, & the fore-stander. The last man of the file is called the Reare-Commaunder, or bringer-vp. The whole file it self is termed ² a verse, and ³ a Decany, and of some ⁴ an Enomoty. Yet there are, that hold Enomotia for the fowerth parte of a file, and the Commaunder of an Enomoty they call Enomotarcha, and two Enomoties they take for a Dimery, & name the Commaunder thereof Dimerites, so that the half file is said to bee a Dimery, ⁵ and the Commaunder Dimerites. This man is the last of the file. Hee, that standeth next behinde the file-leader, is named a follower, and the next after him a Leader, and the next after him againe a follower. So that the whole file consisteth of Leaders, & followers placed successiuely one after another. ⁶ It be∣houeth the file-leader to bee more sufficient, then the rest of the file, and next him the Leader of the half-file, or bringer-vp. They define a file to bee a Rowe of followers placed according to theire worth successiuely after a file-leader.

Notes.

• 1 THE best man of every file.] Why the file-leader ought to bee the best man of the file many reasons may bee given first because hee commaundeth the rest. And as in all other things hee that is to rule, and governe another, ought to haue more knowledge, then hee that is commaunded, and governed, so is it in matter of warre. Further, as his skill, so his valour, ought to bee most: that his example may incourage and incite the rest. Which is the cause, that other commaunders also are placed in front, and in the eye of the souldiers that theire valour & forwardnes may bread an honest emu∣lation in the souldiers to doe, as they doe. Besides, the first place is most beseeming him, that best deserveth, and the more valiant a man is, the more hee desireth to shewe it in the face of the enemy, thereby to winne himself honor, and reputation. Furthermore, hee may doe best service in the front, by entring into the enemies battaile, and making way for the rest. Not vnlike a sworde, whose edge maketh speedy passage into the thing, it cutteth, and draweth after it the rest of the iron, bee it never so blunt. In the front, the ranke of the file leaders giue the push to gaine the field. Which reason I thinke leada 1.270 Gor∣gidas the first institutor of the Theban Hieros Lochos, not to make an entire troupe thereof apart, but to place it man by man in the first ranke of the Phalange. Lastly the sight of the file leaders, being the choice of the armie, both for stature, and resolution (for b 1.271 so Aelian would haue them) c 1.272 breads a terrour in the minde of the enemy. Who, seeing such gallants in the front, haue cause to imagine that the rest of the armie, which they see not, is like to those they see. And, being never so valiant, they had rather haue to doe with weake, and relenting then stout, and resolute adversaries. As at the battaile of Cannae d 1.273 Annibal answered one, that brought him newes, that the Consull had comman∣ded the horse men to alight, and fight one foote, how much rather would I, quoth hee, hee had delivered them bound into my hands. I haue heard many hold opinion, that the manner of the Graecians, to bring theire best men first to fight, is contra∣ry

• ...
  [illustration]

  Cap. 5. The ordering of a File

  4 Enomoty

  3 Enomoty

  2 Enomoty

  1 Enomoty

  Dime∣rites

  2 Dimery or half File

  1 Dimery or half File

  y^e File-header

  y^e birnger up and 4 Enomotarcha

  2 leader

  1 follower

  1 leader

  2 follower

  2 leader

  1 follower

  3 Enomotarcha

  2 follower

  2 leader

  1 follower

  2 Enomotarcha

  2 follower

  2 leader

  1 follower

  y^e Fileader and first Enomotarcha

• ...

• ... to the institution of the Romans, who held the Triarij (theire eldest, and best souldiers) in the rear, and brought them not to ioyne, till both the Hastati, and Principes were bea∣ten, or retired. But if wee consider the diuersity of both theire embattailings, wee shall see noe great difference, or at lest wee shall see, that the reason of placing their-best men was not much different. The Graecians in framing theire foure-fold Phalange made in length an even front of a 1024. files. The files were 16. deepe. and the best men therefore in front, because being placed in the midst, or in the reare, there would haue beene no vse of theire valour, and the Phalange might haue beene broken, before it had come to theire turnes to fight. The Romans contrary-wise, in ordering a Legion, made many mani∣ples, and gaue the front to the Hastati, the middest to the Principes, the reare to the Tri∣arij. Nowe the Triarij being ordered in the Reare, might at the beginning bee brought to fight in Front, if need were; being noe need, they kept theire place, till their Generalls found it fitt to call vpon them. So then this is the difference. The File-leaders of the Graecians had the Front, because otherwise in so deep a body, as the Phalange was, they could not haue come to fight: The Triarij might alwayes haue beene imployed in Front, in flanke, or in the reare, as pleased the Generall. And that the Romans also in theire seuerall Maniples pla∣ced theire best men in Front, I cannot doubt. There stood the Centurions, which were the leaders of the Maniples, and in reason were to bee seconded with the hest men vnder theire commaund. a 1.274 C. Crastinus may serue for an example whoe being noe Centurion, but an Evo∣cate, in the battaile of Pharsaly betwixt Caesar & Pompey, bidde his Manipulers (they were of the Maniple, which hee once commaunded) to followe him, and said hee would make his Generall giue him thanks aliue, or dead. Yet must I confesse, that the front was not the proper place of the Evocates. But hee chose the front, and held it a place worthy of his valour. It is said ofb 1.275 Catiline that, when hee fought with C. Anto∣nius, hee placed in the front of his army, all the chosen Centurions, and Evo∣cates, and besides of common souldiers such, as were best armed. c 1.276 Livy spea∣king of a fight betwixt the Romans, and the Latines, and describing the forme of the Roman battaile, after hee had limited the place of the Hastati, & Principes, writeth thus of the Triarij. After the ensignes (hee meaneth the Standards of the Legions) not the En∣signes of Maniples, were ten other Maniples; whereof every one had three En∣signes. The first Ensigne led the Triarij, ould souldiers of tryed valor, the next the Rorarij, not soe well esteemed for strength in either age, or deeds, the third the Accensi, a troupe of lest trust, which was the cause, that they were cast in the reare. The Accensi were put in the reare, because there was noe great opi∣nion of theire valor; the Triarij had the front, because they were ould souldiers, and had beene sufficiently tryed. Soe then in dividing of their armie into small bodies, or battailions, the Romans differed from the Graecians: in placing the best men of theire mani∣ples in front, they observed the same manner, that the Graecians did in placing theire file∣leaders in the first ranke of the Phalange.
• 2 A verse] I haue translated stichos a verse. The more vsuall signification is a rowe of any thing placed orderly. d 1.277 Soe Xenophon applieth it to trees, which were planted orderly one after another; and e 1.278 Eustathius to the standing of d••uncers one after another in depth even as our souldiers are placed one after another in file. f 1.279 Iulius Pollux also acknow∣ledgeth, that there were files, and ranks in Choro, that is in daunces vppon the stage. g 1.280 But Suidas saith it was commonly taken for a line, which was read from the left to right hand. And to say the truth a verse, as wee read at this day, and as they read, when Aelian wrote this treatise, rather resembleth a ranke then a fi••e; because in a ranke men stand side to side, as words doe being placed in a line. Yet because the word is received by vse in that other sence, wee must like wise admitte the same.
• ...

• 3 A decury] This in Greeke Aelian calleth Decania, a word, which in this sence I find in no other Author, then in him, and in Suidas▪ a 1.281 Xenophon calleth it Decas: soe doeth b 1.282 Vrbicius and c 1.283 Arrian, and likewise Hesychius. d 1.284 Leo calleth it decarchian and Akian.
• 4 An Enomotie] The word cometh from omnymi to sweare, not of omos a shoulder, as Robortellus, and Patricius immagine; of whom the first translateth it in la∣tine Intergutio, the other in Italian Spalaggione, as it were a backing; Vpon this con∣ceite,* 1.285 I thinke, because in a file the whole number standeth one at the backe of another. e 1.286 Suidas saith: Enomotia is a body militarie amongst the Lacedemonians of 32 men, and is soe called, because they take theire othe together, not to forsake the place assigned them in battaile. With whom agreeth the great f 1.287 Etymologicon; and g 1.288 Hesychius likewise; who termeth it a body militarie, that taketh an othe and sweareth by the sacrifice, which is offered at such time, as they goe into the field. And surely you shall not finde the word Enomotia applied to other souldiers, then the Lace∣demonians, or else to them, that the Lacedemonians commanded: vntill it was after∣ward taken vp by the Macedonians. And h 1.289 Iulius Pollux expresly noteth, that Moira, and Enomotia, are proper appellations of the Lacedemonians, given to cer∣taine of theire militarie bodies. Albeit both the text bee corrupted in Pollux, having Eunomotia for Enomotia, & the interpreter hath worse trāslated it, rēdring Enomo∣tia, militarie discipline, & Moira a duty. As the Lochos is great, or little, so is the Eno∣motia. The Lacedemonian Enomotia was 32. men, the Lochos being 512. but the file of Aelian being 16. and the Enomotie noe more, then the fourth part of a file the Enomotie must conteine noe more then foure men. One of euery of these foure must bee a commander; who is called Enomotarcha, or the commander of that Eno∣motie. So that in the whole file, consisting of 16. there ought to bee foure Enomotar∣chas. Where they should stand in the file, is a question. Patricius maketh the file-leader the first Enomotarcha, the fift man, the second, the ninth man, the third, & the 13 man the fourth; excluding the bringer vp, whom notwithstanding hee acknowledgeth to bee the second man of the file, and in dignitie next to the file-leader. I am of another opi∣nion; and yet allowe the places of the first, fift, and ninth, but thinke the bringer-vp ought to bee the last Enomotarcha: i 1.290 Arrian confirmeth my opinion: who writeth thus: Alexander returning to Babilon, found Prucestes newly come out of Persia, bringing with him 20000. Persians. Then commending the Persians for theire obedience in all things to Prucestes, and Prucestes for his care, and diligence, in ordering them, hee reparted them into bands according to the Macedonian manner. Over every file hee appointed a Macedonian file-lea∣der to command, and next a Macedonian dimaerite, and a Decastater, so cal∣led of the paye hee had, which was lesse then Dimaerites, and more then the common souldiers; then twelue Persians, and last of all the file a Macedonian, who also was a Decastater. So that in the whole file there were foure Mace∣donians, three, whose pay was more, then the common souldiers, and a file∣leader the fourth, and more over 12. Persians. So Arrian. Out of which wordes wee may learne first the number of the Macedonian file, which consisted of 12. Persi∣ans, and 4. Macedonians, in all 16. the number, that Aelian requireth in his file. Next, that the Enomotarchs, or commanders of the foure parts of the file, were likewise 4. Lastly that the bringer-vp was one of the foure by expresse words of Arrian, which is contrarie to the opinion of Patricius, and whereas Arrian termeth the third Enomotarch. Decastateros of the pay▪ hee received, it is to bee vnderstood, that Stater was a piece of coine, of the weight of foure dragmes of Athens whereof the

• Enomotarch had ten by the moneth. The dragme was of value seven pence sterling, and the Stater, conteyning foure dragmes, two shillings and foure pence sterling; and ten of them were valued at twenty three shillings and foure pence. Which was the pay of the second Enomotarch, and of the bringer-vp, as Arrian affirmeth.
• 5 And the Commaunder Dimaerites] About the Dimerite Arrian, and Ae∣lian, differ. Suidas leaveth the matter vncertaine, saieng the Dimerite is commander of the half-file, but pointeth not out, which is hee. Arrian distinguisheth the Dimerite from the bringer-vp, and giveth a greater pay to the Dimerite, then to the brin∣ger-vp. The bringer-vp, he saith, was noe more then Decastateros, where as the Dimerite had a greater pay. But Aelian twice in this chapter affirmeth, that the bringer-vp was the Dimerite, and addeth hee ought to bee the second man of worth in the file. And that the place of the reare is not much inferior to the front, a 1.291 Cyrus tea∣cheth his bringers-vp in Xenophon in these words; You haue a place saith he no lesse honorable, then they, that stand in front. For being in the reare, and seeing & encouraging them, that behaue themselues valiantly, you make them more valiant, and the remisse and backward you incite, & spurre on, likewise to doe as well, as the rest. b 1.292 Leo appointeth two Officers to a file, the file-leader, and the bringer-vp, & so maketh the bringer-vp the second person of the file. The reare being then the second place of the file, I conceiue no reason, why, as the file-leader comman∣deth the one half of the file, so the bringer-vp should not bee the Dimerite, and com∣mand the other; and I rather assent to Aelian, that of purpose describeth the particulers of this arte, as hee findeth them set downe in the auncient Tacticks, then to Arrian, that, writing the historie of the deeds of Alexander, stumbleth by chance vpon these things not greatly incident to his narration. Yet may there bee a resonable construction of both their meanings, if wee consider the severall respects of the offices of these Enomotarchs. For the middlemost Enomotarch may bee termed the Dimerite in regard he standeth in the head of the second half-file, and in doubling the front and some other motions leadeth it: the bringer-vp because he absolutly governeth it, and seeth that directions, given by higher officers, bee executed.
• 6 It behoveth that the file-leader bee more sufficient] The file-leader and bringers-vp ought to bee the most sufficient, because they haue the whole governement of the file, the one in the front, the other in the reare. Therest are vnder them, and to bee called by the names of leaders, and followers. But yet is there a further disposition of the file, which, as I finde it in c 1.293 Leo, I will sett downe. His words sound thus: over the other sixteen you are to appoint a file-leader (as hee is termed) resolute, and fitt for service, and eight of these sixteen, that shall bee found fittest, you shall place in the front, and reare, of the file, foure in the front, namely in the first, second, third, and fourth place, other foure in the reare, in the sixteenth, fifteenth, foureteenth, and thirteenth place, that the front and reare may be strengthened with foure men a piece. The weaker are to bee placed in the midst of the file. This counsell, or rather precept, of Leo hath this reason. The front, and the reare, are the principall places the enemy commonly giveth vpon. The front wee alwaies turne against the enemy, if we can. The reare the enemy seeketh to attache, and by it to di∣stresse vs, if hee can. The flanks for the most part are secured by the horse, and light▪ar∣med. For Leo placeth the light▪armed, and horse in the flanks. Soe these two places, being most subiect to the violence of the enemy, require extraordinarie care, and assurance. As for the weakest, which are in the midst, they never come to strike stroke, but after the front, and reare, are broken, d 1.294 In another place hee writeth to this effect: your Contubernies (the souldiers that cabin together) you shal order according to fiue men, or to ten, or to foure,

• ... or to eight, or to sixteen, as you shall find most convenient, that being bound one to ano∣ther with mutuall acquaintance, they may fight one for another in battaile and bee more valiant against the enemy. But you shall doe more wisely, if when you are to joyne, you place brothers by brothers, & friends by friends. For when hee, that fighteth, hath an entierly beloved frend standing next behind him, hee must of necessity hasard himself with more egernesse for his frends sake. And the other being ashamed not to requite one, that sustaines such danger in his behalfe, will hardly bee brought to forsake his friend so well deseruing, and first betake himselfe to his feete. The same is the advise of Onosander, and was much practised in auncient time. The Lochos Hieros, or Holy-band, of the Thebans (whereof I spake before) consisted all of friends, that had bound themselues one to another in friendship. With this Holy-band a 1.295 Pelopidas gaue the first disgracefull overthrow to the Lacedaemonians, that ever they had. Of this band b 1.296 Plutarch writeth, that it was never beaten vntill the battaile of Chaeronaea, when Philip the father of Alexander van∣quisht the Athenian, and Theban forces both together. After which battaile Phil∣lip surueying the dead bodies, and comming to the place, where these three hundred lay, all close mingled one with another, and strooken through with the Macedonian pikes, hee wondred greatly, and hearing that it was the band of louers, and beloued, wept, and said, evilly may they perish, that suspect any filthines in deede, or suffering, to haue been practised amongst such men. Cy∣rus the elder had his Homotimos nourished vp together, and Alexander his Hetairos; whose extraordinarie service appeared in all theire battailes. c 1.297 Diodorus Siculus wri∣teth of Sesoosis the Aegyptian King to this effect: at the birth of Sesoosis his father did a magnificent and royall deed. For gathering together all the children of Aegipt, that were borne the same day, and setting over them some to nourish and governe them, hee gaue the same education, and institution, to them all, conceiving that they, that were brought vp together, & partakers of the same liberty, would become the best affected, and most assured fellow helpers in warre. This was the iudgement of Myris, the father of Sesoosis, King of Aegipt, in providing assured assistance to his sonne for the conquering of the whole world, which by certeine blinde prophecies was promised him. Now what little trust theire is to bee given to men, that are not acquainted one with another, Pompey that great Captaine of the Ro∣mans sheweth in his epistle to Domitius: d 1.298 For men, saith hee, are not quickly to be assembled hether by musters, and if wee had them, you are not ignorant how much they may bee relyed vpon, being vnacquainted to fight against ould Legions. Yet hath Leo another mixture in his files. For hee would haue the ould, and new souldiers put together in one file. Least saith hee, the ould being by themselues alone, proue weake, and of small force, and the yong disorderly, having litle experience. For the one, albeit ould, yet are well acquainted with service, the other albeit young, and valiant, yet are vnskilfull.

For the Enomoties, dimerie, and file, see the figure.

Ioyning of Files. CHAP. VI.

1 IOyning of Files, is when one file is layed flank-wise to another, the Leader of the second file to the Leader of the first, and the follower of the second File-leader to the follower of the first, and so the rest. Every man that ranketh

[illustration]

Cap. 6. Joyning of Files

1 File

2 Files Joyned

4 Files Joyned

The Flank

The Front

is called Parastates, as for example the Leader of the second file, to the Leader of the first, and so theire next followers, and the rest. As often then, as the se∣cond file, the third, the fourth, and so the rest are layd flank-wise to the first, it is named Ioyning of files.

Notes.

1 IOyning of files is] A file of it self will worke litle effect against an enemy. For what can a man alone in front doe? Cyrus in a 1.299 Xenophon wisheth, that, where as the Aegiptians stood a hundred in depth, they had beene in depth a thowsand, for soe, saith hee, wee should haue the fewer hands to fight against. The ranke bringeth the multitude of hands to fight. And it is held, that the more hands are with conveniency brought to fight, the more is his advantage, that bringeth them. This is done by ioyning fil••s together, out of which ioyning, ranks spring, and ranks the more they increase, and extend themselues in length, the more hands are ready to encoun∣ter the enemy. Now, as it was said in the former chapter, that files consisted of leaders, and followers, from the first to the last, so is it in this chapter saide, that ranks consist of side men from one end of the length of the Phalange to the other: Fewe, or many men, placed side to side in a right line make a ranke; as in two, or three files ioyned together, there are sixteen ranks of two, or three men in a ranke. And the two or three file-leaders make the first ranke, theire followers the next, and soe the rest vntill you come to the six∣teenth. The like falleth out in more files. b 1.300 Vrbicius saith that the file-leaders make the front (as they terme it) of the Phalange, which they call also the first ranke. And fur∣ther, hee saith, they, that runne in an even line betwixt the two wings, the right, and the left, are said to bee Parastatai, or sidemen. Likewise: the last ranke is called Oura, or the reare, and the commander Ouragos, the bringer-vp. So Vrbicius agreeing with Ae∣lian. Now, out of these two chapters, is a cleare distinction of the names of souldiers, that by reason of theire posture, or place, in battaile make the diversitie of files, and ranks. They, that make files are Protostatai, first-standers, & Epistatai, after-standers; which are by vs commonly called Leaders, and followers. For these two saith Aelian make the file from the beginning to the end. Parastatai side-standers, or, as wee terme them, side∣men, make the ranks. And if you measure the length of the Phalange, you doe it by num∣ber of men in the ranke, if the depth by number of men in the file.

Of a Phalange, the length, and depth thereof: of rankinge, and fi••nge; the division of the Phalange into winges: the place of the armed foote, of the light-armed, and of the Horse. CHAP. VII.

1 THE whole bodie of the multitude of files is termed a Phalange: whose 2 length is the first ranke of file-leaders, and is named, the front, the face, the edge of the battaile, the ranke, the mouth, the Commaunders, the fore-standers, & the head of the files.

As much of the Phalange, as stretcheth backward from the front to the reare, 3 is named the depth. The bearing straight foorth of side-men in length, whe∣ther

they bee Leaders, or followers, is ranking. And the standing of Leaders and followers directlie in a line in depth, is filing.

A Phalange is divided into two whole partes beginning at the middle secti∣on of the front, and houlding on cleane through to the vttermost parte of the depth; whereof the one half is called the ⁴ right wing, and head, the other half the left winge, and taile. ⁵ The two fold section it self, that divideth the length, hath the name of the Navell, and the Mouth. ⁶ The Light-armed are placed af∣ter the Phalange of the Armed, and behind them the Horse. Yet if occasion re∣quire, both light-armed, and Horse are otherwise disposed, as after in this dis∣course will appeare.

Notes.

• THE whole body of multitude of files is termed a Phalange] Ioyning of files makes ranks, and a sufficient number of files, and ranks together, make a bo∣dy, which is called a Phalange. For that name is given to any entire body of an indif∣ferent greatnesse, compacted, and vnited for fight. Hesychius deriveth the originall of the word Apo tou pelas allelois inai; from the standing of the souldiers in bat∣taile neere one to another. Suidas in the same sence, albeit hee differ a litle in words, saith, the Phalanges are so called apo tou pelasai anchi, of approching one neere to an other. The great Etymologicon goeth yet a little further, and saith, that Phalanges are as it were Palanges para to pelas kai eggys einai, as it were Pelangys. These are the coniectures about the originall of the name. Which of them is truest, is not greatly to the purpose. It is enough to vnderstand, in what sence the word Phalange is common∣ly taken amongst Tactick writers, who, as I said, in a generall signification call any great body of armed gathered together, and vnited for fight, a Phalange. Soe a 1.301 Caesar nameth the battaile of the Heluetians, into which they cast themselues, when they fought against him, and likewise the battaile of Ariovistus, a Phalange. So speaketh b 1.302 Xenophon of the Plaesium, or square holow battaile, into which the Graecians, that went with Cy∣rus the younger into Persia, fashioned themselues at their returne out of Persia. And the same c 1.303 Xenophon saith, the horse of the Graecians, when they were to encounter the Per∣sians, ordered themselues foure in depth, in forme of a Phalange. And d 1.304 Arrian, that the Persians at the River Granicus were ordered in a long Phalange, and e 1.305 Xenophon a∣gaine discoursing how Iphicrates exercised his nauie, when hee expected to fight with the Lacedaemonians, saith, hee sometimes lead in a wing (that is in a large depth) sometimes in forme of a Phalange, in a broad front. The first inventer of the Phalange is thought to bee Pan the generall of Bacchus his armie. Polyaenus saith: f 1.306 Pan was the commaunder of Bacchus his armie. This man was the first that invented the order of a battaile, called it a Phalange, and parted it into the Right, and left wing. For which cause Poets faine, that Pan carieth two hornes vpon his head. Besides hee was the first, that by slight, and cunning cast a feare vpon his enemies. For when Bacchus, incamping in a hollow forest, was ad∣vertised by his spies, that an infinite number of enemies were lodged one the further side, hee began to be afraide. But not Pan: who commanded the same night the armie of Bacchus to giue as great a shoute, as they could. The Rocks and hollownesse of the forest rendered it againe double to the enemy, & made shewe of a greater armie, then Bacchus had. Where with the enemy falling into a feare fled foorth with. In honour of this strategeme wee faine, that Eccho is Pans loue: & the causlesse night-feares, which fall vpon Armyes, were attributed to Pan.

• ... So farre Polyenus about the inventer of the Phalange. The number of the Phalange is not alwayes one. It may consiste of ten thousand, twenty fiue thousand, or as many, as you list, a 1.307 Antigonus the King of Macedony had his Phalange of ten thousand. b 1.308 Ptolomaeus King of Aegipt, of twenty fiue thousand. c 1.309 The ten thousand Graecians that went with Cyrus into Persia are called a Phalange. What number the Helvetians, and Ariovistus, had in theire Phalange, is not preciselie set downe by Caesar. d 1.310 Yet it seemeth by Caesar, that the most parte of the fighting multitude of the Helvetians cast themselues into a Phalange; and those of Ariovistus likewise: But Aelians Phalange is restreyned to a certeine number, as the next following Chapter will teache.
• 2 The length whereof] The length of the Phalange is to bee accounted by the ranke not by the file. The file is but sixteen men deep. The ranke from the pointe of one wing to the pointe of the other conteyneth a thousand, and twenty foure men in Aelians Phalange. So that the files being short in comparison of the ranks, it is reason, that the length of the Phalange bee measured according to the ranke, not to the file. e 1.311 Suidas agreeth with Aelian sayeng, that the length of the Phalange is the first Syn∣tagma (the first ranke) of file-leaders, which is ordered in a right line, stretching from one wing to another, and is called the face, and the mouth, and the front, & the edge, and the first-filing, and the first standers of the battaile. The next rowe, lyeng Pa∣rallel to this, is called the second ranke, and the third, the third ranke, and soe the rest. The length is termed in Greeke Mecos, to which is opposed the depth, which is named Bathos. Neither is there in true account any other dimensions in a Phalange, besides the length, and the depth, which are in this chapter mentioned by Aelian. Other names are given in Greeke writers sometimes, but they signifie either the one, or the other.
• 3 Is named the depth] As the length runneth along by front from one wing to another, so the depth beareth backward from the front to the reare. The depth is properly called Bathos, as I said. f 1.312 And Bathera Phalanx, is a deepe Phalange. And g 1.313 Arrian saith, Alexander ordered his Phalange es Bathos, in depth. And h 1.314 Polybius, that the Romans made theire battaile much shorter then before, but much deeper, Bathyteran. And as it is called Bathos, for the most part, so is it by i 1.315 Leo called also Pachos. For the depth of a file is by him termed depth, or Thicknes, Bathos etoi Pachos, in two severall chapters of his Tacticks; not in respect of the file it selfe, which is no more then a long line, as it were, and carieth neither Thicknes nor breadth, but in respect of the Phalange, the depth whereof is measured by the file. And in the fourth, the twelfth, and fourtenth chapters hee termeth the depth of the Phalange it self (Thicknes) Pachos alone with out adding Bathos; shewing thereby, that Pa∣chos also signifieth the dimension of the Phalange from the front to the reare. But where some are of opinion, that Platos, breadth, ought to bee read in those places in stede of Pachos, Thicknes, they perswade mee not to bee of theire mind. k 1.316 For Aelian himself giveth an Attenuation, or Thinning, (which hee calleth Liptysmos) to the Phalange: and that cannot bee vnderstood, vnlesse there were in it a kind of Thicknes before. And to make it more plaine, hee saith, that this Leptysmos is, when the depth of the Phalange is gathered vp and from sixteen men it becometh a lesse number. So that the Thicknes of the Phalange is the full sixteen, which is also the depth, and ma∣king of it Thinner is to lessen the depth. To a Place Platos is fittly attributed, a Place being onely superficies, which consisteth of longitude and latitude. So l 1.317 Poliae∣nus speaking of a valley, wherein an ambush was layde to entrap Alexander, saith, the length stretched farre out, but the breadth, Platos, was narrowed to foure fur∣longs. The name of Platos is likewise given to a place by m 1.318 Polybius▪ But to say the

• ... truth Platos in a Phalange rather signifieth the length, then the depth, as appeareth by Aelian after in the foure and fourty chapter. And a 1.319 Leo calleth the front of the Phalange Platos, and when hee would haue the front enlarged, or doubled, hee giveth this word of direction Plátynon pròs tà amph••tera mere, enlarge the front on both sides.
• 4 The right wing] That which in the English toung is called a wing, is termed in Greeke Keras a horne. Wee in our warres of auncient time divided our armies into three parts, The vantgarde, the battaile, and the reare-warde: and, when wee came to fight, set them for the most parte in an even front, the battaile in the mid∣dest, on the right hand, the vant-garde, which was called the right-wing, on the left, the reare-warde which was called the left-wing. Properly enough for our em∣battailing. For the battaile is, as it were, the body, and the vant-garde, and reare-warde, are the wings, which in a manner sticke out from the body, and where∣by the body is supported: that, that wee call wings, the Graecians, and Romans cal∣led horns in the battaile. The word Keras signifieth a point bearing out from the height, or ends, of any thing. It is vsed for the toppe of Rocks, and for promonto∣ries, and such like; And in a Phalange it properly signifieth the two points (the right and the left) of the winges. The English worde wing I am faine to retaine, because it is familiar, and in vse. Aelian heere will haue the wings to stretche out from the middle section to either point (the right and left) of the Phalange; vnder which ap∣pellation must fall to the right wing the whole space, that beginneth at the middle in∣tervall, and runneth along to the corner of the battaile on the right hand, to the left, all that is comprehended betwixt the same space, and the left corner of the battaile.
• 5 Th•• tw•• ••fould section] In Greeke it is named Dichotomia: because it parteth, and divideth the Phalange into two even parts, beginning at the front, and stretching out to the reare. And Aelian in the tenth chapter of this book▪ nameth it Apotome. But heere hee speaketh of no more intervalls, or partitions, of the Pha∣lange, then of this one in the midst. I would thinke there should bee more. b 1.320 Onosander saith: let there bee certaine intervalls in your battaile, that if your enemy ad∣vance, your light-armed after they haue spent theire missiue weapons, and be∣fore the Phalanges joyne, may retire leasurely in the intervalls, and without disorder come behinde to the reare. For it is not safe for them in retiring to fetch a compasse about the whole armie, or to turne in againe on the outside of the winge. For the enemy, hasting to come to hands, would easily prevent, and intercept, them in the middest; so that they neither should bee able to breake through the armed, already closed for fight, and falling vpon theire owne weapons, they must needes disorder theire owne people, every man af∣ter other seeking to finde a way through them to escape the danger hee is in. Thus much Onosander; from whom wee may learne, both that theire ought to bee more sections in the Phalange, then one, and that the institution of them had this cheefe end, to receiue the light-armed in theire spaces, after they had skirmished with the ene∣my, and were by them forced to retire. I may adde, that Aelian placing the light∣armed in the reare of the Phalange if you giue but one section vnto it, it will be as hard for them, to advance, and s••rue, before the front, as it will bee to retreat after theire service done. It seemeth, that c 1.321 Leo giveth three intervalls to the Phalange of the auncient Tacticks. Hee saith▪ they opposed the bodies of the armed against the enemy, and divided them into foure parts, the right, and left, and the middle-right▪ and middle-left parte. Making so many parts, the parts must bee distinguished (as I collect) by intervalls, which ought to bee one

• ... after the first body of the right-wing, another after the second, which is the middle section, the third after the third. And this Third section is bounded with the fourth body, which maketh the point of the left-wing. For if the Phalange were whole, and entire, without more intervalls then one, how could there bee foure parts? For esteeming them by Phalangarchies, without leauing spaces betweene, it could not bee saide, there were but foure parts of the Phalange, considering, that as well the Merarchies, Chiliarchies, Pentecosiarchies, Syntagmataes, are parts of it, as the Phalangarchies. But being distinguished by partition of intervalls, the foure Phalangarchies become foure parts, namely the right, left, middle-right and middle-left: as Leo heere termeth them. The same a 1.322 Leo speaketh after more plainely, enioyning his generall to seperate, and disioyne Diachorizein the whole number of his armie into foure parts. For, as Choris signifieth a part or severed, so Diachorizo, being derived from it, signifieth to put asunder, or sette a part. b 1.323 Suidas is yet a little more cleare. A Phalangarchie, saith he, is two Merarchies of foure thowsand and ninty six men. This as some saye is the section, Apo∣tome, of the wing, as other, it is a Meros. Of auncient time it was called Stra∣tegia, and the commander Strategos, but nowe hee is termed Phalangarcha. Suidas maketh the wing to haue a partition or section, and saith, some call a Phalan∣garchie by the name of this section, Before wee heard out of Aelian, that the wing (right or left) did stretche out from the middle section to the outward most point of the battaile on either side. And as the middle section divideth the Phalange in two parts, which are called wings, so this section (spoken of by Suidas) being in the middest of the wing divided the▪ wing into two parts. To call a Phalangarchie (which is a body consisting of foure thowsand and ninty six men) a section, is, I confesse, an vn∣proper speach, but tolerable notwithstanding, considering that the whole foure∣folde Phalange is composed of the foure Phalangarchies, and that the section of the right-wing beginneth at the left hand file, or inward point of the right hand Pha∣langarchie, and endeth at the right hand file of the second Phalangarchie. And wee are not to expect the same exactnesse of speach from souldiers, that is common to men skillfull in the liberall sciences. Souldiers, that professe action, haue theire end, if they bee vnderstood of those, they commande. Arti••tes are contemned▪ that clothe not the precepts of theire arts with elegant, fitt, and exact termes. Seeing then the begin∣ning of the section of the wing is at the flanke of the first Phalangarchie on either side of the Phalange, wee may after a sort terme the Phalangarchie a section of the wing, because it boundeth the section. At least by this place of Suidas wee may gather, that there was an intervall in either wing, which in reason ought to bee in the middest of the wing, and to lye betwixt the two Phalangarchies. For so many there are in one wing. c 1.324 Polybius telleth of Philopaemen, that, fighting against Machanidas the Tyrant of Lacedaemon, after hee had placed the light-armed, the Lanciers, and Illy∣rians ioyntly in one front, hee added in the same right line the Phalange distinguished into bodies according to Merarchies and divided by severall distances. I translate Speiredon distinguished into bodyes, because Speira signifieth a militarie body a∣mongst the Graecians, and is by the Graecians, that wrote the Roman historie, vsed sometime for a Legion, and sometime for a Cohort. And it see∣meth that Spiredon is heere by Polybius put in the same sence that Eis Speiran is by d 1.325 Plutarch: who mentioning the reformation touching affaires mi∣litarie, wh••h the same Philopaemen brought in amongst the Achaians, wri∣teth thus ▪ theire manner and forme of embattailing was not vsually parcel∣led out Eis Speiran, that is (as I interprete it) in severall bodies, but vsing a

• ... Phalange, which had neither protension of pikes, nor closing of targets in front (as the Macedonian manner is) they were easily foiled, and broken, by the enemy. The mea∣ning of Plutarch is (as I conceiue) that the Achaians in former times vsed to order theire Phalange in a continued length without intervalls which Philopoemen reformed, and taught them to make divisions by intervalls; And the practise of Philopoemen is the best interpreter of his owne counsell to the Achaians. This practise Polybius set∣teth downe to bee the division of his Phalange Kata tele speiredon en diastemasi into bodies distinguished by intervalls according to Merarchies. Polybius also, to shewe, what bodies they were, vseth the word Tele, which I translate Merarchies, having my warant out of a 1.326 Aelian: who saith a Merarchie consisteth of two Chiliar∣chies, and conteineth two thowsand and fourty eight men, and a hundred and twenty foure files; and addeth, that it is of some called a Telos, and the leader a Telarch. A man may doubt seeing Philopaemen made an intervall betwixt every Merarchie, whe∣ther hee made seven divisions, or no: For in Aelians Phalange there are eight Merar∣chies, betwixt every of which if a distance were, there must needs arise seven intervalls. To cleare this doubt wee must vnderstand, that the Phalanges of the Graecians were not alwaies of the same number, as I noted before. Aelians, and the Macedonian Pha∣lange, consisted of sixteen thowsand and odde. Antigonus had but ten thowsand. De∣metrius eleuen thowsand. Other had more, the Laced••monians lesse, and likewise the Graecians for the most part. And it seemeth, the Phalange of Philopaemen was no more, then eight thowsand, and odde, in which number there are but foure Merar∣chies. As Aelians Phalange comprehending sixteen thowsand and odde, wherein are foure Phalangarchies, hath likewise three divisions by Phalangarchies. And yet in this Phalange of Philopaemen, if you account the file to haue but eight men (as the most Graecians vsed in theire files to haue) these foure Merarchies will possesse as much ground in front, as the Phalangarchies of Aelians Phalange doe, the file being sixteen. Neither is it new to figure out the bodies greater, or lesse, according to the number of the Phalange. b 1.327 Leo commandeth his Generall, when the number will not reach to sixteen thowsand (the number of the ould Phalange) to hould notwithstan∣ding sixteen men in a file, and to divide his Phalange into foure equall parts by inter∣valls, excepting some few, which hee would haue reserved for other vses. To con∣clude Aelian him self seemeth to acknowledge more sections, then one, when in the tenth Chapter of this booke hee speaketh of the middle section mese apotome. For this word middle being a relatiue, can not bee vnderstood with out two other at least, which are placed on either side. And all the figures, that I haue seene, of a fourefold Phalange allowe three sections, and no more, that is to saie, one in the middest, and the other two in the wings. What the distance and dimension of these sections ought to bee, I finde not set downe. But, if I might haue leaue to coniecture, I would thinke, they ought to bee large enough for a troupe of horse, framed wedge-wise, after the Macedonian manner, to passe through; the last ranke whereof being fifteen (as appeareth in the twenty chapter of this booke) and the horse placed in the reare of the light-armed it is needfull, if vpon any occasion they were to bee drawen through to serue in the front, the distance of the section should bee sufficient to giue them passage with out disorder. And I am the ra∣ther confirmed in this opinion, because I see the intervalls betwixt the Roman maniples so proportioned, that the Principes might passe through those of the Hastati, and the Triarij through those of the Principes. But I proportioned out the intervalls to the horse, not to the light-armed, for that the light-armed ••ay bee divided into severall bodies without inconvenience, but any breaking of the

• horse-wedge breedeth a confusion in the whole troupe. Yet where a troupe of horse may finde way, there may a Centurie, or Colours, of light-armed finde also way.
• 6 The light-armed are placed after] a 1.328 The light-armed were diversly placed, sometimes before the front of the Phalange, which kind of placing is after∣ward called Prataxis, sometimes on the wings, and it is called Hypotaxis, sometimes betwixt the files of the armed fronting in a right line with them, and it was called En∣taxis, sometimes in the reare after the Phalange, which was called Epitaxis, All these are spoken of by Aelian heereafter in this booke. b 1.329 There is another kinde of placing the light-armed, when they are throwne into the midst of the battaile▪ being hollowed for that, and other purposes. Heereof Aelian likewise treateth in this booke heere after. And albeit the most vsuall embattailling of them hath beene in the wings, yet the bestowing in the reare according to Aelians minde hath also advantages. First it concealeth theire number, which because they are shaddowed with the pikes standing before, can hardly bee discerned. Then it is easie from the reare to drawe them to any place of service without disorder, bee it before, on the wings, or behinde the reare. Further, it will not bee easie for the enemies horse to charge them, the armed standing before for a sure defence. Lastly, from the reare they shall bee able at all times to anoye the enemy, before the battaile ioynes; as soone as the battaile ioynes, and all the time of fight. Neither doth this manner of embattailing want examples of the ould historie of the Graecians. c 1.330 The embattailing of Cyrus the elders armie, in Xenophon, hath the light-armed in the reare. I will set downe the effect of Cyrus words at large because they con∣teine the ordering of an armie to fight according to the iudgement of Xenophon. Cyrus then being to trye a battaile with Craesus thus directs his Com∣manders: you, saith hee, Araspes take your place in the right wing, as you now doe, and you the other Myriarches, as you are acoustomed. For when the fight is once a foote, noe Chariot may change horses; and command the Taxiarches, and file-leaders, to order theire files every one divided in two parts Phalange-wise, that is each half fronting one with another in a right line. A file conteineth foure an twenty men. Then saide one of the My∣riarches, doe you thinke Sir, that wee shall bee able, in this order, to en∣counter so deep a Phalange, as the enemies? Cyrus answered, the Pha∣langes that are deeper, then may with theire armes reach the enemy, are they fitt thinke you either to annoye the enemy, or profitte theire frindes? For my part I could wish those, that are ranged 100▪ in depth, to bee in depth a thowsand. For so should wee haue the fewer to fight with all. The num∣ber, that I giue for the depth of the Phalange, I doubt not, but will entirely serue for vse, and maintaine a joynt fight in every part. The Darters I will place after the armed, and after the darters the Archers. For who will sett them in front, that confesse themselues vnable to maintaine a fight hand to hand? Howe then will they hould theire grownde, if they bee sett before the armed? but being in the reare, some with darts, other with arrows, sent over the heads of the armed, will greatly endammage the enemy. And it is cleere, that wherewithall soever an enemy is endamaged, with the same a mans owne fide is eased, and relieved. You therefore order your selues, as I haue appointed. As for the captaines of the Targetiers I will haue them, and theire files, stand likewise next the armed in the Reare, and after them the Archers. And you the chiefe Commaunder of the Reare

• enjoyne the other reare Commanders every man to haue an eye to those vn∣der him, that they doe theire duties. And let them sharply threaten the neg∣ligent, and in case any man treasonably forsake his place, punish him with death. For it is the worke of Commanders both with word, and deed, to en∣courage those, they command, & to make the cowards more afraide of them, then of the enemy. This is your charge, but you Euphratas, that command over the Engines, see that the beasts, that drawe the Engines, and Turrets, followe the Phalange as neere, as may bee. And you Daouchus, that haue the charge of the baggage, come with your manye next after the Turrets, and let your Serieants seuerely punish them, that hast to much before or come to slowly after. And you Carduchus, that rule the wagons, wherein the wo∣men are, order them next the baggage. For all these, comming in the reare, will both breede an opinion of multitude, and giue vs meanes to lay an am∣bush, and will force the enemy, purposing to encompasse vs, to fetche a larger compasse; which the larger it is, soe much the weaker must hee be. And you Artabasus, and Artagersas, each of you leade next after these, the 1000. foote you commande a piece. And you Phranuchus, and Asiadatas, order the Chi∣liarchies of horse you commande not with the Phalange, but set them by themselues a part behind the wagons; and when you haue done it, repaire to vs with the rest of the commanders. But you are to bee in a readinesse; as if you were first to fight. And you the commanders of the Camel-riders place your selues after the wagons, and doe what Artagersas shall bidde you. And you the Commanders of the Chariots, after lotts are cast, let him, whose lotte it is, range himself, and his 100. Charriots, before the Phalange; the other two hundred, one of them is to follow, the Phalange on the right side, wing-wise, the other on the left. So farre Cyrus. I haue rehearsed the words at large, prin∣cipally to shewe that the light-armed in ancient time were placed sometimes behinde the Phalange; and yet further also, to represent the manner of embattailing an armie, which was then vsuall. For heere haue you set downe the place of the Myriarches, & of the other commaunders, which was in front, then the place of the pikes, of the light-armed, of the reare commanders, of the Engines, of the baggage, of the wagons, wherein the women were, of the gards for the baggage, both horse, and foote, of the Camels, and of the Cha∣riots. And albeit many of these particulers agree not with our manner at this day (for wee haue neither Engines, nor Camels, nor Chariotts, nor slings, nor darts, nor arrowes) yet is the reason of warre alike in all, and in our placing also the fitnesse of seruice prin∣cipally to bee respected. The place of the horse is heere omitted by a 1.331 Xenophon, which may be supplied out of the seventh booke, where Chrysanthas Generall of the horse is saide to stand on the right wing of the Phalange with half the horse, Hystaspas on the left with the other half. But to returne to the placing of the light-armed, the sameb 1.332 Xenophon testifieth, that it was the Aegyptian manner to order theire light-armed behinde, & that in the battaile betwixt Cyrus, and Craesus, the Aegyptian archers, and darters, were with drawne swords compelled by the reare-commanders to shoote, and east theire darts. c 1.333 Thrasybulus in his fight against the thirty Tyrants set his armed in front, and in the reare his targetiers, and darters, without armor, and those that cast stones. And it see∣meth by the words of d 1.334 Thrasybulus to his owne side. that the Tyrants did the like; The Tyrants, saith hee, haue brought vs to a place, in which by reason of the steep∣nesse they must ascend, and can neither cast stone, nor dart, over the heads of theire owne people, that are embattailed before. Where wee contrarywise, whether wee throwe jauelins, or darts, or stones, shall easily reache, & wound

• many of them. The stones and darts of the light-armed were to flye over the front of the battaile, and that could not bee vnlesse the light-armed were placed behinde; I will adde one example onely out of Plutarch to shew the seruice of the light-armed in the reare. a 1.335 Plutarch discoursing of the battaile fought betwixt Sylla, and Archelaus, the Gene∣rall of Mithridates, at Cheronaea, hath thus: Afterwards the foote forces came to joyne, the Barbarians holding out, and charging theire long pikes, and end∣evouring with locking theire targetts close together, to mainteine the order, and closenes of their Phalange: The Romans on the other side, casting away their darts, and drawing their swordes: putte by the enemies pikes in choler, to the end they might come quickly vp to them. For they espied, opposed a∣gainst them in front 15000. of the enemies slaues, that were en••ranchised by Proclamation of the Kinges generalls: & enrolled emongest the armed. And when the Roman Armed coulde hardly breake them, by reason of theire depth, and fast knitting together; and of theire bouldnes in daring (con∣trary to the nature of slaues) to abide the danger of the encounter, the ar∣rowes, and darts cast in aboundance from the Reare, made them shewe their backs, and fall in a route. Wee finde heere, that the light-armed from the reare effec∣ted that, which the Armed could not. These slaues endured the shocke, and could not bee broken by the armed, and yet were defeated with Arrowes, and darts, from the Reare: Nowe for the distance that should bee betwixt the bodies of the light-armed, and betwixt them, and the reare of the armed, Aelian saith nothing: I make noe doubt, but there ought to bee as great (if not greater) as in the sections of the armed. For wee must vnderstand, that the sections, that served to sever the Phalangarchies one from ano∣ther, must runne through the light-armed in depth to the reare. And by them are the Epixenagies to bee devided a sunder, as the Phalangarchies are: with Epixenagies answer the Phalangarchies for number of files, albeit not in number of men. Likewise there ought to bee, a greater space in ranke, and file, then the armed had▪ For the hand∣ling of missiue weapons, require more liberty of place, then the managing of a pike or sworde. A dart can not bee sent for ciblie without running two, or three, steppes in the delivery of it. A sling being throwne, and circled about the head, before the stone, or bullet, can bee forced out to any purpose, will not suffer a neere stander by. In bowes, and arrowes, is the like reason, if they be vsed as they ought. Besides the light-armed, in their fight are tied to noe certainty of order, or grounde, but fight dispersedly: Soe that the more grounde they haue, the fitter they are for seruice. In which respect a large intervall croswise betwixt the armed, and them, should serue to purpose it having liberty for their motion forward, and backward, as occasion should require.
• ...

  7 And behinde thē the Horse:] I haue not read in any greek historye, that the horse-men in a sett battell, haue beene ranged behinde the light-armed. The vsuall man∣ner was to place them in theb 1.336 wings Soe did Alexander before he passed the Riverc 1.337 Gra∣nicus: soed 1.338 at Issos, soe ate 1.339 Gangamela: Soe didf 1.340 Antigonus, against Eumenes, and Eu∣menes against Antigonus: Soe g 1.341 Ptolomeus against Demetrius, and Demetrius against Pto∣lomeus: and in brief all the Macedonians, and the Graecians, before the Macedonians were accounted of for matter of armes: vnlesse some speciall cause moved an alteracion. And, as I shewed out of Xenophon, before all theire times. h 1.342 Cyrus albeit, hee set the light Armed in the reare, notwithstanding hee beestowed the horse in the wings: Alexander having passed the River Ister as long as hee marched in the corne lande, placed his horse behinde his* 1.343 Phalange, when hee entred the Champeigne, hee sett them on the right wing: and lastly cast his Phalange in to a Plaesium: and ordered his horse before. In the Corne∣land, they followed (for feare of an Ambushe) In the Champian they marched on the

• ...

  right wing, because on the left, the Phalange was secured by the River; before the Plae•• sium, that, being over-layde with the multitude of the enimye, they might haue a sure re∣treate to the foote. a 1.344 The same Alexander, when hee was to fight the Battaile of Issos with Darius, as long as hee was in the streights, marshalled his horse after his foote. But in marching forward, comming to open ground, when he might giue full length to his Pha∣lange, hee placed his horse on both the wings. But the reason of setting them behinde-was in the streightnes of the place: and hee being incerteine how neere the enemye lay, was loathe to put them to hasard, before they had liberty of grounde to order themselues, and might haue assistance of the foote. For otherwise it was an ordinarie matter in marching (as it is the manner also at this day) to dispose the horse half behinde, and half before. I will content my self with one example. When b 1.345 Agesilaus retourning out of Asia, passed through Thessalie, the Thessalians, allies of the Thebans, followed him, and sought to endammage his armie to theire vttermost. Hee had before disposed his march into a Plaesium, with the horse half in front, and half be∣hinde, nowe when the Thessalians ceased not to molest him, by falling vpon his reare, hee sent to the reare all the horse of the vantgarde, excepting those, that attended his person. Either party prepared them selues to fight. The Thessalians holding it not sure with Horse alone to incounter armed foote: Turning about their faces, began leasurely to retire, and the Lacedaemonians slowly to followe, Agesilaus, perceaving the errour of both, sent the best of his horse, that were about him, commanding them to signifie to the rest, that they together should goe, and charge the Thessalians with all speede, and giue noe respite to them, to turne their faces. The Thessalians contrary to their ex∣pectation being hottly charged, some fled, other some turned about towards the enimy, other some indevouring to turne, were surprised by theire ene∣mies, that by that time were come vp to theire flancke. Nowe for the reason of Aelians placing the Horse in the reare, I haue noe more to say, then, that from thence they might bee soone drawen to all places, front, flanke, or wheresoever the enemy is like to distresse vs. For it hath beene the forecast, of all generals to fashion their battails accor∣ding to the figure the enemy hath before chosen. Examples are so plentifull, I neede not alleage many. Onely I will remember one latine story of placing horse in the reare. L. Len∣tulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus in Spaine being to fight with the Illergetes, and An∣setans, and other Spaniards, that had revolted from the Romans; in this very kinde of placing horse in the reare imitated, and gotte the advantage of, and defeated theire ene∣mies. c 1.346 Livy hath the story, and writes thus in effect: The next day at the rising of the sonne the Spaniardes being all armed, and set in order, shewed theire* 1.347 battail, about a mile from the Roman campe. The Ansetans were in the mid∣dest the Illergetes held the right winge, other obscure people of Spaine the left: Betwixt the wings, and the middle parte, they left broade intervalls, to* 1.348 giue passage to theire horse: (when time should bee) to send them through to charge. The Romans Embattailed after theire wonted manner, Onely then imitated the enemy, in leaving open waies, for the horse betwixt the legions.* 1.349 Lentulus imagining that partye, and none other, should haue vse of theire horse, that first possessed these intervalls of the adverse battaile, commaunded Cornelius the Tribune to giue direction to the horsemen, presently to charge through▪ the foote on both sides came to blowes, and the fight was hard, when the Roman horsemen passing through the Spaces, and falling vpon the middest of theire enemies at once disordered the battaile of foote and shut ••p the wayes against the Spanish horse; by which meanes, after noe long

• ...

  fight, the enemy was vtterly defeated. Where Livy saith the Romans embat∣tailed after theire wonted manner, his meaning is they ordered them selues in Maniples, or Battallions, as wee now terme them (for that was theire woont.) But when hee ad∣deth, they imitated the enemy in leaving open waies for the horse, betwixt the legions. Wee must vnderstand that a legion was thus embattailed: a 1.350 First they di∣vided theire legion in to thirty Maniples, ten of the Hastati: ten of the Principes, and ten of the Triarij. The ten maniples of the Hastati, they set first in an even front, leaving soe much distance, or voide grounde betwixt every Maniple, as a Maniple it self tooke vp in standing. At a reasonable space behinde, were the Principes placed in as many ma∣niples: but soe that theire maniples stoode directly behinde the voide spaces of the Hastati. And against the bodies of the hastati, they left likewise spaces in the Principes to the end. the Hastati being overlaid, might retire within those spaces: or else themselues might ad∣vance against the enemy, through the intervalls of the Hastati. Lastly at a larger distance behinde these were the Triarij set, and divided with spaces betwixt euery maniple, which spaces were great enough to receaue the Principes, in case they retired also. Now the Horse being ordered in the reare after the Triarij, if from thence, they had gon to charge the Ene∣mies front, through the spaces of the Triarij, they must of necessity, haue fallen vpon the Maniples of the Principes whoe were set directly against the intervalls or spaces.

  To giue therefore free passage to theire horse, the Roman Generals removed the maniples of the Principes from theire ordinarie place, and bestowed them, in a right line, after the maniples of the Hastati, and made an open lane, (as it were) from the reare of theire battell to the front. So that nothing hindred the horse, but they might freely fly vp to, and fall vp∣pon the enemies front. And yet I take not Aelians meaning, to be, that the Horse set in the reare, should during the time of the fight still remaine there. For soe would noe great ser∣vice bee had of them. But hee placed them there the rather to avoyde confusion in ordering the foote. And that after theire embatteling, they might bee led from thence to any place, front, or flanke, or wheresoever they might yeeld most vse. For in the fifteenth and twen∣tith chapter, he would haue both light-armed, and horse soe placed, that they might answer all attempts of the enemy. And in his caution following, hee saith, if occasion require both horse and light-armed, may bee otherwise placed. That they were vsual∣ly placed in the wings, I haue before shewed. The examples declare they were placed in the reare sometimes:

  Of placing in the front there are also examples. b 1.351 The Lacedaemonians at the battaile of Leuctra against the Thebans placed theire horse before their Phalange, and tried their for∣tune with ••hem, and were beaten, before the foote ioyned: c 1.352 The Persians at the River Gra∣nicus, esteeming theire Horse to bee theire chiefest strength, opposed them vpon the bancks against Alexander, that was to passe over, and embattailled their foote behinde the horse. And Alexander encountered them first with his Horse, before his foote could get over: One example more I will adde to shewe the reason, why Horse are sometimes placed before the front of the Phalange of foote. d 1.353 Eumenes being to fight against Craterus and Neoptolemus, both greate generalls, that had served vnder Alexander in all his warrs, ordered the fight thus: Because hee vnder-stood, that theire Army confisted of twenty thow∣sand foote, the most parte Macedonians renowmed for theire valour, and skill in fight (In whom they set theire greatest trust) and of more then two thowsand horse; and knewe his owne foote, albeit they were as many in num∣ber, yet all to bee ramasses of diuerse kinds of people, and that his owne horse were fiue thowsand, with exceeded the enimy both in number, and valor, hee determined to hasard the battaile vpon his horse, before the two Phalanges of foote should come together: Advancing therefore with his horse farre before

• ...

  his foote, hee tooke the right wing himselfe, and gaue the left to two strangers, to Pharnabarus a Persian the sonne of Artabazus; and to Phenix a Tenedian: Craterus stood in the right wing of his owne horse, and pla∣ced Neoptolemus on the left. And seeing the enemies horse comming forward, with greate fury charged them first, and fought brauely. But his horse failing vnder him, hee fell to grounde, and it being not knowne, whoe hee was by reason of the medly, and throng of those, that gaue backe, and fled, hee was trampled vnder foote, and ended his life after a strange manner. By his death the enemy tooke courage, and encompassing theire adversa∣ries on all sides, made a great slaughter, and the right wing, after this manner, with might overpressed, and put to the worst, was faine to fly for succour to the Phalange of foote. In the left winge Neoptolemus stoode directly against Eumenes, and the mutuall sight of eche bredde a greate emulation betwixt the generalls, and a fervent desire to come to hands. And being easely knowne, both by theire horse, and other marks, they flewe one vpon another; and out of theire single fight made away to a consequent victorie. And first they as∣sailed one another with swords, and after fell into an vnlooked for, and won∣derfull Monomachy, for being transported with anger, and mutuall hatred, quitting the raines of theire bridles, with theire left hands they eache seazed, and tooke hold vpon the body of other, which hapening, and the horse conti∣nuing theire careare, and springing from vnder them, they both fell to the grounde, neither of them could wel arise by reason of the suddaine, & violent fall, and of the heavines of theire armor. Yet Eumenes got vp first, and pre∣vented Neoptolemus, stricking him on the ham. The wounde was wide, and his strength of footing thereby failed, & soe lay as one, that had noe vse of his legge, being not able to raise himself because of the hurt: notwithstanding, courage over coming the weaknes of his body, hee lift vp himselfe vpon his knees, and hurt his adversarie in the arme, and thighes, giving him three wounds. But none of the wounds were mortall, and they being yet warme, Eumenes with a second blowe hitting his necke, slewe Neoptolemus out∣right. Whilest these things were a doing the rest of the horse fell together. Many were slaine on either side: some therefore falling, other being woun∣ded, at the first the daunger was equall. Afterward, when the death of Neop∣tolemus was openly knowne, and that the other wing was put to flight, euery one shifted for himselfe, & made towards the Phalange of foote, as to a strong wall of defence to saue himselfe. This was the issue of the battaile. Wherein Eu∣menes, placing his horse before his foote, because hee held them his strength, and with the trieng the hazard of the day, shewed himself, both in councell, and action, a greate gene∣rall. And Craterus on the contrary side, albeit highly esteemed emongest the Macedoni∣ans, as one, that had with great sufficiency served Alexander in all his warres, yet failed in iudgment, in that hee chose rather with his horse to encounter the stronger parte of his enimies forces, then with his Macedonian Pholange (which Eumenes himself feared) to trie his fortune. For as it is a pointe of forecast to knowe a mans owne advantage, and vse it: Soe it is noe lesse iudgement, to knowe wherein the enimye is stronger, and avoyde yt. Eumenes did both; for hee vsed his owne horse, which were his strength, and brought to passe, that Craterus his Phalange did him noe good, in as much as they never came to fight. Craterus failed in both, in that hee neither brought his Phalange to fight, nor yet provided sufficientlie to encounter Eumenes horse; which exceeded his in valour, and number; so appeares both, that horse were placed before the front of the foote; and also the storie giues the reason, why they were placed there.

Of the number of the armed foote, of the light-armed, and of the Horse. CHAP. VIII.

NOw are wee to lay out, what number the armed-foote, the light-armed, and the Horse ought to bee, and how particulerly ordered, and how vpon oc∣casion the Battaile may speedely be transformed into divers shapes, & formes, and what discipline vsed for the motion of the severall parts of it. Wee can∣not with any probabilitie set downe a precise number of forces to be levyed. For as much as euery man is to proportion his levie according to the impor∣tance and qualitie of the warre in hand. This yet must not escape vs, that such a number is to bee chosen, as will fitt ¹ the divers shapes, and transmutations of our Troopes. As if in case wee were to double, or to multiply, and manifold∣ly enlarge the length of the Phalange, or els to lessen, and drawe it vp into a narrower roome. For this cause choice is made of a number, that may be, re∣parted into half continually, till you come to one. Hence is it, that most Ta∣ctick writers would haue ² a Phalange to consist of sixteen thousand, three hundred, eightie, and foure armed foote, and of ⁴ half so many light-armed, ⁵ and of half as many Horse, as light-armed. For 16384. may bee reparted continually into half, till you come to one. Therefore for proofe, and Examples sake this num∣bers is admitted. And where wee haue allotted sixteen men to every file, the whole masse will arise to one thousand, twenty, and foure files.

Notes.

THE Chapter before spake of the parts and dimension, of the Phalange, and of the place of the armed, the horse, and light-armed. This treateth of the number that goeth to the Phalange. In choise of which number, Aelian saith consideration is not soe much to bee had of multitude, as of fitnes for service. For such a number as cannot aptly bee disposed of for fight, is rather meanes of confusion, then of order without which noe fight can be main∣teyned: Therefore such a number is to bee chosen as will serue.

• 1 The diverse shapes, and transmutations of our Battaile] Euery motion in the battaile makes not a Transmutation, or diversitie of shape. In turning of faces to the one hand or other there is noe other shape of the Phalange, then was at first: As a man turning his face any way, the same proportion of lineaments remaines that was in him be∣fore, Soe likewise in countermarch or wheeling after the Countermarche, or whe∣ling is done, every souldier if he keep his right distance, and remaine in file and ranke, hath the place hee had before: And soe noe transfiguration of length or of depth followeth. The motion then, that Aelian meanes to make Transmutation, are Doublinges: For whether you enlarge the length, or depth, of your Phalange; you straight induce another shape. A long fronted Phalange, and a Herse differ much in forme. If you will make of the ordinarie Phalange a herse, you are to double your files soe often, as your thinke convenient for the length of your herse. Then if from the Herse, your would returne it to the first forme, you are not to cease doubling Ranks, till you haue gained that forme: likewise if of your or∣dinarie Phalange, you would make a long fronted Phalange, your rankes are to bee dou∣bled, and by continuing your doublinge, you may drawe out what length you will. And

• ... contrarywise, by due doubling your files againe, you come to the first forme: How much you double your Ranks, Soe much you take away from the depth of your Phalange; as on the other side, doubling of your files, diminisheth the length. For the purpose, your Phalange is sixteen deep, double your Ranks; the depth hath but eight men; double it once more, and it hath but foure. Soe is the Phalange consisting of foure ranks, & euery ranke, hath foure thousand, and ninty six men in it: But the length is foure times as much as it was. In like manner doubling your files (which in Aelians Phalange are a thou∣sand, and twenty foure) the first doubling loseth fiue hundred, and twelue files and soe many remayne; the second seven hundred, and sixty eight, and two hundred fifty six remaine; and soe many men haue you in a ranke. But where the Phalange was but six∣teen deepe, nowe in the second doubling it is become sixty foure deep: If you please to reduce it to the first forme, two doublings of ranks will suffice. Heere wee must vnder∣stand that doubling ranks, is not to make twice soe many as they were before, but to giue twice so many men, to every ranke, as they had before by insertinge the even ranks into the odde; as the second into the first, and the fourth into the third, and the sixt into the fiuth, and the eight into the seventh, &c. The vse of doubling I will shewe in my notes vpon the twenty nine chapter of this booke. Aelian therefore would haue his Phalange, of such a number as may bee reparted continually into halfe, till you come to one; which number hee saith to bee sixteen thousand three hundred, and eighty foure. And yt ariseth out of the Multiplication of one by two soe still doubling the product, till you haue made vp the full number, of sixteen thousand, three hundred, and eighty foure. And as the Multiplication by two begetts this number, soe it being divided by two continually, it may bee reduced at last to one: which is the thing, that Aelian aymes at. For the num∣bers, that haue not equall division by half, leaue some supernumerary men in the Phalange: (which) in doubling will disorder both files, and Ranks: Every man acquainted with the lowe countrie militarie exercise at this day, knoweth, that when there is an vneven number of files, the odde file supernumerary brings a difference, and cannot bee doubled in the sort as the rest are: As in fiue, seven, nine, eleuen, severall bodies of files. Two, six, eight, ten, may well bee doubled, and become two, three, foure, fiue files a piece: but the fifth, seventh, ninth, eleventh, must bee severed from the rest of the doubled files; and serue to noe purpose, being not matcheable in depth with the rest after theire doubling. The same reason is of ranks: Now when Aelian saith, that this number in a Phalange may bee devi∣ded by half and reduced at last to one, wee must with all vnderstand, that the file of the Phalange in such division, ought to be either of eight, or sixteen men a piece. For noe number vnder eight, except foure, or two (which fitte not the depth, of a Phalange) nor betwixt eight, and sixteen, is divisible by half, till you come to one. Noe nor aboue sixteen except it bee produced out of the duplications of sixteen. A file of 12. comes nearest. And of that number was the file of Cyrus in Xenophon. Such a file notwithstanding by diuision of two staies at three, and can descend noe lower. Ten was the old file of the Graecians, and it was called a 1.354 Decas. And albeit after ward vpon better consideracion they enlarged the number of the file to twelue, yet they reteined the name of Decas still. But ten receiveth but one diui∣sion, and goeth downe ward noe further then fiue. The vneven numbers vnder sixteen can∣not bee divided at all. Vnles by fraction. As thirteen, which if you will divide by halfe, the quotient will bee six, and there remaineth an odde man over: of which number, if all the files of the Phalange should bee, you should haue a thousand, two hundred, and sixty, which will receiue noe more, then two doublings without a fraction. If then the files be aboue sixteen, and vnder thirty two, you cannot divide them continually by half, but you must saile of the manner, that Aelian speaks of. As for the number of sixteen thousand, three hundred, and eighty foure, albeit of it self, it is diuisible by two till you com•• or discend

• ... to 1, yet we must not consider it apart, as an abstract by it selfe, but as it numbreth, and is applied to the Phalange. In which respect, it giueth a 1024 files of 16 deepe, which files will still hold out the doubling, till you come to one file.
• 3 A Phalange to consist of 16384.] Aelian (out of the most Tactick writers as he professeth) will haue the Phalange of sixteene thousand, three hundred, eighty and foure men. I haue noted before that a Phalange may be more, or lesse, than this number. But I take this to be the number of the Macedonian Phalange. a 1.355 Appian seemes to testifie with me, thus he saith: Antiochus whole army consisted of 70000 men. Of which the chiefest strength was the Phalange of Macedonians, conteining 16000 men, ordered according to the forme, that Philip and Alexander had before vsed. He placed them in the middle, diuiding the 16000, into 10 equall parts, in euery of which parts was 50 men in front, and 32 in depth, and vpon the flanks of euery part 22 the shew of the Phalange was like a wall, of the Elephants like turretts: hitherto Appian. I haue translated He Phalanx, He Macedonon according to the word, the Phalange of the Macedonians, where the right meaning is, the Macedonian Pha∣lange. For it consisted not of Macedonians, but was armed, and ordered, after the Mace∣donian manner. For how was it possible for Antiochus to wage, and haue in his seruice 16000 Macedonians, being neuer himselfe King of Macedonia, and the King, that then was (namely Philip the sonne of Demetrius) was his enemy, and in league with the Romans? Besides Appian hath in expresse words: the Phalange was armed, and or∣dered, according to the institution of Philip and Alexander: whose manner Antio∣chus mought well reteine, considering he was lineally descended from Seleucus, the suc∣cessor of Alexander in the kingdome of Assiria: And Seleucus had beene in the seruice of Alexander in the whole conquest of Persia. b 1.356 Liuy saith also, they were armed after the Macedonian manner. Whereby a man may inferre, they were no Macedonians: Hee speaking of the same battaile (which was the battell of Antiochus against L. Scipio) hath thus: The Kings army was mingled of sundry nations, and diuers with dissimili∣tude of armes and aides. There were 16000 foote armed after the manner of the Macedonians. They were called Phalangites. This was the middle of the battell, and in front diuided into 10 parts, which parts were distinguished by placing 2. Elephants in each intervall. The battell had 32 rancks in depth. It was the prin∣cipall strength of the Kings forces, and both with the other shew, and also with the Elephants, which were eminent amongst the Armed only, brought with it great terror. Liuy saith the 16000 were armed after the Macedonian manner, and were called Phalangites; Appian, that there were 16000 ordered, and distributed according to the ordinance of Philip and Alexander. Liuy, and Appian, both agree, that there was 10 parts, and euery part seuered with intervalls, and had 32 men in depth, which is the Macedonian file once doubled. Livy speaketh not of the number of the length of the Phalange. Appian saith plainely there were 50 in front, of euery of the 10 parts, which amounts to 500: for 10 times 50 makes 500. Now if you multiply the length of the Phalange which is 500 by the depth, which is 32, you haue the 16000, whereof Liuy and Appian spake. But yet resteth a doubt, in the difference betwixt both these authors, and Aelian. Livy, and Appian, both giuing but 16000: Aelian 16384 to the Macedonian Phalange. For Livy, we are not much to insist vpon him, who being a Roman (we may probably coniecture) was halfe a stranger, in the Art Tacticke of the Graecians, and that, which he wrote, he had from others; perhaps no better skilled in the same Art than himselfe. Appian was a Graecian (for so those of Alexandria in Aegipt accounted themselues, after Ptolomy the first had established that Crowne in his family) and as his historie sheweth, well acquainted with the order the Graecians held in embatte∣ling

• ... their armies, and therefore we may the better rely vpon his authoritie. Who albeit hee first affirmed the Phalange was of the number of 16000, yet after in numbring the depth and length alone, he findeth 16000: and further expounding his owne meaning he sheweth, there were more vpon the flanks of the ten parts, into which the Phalange was diuided. His words import: That Antiochus diuided his Phalange into 10 equall parts, giuing euery part in front 50 men, in depth 32; which being multipliea together, make vp the 16000. He addeth; And in the flanke of euery part he set 22. If the meaning be, he set 22 vpon each flanke of euery part, the parts being 10, and the flanks 20, the number will arise to 440, where Aelian alloweth no more than 384. But if 22 were added to one of the flanks of each diuision, which also being collectiuely taken are flanks in the plurall number, we shall come short and finde no more than 220. Yet whether sense of both you admit, it is plaine, that Appian attributeth more, than 16 thousand, to that Macedonian Phalange. And it may be, there is an error in the number of the 22, and that it ought to be written 32. For if Antiochus had giuen 32, as he gaue 22, to one flanke of euery part, and set 32 vpon the vttermost flanks of euery winge to strengthen them, of the 12 times 32 had arisen the iust number of Aelians Phalange; which num∣ber is the fittest, for vse, and for diuision of the Phalange in all doublings. The armed foote then, according to Aelian, ought to be, 16384. The light armed.
• 4 Halfe so many] The armed amongst the Graecians, were accounted the strength of the field, which was the cause their number was greatest. For you shall not finde in their battailes for the most part, that the light armed amounted to halfe the number of the armed: The fact of Cyrus sheweth what account he made of light armed: a 1.357 Xeno∣phon reporteth it thus: He led with him the Lydians, those whom he saw to take delight in Armes, horse, and chariots, and willingly doe, what they were com∣manded, he gaue armes to, of those whom he saw followed him against their wils, he gaue the horses to the Persians, that were his first companions in Armes. All that followed him vnarmed, he exercised to the sling, because he reckoned that weapon most seruile of all others. How much you increase the number of the light armed, so much you diminish the number of the armed, and by consequent so much wea∣ken your field. b 1.358 For the light cannot maintaine any stable fight, but in case of danger they are forced either to shew a faire paire of heeles, or else retire to the armed for succor: Yet serue they for many vses ioyned with the armed. And the proportiō that Aelian setteth downe, namely to haue halfe as many of them, as there are armed, standeth to good reason, & vse. The Romans notwithstanding, were more sparing in their light armed, & allowed not aboue the 4^th part of them, or litle more, to the armed. The Legion conteined (saith c 1.359 Polybius) 4200 footmen. Of these they chose 600 Triarians, 1200 hastati, 1200 Principes, (which come to 3000) and the rest Velites, which were 1200. And the Velites were the same in effect amongst the Romans, that the light armed amongst the Graecians, albeit their arming somewhat differed. Aelian before shewed, that the Grae∣cian light armed had no manner of defensiue armour, but offensiue only, as bowes, darts, or stones. d 1.360 Polybius describeth the Armes of the Velites to be a Sword, a Parma, (which is a small Target,) and darts; the sword a spanish sword, the Target a litle round Target, a foote and a halfe (for so Casaubon correcteth Tripedon) in breadth; the darts in the steale 3 foote long, and a finger thicke, and the head al∣most a foote long. And e 1.361 Livy mentioning the skirmishes, that fell out betwixt the horsemen of King Philip of Macedonia, and Sulpitius the Roman Consul, compa∣reth both th••ir Armies together, telling that either party had their light armed ioyned to their horse, and that comming to fight, the Romans had the better. So (saith he) nei∣ther the Kings horse, vnaccustomed to a stedfast fight, were able to match the

• Roman horse, nor yet the foote skipping and leaping here and there, and almost halfe naked in their kinde of Armes, to be compared to the Roman Veles, hauing a Target, and a sword, and being armed sufficiently both to defend himselfe, and assaile his enemy. The number then of Aelians light armed, ought to be 8192, and these being ranged behinde the armed 8 deepe (so they are fittest for seruice) will make 1024 files, as many as the armed did.
• ...

  5 Halte as many horse, as &c.] The horse are in number 4096, and proportioned to the foote (comprehending the light-armed) as 1. to 6. The armed foot, and light ar∣med together make 24576: the horse 4096. And this was a 1.362 Alexanders proportion, when he moued first against Darius. For he had about 30000 foote, and 5000 horse, or not many more, as Diodorus saith. b 1.363 Iustin giues him 32000 foote, 4500 horse. Yet this number held not alwaies amongst the Macedonians themselues; I meane Alex∣anders Captaines, that possessed his kingdomes after his death. The reason may be, that in Ciuill warres they made their levies, not as they would, but as they could. c 1.364 In the bat∣taile betwixt Eumenes, and Craterus, (I spake of that battell before) Craterus had ••0000 foote, & 2000 horse; Eumenes had 20000 foote, & 5000 horse. Craterus the proportion of 1. to 10; Eumenes of ••▪ to 4. d 1.365 Antigonus fighting against Eu∣menes in Cappadocia, had in his Army aboue 10000 foote, and 2000 horse; Eume∣nes had as before. Antigonus horse were to the foote, as 1. to 5. e 1.366 The same Antigo∣nus fighting against Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, had in his Army 40000 foote, and more than 7000 horse; the proportion well nigh of 1. to 6; Alcetas had no more than 16000 foote, and 900 horse, failing much of Aelians number. f 1.367 Antigonus in his second battell against Eumenes, had 28000 footmen, and 800 horse, which is 1. to 3. and halfe; Eumenes had 35000 foote, and 6000 horse, very neare Aelians propor∣tion. Many other examples are to be read in Diodorus. But (as I said) these are Ra∣masses proceeding not of choise, but of necessitie, which forced them to take such, as came to hand; as it alwaies falleth out in soddaine leuies. And it seemeth the number of horse (allowed to the foote by Aelian) was King Philips proportion; considering Alexander vsed it g 1.368 after he receiued his armie from Philip, who by praemeditation, and fore-choice, had gathered it together with intent to invade Persia. And yet 1 finde h 1.369 that Philip himselfe, when he fought against the Athenians and Beotians at Cheronea, had more than 30000 joote, and 2000 horse; which is 1. to 15: and in diuers other fights diffe∣red from Aelian in the number both of horse, and foote. But the question is not, what was done, but was best to be done. And the number that Aelian speaketh of, suites his Phalange best. For Philips device being to cast the horse into wedges of 64 horse a peece, and into 64 troupes; the greatest ranke of ech wedge being 15, will in the reare equall the front of the armed, and of the light armed; not in number of files (for the files of the foote were 1024. and the greatest ranke of the horse, no more than 960) but in quantitie of place giuing to the horse, standing in their order of 6 foote betwixt man & man, the 128 cubits of surplusage toward the difference of the horses bodies, and to∣ward the small spaces that are to be left, betwixt Troope, and Troope. i 1.370 The Romans allowed a farre lesse rate of horse to the foote. In a Legion, according to Polybius his account, there were of Citizens 4200 foote, and 300 horse; of allies, and confederates 4200 foote, and 600 horse. In a Consular Army were 2 Legions of Citizens, and 2 of Allies, which came to 16800, a number not much differing from Aelians Phalange of foote. Of horse 600, Allies 1200; in all making 1800; which commeth much short of 4096, (the number Aelian alloweth to his Phalange) and holdeth proportion of about 1. to 9. The reason of this difference, may appeare in the fact of k 1.371 Eumenes; who not much trusting his forces of foote against the Macedonians (accounted the best souldiers

• ...

  of that age,) prepared himselfe a sufficient number of Horse with them to make a counter∣ballance against the Macedonian foote. And it hath beene the manner of Generalls of ancient time, if they trusted their Foote-forces, to make the lesse account of Horse: if they distrusted them; to encrease the number of their horse.

  The Romanes trusting to their foote, required the lesser number of horse. The Gre∣cians had the greater number of horse, both for the cause before recited, and further be∣cause they had continuall warre with Barbarians, that placed their confidence in horse; as the Persians, and the inhabitants of the lesser Asia.

The names of the seuerall parts, and of the Commanders of the seuerall parts of the Phalange, and of the numbers vnder their commaunds. CHAP. IX.

THe files are ordered into bodies, which haue euery one a proper name. For two files they call ¹ a Dilochie of thirtie two men, whose Leader is tearmed Di∣lochita. Foure files ² a Tetrarchy, and the Leader thereof Tetrarcha hauing charge ouer 64. men. Two Tetrarchies ³ a Taxis of 128. men, and 8. files, and the Lea∣der thereof hath the name of Taxiarcha. Two Taxies goe to ⁴ a Syntagma of 16. files, and 256. men; and the Leader thereof is called Syntagmatarcha. A Syntagma of 256. men is called of some a Xenagy, and the Commaunder Xenagos. In euery Syntagma of 256. are fiue ⁵ superordinary men, viz: ⁶ An Ensigne, ⁷ a Reare com∣maunder, ⁸ a Trompetter, ⁹ a Sergeant, and a ¹⁰ Crier. This Syntagma seemeth to haue ¹¹ a Tetragonall forme of 16. men in length, and 16. in depth. Two Syntagmaes make ¹² a Pentecosiarchy of 512. men, and 32. files, the Leader whereof is named Pentecosiarcha. Two Pentecosiarchies make ¹³ a Chiliarchy of 1024. men, and 64 files: and the Leader is called Chiliarcha. Two Chiliarchies are called ¹⁴ a Merarchy of 2048. men, and 128. files, whose Leader is named Merarcha. Of some this part is called a Telos, and the Leader thereof Telarcha. Two Telarchies make ¹⁵ a Pha∣iangarchy of 4096. men, and 256. files, the Commander whereof is called Phalan∣garcha. Yet some call it a Strategy, and the Commander Strategos. Two Phalan∣garchies ¹⁶ a Diphalangarchy of 8192. men, and 512. files. There are that tearme this part ¹⁷ Meros and it is one of the wings. Two Diphalangarchies make a four∣fold Phalange consisting of 1024. files, and 16384. men. So haue you in the whole Phalange of armed foote two wings, foure Phalangarchies, eight Merarchies, sixteen Chiliarchies, thirty two Pentecosiarchies, sixtie foure Syntagmatarchies, one hun∣dred twentie eight Taxiarchies, two hundred fiftie six Tetrarchies, fiue hundred twelue Dilochies, one thousand twenty foure files.

Notes.

HEther to haue beene shewed, the manner of arming, and leuying of Souldiers, filing, and the parts of files, ioyning of files, and ranking, the locall forme, and parts of a Phalange, the number of the armed, light-armed, and horse-men requi∣site to a Phalange. This Chapter containes, as it were, the matter, of which a Phalange is compounded; that is the seuerall bodies Militarie, ordred, and ioyned together, to make vp the perfect forme of it. These bodies are many, and arise ou•• of ioyning files by doubling

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[illustration]

Cap. 9. A Pentecostarchy of 32 files 512 men

Dilochites. 16

Tetrarch's. 8

Taxiarch's. 4

Syntagmatarch's. 2

Petecosiarch's. 1

[illustration]

Cap. 9. A Phalangarehy of 256 files 4096 men

[illustration]

Cap. 9. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 64 files 1024 men.

[illustration]

Cap. 9. The Reare

A Dilochy of 2 files 32 men

Dilodnte of Commdnder of 2 files

A Tetrarchy of 4 files 64 men

A Tetrarch or Commander of 4 files

A Taxis of 8 files·128·men

A Taxiarch or Commander of 8 files

A Syntagma of 16 files·256·men

The Rear commander of Bringervp

A Syntagmatarch or Commander of 16 files

A Sericani

still their number, and haue euery one a seuerall Commander. The least is two files ioyned together, which is called a Dilochy; And because there are in Phalange 1024. files, there must also bee 512. Dilochies, which consist of two files a peece. If you double this body of two files, and make thereof a body of foure files, it hath an other name, and is called a Te∣trarchy, of which Tetrarchyes there are 256. in a Phalange. Double againe these 4. files, and make 8, the body is called Taxis. And these eight files, being doubled bring out the Syntagma of 16. files; which is a square number of men, 16. in the front, and 16. in the flancke. And so proceeding still in 6. doublings more, you come at last to the fourefold Phalange containing the number of 16384. men, and 1024. files. Now as in the Pha∣lange there are 10. bodies out of these doublings, the Dilochy being the first, and the foure∣fold Phalange the last: So doth Aelian, appoint for euery body a Commander, who albeit they seuerally command, each his owne troupe, yet are they subordinately one vnder an o∣ther, the lesser vnder the greater, till at last the souerainty of the command rest in the Gene∣rall of the Army. a 1.372 The Dilochites are directed by the Tetrarches, the Tetrarches by the Taxiarches, the Taxiarches by the Syntagmatarchs, the Syntagmatarches by the Pentecosi∣arches, and they by the Chiliarchs, ouer whom are Merarches, and ouer the Merarches the Phalangarchs, and ouer them the Commanders of the winges, or Diphalangarches, and the soueraigne of the Armie or Generall is the highest, and last. The number of these Com∣manders a man would think were to no great purpose being in all (the 2. Diphalangarchies therein comprized) 1022, besides the file Leaders, which standing in the heades of their files, amount but to two men more; that is to 1024. For so many (as I haue said) are the files of the Phalange. But if the conueniency be obserued, it will not seeme impertinent. b 1.373 For all the Leaders being in front, (therefore are they called Leaders, because they pre∣cede, and the rest follow,) it makes both a gallant shew, and that rancke being as it were, the edge of our battaile, not only serues to hew a sunder, and rent a pieces the forces of our enemie; But also standeth as an assured bulwarke of defence before the rest of the Armie, that followeth. And it is well noted by c 1.374 Leo, that the multitude of Commanders (in orderly diuisions) both signifies, that there are many worthy and valiant men in the armie: And is a meanes to keep the Souldiers in greater obedience, and to giue vndoubted effect to all directions. Of what qualitie and disposition, those Leaders ought to be, you may see in the * 1.375 fourth Chapter of Leos Tactickes. Onely I will adde, that as they are higher in dignity, so ought they in vertue and valour exceede those, that are vnder their command.

• 1 A Dilochy] Consists of two files; for so signifies the word Dilochia: and the Lea∣der* 1.376 is called a Dilochite.
• ...

  2 A Tetrarchy] Of foure files; and the Leader is called a Tetrach, one that hath the command of foure files. And here I must once more admonish, that in the words of diuers signification, we must not weigh, what is the proper signification, but how they are vsed in this Art, and booke.

  For the word Tetrarch signifieth sometimes a King: as Hesychius hath: and d 1.377 Deio∣tarus in Tully is called a Tetrarch, and e 1.378 Herode in the Gospell; who both are common∣ly knowne for Kings. Thessaly likewise was diuided into 4. Principalities, Thessali∣otis, Pthiotis, Pelasgiotis, and Astiotis; whereof euery one was named a Tetrarchy. Onely the difference is, that a Tetrarch being a King, or a Gouernour, signifies him, that hath the gouernment of the fourth part of the land, (for a Tetrarchy is the gouernment of the fourth part) But a Tetrarchy in Aelian signifies a body military consisting of foure parts (4. files) and the Tetrarch commands not ouer one alone, but ouer all the 4. parts.

• 3 A Taxis] As the word Tetrarchy is diuersly taken, so is Taxis likewise. For sometimes it imports Order in a generall signification, as I noted before: Sometimes the

• ... f 1.379 order of a battaile: g 1.380 sometimes a company of any kinde of Souldiers, foote, or horse: as Taxis Peltastarum, Taxis Equitum; Sometimes a single Phalange, as in h 1.381 Arrian mention is made of Taxis Ooeni, Taxis Perdiccae, and Taxis Meleagri &c. who were Phalangarches, as the story sheweth. ⁱ Sometimes for all the armed, as Taxis Pha∣langitarum: Sometimes a rancke of men standing embattailed, as in Thucidides, who discribing the battell of the Lacedemonians, saith the front (which he calleth the first rancke teen proteen Taxin) consisted of 448. But in a more speciall signification it is taken for a band of Souldiers. And in that signification the number varieth. i 1.382 In Xe∣nophon,* 1.383 it comprehendeth a hundred men: What the number of the Athenian Taxis was, I finde not deliuered by any Writer. That they had Taxiarchs k 1.384 Polyenus sheweth plainely. And if a man with leaue might gesse, I would imagine their Taxis consisted of 250 men: For I finde in the same place of Polyenus, that they had Chiliarchies, Pentecosiarchies, Taxies, and Lochagies. I haue before shewed, that Lochos in Xenophon is made sometimes of aboue 100. men. Out of which may be inferred with probability, that Taxis, being the next degree aboue the Lochagie, hath the double number, or more; The rather because a Chiliarchy hauing in it a 1000. the Pentico∣siarchy must haue 500. and by likelihood the Taxis 250. as being the next office vnder the Pentecosiarchy. But whatsoeuer the Taxis of the Athenians, or of other people was, Aelian maketh his Taxis vp with 128 men, and 8. files; which is a double number to the Tetrarchy. With whom Suidas agreeth, giuing 2. Tetrarchies to a Taxis: and saith it consists of 128 men. The Commander of the Taxis is called a Taxiarch, as the Commander of the Tetrarchy is a Tetrarch. Here I am to note by the way, that the In∣terpreter of Xenophon translateth Taxiarcha, the Commander of a Cohort; where Taxis in the straighter signification cannot be taken for a Cohort because a Cohort dif∣fereth much in number, hauing in it at the least 500. and odde men, where the Taxis, when it is greatest hath no more then 128. And l 1.385 Polybius saith plainely, that spira is the Greeke word, that fully expresseth the Romane Cohort.
• 4 A Syntagma] The word commeth of Syntasso, or Syntatto, to place together; and a Syntagma is a body compounded of many parts artificially put together. m 1.386 But it may be taken for anybody in the armie. n 1.387 Diodorus reports of Dionysius the elder That after he had diuided his whole Armie, (which had in it 30000) into three parts, he imployed two against the Carthaginian Campe in diuers manner: himselfe tooke the Syntagma, or third part, which consisted of mercenary Souldiers, and led against that quarter of the campe, which had the Engins. * 1.388 Aelian also vseth the word diuerslie; For he calles the whole armie by the name of Syntagmata, in the plurall number, and sometimes Syntagma in the singular. And further giues the same name to a file; o 1.389 Suidas likewise discribing the length of a Phalange, saith, it is the first rancke (Syntagma) of file Leaders, which stretcheth forth in a right line from winge to winge. Whereby appeareth that which the Logitians affirme, (which I touched before) that there are more things then names of things: And that fit names cannot be giuen to all. The names that haue beene giuen by antiquity, to expresse the seuerall bodies of the Phalange, are to be reteined by vs, as proper enough to signifie the thing they meant. Nei∣ther are we to vary from them, vnlesse we our selues can inuent better. The Syntagma that Aelian here mentioneth, is framed of two Taxies, that is of 16. files, & of 256 men. The Commander of it is named a Syntagmatarch. And where he addeth, it is called of some a Xenagy, we are to vnderstand that p 1.390 Xenagos was he (amongst the Grecians) that had the command of a band of strangers, (as he that leuied strangers was called q 1.391 Xe∣nologos) and the band it selfe was called a Xenagy. Why the Syntagma should haue the appellation of Xenagy, I cannot diuine; vnlesse the reason were, because it was about the

• ... number, wherof strangers made their companies, that serued amongst the Graecians. And I thinke, and shall till better information; that the body of the light armed called a Xe∣nagy mentioned hereafter, had that name likewise for the same reason. Now of all the bodies in this Chapter mentioned, there is none that commeth so neere the companies vsed at this day, as doth the Syntagma, for (excepting that our numbers differre, and are in diuers places more, or lesse) the offices of each are alike. You haue in the Syntagma a Lieutenant, or Reare Commander; so in our Companies. In the Syntagma, is an Ensigne, and an Ensigne-bearer; the like in our Companies. In a Syntagma is one Sergeant, our Companies haue more. The Syntagma had a trumpet, and our Companies for the most part haue two drummes. We onely want a Crier, which euery Syntagma amongst the Macedonians had. What the vse and place of all the Officers was, I will straight discouer.
• 5 Fiue superordinarie men;] Namely the Ensigne the Reare-commander, the Trumpetter, the Sergeant, and the Crier of whom we last spake. That which I transla∣ted, superordinary, is in Greeke Ectactoi. r 1.392 Suidas giues the reason, why they were so called: because saith he, they were not numbred as part of the battaile, that is ordered in files & ranckes. s 1.393 As Xenophon saith of Miriarches, Chiliarches, and Taxiarches, & other Commanders (whom Cyrus called to him) that they were not recounted amongst the militarie numbers, and might depart from the Phalange without altering the forme thereof. In the files they could not be, because they should so increase the number in the files, and make one longer then an other, and hinder doublings, and other motions, be∣sides the deformity, they should bring in, in making the battaile vneuen: And a file of themselues they could not make. The like disorder would they bring in the ranckes, where they could not conueniently stand, vnlesse some body filed with them, being much short of a file of themselues. Besides their imployment is to stirre here and there apart, as they are commanded: where they of files, and ranckes neuer moue single, but iointly, as shall seem good to their Commander. And albeit these fiue bee remoued from the battaile, yet re∣maineth the battaile without them entire of it selfe, and in perfect forme, as though there were no neede of them, when notwithstanding their vse is otherwise so needfull that al∣though the battaile may be, it cannot well be without them.
• An Ensigne] Our vse is to call the Ensigne-bearer an Ensigne for breuities sake; As a Drummer, a Drumme, a Trumpetter, a Trumpet; and that not absurdly. A distinction will easily appeare in common speech, by the application of words of circumstance to the one, or the other. The end why ensignes were diuised appeareth in. t 1.394 Diodorus Siculus; he giuing diuers reasons, why the Aegyptians (whom he accounted the ancientest of men) were carried away with superstition of worshipping Beasts, after the manner of the Coun∣trey, hath amongst other words these in effect: A second cause the Aegyptians giue, because of old time being in diuers conflicts thorough disorder in their Armie, vanquished by their borderers, they had recourse to the inuention & bearing of Ensignes in their troupes. They say therefore, that preparing images of the beasts, they now worshippe, and fastening them to the ends of long staues, the Commanders caused them to be borne aloft; by meanes wherof euery man knew of what troupe he was. And seeing this good order auailed much to victorie, they conceiued, that the beasts were the cause of their safety. In recompence where∣of they ordered, that none of these beasts should be killed, but be honoured with religious care and worship. Ensignes were then deuised for readines to direct soul∣diers in particular, whither to resort in time of fight. u 1.395 Caesars practise agreeth hereto: he telling of his owne souldiers disorder hath thus: Whatsoeuer part they came into by chance, and to what Ensigne soeuer, there they staied, least in seeking their

• owne they might happily lose the time of fight. And w 1.396 Vegetius enlargeth the cause wruing thus: The ancient warriors perceiuing that in time of fight the order, and embattailing of an Armie was quickly brought in route, and confusion, to auoide this inconuenience, diuided the Cohorts into Companies, and appointed an En∣signe of euery Company. So that in the Ensigne was written, of what Cohort and of what number in the Cohort the Companie was. Which the souldier see∣ing, or reading could not estray from their Companions, though the tumult were neuer so great. x 1.397 Leo also maketh this the vse of the Ensigne: Wee command also, saith he, that the heads of the Ensignes of euery Company or Band be of one colour, and that the silke of euery Turme, or Drunge, haue a colour by it selfe. And to the end that euery Companie may with ease know their owne Ensigne, other markes and tokens are to be added to the heads of the Ensignes, that accor∣ding to Turmes, and Drunges, and Companies, they may be knowne. But in any case, let the Ensignes of euery Turmarchy be different one from an other, & cleare to be discerned, that the souldiers may know them euen at a farre distance. His meaning, as I take it, is, that euery great body, or regiment should beare in their Ensignes a seuerall colour, and that the Companies of that body should likewise hold themselues to the same colour in their Ensignes: So notwithstanding that (as the vse is at this day) the Ensignes of euery Company should haue a seuerall marke to bee knowne by, besides the colour in generall. For so both the Regiment may be quickly discerned, and one Com∣pany with facilitie be distinguished from another. What the forme of the Ensigne was, we may out of the former place of Diodorus see: The Aegyptians, saith he, counterfea∣ting the shape of those Beasts, which they worshippe, fastened the Portract to the end of long staues. y 1.398 Xenophon testifies the like of the Standerd of Cyrus. Cyrus (saith he) commanded his army to cast their eyes vpon the Standard, and to follow it with equall pace, and in order. The Standard was a golden Egle stretcht out vpon the end of a long staffe. Which Standard is at this day the Stan∣dard of the Kings of Persia. The Ensigne was nothing else, but the figure of some beast aduanced high vpon the end of a long staffe. As of an Egle, of a Wolfe, of a Horse, and such like; and sometimes they added peeces of coloured silke fastned vnder these images to make a greater difference betwixt the Ensignes. Whether our Ensignes at this day, made of many ells of Taffaty, or the ancient Ensignes of the Graecians (I may also adde of the Romans, for they obserued the same forme) are the better for vse, I will not now dispute. I may notwithstanding freely say, that the stronger reason weigheth for the Ancient. For besides the authoritie of such excellent wits, as they were, and so exquisite in their inventions, the reason of the lightnes is to be preferred: Besides the winde hath no such force ouer them, and they neither hinder the Souldiers, that stand next by en∣tangling, nor by flapping in their faces, nor take away the sight of such things as are to be obserued and regarded in the field. For the matter whereof the Ensigne was made, z 1.399 see Iustus Lipsius in his Commentaries to Polybius. As for the armour of the En∣signe-bearer (especially the Ensigne-bearer of the armed) I take it (for I haue no au∣thoritie therein) that he had the same defenfiue Armour, that the Souldier which fought vnder the Ensigne had (excepting the Target) both to assure himselfe from the flying weapons of the light armed, and from the pike and sword of the armed, in case the bat∣taile were entred and pierced as farre, as the Ensigne. For it was no reason, he should carry a Target, lest both his hands should be bound, the right with the Ensigne, the left with the Target; and so he haue no vse of either against the enemy. And in the left hand I would giue him a speare, or ••auelin, (not a pike, which cannot be weilded with one hand) for his owne defence, and to offend the enemy. Which weapon, I haue read En∣signes

• ... of ancient time did beare. What the Ensignes place was, whether in front, or in the middest of the Battatle, I see it controverted. f 1.400 Patricius absolutely affirmeth, that the Ensignes were placed in the middest of the front, and had 8 files on the right, and* 1.401 8 on the left, to the end they might be seene, and followed by all. That Ensignes were first invented to be a marke of seuerall bodies military in an Army, I haue before shewed. But it followeth not thereof, that they were placed in the front in time of fight. For being in the middle, they no lesse gaue notice, what the body was, than in the front. The reason of following is of lesse force; Inasmuch as the Souldier well knoweth whom to follow, though he had no Ensigne at all, the Commander alwaies with his motion giuing him di∣rection, when to advance forward, when to turne his face to the right, or left hand, when to countermarch, when to double, and when to vse all other motions military. And the Commanders were therefore called Leaders, because they went on before, and the Souldiers followed after. So that the Ensigne, in regard of following, neede not to be set in the front. g 1.402 Yet in exercising the troupes, and in marches, I finde, that the Ensigne was in the front, together with the Captaine, Crier, Trumpeter, and Guide. But I take the reason to be, because being in the middest, and hauing neither file, nor ranke with the rest, they might happily bring a confusion, and be a hinderance to the changes, and di∣uers figures of the Battaile. When the time of fight was, the Ensigne retired to his place, that is to the middest. For so h 1.403 Leo interpreteth himselfe in his precept of closing files: which must be done, saith he, not onely by File-leaders in front, Commanders of fiue, and Bringers-vp in the Reare, but in the middest also, where the Ensigne standeth. And I rather agree to Leo herein, because I see, it was the manner of the Romans also, to place their Ensignes in the middest of their Maniples. i 1.404 From whence came the appel∣lations of Antesignani, Souldiers that stood before the Ensignes, and Postsignani, that stood behinde. Besides the Ensigne being in the front, the Ensigne bearer may soone get a clap, who falling the Ensigne goeth to ground, and is in danger of loosing, which was the greatest disgrace among the Romans, that might befall. Lastly, k 1.405 Aelian him∣selfe in plaine words placeth the Cornet of horse farre from the front. For speaking of the ordinarie Horse-troupe, he saith it is to consist of 64 horse, the first ranke of 15 horse, the 2 of 13, the 3 of 11, the 4 of 9; descending still, and diminishing 2 horse in euery ranke, till you come to one. He addeth; he shall carry the Cornet, that standeth in the second ranke next the ranke-Commander on the left hand: which ranke is the second ranke, himselfe declareth, making the ranke of 15 the first, the 2 the 13; which is the 7^th from the front, and next the reare but one. If the Cornet haue no place in front, why should the Ensigne, considering both serue to one vse, and the reasons of seeing, and following are equall to both? And albeit l 1.406 Suidas place the Ensigne, the Crier, the Trompet, and Sargeant, before the Battaile, the Lieutenant in the reare, he is notwithstanding to be vnderstood, of the times of marching, or of exercise, which I noted before. For what should that Rable of vnarmed (being 4. in euery Syntagma, and in the whole Phalange 256.) doe in the front in the time of fight, but onely pester the chosen of the Armie: who therefore haue the front, that they may make speedier way into the enemies battell?
• 7 A Reare-commander] Was the same that a Leutenant is with vs. He com∣mandeth the Souldiers in the Reare, no lesse then the Syntagmatarch in the front, and had his place in the Reare. What the duty of a Reare-commander was, I haue shewed out of m 1.407 Cyrus words in Xenophon. And n 1.408 Aelian afterwards setteth it downe most plainly. He was armed, as the rest of the armed of the Syntagma, namely with Pike, and Target, and with such other armes, as I haue described in my notes vpon the second Chapter.
• ...

• 8 A Trumpet.] The invention of the Trumpet is attributed to Tirrhenus Hercules sonne. But the different vse of these officers is worth the noting out of a 1.409 Sui∣das: The Crier, saith he, serueth to deliuer directions by voice, the Ensigne by signall, when noise taketh away the hearing of the voice: the Trumpet by sound, when thorough thicknes of dust a signall cannot be discerned: The Sargeant to bring such things, and dispatch such messages, as his Syntagmatarch commands. So that these officers were held all necessary for a Company, the one supplying the defect of the other, and seruing for vse when the other failed. The Trumpet then was to be vsed according to Suidas, when neither the Crier, nor Ensigne could doe seruice. With the Trumpet was the signall giuen for the Campe to remoue, for the Campe to lodge. By the Trumpet the Souldiers were taught their time to fight, their time to retreate. The Trumpet set and discharged the watch. From the Trumpet came the measure of the Marche, and the quicknes, and slownes of Pace. In briefe, the Trumpet did all the offices, that the Dromme doth with vs at this day. Whether the Trumpet or Dromme, are of most vse in the field, I may not now dispute. Onely I will say that the Graecians and Romans the most expert and iudicious Souldiers, that euer were, held themselues to the Trumpet, and neuer vsed the Dromme. The Dromme was first invented by Bacchus, who, as b 1.410 Polyenus reporteth, fighting against the Indians, in stead of Trum∣pets, gaue the signall of Battaile with Cymballs and Drommes. From him it came to the Indians, who vsed it altogether, as c 1.411 Curtius noteth in the battell betwixt King Alexander the Great, and Porus. The Dromme of Parthians is described by d 1.412 Plu∣tarch in the life of Crassus; and by e 1.413 Appian. f 1.414 And Leo saith, the Saracens, who invaded Christendome, and infected the Turkes with their superstition, ordered their fights by the Dromme. From this Easterne Asiaticall people it was brought into Europe; and now the generall custome is among stall Europaean Nations, that the foote haue Drommes in the field, the horse Trumpets. And yet for the Trumpet, I can∣not say, that all the Graecians held themselues precisely vnto it. g 1.415 Plutarch much com∣mendeth the Lacedemonian manner of ioyning with the enemy, and writeth it is in this sort: When the King hath offered the Goate (that was the Lacedemonian sacri∣fice, when they were to giue battaile) hee straight commands all the Army to crowne their heads, and the Flutes to sound the measure of h 1.416 Castor: And himselfe withall beginneth the i 1.417 Paean; (the song they vsed when they were to charge) and advanceth first against the enemy. So that it is a braue, and no lesse fearefull thing to behold them pacing according to the measure of the Flute; neither dissoluing their order, nor shewing any astonishment of minde, but mildely, and ioyfully approching the danger of conflict, diuiding out their Marche to the sound of the instrument. For it is not likely, that men so demeaning themselues, can be trans∣ported with feare, or choler. Nay rather they must needes haue a setled minde full of hope, and assurance, as if God were present on their side: thus Plutarch. Out of whose words it is cleare, that the Lacedemonians vsed no Trumpets in fight, but Flutes, and made them their instruments to daunce, as it were, the measures of warre by. For they vsed an easie, k 1.418 and slow pace, framed l 1.419 to the cadence of the sound; which may well be resembled to the solemne measure, in dancing. m 1.420 Athenaeus rehear∣seth out of Herodotus, that the Lydians vsed the like. But he addeth; that the Cretans made choice of the Harpe for their instrument of warre; as though it had beene peculiar to that nation. n 1.421 Pausanias testifieth the like of the Lacedemonians. o 1.422 Polybius go∣eth not so farre, but affirmeth onely that the Cretans, and Lacedemonians in stead of Trumpets brought in Flutes, and measures into the warre. And if it were so that the Lacedemonians vsed Harpes, it is like, they tooke them from the Cretans. For I finde

• ... in p 1.423 Plutarch, that Lycurgus brought many of his lawes from Crete, and had great familiarity with Thales the Cretan, whom he also sent to Lacedemon, to make an ouer∣ture for the establishing of his lawes, that were then newly finished. Yet q 1.424 Diodorus Siculus reporteth, that the Lacedemonians vsed also Trumpets in their Battailes. He writing of a fight that was betwixt the Thebans, and Lacedemonians vnder the lea∣ding of Agesilaus; vseth these words in effect: There was a strong fight betwixt them a long time, and at first Agesilaus had the better; but afterward, when the Thebans issued out of the City at all hands, Agesilaus seeing the multitude, caused the Trumpet to sound a retreat. The signe of retreat here, was giuen by Trumpet, and it seemeth the Lacedemonians had the vse both of Trumpet, and Flute. r 1.425 Of the Flute in pacing toward the enemy to ioyne battaile; of the Trumpet in all other military signalls, such (I haue before noted it) as the rest of the Graecians gaue by Trumpet. The place of the Trumpet in the time of the Battaile was within the Phalange by the Ensigne. s 1.426 Thucydides placeth the Flutes of the Lacedemonians within the battaile, where they can finde no roome, vnlesse they stand by the Ensignes. And albeit t 1.427 Polie∣nus saith, the Flute led the Army, and went before, yet that is to be vnderstood in the marche. For in case of a Marche, or exercise, u 1.428 Leo also giueth the Trumpet place by the Captaine in front. When the fight commeth, he retireth himselfe to his place in the Battaile with the rest.
• 9 A Sergeant.] The word Hyperetes signifieth a Minister, (which is all one with the French word Sergeant, as appeareth by the interpretation of our Law it selfe, wherein the Sergeants, next degree to Iustices, are called seruientes ad legem. I re∣teyne therefore the name of Sergeant, because it is familiar amongst souldiers. And a Sergeant hath the same office in our Warre that Hypenetes had amongst the Graeci∣ans. What his duty and seruice should be, is declared out of x 1.429 Suidas. There were of these officers, as well among the horse, as the foote, as appeareth in y 1.430 Xenophon. The estimation and worth of their places is expressed by the same Xenophon. z 1.431 Cyrus held the Sergeants in warre, saith he, worthy of no lesse honour, than a 1.432 messengers, and Embassadors in peace. He conceiued that they ought to be trusty, skilfull in matter of warre, vnderstanding, quicke, swift, industrious, and voide of feare; be∣sides endued with all qualities requisite in the best sort of men; & that they were to accustome themselues to refuse no manner of seruice, but willingly vndergo whatsoeuer is laid vpon them by their Commanders. These Sergeants attended their Commanders in Marches, and other times, saue onely when Battaile was to be ioy∣ned, and alwaies expected his command. During the fight, they retired to some place, where they might bee ready at call; for (as I said before) they could haue no place in front.
• 10 A Crier.] Concerning the office of a Crier, Suidas hath taught vs, that he was to deliuer the Commanders pleasure by voice. b 1.433 Leo calleth him Mandator, from the Latine word, because he signified to the souldiers, Mandata, the commandments of the Captaine. In exercise he stood at the head of the Troupe, taking from the Commander the words of direction, and making, as it were, proclamation of them to the Souldiers; and serued often, when neither Trumpet, nor signall might be giuen; he was otherwise also of great vse. For in all busines which required distinct signification of any sudden alteration in the Armie, the Crier had his part alone. c 1.434 Xenophon telleth in the Grae∣cians returne out of Persia, that Clearehus their Generall led them not against the enemy, both because their courages began to fall, and also because they were all the day fasting, and it grew somewhat late. But yet hee turned not out of the way, lest he might seeme to flie; but holding on right forward, he came with the

• vantgard, to the next Villages by sunne-set there quartered; The very timber of the houses of some of those Villages was broken downe, and carried away by those of the Kings armie. The first therefore lodged themselues reasonably, the last being be-nighted euery man tooke vp his lodging as it fell out, and made a great noise, calling one after an other, so that the enemie heard it. Where∣by it came to passe, that the next of them fled out of their tents. This appeared the next day, for neither was there carriage-beast, nor Campe, nor smoake neere at hand to be seene. The King also was terrified as it should seeme, with the ac∣cesse of the Armie. Which he declared by the next daies worke. Yet in the pro∣cesse of night a feare seased the Graecians themselues: and the tumult, and hurle∣burly was such, as is wont, when men are possessed with feare. Clearchus in this distresse commanded Tolmides the Elean (whom hee then had with him, the best Crier of those times) after silence, to make proclamation, that the Commanders signified generally, that whosoeuer could bring foorth the Author of this tumult should haue a a 1.435 talent of siluer for his paines. After this proclamation made by the Crier the Souldiers perceiued, that their feare was vaine, and that the Com∣manders were in safety: Hetherto Xenophon. By which narration may appeare, that the Crier performed that, which neither Trumpet nor other signall could doe, the terror rising in the night (which is the time of confusion and disorder) and neither could the Trumpet giue any certaine sound to remedy the perill, nor any other signall be discerned by reason of the darknesse; and this seruice was done by the Crier amongst his owne folke. His seruice against the enemie is declared in the fact of b 1.436 Cleocrytus the Athenian Crier who after the fight, betwixt Thrasybulus and the 30. Tyrants (wherein Critias and Hippomachus were slaine) with a proclamation to the Citizens, reconciled them to Thrasybulus, and was cause that the Tyrants were deposed, and had their authoritie abrogated by the people. The like seruice was done by a Crier in the behalfe of the Grae∣cians against the Persians, about the time of the battaile of Plataeae. The storie is this: c 1.437 When the Graecians vnder the conduct of Leotychides, the Lacedemonian, and Xan∣thipus the Athenian, had gathered a fleete of 250. Gallies together to the end to deliuer the Ilanders, and the Citties of the Continent of Asia the lesse, out of the seruitude of the Persians, they sailed out of Delos. The Persians then remained at Samos. But hearing of the approch of the Graecians, they left Samos, and put o∣uer to Mycale a City of Ionia. And because they perceiued their shippes vnfit for fight, they drew them on land, and fortified the place, where they landed, with a wodden wall, and a deepe trench. Neuerthelesse they sent for foote forces, from Sardes, and other the next Cities, and assembled to the number of a 100000 men; And made prouision for all things necessarie for warre, the rather, because they suspected the Ionians would reuolt. Leotychides hauing put his fleete in order, sailed towards the Barbarians, that were in Mycale, and dispatched away before a shippe, wherein was a Crier, who had the shrillest voice in all the Armie. Him he commanded to saile vp close to the enemie, and to proclaime aloude, that the Graecians hauing ouercome the Persians at Plataeae, were now come thither to deli∣uer and set free the Graecian Citties of Asia. This was done by Leotychides to the end to disseuer the Asian Graecians from the Barbarians, and to raise a tumult in the enemies Campe. Which also came to passe. What seruice could bee of more impor∣tance, then to set a diuision betwixt the enemies? It was done by the voice of a Crier. More examples I could alledge, but these may suffice. The Criers place was alwaies to at∣tend the Commander in the head of the Troupes, vnlesse in the time of fight; at which time his voice could not be heard but ga••e place to the noise of Trumpets and clashing of armor.
• ...

• 11 A Tetragonall forme] That is of foure equall sides, or foure square; But we must vnderstand (which Aelian after teacheth) that there are two kinds of Tetragonall, o•• square bodies military, one in number, the other in figure. In number, when the front, and flancke of the body haue either of them as many Souldiers, as other; as the Syn∣tagma hath 16. in front, and 16. in flancke. In figure, when the number of the front is greater, then the number of the flancke, and yet front and flancke stretch out an equall* 1.438 length of ground; as in the squares of horse, whereof Aelian speak•• to hereafter. This last square is at this day called a square of ground, because the space of ground, which conteineth the length of the front, stretcheth out iustly as far, as the space of ground, which conteineth the deepth of the flancke. It is caused by the difference of distance, which is be∣twixt the Souldiers in front, and betwixt the Souldiers in flancke. In front, being closed to fight, the distance betwixt Souldier, and Souldier, is but a cubite; that is a foote, and a halfe. The distance betwixt souldier, and souldier, in flancke is two cubits, or three foote, which proportion will giue no more, then halfe so many men in flancke, as in front, and yet maintaine the truenesse and euennesse of the sides of the figure; that is the length of the line, which measureth the front, and flancke, shall be all one.
• 12 A Pentecosiarchie] The word is a command of 500, and that was sometimes the number. In the Macedonian Phalange, it comprehendeth a 512 men. The cause of difference is the difference betwixt the file of the Macedonians, and the file of the anci∣ent Graecians (wherof I haue spoken before) the odde 12 men comming in by the fifth doubling of 16. And the number being so neere 500, though somewhat aboue, the name of Pentecosiarchie is still reteined, because it was then in vse, and no other more fit could be found.
• 13 A Chiliarchie] The command of 1000 men according to the name; Aelian giu∣eth it a 1024, from the doubling of 512. The Tribunes of the Roman Legions are by the Greeke Historians tearmed Chiliarchs; yet is there a great difference; for the Chili∣archs haue no more command, then ouer their Chiliarchy consisting of 1000 men, and sometimes of more, as here in Aelian of 1024. But euery Tribune had in his turne the command of the whole Legion. And againe there being 12 Tribunes, to euery Legion (which at first had in it 3000, afterward 4000, then a 1.439 5000, and in the time of b 1.440 Vegeti∣us 6000 men) how should a Tribune be called a Chiliarch and be a Leader of a thousand, there being in the legion but▪ 6000 men at the most, and yet 12 Tribunes; so that euery one could not haue, aboue 500 for his▪ command; and in Polybius time, (the Iegion be∣ing* 1.441 but 4200) not aboue 300 and odde. But the Roman manner of warre and ordering of troupes, differed much from the Graecians; and the Graecians in tearming a Tribune a Chiliarch, tooke the next word, and most significant amongest them to expresse the charge of a Tribune. Our Coronells, for their command, of a Regiment come neerer to the Graecian Chiliarchs; yet ours differ in that they haue Companies in their owne Regiments, which the Graecian Chiliarchs had not, and where d 1.442 Q. Curtius saith, that the Chiliarchy was first instituted at Babylon by Alexander, as a reward for seruice, it seemeth to be otherwise. For as I finde this in no other Author, so finde I, that Chili∣archies were long before Alexanders time. e 1.443 Xenophon reporteth, that Cyrus to giue encouragement to his souldiers to be valiant, promised to the Taxiarchs to make them Chiliarchs, to the Lochagi to make them Taxiarchs, to the Decharchs to make them Lochagi, to the Pempadarchs to make them Decarchs; f 1.444 And that Cyrus made Chrysanthas a Chiliarch of horse in regard of his worth, and forwardnesse in seruice. And afterward he calleth g 1.445 Phranuchus, and Asiadatas, Chiliarchs of horse, and A••∣tabasus and Artagersas Chiliarchs of foote: h 1.446 Polyenus witnesseth that in Iphicra∣tes his time the Athenians had Chiliarchs, and Pentecosiarchs, so that the institution

• ... of Chiliarchs could not be referred to Alexanders being at Babylon, considering it was ••n vse before; And a 1.447 Arrian reporting the same story, saith not, that Alexander first brought vp Chiliarchies there, but that he ordeined two Lochi in euery horse troupe (where to that day there had beene none) and two Lochagi to command them. Indeed b 1.448 Diodorus Siculus, writes thus concerning a Chiliarch. Antipater, saith he, lying vpon his death-bed declared Polyperchon Protector of the Kings (being the eldest of those, that had serued Alexander in his warres, and much honoured of the Macedonians) and his owne sonne Cassander the Chiliarch, and second man in autho∣rity. The place and institution of the Chiliarch first grew to name and honor vn∣der the Persian Kings. So writes Diodorus of this Chiliarchy which Antipater be∣stowed vpon his sonne Cassander. Which notwithstanding seemes much to differ from the common Chiliarchy of the Phalange, wherof Curtius speaks. For Diodorus saith, he was next to Polyperchon in authority. Where in the Phalange there were many Commanders, namely, the Merarchs, the Phalangarchs &c. aboue the Chiliarchs. Adde that he saith, the institution of this Chiliarch came from the Persian Kings, when the Chiliarchs of the Phalange had their beginning from the Graecians, and were ordi∣narie in Phalanges, as I haue shewed. Lastly where Diodorus reporteth, that it had the increase and aduancement of honour from the Persian Kings, he sheweth plainely, it was not Alexanders inuention. And the same Diodorus speaking of the death of O∣chus King of Persia telleth, that he was poisoned by Bagoas his Chiliarch in the time of the reigne of Philip, Alexanders father. This Chiliarch then I take to be the same, that the Generall of an armie is with vs. And I can hardly be perswaded, that Antipater wouldbequeath a lesse place to his sonne Cassander.
• 14 A Merarchy] The command of a part or halfe; for a Phalangarchy consisteth of two Merarchies. So that a Merarchy is halfe the Phalangarchy, and conteineth, 2048 men. This part is also called Telos, of which I haue spoken in my notes to the seuenth Chapter. And yet the word Telos is not alone vsed in bodies of foote. For c 1.449 Thucydi∣des speaking of the fight by sea betwixt the Corcyraeans, and Corinthians, telleth, that the Corcyraeans gaue the right wing to ten Athenian shippes, and hauing of their owne a 100 and 10 shippes, diuided them into three Tele, euery of which was commanded by one of their Generalls: so that Telos there signifieth not a certaine number of ships, but a part of their fleet diuided into 3: & the Cōmanders of the Corcyraeans are cal'd Strategoi.
• 15 A Phalangarchie] The command of a single Phalange. Of this kinde were the d 1.450 Phalanges in Alexanders armie (as I take it) which were led by Caenos, by Per∣dicas, by Craterus, by Amyntas, by Ptolomy, by Meleager, and other, as Arrian hath; Before Philip and Alexander gathered those forces together, wherewith Persia was subdued, the armies were of smaller number amongst the Graecians. Neither was it in many Cities might to raise 4096 men; which go to the Phalangarchy of Aelian: If any did, they might well call it an armie (Strategia, and the Commander Strategos) and the name of Strategos, or Generall was vsually giuen to him, that commanded in chiefe ouer an armie (though small) sent out by any Citie to warre. So then, as the Generall was called Strategos, a Phalangarchy might also be called Strategia. I haue before noted, that the sections of the Phalange are limited, and laid out by the Phalangarchies. And where there are 3 sections in a Phalange, the middle section is in the midst of the 4 Phalangar∣chies▪ 2 Phalangarchies lying on the one side, and 2 on the other. The 2 other sections are one betwixt the 2 Phalangarchies of the right wing, the other betwixt the two Phalan∣garchies of the left wing, for betwixt euery Phalangarchie was a space or section.
• 16 A Diphalangarchie] The command of two Phalangarchies; this was one of the wings. Aelian giueth it no Commander ordinary, neither doe I remember, that I

• ... haue read Diphalangarchs of Diphalangarchia, as Phalangarchs of Phalangarchia, Tetrarch▪ of Tetrarchia. Yet was there one, alwaies that commanded the winge, ap∣pointed to that place extraordinarily; So a 1.451 Philip, at the battaile of Cheronaea (where he ouerthrew the power of the Athenians, and Thebans, and their Allies) tooke the one wing to himselfe, and gaue the command of the other to Alexander his sonne being then but young. And b 1.452 Alexander at Granicus commanded himselfe the right wing, and ap∣pointed Parmenio to the left. So in the battailes against Darius at c 1.453 Issos in Cilicia, and at d 1.454 Gaugamela in Syria.
• ...

  17 Meros] Meros is a part by diuision, comming of the verbe, meiro to diuide. And as before, Amerarchie, was halfe a Phalangarchie, so here Meros is halfe the four∣fold Phalange. Each then signifieth halfe, but to distinguish them, the one is called a Me∣rarchie, that is a Commande of halfe, the other Meros, that is halfe: A distinction suf∣ficient to know the one from the other. Two of these Meros make the Phalange contei∣ning 16384 men. And these are the bodies militarie, which Aelian in this Chapter des∣cribeth, and which were in vse amongst the Macedonians. The other Graecians vsed other bodies in their armies. The e 1.455 Lacedemonians diuided their whole city, into fixe bodies, horse and foote; euery one of which was called Mora, or Moira. Their Generall was one of their Kings, for they had alwaies two. Euery Moira, had a Polemarch (not much differing from our Coronells) foure Lochagie, eight Pentecosteres, and sixteene Enemotarchs. What the number of the Moira was, is vncertaine, by reason of the secre∣cie the Lacedemonians vsed in their gouernment, as f 1.456 Thucydides saith. Plutarch g 1.457 reporteth, that Ephorus the historian, giueth 500 men to the Moira, Calisthenes 700. Polybius and others 900. h 1.458 Diodorus Siculus, agreeth with Ephorus, and alloweth but 500 to the Moira. And i 1.459 Xenophon numbreth the Moira of the Lacedemo∣nians, which Iphicrates, defeated hard by Corinth, to haue been about 600 men. k 1.460 See the scholiastes, of Thucydides, for the exact number of these bodies. The l 1.461 Atheni∣ans had their Chiliarchs, Pentecosiarchs, Taxiarchs, and Lochagie, as I haue said before. And with them were the Lochagi last, where with the Lacedemonians they were next the Polemarchs, but the number of the Lochos was not alike, as I haue like∣wise shewed before. Cyrus in m 1.462 Xenophon hath these orders militarie, Myriarchs Com∣manders of ten thousand, Chiliarchs of a thousand, Taxiarchs of a hundred, Lochagi of twentie foure, Decadarchs, called sometime Dodecadarchs of 12, Pempedarchs of sixe, which are also called Hexadarchs. n 1.463 Vrbicius differeth not much from Aelian, saue onely in the number of the file, and the Officers of the file. For where Aelian hath sixteene to a file, Vrbicius hath but ten: and Vrbicius alloweth but two Commanders to the file, the File-leader, and the Bringer-vp Aelian foure; the foure Enomotarchs. For the number of the Officers, in the Phalange they agree. And yet the names are not all one. Aelian beginneth with a Dilochite commanding two files, thirtie two men, Vr∣bicius with the Lochagos, who likewise commandeth two files of his, and fiue men more, namely 25 men. The next in Aelian is a Tetrarch ouer sixtie-foure men, in Vrbicius a Pentecontarch ouer fiftie men. Vrbicius hath next a Taxiarch, a Syntagmatarch, a Pentecosiarch, a Chiliarch, a Merarch, a Phalangarch: And so hath Aelian. The next in Aelian is a Diphalangarch, Commander of 8192 men; Vrbicius termeth him a Myriarch that is the Leader of ten thousand men. The Tetraphalangarchy is last in both. But Vrbicius assigneth no more, then 16 thousand to his Phalange, Aelian 16 thousand 384. Iulius Pollux thus diuideth his bodids, a Myriarchie, a Chiliarchie, a Taxiarchie, a Hecatontarchie, and a Lochagie. What a proportion Leo makes, is to be seene in the fourth Chapter of his Tacticks. Because, he hath a mixture of the Roman and Greeke Orders, I remit the Reader to the booke.

• ...
  So then Aelian hath in his Phalange of armed (besides the two Diphalan∣garchs) 1020. Officers.

  Dilochites	512.
  Tetrarchs	256.
  Taxiarchs	128.
  Syntagmatarchs	64.
  Pentecosiarchs	32.
  Chiliarchs	16.
  Merarchs	8.
  Phalangarchs	4.
  	1020.

  I haue set downe the figures of all the bodies described by Aelian as farre, as the Pha∣langarchy. The rest would haue beene troublesome to insert as requiring more paper, then would stand with any reasonable proportion; neither are they greatly needfull. For two Phalangarchies ioyned in an euen front, and in a conuenient distance, will figure out a Diphalange; foure in an euen front with a like distance will make the fourefold Phalange. So that thereby the forme of it will appeare.

The precedence, and dignitie of place in the offices of the Phalange. CHAP. X.

¹ THe best of the Phalange Commanders is placed on the right wing, the se∣cond on the left wing, the third in valour in the right hand next the se∣cond Phalange toward the middle section. The fourth on the left hand next the first Phalange toward the middle section likewise. So the first and fourth Phalange haue Commanders of the first, and fourth worth: The second and third Phalange haue Commanders of the second and third worth. Now wee will shew by de∣monstration, that the first, and fourth worth, and valor, are equall to the second, and third; So that the Commanders in each wing are of valor alike.

² The Leaders also of the seuerall Merarchies are thus disposed. The first hath his place in the head of the first Phalange on the left hand: The second on the right hand of the second Phalange: The third on the left hand of the third Phalange: The fourth on the right hand of the fourth Phalange. Also the Leaders of files in euery Tetrarchy are so placed, that the Leader of the first file hath preheminence in valor and place; the Leader of the fourth file standeth next him: Then the Lea∣der of the third file, and the Leader of the second file last. For then are Dilochies of equall valor when the first Dilochie hath the first, and fourth Leaders, the second Dilochy the second, and the third Leaders in valor and reputation. For it appear∣eth in the Mathematicks, that, when there are Analogies, or answerable proporti∣ons of foure magnitudes propounded, that, which ariseth of the first, and fourth, will counteruaile that, which ariseth of the second, and third magnitude. And be∣cause there are foure Tetrarchies in euery Syntagma, wee may giue the Leaders of the Tetrarchies place according to the same proportion, as to place the Tetrarch of the first Tetrarchy on the right hand, giuing him the first place of worth; on his left hand the Tetrarch of the fourth Tetrarchy in the fourth place of worth. Then againe next him the Tetrarch of the third Tetrarchy in the third place of worth, and on his

left hand the Tetrarch of the second Tetrarchy in the second place of worth.

In like manner are the greater commands also to be proportioned.

Notes.

THe former Chapter was of the Officers and of the bodies of the Phalange; this is of the place of euery one, according to his worth. And first wee are to note, that all the a 1.464 Commanders were placed in front of those, that they commanded; to the ••nd they might direct, and lead them as occasion should require. For b 1.465 Xeno∣phon saith of Cyrus army, the Decadarchs, or file Leaders, had care of the files, the Lochagie of he Decadarchs, the Taxiarches of the Lochagie, the Chiliarchs of the Taxiarchs, the Myriarchs of the Chiliarchs: So in the Phalange of Aelian the file Leader had the command of his file, the Dilochites of the file Leaders, the Tetrarchs of the Dilochites, the Taxiarchs of the Tetrarchs, and so the rest, till you come to the Generall, who cared for all, directed all, and vnder whom all the Commanders were. The Generall ••ath beene placed sometimes in the right winge, sometimes in the middest of the Phalange. c 1.466 Vegetius saith, that the Generall of the Armie is accustomed to be in the right winge betwixt the horse, and the foote. Hee addeth, this is the place, which gouerneth the whole battaile, from whence the salying out is most direct, and free. Therefore he standeth betwixt both, that hee might both go∣uerne horse, and foote with counsell, and with authority exhort them to fight. d 1.467 Cyrus in his battaile against Cresus, took his place in the right wing, betwixt the right hand point of the battaile, and of the horse, that were ranged in the wing; Alexander the great, in his battailes tooke the same place; e 1.468 Timoleon in his fight against the Car∣thaginians placed himselfe in the middest of the battaile. f 1.469 Diodorus Siculus, saith, that, it is the manner of the Scythians, that the King should stand in the middest of the Phalange. The like doth g 1.470 Arrian affirme of the Persians, and saith, that Darius had that place. h 1.471 Leo also giueth the middest of the battaile to the Generall. And there placeth the battaile ouer which he would haue him to command.

• ...

  1 The best of the Phalangarchs] This ordering of the Phalangarchs the best on the right hand wing, the second on the left, the third next him in the left wing on his right hand toward the middlesection: The fourth in the right wing on the left hand of the first toward the middlesection thus,

  [illustration]

  2 3 4 1

  commeth out of a Geometricall propor∣tion, which proportion giueth law to the ordering of the rest of the Commanders. The rule is this: 4. Magnitudes which equally exceede the one the other being compared together that which ariseth of the first, and fourth, is equall to that, which ariseth of the second, and third. As 2. 8. 14. 20. each exceedeth the other, 6. The additi∣on of 2. to 20. begetteth an equall number to 8, and 14. added together. So is it in all o∣ther numbers, that haue the same equalitie of excesse one aboue an other. Out of this rule of proportion, Aelian deriueth the giuing equalitie of strength in the Leaders to euery bo∣die in the Phalange. For Leaders and Commanders are (or ought at least to bee) chosen by worth, and valour: and the preferments of the feild haue beene held the due reward of vertue. Say then the Phalangarchs are preferred to their places ac∣cording to their worth, and that the first Phalangarchs is most worthy, the second next him, the third next, the fourth least deseruing of the foure. If you should place them, as their worth is in a rancke successiuely one after an other, the best before the first Phalan∣garchie in the right wing, the second before the next Phalangarchie in the same wing, and leaue the other two Phalangarch's to command the left wing, the disproportion would b•• great; the third and fourth not being able to match the worth of the first, and second.

• ...

  But if you place the best Phalangarch before the first Phalangarchie on the right wing, the second before the second Phalangarchie of the left wing, the third Phalangarch next him before the third Phalangarchie on the left wing, toward the middle Section; the fourth before the fourth Phalangarchie of the right wing toward the same Section, the valours of the Commanders, will be equall in both winges. For as in the number 1. 2. 3. 4. one and 4. make 5, as many, as is made by ioyning 2 and 3 together; so the worth of the fourth Phalangarch ioyned to the worth of the first will arise as high in true valuation, as the worths of the second and third ioyned together. And where the Phalangarchie on the left corner of the left wing is called the second, and the next Pha∣langarchie standing in the same wing the third; it is to be vnderstood that it is second in dignitie, not in succession of number; for the fourth Phalangarchie in dignitie stand∣eth in place and number next the first; and the second Phalangarchie hath the last place of the whole Phalange. Their places then are after this manner according to Aelian.

  [illustration]

  ² _b f _c ³ g ⁴ _d e _a ¹

  For the vnderstanding whereof, you are to note, that

  • a signifieth the first Phalangarchie.
  • b the second Phalangarchie.
  • c the third Phalangarchie.
  • d the fourth Phalangarchie.
  • e the Section of the right winge.
  • f the Section of the left winge.
  • g the middle Section.
  • 1 the place of the first Phalangarch.
  • 2 the place of the second Phalangarch.
  • 3 the place of the third Phalangarch.
  • 4 the place of the fourth Phalangarch.

• ...

  2 The Leaders of the Merarchies] As the Phalangarchs so are all the other Commanders of the seuerall bodies placed by foure, and the same obseruation to be had, of the dignities of the place, that was in the Phalangarchs: and these 4 Merarchies (for Aelian speaketh of no more than 4,) must stand thus.

  [illustration]

  P₂ M₂ M₃ P₃ P₄ M₄ M₁ P₁

  • P, standeth for Phalangarchs.
  • M, for Merarchs.

  Robertellus confesseth he findeth these Merarchs so placed in a written booke, and it is the true placing. The figures, he setteth downe out of his owne wit (as he termeth it) carry with them no sauour of Aelians proportion. Patricius likewise seemeth to haue mistaken this proportion in the figures he hath set downe, of which not one is right. I will referre the Reader to their bookes, admonishing him onely of the mistaking. But Aelian placeth here but 4 Merarchs; what order shall be for the other foure? I haue alwaies thought Aelian defectiue in this place, neither could I hitherto finde any man, that hath brought light to cleare the doubt. Patricius that purposely discourseth of this place of

• ...

  Aelian, speaketh of bestowing 4 Merarchs onely, as though the rest were to be throwne away from the Phalange. Robortellus seeking to bestow all 8, bestoweth them indeed, but not according to Aelians proportion, which notwithstanding he would seeme to fol∣low. His figure is this.

  [illustration]

  P._1. M._8. M._4. M._3. M._6. P._3. P._4. M._5. M._2. M._1. M._7. P._2.

  The right wing

  The Middle.

  The left wing.

  The proportion is his, as I said, and not Aelians. For Aelian placed the first Merarch in the right wing; he placeth him in the left; Aelian the second in the second Phalangar∣chie, he in the fourth; Aelian the third in the left wing, he in the right; Aelian, the fourth in the fourth Phalangarchie, he in the first. The rest are so iumbled together, as though any thing else had beene sought for, rather than proportion. I take not vpon mee to over-rule any doubt; but if amongst the rest I enterpose mine opinion, I hope, I shall not incurre iust blame. Thus then: seeing Aelians meaning is by evenesse and worth of number of both wings to finde out the worth of the Commanders of both, if I so di∣stribute them, that the number of the one side shall counterballance the number of the other, I cannot much stray from Aelians meaning. The figure following will doe it.

  [illustration]

  P._1. M._5. M._1. M._4. M._8. P._4. P._3. M._7. M._3. M._2. M._6. P._2.

  The right wing

  The Middle.

  The left wing.

  In this figure I haue obserued precisely the place, that Aelian gaue to the 4 Merarchs. The first standeth on the left hand of the first Phalangarch; the second on the right hand of the second Phalangarch; the third on the left hand of the third Phalangarch; the 4^th on the right hand of the 4^th Phalangarch. The rest I haue added, and diuided according* 1.472 the placing of the first: So that the number that ariseth of the addition of both wings, is alike, and the proportion held. In all the rest of the bodies, where there is a Command ouer 4, the keeping of the proportion hath no difficulty. So euery Phalangarch comman∣deth ouer 4 Chiliarchs; euery Merarch ouer 4 Pentecosiarchs; euery Chiliarch ouer 4 Syntagmatarchs; euery Pentecosiarch ouer 4 Taxiarchs; euery Syntagmatarch ouer 4 Tetrarchs; euery Taxiarch ouer 4 Dilochites; euery Tretarch ouer 4 files; In all which the Commander, which hath the right, hath the first place, he that hath the* 1.473 point of the left hand, the second place; he that standeth on the right hand next to him, the third place; the last place is his, who standeth next to the Commander of the right point on the left hand. And for the place of the Phalangarchs, and of 4 of the Me∣rarchs, and the file-leaders, and of the Tetrarchs, they are laid out by Aelian. The rest appeare by these, and are to be squared by the same rule of proportion, as Aelian ad∣monished.

The distances to be obserued betweene Souldier and Souldier in opening and shutting the Phalange. CHAP. XI.

WE are now to speake of distances both in length, and depth betwixt Soul∣dier, and Souldier, as they stand ordered in Battaile. The distances vary in three sorts. For first they are placed in thinner distance for some speciall causes. And a Souldier so placed taketh vp ¹ 4 cubits. But in ² Densation or closing he ta∣keth vp 2 cubits. ³ In Constipation or shutting, one cubit.

Densation then, or closing is, when we draw wide distances close together, and by side-men, and followers (that is both in length and depth) gather vp the bodie of the Phalange: so notwithstanding that the souldier yet hath libertie to moue, and turne about.

Constipation, or shutting is when the Phalange by side-men gathereth it selfe yet closer together, then in Densation; so that by reason of the nearenesse there is left no Declination, or turning of faces either to the right, or left hand.

The vse of Closing is, when the Generall leadeth the Phalange against the enemy. Of Shutting when he would haue it stand fast (and as it were locked vp, and serred) to receiue the charge of the enemy.

Seeing then there are 1024 File-leaders in the front of the Phalange, it is plaine that ⁴ in their ordinary array they take vp in length 4096 Cubits ⁵ (that is ten fur∣longs, and ninetie six cubits) In Closing fiue furlongs, and forty eight cubits. In Shutting two furlongs, a halfe, and fower and twenty cubits.

Notes.

AFter Souldiers are armed, and distributed into bodies military, the next care is to be had of their Mouing. For as a man, let him be neuer so well proportioned, and strong, if he pace disorderly, and either set too great strides, or reele here, and there, or so mince, and tread out his steps, as if his leggs were bound together, groweth hereby defor∣med, and not onely loseth his comelinesse, but his actiuitie withall, and possibility to per∣forme any thing by strength: So is it of an Armie, that hath either too great distances, or is thronged vp, or pestred too close together. a 1.474 Too much thronging bindeth, as it were, the souldiers hands, and taketh away the vse of his weapons, as on the other side b 1.475 falling one loose from another, and standing or mouing too farre asunder, maketh the Battaile weake, and disiointed, and subiect to the enemies entry, and easie to be broken. The meane betwixt both was brought in by King Philip, King of Macedonia, who first constituted, and raised the Macedonian Phalange, and invented the distances of opening and closing the same; imitating the c 1.476 serring of Targets (called Synaspismos) practised by the old Heroes at Troy. Out of his discipline sprung the distances mentioned here by Aelian: which are of three sorts; The first are large distances of

• 1 Foure Cubits] Which amount to six foote. For a Cubit conteineth a foote and a ha••fe. This d 1.477 distance was vsed in marching, or else in solemne pompes and shewes. And the souldier hauing a pike of e 1.478 14 Cubits or 21 long, whereof one halfe lay for∣ward on his shoulder, and the other halfe backward, it was requisite he should haue a rea∣sonable large distance, both in file and ranke, f 1.479 to the end, that in turning this way, or that

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  [illustration]

  Cap. 11.

  The first distance ordnary 6 foote in file asmuch in ranck

  The Reare

  The second distance called Closing & foote in file asmuch in ranck

  The third distance called or serring & foote in file shoulder to shoulder in rank

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• ... way, or that way, or mouing out of his place (for no man in his marche, can alwaies hold his ranke) he offended not his next neighbours therewith. This distance our exercise at this day calleth open order. The next distance is of
• Two Cubits] Or three foote. The name of it in Greeke is Pycnosis, that is thickning. In Leo it is called Sphinxis, (knitting together) in our moderne exercise Order. And it is, when from the distance of 6 foote, we draw our Phalange both by file, and ranke, so close, that the souldiers stand but 3 foote one from an other euery way. This distance is vsed, when the Army approcheth neare to the enemy (and onely commeth not to charge) that it may be ready to shut, and locke it selfe for the charge, which is perfor∣med in the last distance of
• One Cubit] A foote and a halfe. This is called Synaspismos, ioyning Target to Target. For, as I before shewed, the pikemen of the Macedonians vsed also Targets with their pikes, and in charging the enemy closed so neare in front, that their owne Tar∣gets touched one another. This kind of fight g 1.480 the Aegiptians vsed in Xenophon (which he calleth locking together of Targets) and by meanes therof had the advantage against the Persians. The Parthian horse likewise comming to charge Crassus with their staues: h 1.481 After they perceiued the depth of the locking of Targets, and the setlednesse, and stedfastnes of the Roman Phalange, they retired, and durst not come to hands with them. And i 1.482 Diodorus Siculus writes that Alexander besieging the City of Halicarnassus, there was in the City, and in seruice of Darius one Ephialtes an Athe∣nian, a man of great valour, and strength of body; He by the permission of Memnon Generall of Darius Armie, determined to make a saly. And taking to him 2000 mercenarie souldiers, all chosen men, and giuing brands flaming with fire to one halfe, and reseruing the rest for fight, he opened the gates, and fell out, throwing fire vpon the engines of battery, which soone caught a mighty flame; And mar∣shalling the rest into a thicke and deepe Phalange, himselfe led on, and was the first that fell on the Macedonians cōming to aide, and to quench the fire. Alexander ad∣uertised hereof speeded to the medley; & ordered first the Macedonians in front, after them other choice men, for seconds; and in the third place men of extraor∣dinarie account for their prowesse, himselfe leading them on sustained the enemy, which seemed vnresistible, and sent others to slake, and put out the fire, and to preserue the Engines. The fight was hot, and albeit the Macedonians found meanes to quench the fire, yet had Ephialtes the better in the fight; who both himselfe killed many with his owne hands, and the towers from the walls furni∣shed with many Catapelts annoyed greeuously the Macedonians. In so much that some falling in the place, other-some forsaking their ground by reason of the number of Engine Darts that fell thicke amongst them, Alexander himselfe was reduced to extremitie. Here the old souldiers of the Macedonians; although otherwise freed from such seruice in regard of their age, hauing of a long time followed the warres with King Philip, and gained many a battaile, were by this occasion tolled out to succour; and as they excelled the yonger sort in greatnes of spirit, and military experience, so meeting with the run-a-waies, they bitterly reuiled, and taunted them for their cowardice; Then * 1.483 serring themselues close, and ioyning their Targets together, they repressed, and held the enemy short, who now seemed to haue the victory in his hands. Finally killing Ephialtes, and many other, they droue the rest into the City. A memorable seruice of the vse of Targets, and of the Synaspisme of the Macedonians, which was not vsed, but when they either gaue vpon, or receiued the charge of the enemy. And the Targets so knit to∣gether serued for a wall (as it were) to the whole Phalange, and by them the souldier

• ... was defended from the missiue weapons of the enemie, and his body couered euen from the peircing of the sword. Synaspismos then, or shutting, is that aistance in the Phalange, which bringeth the sonldiers Target to touch one an other, and is limited by Aelian to a cu∣bite (that is a foote and a halfe) betwixt side-men, and side-men in the front. What distance the followers should haue, Aelian setteth not here do••ne in plaine words; but implies, that they should hold their 3 foote still, in that he saith the Phalange in constipation gathereth the side-men closer, then in densation, but speaketh nothing of followers. a 1.484 Polybius teacheth it more plainely; who giues them three foote distance from the Leader, both accor∣ding to the Macedonian and Roman discipline, and that for the vse of their armes: with whom Aelian also agreeth b 1.485 afterward. In what manner the Targetiers made their clo∣sings, and how their Targets were cast from the backe, where they hung, to the left shoul∣der, I haue before noted in the second Chapter, and therefore thinke it needlesse here to re∣peate. Now for the ground, that a Phalange taketh vp in each of these orders, Aelian shew∣eth it in the words following, allowing the Phalange.
• 4 In c 1.486 ordinary aray foure thousand cubits] The Phalange in open order, saith Aelian, takes vp 4096 cubits of ground. This is to be vnderstood in front, or length; for in depth it hath no more, then 64 cubits; euery souldier (which are in number, 16 in file) possessing 4 cubites of ground in his open order; A cubit is the part of the arme, which reacheth from the elbow to the middle fingers end, and is as much, as a foote and a halfe. In front then, there being 1024 File-leaders, we most alott to each of them foure cubits, of ground; to the thousand 4000 cubits, and to the odde twentie foure 96 cubits. For foure times twentie foure makes 96. which together comes to 4096 cubits, and to six thousand one hundred fortie foure foote.
• 5 Ten furlongs and ninty six cubits] Where this space is squared out by tenne furlongs, wee must vnderstand, that a furlong conteines d 1.487 foure hundred cubits, and 4096 being diuided by 400 the quotient is 10:•• that is ten furlongs and 96 cu∣bits, as Aelian saith. Which measure of ground the Phalange of Armed taketh in open Order. Of these furlongs e 1.488 seuen and a halfe go to a mile, by which account the front of the Phalange of armed in open order taketh vp one mile, a quarter, and 346 cubits, measur∣ing it by feete it amounts to 6130. In closing (which is named Order, and is the next distance) because the souldier is allowed but 2 cubits, that is halfe so much, as in open Or∣der, the dimension will not exceede fiue furlongs, 48 cubits; that is 2048 cubits in all, which amounts to halfe a mile, halfe a quarter, and 173 cubits, in feete, 3072. In shut∣ting 2 furlongs and a halfe, and 24 cubits; that is a quarter of a mile and 274. cubits.

The arming of the Phalange. CHAP. XII.

THe Phalange is to be armed with Target and Pyke. The best Taget is the Ma∣cedonian target made ¹ of brasse, and ² somewhat hollow, and hauing ³ eight handfulls in Diameter. The Pyke ought to be ⁴ no shorter then 8 cubits; and the longest no longer, then a man may well vse and wield in handling.

Notes.

• IN the second Chapter of this booke was handled the diuersitie of armes, vsed in the Phalange. This setteth forth the choice, that is to be made for matter and fashion, and

• ... what sise is best of pike and target. For the other armor of the armed (whereof I spake, in my notes to the second Chapter) is (no question) to be fitted to the body of him, that shall beare them. He giueth then to the armed a target, and a pike, the target the Macedoni∣an target, the matter whereof was first of brasse. I haue shewed, that the Macedonian target was of brasse, and that they were called by reason of the bearing such targets Chal∣caspides Brazen-targets. I am induced to thinke, that, as Philip borowed many other things in warre from the Lacedemonians, so he borowed this kinde of target from them. For they by the ordinance of Lycurgus, were inioyned to haue no other matter in their target, then brasse. a 1.489 Xenophon giues a reason why they were made of brasse. For Ly∣curgus was of opinion, saith he, that such a Target was most fit for warre, because it is soone brought to shine, and it gathereth not rust easily, two great commodities in armes. For albeit the chiefest considerations be surenesse, and strength, yet is not the beauty to be neglected, which shining doth principally set out. b 1.490 Besides that it dazeleth the eye of the enemie, and strikes an amazednesse into his minde. c 1.491 Xenophon much ad∣mireth Agesilaus, that he so armed, and clothed his armie, that they seemed to be nothing, but brasse, and nothing, but scarlet. The brasse he speaketh of, were the bra∣zen targets of his souldiers, which couered the most part of the body, and were chiefely the obiect of the eye, without that, that any other weapon was at that time of Brasse. There∣fore, as I said, I am of opinion that the brazen Target came from the Spartans to the Macedonians. The Brazen-targets Aelian would haue
• ² Somewhat hollow] If they should beare streight out without any bowing, be∣sides that they were vneasie, they would lie kicking out from the body, and not couer it much. The arme, or shoulder, that is inserted into the Target, is bowing. And the target somewhat bowing fits it for ease, and slopeth more toward the body to couer it, and is more pliable to be carried. But the hollownesse ought not to be much. He would haue it also
• 3 Eight hand-fulls in Diameter] The Diameter in a circle is a right line, which is drawne from one side of the circumference to the other passing thorough the Center, or middle point of the circle, diuiding the circle in two equall parts. Here the Diameter of the target is taken for the exact bredth of the target, which ought to be, according to the Macedonian manner, eight handfulls, or two foote, that is 32 fingers. For foure handfulls go to a foote, and foure fingers to a handfull. d 1.492 Leo giues it three Spithams, that is 36 fingers, if he meane the great e 1.493 Spithame, which is of twelue fingers. And the lesse comprehending a handfull he cannot meane. For so should the bredth of the target be no more, but three handfulls, a bredth insufficient to couer any mans body. Whether of them is the better will appeare in triall. The Diameter that serues to couer the bodie from the vpper part of the necke to the middle part of the thigh, is enough in these round targets. That, which is more, is rather troublesome, then fit for vse. And I am of Iphicrates iudgement in targets, that performing the couering of the bodie, they should be as light, as may bee, least the shoulder be ouer-laden with vnnecessarie weight. In which regard I preferre the Target of Aelian, before that of Leo; Aelians reaching vp to the height of the necke from the middle of the thigh; Leos carying a handfull more in bredth, which in the circumference groweth to a good proportion of weight and greatnesse.
• 4 No shorter than 8 Cubits] That is 12 foote. Short pikes against long haue a great disadvantage. With the long pike a man is able to strike, and kill his enemy, before himselfe can be touched, or come in danger of a shorter, the pike keeping the enemy out so farre, as the length is. The experience of the battaile of f 1.494 Sorano, sheweth it; where Vitellozzo Vitelli discomfited the Almaines onely with the advantage of pikes an arme longer than theirs. Against long pikes, this policie was vsed by Cleonymus the Lace∣demonian King, as g 1.495 Polienus tells. Cleonymus besieging Aedessa, and hauing ouer∣throwne

• the wall of the City, the pikemen of the City sailed out, whose pikes were each 16 cubits in length. Cleonymus closed his Phalange in depth, and com∣manded the file-leaders to lay away their pikes; and when the pikemen of the enemy came to charge, to seaze vpon their pikes with both hands, and hold them fast, and the followers to passe thorough by the file-leaders sides, and maintaine the fight. The file-leaders laid hold on the pikes, and the enemy stroue to reco∣uer them out of their hands. In the meane time, the followers passing thorough the ranke of file leaders to the front, slew the enemies pikemen, and got the vi∣ctorie. This was Cleonymus deuice against long pikes, which notwithstanding dero∣gates nothing from the length of pikes more, than from shortnes. For the same policie might haue prevailed as well against short pikes, as long, each, assoone as the enemies haue seized vpon them, growing to be of no vse. But that the longer pike is to be preferred before the shorter, I haue shewed before by reason: and the reformation of armes made by Iphicrates amongst the Athenians, and by Philopomen amongst the Achaians, will be warrant enough so to hold. In the length notwithstanding ought to be a reasona∣ble consideration, that it exceede not the measure of his strength▪ that shall beare the pike.

The worth that the File-leaders, and next followers should be of CHAP. XIII.

THE File-leaders (as the Commanders of files of the Phalange) are to be the choice and flower of the Army, and to excell the rest as well in stature, as in experience and martiall sk••ll. For this Ranke knitteth and bindeth in the Phalange, and of all other yeeldeth greatest vse. For, as a sword taking to the edge as a weight, and sway, the swelling yron towards the backe exhibiteth thereby more violence in piercing, so in a Phalange the Ranke of File-leaders is the edge it selfe, and the multitude of after-commers is the swelling, and sway, and increase of weight.

Consideration must be had likewise of those that follow in the second Ranke. For their Pikes reach ioyntly ouer the front, and being next in place they are al∣waies ready for vse. And the File-leader falling, or being wounded, the next fol∣lower stepping to the front in his place, holdeth together, and preserueth the tenor of that Ranke vnbroken.

Furthermore, we are to order the third and the rest of the Rankes according to reason▪ and as the valour of our souldiers shall require.

THis Chapter sheweth how the Souldiers are to be ordered in euery File: whereof, because I haue before spoken sufficiently in my Notes to the fifth Chapter; and the words of this Chapter carry no difficultie, or obscuritie with them, I will forbeare to treat any further.

Of the strength of the Macedonian Phalange, and length of the Souldiers Pikes. CHAP. XIIII.

THE ¹ Macedonian Phalange hath of enemies beene thought vnresistible, by reason of ² the manner of embattailing. For the Souldier with his Armes standeth in close order, or shutting, when he is ready for fight, ³ occupying two Cubits of ground. And the length of his Pike is sixteene Cubits according to the first institution, but in truth it ought to be foureteene Cubits; whereof the ⁴ space betwixt the hands in charging taketh vp two Cubits, the other twelue lye out from the front of the Battaile. Those in the second Ranke, that stand next to the Leaders (loosing foure Cubits in the Phalange) haue their Pikes reaching ouer the first Ranke ten Cubits. Those of the third Ranke eight Cubits, of the fourth Ranke six cubits, of the fift 4 cubits, of the sixt 2 Cubits. ⁵ The Pikes of the other behind cannot attaine to the first Ranke. And seeing fiue or six pikes are charged ouer the first Ranke, they present a fearefull sight to the enemy, and double the strength of the souldier standing fortified, as it were, with fiue, or six Pikes, and seconded with a maine force at his backe, as the figure sheweth. Moreouer they that are placed after the sixt Ranke, albeit they push not with their pikes, yet thru∣sting on with the weight of their bodies, r'enforce the strength, and power of the Phalange, and leaue no hope for the File-leaders to flie, or shift away. Some would haue the hinder pikes longer, then the formost, that they of the third, and fourth Rankes might beare out the heads of their pikes equally with the first.

⁶ The Superordinary Lieutenant of euery Syntagma must be a man of vnderstan∣ding, ouerseeing the souldiers of his command, that they file, and ranke; and if for feare, or other occasion, any forsake their ground, he is to compell them a∣gaine to their places; and in Closing to put them (when neede requireth) as neare vp together, as they should stand. For it is a great strength, and assurance to the Phalange, to haue some principall Commander not onely in front, but also in the Reare of the Battaile, for the causes before mentioned.

Notes.

THE strength of the Macedonian Phalange, which consisted principally in the a 1.496 protension, and charging of pikes, and knitting together of Targets, is here set downe. The whole Chapter seemeth to haue beene taken out of b 1.497 Polybius, who hand∣leth the same argument, and almost with the same words, but that Aelian, and he differ about the number of Cubits, which the Pikes take vp reaching ouer the front of the Phalange.

• 1 The Macedonian Phalange, hath beene thought to be vnresistible] The strength of the Macedonian Phalange appeareth no way better, than by the conquests it hath made. King Philip was the inventer of it; and by that invention raised the king∣dome of Macedonia from the poorest, to the powerfullest, and greatest kingdome of Europe; and (that I may vse the words of c 1.498 Diodorus Siculus,) finding the Crowne, at his comming to it, in bondage to the Illyrians made it afterward Lady of many great Nations, and Cities; and purchased to himselfe, to be declared Generall of

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• ... Greece. And first ouerthrowing the Illyrians, P••onians, Thracians, and Scythians afterward let vpon the kingdome o•• Persia to breake it, after he had enfranchised the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cities of Asia. And albeit death intercepted him, yet he left such for∣ces to his sonne Aleander, that he needed no other Allies to ouerthrow the Soue∣ra••gnety of Persia. After his death d 1.499 Alexander ••ooke his langdome, and Armie, and with it encountring, and v inquishing Darius in two great Battailes, runne thorough Asia like a flash of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ren••ing a pieces a••, that res••ted, or stood in his way, and laid the foundation of that kingdome, which (albeit afterward diuided) continued long in his Successors. Neither was the experience of their invinciblenesse against the barba∣rous people onely, but as much against the Graecians, who ••ill Philips time were esteemed the chiefe masters of Armes in Europe. This is cleare by the victories, the Macedonians obteined against the renowned Cities of Greece both ioyntly and seuerally. c 1.500 Philip ouer∣threw the Phoceans, albeit the Lacedemonians, and Athenians ioyned with them. The same f 1.501 Philip at Cheronaea defeated the power of the Thebans, and Athenians ioyned together. g 1.502 Alexander tooke and sacked the Citie of Thebes, that about that time was acc••unted the mighttest Citie of Greece. h 1.503 His Lieutenant Antipater foyled the Laced••nians 〈◊〉〈◊〉 batt••ile, ••nd ste•• their King Agis. i 1.504 Antigonus Tutor of King Phi••p the sonne of Demetrius, broke an Armie of the Lacedemonians and Pe∣loponesi•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and chased out of Greece Cleomenes the last brave King of Sparta. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they were not beaten in the field by any Nation, but onely by the Ro∣mans. And yet the iudgement of k 1.505 Polybius, doth in this also proue it selfe good. For where the Romans had these victories against the Macedonians, he assigneth this to be the cause, that the Phalange at the time of the fight had not the proper place, nor meanes to vse it owne power in the encounter; so long as the Phalange hath ground enough, and can meete the enemy with a right front, he holdeth it not possible to be foyled, being diuided, and in places vneven, he is of opinion, and experience hath taught▪ it may easily be put in a route. l 1.506 Plutarch compareth it for strength (so long as it is one bodie, and maintaineth the Synaspisme iointly) to an invincible beast; being dis••euered, he saith, it looseth the force in the whole, and in euery man particular, both in regard of the manner of arming, and also be∣cause the violence o•• it consists rather in knitting of all parts together, than in particular of any mans valour. Three battailes (to praet••rmit aiuers skirm••shes,) I finde the Romans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with, and th••em 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Macedonians; One against King Philip, the sonne of Deme••us; an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against Antiochus; the third against Per••eus the so••e of King P••lip. m 1.507 For I pa•• ouer those, wherein they were beaten by Py••hus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wor••. o 1.508 Philip 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Phalange, and not vsing the whole together but fighting against the Romans with the right winge onely, yet had the better, and w•• too ••ard for that part of the Roman Army, that ioyned with him; but the other* 1.509 win•• comming into the field fit rather for a march, than a fight, and not being able to or∣der themselues Phala••ge-wise, were soone defeated, and the Roman victorious, fell vpon the r••re o•• the right win•• (where Philip was, and had now gotten the victorie) and so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the field Antiochus vnskilfull in true ordering of a Phalange, tru∣ste••* 1.510 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 horse than his Phalange, and being to fight with L: Scipio, where hee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 giuen full scope, an•• ext••nded the front of the Phalange, by making it 16 deepe, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contrary-wise narrowed it▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out the depth into 32: whereby he lost the advantage of matching the ••ront of the Romans, and after his horse were beaten, gaue facilitie to the enemy of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on it all sides. p 1.511 Perseus ioyning ••attaile with Paulus Aemi••us▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 long 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Phalange continued in the right figure▪ slew many of the Romans, an•• forced them to retire▪ but following on too eagerly, he came to vn∣euen,

• ... and rough ground, wherein the Phalange being disseuered, left spaces, and breaches for the Romans to enter and defeat it. So long then, as the Macedonian Phalange had fit ground, and the right property of embattailing, it stood fast against the Romans the greatest souldiers that euer were, being in their hands, that k••ew not how to vse it (as a sword in the hands of a childe) it yeelded to time and fortune. The cause of the strength of the Phalange is assigned to be
• 2 The manner of embattailing]▪ Which consists principally in ordering of Tar∣get, and pike; in closing of the Targets by Synaspisme, and in ioint charging of the pikes; which lying out thicke from the front, besides the horror of the sight, giue almost an impossibilitie to enter the Phalange. I haue alledged the iudgement of r 1.512 Aemilius concerning the sight presented by a Phalange, when the Pikes lie so charged out of the front. s 1.513 Polybius thinketh nothing can resist the force thereof. t 1.514 Livy, albeit many times more than partiall to the Romans, yet in the selfe-same fight betweene Perseus and Aemilius giueth his iudgement thus of the Phalange: The second Legion (saith he) in••inuated it selfe into the middle empty place, and so broke asunder the Phalange. Neither was there any more euident cause of victory, then the fights in diuers places at once, which first troubled the Phalange in turning many waies, and after∣ward plainly disioynted, and scattered it; whose forces being vnited and rough with charged pikes are intollerable. If by giuing on in diuers places you con∣straine it to bring about the pikes immoueable through length and weight, it en∣tangleth it selfe with confused crossings. If at one time you charge it both flanke, and reare, they fall asunder like a ruinous building. As then they were compel∣led many waies to answer the Romans, and so to breake their battaile into many parcells. And the Romans vpon the first opportunitie of a breach straight waies conveighed in their troupes, who if they had met the enemy in front, had runne vpon the pikes, as in the beginning it hapned to the Pelignans, being too forward to come to hand, and could not haue resisted the Phalange fast shut, and serred vp for the encounter: thus Livy concerning the Phalange. Who albeit a Roman, holdeth the same opinion that Polybius doth. u 1.515 And in another place telling of Philips encamp∣ing, ••e saith, he was lodged in a wooddy plot, which was vnfit for the Phalange, especially of the Macedons, which vnlesse it cast the pikes, as it were, a muniment before the Targets, (and that cannot be, but in open ground) is of no great vse. So then if Pikes may be charged out before the Targets, the Phalange is of great vse. But, that I may not seeme, to rely vpon bare opinion, let vs heare by an example, or two, the experience of the Pike, and Target of the Macedonian against the Roman armes. x 1.516 When T. Quintus Flaminius the Rom: Consull had driuen King Philip, and his army from the streights neare Antigonia, seeing that the enemy kept himselfe with his strength, and absteined from the field, he determined to try the Cities of Thessa∣ly; and hauing wonne some by force, some by feare, he came before Rhage, and besieged it. He found the siege longer, and more difficult, then any man would haue thought. And the enemy made his resistance, that way, the Consull would hardly haue beleeued, he could. For he imagined that all his labour should be in throwing downe the walls. If once he found passage for the Army to enter, there would after be nothing else, but flight and slaughter, as is wont, in wonne-Cities. But after that part of the wall was throwne downe with the Ramme, and the Armie entred the Citie by the breach, it was the beginning of a new and fresh labour. For the Macedonians, that were there in Garrison, being many, and cho∣sen, thinking it also a glory to them, if they could defend the Citie, rather with

• armes and valor, than with walles, serring themselues close together in a deepe Phalange, when they perceiued, that the Romans began to enter the breach droue them out, the place being cumbersome, and hard to make a retreat. The Consul much offended therewith, and thinking that shame concerned not only the de∣lay of winning one Citie, but also the state of the whole warre, (which for the most part dependeth vpon moments of small matters) purging the place which was heaped vp with the fall of the halfe-ruined wall, aduanced a Tower which in many stories was stuffed with multitudes of armed men, and sent besides Cohorts vnder their Ensignes to breake with maine force (if it were possible) the body (they call it the Phalange) of the Macedonians. But the kinde of weapons and fight was more aduantagious for the enemy, than for the Romans; especially in that place, which was narrow, and streightned with the small space of the ouer∣throwne wall. When the Macedonians, serring themselues close, had charged pikes of a great length before their front, and the Romans, after their darts throwne in vaine against the Iestudo compacted, as it were, of the thicke knitting together of the Targets, had drawne their swords, they could neither come vp close, nor cut a sunder the pikes. And in case they cut the heads of, or broke any, the steale amongst the rest of the whole pikes filled vp the roome with their sharpe fragments. Ioyne that that part of the wall, which was yet whole, secured the enemies flankes on both sides; neither needed they much ground in retiring or advancing to charge, which things are wont to cause the breach of array. There also fell out a chance which increased their hopes, and spirits. For the Tower being driuen on vpon a rampier, that was not well rammed vnderneath, but had loose earth, one of the wheeles sinking deeper into the ground than the rest, made the Turret to nodd, & lie of one side, that both the enemy beleeued it would fall, and they within it were put in a pitifull feare. When nothing succeeded well, the Consull was euill appaide, that the Macedonian souldiers, and kinde of Armes, might seeme matcheable to his, and seeing no great hope of speedy winning the Citie, and that the place was vnfit to winter in, raised his siege. So here the Mace∣donian souldier is not onely equalled, but also preferred before the Roman, and that onely by reason of his armour, the Pike and Target. An other experience fell out in the bat∣taile betwixt Perseus, and Aemilius, whereof I spake in this Chapter. The storie is this:* 1.517 The Romans comming to ioyne battell with the Macedonians, and not able to come vp to them by reason of the length, and ioint out-bearing of their pikes. There was one Salius a Captaine of Pelignans, who tooke the Ensigne of his Com∣pany from the Ensigne-bearer, and threw it into the Macedonian Phalange. The Pelignans ranne in heapes to the place (for it is not lawfull, nor honest, for the Italians to forsake their Ensignes) where the medley brought forth wonderfull effects. For the Pelignans fought with swords to put by the pikes, and to presse them downe with their Targets. And seazing vpon them to pull them out of the handes of the Macedonians. The Macedonians contrary-wise, maintaining their charge with both hands, and striking such, as approached neare, thorough the bodies, armes and all, neither Target nor Curace, being able to sustaine the violence of the blow, turned topsy-turuy the bodies of the Pelignans, who not with reason, but with the rage of wilde beasts▪ threw themselues desperately vp∣on wounds, and vpon certaine, and fore seene death. So the formost falling, the followers began to slacke. And yet they sled not, but retired to the mount called Olacrus. I will out of Appian ioyne a third experience in the battaile of Antiochus* 1.518

• ... against L. Scipio, which I likewise touched before in this Chapter. As soone, as the Horse, and Chariots of Antiochus were put to flight by the Roman horsemen, and by Eumenes, his Phalange of foote being destitute of horse, first opened, and receiued the light-armed, (that had all this while fought in the front) into the middest of it. Then after-ward againe closed. And when Domitius Scipio's Lieu∣tenant, incompassed it round with horse and light-armed, which he might easily doe, by reason it was thrust vp into a thicke Plinthium; it was driuen to great di∣stresse; being neither able to charge the enemy, nor yet to countermarch in so great depth, as it carried. It grieued them much, that their long experience no∣thing auailed them to annoy the enemy, and that notwithstanding they were subiect to arrowes, and darts at all hands. Yet, bearing out a multitude of pikes on euery side of their square, they called the Romans to come to handy blowes, and still made a countenance, as though they meant to charge, keeping them∣selues for all that within their Ranks, as being footmen, and heauy armed, and the rather, because they had to doe, with an enemy on horse-backe. Besides they were loth to breake the thicknes of their battaile, which forme they could not now alter. The Romans also, durst not approach them, and come to sword, fearing their experience in warre, and closenesse of array, and desperation. But running about here, and there, plied them with arrowes, and darts, whereof none was throwne in vaine, falling amongst a troupe so closely put vp together, that they could neither auoide, and decline any thing throwne, nor giue way, al∣beit they saw it comming. At last being weary, and irresolute what to doe, they retired easily, with a threatning countenance notwithstanding, and in good order, and not deliuering the Romans of feare, who durst not yet come neare, but sought to annoy them aloofe; till the Elephants placed in the Macedonian Phalange, being affrighted, and not to be ruled by their Gouernours, troubled all, and gaue occasion of flight: hitherto Appian. Out of these three examples, the truth of that, which Aelian saith, is to be seene, that is, that the Macedonian Pha∣lange can not be forced, or resisted by an enemy, (taking with all Polybius his caution) if it be in the right posture, and figure, and haue such ground, as is fit. The Romans the best souldiers of all antiquitie were repulsed by it at a siege, forced to retire in a battell, durst not come neare it, after they had gained the field of the rest of the Army. And the Consull Aemilius, a man that had seene much seruice, and fought many a bat∣taile, and was one of the best Generalls of that time, confessed, he neuer saw so feare∣full a sight, as when he beheld the Phalange advancing into the field, the bodies ioyned, the Targets serred, and locked together, darting out fire like lightning, the front rough with couched, and charged pikes, and armed with yron, and threatning present death to him, that durst approach.
• ...

  3 Occupying two Cubits of ground] We may not take it, as though the souldier betwixt file, and file had two Cubits, or three foote of ground. For we learned before that in locking vp the Phalange, the distance betweene man, and man in front was but a Cubit. But it is to be vnderstood betweene ranke and ranke. For Polybius saith, that the souldier ought to haue roome for the vse of his weapon, which cannot be, with∣out granting him three foote behinde, the pike being some-times to be pushed forward, some-times to be drawne backe, sometimes otherwise handled, as occasion of fight shall require.

  The length of the Pike is 16 Cubits] ^a Sixteene Cubits, which is twenty* 1.519 foure foote, is a great length for a Pike, and it verifieth the words of Livy, that the Macedonian Pike is vnwealdy, by reason of the length, and weight;

• ...

  yet doe wee read of pikes of that length. The b 1.520 Ae••essans had such. The c 1.521 Chalybes pikes were about 15 cubits long. d 1.522 But 16 was the length at the first, the Maccdoni∣ans brought it to 14, which they tooke to be a sufficient length against the enemie, and ea∣sier for the Pike-man to beare and handle.

• 4 The space in charging betwixt the handes taking vp two cubi••s] Herein is a difference betweene Aelian, and Polybius. Aelian would haue no more, then 2 cubits lost in charging; e 1.523 Polybius saith 4. are lost, and with Polybius agreeth Leo. But the cause of the difference ariset•• out of the forme of the pike, and of the manner of holding it* 1.524 in the charge. If it be held at the butt end with the right hand, and supported toward the armed end with the left, as the manner in charging is, it cannot loose aboue two cubits, and Ae••an is in the right. But if, in holding it, you set the right hand 2 cubits from the butt and, then must 4 cubits of necessitie be lost. Whereof 2 rest behinde the right hand, the other two are taken vp by the space betwixt both hands. Our manner of charging is at this day▪ to take the butt end in the right hand, and in so doing we loose but two cubits. But it seemeth our pikes are not made in that forme, they were in Polybius time. In Polybius age they had wei••hts at the but: end to make the sharpe end the lighter, as the heauie pummell lightereth the sword in handling. g 1.525 This weight was called h 1.526 secoma, as it were a counter-weight to the heauinesse, and length of the pike. Neither do I read any thing elsewhere then in Polybius, concerning the counter-weight of a pike. To the handle of an Oare▪ I finde in i 1.527 Atheneus, that lead was added, to make the part standing out from the shippe more light. But yet Polybius, and Aelians opinions may well agree, and in pikes that haue counterweights at their ends (the hold for charging being taken two cubits from the butt end) there may be lost foure cubits, where the other sort being held at the butt end it selfe, loose but 2 cubits.
• ...

  5 The pikes of the other behinde, cannot reach to the first ranke] How shall they beare their pikes then? k 1.528 Polybius sheweth, what the manner was. Those rankes, saith he, that stand behinde the fifth, can helpe nothing to the fight in front. And therefore they charge not their pikes low, but beare them towards their forestan∣ders shoulders, the points somewhat erected to secure the battaile from aboue, intercepting by their thicke lying the missiue weapons, which flying ouer the front, would otherwise fall vpon their heads, that are placed toward the reare. Polybius saith the manner was, (neither to charge, nor order their pikes, but) to beare them forwards stoping towards the shoulders of their companions before. Yet by bearin them so, what security they could ••ue from the missiue weapons, that came aloft, I cannot yet conceiue. An arrow, dart, or stone, vnlesse it hit iust on the middest of the pikes, would do as much, and sometimes more, harme by glancing, then if it had not touch∣ed them at all.

  Some would haue the hinder pikes longer] The opinion of them, whom Aelian here speak••th of, hath little reason to ground vpon. For either the pike of th••m that come in the fiue rancks behinde, especially the two last, must exceede in length, or else the file∣leader•• pikes in shortnesse, both which are ••like vnprofit••ble. If they bee too long, they cannot be weilded▪ if these too short, the enemie shall reach the file-leaders, and not the file-leaders the enemie. The measure of the longest pike was 16 cubits, which yet for apt∣nesse and vse was by the Macedonians reduced to 14. Say then the sixteenth ranke carrieth pikes of 16 cubits; two of the cubits according to Aelian, are taken away in hand∣ling, other ten by reason of the distance of the fiue former rankes. Foure cubits alone re∣maine, and reach ouer the front. If the file Leader in the front shorten his pike to foure cubits to make an euen extention, he shall not come neere the enemie by ten cubits, who in pushing will reach home to him. For what length soeuer, is taken from the file-leader in

• ...

  front the same is giuen to the enemie, that pusheth with him. And hee shall bee able to wound the file-leader, and not the file-leader him, especially the pikes differing in so great a proportion.

• 6 The superordinarie Lieutenant of euery Syntagma] I haue before noted the dutie of a Lieutenant of the Syntagma, and it is here well expressed by Aelian. He, that desireth to see more touching the same, let him resort to Xenophons Cyropaedia: lib. 3. 28. and lib. 7. 178. B. and to Leo, cap. 14. § 79.

The place of the light-armed, and the number of euery file. CHAP. XV.

THus much of ordering and marshalling the armed-foote. I will adde a word, or two, of the light-armed, or naked. 1 The Generall is to place the light-armed so, that they be readie for all attempts of the enemy, sometime in front, sometime in flanke, sometime in the Reare, according to occasion or ne∣cessity. For our purpose let them be thus ordered: We will frame also of them 1024 files as many, as the Phalange of the armed conteined; So that the first file of the light-armed be placed directly behinde the first file of the armed, and the second file behinde the second, and so the rest. 2 Yet shall they not be sixteene to the file, but halfe so many, namely eight; so that in 1024 files there shall bee eight thousand, one hundred, ninety two men.

Notes.

1 HItherto all things concerning the arming, filing, embatteling, number, com∣mand, distance and precedence of the armed are declared; and likewise, of the arming of the light and somewhat of their place. Now followeth the filing, ranking, and place more exactly, and their manner of embattailing, with their seuer all bodies, and commaunds.

• ...

  1 The Generall is to place] I haue spoken somewhat before of the placing of the light. I will now onely adde a passage of Leo tending thereunto. a 1.529 Leo saith thus, you shall range the Archers behinde the reare of euery file according to the number of the file, (that is foure light for twenty six armed, proportioning an Archer for euery foure armed. Or if it be needfull, you shall order them within the files, an armed, and an Archer. Sometimes without the wings of the battaile; that is within the Horse. Oftentimes without the Horse a little distance, with a few Targetiers, to defend the vttermost flankes of the Horse. And this is to bee done, when you a∣bound in multitude of light-armed. But those, that vse small darts, and iauelins, and such like are to be placed, either in the reare of the armed, or in the wings of the battaile, and not in the middest. The slingers are alwaies, to bee set in the wings. Thus Leo placeth his light armed. But Aelian here (as before in the seuenth Chapter) designeth their place in the reare, but so, that hee leaueth it to the Generalls choice, and to the occasion of seruice to place them, as most befitteth. Being set behinde, as Aelians order is, they must answer the armed in number of files, & be directed by the files of the armed for their standing; that is euery file of the light-armed is to order it selfe in a

• ...

  right line after a file of the armed in such manner, as the armed are before embattailed.

  Aelian in the beginning diuided the foote into three parts, Armed, Targetieres, and light-armed. To the armed he hath giuen place, and maketh the Phalange to consist of them, the light-armed he rangeth in the reare of the armed, what shall become of Tage∣tiers? for he speaketh not a word of placing them. By that I read in Arrian I would think, they were placed amongst the light-armed, and next to the armed. First because Aelian saith, many number them amongst the light. Then I see the Hypaspists placed betwixt the Horse, and the armed in Alexanders fields, at Granicus, at Issos, and at Gaugame∣la; Lastly Leo in the passage before recited, when he placed the light-armed without the Horse, he ioyneth Targetiers with them, for their safegard. ^b Cyrus likewise placeth them next the armed in the reare; and after them the Archers.

• 2 Yet shall they not be 16.] The file of the light-armed is lesse in number, then the file of the armed. For if they should be 16 in file, the number being but halfe to the armed, they should not be able to make aboue 512 files, and breeding there by a dispropor∣tion both in placing, and corespondence one to an other, not equall the length of the Pha∣lange. Besides standing eight in file, and in the reare, their flying weapons will bee sent with more force against, their enemie; In as much as the hindermost of them are neerer the enemie by twentie foure foote, which the last eight in a file of 16 deepe take vp. And mis∣siue weapons, the lesse their compasse is, when they are sent against a marke, with more violence they pierce. As they hurt not greatly, if the distance be too farre, from whence they come.

The names of the bodies of the light-armed. CHAP. XVI.

THeir names and degrees are these. Foure files of light-armed are called ¹ a Systasis of 32. men. Two Systasies a ² Pentecontarchy of 64 men. Two Pente∣contarchies ³ a Century of 128 men. In euery Century ought to bee 5 Superordinarie men: an Ensigne, a Reare-commander, a Trumpetter, a Serieant, and a Crier. Two Centuries containe 256 men, and are called ⁴ a Psylagy. Two Psylagies a Xenagy of 512 men. Two Xenagies a Systremma of 1024 men. Two Epixenagies a Stiphos of 4096 men. Two Stiphos an Epitagma of 1024 files, 8192 men. These ought also to haue 8 Superordinarie men, whereof foure should bee Epixenagies, the other foure Systremmatarchs.

Notes.

AS the armed were distinguished, and seuered▪ into diuers bodies in the Phalange, so are the light-armed, in whom there ought to be no lesse order, then in the armed. A multitude vndigested bringeth with it disorder, and confusion. Neither can any ser∣uice be expected from them, who by apt diuisions are not cast into bodies fit for seruice. We haue before spoken of the names of the bodies of the armed, and noted, that they were not imposed with such propriety▪ that they could be applied to no other thing. At the first warre was made, and men fought (as wild beasts graple together) led with furie, and rage, and not with skill: and he preuailed that was the strongest. Experience taught there were ad∣uantages in Time, in Place, in Order, in instruments of fight, in placing of men, and

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CAP 16

A Systasis

A Pentecontarchy

The light Armed

The Front

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in other circumstances. Hence sprung the Art of Warre, the diuers formes of weapons, and the figures of Battailes. For the speedy framing whereof, the smaller bodies were invented, of which they confist. In building of a house, you first bring timber together, and other matter, and then of it frame walls, dores, windowes, rafters, beames, and the roof, which must be all conioyned together, before the fashion of the house will appeare: So in an Army the prouision of men was first requisite, which being found, and brought together by Leavies, were armed, and after ordered into seuerall bodies; and these being compacted together, set out the frame and fashion of the Phalange. And as all things newly invented, stand in neede of names to a••scerne them from other things; So names were giuen vnto the bodies not proper, and fit; but such as Military wits thought conve∣nient enough to signifie the things they meant. I haue noted it before in the names of the Tetrarchy, Taxis, Syntagma, and other, and it will appeare againe in this Chapter.

But here I may not praetermit the curiositie of the Graecians in their appellations, and their plenty of speach, apt to giue diuersitie to things, that are diuers. For where there are bo••es, amongst armed, and light-armed, which consist of the same number, and therefore, as it seemes, might well enough haue beene comprehended vnder one name, they notwithstanding to auoide confusion, and for perspicuities sake haue thought good to call them by sundry names. Thirty two armed men are called a Dilochi; 32 light armed are a Systasis; 64 armed are a Tetrarchie; 64 light armed a Pentecontarchie; 128 armed a Taxis; 128 light, a Hecatontarchie. Our tongue will not afford such va∣riety. For albeit in common speach we distinguish the kinde of souldier; yet confound we the name of the body, and of the command. A certaine number of Pikes vnder a Captaine we call a company of Pikes; So many shot vnder a Captaine we likewise call a company of shot. The Captaines, one a Captaine of Pikes, and the other a Captaine of shot. A com∣pany of Curacers of horse, we call a troope of Curacers; as many Argoleters, a troope of Argoleters. The Commanders of either of them we terme Captaines, the one of Curacers, the other of Argoleteres. But let vs come to particular explication.

• 1 Asystasis] It commeth of Synistemi to stand together: and asystasis is a stan∣ding together; which word albeit it may be extended to any kinde of people assembled, and standing together; yet it is here appropriated to souldiers; and more particularly to 4. files of light armed, consisting of 32 men, 8 men going to the file.
• 2 A Pentecontarchie] The command of 50 men. And so it was vsed of olde. But the Macedonian, gaue 64 men to this command, and yet reteined the name, because it was familiar, and well knowne.
• 3 A Century] Aelian calleth it a Hecatontarchie, the command of a 100 men. The name was vsuall before the Macedonians time, and it conteyned 100 men. But the Macedonians gaue it 128 men. This was answerable to the Syntagma amongst the armed, and had the like officers. Yet whether it had a Captaine, or no, may be some doubt; the rather because Aelian in this Chap: nameth no Commanders, but Systrematarchs, and Epixenagies; and those he would haue super-ordinary. For my part, I thinke they had Centurions also. For as euery body of the armed had a head, so I would thinke it requisite also amongst the light-armed, especially seing there was a Bringer-vp, and other officers belonging to a Company; which vnlesse they had a Commander, would be∣come vnprofitable. For if there were no Captaine, to whom should the Crier, or Trum∣pet, or Sergeant of the Centurie resort for direction? Adde, that the light were of∣ten drawne to the winges, to the front, or other places of seruice, which could not be done without Leaders. For to put a Systrematarch, or an Epixenagie to lead a Cen∣tury, were to leaue the rest of the Centuries vnder them without a Commander. Besides,

• ... the Macedonians were very particular in their commands, and left no body without a heads which is the cause of the multitude of Commanders in the Phalange. But they are not here mentioned. No more are the a 1.530 Commanders of the horse in the diuision of the bodies of the horse, and yet I thinke no man will doubt, but the horsem••n had Comman∣ders. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, I finde in the Graecian historie, Captaines of the light-armed often na∣med. b 1.531 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is said to be Commander of the Targetires, in a fight the Graecians had against the Persians. c 1.532 Stratocles commanded the Cretan Archers in the returne of the Graecians out of Persia. d 1.533 Eurybates Captaine of the Cretan Archers in A∣lexanders army was slaine by the Thebans at the ••ege of Thebes. e 1.534 When Antio∣ch••s the Captaine of the Archers was dead, Omb••io was chosen in his place. Mention is made also in f 1.535 Arrian of Clearchus the Captaine of the Archers. And when Aelian calleth the 4 Systremmatarchs, and the 4 Epixenages superordinary (Ectactous) he might haue said as much of all the other Commanders. And he saith expresly of the offe∣cers of the Centurie, that they were superordinary (Ectactoi).
• 4 A Psylagi] The word is a body of light-armed. Which word, if it were taken, as it naturally signifieth, is common to, and comprehendeth all the bodies of the light∣armed, whereof Aelian speaketh in this Chapter. But here it is restrained to a body of light-armed, which compriseth 256 men, and 32 files, and so it is to be taken.
• A Xenagie] That is, a command of strangers. Aelian before saith, that a Syntag∣ma was by some called a Xenagie. I haue giuen my opinion there of the originall of the word, which I neede not to repeat here; This onely I will note, that of all the bodies of the light-armed, no one hath a common name with the body of the armed, but onely the Xe∣nagie. And Aelian giueth also that body of the armed an other name, calling it a Synta∣gma. The Xenagie hath in it 512 men, and 64 files.
• A Systremma] g 1.536 It signifieth a conglobation, or trouping together. Proper names are wanting for these bodies, and therefore such taken, as might at any hand signifie the thing meant. In continuance of time vse hath gained a passage, and made them to be accepted as proper enough. The Systremma conteineth 1024 men, and 128 files. There is nothing to be found in Aelian of the Chiliarchie of the light-armed; Yet doth h 1.537 Arrian men∣tion 2 Chiliarchies of Archers in the Army of Alexander.
• An Epixenagie] A command aboue a Xenagie; As afterward in the command of the horse, there is an Ephipparchie aboue a Hipparchie. The word is improper and hard enough, but when it is receiued by vse, what should we seeke for more? It contei∣neth 2048 men, and 256 files.
• A Stiphos] It is deriued from steibo, to thicken, and in penury of an other name, this body of the light-armed is called Stiphos, because they are thickned, and thronged together. There is in it 4096 men, and 256 files.
• An Epitagma] Is the last body amongst the light-armed. The signification of Epi∣tasso is to place behinde. From thence commeth Epitaxis, placing the light-armed in the Reare, which word is after vsed by Aelian. Epitagma is deriued from the same* 1.538 fountaine; and it is called Epitagma, not of placing behinde, (for sometimes they were placed before, sometimes in the flanke) but it was the best name they could giue to the whole light-armed. And yet it may be, that because all the light-armed in auncient time were placed behinde, the whole masse was called Epitagma, as being placed after the armed in the re••re. The Epitagma hath in it 1892 men, and 1024 files, for so many light∣armed attend the Phalange.
• Eight superordinarie men] Why these eight men should be superordinarie more than the rest of the Commanders, I conceiue not yet. If Aelians meaning be, that these alone shall command the light-armed, historie and practise of auncient times convince the

• ... contrary. Besides where he nameth foure Epixenagies, it agreeth with the number, that are in the Epitagma of light. But where hee addeth foure Sistremmatarchs more to make vp the number of the eight Superordinarie, it is hard to knowe, which foure hee meaneth, considering there are eight Sistremmas in the Epitagma.

Now because the fi••es of the light-armed are in embattailing to be marshalled to the files of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, I thought good to set downe, how the bodies of both agree, by comparing them together i•• files not in number of men. For in number of men they cannot well agree, because the file of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 armed hath more, then the file of the light-armed. And the num∣ber of the armed in grosse is 16384, of the light-armed but 8192. And I will first begin with the Systasis, because it is the least body of the light.

The bodies of the armed,	The bodies of the light-armed.
A Tetrarchie	A Systasis,	4 files.
A Taxis	A Pentecontarchie,	8 files.
A Syntagma	A Hecatontarchie,	16 files.
A Pentecosiarchie	A Psilagie,	32 files.
A Chiliarchie	A Xenagie,	64 files.
A Merarchie	Asystremma,	128 files.
A Phalangarchie	An Epixenagie	256 files.
A Diphalangarchie	A Stiphos	512 files.
A Tetraphalangarchie	An Epitagma	1024 files.

The vse of light-armed foote. CHAP. XVII.

DArters, Archers, and all other, that vse flying weapons, are good ¹ to begin the fight ² to prouok the enemie, to breake and shatter armour, ³ to wound, annoy, and beate downe a farre of; ⁴ to disaray the enemy, ⁵ to repulse their horse, ⁶ to beat in their light-armed, ⁷ to discouer suspected places, and to lay Ambushes. Lastly these first vndertaking the Skirmish, and continuing it with the rest, and seconding them, and seruing ⁸ for speedie, and farre-of-attempts, worke many, and great effects in fight.

Notes.

THe arming, place, filing, bodies, and command of the light-armed are hitherto han∣dled: Now followeth the vse, and seruice they performe in the field. And first wee are to thinke of the bodie of an armie, as of the body of a man, that is compact of seuerall parts: Of which some parts are of more vse then other, some being able to performe their function without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 helpe of the other, some except the other help, can doe nothing to pur∣pose of themselues. The parts of an armie are like. The armed are the strength of the field, and are the refuge for the rest in extremitie. The light ioyned with the armed, worke great effects (those which Aelian speaketh of in this Chapter and many more) with∣out them they cannot so much as maintaine a place in the field. a 1.539 And as Xenophon saith, Let them be neuer so many in ••umber, yet dare they not stand or abide a fewe armed. In which respect, a place fit hath alwaies beene sought for their seruice, to secure them from the accesse of the Horse, or of the enemies armed. Which place was either be∣hinde

the Phalange (as Aelian here would haue it) or else in the wings betwixt the Horse, and the armed, or if they skirmished loose before the front, and chanced to bee pres∣sed with the enemy, they retired into the interualls, and conueied themselues behind the Phalange in safetie. b 1.540 Leo saith, if there be any place of strength, it will much helpe the light-armed. For after their flying weapons spent, re••iring thither, they will be in more securitie, as a steepe rockie place, or the bancke of a riuer, or a high hill, or such other. Our stories report, that at the battaile of Agincourt in France 200 English Archers were bestowed in a meddow fenced with a deepe ditch; from whence they so gauled the French horse and foot, that they were a great helpe to the victo∣rie. The like happened before at Poitiers, where that braue Prince of Wales eldest sonne of Edward the third, hauing to fight with the whole power of France vnder the leading of their King, gaue safegard to his Archers, with hedges, and ditches, and other strengths. So that the French-horse hauing no accesse to disorder them, were ouerwhelmed with the tempests, and stormes of their arrowes, and such a victory obteined by our nation, as might ma••ch the most renowmed of all antiquitie. To say nothing of the inuention which Hen∣rie the fifth vsed against the horse of France for securing his Archers. The storie saith, he deuised stakes of two yards long, and armed both ends with pikes of iron, the one to sticke into the ground, and the other to gall, and enter the horses bellies, in case they came to charge our Archers home. By meanes whereof he caried the famous victorie of Agin∣court. This for the assurance of the light armed, when they come to fight, without which assurance, their seruice would be weake, and scarce worth the hauing. Their seruice then according to Aelian hath many particulars. And they are good to

• Prouoke the enemie] If the enemie be in a wood, a fen••e, a hill, a fort, a towne, or other place of strength, that admitteth no accesse, the manner hath beene to send out the light armie to shew themselues, and with a Brauado to towle him out of his aduantage, and bring him into the field, where he may more easily be dealt withall. Examples are plenti∣full, but I will content my selfe with a Macedonian example. c 1.541 Alexander leading his armie against the Triballs, that had hid themselues in a wood, commanded his Ar∣chers, and Slingers to runne out, and to shoote, and sling amongst the Barbarians to see, if he could towle them into the plaine. The Archers, and Slingers spared not to let flie, and the Triballs being wounded with arrowes, threw themselues out of the wood with all speed, to fall vpon the vnarmed Archers. Alexander presently commanded Philotas with the Horse of vpper Macedonia to charge the right wing; on which part they cast out themselues furthest. And Heraclides, and Sopolis with the horse of Botti••a, and Amphipolis the left, himselfe stretching out in length the Phalange of foote, & setting the rest of horse before the Phalange, led against the midst of the enemie. As long as it was but a skirmish, the Triballs had not the worst. But after the Phalange close serred came vp roundly to them, and the Horsemen charged them no longer with darts, but pressed, and ouerbore them with their horse, they fled thorough the wood to the riuer.
• To beginne the fight] d 1.542 Leo agreeth. If, saith he, we haue light-armed enough, let them, before the armie ioyne, send their darts, and arrowes at the enemie, and* 1.543 after the fight of the armed is begunne plie the flanke with their missiue wea∣pons, that at ouce both their flankes may be assaulted. It hath beene and is now the ordinarie course to beginne the fight with the light-armed. And because wee shall read of no bat••aile almost wherein it was not so, I will forbeare examples.
• To wound a farreof] The light serue to great purpose, if the Generall desire not to come neere to fight, but seeke to annoy his enemie a farre of without danger of his owne folkes * 1.544 Liuy telleth of Cn. Manlius Volso, that being to make warre against the Gallo

• Graecians, that fled into the mountaines, and awaited the Romans there, and sought to defend themselues, by aduantage of the place, he prepared great plenty of darts, arrowes, bullets, and small stones for Slinges: and leauing his legionari•• soul••iers behind, led his light armed, against the enemy, that possessed certaine straights, by which his armie must passe. After some fight the Gallo-Graecians being not sufficiently armed, to d••fend their bodies from the missiue weapons, the light-armed of the Romans forced the passag••. And following them euen to the Campe, where their Companions came to their aide they first droue them into their Campe, and after the Legionarie Souldiers comming vp, they wonne it. I haue before rehearsed the historie of Iphicrates, who with his Targetires (that came seldome to hand blowes, but plied the enemie with dar••s a farre of) ouerthrew and slewe a whole Moira of the Lacedemonians. The Acarnans, likewise with this kinde of fight, much incumbred Agesilaus, that made an excursion into their Countrey. The story is this, ^a Agesilaus hauing taken a great prey, in the territory of the Acarnans,* 1.545 rested that day, where he had taken it, being busie in selling of it. In the meane time many Acarnan Targetieres assembled themselues together, where Agesilaus was incamped vpon the side of a mountaine, and with darting and slinging, they forced his Campe to des∣cend to the plaine, themselues in the meane time being free from hurt. The next day A∣gesilaus led away his armie. The passage out of the place was straight, by reason of the mountaines lying about in a circle, which the Acarnans possessing, plied the Lacedemo∣nians with darts, and stones, from the higher ground, and sometimes descending to the skirts of the hills, they pressed the armie so, that it could not moue forward. And when the armed, foote, or horse, fell out vpon them, they profited little: For the Acarnans retired immediately, to their strength. Agesilaus perceiuing it would be hard for his armie to winde out of those straights, so long as the enemy so hung vpon them, resolued to charge those on his left hand. For the ascent on that side was more easie, both for his horse, and armed foote. Commanding therefore, his men to charge, the armed (of 29 yeeres of age) first fell on, and the horse after them vp∣on the spurre. Himselfe followed with the rest. The Acarnans therefore, that were descended, and busie a darting, were quickly put to flight, and many slaine in seeking to remount the hills. But their armed foote, and most of their Targetiers, stood imbattailed on the toppe, and from thence both threwe other missiues, and lanced Iauelines, wherewith they wounded horsemen, and killed some horse. But being ready to be charged by the Lacedemonian armed, they fled, loosing some 300 in the flight. These light-armed then, as long as they can keep aloofe from the enemie, annoy them sore by wounding (as Aelian saith) a farre of; as soone as the armed come vp, they are glad to quite their place, and saue themselues by flight.
• 4 To disarray] So long as a battaile remaineth in order, no victorie is gotten against it. Breaking of array, and disbanding, are companions of flight, and of forsaking the field. The armed, that are to endure the efforts of the light armed, must either keepe still their order, and suffer themselues, to be knocked downe, and slaine, as they stand, or else prouide for themselues, by flight, or by yeelding. For the light-armed effect with their missiue weapons the one, or the other. An e 1.546 example may be seene in the Aegyptians in Craesus his battaile, who after the defeate of the rest of the armie, maintained yet the fight, and yeelded not to Cyrus, though he had now the victorie. Cyrus at the first charged their backes with his horse, and being not able to breake them, was faine to com∣mand his Archers, and darters, to shoote and cast their darts at them: wh••rby the Egypti∣ans after many wounds, and losse of their people, were finally constrained to yeeld. A like example is before alledged f 1.547 of Domitius the Lieutenant of L. Scipio, who with missiue weapons alone forced the Macedonian Phalange to scatter, and take themselues to flight.
• ...

• 5 To repulse their Horse] The light armed alone, without a sure retreate to the armed, or else some place of strength, can d••e little in repulsing of horse. I haue shewed before in the ^• exploite of Crassus into Persia, how the lightarmed were beaten in by* 1.548 the Persian horse, and by the shew of wounds, they receiued, and with their feare, discou∣raged the armed. The like happened in c 1.549 Antonies retreate out of Persia, the light∣armed being faine to shroude themselues from the Persian horse within the Phalange of the armed. Be they neuer so many, without some such assurance the horse will soon ouer∣runue them; hauing this assurance their seruice much afflicteth horsemen both in woun∣ding them, and in killing their horse. Therefore d 1.550 of ancient time it was vsuall to mingle horse, and light armed together. For the enemies horse so charged, cannot be able to re∣sist both. A notable example is in e 1.551 Hirtius: Caesar, saith hee, hauing a iourney in hand, and but a small number of Horse, and legionary Souldiers, was in his way set vpon by the enemie abounding in store of Horse, and of light armed Numidi∣ans amongst them. And when the Souldiers of Caesar fell out to charge, the ene∣mies horse galloped away, and the foote stood fast, till the Horse with a full car∣reare returned to the rescue. This kinde of fight troubled Caesar much, and would haue troubled him more, had hee not recouered hills, that were not farre of, and by that meanes shaken of the molesting enemy. And for repulsing horse there is no better meanes for the armed foote, then with the light armed to line that part of the battaile, where the horse shall be about to giue on.
• 6 To beat in the light armed] The light armed being nimble and quick, and seek∣ing alwaies aduantages by changing of ground, can neuer be forced by the armed foote, (who are charged with heauie furniture, and by reason thereof can make no speed) to seeke succour in the battaile of their armed. Either they must be beaten in by the horse, or by the contrary light armed, as Aelian hath heere. The Horse are commonly to encounter with Horse, and the light-armed with light-armed, amongst whom the greater number preuaileth, their skill, and armes being alike. For the fight being a farre of, many will sooner wound, or kill a few, then a few many, saith f 1.552 Xenophon: If the fight bee at hand the better armed, or better minded will driue the other out of the field. The g 1.553 Ro∣man Horse, and the light-armed, were too hard for the Macedonians, and chased them to their Campe. And that happened by reason their armour was fitter to close, and to fight at hand. So our Archers at the battaile of Cressy compelled the Genua crosse∣bowes to forsake the field, the english bowe being better in vse, then the Genua crosse∣bowe. When they haue made the contrary light armed to quit their place, they are at li∣berty themselues to serue, where most aduantage may be had of their seruice.
• 7 To discouer suspected places, and lay ambushes] Suspected places are such for the most part, as ambushes are laid in. Ambushes are of two kindes, being laid either to endamage the enemies battell in the field, or to hinder, and disapoint his march. The places, such as are remoued from sight, and had neede of speciall discouery. As woods, mountaines, forrests, rockes, banckes of riuers, caues, hills hollow, and deepe waies, and the like, The most part of which are rough, and intricate, and scarce passable for the heauy armed, and horse. But the light armed▪ that are not incumbred with weight of armes, & able quickly to aduance, or retire, are fittest to lie close in such places, or to search if the enemie be lodg••d there. For the first kinde of Ambushes wee read, that both heauy armed, and horse haue been•• imploied. The warres of Anniball in Italy afford plenty of exam∣ples herein. For the other, which is to b••set or discouer waies, there are none so fit, as the light armed, whose quicknes, and expedition, giueth then aduantage to assault their enemy with their missiue weapons, though the ground be neuer so vnequall, and meanes to view any place suspected without almost any danger of their owne.

• ...
  [illustration]

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cap 18 The Square

  .9.in Front

  .3. in Flank

  8. in Front

  .4. in Flank

  .10. in Front

  .5. in Flank

• ...

• ...

• 8 For speedy and farre attempts] A heauie armed man is not fit for farre or sud∣daine attempts; he is armed for a firme and stedfast fight, and not for concursations. A∣lexander, whensoeuer he was to vse expedition, tooke with him the horse and light-arm∣ed, leauing the armed to come after. a 1.554 So did he, when he oppressed Clytus, and Glau∣cias in their campe▪ b 1.555 so when he possessed himselfe of the streights of Cilicia; c 1.556 so in pre∣uenting of the burning of Tarsus; d 1.557 so in seeking to take the straights of the Vxians, e 1.558 and the gates of Persia f 1.559 and the rocke of Aorne. The same hath beene the manner of other Generalls, as I haue noted in other places. For when Celerity is requisite, who so fit to be imploied, as they who haue nothing to hinder their speede? The Targetiere had but a light target, and a sp••are; the lightarmed but their armes. And what are they? bowe, and arrowes, darts, and slings, which haue no weight in them. g 1.560 Which was the reason also, that in victory they were imployed in giuing cha••e to the enemie, that had lost the field. The armed vsed to follow in good order of bat••ell, the slaughter, and execution was deliuered to the light armed, and horse. Wherein notwithstanding the counsell of* 1.561 Iphicrates was held good; take heede (said hee, to his light-armed) of ambushes, and spare not to presse hard vpon the reare of those, that flie, till you come to riuers, or straights, or ditches. For it is dangerous in such places to hinder the e∣nemies flights, least feare turne into desperation.

The fashion of Horse-battailes: and first of the Rhombe; the Wedge, and the Square. CHAP. XVIII.

THose, that haue written before mee, haue diuersely framed Horse-battailes, some of iust squares, some longer in flanke, then in front, some like a Rhombe, some like a Wedge, but none of them haue (if I may speake freely) expressed fully their owne conceits. Therefore to make all things cleere, and better to bee vn∣derstood, I will set downe the seuerall figures of each seuerall kinde.

¹ It seemeth the Thessalians whose power was great in Horse, were the first, that vsed the kinde of battaile ² fashioned in forme of a Rhombe (the inuention where∣of is attributed to Iason) as fittest for all encounters; The Horsemen thus ordered being ready to turne their faces euery way with speede, and not easie to bee sur∣prised in flanke, or in the Reare. Because the best men stand in the flanke, and the Commanders in the Angles, as namely the Captaine of the troupe in the front, and in the right, and left Angles those, that are called Flanke-commanders, and the Leiutenant in the Reare-angle.

³ The Scythians, and Thracians haue vsed Wedges, and likewise the Macedonians by the ordinance of King Philip. For this kinde of battaile was held of mor ex∣act vse, then the square, because the Commanders are placed in a circle; and con∣sisting of a narrow front, it maketh readie passage thorough any distance, and an easier wheeling and returning to the first posture, as hauing no such troublesome windings about, as hath the Square.

⁴ The Persians, and Sicilians, and most Graecians made choice of Squares, being of opinion they were more easie to frame, and fitter for ioint-mouing of the Horse, and more effectuall in vse. For they are sooner in order being digested

into files, and rankes, and in this order alone all the Commanders fall vpon, and charge the enemie with one maine force. Those are best Squares, that double the number of the length to the number of the depth. As when there are eight in length, and foure in depth, or tenne in length, and fiue in depth. These in number are of vnequall sides, but in figure foure Square. For the length of a Horse from head to taile compared with his bredth requireth more men in rank, then in file [to make vp the Square] Some allow thrice as many in length, as in depth, and thinke by that meanes a perfect square may be formed: because for the most part, the length of a Horse seemeth thrice as much, as the bredth be∣twixt his shoulders. Therefore they giue nine in front, and three in flanke. For a multitude of Horsemen yeeld not the same aduantage behinde, that foote doe, when in the depth of the Battaile they iointly thrust on; in as much as the Horse helpe nothing to the setlednesse of fast resistance, being neither able to thrust those forwards, that are before, nor yet to linke, and knitte with them, and so to make one weight, as it were, of the whole body; and in case they presse vpon the formost, by disordering, and distempering their owne Horse, they annoy them∣selues more, then the enemy. Therefore it alwaies falleth out, that when there are as many Horse in length, as in depth, a Square of number is made, but the sides of the figure are vnequall, the depth exceeding the length in proportion: but when the figure of the Troupe is Square, the number of the sides and front, is vnequall.

Notes.

IN the second Chapter of this booke, the armie was diuided into two kindes, footemen, and Riders. Footemen againe into three, armed, Targetieres, and light armed. Of these three is hither to treated. Riders follow, who either vsed Horses, or Elephants. Horses either alone, or else in Chariots. Of these Aelian treateth seuerally hereafter. For the arming, and place of Horse in the fielde, hee hath sufficiently spoken already. The following discourse is: First, of the manner of embattailing horse (wherein he set∣teth downe the diuersity of vsage in ancient time) Then of Chariots, and lastly of Ele∣phants. a 1.562 That a horse is a kinde of beast, that loues man, and is most faithfull vnto him Pliny testifieth. The vse of him is for carriage, and for seruice in the field. And in the seruice of the field an armie without horse, is in a manner no armie. Iphicrates (as I haue said before) comparing an armie to a mans body resembleth the horse to feete. And as the body hath no power of mouing, or rather remouing, the feete being lame, or taken away▪ so is the armie slow, and vnfit for expedition, that is destitute of horse; and may be well resembled to those beasts, that creepe vpon their bellies, whose greatest hast is with little speede. The horse do great seruice in the field of themselues alone; and are principally imployed in matters that require quicknesse in dispatch. Therefore are they fit for discoue∣ries, either of the enemies country, or of his campe, or of his marche, or of other things, whereof the Generall desires to haue notice. And not for discoueries alone, but to spoile, and destroy, whatsoeuer the enemy hath growing, to make prey of his Cattle, burne his houses, kill his people, surprise his places of strength, and to ••mbarre him from doing the like to vs; to bring and conuay prouision for our Campe, to shut in the enemie, that he goe not out his campe for like causes, to hinder the enemies march by falling on the reare. Briefely all expeditions of celeritie are for the most part deliuered to the horse alone. Espe∣cially as long as they are in such places, as giue them liberty to go on, or retire at their plea∣sures. Yet are they often ioyned with the light armed, as I haue shewed. They often ioine

likewise with the armed. a 1.563 And if they may come to charge the enemies battaile in the flanke, or reare, at such time, as our armed charge in front, they ••ndanger all. But for imployment alone against the armed foote many examples of former times shew, how weake there force is. b 1.564 And how little they preuaile (especially against armed, that are practized in fight, and resolute Souldiers) The examples I haue quoted in the margent make the matter cleare. For further confirmation I will set downe Xenophons opinion, which all be it, it were deliuered concerning the Persian horse, that came against the arm∣ed foote of the Graecians in their return out of Persia▪ yet the reason stretcheth to all horse in generall. His words sound thus: c 1.565 If any of you faint in minde (said he to the Grae∣cians) because we haue none, the enemy many horse, let him consider, that ten thousand horse-men are no more, then ten thousand men. For no man was euer slaine in battaile by byting, or stroke of a horse: Men they are, that performe, whatsoeuer is done in fight. As for vs (the foote he meaneth) our mounting is much more firme, and stedfast then theirs. They hange vpon their horse, and are in feare not onely of vs, but to be shaken of and throwne to ground. We contra∣riewise haue stable footing, and shall be able both with great assurednesse to strik, and direct our aime with more certainty. One aduantage the horse-men haue, they may more securely runne away. Hitherto Xenophon. And so much is sum∣marily spoken of the seruice of horse.

• 1 The Thessalians, whose power was great in horse] The Thessalians inha∣biting about the mountaine Pelius were the first, that fought on horse-backe, and were therefore called Centaures. When they watered their horses in the riuer Peneus, the horse heades stooping to drinke made the vnskilfull multitude, who saw the bodies of men ioyned to the shoulders of the horse, conceiue, that the vpper part was man, and the neither Oxe. For it should seeme, horse were not so well knowne then, as Oxen▪ with which they laboured and plowed their land. The Poets therefore fained, that they were monsters com∣pounded of two diuers natures, man and oxe, or bull; and that Centaurus, the beginner of the race was begotten by Ixion vpon a cloude, which was figured like Iuno. Howbeit Seruius giueth a better originall of the name, saying, that certaine seruants of a Thes∣salian King seeing their masters Neate, raging with the Brimse (a flie that biteth cattell) got a horse backe, and pricking them with goades, reduced them to their stables; and that they were after called Centaures, Para kentein tous taurous, of pricking the neate. The great Etymologicon giueth yet an other beginning of the name. For where I haue said that Centaurus was begotten by Ixion vpon a cloude, which was figured like Iuno, with whom Ixion was in loue: The Etymologicon saith, the sonne of Ixion, and of the cloude was called Centaurus: Apo tou ton patera autou kentein ten auran. But d 1.566 Diodorus Sicul. reporting the historie of the Centaures, speaketh not of Centaurus, the father of the race but saith notwithstanding, that they were bred of a cloude, and that the Nymphs brought them vp, and that they were the first horsemen, and therefore called Hippocentauri which gaue occasion to the fable, that they had two natures. It is generally agreed, that these Centaures were Thessa∣lians, and that they were the first horsemen, that are mentioned in any history. And as they were the first, so by reason of their long practise e 1.567 they were accounted the best, the most valiant, and the most expert horse-men of all Greece, euen to the time of Philip, sonne of Amintas King of Macedonia, who conquered all Thessaly (saith f 1.568 Iustin) not of desire to make himselfe rich of the prey of that Countrey, but to winne to his armie the strength of the Thessalian horsemen. Whose seruice he vsed afterward in all his war. Neither did they lesse seruice to his sonne g 1.569 Alexander, in whose greatest* 1.570 battailes their vertue clearelie appeareth, and is especially commended by histories. h 1.571 Pyr∣rhus,

• ... also, principally by their valor, put the Romans to flight. e 1.572 Agesilaus returning out of Asia towards his Countrey led his armie through Thessalie, and being much incum∣bred in his mareh by the Thessalian horsemen, that were his enemies, hee charged them* 1.573 and ouerthrewe them, and pleased himselfe maruellously therein, because with troupes of horse, which himselfe had raised, and disciplined, hee had ouerthrowne the Thessalians, that were (saith Xenophon) so highly renowned for horsemanship.
• 2 Fashioned and forme of a Rhombe] There are three kindes of horse battailes mentioned by Aelian, the Rhombe, the Wedge, and the Square. And the square is ei∣ther a iust, square, or longer in flanke then in front, or in front then in flanke. The Rhombe was the inuention of the Thessalians, and in that forme they vsually fought. But where he maketh Iason to be the inuentor of it, he afterward expoundeth his owne meaning, attributing the inuention to Ileon the Thessalian (from whom also it was tearmed Ile) but the chiefe practise to Iason. Euclyde defineth a Rhombe in this sort: ^f A Rhombe is a square figure, that hath the sides equall, but the angles not right.* 1.574 That is, the foure sides of the square are of one, and the same length, but the points, which make the angles, are two of them stretched out in greater length, and become more sharpe, two of them brought narrower together, and made more blunt, then the right angles of a Tetragonall square. See the figure. It is the same figure in a battaile, that at this day we call the Diamond battaile, which is sometimes practised amongst the foote for shew, and evercise sake, but amongst the horse I haue not seene it practised. And as the square goeth to charge with all the souldiers, that stand in one of the sides, that is with the front, (for the front is but a side of the square) so the Rhombe chargeth with one of the points, which is the front of the Rhombe. Whether of them is of most vse in the field, I am not to determine. For the square standes the practise of our daies, besides the vsage of the Persians, Sicilians, and most Graecians, as Aelian saith. For the Rhombe the Thessa∣lians alone (which notwithstanding were acknowledged the best horsemen of Greece) vnlesse we allow the Wedge for a parcell of the Rhombe, (a Rhombe being but a double Wedge, as making two wedges, when it is diuided in two) and then haue wee for the Rhombe not onely the Scythians, and Thracians (both nations very good Horsemen) but King Philip Amintas sonne, and Alexander the great, and his successours. Either of both formes haue their reasons. For the squares they, that vse them, held opinion (as Aelian saith) that they were easier to frame, and fitter for ioint mouing of horse, and sooner in order of file, and ranke, and that the Commanders iointly charged the enemy, which in no other forme could be done. For the easinesse to frame I see no great difference, onely custome, and vse, must in euery for me, yea in the squares themselues make the horse∣man ready to know, and take, and keepe his place. The same may be said for the ioint moou∣ing of the horse. Now to file and rancke is common to the square with some Rhombes, and as soone done in the one, as in the other, the number of the troupe being once knowne, and euery horseman hauing his place assigned, and the forme resolued vpon, into the which it must be cast. For where there are 4 kinds of Rhombes, one, that fileth, and ranketh; an o∣ther, that fileth, but ranketh not; the third, that ranketh, but fileth not; the last that nei∣ther fileth, nor ranketh (as Aelian teacheth in the next Chapter) The first will finde no more difficultie, of fi••ing, and ranking, then the square, the two next albeit the one ranke not, the other file not, yet the want of filing, or ranking hindereth no more the readinesse of framing them, then the vse of filing, and ranking helpeth the other. The fourth is ra∣ther curious then profitable, as I take, neither doe I find•• example of it. And it may bee truly affirmed of it, that the square is much easier to be fashioned. We shall haue occasion to speake of the last three in due place. Touching the ioint falling on of the Commanders, I confesse the aduantage is great. For when the best men (such as the Commanders ought

• ... to be) altogether fall vpon the enemy, they are very like to put hard to them. And as it is a great part of skill to bring many hands to fight, so is it no lesse, to bring the best hands to fight. Many hands make light worke, the best hands sure worke. Now for the Rhombe Aelian alledgeth these reasons. First, that it is fittest for all encounters, because the horsemen are ready to turne their faces euery way with speed. Then, that they cannot be surprised in flanke, or reare, hauing the best men in their flanks, and the Commanders in euery point of the Rhombe. And cannot the square turne faces euery way? They can, but not with the same advantage. For the Rhombe, which way soeuer faces are turned, remaineth in the first forme. And whether it be to the right, or left flanke, or to the reare, it keepeeh still 4 euen sides, and the men of most seruice in the sides. Besides that one point alwaies affronteth the enemy. Not vnlike a Calthrop, which howsoeuer you cast it to the ground, hath one point bea∣ring right vp to wound the horses feet: But the square in turning faces to either flanke altereth the forme of the front. In a broad square, the front at the first was longer than the sides, faces being turned to either flanke the sides become longer, than the front; con∣trariwise in the Herse▪ battaile. Besides in such turning of faces the square leeseth the advantage of embattatling, the Commanders, that stood in the front, standing now in one of the flanks, and being not able to charge the enemy iointly, (the greatest advantage of that forme) and so the front being without Commanders, is subiect, and in danger of sur∣prise, where the Rhombe, which way soeuer faces turne, hath as many Commanders in the front, as at first. But let vs take the horse square in full strength with all Comman∣ders in front; whether shall that forme be better, than the Rhombe? I dare not affirme it. For where there are two kindes of fight; One with maine force, the other with sleight, and Art; in the first I will preferre the square, in the last the Rhombe. The square for slaughter and violent ouerthrowing, the Rhombe for piercing, and artificiall breaking the enemies battaile, which last amongst great Commanders hath alwaies beene accounted the best kinde of winning. In the square all the Commanders fall iointly vp∣on the enemy, and because they are supposed to be the chiefe of the Army, in all likelyhood they will ouerthrow the formost, and slay many. Yet by reason of the length of their front, they sticke man to man, and can make no farre entrance, and the victorie hangeth doubt∣full, till they haue slaine the most of them, that resist, and so make the rest to flie. The Rhombe contrary-wise, being narrow, and pointed in the front, first forceth a passage with the point, which maketh way to the rest that follow, and then without great labour piercing further, and further, breaketh the aduerse battaile, & disperseth, and putteth them to flight, and after doth execution at pleasure. Neither can I make a fitter resemblance, then by comparing the 2 figures, one to an axe, the other to a wedge, both instruments vsed for diuiding solid masses of wood. For the axe, albeit sharper, than the wedge, yet hauing the edge drawen out in length, can not by any strength be driuen farre into the wood, but by doubling many stroaks, and by much labour commeth at last to diuide it. The wedge contrary-wise, though not so sharpe, being once entred, insinuateth it selfe more by litle, and litle with the narrownes of the point, and maintayning the hold it first got, at last forceth it asunder, though it be neuer so tough. So is it in the square, and Rhombe: whereof the square beginneth, and endeth with violence; the other vseth first cunning, and mildenes, as it were, to enter: being once entred renteth a peeces, and disparteth all that standeth in the way. The manner of our times alloweth not of Rhombes; Experience of former times highly prized them. I will insist vpon the Thessalians alone, who are ac∣counted the inventers of the Rhombe, & fought alwaies Rhombe-wise. Polybius had seene their seruice, and beene Generall of the Horse in his owne country, and therefore able to iudge. He giueth this censure of them; a 1.575 that in troupes, and being imbattai∣led,

• they could not be resisted: to fight man to man in single combat, they had neither will, nor courage. What then should be the reason, they should be so powerfull in troupes? No other, then the forme of their imbattailing, which forme was the Rhombe here mentioned by Aelian. In this forme they commonly beat the Graecian, and Persian squares, and gat the reputation of the best horsemen of Europe.
• ...

  3 The Scythians and Thracians vsed the wedge] The Rhombe is of 4 sides, the wedge but of three: and halfe a Rhombe maketh a wedge, as will be shewed in the next Chapter. The wedge was vsed by the Scythians, and Thracians, and whether King Philip of Macedonia borrowed it of them, I am vncertaine. But I rather incline to thinke, that his The ban Master taught him as well the wedge, as other formes of battailes. The cause of my coniecture is, for that I finde that his b 1.576 fellow scholer Epa∣minondas beat the Lacedemonian horse at Mantinaea in that forme. c 1.577 Xenophon recounteth the storie to this effect: The enemy (they were the Lacedemonians) ordered their horse like a Phalange of armed in depth, without mingling foote with them: But Epaminondas made a strong wedge of horse also (for before he tells the Theban armed were cast into a wedge) and ioyned some foote with them, concei∣uing after he had cut in peeces the horse, he should not misse of ouercomming the other forces of the enemy. And so going to charge he was not deceiued of his hope. Thus Xenophon. Of ioyning horse and light armed together, I haue spoken before: And that they were light-armed, that Epaminond as ioyned to his horse, d 1.578 Diodorus Siculus sheweth. By Xenophon then it is plaine, that not onely the Scythians, and Thracians, but the Graecians also, when they thought it convenient, vsed the horse∣wedge, and that Epaminondas ordered both foote, and horse in a wedge. And consi∣dering King Philip was brought vp in Epaminondas his Fathers house, and made par∣taker of the learning wherewith Epaminondas was instituted; it is like in erecting a new military discipline amongst the Macedonians, as he tooke many other things from the Graecians, so he borrowed this forme, hauing first seene the notable effect thereof at Mantinaea.

  Now Aelian bringeth reasons, why the wedge was holden better than the square. Let me with leaue adde a word or two why I take it to be better than the Rhombe. And first it cannot be denied, that the wedge hauing the same manner of disposition that the Rhombe hath, that is a front ending in a point, where the Captaine standeth; two points of the two flanks, where the flanke-commander stands, the Lieutenant in the reare, and the best men in the flanks, but it must be as powerfull to open the enemies battaile, as the Rhombe is. Then it hath this advantage of the Rhombe that it bringeth more hands to fight. For let the Rhombe and wedge be framed of an equall number, the wedge in figure resembling the forepart of the Rhombe must haue the horse, that should be ranged in the reare of the Rhombe, orderly couched within the 3 sides thereof: where by both the number of the horse in the sides is increased, and the bulke of the body betwixt flanke and flanke inlarged. And seing both the Rhombe and the wedge goe to the charge with the point of their front, the wedge both hath the property to pierce, and enter the enemies battaile by art, and sleight, as well as the Rhombe, and doth it with more strength, because of the great number of hands in the sides, which all come to fight. Ioyne, that the hinder part of the Rhombe serueth onely to auoide surprizes, and worketh nothing in charging. For after the two flanke points are entred, the rest of the Rhombe growing narrower, and narrower toward the Reare, falleth further off from the enemy, and is con∣tent onely to follow the way, that was made to hand by the front, and flanks; without being able to strike a stroke; especially if it preserue the order it ought to keepe: whereas all parts of the wedge are effectuall, the point to enter, the sides euen to the flanke corners,

• ...

  where the Reare endeth, to dispart and disseuer▪ and finally to disorder the enemy, whereby the victorie ensueth. And if we may rely vpon authority, the authority of King Philip will sway much for the wedge. For vnlesse he had held it better than the Rhombe, hee would not haue chosen, nor accustomed his Macedonians to it, nor Alexander after re∣teined it, if he had not beene of the same opinion. Neither did the euent deceiue them: for almost in all battaile•• their horse thus disposed caried away the victorie. But, as I be∣fore noted, neither Rhombe, nor wedge haue found grace in the eyes of the great Gene∣ralls of our daies, nor can we tell what to insist vpon, till experience hath taught, how well these formes will agree with the weapons, and seruice of our moderne warres.

• 4 The Persians made choice of squares] The square is the third, and last forme of horse-battaile that Aelian mentioneth; whereof there are three kinds; one with a lar∣ger front, then flanke; an other with a larger flanke then front; the third, with front, and flanke equall. All these three were vsed amongst the Persians, and Graecians. For two of the first, Xenophon may witnes. When Agesilaus, after Tissaphernes (the King of Persia's Lieutenant in part of the lesser Asia) had broken truce with him, made an incursion into Phrigia, h 1.579 Xenophon telleth, that the rest of his iourney was with∣out impediment, till he came not farre from Dascylium. There when his horse∣men galloped to a hill to discouer the country, by chance the horsemen of Phar∣nabazus (an other of the King of Persians Lieutenants) being about the same num∣ber that the Graecians were, and sent by Pharnabazus vnder the command of Rathynes, and Bancaeus his bastard brother, galloped vp the same hill, and disco∣uering one the other no further of, than two parts of a furlong, at the first they stood still; the Graecians ordered Phalange-wise 4 in depth, the Barbarians ma∣king their front 12 in length, the depth many more. Afterward the Barbarians began first to charge. when they came to hands, all the Graecians that ioyned, broke their staues. The Persians hauing Corneil darts killed some 12 horsemen, and 2 horses. Herevpon the Graecians fled. But when Agesilaus came with the Armie to the reskew, the Barbarians againe forsooke the field. The Persians then vsed a square longer in flanke, then front: The Graecian a square longer in front, theu flanke. But which of the three squares is most to be esteemed Aelian sheweth in the words following, saying those squares are best, that
• 5 Double the number of the length, to the number of the depth] What the length, and depth in a battaile are, we haue seene before. Yet to vnderstand Aelian the bet∣ter, let vs repeat, that the length of a battaile is the extension of the front; the depth the extension of the flanke. To double then the number of the length to the number of the depth, is to place twise so many men in front, as in flanke. As for the purpose, 6 in front, 3 in flanke; or 8 in front, 4 in flanke; or 10 in front, 5 in flanke. And that this was the manner of the Lacedemonians appeareth by the i 1.580 Oulamos, or horse-troupe instituted by Lycurgus, which was figured Tetragonally with 4 equall sides, and con∣teined in it 50 horse. Now that it could not be a square of number, that is, to haue as many horse in flanke, as in front may hereby be shewed, because no square number will make 50. The nearest is 7 times 7, which amounts to 49. But proportioning the number of the length double to the number of the depth, that is 10 in front, and 5 in flanke, euen 50 will arise▪ So that the horse troope of the Lacedemonians had the number of the length double to the number of the depth, and made a square in the equality of measure of the sides, not in number, which is the Tetragonall figure, whereof Plutarch speaketh. And where Xenophon (as I haue alledged before) reporteth that the horsemen of Agesilaus were but 4 in depth, it hindereth not this truth. For, as I noted before, the ordinary aray of the Lacedemonians foote was 8 in depth. Yet did Pausanias the Lacedemonian

• ... King cast his men into a deepe Phalange against Thrasibulus. Other examples I haue al∣ledged in the same place touching the same matter. Besides this appeareth to be but a tu∣multuous fight either of the parties comming soddainely in the sight of the other, and going presently to charge, before they could haue time to alter the order they then were in. And to say the horse troupe of the Lacedemonians ought to haue beene but 4 in depth, it must thereof necessarily follow that they were 12 in length, which yet will come short of 50: 4 times 12 makes but 48. Indeed k 1.581 Leo holdeth opinion, that in a horse battaile, the depth ought to be no more than 4. I will set downe his words as neare, as conveniently I can english them. The depth, saith he, or thicknes, as it was of ancient time limi∣ted, is sufficient, if it be of 4 horse in euery troupe; because in horse a greater depth will be idle, and to no purpose. For they cannot, as foote doe with their thicknes, thrust one an other forward from behind; and so the formost, will they, or nill they, are forced to goe against the enemy. And this is done amongst foote. But the horse can not thrust forward those, that are before them, nor the file-leaders that stand in front, be seconded in that kinde by the rest, that stand in depth after the fourth man. For if they be Lancers, the fift ranke cannot reach with their launces to the front. If Archers, they shall be faine to shoot aloft for feare of hurting their companions before; and so their arrowes serue for no vse, after fight is ioyned. Therefore is the number of 4 sufficient in depth, as I haue said. This was the opinion of Leo. To which I cannot absolutely assent; vnlesse he had giuen 8 for the front of his troupe, and so made it of 4 equall sides in figure, not in number, as Aelian requireth to be done in the best squares. For the reason of launces not reaching to the front in the fift ranke, reacheth not home to the reason of warre. Aelian before hath de∣clared, that the pikes of the seuenth ranke reach not to the front of the Phalange. Yet no man will thereof inferre, that the Phalange ought to be but 6 deepe. Yea but the foote that come after, helpe the formost, seconding them, and thrusting them on with the weight of their bodies, which the horse can not doe. This must be granted to be an advantage, that foote haue aboue horse in depth. Yet are there other reasons also of giuing depth to a Pha∣lange: In the order whereof two considerations concurre; one of offence, the other of de∣fence. The reaching of pikes or horsemens staues ouer the front is good for offence, that is to annoy the enemy in the shocke: likewise the thrusting on of those that come behind, ser∣ueth with the violence to make them giue ground. A reasonable depth is for defence, in as much as it defendeth a Phalange against the indeuour of the enemy to breake it a sunder. And as it is a fault to make it too deepe, so is it likewise a fault to make it too shallow. Too much depth narroweth the front, and giueth easie meanes to the enemy to incompasse, and o••er▪front it. l 1.582 Too much shallownesse on the contrary side maketh it weake, and ready to be broken, and disseuered by the enemy, and giueth a passage thorough, and meanes not onely to incompasse the front, but at the same instant also to assault it behind, and so vtterly to defeat it. So that the reasons of Leo reach not home, as I said, there being other cau∣ses of thickning a horse troupe besides reaching of Launces to the front, and ioint thru∣sting on of the horse comming behinde. And where Leo speaketh but of 4 horse in depth of a troupe, Polybius saith plainely that being ordered for fight, they had for the most part 8 in depth; Polybius a man which liued in the times, whereof Leo speaketh, and had beene Generall of the horse of the Achaeans. Besides Leo seemeth not a little to differ from himselfe. m 1.583 For in his seuenth Chapter, he writeth after this manner: If there be many horse (that is aboue twelue thousand) let the depth be of 10. If but few, let it be no more than 5. In squares therefore I hold Aelians proportion best, to double the number of the front, to the number of the flanke; and as the number of the troupe ariseth (for horse troupes are not alwaies of one number) to inlarge the length of

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  [illustration]

  Cap. 19 A Rhombe filing but not ranking

  The Front

  The Reare

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  [illustration]

  Cap. 19. A Rhombe neither filing nor Ranking

  The Front

  The Reare

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  [illustration]

  Cap. 19. A Rhomb Ranking but not Filing

  The Front

  The Reare

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• ... the front, and the depth of the flanke proportionably one to another.
• 6 When there are as many horse in length as in depth] I noted before in the ninth Chapter, that there were two squares of equall sides, the one of number, the other of figure; which two squares differ in this, that the one maketh vnequall sides in the shape of the battaile, the other equall. The first at this day, we call a square of men, the other a square of ground. When the number of the sides is equall in length, and depth, it giueth but halfe so much ground in front, as in flanke. Each souldier, if it be a foote battaile, occupying a foote, and a halfe of ground in front, when he goeth to charge, where in flanke he must haue 3 foote. And in a horse troupe 3 foote in front, and double, or (as some say) treble as much in flanke. And so are the sides vnequall. The euen length of flanke and front giueth a like ground to both, and maketh the sides of the figure equall, but the number of the front double to the number of the flanke, whether it be in horse or foote. In foote, because the souldiers in Ranke haue but halfe so much distance, as they haue in file; In ranke a foote and a halfe, in file three foote. In horse, because the length of the horse is much more, than his breadth, and that length is fully stretched out in flanke, the bredth onely in front.

Why Rhombes were first brought into vse, and the diuers formes of them. CHAP. XIX.

THE forme of the Rhombe seemeth to haue beene taken vp for the necessarie vse thereof. For the Captaine possessing the first place, the next following Horsemen are not to ranke with him, but to come a litle after on both sides; so that ¹ the heads of their Horses may reach to his horse shoulders, & on the right, & left hand, and behind, they ought to keepe good distances that too much thronging and clustering together, breed not disorder, whilest some horses being by nature sullen fall a flinging oftentimes, and foule with other; and considering the beast is somewhat long of body, that in turning about he wound not the horsemen, that are in fight, whilest with his heeles he aymeth at the Horses next vnto him.

They that fashion Horse into Rhombes, so fashion them, that some Rhombes file, and ranke; some neither file, nor ranke; othersome file, but ranke not; other ranke, but file not: euery particular whereof standeth thus.

They that would haue ² a Rhombe both file and ranke make the greatest ranke being the middlemost of an vneuen number, as of 11, or 13, or 15. To which they ioyne other rankes before, and behind, euery one conteyning two lesse than the former; as if the greatest ranke consist of 15, the next rankes on either side are to haue but 13, the next on either side of these 11. and so euery one two lesse, till at last you come to 1. And the whole Troope is to consist of 113 horse.

³ The halfe Rhombe is called a wedge being fashioned three square; so that the forme thereof appeareth in the Rhombe.

Other haue formed the Rhombe so, that the ⁴ Horsemen embattailed in that forme, neither file, nor ranke, conceiuing that turnings and other motions will be more easily performed in this figure, nothing hindering before, behind, or in flanke. And first they place the Leader; then one at his right, and an other at his left hand, so distant, that their Horses heads reach vp to his Horses shoulders, as

is said before. And the first row they make of an vneuen number (as 11). The Leader of the Troope standing in the middest, and 5 other being laid to him back∣wardly on either side; so that this Ranke conteineth two sides of the Rhombe. Then the reare-Commander is placed directly behind the Leader, and to him are other ioyned forwardly on either side, and the number of euery following ranke after the first, is to be two lesse than the former, and therefore 4 must be added on either side to the reare-Commander, and the number of the second ranke be 9. This ranke maketh two sides Parallel to the two former sides of the Rhombe. The third must be 7, and so forward to one. The whole Troope hath in it 36 Horse. ⁵ Polybius expresseth the forme by the Greeke letter Δ. and maketh it to consist of 64 men.

Other Rhombes there are which ⁶ file, but ranke not, and are fashioned thus: They make a file of any number, the Captaine of the Troope being File-leader, and the Reare-Commander the last of the file. To both the flankes of this file, they lay two other files, either of them one lesse in number, than the first. These they be∣gin to place, euen with the middest of the distances of the first file on both sides, as if there were 10 in the first file, the next files on either side should haue 9 a peece, and the next after them 8 a peece, and still one lesse in all the rest after∣comming-files, and so it will fall out, that the Horsemen shall file, but not ranke. This forme is profitable for turning of faces, when need is, from one point of the Rhombe to another. ⁷ Turning to the right hand is called turning to the staffe. Turning to the left hand is called turning to the Raines. But if a Troope be ⁸ to ranke, and not to file, it must be ordered thus: The middle and greatest ranke is to be made of an vneuen number, and the rest of the rankes on both sides, laid euen with the distances of this ranke, as was done in the filing troope. So shall you haue a Troope that ranketh, but fileth not.

Notes.

THE former Chapter had a generall diuision of Horse battailes into Rhombes, wedges, and squares; this comprehendeth the sundry figures of Rhombes, and the manner of framing them. Rhombes therefore are of 4 kindes, some filing, and ranking; some filing, not ranking; some ranking, not filing; some neither filing, nor ranking.

• 1 The heads of the horses reach to the heades of his shoulders] Aelian saith, that in a Rhombe the Captaine standeth first, and the heads of the next horse reach to his horse shoulders. This rule, if it be taken generally, and meant of all Rhombes, will deceiue vs; if for two kinde of Rhombs alone, there is nothing more true. The Rhombe neither filing, nor ranking; and the Rhombe filing, not ranking, haue the followers horses heads advanced to the shoulders of them, that stand before. But the Rhombe filing and ranking, and the other ranking not filing, come wholy behind the horse of the Captaine, as the figure shewes, and will appeare in the verball description of the Rhombe.
• 2 A Rhombe both to file and ranke] To make a Rhombe both file and ranke, choice must first be had of an vneuen number for the ranke the middest of the Troupe, where the manner is to begin the Rhombe; which number must neither be too great, least the Troupe grow also too great, nor too litle, lest there be in it no strength. Aelian giues a 11, 13, or 15 for that ranke, and willeth vs to begin the frame by placing first the middle ranke, to which the other rankes are to be ioyned on both sides, the middle men

• ... against the middle man of the first ranke in a right line of file, and the rest in like sort; euery Ranke still decreasing 2 men, till at last in the front, and reare-angle you come to one. The figure of this kinde of Rhombe I haue placed in the praecedent Chapter; wherein the middle ranke is of 11, and the whole troupe of 61, and the horse heads of those that follow reach not to the former horses shoulders.
• 3 The halfe Rhombe is called a wedge] I haue spoken of wedges before, but nothing of the framing of them. Aelian here sheweth how they are framed, when he saith, that the forme of them appeareth in the Rhombe, and that the halfe Rhombe is a wedge. For as in a Rhombe filing, and ranking, you begin with placing the middle ranke first, and so proceed adding on both sides ranke to ranke, till you come to one man in the front: So must you proceede in a wedge, sauing that to the first, and greatest ranke you ioyne the rest onely on the one side, abating still in euery ranke 2 men, till you come to the point of the front, where the Captaine standeth alone. And this was the ordinarie horse troupe amongst the Macedonians, and is described in the next Chapter.
• 4 That the horsemen neither file nor ranke] The second kinde of Rhombe spe∣cified here by Aelian is directly opposite to the first. The first both filed, and ranked, this neither fileth, nor ranketh; and is that kinde, which I noted in the last Chapter, to haue more curiositie, than vse. For the rest, what is more easie to frame, than they? In which either files, or rankes are laid together; or files alone, or ranks alone. And out of that ioyning both in the inward parts of the Rhombe, and the outward (that is the flanks) arise, and are without difficulty figured. In this you must first begin with the outsides, and make two front lines, or sides of the Rhombe; and after adde as many to the Reare. And then when the 4 sides are framed, and haue their place, patch vp by peece-meale the rest of the body within. Wherein if there be not very large distances left betwixt horse, and horse, especially euery one being laid head to shoulder to an other, it is not possible to convey so many horses within the foure sides, as will make vp the full Rhombe. And yet make it vp as you will, the trouble is more, than in the rest of the Rhombes. And for the vse, I see not how it can be greater, than in the rest, whatsoeuer is alledged for turnings, and other motions. And the more I thinke vpon it, the more I am induced to thinke, that it was the invention of some Tacticke master (of whom were great plenty amongst the Graecians) who seeing that some Rhombes filed, aud ranked not; other ranked, but filed not; other both ranked, and filed, and that the two first were opposite the one against the other, would needs bring in a fourth, neither filing, nor ranking, to make an opposition likewise against the third. But because this kinde also is specified by Aelian, let vs see how it is to be framed. Aelian for examples sake would haue the Troope to consist of 36 horse. To put these 36 horse in a forme, that shall neither file nor ranke, we are thus to worke. First, we must begin with the two front sides of the Rhombe, and make them of 11 horse, placing them thus: The Leader and Captaine in the point; next him backwardly on each side a horseman, his horse head reaching to the shoulders of the Captaines horse; then on the outward side of each of these a Horseman, and their horses heads must likewise reach to the shoulders of the next horses before. So must you goe on, till you haue in like man∣ner bestowed 2 a peece more on each side, still opening the two sides of the Rhombe pro∣portionally. Thus done you haue two sides of the Rhombe which will be in this forme.
  [illustration]
  Then are we to fashion the two Reare sides of the Rhombe of 9 horse, placing them after this manner: The Lieutenant in the Reare angle, di∣rectly opposite to, & yet looking toward the Captaine; on either side of him forward toward the front 2 Horsemen, their horses shoulders lying euen with the head of the Lieutenants horse. And after them the other 6; 3 on one side, and 3 on the other in the same proportiō. And so haue we the other two sides of the Rhombe in this forme.
  [illustration]
  which being

• ... ioyned to the former make the 4 sides of the Rhombe; In the framing whereof 20 of the 36 horse are bestowed. There remaine 16, which are thus to be ordered: Within the Rhombe we must at reasonable distance place a horseman behind the Cap∣taine in aright line, and in the manner as before lay 3 to him on each side. The number will amount to 7, and this is the figure
  [illustration]
  Then another horseman is to be set at the same distance directly before the Lieutenant, and on ech side of him two other toward the front, which will be 5 in all, and in this forme
  [illustration]
  And these 12 horse ioyned toge∣ther, will fashion out a lesser Rhombe, comprehended within the sides of the first. So are 32 horse disposed of. The 4 that are left are thus to be ordered. In a right line againe after the Captaine, and at the former distance is another horsemā to be set: Then 2, one of the one side, & the o∣ther of th' other side of him, their horses heads reaching to his horses shoulders thus
  [illustration]
  The horseman left must supply the voide place, standing directly before him, that stood next before the Lieute∣nant thus
  [illustration]
  And this is the true description of the Troope neither filing, nor ranking. I haue beene the longer in describing it, because the figure grauen is not fully to my minde, no horse head reaching to the shoulders of the horse, that standeth before him.
• 5 Polybius maketh it to consist of 64 men] Aelian tooke the number of 36 horse to frame this Rhombe, Polybius requireth 64. The number is not materiall, so the forme be obserued. If you make it of 64, you are to take 15 horse for the 2 front sides, and 13 for the 2 reare sides, and so in euery ranke within to diminish 2, as you did in the former.
• 6 Which file, but ranke not] The third kinde of Rhombe fileth, but ranketh not. It is easie to frame. Take what number of horse you please, and make a file; then lay to the distances betwixt horse, and horse of that file on each flanke two other files, each file conteyning one lesse in number, than the first. And the heads of the files are to be laid right against the space which is betwixt the Captaine, and his follower, and the rest of the horses against the other spaces successiuely. In all the paires of files, that follow, and are laid to the flanks, you must still diminish a horse a peece, till you come to the points, which haue but one either of them. And of this abatement of one in euery file, both front, and reare, and flankes grow into points, and make a Rhombe: As of the euen number in euery file, a square battaile would arise. See the figure. This was the forme the Thessalians fought in, as appeareth by t 1.584 Aelian.
• 7 Turning to the right hand] The turnings of horsemen and footmen to the right, and left hand, are not termed by the same names. And the difference commeth of the diuer∣sitie of weapons caried on the right, or left side. The horseman in his right hand held his staffe, in the left the raines of his bridle. The armed-foote in his right hand his pike, on the left shoulder his Target. Hence was it, that when the horseman was commanded u 1.585 to turne to the right hand, they bid him turne to his staffe; the footeman to his pike. When to the left hand, they bid the horseman turne to the Raines, the footman to the Target.
• 8 To ranke, and not to file] This is the last kinde of Rhombe, and it ranketh, but fi∣leth not. It is made by a contrary way to the former. The filing Rhombe began at the front point, & reare-point, & proceeded to the flanks. This beginneth at the flanke points, & pro∣ceedeth to the front and reare. First therefore a ranke is to be laid of what number you list. Aelian would haue it of an vneuen number; but it will fall out as well in an euen number, as the figure sheweth. To the distances of this ranke you must lay 2 ranks more, one on either side, whose number must be one lesse a peece, than the former ranke. Thus continue laying ranks still toward the front, and reare, and in euery paire of ranks diminish one a peece, till you come to the points, either of which haue but one, namely the Captaine, & the Lieutenant, and the Rhombe will ranke, and not file.

[illustration]

Cap 20 The ordinary horse troupe consisting of 64

The right Flank Commander

The Capteine

The Front

The Lieutenant

The left Flank Commander

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The place of Horsemen in the field, the number of an vsuall horse troupe, the degrees, and names of the officers of the Horse in generall. CHAP. XX.

THE Troopes of Horse, as the light-armed, are placed sometime before the Phalange, sometime on the right, or left hand in flanke of the Phalange, some∣time behind the light-armed in the Reare. For our purpose, let them be placed in the Reare, and ¹ let the first Troope be of 64 men, and the first ranke thereof 15 Horse The next 13. The next 11; and in all the rest abate 2, till you come to the last, which is one.

² He shall carry the Cornet, that standeth in the second ranke next the Ranke-Commander on the left hand. All the Troopes shall be 64 in number. The horse∣men in all 4096. ³ Two Troopes are called an Epilarchy of 128 horse. Two Epi∣larchies ⁴ a Tarentinarchy of 256 horse. Two Tarentinarchies ⁵ an Hipparchy of 512. Two Hipparchies ⁶ an Ephipparchy of 1024 horse. Two Ephipparchies ⁷ a Telos of 2048 horse. Two Telos make ⁸ an Epitagma of 4096 horse.

Notes.

HItherto of squares and Rhombes, vsuall horse battailes amongst the Graecians. Now followeth the horse battaile of the Macedonians, of which ^P Aelian hath thus afterward: This forme of horse battaile is called a wedge by Tacticks, and it was invented by Philip King of Macedonia, who placed his best men before, that by them the weaker might be held in, and inabled to the charge. As in a speare, or sword, the point whereof, by reason of sharpnes quickly piercing maketh way for, and let∣teth in the middle blunt yron. I haue spoken somewhat of the wedge in the two last Chap∣ters. Aelian in this Chapter sheweth the number, and manner of framing it, and how many troupes ought to attend the Phalange, and vnder what offices, and degrees.

• 1 Let the first troupe be of 64 men] The number of the wedge ought to be 64 horse. You make it beginning (as the Rhombe that ranked, but filed not) with a ranke of 15 horse. Then must you proceed toward the front, with an other ranke of 13, the middle man filing with the middle man of the first ranke, and the rest with the rest. And so you are to continue abating still two in euery following ranke, till at last you come to one, who is the Commander of the Troupe, and standeth in the point of the front.
• ...

  2 He shall carry the Cornet] The place of the Cornet is not right set downe in the figure. He there standeth on the right hand of the middle man of the second ranke, where as he should stand on the left. And you must not account the second ranke to be the ranke next to the Commander in the front; but as Aelian doth, that was secondly placed after the first consisting of 15, which was in the Reare. So that the Cornet is to stand in the next ranke to the Reare.

  But here is nothing said concerning the distances, that ought to be betwixt horse, and horse. Of the distances betweene foote, and foote he hath spoken in the 11 Chap: But of the distances betwixt horse, I finde nothing, but generall words. That which wanteth in Aelian, I will supply out of other Authors. We must vnderstand then, that two kinde of distances were obserued amongst horsemen; one for marching, an other for fight.

• ...

  In marching there ought to be 6 foote betwixt horse and horse. Aelian hath before giuen this distance to the foote. And that horse held it likewise appeareth by Polybius. Who reprehending Calisthenes for carelesnesse in describing the battaile betwixt Alex∣ander and Darius at Issos, specially taxeth this: That he placed thirty thousand horse, and thirty thousand mercenaries, in foureteene furlongs of length. whereas the place was not capeable of halfe the horse. n 1.586 His words haue this sense; The order of horse, when they are prepared for fight, is for the most part 8 in depth. And there is a distance to be left in front betwixt euery troupe, to giue liberty to wheele and double-wheele. So that one furlong will conteine 800 horse; and 10 furlongs 8000; 4 furlongs 3200: And eleuen thousand, and two hundred Horse will fill the space of 14 furlongs in length. The words seeme at first somewhat ob∣scure, being well weighed they will be cleare enough. Polybius saith, that these 800 horse were ordered 8 in depth, and that they tooke vp a furlong of ground in length. There must be therefore of them a hundred files. For a hundred files of 8 horse a peece, will arise to 800 horse. Compare then these 100 files, (the length of the battaile) to the length of a furlong. And seing a furlong conteineth 400 Cubits, or six hundred foote, euery file shall haue 4 cubits, or 6 foote space betwixt them. And so the distance betwixt file and file in a march will be 4 Cubits, or 6 foote. The other distance of three foote appeareth in o 1.587 Leo, whose words stand thus: Put the case, that the bat∣taile is of 600 horse in length, and 500 in depth, seing that euery horse in length of the battaile possesseth three foote in breadth, the number of feete will amount to 1800; And seing againe that euery horse in depth possesseth 8 foote, there will arise hereof 4000 feete; so that in the foure-sided figure, out of the length of 1800, and the depth of 4000 feete arise 720 Myriades of square feete. And the Perimeter alone of the outward foure sides conteineth 11600 feete. And because 6 feete make a fathome, and a 100 fathoms make a furlong, and 7 fur∣longs, and a halfe, make a mile, the whole Perimeter of 11600 feete will come to two mile, and a halfe, and neare a 10^th part. In this distance therefore according to the closest order, or shutting, the thirty thousand horse are conteined. But if they stand not so close, you must alter your account according to the thinnesse, and out of the greatnesse of place coniecture of the multitude of the people. So Leo. Which place albeit it seeme to require a large interpretation, because many things worth the noting offer themselues in it; yet for this time I will onely insist vpon that, which I first propounded, that is the distance of three foote betwixt horse, and horse, when they goe to charge (for that is the meaning of Leo, when he speaketh of the closest order) which distance is expresly here set downe. And the matter will yet seeme more cleare, if we adde the words of Leo in the Paragraph next, but one, to this, which are these: The oldest Tacticks in ordering of foote Battailes giue euery man at the first distance foure Cubits; when the battaile is closed two Cubits; when serred and shut one Cubit. Out of which proportion a Scout may exactly discouer by the quantitie of the place the number, not onely of horse, but of foote also. These oldest Tacticks that Leo mentioneth agree with Aelian, as wee haue seene. But where the foote haue three distances, the horse are to haue but two. The open order of six foote they ought to haue, and likewise that of three foote; nearerer they cannot come together, because of the bredth of their horse, and because they are to haue roome sufficient for the weilding of their weapons.

  All the Troupes are to be in number 64] A Troupe consists of 64 men, and to the Phalange belong 64 Troupes, as the Phalange conteineth 64 Ensignes, or Syn∣tagma's

• ...

  of armed foote. To which Ensignes the 64 Troupes of horse are proportioned. Their place is according to Aelian after the light-armed; not one troupe after, or behind an other, but one beside an other, in one front; and that front in a right line, which stretch∣eth out, as long as the Phalange of armed it selfe. Now the files of the armed being 1024 in number, and the number of the horse in the last ranke (which conteineth the length of the Horse-battaile, and should answer the number of files) but 960, we must seeke out a proportion to make the length of both equall one to another. The difference then betwixt them in length is 64 men, which in order take vp 192 foote. And where there goe foure Phalangarchies to a fourefold Phalange, and 16 troupes of horse are placed be∣hind euery Phalangarchie, we must diuide these 192 foote into foure parts; euery of which parts will amount to 48 foote, and giue to each troupe three foote distance one be∣twixt an other (for distances betwixt one troupe, and an other, Polybius holdeth necessary) and so shall the 16 troupes of horse take vp as much ground in length as a Phalangar∣chie. The one conteining 256 files in length which occupy 768 foote of ground, and the other 240 men in the last ranke, which occupy 720 foote. To which adding 48 foote of distance, there ariseth the euen number of 768. And so shall the 64 troupes of horse be euen in length with the fourefold Phalange.

  The names of the Offices, and Commands of the Horse follow, wherein as I before noted in the foote, we must not presse too neare the property of words, but take them, as they haue beene vsed among Souldiers.

• 3 Two troupes are called an Epilarchie] One troupe is called Ile, and the Com∣mander an o 1.588 Ilarch; for so he is termed before in Aelian. Two troupes an Epilarchie, and the Commander an Epilarch, as it were a Commander ouer two Iles, troupes. He hath 128 Horse vnder his command.
• 4 A Tarentinarchie] Of Tarentines mention is made in the second Chapter. The name of a Tarentinarchie is not giuen to this Troupe, because it consisted of Taren∣tines, but because of likelyhood the Tarentine horsemen had so many in a troupe Let it be, as it will, it signifieth here a troupe of 256 Horse.
• 5 An Hipparchie] Properly signifieth the command of horse, and Xenophon vseth the word Hipparch for the Generall of horse; but Aelian, and the Tacticks vse it for the command of 512 horse.
• 6 An Ephipparchie] As it were a command ouer two Hipparchies, or ouer 1024 horse.
• 7 A Telos] The name of Telos is giuen both to a body of horse, and to a body of foote. A Merarchie was called by some Telos (saith Aelian before) and conteined 2048 armed. The Telos of horse conteineth 2048 horse. So the bodies are equall in number. The word sometimes signifieth a Command, or Dignitie, from which signifi∣cation this body, as seemeth, hath the name.
• 8 Epitagma] The whole body of light-armed was called an Epitagma, which name is giuen likewise to the whole body of horse comprizing 4096 horse. It may be they are both so called, because they are placed behind the Armed, as I noted before. For that place Aelian assigneth vnto them.

The diligence to be vsed in choice, and exercise of the best formes of Battailes. CHAP. XXI.

THE Inventions and conceits of those, that liued in old time, about Troopes of Horse are declared, in what forme euery one was cast, and for what cause some vsed one forme, some another. Now it behoueth (as in things that carry with them great difference) not carelesly, and negligently, to rely vpon the bare precepts; but rather by daily exercise to make try all of euery kinde of fi∣gure, and so attayning to the perfect knowledge of that, which is readiest, and of most advantage, to admit and receiue it in true fight. For it were great simplici∣tie, considering in matters of lesse importance men by curious inquiry reach to the exact finding out of many things, herein not to ground vpon perfect and sure experience, before we come to ioyne with the enemy.

Troopes may be inlarged or lessened, as it shall seeme convenient to him, that hath the command.

Of Chariots; the names, and degrees of the Commanders. CHAP. XXII.

AS for ordering Chariots and Elephants, albeit they are worne out of vse, yet to make vp the measure of this discourse, I will remember their names, as they are set downe in ancient writers. In the Art of ordering Chariots for the field, they call two Chariots a ¹ Zygarchy; Two Zygarchies a ² Zyzygi; Two Zyzygies an ³ Epyzyzygi; Two Epizyzygies an ⁴ Hartamarchy; Two Hartamarchies a ⁵ wing; Two wings a ⁶ Phalange.

A man may vse many and sundry Phalanges of Chariots, and yet retaine the same names in euery Phalange. Some haue framed simple Chariots to serue with∣all; other some haue armed them with Sithes prominent and standing out on each side.

Notes.

THere were two kinde of Chariots vsed of ancient time, the one a simple Chariot, the other a Chariot armed with sithes. The first kinde was vsed by the Heroes (as they terme them, that is the renowned Souldiers of old, such as were Achilles, Hector, Cycnus, Aeneas, Turnus) as appeareth by Homer, Virgil, Ovid, and other Poets. The last was brought in by the Generalls of later times, especially by those that raigned in Asia, and in Africa. For the m 1.589 Europeans haue counted them fruitlesse, and vaine mockeries, and amongst them you shall hardly finde any mention of Chariots. Aelian toucheth them onely, because both they, and Elephants were in his time growne out of vse. Wherefore I meane likewise to passe them ouer sleightly, onely directing the Reader, that is desirous to vnderstand their manner of fight to places of Historie, where they are men∣tioned. And first see for their

Forme. Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 6. 152. D. E. & 156. B. C. de exped. Cyr. lib. 1. 264 A. B. Liu. decad. 4. lib. 7. 142. A. Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 596. Quin. Curt. lib. 4. 119 & lib. 8. 371.

Their violence, Diod. Sicul. lib. 17. 593.

Their place in the battaile, Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 6. 168. C. D. Liu. decad. 4. lib. 7. 142. A. Diod. Sicul. lib. 14. 408.

Remedies against them, Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 592. 593. Xenoph. de exped. Cyr. lib. 1. 265. Liu. decad. 4. 142. Quint. Curt. lib. 4. 141. Plutarch. in Sylla.

I come to the names of the Commands of Chariots.

• 1 A Zygarchie] The command of two Chariots; as it were a yoake of Chariots.
• 2 A Syzygy] The command ouer two yoakes, as it were, of Chariots ioyned toge∣ther; that is ouer 4 Chariots.
• 3 An Episyzygy] The command ouer foure yoakes of Chariots, that is ouer eight Chariots.
• 4 An Harmatarchie] Properly the command of Chariots. But vsed by Aelian for the command of 16 Chariots.
• 5 A wing] As foote, so Chariots, and Elephants, had their wings of battaile. To the wing went 32 Chariots. Yet finde I this order of imbattailing Chariots no where, but in Aelian. He that will, let him read the places, that I haue noted before, for the ordering of Chariots. Notwithstanding I can not doubt, that the names giuen here by Aelian, are taken out of ancient writers.
• 6 A Phalange] It consisteth of 64 Chariots; and wee here see, that Chariots also had their Phalanges, as well as foote, and Horse.

Of Elephants; the names, and degrees of their Commanders. CHAP. XXIII.

TOuching Elephants, he that is Commander of one Elephant is called ¹ Zoarcha; Of two ² Therarcha, and the body a Therarchy; Of foure ³ Epitherarcha, and the body an Epitherarchy; Of eight ⁴ Ilarcha, and the body an Ilarchy; Of 16 ⁵ E∣lephantarcha and the body an Elephantarchy; Of 32 ⁶ Keratarcha, and the body a Keratarchy. That which consisteth of 64 wee call ⁷ a Phalange of Elephants, as if a man should name the Commander of both the wings Phalangarcha.

Notes.

THe vse of Elephants was greater amongst the people of Asia and Africa. Those of Europe esteemed them not much. And yet we finde, that they were brought into the field by the Romans also; who first saw Elephants in Italy in the warres, they had against King Pyrrhus. ^• The Indian Elephant was preferred before the African for greatnesse* 1.590 of body, strength, and courage. Many things are written concerning the seruice of Ele∣phants. But because Aelian toucheth no more, then the names of the bodies, and the de∣grees of Commanders, I will only note such things, as I finde concerning them in Histories. Their kinde of armor, and furniture I haue taken out of Liuy, and expressed them as neere, as I could, in figure.

For their power, strength, and manner of fight, see Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 609. & lib. 19. 717. Polyb. lib. 1. ••5. D. & lib▪ 5. 425. C.

Their place in battaile, Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 685. Arrian. lib. 5. 111. Liu. decad. 4. lib. 7. 141. B. Appian. in Syriac. 107. Polyb. l. 1. 34. D.

The distance one from an other. Arrian. lib. 5. 111.

Light armed in the distances betwixt Elephant and Elephant, Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 609. & lib. 18. 665. & lib▪ 19. 685. & 716. Plurarch. in Pyrrho.

Remedies against Elephants, Diodor. Sicul. lib. 18. 665. & lib. 19. 717. Polyb. l. 1. 42. A. Hirt. de bell. African. 416. Liu. decad. 3. lib. 7. 194. C.

I haue noted before the improprietie of names giuen to militarie bodies as well in the armed and the light armed foote, as in horse troupes, and in Chariots. That defect is no lesse in Elephants. The Commanders and commands of them hauing names, which were at first large, and improper enough, but afterward made good by vse, and receiued by the Tacticks as significant to expresse the things, for which they were inuented. The first is giuen to him that is to command one Elephant. Who is called

• 1 Zoarchos] The Commander of a liuing creature, that is of one Elephant. The next is
• 2 Therarchos] A Commander of Beasts: which name is appropriated to him, that commandeth two Elephants, and the body it selfe is named a Therarchie.
• 3 An Epitherarcha] Hauing the authoritie ouer the Therarchie and the body is called an Epitherarchie comprizing foure Elephants.
• 4 An Ilarch] As it were the Commander of a troupe; and the body is called an Ilar∣chie. Ile is commonly applied to horse, and signifieth a horse troupe, and Ilarcha the Captaine. But here Ilarcha signifieth the Commander of 8 Elephants.
• 5 An Elephantarch] A Commander of Elephants; as thoug•• the other bodies be∣fore mentioned were not of Elephants. Such straights are men often times driuen vnto in deuising new names for new things, which notwithstanding passe afterward and growe familiar by vse. Elephantarcha commandeth 16 Elephants, and the command is called an Elephantarchie.
• 6 A Keratarch] The Commander of a wing, the body a Keratarchie, hauing in it 32 Elephants. A wing of Chariots had as many.
• 7 A Phalange] This is the greatest body and consisteth of 64 Elephants. But as Chariots may be ordered into many Phalanges, and yet the same names retained in euery one of the Phalanges, so it is in Elephants. For that armies haue had in them at once a∣boue 64 Elephants appeareth by Histories. Polybius, and Diodor Sicul: testifie, c 1.591 the first that the Carthagineans, d 1.592 the last that King Porus against Alexander had the one 140, the other 130 Elephants in their armies. e 1.593 The same Polybius saith that Ptolomey had against Antiochus 73 Elephants in his armie, and Antiochus 102. And f 1.594 Plutarch reporteth that Androcottus, King of a part of India, gaue to Seleucus at on time 500 Elephants

The names of military motions expressed in this booke. CHAP. XXIV.

THus haue we set downe in particular the kindes of perfect Forces together with the seuerall names of euery body; Which being premised, it seemeth

[illustration]

Cap 25

〈…〉〈…〉Faces turned to the right hand

The Front

C••••s or one Turning of Faces to the right hand

The Front

The first standing

The Front

fit to deliuer the words of exercise, that when the Commander, shall will any thing to be done, the Souldier in daily experience acquainted before with the sig∣nification of euery of them, and with the moouing in each figure may easily per∣forme and execute, whatsoeuer is commanded.

There is a motion called Clisis whereof one kinde is to the Pike, the other to the Target; Another is called Metabole; another Epistrophe; another Anastrophe; another Perispasmus; another Ecperispasmus; besides we say to file; to ranke; to returne to the first posture; to countermarch; to double. Likewise we vse the words Induction; and Deduction to the right, or left hand; a broad-Phalange; a deepe∣phalange; and vneuen-fronted Phalange: and Parembole; and Protaxis; and Entaxis, and Hypotaxis; and Epitaxis and Prostaxis. The signification of which words I will shortly deliuer. And yet I am not ignorant, that the precepts of warre are not by all Tacticks expressed in the same tearmes.

Notes.

AElian in the Chapters precedent, hath numbred vp all kindes of forces, as well foote, as Horse, and Chariots, and Elephants, that in ancient time were accounted necessarie for warre. And hath giuen them their armor, and furniture, and distinguished them into militarie bodies, and imbattailed them, and taught the distances, that they ought to hold in fight. It followeth now that he speake of motions military; which are the life of an armie, and onely giue meanes of victorie; and without which all preparation of forces is vaine, and auaileth nothing in the field, nor to the end, for which they were leuied. This Chapter then conteineth the names of those motions; the following Chapters the particular explication of them. To which we will note, what we finde in ancient writers. For the signification of the words, I referre them to the seuerall Chapters, where they are expounded.

Of turning, and double turning the Souldiers faces, as they stand embattailed. CHAP. XXV.

¹ CLisis or turning of the face, is the particular motion of euery Souldier de∣clining his face either to his Pike, that is to the right hand, or to his Target, that is to the left hand. The vse of it is, when the enemie sheweth himselfe in flanke ² to encompasse our winges, or else to charge vs: or for some other cause, whereof I will speake in conuenient place. ³ Two turnings of the face towardes the same side transferre the sight of the Souldier to the reare of the battaile. And this kinde of motion is called Metabole: being also vsed either to the Pike, or to the Target. In the first standing the mouing of the Souldiers face toward the Pike is called Clisis, the second mouing the same way Metabole. For Me∣tabole is the conuersion of euery mans face particularly to the place, which was behinde his backe. And the same that Metabole is in ech seuerall Souldier, the same is Perispasmos, or wheeling about in the whole battaile. There are ⁴ two kinds of Metabole, the one from the enemie, the other to the enemie. Metabole is defined to be a changing of euery mans face in particular from the front to the

reare; or contrariwise. Turning about from the enemie is, when the Souldier turneth his face twice towards the Pike; To the enemy, when hee turneth twice towards the Target.

Notes.

FOure kinde of Motions are set downe by Aelian whereby vpon any occasion the bat∣taile may be somewhat changed: Turning of faces, countermarch, wheeling, and doubling, whereof the first may be vsed, in what order soeuer your battaile standeth, the second onely in open order, the third ••n close order only, the fourth either in close, or o∣pen order. Clisis, or turning of faces, whereof this Chapter intreateth, albeit it may bee brought in also in open Order; Yet is it not don for the most part but in close order; and then especially, when none of the other motions haue place. The Graecians alwaies coue∣ted to bring their file Leaders, that is their best men, to fight. In open Order they chose to countermarch; In close Order, hauing place, to wheele their battaile about, and so turne the face of it against the enemy. If they could doe neither of these, they came to the last remedy, which was turning of faces of euery particular man in the battaile.

• 1 Clisis, or turning of faces] This motion is of lesse paines then any other, but of no lesse importance, or necessitie. In the rest the Phalange changeth the place, or the forme: In this it holdeth both, and yet is ready for any attempt of the enemy. Onely euery Soul∣dier in particular turneth his countenance to the right or left hand, as he is commanded. To turne his face to the Pike is to turne to the right hand, because that hand bore the pike, to turne to the Target is to turne to the left hand; because the Macedonians caried their targets on their left shoulder. For the vse of this turning of Faces, Aelian saith, It hath place when the enemie sheweth himselfe in flanke
• 2 To incompasse, our wings] Clisis is no more, then bearing faces to the right, or left hand, that is to our wings. When then we finde our enemies, to incompasse our right wing, wee turne our faces, and weapons that way to receiue him: to the left, when he com∣meth to charge vs on that side. If on both sides, then turne wee the faces of our Phalange halfe to the right, halfe to the left hand; which is the Antistomus Phalange whereof Aelian speaketh hereafter. Briefely, there is almost none of the marching Phalanges which are afterward discribed, but it hath neede of this motion. Besides if vpon any oc∣casion the Phalange be to moue from any of the flanks, you are only to command Turning of faces to that flanke, and then to lead on. I will giue an example, or two. a 1.595 Alexander at Arbela hauing imbattailed his armie to fight with Darius, had intelligence, that Darius had strowed the ground betwixt the two armies with Calthropes. He commanded therefore the right wing, which himselfe led, to turne faces to the right hand, and follow him, to the end to go round about, and auoide the places, that were sowed with Calthropes. Darius marching against him to the left hand, dis∣ioyned his troupes of horse, and Alexander taking the aduantage, and giuing in quickly betwixt the spaces, put Darius to flight. If Alexander had marched on with the right front, he had fallen vpon the Calthropes. To auoide them, be vsed the benefit of this motion, and turning faces to the right hand he led on, vntill hee had passed the dan∣ger, and then turning againe to the first posture, went to charge, and defeated the enemie. An other example is in b 1.596 Polybius, who describing the battaile betwixt Machanidas the Lacedemonian Tyrant, and Philopoemen the Achaean Generall, telleth, that Machanidas hauing in the left wing put the Achaean mercenaries to flight, followed hard the chase. Philopoemen as long▪ as there was hope, indeuoured by all meanes to stay his men: when he saw them vtterly defeated, hee hasted to the

• right wing, and perceiuing the enemie busie in chase, and the place voide, where the fight had beene, commanding the first Merarchies to turne their faces to the right hand, hee led them on with high speede, not yet breaking the order of their imbattailing. And quickly seazing vpon the forsaken ground, hee both cut be∣twixt them, that gaue chase, and home, and withall got the aduantage of the vpper ground against the left wing of the armed. Whereby hee obteined the victory. If Philopoemen had in this action vsed wheeling of his battaile, which onely was the other motion, which would haue serued his turne, besides the troublesomenesse of the winding about, he should haue beene forced to haue vsed two wheelings, and so failed of the c••lerity, which was at that time requisite. Faces were turned in a trice, and he made himselfe Master of the ground, hee desired, before hee could haue wheeled once his battaile.
• 3 Two turnings of the Souldiers face] Clisis, or turning faces to the right, or left hand, consisteth of one turning and moueth no further, then the side. If the motion be to the reare, it hath two turnings, and is called Metabole, which is defined to bee a changing of euery mans face in particular from the front to the reare, or contra∣riwise. And as wheeling of the whole body carieth about the fronts of the battaile to the reare; So doth Metabole turne the face of euery particular Souldier, and maketh him looke from the front to the reare. The word properly signifieth a change, which happeneth herein, when the souldiers are changed from the front to the reare, or contrariwise. The vse of Metabole is principally to resist the enemy that giues on vpon the reare. a 1.597 So Pyr∣rhus being entred the Citie Argos with a few, and ouerpressed with multitude, retired by little and little, and defended himselfe, often turning his and his souldiers faces against the enemy. b 1.598 So the armie of Cyrus the elder retiring from the walles of Babylon, often turned about their faces to the left hand, and waited their enemie▪ who were reported to be on foote, and ready to come and charge them. And if the enemy assault both the front, and reare, it hath beene the manner to continue halfe the souldiers in each file with their faces to the front, and command the other halfe to turne their faces to the reare against the enemie behind. And this forme is called Phalanx Am∣phistomos discribed by Aelian cap. 38. And sometimes it is vsed to speed our march, and preuent the enemie, as was said before of Clisis. c 1.599 Agesilaus made an incursion into the Territory of the Thebans, and finding a Trench, and Ramper cast vp by the Thebanes for defence of their Countrey, and onely two narrow waies betwixt, he cast his armie into a hollow Plinthium, or square, and led it against the left hand passage, whither all the Thebans flocked for defence. But hee turning about faces from the reare, hasted away, and gained the other passage, where no man was present to resist, and entring spoiled the Countrey; and returned without impeachment.
• ...

  4 There are two kinde of Metaboles] Before were rehearsed two kinde of tur∣nings of faces about, one to the pike, the other to the target, here is added two more, one from the enemy and the other against the enemie; which are all one indeed, and differ onely in name. What the true meaning of these turnings should be, I am in doubt, Aelian expounding them one way, Suidas an other. Aelian esteemes them by the right, and left hand, Suidas, albeit he haue that signification also, esteemeth them by the front and reare. Therefore Suidas defines the turning from the enemie to bee a turning about, toward the reare: that against the enemie, a turning about toward the front. Aelian would haue the first to containe two turnings toward the right hand, the second two turnings toward the left. I for my part assent rather to Aelian. For touching the tur∣nings of Suidas, I cannot yet vnderstand, why turning toward the reare should be a tur∣ning from the enemie; Or toward the front a turning to the enemie: Considering that

• ...

  whether soeuer you turne faces, the enemie is imagined to be there; faces and weapons be∣ing to bee opposed alwaies against the enemie, which is the onely end of turning. Aelians opinion seemeth to haue more probability in it, at least if I conceiue the right reason. For I take it thus: That seeing the Graecians (as the Romans likewise) were Targetieres, and caried their targets on their left side, and in fight aduanced that side alwaies neerest the enemie, which they sought to couer with their targets, that therefore the turning about to the enemy, was called turning to the Target; as contrarily turning to the right side, on which side the Pike was caried, and which being naked of such defensiue armes was called a 1.600 the open side, and therefore further remoued from the enemy, might for the same cause be tearmed turning from the enemy. So that I take turning about to the enemy, and tur∣ning about to the target to be all one, as also turning about from the enemy, and turning about to the Pike, howsoeuer the name differ. This is my coniecture, which I shall ima∣gine to be true, till I finde some man, that will bee pleased to giue me a more probable rea∣son: I only adde now the words of command in this motion.

  As you were.
  • Faces to the right hand.
  • Faces to the left hand.
  • Faces about, to the right or left hand.
  • ...The figure sheweth the manner.

Of wheeling, double, and treble-wheeling of the battaile, and returning to the first posture. CHAP. XXVI.

¹ EPistrophe (or wheeling) is when the battaile being so closed, that no man can turne, or twice turne his face by reason of the neerenesse of man to man, it wholy, and iointly wheeleth (as a ship, or some other body caried about) the order thereof remaining vndissolued. When the wheeling is to the Pike, we warne the right-corner-file-leader to stand still (as it were the hooke of a doore hinge) and the rest of the battaile proceeding forward to turne about the same file-Leader like the doore. In the same manner is wheeling to the Target; It may be thus defined: Epistrophe is, when shutting the battaile by gathering close the Followers, and Side-men, we turne it wholy (as the body of a man) toward the Pike, or Target, it being caried about the corner-file-leader, as about a Cen∣ter, and, changing the place of the front, transferre the countenance of the soul∣dier to the right, or left hand; the followers and sidemen euery one remayning in file and ranke as before. How it is to be done I will shew hereafter.

Anastrophe, or returning to the first posture, is the restoring of the wheeling to the place, where the battaile first stood close, before it beganne to wheele. Pe∣rispasmos, or wheeling about, is the motion of the battaile in two wheelings, so that thereby the front commeth to the place of the reare. ² Ecperispasmos, or tre∣ble wheeling, is the motion of the battaile in three wheelings, so as, when it turn∣eth to the Pike, the front commeth about to the left flanke; when to the Target, it commeth about to the right flanke.

Notes.

THis Chapter hath a diuers kinde of turning from the other mentioned in the last Chapter, which for distinction sake, is called Epistrophe, or wheeling. The other turned no more, then the souldiers faces, euery man yet keeping the same ground▪ be had before. This wheeles the whole body, and changeth the place of the Phalange ei∣ther to the right, or left hand, or to the reare. And as there was in the turning of faces a particular motion of euery particular souldier to the right, or left hand, called Clesis, and an other turning about called Metabole: so is there in this a generall wheeling of the whole body to the right, or left hand, called Epistrophe, and an other wheeling about to the reare called Perispasmos. But let vs heare the description.

• ¹ Epistrophe (or wheeling) is, when the Battaile] Shortly Epistrophe is no more, then the first turning of the battaile to the right or left hand. In doing whereof first the files must be closed to the hand, you meane to wheele, then the rankes. Then the corner file-Leader on the same hand is to stand still, then all the rest keeping their files, and rankes closed, to turne to the same hand iointly about the Corner-file-leader circle-wise, who is to moue by little, and little▪ till he haue turned his face to that side, which was in∣tended. And when the first ranke is euen with him, and the rest wheeled enough to the same hand, they are to stand still: The words of the definition of Epistrophe (or wheeling) are plaine enough in Aelian; I neede vse no exposition. Now because in exercise we relie not vpon one forme of motion alone, but acquaint our souldiers with all the kindes; It is necessarie to bring the body againe to the first place, to the end we may proceede in the rest. This reducing to the first Posture is called Anastrophe, by which the battaile retur∣neth, but by a contrary hand, to that, to which the Epistrophe was made. And but for changing the hand the wheeling backe againe is all one with the wheeling forward. Wee shall see hereafter how it is done. To bring the battaile to haue the front, where the reare was, you must vse a double wheeling. And that is called Perispasmos. Which commeth of two Epistrophes, and is made either to the right, or left hand. Onely it must bee ob∣serued, that if the Perispasmos (or wheeling about) be to the right hand, the Anastro∣phe (or reducing to the first posture) must be to the left. Contrarie it is if the Perispas∣mos were to the right hand.
• 2 Ecperispasmos] I could neuer hitherto conceiue any vse of a treble wheeling (for so Aelian takes the word) vnlesse a Perispasmos were first made, and the battaile had the front already brought to the reare, and so an Epistrophe added from the reare to the same hand. Otherwise seeing that one wheeling is sooner made, then two, and therefore sooner then three, I see no neede of three wheelings, especially seeing we may doe that, wee desire with one. For example, let vs wheele our battaile thrice to the right hand, the front will come to be in the place of the left flanke. The same will be performed as well with one wheeling to the left hand. Et frustra fit per plura, quod potest fieri per pauciora, especially in matter of warre, where the least moment of time often carieth the whole bu∣sinesse. The like may be said of Ecperispasmos to the left hand.

The vse of the motions of wheeling, and double wheeling, is, when the battaile being closed, and the enemy comming to assault you in any other one place, then the front, you seeke to bring the best men to fight. For if you be to be charged in two places at once, or more, wheeling helpes little; except it be to turne the front to one enemy, and in that case your onely shift is, to turne faces against them, that come to charge, on what side soeuer they come. Examples of these two motions, I meane Epistrophe, and Perispasmos meete vs almost in euery Greeke Historie. Of which I will represent one, or two, especially of the

latter; the rather because practise giueth both light, and life to precepts. a 1.601 Plutarch re∣counteth, that after King Pyrrhus, had in vaine assaulted Sparta, he was invited by an Argiuan named Aristaeus to receiue Argos into his protection, and that hee marched thitherward with his armie. Arieus the king of Lacedemonia laying am∣bushes for him, and taking the principall streights▪ by which he was to passe, char∣ged his reare, wherein the Galatians and Molossians were. When Pyrrhus heard the bruite and noise, he sent his sonne Ptolomy with the band of Companions to aide, himselfe with all speede marching out of the streights, led on his armie. The medly being sharpe about Ptolomy, and the chosen Lacedemonians commanded by Eualcus standing close to their busines, Oroesus a Candiot of Aptera, valiant of his hands, and swift of foote, running crosse against the young Prince gaue him a deadly stroke and ouerthrew him. His fall made the rest to flie. And the Lacede∣monians hauing the victorie, and following the chase came into the Champian ground still killing but not remembring they were not followed with armed foot. Vpon whom Pyrrhus, hauing euen then heard of, and being much mooued with the death of his sonne, wheeled about the Molossian horsemen. And himselfe first aduancing vpon the spurre imbrued himselfe with the slaughter of Lacede∣monians. He alwaies seemed mighty, and terrible in armes; but then he exceeded himselfe in daring and valor. For turning his Horse vpon Eualcus who shunning him, shifted a side, and with all strooke at his bridle hand as he passed by, and wan∣ted but little of cutting it off. But missing the hand, he light vpon the raines, and carued them quite a sunder. Pyrrhus with all strooke him thorough the body with his Launce. Then leaping from his horse, and fighting a foote, hee cut in pieces the chosen Lacedemonians, that fought to recouer the body of Eualcus. This was the fight that Pyrrhus made by wheeling about his Horsemen against the Lacedemonians, that followed vpon his Reare. Another example of Wheeling a∣bout is reported by Polybius, and it is of Amilcar Annibals father, this is the history. The mercenary souldiers of the Carthaginians reuolted from them, and ouer∣threw some of their Generalls, and shut them vp within the Citie of Carthage, possessing both other streights, that led into the Countrey, and also a bridge laide ouer a riuer called Macar, which riuer was not passable, but by that Bridge. Be∣sides, they built a City for defence of that Bridge. Amilcar seeking to dislodge the enemie from that Bridge, and hauing no way to come at them conueniently; obserued, that when certaine windes blew, the mouth of the riuer toward the sea was commonly filled vp with sand, and would giue passage sufficient for his armie. Finding then a fit time, hee put ouer his army in the night, and before day, or ere any man knew of it, made himselfe Master of the passage; and pre∣sently led against them, that held the bridge. Spendius (hee was one of the chiefe Rebells) hearing thereof, aduanced to meete Amilcar in the plaine, and both ten thousand from the City at the bridge foote, and fifteen thousand more from Vti∣ca, came out one to aide another, thinking to wrappe in the Carthaginians be∣tweene them; who were not aboue ten thousand Souldiers of all sorts, and 70 Elephants. Amilcar led on his armie. Before were the Elephants, the horse, and light armed followed next, the armed foote came last. And perceiuing the ene∣mie, that followed his Reare, pressed hard vpon him, he commanded his whole ar∣mie to turne about. Those that were in the Vangard of the march hee willed to returne to him with speede; ▪the other, that at first had the reare, hee wheeled a∣bout, and straight opposed against the enemy. The Lybians and mercenaries ima∣gining the Carthaginians fled for feare, fell vpon them disorderly, and boldly came

to hands. But when they saw the Horsemen, being now turned about, and come vp neere to the foote, and already put in order, make a stand, they them∣selues, by reason they looked for nothing lesse, fell into a feare, turning their backes fled presently, as before they gaue on vnaduisedly, and straglingly. And some of them falling vpon their owne people, that were comming on, wrought both theirs, and their owne destructions: othersome were trampled vpon, and trode to death, by the horse, and Elephants, that followed the chase. Thus farre Polybius. And thus farre of Wheelings. The figure, and words of command are reser∣ued for the 32 Chapter, where the manner of wheelings, and returning to the first posture is set downe.

Of filing, ranking, and restoring to the first posture. CHAP. XXVII.

TO file is, when euery particular man keeping equall distance from other standeth in his owne file lineally betwixt the file-Leader and bringer-vp. To ranke is, to be in a right line euen with his sidemen in the length of the bat∣taile. ¹ To restore to the first posture is, to bring the sight of the Souldier to the same aspect, he had before the first turning. As if his face were at first towardes the enemy, being commanded to turne towards the Pike, and thence to returne to his first posture, hee is againe to returne his face toward the enemy.

Notes.

OF filing, and ranking enough is spoken before.

1 To restore to the first posture] This motion differeth from Anastrophe before specified. For Anastrophe bringeth backe againe the whole body to the first place after a Wheeling: This the Souldiers faces particularly to the first aspect. So that this is vsed after the making of an Anastrophe. For alwaies in motions it is requisite, that the Souldiers faces moue forward. To moue backeward hath many inconueniences, of stum∣blings vpon vneuen ground, or stones, or pittes, or stubbes, or such like. Which is the cause that in Anastrophe after a Wheeling, Aelian willeth, that the Souldiers turne their faces the contrarie way first, then moue on, till they haue recouered their first ground, then open rankes, and files, and lastly to restore to the first aspect. And as it dif∣fereth from Anastrophe so differeth it likewise from Metabole. Metabole only turned faces about, this setteth the Souldier in his former posture, not onely for his face, but for his armes, also, which, are ordered as at first. The wordes wherein this motion is expres∣sed by Aelian are Ep orthon apodounai, and Eis orthon apoca••astesai, which is in∣terpreted by Gaza in arrectum reddere, to restore vp right, by Arcerius rectum red∣dere, to restore right, and so the words sound. Aelian interpreteth it to set againe the Souldiers sight in the same aspect in which it stood at first: as if being placed with his face against the enemy he be commanded to turne his face to the Pike, and then againe to restore his face to his first posture, he must returne, and set his face against the enemy. Aelian therefore referreth it to the sight, he first had, which if it bee the right meaning, how can it

be vpright, or right, more in that, then in any other posture. For the Souldier not onely in front, but in flanke, and in the reare carrieth himselfe vpright, or right. I doubt not, but that it may be applied to the vpright standing of men, as appeareth by sundry places of Pausanias: Who reherseth, that Mineruas Image seta 1.602 in the Temple Parthenion standeth vpright, orthon esti, and in an other place, that in Corinth b 1.603 in the Temple Pantheon, there were two Images of Mercurie standing vpright, Ortha, c 1.604 and that in the Temple of Fortune the image of Fortune was carued of Parian-stone, and stood vpright▪ Orthon: and that in Neptunes Temple situate in the Corinthian Isthmus, the images of Amphitrite and Neptune stand in a Chariot, and the boy Palemon vp∣right vpon a Dolphin, Orthos. In all which places Orthos designeth the site of men. But here, as I take, it cannot be so applied. Because in euery motion, not onely in this, the men stand vpright. How then can they be restored to their standing vpright, when they doe it already. I take the originall of the appellation to come from another cause, and that is from the ordering of the Pike. For when the battaile is first set in the field, eue∣ry Souldier standes with his Pike ordered, that is vpright. For to order a pike is to set the butt end on the ground before the Souldier somewhat wide of his right foote, and to hold it vpright with the right hand borne euen with the shoulder. But when you be∣ginne, or continue any motion, the manner is to aduance, or to shoulder the Pike, and so to proceede. But being commanded to returne to the first posture, it must bee ordered againe. So that the first posture of an armed man is to stand with his pike vp∣right. And after many motions and windings, he at last returneth to the same posture, which I take the command of Ep'orthon apodounai to signifie. Now that I may not seeme to relie vpon a probable coniecture alone, I will bring witnesse for the confirmation of my opinion. It is reported by d 1.605 Diodorus Siculus, that Agesilaus the Lacede∣monian King with an armie of eighteen thousand foote, and fifteen hundred horse, inuaded Boeotia. The Athenians before hearing of Agesilaus comming had sent fiue thousand foote, and 200 horse to aide the Thebans, who gathering their armie together seized vpon a long narrow hill distant 20 furlongs from the City; And making the hard accesse to the place a kinde of fortification against the ene∣mie, they there waited his comming, fearing to hazard vpon euen ground in re∣gard of the renowne, and glory of Agesilaus. Agesilaus, hauing imbattailed his troupes, led them against the Boeotians; and approching neere, sent his light armed to sound their disposition to fight, which being easily repulsed by the Thebans by the aduantage of the higher ground, hee aduanced the rest of his forces being imbattailed in such manner, as might giue greatest terror. Chabrias the Atheni∣an willed his Souldiers to awaite the enemy contemptuously both keeping their first array, and their Targets at their knees, and continuing their Pikes vpright or∣dered; who when they iointly as vpon a word giuen, did as they were comman∣ded, Agesilaus both wondering at the good order, and at the assured fashion of the enemy thought it not fit to striue with vnequall ground, and by forcing them to fight, to compell them to be valiant, whether they would, or no. Hitherto Di∣odor Sicul. of the Strategem of Chabrias against Agesilaus, which consisted in the contempt of Agesilaus, and all his forces: First in not stirring one foote, to meete the enemy, then in keeping the array they held before; further in sincking their Targets to their knees; Lastly in continuing the former order of their Pikes, that is not ma∣king readyto charge, but remaining with their Pikes ordered, as they were at first. Age∣silaus aduancing his armie thought to strike a feare into his enemie; Chabrias trusting to the strength of the place, scorned the Brouado of Agesilaus, conceiuing, he would not be so hardy to aduenture the fight vpon so great an inequallity of ground. He therfore willeth the

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[illustration]

Cap 28 The Macedoman Countermache by file

The reare

The front of the first standing

The Countermarche in action

The file leaders with their faces about standing firme

The bringers vp dismarching

The front after Countermarche

The ground taken before y^e front of the Phalange

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[illustration]

Cap 29 The Lacedemonian Countermarche

The Countermarche in action

The file∣leaders aduancing in Countermarche

The bringers vp stand¦ing firme w^th their faces turned about

The front after Countermarche

The ground taken beyond the reareof the Phalange

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[illustration]

Cap▪ 20 The Chorean Countermarche

The Front in the first standing

The Bring∣ers vp mov∣ing

The file∣lea∣ders dismarching

The front after Countermarche

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[illustration]

Cap. 20. Countermarche by Ranke

The Countermarche in action

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diers not to alter their posture, but to continue as they were. The words concerning the Pike are: En ortho tò dorati menein. That is to continue their pikes vpright (En ortho) Now whether the same be the posture, that the Tacticks describe, when they speake or restoring Ep' ortho, vpright, I referre to the iudgement of the Reader. ^a Po∣liaenus* 1.606 remembring this Stratagem vseth somewhat different words, and yet consenteth in meaning. Chabrias saith he, commanded his Souldiers not to runne out a∣gainst the enemy, but quietly to stand still holding their pikes before vpright, and their Targets before their knees which they were wont to doe, when they would a little ease themselues of the weight of their Targets. Where Diodore, hath en ortho tò dora∣ti menein, to continue their Pikes vpright. Polienus hath protinomenous ta do∣rata ortha, holding before them their Pikes vpright. But both haue pikes vpright and Diodorus his Continue hath relation to the Posture they were in, which Chabrias would not haue them to alter: Polienus his hold before to that they were commanded to doe. In ordering of Pikes at this day I haue shewed, that the Souldiers hold them vp∣right, the but end set on the ground before, and somewhat wide of their right foote. b 1.607 Aemilius Probus reciting this historie peruerteth the Stratagem: Hee saith that Cha∣brias forbad the Phalange to giue backe, and taught his Souldiers to receiue the enemies charge kneeling with one knee, the other set against the Target, and with the Pike abased. Wherein hee quite dissenteth from Diodore, and Polien. Dio∣dore saith, the command was to keepe their array; Polienus not to runne forward, but quietly to stand still; Probus not to giue backe. Probus saith, they should kneele with one knee, and rest against the Target with the other; Diodore that they should hold their Targets sunke to their knees; Polienus that they should carry their Targets before at their knees. Probus that they should abase, and charge their Pikes; Diodore that they should continue, and order them vpright; Polien that they should hold their Pikes vpright. So that Diodore and Polien agree, and expound one another: Aemilius Probus bringing in a new historie dissenteth, as I said, from the other two; especially in making that to be a forme of fight prescribed by Chabrias (a simple forme to receiue the charge vpon their knees) which was a contempt, to shew how little, especially in that strength of ground, he regarded Agesilaus; which contempt also made Agesilaus retire, not doubting but it proceeded from a great assurance of the enemy. Therfore as I said I take these words ep' orthon apodounai, not only to appertaine to the aspect of the Souldier, but also (and that much rather) to the erection, and order∣ing of Pikes.

Of Countermarches, and the diuers kindes thereof, with the manner how they are to be made. CHAP. XXVIII.

THere are two sorts of Countermarches, one by file, the other by ranke; each of these againe is diuided into three kindes. The first called the Macedonian: The second the Lacedemonian: The third the Choraean, which is also the Persian, and the Cretan. ¹ The Macedonian is that, which leauing the ground, it first had, taketh in liew thereof the ground, which was before the front of the Pha∣lange, and turneth the aspect of the Souldier backeward [where before it was forward.]

2 The Lacedemonian is that, which leauing likewise the ground it first had, taketh in steed thereof, the ground which was behinde the Reare of the Phalange, and turneth also the face of the Souldier the contrary way.

3 The Persian is the Cretan, and Choraean: This keepeth the same ground of the Phalange, euery souldier taking another place for that, he had, the file-Leader the place of Bringer-vp, and so the rest in order; and turneth also the face of the Souldier the contrary way.

4 Countermarches by ranke are made, when a man would transferre the winges into the place of the Sections; and the Sections into the place of the wings, to the end to strengthen the middest of the battaile. Likewise the right hand parts into the left hand parts, and the left hand parts into the right hand parts. They that feare to countermarch the Phalange in grosse the enemy being at hand, doe it by Syntagmaes.

I will now set downe, in what manner countermarches ought to be made.

The Macedonian countermarch by file is said to be, when the file-leader turneth about his face, and all the rest with the Bringer-vp go against him on the right, or left hand, and passing on to the ground before the front of the Phalange place themselues in order one after an other, according as the file-Leader himselfe hath turned his face. Therefore it maketh shew to the enemy appearing in the Reare, of running away: Or it is when the file-Leader turneth about his face, and the rest passing by him on the right or left hand place themselues orderly one behinde another.

But the Lacedemonian is, when the Bringer-vp turneth his face about, and all the rest turning also their faces, and proceeding forward together with their file-Leader order themselues proportionably in the ground, which was behinde the Reare of the Phalange. Wherefore to the enemy appearing behinde, it makes a semblance of falling on. Againe the Lacedemonian is, when the file-Leader tur∣ning his face about to the Pike, or Target transferreth the whole file to another place equall to the first; and the rest following stand, as before, behinde▪him. Or else, when the Bringer-vp turneth his face about, and hee, that stood next before him, passing by on the right or left hand, is placed againe next before him, and the rest following are placed one before another in their former order till the file-Leader be the first.

The Choraean is, when the file-Leader turning about toward the Pike, or Tar∣get, precedeth the file, and the rest follow, till the file-Leader haue the place of the Bringer-vp, and the Bringer-vp the place of the file-Leader. And these are the Countermarches by file.

In the same manner are Countermarches made by ranke in case a man would countermarch by ranke. For euery ranke Countermarching either keepeth the same ground, or changeth the right hand place, or else the left hand place, of the battaile, one of which must needes fall out, and neuer faileth.

Notes.

THe two former motions are performed, one in close Order, the other in all Orders; Epistrophe when the battaile is shut so close, that (as Aelian saith) a man can turne his face neither the one way, nor the other. Clisis in open Order, Order, and close Order. The two ^• following motions, Countermarch, and Doubling, one is done in open* 1.608 Order, the other for the most part in open order too; and yet sometimes in Order, and

close order; as we shall see in due place. This Chapter handleth Countermarches, the next Doublings. Countermarch is a motion, whereby euery souldier marching after other, changeth his front for the reare, or one flancke for the other. For there are two kindes of Countermarches, one by file, and the other by ranke. And each of these is againe diuided into three; the first called the Macedonian; the second, the Lacedemonian; the third the Choraean, or Cretan. A Countermarch by file is, when euery souldier followeth his Leader of the same file; By ranke, when euery souldier followeth his sideman of the same ranke in the Countermarch.

• 1 The Macedonian Countermarch] In this Countermarch, the purpose of the Commander is to turne the front of his battaile against the enemy that sheweth himselfe in the Reare; and withall to take the ground that lyeth before the front of the Phalange. It is called the Macedonian Countermarch (saith Aelian) because the Macedonians were the inventers of it. Which of the Macedonians he telleth not, but excludeth Phi∣lip, and Alexander, who both vsed the Lacedemonian Countermarch. And before their times I haue not read of any warlike Kings of Macedonia The manner of it is this; First all the File-leaders turne their faces about either to the right or left hand; then the next ranke passeth thorough by them on the same hand; and being come to their distan∣ces, place themselues directly behind their File-leaders, and then turne about their faces the same way. And so the third ranke after them, and the fourth, and all the rest, till the Bringers-vp be last, and haue taken the reare of the battaile againe, and turned about their faces. The figure expresseth not well the action. For in it the Bringers-vp begin first to countermarch, which according to Aelian should moue last. Yet may this Counter∣march be done, as the figure is. But I take Aelians way to be easier, and readier. And it may be also, that the Countermarch expressed in the figure is lost in the text. For one of the Lacedemonian Countermarches, which proceedeth the contrary way, beginneth the motion with the File-leaders, as this doth with the Bringers-vp, as wee shall straight see.
• 2 The Lacedemonian countermarch] In this Countermarch the proceeding is contrary to that of the former; that tooke the ground before the Phalange, this takes the ground after. In that the mouing was from the Reare to the front, in this from the front to the reare. This is the invention of the Lacedemonians. Aelian describeth it to be done in two manners: One, when the Bringers-vp first turne about their faces, and the next* 1.609 ranke likewise turning faces beginneth the Countermarch, and euery man thereof placeth himselfe directly before his Bringer-vp, and the third doe the like; and so the rest, till the ranke of the File-leaders come to be first: The other, when the File-leaders begin the Countermarch, and euery one in their files follow them orderly. The figure expresseth this last. Aelian preferreth the Lacedemonian Countermarch before the Macedonian: because in it the souldiers seeme to fall on, and goe to the charge; where in the Macedonian they seeme to flie. There are notwithstanding times, when it is better to vse the Macedonian. As in case you meane to march on, and not to fight with the enemy, except you be compel∣led: Or else you seeke to gaine some ground of aduantage. For the Macedonian conti∣nueth still the march, and stayeth not; the Lacedemonian returneth vpon the enemy, and so looseth ground in marching. Agesilaus after victorie gotten against the Argives, against whom he stood in the right winge, hearing that the Thebans had beaten the Or∣chomenians in the left winge, vsed the Lacedemonian Countermarch against them. The words of x 1.610 Xenophon sound thus: Here the strangers were about to crowne Agesilaus (thinking he had got the victory) when newes was brought that the Thebans, after they had broken the Orchomenians, had forced a passage as farre as the baggage. Then Agesilaus, countermarching his Phalange▪ led against them.

• The Thebans perceiuing their Confederates were fied vp to the mount Helicon, clo∣sed their troupes together, as neare as they could, seeking to open a way by force, and to get vp vnto them. Agesilaus albeit he might by giuing way to the formost haue followed them at heeles, and charged the reare, yet did he it not, but met the Thebans front to front. Thus encountring, and clashing their Targets toge∣ther they fought, thrust on, killed, and were killed. In fine some of the Thebans broke thorough to Helicon; other some, as they sought to escape, were left dead on the place. Agesilaus here followed the chase vpon the Argives toward the mount Helicon: The Thebans vpon the Orchomenians the contrary way towards the ene∣mies Campe. The Thebans seing their confederates fled to the mount Helicon, returned toward them, Agesilaus countermarched to meete them, met them, and fought with them. For the Countermarch he vsed, I make account it was the Lacedemonian, himselfe being a Lacedemonian. And he vsed it to meet the Thebans brauely in front. The same Agesilaus, after he had by night incamped in a peece of ground behind Mantinaea incom∣passed* 1.611 about with mountaines, perceiuing the next morning, that the Mantinaeans gathered together vpon the toppes, that lay right ouer the head of his Reare∣gard, determined to lead his Armie out of the place with all speed. Now if him∣selfe should lead, he feared the enemy would giue vpon his Reare. Therefore standing still, and turning his armes against the enemy, he commanded the last of the Phalange to march backe againe from the Reare, and come vp to him; and so at once he brought his Armie out of the streights, and made it by little, and lit∣tle stronger. When the Phalange was thus doubled, he proceeded in that order into the Champeigne, & there againe reduced the depth of the armed foote to 9 or 10 men in euery file. This place of Xenophon, if it be not corrupted, is very obscure. And I cannot tell whether to take it for doubling of the front, or the Macedonian countermarch. The words make for a doubling. For Xenophon saith plainely, the Phalange was doubled. Besides he addeth, it was made by little and little stronger; which could not be done with a Countermarch. And that a deepe Phalange, or Hearse, (such as this by the euenings march, and the straights it entred, seemeth to be) is made stronger by doubling the front, there is no question. On the other side, the streights, tho∣rough which it was to passe, perswade me, it should be a Macedonian Countermarch. For in doubling the front the length still increaseth; & the manner is not to inlarge, but to extenuate the front, when an Armie is to be conveighed thorough a narrow place. And Xenophon saith expresly, that Agesilaus led it thorough the streights into the Cham∣peigne in that order, to which it was reduced last; & that in the Champion the depth of the Armed was lessened, and brought to 9 or 10; for there Agesilaus imbattailed his Pha∣lange to receiue the enemy, if he would charge. And in a march through straight waies the front is commonly narrowed, and proportioned to the way; but in open ground the Pha∣lange is againe brought to the iust length. So that it seemeth the depth was much, before it come into the plaine; because in the plaine it was brought to 9 or 10 men, and therefore no doubling. Lastly Agesilaus, (and the front I doubt not of the Phalange with him) turned face to the enemy, before the Reare came vp to him. which is done in no other motion, than the Macedonian countermarch. In which all the File-leaders first turne about their faces toward the enemy, and then the whole battaile marcheth against the File-leaders, and placing themselues orderly behind them, turne their faces the same way, that they haue done before. Now where it is in Xenophon, that Agesilaus hauing gained the Cham∣peigne, extended his Armie to 9 or 10 Targeteres, I suspect a fault to be in the number of 9; and that it ought to be read 8 or 10. To extend a Phalange is to draw it out in length. the length is the space betwixt the point of both wings. When he saith he extended it to

• 10, the meaning is he drew it out so farre in length that he left but 10 in depth. Ten is the decas, whereof I spoke before, and I haue likewise noted, that the Lacedemonians for the most part, made the depth of their battaile 8. The number of 9, as all other vneuen numbers, was reiected by the Tacticks, as vnfit for doublings. So that mine opinion is that Xenophon at the first wrote 8 or 10, not 9 or 10, howsoeuer 9 be crept into the place of 8. But to returne to Agesilaus, admit he vsed doubling of ranks, or of the front in retiring out of the Mantinaean straights, yet giue me leaue to be of opinion, that the Macedonian Countermarch had beene the fittest motion for that purpose. For himselfe being thereby cast in the reare, he had both preuented the charge of the enemie (which he feared) and yet wounde better out of the straights, the long Herse, which still remained in the Macedonian Countermarch, being more proportionable to issue out of a narrow place, then a broad-fronted Phalange, which ariseth out of doubling the front.
• 3 The Persian is the Cretan or Choraean] This Countermarch is called the Persian, and Cretan, because it was vsed amongst the Persians and Cretans. And it was termed the Choraean also, of the similitude it had with the solemne Graecian dan∣ces vpon stages; the company, that shewed themselues in such dances being called Chorus. Who in their daunces ordered themselues into files, and ranks, as souldiers doe in battaile, and mouing forward to the brinke of the stage, when being straightned by the place, they could passe no further, they retired one through the ranks of the other, exceeding not the bounds of the place, as is done in this Countermarch. The other two kinds of Coun∣termarch changed the ground, they had before. The Macedonian tooke the ground be∣fore the front; The Lacedemonian the ground after the reare. The Choraean holdeth the same ground, & beginneth the motion with the File-leaders, who notwithstanding pro∣ceede no further, then thither, where the Bringers-vp stood, their files following them, & euery souldier keeping the same distance, he had before the mouing. The figure shewes the manner of it. h 1.612 These Countermarches by file, are to be made, when the enemy appeares in the reare, and commeth to charge vs. And they are made to the end, to bring our best men, that is the File-leaders, to the incounter. Wherein notwithstanding there is a caution to be held, that if the enemy be very neare, or so neare, that we cannot conueniently coun∣termarch,* 1.613 before he come vp to vs, we forbeare, lest we fall into disorder, and in disorder be easily defeated. In which case the best remedy is to turne faces about, and so receiue him. Hitherto of Countermarches by file.
• 4 Countermarches by ranke are made] The ends of Countermarches by ranke are two in Aelian: one to strengthen the middest of the battaile; the other to strengthen the wings. If the strength of the enemies battaile, lie most in the middest, reason of Warre would, that we should oppose our greatest strength against the middest. If in the wings against the winges. There is an other cause of strengthning the winges, namely if the enemy be ready to charge either of them: and this strength Aelian would haue giuen by the Countermarch of our best men into the winges. It shall not be from the purpose to make all plaine by an example or two. i 1.614 Herodotus reporteth, that before the battaile of Plataea betwixt the Graecians, and the Persians, it was agreed be∣twixt the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, that where the Athenians had van∣quished the Persians in the battaile of Marathon, and had lately slaine Masistius the Generall of the Persian horse; and by those incounters had good experience of the Persian manner of fight; and where the Lacedemonians were imbattai∣led in the right wing against the Persians, the Athenians in the left wing against the Thebans, and other Graecians, that tooke part with the Persians: they should change, and the Athenians haue the right wing, the Lacedemonians the left.

• These newes were caried to Mardonius the Generall of the Persians; who whe∣ther fearing the Athenians, or desirous to fight with the Lacedemonians, changed his place from the left into his right wing, to the intent to oppose against them; which when Pausanias saw, he returned to his right wing, and Mardonius to his left, the place, which he had at the beginning. Here are changing wings on both parts; The one coueting to fight in the left wing, the other desirous to fight in the right. The Countermarch by ranke from the right wing would haue fitted Pausanias: as the contrary Countermarch would haue fitted Mardonius. Yet am I led to thinke that Pau∣sanias vsed a wheeling of his battaile, and so conveighed it from one wing to an other behind the battaile of the other Graecians, to the end, that being shadowed by them, hee might the better hide his purpose from Mardonius. An other example I finde in Livy and Polybius both. It is this: k 1.615 Pub: Scipio, who was afterward called Africanus, and Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo, being incamped neare together in Spaine brought daily out of their Campes their Armies one against an other. And af∣ter they had long stood waiting, who should begin the fight, which was done at neither hand, they conveighed them backe againe. The manner of their im∣battailing was this. The Romans, and likewise the Carthagineans mingled with the Africans, had the middle, their Confederates the wings. The opinion was they should fight in that order. Scipio when he perceiued this to be firmely be∣leeued, the day before he ment to fight, made an alteration of all. When night came, he gaue the word thorough the whole Campe, that horse, and men should dine, before it was light day, and that the horsemen in Armes should keepe their horses bridled, and sadled. The day was scarse sprunge, when he sent his horse, and light-armed to beat in the Carthaginean Gardes, himselfe streight followed with the armed Legions; disposing the Romans (contrary to the setled opinion of his owne people, and of the enemy) in the wings, and receiuing the Allies into the middest. Asdrubal raised out of his bed with the cry of his horsemen, had no sooner leaped out of his Tent, and seing the tumult before the trench of his Campe, and the amazednes of his people, and the Ensignes of the Legions shi∣ning a farre of, and the field full of enemies, presently sent out his whole power of horse to vndertake the Roman horse. Himselfe issued out of the Campe with his foote, not changing any thing of his wonted manner of imbattailing. The fight of the horsemen had now a long time beene doubtfull, and could not bee tried, because still, as they were beaten (which hapned a like to both) they found a safe retreat within the battailes of foote. But when the Armies were come within 500 paces one of an other, Scipio giuing a signall of Retreat, and opening his battaile, receiued all the horse, and light-armed into the middest, and diuiding them into two parts, placed them as seconds, behind the wings. Now when time was come to begin the fight, he commanded the Spaniards, who had the middle ward, to march on leasurely, and sent a messenger from the right winge (for hee commanded there) to Syllanus and Martius, willing them to stretch out the left winge, as they saw him stretch out the right; and to charge the enemy with the light-armed, and horse, before the middle wards might be able to come vp, and ioyne. The winges being thus stretched out, they led with all possible speed three Cohorts of foote, and three troupes of horse a peece, against the enemy, be∣sides the light-armed, and those that were receiued into the Reare, who fol∣lowed a thwart. There was a great empty space in the middest, because the En∣signes of the Spaniards came slowly on. And now the wings were in fight, when the old souldiers Carthaginians and Africans, the strength of the Armie, were

• not yet come to vse their darts, neither durst they runne into the wings to helpe them, that fought for feare of opening the middest of the battaile to the enemy, who was comming on against them. The winges were pressed with a double medley. The Horse, light-armed, & Velites, wheeling about their Troupes, charge their flanks. The Cohorts pushed on in front, to the end, to breake of the wings from the body of the battaile. And the conflict was vnequall both in all other re∣spects, and especially because a rable, as it were of drudges, and vntrained Span∣iards, were opposed against the Roman and Latin souldiers. The day being now farre spent, the Armie of Asdruball oppressed with the mornings tumult, and compelled to take the field, before they had strengthned their bodies with meat, began to faint, and faile in strength; which was the reason that Scipio lingered out the day, & made the fight somewhat late. For it was past the seuenth houre, before the winges of foote attached one an other: and yet the fight came later to the middle wards. So that the scorching heat of the south-sunne, and the la∣bour of standing armed, and hunger, and thirst, first afflicted their bodies, before they came to hands with the enemy. Therefore they stood leaning vpon their Targets, and being weary both in body, and minde, they gaue backe at last; keep∣ing notwithstanding their array no otherwise, than as if the battaile being yet entire, had retreated at the commandement of the Generall. But when the vi∣ctors, perceiuing them to shrinke, so much the more eagerly pressed on, the brunt could hardly be indured any longer. And although Asdrubal restrained, and stopped them, that gaue ground, crying that hills and a safe place of retreat was at their backs, if they could be but intreated, to retire easily; yet feare ouer∣comming shame, and the enemy killing them that were next to hand, they forth∣with turned their backs, and vniuersally powred out themselues into flight. This stratagem of Scipio resteth principally in shifting his best men (the Romans) into the winges; the Spaniards his worst into the middest, and in keeping the Spaniards aloofe from ioyning; and in hasting to try the day with the Romans against the weakest of the enemy. Asdrubals way to meete with this stratagem had beene to coun∣termarch by ranke halfe his Carthaginians, and Africans into one winge, and halfe into the other. And by that meanes his Spaniards should haue had the middest against the Roman-Spaniards, and his old souldiers Carthaginians and Africans beene opposed in the wings against the Romans, and Latins, and the advantage eluded, that Scipio sought.

As the Countermarches by file were of three kindes, so are the Countermarches by ranke; namely the Macedonian, the Lacedemonian, and the Choraean. The Macedonian beginneth to moue at the corner of the wing, which is nearest to the enemy, the enemy appearing to either flanke. And therefore inc••rreth the same imputation, that was laid vpon the Macedonian countermarch by file; as seeming to runne away, be∣cause it dismarcheth from the enemy. Yet is there vse of it, as well as of that by file. For by this countermarch you may set the strongest part of your Armie against the enemy, and apply the weakest to some Riuer, Lake, hill, or such like, so that the enemy can not come to incompasse it. It taketh the ground that lyeth on the side of the contrary wing. The Lacedemonian taketh the ground that lieth on the side of that wing, which is toward the enemy, and bringeth the best men to be formost against the enemy: And therefore beginneth the moving on the contrary side. The vse of it is, when your forces are such as are able to incounter the enemy, and you desire to bring your best men to fight. The Cho∣raean keepeth the same ground, the battaile had at first, & bringeth one wing to possesse the place of the other; Or else the Sections to possesse the place of the wings, as might haue

beene done in the last example cited concerning Scipio and Asdrubal. The manner of countermarch by ranke is contrary to the countermarch by file. In countermarch by file the motion was in the depth of the battaile, and either the front remoued toward the reare, or the reare toward the front, and tooke one an others place. In this the motion is in length of the battaile flanke-wise; the wing either marching into the middest, or else cleane thorow to the other wing. In doing it the souldiers, that stand vttermost in the flanke of the wing, must moue first to the contrary wing, and the rest of euery ranke seue∣rally follow them in order, The figure will shew the manner of the motion. Patritius vtterly mistaketh the countermarch by ranke; and groundeth himselfe vpon a wrong principle, namely that in all Countermarches the File-leaders must march toward the reare, and the Bringers-vp towards the front. And therefore in changing the winges into Sections, he makes the winges to fall of behind in the reare (the File-leaders wheeling about) and there to ioyne themselues as neare, as the middle Section will giue leaue, and the Sections falling backe likewise, to ioyne themselues to the flanks of them, that were the wings. Whereas the nature of this Euolution is clearely to leaue the File-leaders in front, and Bringers-vp in reare, as they were at first. And albeit the File-lea∣ders then change their places, yet change they their place with none, but with File leaders, and the change is, but a change of hands, the right hand for the left, or the left hand for the right. For whereas the File-leaders of the right wing had before the right hand, now in countermarch by ranke, being transposed to the left wing, they haue the left hand of all the rest of the File-leaders; as likewise the Bringers-vp of the other bringers-vp.

The words of Command may be these,

For the Macedonian Countermarch by file.

File-leaders turne your faces about (to the right or left hand).

The rest of euery File passe thorow in order one after another, and place your selues at your distances after your Leaders, turning your faces about; and so stand.

For the Lacedemonian Countermarch by file.

The first manner.

Bringers-vp, turne your faces about (to the right or left hand.)

The rest turne your faces about and beginning at them, that are next to the Bringers-vp, countermarch and place your selues in your distances before the Bringers-vp, and one before an other till the File-leaders be first.

The second manner.

File-leaders, countermarch to the right, or left hand, and let euery mans file follow him, and keepe true distance.

For the Choraean countermarch by file.

File-leaders, countermarch to the place of the Bringers-vp, and stand, and let your files follow you keeping their distance.

For the Macedonian countermarch by ranke.

The right or left hand corner file, turne your faces to the right, or left hand.

The rest of each ranke, passe thorough to the right, or left hand; and place your selues or∣derly behind your side-men keeping your distance.

[illustration]

Cap 29 Dobling of Rankes

The front before Dobling of rankes

Dobling of rankes in action

The front after Dobling of Rankes

For the Lacedemonian countermarch by ranke.

The first manner.

The corner file, where the enemy appeareth, turne your faces to the right or left hand; The rest of ech rankes turne your faces, and passe thorough, (to the right or left hand) and place your selues before your side-men orderly keeping your distances.

The second manner.

The right or left wing, where the enemy appeareth not, countermarch to the contrary wing, and all in the Ranks follow euery man his side-man; keeping your distance.

For the Choraean countermarch by ranke.

The vttermost corner file of the right, or left wing, countermarch into the place of the left or right winge, and stand.

And the rest follow ranke-wise keeping their distance.

Of doubling, and the kindes thereof. CHAP. XXIX.

¹ THere are two kinds of doubling, one of Rankes, the other of Depth, or files: and ² either of these double the number, or the place. ³ The length is doubled in number when of a front of 124 files we make a front (keeping the same ground) of 248 files, by inserting in the spaces betwixt file and file, some of the followers, that stood in the depth. This is done to the end to thicken the length of the battaile. If we lift to recall them to their first posture, we are to com∣mand those, that were inserted, to countermarch to the place, they had before.

⁴ There are, that mislike these doublings, especially the enemy being at hand; and would haue a shew of doubling made, without indeed doubling the Phalange already ordered, by stretching out the light-armed, and the Horse, on both sides of the wings of the Battaile. ⁵ The vse of doubling the length is, when either we would ouer-wing the enemy, or else our selues feare to be ouer-winged.

The Depth is doubled ⁶ by inserting the second file into the first; so that the Lea∣der of the second file be placed next behind the Leader of the first file, and the se∣cond man of the second file be the fourth man of the first file, and the third man of the second file be the sixt in the first file, and so forth the rest, till the whole se∣cond file be ingrossed into the first; and likewise the fourth file into the third, and all the euen files into the odde.

Doub••ing of the Depth by Countermarch is made, either when the next side-files in seuerall [as in the former example the second, and the fourth, and the rest of the euen files] countermarch to the Reare, and place themselues behind the Bringers∣vp of the odde files; or else the files remayning in their first place, and number, halfe of them, diuiding themselues from the other halfe, countermarch likewise to the Reare, and conveying themselues behind the other, there order themselues, and so double the depth of the Phalange.

If we would returne them to the first posture, we must recall those, that were conveyed to stand behind, to the place they had before the Countermarch.

Notes.

THE former three Motions alter not the forme of the Phalange. For whether you turned faces, wheeled, or countermarched the Phalange, the depth and length remai∣ned one. The motion to be expressed in this Chapter induceth an other shape to the Phalange; and maketh it seeme a different body from that it was before, being by Doub∣ling extended either in length or in depth. For Doubling the number of men, or the place of the Phalange in front, maketh the length twise as much, and doubling the same in flanke maketh the depth double to that it was before. For Doubling is nothing else, then making a military body twise as long, or twise as deepe, as it was before.

• 1 There are two kindes of doubling] The Doublings are either of length or depth; Or (which is all one as n 1.616 Suidas saith) of ranks or files. For ranks stretch out in length, files in depth. And these againe are diuided into two other kinds, the body being
• 2 Doubled in number or place] That which is here called number, is called else∣where persons; or o 1.617 (by Suidas) men. It is called persons in the Insertion which is made to Aelian, I know not by whom, in the precedent Chapter of Countermarches. Which because it lay thrust in betwixt the description of Countermarches, and nothing perteined to that argument, I neuer made doubt, was crept into the text. And I am rather confirmed in my opinion, because I saw it note•• with an Asteriske in that Aelian (being of Robortellus Edition) which the learned Isaack Casaubon had quoted, and purposed to set forth, if vntimely d••ath had not pr••vented him. I will here set downe the words, because they differ not much from Aelian, and may giue some light to the manner of Doub∣ling. It is to be vnderstood (so are the words) ••hat a Phalange is doubled in persons, or place. when we therefore take halfe the souldiers from the Depth, and making files of them, place them euen with the rest in length of the front, so that of 124 files we make 248, this is Doubling of persons. In like sort we double the place with 124 files (not increasing the number) but onely commanding some to turne to the Pike, some to the Target, till the Phalange be stretched out to a convenient length, as from 5 furlongs to 10. In the same manner is the depth doubled. For either one file is inserted into an other, man for man, so that the se∣cond File-leader becomes the follower of the first, and the second man in the se∣cond file, the follower of the second in the first file, and so the rest: Or else 16 men are so extended, that they hold as much ground in length, as 32 vsuallydoe. So farre the insertion. It followeth in Aelian.
• 3 The length is doubled in number] When the front hath twise as many files, as it had before, this is Doubling in number, or in men, or in persons. For the persons, or men, make the number in the files. And the files carrying an euen depth of men, and being doubled, double the number of the front, or length. Aelian speaketh but of one kinde of doubling, namely of number, and that must be done in open order, as I said be∣fore. For the files of 16 standing in open order, if you command the Middlemen (as we terme them at this day, they were called in the Macedoman files the third Enomotarchs) to double their ranks: These middle men with the hinder halfe file march vp to the front, & so doubling the front in number leaue yet the same measure of length. The figure shew∣eth how it is done. Yet are there two other waies, when the Phalange standeth in close or∣der▪ both which double the number, and place. One is when the Middlemen diuide them∣selues, and one halfe with their followers turning their faces march out of the right flanke: The other of the left flanke of the Phalange. And then turning their faces againe,

• sleeue vp and ioyne themselues in an euen line with the File leaders in front; The other when all the Middle turne their faces one way and march out with their followers beyond one flanke right or left; and turning faces againe sleeue vp to the front, and stand euen with the File-leaders. One of these is done, when we desire to enlarge both the wings of the Phalange; the other, when but one wing. Of these two last waies, I haue set downe no figure, because I finde them not expressed in Aelian. Cleandridas the Lacedemo∣nian, vsed yet an other kinde not spoken of by Aelian. n 1.618 Polienus telleth the story thus: Cleandridas making warre vpon the Thurians, hauing halfe as many men againe, as they, conceiuing if they had intelligence hereof, they would hardly bee brought to fight, imbattailing his Phalange, stretched it out in depth. The Lu∣cans therefore, contemning the small number, drew out their forces in length, with intent to ouer-front the enemy; which Cleandridas perceiuing, commanded the followers to march vp, and ranke with their Leaders; and by that meanes increa∣sed the length of his Phalange, and ouer-fronted the enemy; who being incom∣passed, and assailed with missiue weapons on all hands perished intirely, excep∣ting a few, that saued themselues by shamefull flight. The words seeme obscure to a man not acquainted with the Tacticks. There are two kinde of soldiers saith Aelian in a file, Leaders, and followers. All the Leaders are the odde of the file; as the first, the 3. the 5, the 7, and so forth: the followers are the euen, as the 2▪ 4, 6, 8. Those that are in the same ranke, are called side-men. Now, saith Polien, Cleandridas wil∣led the followers to step forward, and to ranke, and become side-men with their Leaders: that is, he willed the euen files to double their ranks with the odde; and so extenuated the depth, but increased the length of his Phalange; by which art he ouer∣fronted, & inclosed the enemy on all sides. This way then to double ranks, or the length of the battaile, is to insert the euen ranks man by man into the odde. All the Doublings that haue beene rehearsed, were Doublings either in number alone, or else both in num∣ber, and place. For doubling of place alone nothing is said in Aelian. The Insertion I recited, supplyeth this defect: saying, the place is doubled with 124 files, onely by commanding halfe to turne to the Pike, halfe to the Target, till the Phalange be stretched to a convenient length; as from 5 furlongs to ten; which is as much to say in few words, as to open the Phalange; Or to bring it from order, to open order. For so the front possesseth double ground, to that it had before.
• 4 The vse of Doubling the length is] Two causes are assigned for the doubling of the length: o 1.619 One to ouerwing the enemy, the other to auoide ouerwinging our selues. Cleandridas in the example aboue, performed both: For he both disappointed the Lucans that sought to incompasse him, and besides incompassed, and inclosed them. The narrower the front is, it is the more in danger of ouer-fronting; p 1.620 being drawne out in length it is freer from enclosing, because a greater compasse must be fetched, before it can be inclosed. Yet are we to take heed, that in doubling of the front, we giue it not so much length that it faile in depth. The want of length, or depth is alike dan∣gerous, and giueth advantage to the enemy. I haue touched before, and quoted Leo glan∣cing onely at his words. Now I will set them downe as they lye: q 1.621 When the thicknes or depth of the Phalange (saith he) is gathered vp and made more thinne, it be∣houeth not so to lengthen it, that it become altogether weake and without depth. For it will so come to passe, that the enemy shall easily cut it in pee∣ces, and make a passage thorough it, and not onely seeke to incompasse it be∣fore, but passing thorough the middest, bee found behinde, and there in∣damage it. And this it behooueth a Generall, not onely to take heede, hee suffer not himselfe, but also indeuour to put vpon his enemy.

• ... Hitherto are the words of Leo: shewing the disadvantage of a battaile too much thin∣ned by doubling the length. But i 1.622 Leo elsewhere a••deth an other cause of doubling, namely to make shew a faire sight of the Armie. For the more ground it taketh in front, the more will the number appeare, and the bravery of euery man in particular disco∣uered. Further Antigonus vsed also this doubling for a polic••e to beguile his enemy. k 1.623 Polien reporteth the fact thus: Antigonus incamped against Eumenes with an ar∣mie inferior in number. And when messengers were sent often from one to an other, Antigonus at the receit of a messenger of the enemy, commanded one of his souldiers to come running in, as it were out of breath, and all to be-sullied with dust, and to bring newes that his Confederates were come. Antigonus hea∣ring the newes, leaped for ioy, and sent away the messenger. The next day he led his Armie out of his trench, doubling the length of his front. When the ene∣my heard of their messenger the newes, that was brought to Antigonus concer∣ning his Confederates, and saw the length of his battaile doubled, they imagined that the depth was answerable to the front. And therefore they dislodged being afraid to ioyne with him.
• 5 There are that mislike] Countermarches, and Aelians doublings of number, are dangerous the enemy being ready to charge. Because the files of the Battaile must be kept in open Order ••ill the motions be ended; which posture is not fit to receiue the charge of the enemy, as we saw out of the eleuenth Chapter. The other two doublings are done in close order, whereof I made mention a little before; The one diuiding the middle men in halfe, an•• sleeuing them vp by the battaile on both sides; The other sleeuing them vpon one side which you will, may be vsed without danger, as well when the enemy is neare, as when the fight is: in as much, as they disturbe not the battaile, but advance fresh aides against the enemy on the flanks of it.
• 6 By inserting the second file] There are two manner of doublings of the depth or of files; one in number, the other in place. In number, when one file is inserted into another, the Leader or first man of the second file standing behind the Leader of the first; the second behind the second, the third behind the third, and so forth of the rest: Or when the euen files countermarch, and their Leaders place themselues behind the Bringers-vp of the odde, their files following them; or (which commeth all to one) the files being whole, they diuide themselues into two parts in the front, and halfe counter∣march, and place themselues in the Reare of the other file to file: albeit the two last are Doublings both in number and place, and not in place alone. The true Doubling of the place alone is not Aelian. The Insertion whereof I spake, remedieth this defect also. There it is said, that when 16 men (that is a file) are so extended, that they possesse as much length as 32 should doe, (that is, as 2 files) it is doubling of place. which is nothing else but changing of the Souldiers order into open order. For in their order they haue 48 foote in depth; in their open order 96 foote in depth. In this Doubling of depth we must take heed that we make not the front of our Armie to narrow; lest we giue oportunitie to the enemy to incircle, and incompasse it. Polybius noteth this a great faul•• in Marcus Atilius Regulus, at such time as he fought with the Carthaginians, and was taken prisoner. His words haue this effect: ^k The Romans seing the enemy or∣der* 1.624 his battaile marched out against him fu••l of courage. Being notwithstanding somewhat appalled at, and foreseing the Elephants violence in comming on, they set their Darters before, and placed many maniples of Armed behind, one after an other, and diuided the Horse halfe into one wing, halfe into the other. Then ma∣king the whole battaile shorter, but deeper, then they were wont, they prouided well against the Elephants, but not against the Horse, that farre exceeded theirs

• in number. Being now come to hands the Roman horse ouerpressed with mul∣titude of the Carthaginians quickly fled from either wing. But the foote of the left wing, partly auoyding the Elephants, partly contemning the Mercenaries, fell on, and charged the right wing of the Carthaginians, and putting it to flight, followed hard, and gaue chase euen to the trench. But of those, that were placed against the Elephants, the first sinking vnder the violence of the beasts, perished being ouerturned, and troden to death by heapes. The body of the battaile re∣mained a while vnbroken by reason of the depth of them, that were after placed. But when the Reare of all, incompassed by the horse, was forced to turne about, and fight with them; and the other that had by force made way thorough the middest of the Elephants, and were now behind their backs, came vp to the fresh Phalange of the Carthaginians, standing in good order, they were by them slaine. Thus fortune being contrary on all sides, the Romans for the most part were tro∣den to death by the excessiue might of the beasts, and the rest died with the darts of the horsemen in the place, where they fought. The error of Attilius Regulus was in ordering his battaile too deepe; by meanes whereof it was easily incompassed, and distressed by the Carthaginian horse. m 1.625 Appian likewise blameth Antiochus for orde∣ring his Phalange 32 men in depth, where the Macedonian Phalange ought to but 16 deepe, shewing that by that ouersight it was incompassed by the Romans, and ouerthrowne. I haue touched the historie in my notes before. Many other examples might be alledged, but these two are sufficient for our purpose.

The words of Command in doubling of the length by number.

Middle men double your Rankes to the right, or left hand.

By this Command the middle men with their halfe files march vp to the front, in the spaces betwixt the files, and stand euen with the File-leaders, and the rest euen with the rest of the Ranks.

Doubling of the length in place.

Stand in your open order.

One halfe openeth their files to the right hand, the other to the left, and stand six foote one from another.

Doubling of the depth in number.

Double your files to the right or left hand.

The euen files fall into the spaces of the odde files.

Double your files by countermarch to the right or left hand.

The euen files countermarch, and fall behind the reare of the odde, and place them∣s••lues lineally after them, obseruing their first distances.

Diuide your files and double them by countermarch to the right, or left hand.

Halfe the files diuide themselues from the other halfe, and countermarch out behind the Reare, then turne their faces towards the place behind the Reare of the standing files, which remoued not; then march on, and place themselues orderly behind them file to file, then turne their faces, as at first.

Doubling the depth in place.

Ranks open behind to your open order.

The broad-fronted Phalange, the deep Phalange, or Herse, and the vneuen-fronted Phalange. CHAP. XXX.

PLagiophalanx, or the broad-fronted Phalange, is that, which hath the length much exceeding the depth.

Orthiophalanx, or the deep Phalange (commonly called the Herse) is that, which procedeth by wing hauing the depth much exceeding the length. In generall speach euery thing is called Paramekes, which hath length more then the depth; and that which hath the depth more, then the length, Orthion: and so likewise a Phalange.

The Phalange Loxe, or vneuen fronted, is that, which putteth forth one of the wings (which is thought fittest) toward the enemy, and with it beginning the fight, holdeth off the other in a convenient distance, till oportunitie bee to advance

Of Parembole, Protaxis, Epitaxis, Prostaxis, Eutaxis, & Hypotaxis. CHAP. XXXI.

PArembole, or insertion is, when placing souldiers before we take off the hind∣most, and ranke them within the distances of the first.

Protaxis, or fore-fronting, is when we place the light-armed before the front of the armed, and make them fore-standers, as the File-leaders are.

When we place the light-armed behind, it is called Epitaxis, as it were an after∣placing.

Prostaxis, or adioyning is, when to both flanks of the battaile, or to one flanke, some part of the hindmost is added, the front of them, that are added, lying euen with the front of the battaile; such addition is called Prostaxis.

Entaxis, or Insition, is when it seemeth good to set the light-armed within the spaces of the files of the Phalange man to man.

Hypotaxis, or Double-winging, is when you bestow the light-armed vnder the wings of the Phalange, placing them in an embowed forme; so that the whole fi∣gure resembleth a three-fold gate, or doore.

How the motions of wheeling, double, and treble wheeling of the battaile are to be made. CHAP. XXXII.

IT followeth to shew how a battaile may be turned or wheeled, and how after reduced to the first posture, or Station.

When therefore wee would accustome our Troupes to wheele the battaile to

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[illustration]

Cap. 30.

Plagiophalanx or the Brode-Fronted Phalange

Orthiophalanx or the Herse

Protaxis, or forefronting

The Front

L••••halanx or the vneven fronted Phalange

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[illustration]

Cap. 31.

Hypotaxis, or double-winging

Entaxis, or insertion

Protaxis, or forefronting

[illustration]

Cap. 32. The manner of wheeling

The first posture

Closing of files

Closing of rankes forward

The Front

the right hand, we command the right-hand-file to stand firme, & the rest of the files to turne their faces to the right hand, and to moue close vp to the right hand file. Then to turne their faces, as they were at first: Then the hinder rankes to close forward: Then the whole battaile in that closenesse to wheele about the corner-file-Leader to the right hand. This done, if neede be to reduce it to the first posture, or Station, wee command euery man to turne about his face to the Target, or left hand (that is to looke the contrary way) Then to wheele about the body, that is, as it turned, closed, & serred with the front to the right hand so to returne it againe to the place, from whence it made the wheeling; Then the file-Leaders to stand firme, and the rest to open their ranks behind; Then to turn their faces about, as they stood at first; Then the right-hand-file to stand fast, and the rest turning faces to the left hand to open their files; Then to stand; And last∣ly to turne their faces againe to the right hand: and so shall euery man haue his first posture.

But in case we desire to wheele to the left hand, we command the left-hand-file to stand still, and all the rest to turne their faces to the left hand, and mooue for∣ward close vp to the left hand file; Then to turne their faces as they were; Then to gather vp the hinder rankes; Then to wheele the battaile to the left hand, and stand; and so is it done, that was commanded. But if restitution to the first po∣sture be needfull, we must doe, as we did in returning from the right. For euery man must turne about his face to the Pike; Then the whole battaile wheeling a∣bout the left-hand-corner-file-Leader must returne to the place, it had; Then all the file-Leaders stand firme, and turne about their faces, and the rest open their rankes in mouing forward and make Alte; Then the left hand file is to stand firme (for it hath the place it first had) and the rest turning their faces to the right hand to open their files, and moue forward, till they haue recouered their first distances; then to turne their faces as at first; and so shall euery man be in his first posture. Now if we would wheele the battaile about, to the pike we are to make 2 wheelings to the same side, so will it come to passe that the file-Leaders shall in the change haue their faces turned to the Reare, where before they had them looking out from the front. But in restoring to the first posture we command it to wheele about to the right hand; That is, we giue it two wheelings more the same way; So the file-Leaders will haue their faces set, as at first. Then we command the file-Leaders to stand firme, and the rest to open their rankes behind; then to turne their faces about; Then the right hand file to stand still (for it hath the right place) and the rest turning their faces to the right hand to march on, till the for∣mer distances are regained; then to make Alte. So is the battaile reduced to the first Station.

If you would haue the battaile turne about to the Target, you are to giue con∣trarie directions; That is, in stead of commanding a double wheeling to the Pike, to command a double wheeling to the Target; Then by making two turnes the contrary way, to vse the like changes, we spake of before.

There is likewise a treble wheeling of the battaile, when it turneth thrice to the same hand, namely to the Pike, or Target. The double wheeling to the Pike transferreth the Souldiers face from the front to the backe of the battaile: The treble wheeling to the Pike bringeth his face to the left flanke. The treble whee∣ling to the Target contrariwise to the right flank.

Notes.

BEfore in the 26 Chapter Aelian discoursed of wheeling, and the kindes thereof. The manner, how it is to be done, is reserued for this place, I neede not therefore remem∣ber any thing else, besides the words of command.

The words of command in Epistrophe.

The vttermost file on the right or left hand stand firme

The rest turne faces (to the side purposed) and march vp to the file standing firme.

Faces as you were.

Close your rankes forward:

Wheele the body (to the hand appointed) and when you haue your ground, stand.

Returning to the first Posture, or Anastrophe.

Faces to the right or left hand

Wheele backe the body to the ground, it first had.

File-Leaders stand firme: the other rankes open to their first place.

Faces about (to which hand you will)

The corner file (to which the turning was) stand firme, the rest open to their first ground.

Faces as you were, and order your Pikes.

Perispasmos, or wheeling about.

In wheeling about, the same wordes to close the files, and rankes, are to bee vsed, which were vsed in Epistrophe, there remaineth no more, then to say Wheele about your body, to the right, or left hand.

Anastrophe or returning to the first Posture.

Returne to your first Posture.

The same forme is vsed, that was held in the former returning vnto the first posture for opening rankes and files.

Ecperispasmos, or treble wheeling.

In this motion the same course is held, that was in the wheeling; But only that you command a treble wheeling. And the returning to the first Posture, or Anastrophe is all one, but for the same difference.

Of closing the battaile to the right, or left hand, or to the middest. CHAP. XXXIII.

IF we would close, or thicken the Phalange in the right wing, we are to command the right-wing-corner-file to stand still, and the rest turning faces to the Pike to aduance toward the right hand; Then to set their faces as they were, and to ga∣ther vp the rankes behinde. In reducing them to the first posture we are to com mand the file-Leaders to stand, and the rest turning about their faces to open

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Cap •••• Of Changes

The front after closing

Closing to y^e right hand in action

Closing to y^e left hand

Closing to the middell

Closing to y^e right hand

The Front before closing

The Front of y^e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before closing

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their rankes behinde; Then to turne their faces as they were; Then the right∣wing-corner-file to stand (for it hath the right place already) and the rest pro∣ceeding on to the Target to follow their Leaders, and obseruing their distances to turne their faces as at first. A contrarie course is to be held in thickning the Pha∣lange to the left wing.

If the Phalange be to be closed in the middest, the Diphalange on the right hand must turne their faces toward the Target, and the Diphalange on the left hand their faces toward the Pike; Then moue forward toward the middest of the Phalange; Then, after their true distance gained, to set their faces, as they were, and to ga∣ther vp the Rankes behind.

When we would reduce the Phalange to the first posture, wee command to turne faces about; then to open the Rankes, and all to moue on, but the first Ranke; then to turne their faces againe, and the right Diphalange turning to the Pike, and the left Diphalange to the Target to follow their Leaders, till they haue recouered their first distances. Then to set their faces, as they were.

This rule is to be obserued in all turnings about of faces, when they are made out of closings, that the Pikes be aduanced, least they hinder the Souldier in ma∣king his turning.

The light-armed are to be taught, and exercised after the same manner.

Notes.

IN the 11 Chapter the distances, that ought to bee betwixt souldier and souldier, are particularly treated of. This Chapter sheweth, how they are to be gained, that is, how we are to proceede out of one distance into another. And because the open order is it, that is commonly begunne withall, it is here taught how from thence to passe to the rest, and to returne to it againe. The end of closings is spoken of before. In regard of place they are said to be of two kindes: One to the wing (right or left) the other to the middest of the Phalange. I cannot expresse the manner better, then by setting downe the wordes of command, or direction, which are these in

Closing to the right wing.

The right-wing-corner-file stand firme

The rest turne faces to the Pike, and moue (according to the distance required) to the right hand.

Faces, as you were.

Close your hinder ranks forward, and order your Pikes.

Restoring to the first posture.

File-Leaders stand firme.

The other Rankes, turne faces about, and open behinde to the first distance.

Faces as you were.

The right-wing-corner-file stand firme; the rest turne faces to the Target, and pro∣ceede to your first distance.

Faces as you were; and order your Pikes.

Closing to the left wing.

It differeth not from the other, but that the mouing is to the contrarie hand.

Closing to the middest of the Battaile.

The right-wing turne faces to the Target, the left to the Pike.

Each moue vp to the middest of the Phalange, and stand at the distance named.

Faces as you were.

Close the hinder rankes forward, and order your Pikes.

Restoring to the first Posture.

The first ranke stand firme.

The rest turne faces about, and open the rankes to the first distance.

Faces as you were.

The files next the middle section stand fast, and the right wing turne faces to the Target, the left to the Pike, and moue on till the first distance recouered.

Faces as you were, and order the Pikes.

We may not forget Aelians generall rule for turning of faces out of Closings, that the Pikes be alwaies aduanced. For when you come vp to the closenesse required, the Pike vpon the shoulder will hardly admit turning of the face. The like falleth out when you would open from the Closing.

The vse, and aduantage of these exercises of armes. CHAP. XXXIV.

THese precepts of turning about of faces, of wheeling, and double wheeling of the Battaile, and of reducing it to the first posture, are of great vse in sud∣daine approches of the enemy, whether hee shew himselfe on the right, or left hand, or in front, or in the reare of our march. The like may bee said of Counter∣marches; Of which, the Macedonians are held to bee the inuentors of the Macedoni∣an; the Lacedemonians of the Lacedemonian; and for this cause either to haue name accordingly. The Histories witnesse, that Philip (who much enlarged the Mace∣donian kingdome, and ouercame the Graecians in battaile at Cheronea, and made himselfe Generall of Greece) and likewise his sonne Alexander (that in short time conquered all Asia) made small account of the Macedonian countermarch, vn∣lesse necessitie forced it; and that they both by the vse of the Lacedemonian be∣came victorious ouer their enemies. For the Macedonian countermarch the enemy falling vpon the reare, is cause of great confusion; in as much as the hindermost dismarching toward the front, and making a shew of running away, it more en∣courageth, and emboldneth the enemy to follow. For feare, and pursuit of the enemy [ordinarily] accompanieth that kinde of countermarch. But the Lacede∣monian is of contrarie effect. For when the enemy sheweth himselfe in the reare, the Leaders with their followers brauely aduancing, and opposing themselues, it striketh no small feare, and terror into their mindes.

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Cap. 30

The File-leaders

A Deduction to the left hand

A right induction

The Front

A Deduction to the right hand

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[illustration]

Cap. 36.

The Coelembolos, or hollow fronted wedge

The Front

The right Induction

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[illustration]

Cap. 36.

The Coelembolos

The left wing

The right wing

The front

The Phalange set against y^e left wing of y^e Coelembolos

The Phalange set against y^e right wing of y^e Coelmebolos

The forbearing Phalange

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Of the signes of direction, that are to be giuen to the armie, and their souerall kindes. CHAP. XXXV.

WEe are to acquaint our forces both foote, and horse, partly with the voice, and partly with visible signes, that whatsoeuer is fitting be executed, and done, as occasion shall require. Some things also are to be denounced by the Trumpet, for so all directions will be fully accomplished, and sort to a desired ef∣fect. The signes therefore, which are deliuered by voice, are most euident, and cleere, if they haue no impediment. But the most certaine, and least tumultu∣ous, are such, as are presented to the eye, if they bee not obscured. The voice sometime can hardly be heard by reason of the clashing of armour, or trampling, and neighing of Horses, or tumult of cariage, or noyse, and confused sounds of the multitude. The visible signes also become many waies incertain, by thicknes of aire, and dust, or raine, or snow, or sun-shine, or else thorow ground, that is vneuen, or full of trees, or of turnings. And sometimes it will not be easie to find out signes for all vses, occasions eftsoones presenting new matter, to the which a man is not accustomed. Yet can it not fall out, that either by voice, or by signal, we should not giue certaine and sure direction.

Of marching, and of diuers kindes of Battailes fit for a March: And first of the right-induction, of the Coelembolos, and the Triphalange to be opposed against it, CHAP. XXXVI.

BEing now to speake of marching I will first giue to vnderstand, that some kind of march is a Right-induction, other some a Deduction on the right, or left hand; And that in a single, or double, or treble, or quadruple-sided-battaile. In a sin∣gle, when one enemy is feared; In a double, when two; In a treble, when three; In a quadruple, when the enemy purposeth to giue on on all sides. Therefore the march is vndertaken sometimes in a single Phalange, sometimes in a twofold Pha∣lange, or else in a threefold Phalange, or in a fourefold Phalange.

A right-induction is, when one body of the same kinde followeth another; as if a Xenagy lead, and the rest follow Xenage-wise. Or a Tetrarchy lead, and the rest follow according to that forme. It is so called, when the march stretcheth it selfe out into a wing hauing the Depth much exceeding the length.

Against it is opposed the * 1.626 Coelembolos, which is framed, when the Antistomos * 1.627 Diphalange disioyneth the Leading-wings, closing the Reare in manner of the letter V: as the figure after placed doth teach, In which the front is disseuered, & the reare ioyned, and knit together.

For the Right-induction pointing at the middest of the enemies battaile, the Coelembolos quickly opening before serueth both to frustrate the charge of the front, and to claspe in, and circumuent the flankes of the right-induction.

Furthermore a * 1.628 Triphalange is to be set against the Coelembolos, one Phalange fighting against one winge of the Coelembolos; The second against the other, and the middle, and third forbearing, and expecting a time fit to charge.

Of Paragoge, or Deduction. CHAP. XXXVII.

PAragoge, or Deduction is, when the Phalange proceedeth in a wing not by file, but by ranke, hauing the Commanders, or file-Leaders, either on the right hand, which is called a right-hand-Deduction, or on the left hand, which is called a left-hand-Deduction. For the Phalange marcheth in a double, treble, or quadru∣ple-side accor̄ding to the place, and part, it is suspected, the enemy will giue on. And both the Paragogies beginning the fight in flanke doe make the length double to the depth. This forme of fight was deuised to teach a Souldier to receiue heedfully the charge of the enemy not onely in front, but also in flanke.

Of the Phalange Amphistomus. CHAP. XXXVIII.

THe Phalange * 1.629 Amphistomus (for it is so called, because it hath two fronts, and that part of the battaile, that is set, and aduanced against the enemie, is called a front) Seeing then in this forme the middlemost are ordered backe to backe, and those in front and reare make head against the enemy, the one being Commanders of the front, the other of the reare, therefore it is called Amphisto∣mus. It is of great vse against an enemy strong in Horse, and able to giue a hot, and dangerous charge; and principally practised against those Barbarians, that inhabit about the riuer Ister, whom they also call * 1.630 Amphippi because they change Horses in fight.

The Horse battaile to encounter this forme hath a Tetragonall shape, being for the purpose diuided into two broad-squares (they are broad-squares, that haue the front twice as much as the depth) And these Squares are opposed seuerally a∣gainst the diuisions of the foot-battaile.

Of the Phalange Antistomus. CHAP. XXXIX.

THe Phalange * 1.631 Antistomus is like the Amphistomus the forme being a little altered; so that it accustometh the souldier to resist the seuerall kindes of in∣cursions of Horse. All that hath beene spoken concerning the former Phalange both for foote, and Horse agreeth with this figure also. Herein they differ, that

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Cap. 37. A foure fronted Phalange against all allemptes of the Enemy

The Front of y^e reare

The Front of y^e right flank

The Front of the March

The Front of y^e left flank

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[illustration]

Cap. 38. The Phalange Amphistomus

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[illustration]

Cap 39 The Phalange Antistomus

Front

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Cap. 40.

The Horsmans wedge

Front

A Diphalange Antistomus

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the Amphistomus receiueth the charge in front, and reare, the Antistomus in flanke But aswell in the one, as the other, they fight with long Pikes, as doe the Alans, and Sauromatans. And the one halfe of the souldiers in the files turne their faces forward, the other halfe backward; so that they stand back to backe. This forme hath two fronts, the one before, where the file-Leaders, the other behind, where the back-Commanders stand. And being also diuided into a Diphalange it maketh the fore-front with the one, and the after-front with the other Phalange.

Of the Diphalange Antistomus▪ CHAP. XL.

A Diphalange Antistomus is that, which hath the file-Leaders placed not in Deduction outwardly, but inwardly face to face one against-an other, and the reare-Commanders without, one halfe in a right, the other in a left-hand Deduction.

This forme is vsed when the Horse giue on and charge Wedge-wise. For the * Wedge shooting foorth into a point, and hauing the Commanders following in flanke, and endeauouring to disseuer, and breake the front of the foote, the Lea∣ders of the foote, foreseeing their purpose, place themselues in the middest with intent either to repulse them, or else to giue them a thorough passage without losse. For the Wedge flieth vpon the foote in hope to charge the multitude in the middest, and to disorder the whole battaile: And the foote Commanders con∣ceiuing well the fury of that kinde of forme, leaue a little space betwixt either front, and stand like walles on both sides, and iointly turning their faces toward the middest, giue them a fruitlesse, and empty passage.

This forme of Horse-battaile is called a Wedge by Tacticks, which was inuen∣ted by Philip King of Macedon, who placed his best men before, that by them the weaker sort might be held in, and enabled to the charge: as we see in a speare, or in a sword, the point whereof by reason of the sharpnesse quickely piercing ma∣keth way for, and letteth in the middle blunt iron.

Of the Diphalange called Peristomus. CHAP. XLI.

THe Phalange of the Diphalange * Peristomus proceedeth by deduction in a wing, the oblique deduction on the right hand hauing the file-Leaders without, the left hand oblique deduction the reare-Commanders within. The figure shew∣eth the intent of them that fight so ordered. For the battaile going to charge, hauing beene at first Tetragonall, diuideth it selfe into two oblique wings (the right, and the left) of purpose to enclose the aduerse square-battaile. And they fearing to bee inclosed transforme themselues into two seuerall marching-Pha∣langes directing one against the right, the other against the left wing. Therefore it is called Peristomus, as hauing the front bent against the enemy both waies.

Of the Diphalange called Homoiostomos, and of the Plinthium. CHAP. XLII.

A Diphalange * Homoiostomus is so named because a whole file (that is 16 men) mouing by it selfe, another file followeth it. And it is therefore called Homoiostomus, because they that follow, follow in a like figure.

This kinde is opposed against the Plinthium. * Plinthium is a forme of Battaile, that hath the sides equall both in figure and number. In figure because the distan∣ces are euery where equall; In number because there are as many men in length, as in depth. In this foure-sided-Battaile are none in the flankes, but armed, without Archer, or Slinger to helpe. When therefore two Phalanges march together, one by another, and both haue their Leaders either in a right-hand, or left-hand De∣duction it is called a Diphalange Homoiostomus.

Of the Diphalange Heterostomus. CHAP. XLIII.

A Diphalange * Heterostomus is that, which proceedeth by Deduction, hauing the Leaders of the former Phalange in a right-hand-Deduction, and of the fol∣lowing Phalange in a left-hand-Deduction: so that the battailes march counter∣changeably, one hauing the Leaders in one flanke, and the other in the other: and so the rest.

Againe of the Battaile called a Rhombe, and of the foote-halfe moone to encounter it. CHAP. XLIV.

THe battaile framed in forme of a Rhombe, was first inuented by Ileon the Thessalian, and was called Ile after his name; and to this forme he exercised and accustomed the Thessalians. It is of good vse, in that it hath a Leader at eue∣ry corner, at the point the Captaine, of the Troupe, the reare-Commander be∣hinde, and on either side the flanke-commanders. The foote battaile, fittest to affront this, is the Menoides, or Cressant, hauing both the wings stretched out, and in them the Leaders, and the middest imbowed to inuiron and wrap in the Horsemen in their giuing on. Whereupon the Horsemen ply the foot a farre off with flying weapons, after the manner of the Tarentines, seeking thereby to dis∣solue, and disorder their circled frame of marching. Tarentum is a City of Italy, the Horsemen whereof are called Acrobolists, because in charging they first cast little Darts, and after come to hands with the enemy.

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Cap. 42.

The Battaile called Plinthium

The front

The Diphalange Homoiostomus

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Cap. 43. The Diphalange Heterostomus

The File-leaders

The bringers up

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Cap. 45.

Heteromekes or y^e Herse of Horse

The front

Plagiophalanx, or y^e broad fronted battaile of foote

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Cap.

Epicampios Emprosthia

The front

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Of the Horse-battaile Heteromekes, and of the Plagiophalange to be opposed against it. CHAP. XLV.

THe Horse battaile * 1.632 Heteromekes is that, which hath the depth double to the length. It is profitable in many respects. For seeming to cary but few in so small a bredth it deceiueth the enemy, and it easily breaketh his forces with the thicknesse, and strength of the embattailing, and may without perceiuing, bee lead thorough straight, and narrow passages.

The Foot-battaile to encounter it is called the Plagiophalange, or broad-fronted Battaile. For being but slender in depth it beareth foorth and extendeth it selfe in length; so that, albeit it be broken in the middest with the charge of the Horse; yet is nothing broken, but a little of the depth; and the fury of the Horse is carried not vpon the multitude of the foote, but straight, and immediately, into the open field. And for that cause is the length thereof much exceeding the depth.

Of another kinde of Rhombe for Horsemen, and of the foote-Battaile Epicampios Emprosthia to encounter it. CHAP. XLVI.

ANother sort of Rhomboides there is, whereof I need say no more, but that it fileth, and ranketh not. For I haue before shewed the vse, and that Ileon the Thessalian was the inuentor, and that Iason Medeas husband most put it in practise. The vse thereof is great being directed, and lead, in the foure corners by the Cap∣taine, the Lieutenant, and the two flanke-Commanders. It is commonly fashio∣ned of Archers on Horsebacke, as the Armenian, and Persian manner is.

Against it is opposed the foote-battaile called * 1.633 Epicampios Emprosthia, because the circumduction of the front is like an embowing. The end of this forme is to de∣ceiue and ouer-reach the Archers on Horsebacke either by wrapping them in the voide space of the front, as they charge, and giue on vpon the spurre, or else disordering them first with their wings, and breaking their fury, by ouerthrow∣ing them finally with their rankes about the middle Ensignes. This kinde of Bat∣taile was deuised to entrappe and beguile. For opening the middle hollownesse it maketh shew but of a few, that march in the wings, hauing notwithstanding thrice as many following, and seconding, in the reare. So that, if the wings bee of power sufficient for the encounter, there needeth no more; if not, retiring ea∣sily on either fide, they are to ioyne themselues to the bulke of the Battaile.

Of the foot-battaile called Cyrte, which is to be set against the Epicampios. CHAP. XLVII.

THe Battaile to be opposed against the Epicampios is called * 1.634 Cyrte of the cir∣cumferent forme. This also maketh semblance of small forces by reason of the conuexitie of the figure. For all round things appeare little in compasse; and yet stretched out in length, and singled, they proue twice as much, as they appea∣red to be: as is euident in pillars, which are round; and therefore in sight shew the one halfe, and conceale the other.

The greatest piece of skill in embattailing, is to make a shew of few men to the enemy, and indeed to bring twice as many to fight.

Of the Tetragonall Horse-battaile and of the wedge of foote to be opposed against it. CHAP. XLVIII.

THe * 1.635 Tetragonall Horsebattaile is square in figure, but not in number of men For in Squares the number is not alwaies the same: and the Generall for his aduantage may double the length to the depth. The Persians, Sicilians, and most of the Graecians doe affect this forme, and take it to bee easie in framing, and bet∣ter in vse.

Against it is opposed the Phalange called * 1.636 Embolos, or Wedge of foote, all the sides consisting of armed men. This kinde is borrowed of the Horse-mans wedge. And yet in the Horse-wedge, one sufficeth to lead in front, where the Foote∣wedge must haue three, one being vnable to beare the sway of the encounter. So Epaminondas the Theban fighting with the Lacedemonians at Mantinea, ouer∣threw a mightie power of theirs by casting his armie into a Wedge. It is fashioned if the Antistomus Diphalangy in marching ioyne the front of the wings together, holding them open behind like vnto the letter A.

Of the foot-Battaile called Ploesium, and of the win∣ding, or saw-fronted foot-battaile to encounter it. CHAP. XLIX.

THe Battaile Ploesium hath the length much exceeding the depth. And it is called Ploesium, when armed foote are placed on all sides, the Archers, and Slingers, being throwne into the middest. Against this kinde of Battaile is set the winding-fronted-battaile, to the end that with the vnequall figure, they may

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Cap. 47.

The Cyrte or convex half Moone

The front

The Epicampios

The front

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Cap. 48.

The foote wedge

The front

The Horsbattaile square in figure, not in horse

The front

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Cap. 49.

The Peplegmene

The front

The Plesium

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Cap. 50.

The aduerse battaile

The overfrontnig battaile

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Cap. 50.

The aduerse battail

The overwinging battail

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traine out those of the Ploesium to cope with the foremost of the winding-fronted∣battaile, and by that meanes dissolue, and disorder the thicknesse o•• the same. And the file-Leaders of the winding-battaile are to obserue, and marke the file-Leaders▪ of the Ploesium, that if they still maintaine their closenesse, and fight serred, they also incounter them in the like forme; if the Ploesium file-Leaders seuer themselues, and spring out from their maine force, then they likewise bee ready, to meet them man to man.

Of Hyperphalangesis, and Hyperkerasis, and of Attenuation. CHAP. L.

HYperphalangesis, or ouer-fronting is, when both wings of the Phalange ouer∣reach the enemies front. Hyperkerasis, or ouerwinging is, when with one of the wings we ouer-reach the front of the enemy. So that hee, that ouerfronteth, ouer∣wingeth, but hee, that ouerwingeth, ouerfronteth not. For they, that match not the enemy in multitude, may yet ouerwing them.

Attenuation or lessening is, when the depth of the battaile is gathered vp, and instead of 16 men a smaller number is set.

Of conueying the Cariage of the Army. CHAP. LI.

THe leading of the cariage, if any thing else, is of great importance, and re∣quireth a speciall Commander. It may bee conueyed in fiue manners, ei∣ther before the Armie, or behinde, or on the one flanke, or the other, or in the middest.

Before the Army, when you feare to bee charged behind. Behind the Army, when you would leade toward the enemy. When you feare to bee charged in flanke on the contrary side. In the middest, when a hollow-Battaile is needfull and fit.

Of the words of Command, and certaine obser∣uations about them. CHAP. LII.

LAst of all wee will briefly repeate the words of direction, if we admonish, first that they ought to be short, then that they ought to be without double-signifi∣cation. For the Souldiers, that in hast receiue direction, had neede to take heede of doubtfull words, least one doe one thing, and another the contrarie. As for the

purpose: If I say turne your face, some it may be, that heare mee, will turne to the right, some to the left hand, and so no small confusion follow. Seeing therefore these words turne your face import a generall signification, and comprehend tur∣ning to the right, or left hand, we ought in stead of saying turne your face to the pike, to pronounce it thus: To your Pike turne your face, that is, we ought to set the parti∣cular before, and then inferre the generall. Like reason is, if you say, turne about your face, or countermarch. For these are also generall words; And therefore wee should do well to set the particular before. As to the Pike turne your face about, or to the Target turne your face about. Likewise the Lacedemonian countermarch, not the Countermarch Lacedemonian. For if you place the word Countermarch first, some of the Souldiers will happily fall to one kind, other to another kinde of Counter∣march. For which cause words of double sense are to be auoided, and the speciall to be set before the generall.

Of silence to be vsed by Souldiers. CHAP. LIII.

BVt aboue all things silence is to bee commanded, and that beed be giuen to directions: As Homere specially signifieth in his discriptions of the Graecian and Troian fights.

The skilfull Cheef-taines pressed on, guiding with carefull eie Their Armed troupes, who followed their Leaders silently. You surely would haue deem'd, each one of all that mighty thronge Had been bereft of speach, so bride led he his heedfull tongue, Fearing the dread Commanders checke, and awfull hest's among. Thus march't the Greekes in silence, breathing flames of high desire, And feruent zeale, to backe their friends, on foes to wreake their ire.

As for the disorder of the Barbarians he resembleth it to birdes saying.

As sholes of fowle, geese, cranes, and swannes with necks far stretched out, Which in the slimy fennes Caïsters winding streames about Sheare here, and there, the liquid skie, sporting on wanton wing. Then fall to ground with clanging noise, the fennes all ouer ring: None otherwise the Troians fill the field with heaped sounds Of broken, and confused cries, each where tumult abounds.

And againe:

The Captaines marshall out their Troupes ranged in goodly guise; And fo••rth the Troians pace like birds, which lade the aire with cries. Not so the Greekes, whose silence breathed flames of high desire, Fernent in zeale to back their friends, on foes to wreake their ire.

The words of Command. CHAP. LIIII.

Thus then are we to command.

• TO your Armes.
• Stand by your Armes.
• Cariage away from the battaile.
• Marke your directions.
• Seperate your selues.
• Aduance your Pikes.
• File and ranke your selues.
• Looke to your Leader.
• Reare Commander order your file.
• a 1.637 Keepe your first distances.
• b 1.638 Faces to the Pike, moue a little further, stand so, as you were.
• b 1.639 Faces to the Target, moue a little further, stand so.
• b 1.640 Faces about to the Pike, moue a little further, stand so.
• c 1.641 Double your Depth. To your first posture.
• c 1.642 Double your Length. To your first posture.
• d 1.643 The Lacedemonian countermarch. To your first posture.
• d 1.644 The Macedonian countermarch. To your first posture.
• d 1.645 The Choraan countermarch. To your first posture.
• e 1.646 Battaile wheele to the Pike. To your first posture.
• e 1.647 Battaile wheele about to the Pike. To your first posture.

These precepts of the Art Tacticke (most inuincible Caesar) I haue laide out to your Ma^tie, which will be a meanes of safety to such, as shall vse them, and of ••he ouerthrow of their enemies.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Vegetius lib. ••. cap ••.
• b 1.2

  Polyb. lib. 10. pag 615. ••.
• c 1.3

  Plutarch in Pyrrho.
• a 1.4

  Cicero. epist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 9 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1••.
• b 1.5

  Epistel. ad Q∣f••at lib. 1. epi. 1.
• c 1.6

  Tuscul. questi. lib. 2. 146.
• d 1.7

  Livv. decad. 4. lib. 5 87. ••.
• e 1.8

  Plut. in Pyrrho.
• f 1.9

  Plutarch. in Pyrrho.
• g 1.10

  Plutarch. in Pyrrho.
• h 1.11

  Iust lib 18, 655. A.
• i 1.12

  Lib. 25, 667. D
• k 1.13

  Plut. in Pyr∣rho.
• l 1.14

  Iustin. lib. 2••. 668. C. Athenaeus Dipnoseph. lib. 3. 73. B.
• m 1.15

  Plutarch in Philopaement.
• n 1.16

  Ibid.
• a 1.17

  Emilius Pro∣bus ••n vita Iphi∣cratis. Xenoph. histor graec. lib. 6. 587. B. c▪ Diod sicul. lib. 15 479. Polyaen. lib ••. in Iphicrate. Iustin. lib 6. 631. B. c.
• b 1.18

  Adrian. lib▪ 2. 42, c.
• c 1.19

  Tuscul. questi∣on lib. 2. 146.
• d 1.20

  Plin. natural▪ hist. lib 7, cap ••0 pag▪ 115,
• e 1.21

  Cicero. de na∣tura deor lib, 2, ••7,
• a 1.22

  Plutarch, in A∣gesilao.
• b 1.23

  Plin. natural histor. lib. 7. ••56.
• c 1.24

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Paral ••. Pag. 57.
• a 1.25

  Plut. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• b 1.26

  Plutarch. in Agesilao.
• c 1.27

  Drachma hath i•• it 6 oboles that is about 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sterling Iul Poll. x. lib. ••. cap. •• 43••.
• c 1.28

  Vegetius lib. •• cap. 20. A cataphract is the iust and full armour of the fonte. Heereaf∣ter wee shall see what that ar∣mour is.
• d 1.29

  Stewechius in Veget••um pag. 5••
• e 1.30

  Notitia 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c Occident. in fine.
• * 1.31

  •• Samuel cap. 17 vers. ••.
• a 1.32

  Homer Iliad. 6
• b 1.33

  Pausan. in la∣con••cis 16••
• c 1.34

  Athen d••pno∣seph lib 14. 627 A
• d 1.35

  Pausan. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• e 1.36

  Livy lib 1, 27 C
• f 1.37

  Xeno in Re••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 685 E
• g 1.38

  Homer •• Iliad
• h 1.39

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prob. in Iphicrate.
• i 1.40

  Xenoph. Cy••o. lib 6, 169. 3
• k 1.41

  Plutarch. in Alexandro.
• l 1.42

  Patrie Paral.
• m 1.43

  Plutarch. in Deme••io.
• n 1.44

  Iust. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •• dial. 6 ad Poly
• o 1.45

  Plin. na••al. lib. 8. caq. 48.
• a 1.46

  Cesar de bell▪ ciui•• lib. 3
• b 1.47

  Xenoph. de ex ped. Cyr. l. 4. 3••8 B These winges came down from theire showlders toward theire el•• bowes.
• c 1.48

  Cesar de belle ciuil. lib. ••
• d 1.49

  Xenop. de exp▪ Cyri. l. 4▪ 340 A
• e 1.50

  1 Sam. c. 17. v. 38
• f 1.51

  cap. 9. v: 2
• g 1.52

  Xenoph hist. brec. li. 6, 596 D
• h 1.53

  Cicer•• Tuscul▪ quest. lib, 2
• a 1.54

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 12
• b 1.55

  Aemil prob in Iphicra & Diod. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 15, 480
• c 1.56

  Xenoph. hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 52•• D
• d 1.57

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Philo∣Poly••▪ l. 6 in Phi lo••m § •• Pau∣••an▪ in A•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• e 1.58

  Polyb li 2. 118 C & 120 c & lib ••. 26•• E & lib. •• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••. c.
• f 1.59

  Suidas in mac∣••
• a 1.60

  Xenoph. Cyr. lib 6 Copides were swordes a litle bending at the pointes, like fi••hes Curt. l. •• •• 375
• b 1.61

  Polyb lib 17 pag 763 C
• c 1.62

  Plutarch in Lu cu••o
• d 1.63

  Plut▪ in Alex.
• e 1.64

  Xenoph. Cyrop lib 1, 8 C
• f 1.65

  Xenoph Cyrop lib ••, 1••9 B
• g 1.66

  Xenop. Cyrop lib 7, 172 B
• h 1.67

  Curtius lib •• Silver-targetiers.
• i 1.68

  Plutarch in Caesare.
• k 1.69

  Plinius histor∣nat lib 7 cap 28 Polyb lib ••, 4 〈◊〉〈◊〉 B, C
• a 1.70

  Herod. li. 1. 34
• b 1.71

  Polyen. li. 7 in psammench. § 1.
• c 1.72

  Plu in Philop. Poly•• li. 11. ••29. ••.
• d 1.73

  Plutarch. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• a 1.74

  Plutarch in Pe∣lonida. Polyen. l. 3 in Iphier § 22 Leo ca. 20 §. 19••
• b 1.75

  Thucyd. lib. 4. 3. 5. B. C.
• c 1.76

  Arrian. li. ••. 3••. ••.
• d 1.77

  Arrian. li. 1. 1•• E.
• e 1.78

  Plutarch. in Pyrr••o.
• f 1.79

  Polyb li. 4 •• 3•• ••
• g 1.80

  Appion in Sy∣riac 107. D.
• * 1.81

  A••milius Pro∣bus in vita Iphi∣crat.
• a 1.82

  Xenoph Cyr. lib 7 1-•• ••
• b 1.83

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in Pho cicis 648
• c 1.84

  Pausan in Pho cic 660
• * 1.85

  Gya••othorax.
• d 1.86

  Polyen li 4 in Philipp. § 10
• e 1.87

  Ad Ephes. cap 6 v 14
• f 1.88

  Diod Sicul. lib 17, 619 & 615
• g 1.89

  Leo cap 6 § 25 & 35 37
• h 1.90

  Plut. in Timol.
• i 1.91

  Veget. •• 1 ca. 20
• k 1.92

  Xenoph. Cyr. 167 C
• l 1.93

  Veget. li. 1 cap 20
• m 1.94

  Diod Sicul. lib 18
• n 1.95

  Livy lib 9. 243 C
• o 1.96

  Livy lib 1. 27 C
• p 1.97

  cap. 12
• a 1.98

  Polyen. li. 6 in Philopoe. §. •• & P••ut. in Philopoe.
• b 1.99

  Pausan. in Ar. cad 4••4.
• c 1.100

  Pausan. in Co∣rinthiacis 1••1 & Pli••nat hi••. l. •• cap. 56
• d 1.101

  cap. 12
• e 1.102

  Polyb. l 2, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 B & lib. 4, 331 •• & 332 C
• f 1.103

  Plu•• in Aemili••
• g 1.104

  Polyb. l. 2. 150 B & 332 D lib. 4
• h 1.105

  Xenop de rep. Laced 68▪ ••
• i 1.106

  Pausan in Boeo∣tici•• 56••
• k 1.107

  Pausan. in Co∣rinth. 123
• l 1.108

  Xenoph. de X••. Cyri 352 A
• m 1.109

  Xenoph. Cyr. lib 2, 40 B
• n 1.110

  Xenop. de Xpe. Cyr lib. 4. 336 B
• o 1.111

  Xenoph. Cyr••. lib. 7, 177 E.
• * 1.112

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.113

  Suidas in Ochano.
• b 1.114

  Hesychius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ocha••o.
• c 1.115

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• d 1.116

  Suidas in Por∣pax.
• e 1.117

  Herodotus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••, 34
• f 1.118

  Pausan. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••40
• g 1.119

  Plutarch. in vi ta Cleome••
• h 1.120

  Xenoph de exped. Cyr lib. •• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, c
• i 1.121

  Plut in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• k 1.122

  Pl••. in Philo.
• l 1.123

  Xenop. de exp. Cy••.
• a 1.124

  Arrian. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 15, ••
• b 1.125

  Pliny natur. hist. li. 16. cap. 4••
• c 1.126

  Aurel. Cicut•• de disciplina mil. lib. 2▪ 21••
• d 1.127

  Plutarch. in Aemilio.
• a 1.128

  Polyb 13, 263
• * 1.129

  b. Athen. dipno∣soph. li 5, 194, D. Xenop••. de ex∣p••d. Cyri. lib. ••, 306, B.
• c 1.130

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••35.
• d 1.131

  Xenoph. de ex∣ped. lib. 3. 30••, B & lib. 4, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, C
• e 1.132

  Xenoph. Cyro. lib. 7. 189, C.
• g 1.133

  Appian in Par. 144,
• h 1.134

  Xenoph. Cyr. lib. 7, 188, 8,
• i 1.135

  Xenoph de ex∣ped. lib. 3 306 B, & lib 4, 326, A
• k 1.136

  Arrian. lib, 1, ••1, E.
• l 1.137

  Plutarch. in Py rho
• m 1.138

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 fan, in Ph••cicis 648.
• n 1.139

  Thucyd. lib. 4, ••15, B,
• o 1.140

  Pausan. in At- 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 40,
• p 1.141

  Xenoh de ex∣ped Cyri. lib. 4. 322, C.
• q 1.142

  Diodor. Sicul. lib. 14, 411.
• r 1.143

  Plutarch. in crosso.
• s 1.144

  Curtius lib. 8 358.
• t 1.145

  Plutarch in A∣lexand Diod. fi∣cul. lib 17 ••14
• v 1.146

  Arr. 16 129 E
• x 1.147

  Veget. lib. ••. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• a 1.148

  A••rel. Cicuta de disciplin. mili. lib. 2. 206.
• b 1.149

  Patrie. Parall. parte secuqda li. 3 pag. 37.
• c 1.150

  Veget. lib. 1 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 15.
• d 1.151

  Leo 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••. 5. ••
• e 1.152

  Leo cap. 11. 5. 49.
• a 1.153

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• b 1.154

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• a 1.155

  Patric▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mil. part. ••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• b 1.156

  Xenop. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ Cy: 1. lib. 3. 306. C
• c 1.157

  Arr. lib 15, F
• d 1.158

  Xenoph Cyr∣lib. 19 D. lib. 4. 100. B & 108 C
• e 1.159

  Diod Sicul. lib. 17 572 & lib. 1•• 4•• v. Iul Poll. 1. 10 c. 3••. pag. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• f 1.160

  Xenoph. de ex∣ped Cyri ••. 5. 35•• A. lib de ••∣ne 991 ••
• g 1.161

  Xenoph. de ex∣ped. Cyri lib. 5. ••52. C
• h 1.162

  Diod. Sic••l li. 17 607▪ & 615.
• i 1.163

  Xenoph. Hist. gr••c. li 5 575 D.
• k 1.164

  Veget. li. •• ca. 15.
• l 1.165

  Lips. ad Polyb. lib. 3. dialogo ••.
• a 1.166

  C•• lib 9 4••
• b 1.167

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 li•• 1. 7. A D. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 D. & lib ••. 61. C
• * 1.168

  Polyb. li▪ 6. 468. E
• c 1.169

  Xenoph de ex∣ped Cyr•• lib. 4 ••22 D. & Died 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib ••4. 41••
• d 1.170

  Xenoph de ex∣ped. Cyr••. lib. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 7 A.
• e 1.171

  Xenoph. Hist. graec li•• 5 5••9
• f 1.172

  Xenoph. de ex∣ped▪ Cyri. lib. ••. ••06. B
• a 1.173

  Xenoph. de ex∣ped. Cyri lib. 3. 309 C
• b 1.174

  I d▪ •• 20 v 16
• c 1.175

  L••v d••ad 3. •• 8. 207
• d 1.176

  Veget l. ••. c. 16
• e 1.177

  Veget. lib. 3. c. 14. in ••ine.
• f 1.178

  Veget. l. cap. 16
• g 1.179

  Veget. l ••. c. 23
• h 1.180

  Onesand. ca. 19
• i 1.181

  Veget. I 2. c. 23
• k 1.182

  Thucy I 4. 32•• C & l 5. 356, D
• l 1.183

  Li•• a•• Po∣••yb l. 3. dialogo. 1 in ••ne.
• a 1.184

  Scholiast. Thu cyd. lib 2, 118
• b 1.185

  Su••as in Pel••e
• c 1.186

  Hesychius in Pel••e.
• d 1.187

  Thucyd. lib. 2. 118 C
• e 1.188

  Xenoph. de ex∣••. Cyri. lib. 7. 410 B
• f 1.189

  Xenoph. hist. Graec li •• 486 B
• g 1.190

  Suidas in In∣••ce.
• h 1.191

  Diod. sicul. lib. 15. 408. Aemilius Prob. in Iphicrat
• i 1.192

  Aemil u•• Pro∣b•• in Iphicrate.
• k 1.193

  Xenop. de ex∣ped Cyri. lib. 1, 263 C
• l 1.194

  Xenop. ibid lib 5. ••47. A & lib. 3 312 C & li. 4. 341 D. E
• m 1.195

  Xenoph histo. g••aec li. 2 47••. E
• n 1.196

  ••psius Ana∣••est in ••. Com∣ment. in Polyb.
• o 1.197

  Polyb. lib. 6. 471. C
• p 1.198

  Suidas in Po∣pana.
• q 1.199

  Aemil. Prob, in Iphicrat.
• r 1.200

  Xenoph de ex. pe•• Cyri. lib. 1. 270 D
• s 1.201

  Xenoph ibid 1. 7••, 7, B
• a 1.202

  Xenoph. histo. graec. lib. 5. 529
• b 1.203

  Leo cap 65. 37
• c 1.204

  Arr. lib. 1 ••1. ••
• d 1.205

  Arr. lib 17. A.
• e 1.206

  Arr. lib. 1, ••, ••
• * 1.207

  f Liv. decad. 4, lib. 5.
• a 1.208

  Xeno••h Cyro. lib. 6. 164 A
• b 1.209

  Xenoph de ex∣ped Cyro. lib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 D.
• c 1.210

  Appi in Parth. 143 D
• d 1.211

  Appian in Par 〈◊〉〈◊〉 143 D. & Plut. in Crasso.
• e 1.212

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• f 1.213

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.214

  Stewechius in comment. ad. 22. capu•• lib. 8. ve∣ge••.
• a 1.215

  Appian in Parthicis 14••. A.
• b 1.216

  XenoPh. de ex•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Cyr. ••. 3. 312. E
• * 1.217

  Plutarch in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lop••m.
• a 1.218

  Polyb. lib. 6. 471. ••
• b 1.219

  Art. counfo••∣deth Xyston and Doru. ••b 1. 15. F.
• a 1.220

  Diordor. Sicul. lib 15 468.
• b 1.221

  Xenop. de exp. Cyri lib. •• ••09. C
• c 1.222

  Liv. decad. 4. lib. 5 92. C.
• d 1.223

  Xenoph Hist. graec. li. 7 617. C
• e 1.224

  Liv. decad. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib 5. 85. B.
• a 1.225

  Polyb. lib. 3. 225. B.
• b 1.226

  Liv. decad. 3. li. •• 52. C. & Po∣lyb. ••b. 3. 224 B.
• c 1.227

  Cesar de be••t. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 African. 415
• d 1.228

  Arcer in no••is ••d A••ian. pag. 7.
• e 1.229

  Plutar. in Cras. & App••an in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 114 C.
• f 1.230

  Xenoph de ex∣p ••. Cyri. lib. 3. ••06. D.
• * 1.231

  See Leo cap. 4. § 47 & cap. 12 §. 3 4.
• a 1.232

  polyb li. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 B. Polyb. lib. 3. 257. C.
• * 1.233

  Polyb lib. 6. 467 C.
• b 1.234

  Diod. Sical. lib. 17. 571.
• c 1.235

  Veget. li. 3. c ••
• a 1.236

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 4. cap. ••.
• b 1.237

  Xenop. in Age∣silao.
• c 1.238

  Veget. lib. 2. ca. ••3.
• d 1.239

  Plut. in Pelop.
• e 1.240

  Plut in Lycur.
• f 1.241

  Veget. li. 1. ca 1
• g 1.242

  Cicet. in Bruto ••22.
• a 1.243

  Diodor. sicul. lib. 19. 6. 7.
• b 1.244

  Diodor. Sicul•• lib. 19. 693.
• a 1.245

  Polyaen lib. 3. in Iphicrat. § 24 & lib. 4. in Alex. § 21.
• b 1.246

  Polyaen. lib. 2. in Gorgida.
• c 1.247

  Athen dipnos. lib. 43. 602.
• d 1.248

  Plut in Pelop.
• e 1.249

  Xenoph. de ex∣ped Cyri lib. 4. 341. D
• f 1.250

  Xenoph. de ex∣ped. Cyri lib. ••. 310. B
• g 1.251

  Xenoph. de ex∣ped. Cyri li. •• 24•• E. 249.
• h 1.252

  Arrian lib. 7. 16•• D.
• i 1.253

  Polyb. lib. 17. 764 D
• k 1.254

  Xenoph. hist graec. li. 4. 5••5. E.
• l 1.255

  Thucyd. lib. 6. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. B
• m 1.256

  Thucyd lib. 5 pag 392. A
• n 1.257

  Xenoph histo graec. 489. D
• o 1.258

  Xenoph histo. graec. li. 6 586. G
• a 1.259

  Polyaen. lib 2. in Clearch••. §. 9.
• b 1.260

  Xen••. hist. grae▪ l▪ 2 477 C. D
• c 1.261

  Xenoph hist. graec. lib. 2. 472. C. D.
• d 1.262

  Xenoph. hist. graec. li 6. 596. C
• e 1.263

  Air. lib. 1. 6. D
• f 1.264

  Xenoph de ex∣ped. Cyri lib. 7. 359. D
• g 1.265

  Thucyd. lib. 4. 315. C
• h 1.266

  Thucyd. lib. •• 458. A
• i 1.267

  Xenoph Cyro•• lib. 3. 78. A▪ & lib 2▪ 43. A, C
• k 1.268

  Veget. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• l 1.269

  Lips ••d Polyb. lib. 5. 242.
• a 1.270

  Plutarch in Pç∣lopida.
• b 1.271

  Aelian cap. 13
• c 1.272

  Leo ca. 4▪ §. 73
• d 1.273

  Liv. decad. 3▪ 51
• a 1.274

  Caesar de bell. ciuili lib 3.
• b 1.275

  Salust. de con∣iur. Catilinae.
• c 1.276

  Livius decad. 1 lib. 8. pag. 214. A
• d 1.277

  Xenop. in Oc∣co••om. •• 30. C.
• e 1.278

  Eustat in Iliad
• f 1.279

  Iul. Pollux. lib. 4. cap 16.
• g 1.280

  Suidas. in ver∣bo. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.281

  Xenop Cyrop
• b 1.282

  E••y melogico•• magn in strat.
• c 1.283

  Arrian. lib. 7. 164. C.
• d 1.284

  Leo cap. 4 §. 63. 69.
• * 1.285

  Patricius paralle▪ m••t. part. 14 173 & part 2. 154.
• e 1.286

  Suidas in Eno∣motia.
• f 1.287

  Etymol mag∣nu•• in Enometis
• g 1.288

  Hesye. i•• Eno∣motia.
• h 1.289

  I••l Pollux lib 1. cap. 10.
• i 1.290

  Arr. l. 7. 164: C
• a 1.291

  Xenop. Cyro•• lib. 3 82. D
• b 1.292

  Leo. cap. 4. §. 71. 72.
• c 1.293

  Leo ••a. 4. §. 6••
• d 1.294

  Leo ca 4 §. 14
• a 1.295

  Plutarch in Pe lep••da.
• b 1.296

  Plutarch. ibib.
• c 1.297

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 1. 34.
• d 1.298

  Cicer. ad A••i∣cum li. 8. epist. 20
• a 1.299

  Xenop▪ Cyrop. lib. •• 167.
• b 1.300

  Etymol. magn. in the word Stra∣tos.
• a 1.301

  Caesar de bell. gall lib. 1.
• b 1.302

  Xenoh. de exp. Cyri. lib 3. 306. E
• c 1.303

  Xenoph. hist. graec. li. 3. 499. ••
• d 1.304

  Arrian lib. ••. 1•• ••
• e 1.305

  Xenoph. histor. g••aec. lib. 5. 8••. A
• f 1.306

  Polyc••. l b. 1. in Pan §. 1.
• a 1.307

  Polyb. lib. 2. 150 A.
• b 1.308

  Polyb lib. 5. 408 C.
• c 1.309

  Polyaen lib. 2. in Cle••rcho. §. 3.
• d 1.310

  Caesar. de bell. gall. lib. 1.
• e 1.311

  Suidas in Me∣chos.
• f 1.312

  Di••d. Sicul. 25•• 575.
• g 1.313

  Arrian lib. 1. 3 C.
• h 1.314

  Polyb. lib. 1. 35 A.
• i 1.315

  Leo cap. 4. §. •• & cap. 14. §. 108. & cap 7. § 54. cap. 12 §. 40. 46. 47.
• k 1.316

  after cap. 50.
• l 1.317

  Polyen. lib. 4. in Alexand. §. 21
• m 1.318

  Polyb. lib. 1••. 664 D.
• a 1.319

  Leo ca. 7. §. ••2
• b 1.320

  Onosander e••. ••o. ••o. ca. § ••06
• c 1.321

  Leo ca. 4. §. 58
• a 1.322

  Leo ca. 4. §. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• b 1.323

  Suidas in the word Phalangar∣chia.
• c 1.324

  Polyb. lib. •• 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ 631. D.
• d 1.325

  Plut. in Philo∣paemen.
• a 1.326

  Aelian before cap. ••.
• b 1.327

  Leo exp. 4 §. 62. 63. 64. 65.
• a 1.328

  Aelian cap. 3••
• b 1.329

  Aelian cap. 4••.
• c 1.330

  Xenop Cyrop. lid. 6 167. B. ••
• a 1.331

  Xenop. Cyrop. lib. 7 172. C. & pag 175. C.
• b 1.332

  Xeno••. Cyrop. lib. 7 179. ••.
• c 1.333

  Xenoph. Hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. li. ••. 472. D
• d 1.334

  Xenoph hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. li. ••2. 473. C
• a 1.335

  Plut. in Sylla.
• b 1.336

  Leo cap. 4 §. ••▪
• c 1.337

  Arrian lib. 1. 1•• F & 14 D
• d 1.338

  Arrian li. ••. 3•• Curt. lib. 3. 6••
• e 1.339

  Arri li. 3. 59. ••
• f 1.340

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 19. 6••5 686.
• g 1.341

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 19 ••16.
• h 1.342

  Xenop Cyrop. lib. 7. 172. C. & 175. C.
• * 1.343

  i Ar••ian lib. 1. ••▪ D. E.
• a 1.344

  Arrian lib. 2. 3••. B Curtius lib. ••. 64
• b 1.345

  Xenoph. hist. graec. lib 45 1••. C.
• c 1.346

  Livy Ce••b 3. lib. 9 227. A.
• * 1.347

  The like was done by M. Va∣lerius the Dictator against the Hetr•• ••cans. Liv decad. ••. lib. 19▪ 262. C.
• * 1.348

  And by L Pa∣pyri•• Cor against the ••ammit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 decad. 1 lib. ••. ••. C.
• * 1.349

  And by Sylla against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. li. 2. ca. ••
• a 1.350

  Livy de••ad. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. •• 213. C.
• b 1.351

  Xenoph. hist▪ graec. li 6. 596. A.
• c 1.352

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in v••∣ta Alexand Ar∣rian lib. 1. 14. F.
• d 1.353

  Plutar••h in v••∣ta 〈◊〉〈◊〉 D••od. Sicul. lib. 1••. 64••
• a 1.354

  Xenop. Cyrop. lib. 2. 43. B.
• a 1.355

  Appian. in Syriacis. 107. B.
• b 1.356

  Liv: Decad. 4 lib. 7. 141. A.
• a 1.357

  Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 7. 188. B.
• b 1.358

  Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 6. 167. C.
• c 1.359

  Polyb lib 6 468. B. C.
• d 1.360

  Polyb lib 6 468 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• e 1.361

  Livy Decad. 4. lib. ••. pag 16. B
• a 1.362

  Diodor. Si∣cul. lib. 17. 571.
• b 1.363

  Iustin. lib. 11. 639.
• c 1.364

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 18. 644.
• d 1.365

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 649.
• e 1.366

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 18. 651.
• f 1.367

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 19. 685.
• g 1.368

  Diod Sicul. lib. 16. 510.
• h 1.369

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 555.
• i 1.370

  Polyb. lib. 6. 472. C.
• k 1.371

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 18. 643.
• a 1.372

  Xenoph. Cyroped. lib. 8. 203. A.
• b 1.373

  Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 3. 85. C.
• c 1.374

  Leo cap. 4. § 13.
• * 1.375

  Leo cap. 4.
• * 1.376

  Dilochia.
• d 1.377

  Cicero in orat. pro Deitaro.
• e 1.378

  Luc.
• f 1.379

  Polyb lib. 3. 225. B. & lib. 11. 639 E.
• g 1.380

  Xenoph. d▪ exped. lib. 4. 325 B ex Cy∣rop lib. ••. 202. C.
• h 1.381

  Arrian lib. 2. 35. F.
• i 1.382

  Xenoph. Cy∣rop. lib. 2. 43 D.
• * 1.383

  h Polyb. lib. ••2. ••66 B.
• k 1.384

  Poly••. lib. 3. § 10 in l•• hi∣crat.
• l 1.385

  Polyb. lib. 11. 641. C.
• m 1.386

  Polybius calleth a Co∣hort Syntagma, lib. 11 641. C.
• n 1.387

  Diod Sicul lib. 13 391.
• * 1.388

  Cap. 31.
• o 1.389

  Suidas in m••cos.
• p 1.390

  Suidas in Xenagos & Iul. Poll. lib. 1. cap 10.
• q 1.391

  Polyb. lib. 1. 33. B.
• r 1.392

  Suidas in Ectâctos.
• s 1.393

  Xenoph. Cy∣rop. lib. 3. 78. A.
• t 1.394

  Diodor. Si∣cul. lib. 1. 54.
• u 1.395

  Caesar. de bell. gall. lib. ••▪
• w 1.396

  Veget lib 2 cap. 13.
• x 1.397

  Leo cap 6. § 18 19 20.
• y 1.398

  Xenoph. Cy∣rop. lib. 7. 172. D.
• z 1.399

  Lipsius ad Polyb. lib. 4. D••. log. 5.
• f 1.400

  Patric. Parall.
• * 1.401

  p••rt. 2. lib. 10. cap. 3.
• g 1.402

  Leo cap. 7. §. 53. & cap. 14. §. 65.
• h 1.403

  Leo cap. 7. § 33.
• i 1.404

  Lipsius ad Polyb. lib. 4. Dial. 3.
• k 1.405

  postea c. 20.
• l 1.406

  Suidas in Ectâctos.
• m 1.407

  Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 6. 167. E.
• n 1.408

  postea cap. 14.
• a 1.409

  Suidas in E••os.
• b 1.410

  Polyen. lib. 1. in B••ccho §. 1.
• c 1.411

  Curtius lib. ••. 372.
• d 1.412

  Plutarch. in Crasso
• e 1.413

  App. in Par∣thicis 143. C. D.
• f 1.414

  Leo cap. 18. §. 113.
• g 1.415

  Plutarch in Lyt••rgo.
• h 1.416

  For this mea∣sure s••e Iul. Pollux lib 4. cap. 10 § 2.
• i 1.417

  Pae••n •• a hymne pr•• to Apollo. ••l. Pollux. lib. 1. cap 1. §. 33.
• k 1.418

  T••. lib. 5. ••03 A.
• l 1.419

  Poly••. lib. 1. in Procle. §. 1.
• m 1.420

  Athenaeus dipnosoph. lib. 12 517. A.
• n 1.421

  Pausan in Laco••s. 193.
• o 1.422

  Polyb lib. 4. 289. E.
• p 1.423

  Plutarch in Lycurgo.
• q 1.424

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. 475.
• r 1.425

  Polyen. lib •• in Procle § 6 1. Pausan in La∣com••s. 93.
• s 1.426

  Thucyd. lib. 5 393.
• t 1.427

  Polyen. lib 1. in Procie. §. 1.
• u 1.428

  Leo cap. ••. § ••.
• x 1.429

  Suidas in Ectactos.
• y 1.430

  Xenophon. Cyrop. lib. 7. 191. A.
• z 1.431

  Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 2. 44. D.
• a 1.432

  See Suidas in the word Kerux.
• b 1.433

  Leo. cap. 4. §. 16.
• c 1.434

  Xenoph de exped. Cyri lib. 2. 277. ••.
• a 1.435

  About a 176 pounds ••arling I••l. Poll▪ lib. 9. cap. 6. 430. 437.
• b 1.436

  Xenoph. ••istor. G••aec. lib. 2. 474.
• c 1.437

  Diodor. Si••: lib. 11. 260.
• * 1.438

  Aelian. cap. 18.
• a 1.439

  Plutarch. in Romulo.
• b 1.440

  Salust. in Iu∣gurtha.
• * 1.441

  c Veget. lib. 2. cap. 2.
• d 1.442

  Quint. Curt. lib. 5. 166.
• e 1.443

  Xenoph. Cy∣ro••. lib. 2. 43.
• f 1.444

  Xenoph. Cy∣rop. lib. 4. 88 B.
• g 1.445

  Xenoph. Cy∣rop. lib. 6. 168. C. D.
• h 1.446

  Polyen. lib. 3. in Iphicrate § 10.
• a 1.447

  Arrian. lib. 3. 64. C.
• b 1.448

  Diod. Si••ul. lib. 18. 653.
• c 1.449

  Thucyd. lib. 1. 33.
• d 1.450

  Arrian. lib. 1. 14. ••▪ & 35. E & 60. A.
• a 1.451

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 155.
• b 1.452

  Arrian. lib. 1. 14. D.
• c 1.453

  Arrian. lib. 2. 35. E.
• d 1.454

  Arrian. lib. 3. 60. B.
• e 1.455

  Xenoph. de rep. Lacedem. 686. A.
• f 1.456

  Thucyd. lib. 39 C.
• g 1.457

  Plutarch. in Pelopida.
• h 1.458

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. 473.
• i 1.459

  Xenoph. hist. Graec. lib. 4. 528. C.
• k 1.460

  Scholiast. in Thucyd. lib. 5. 392.
• l 1.461

  Polyen lib. 3. in Iphicrat. § 10.
• m 1.462

  Xenophon Cyroped. lib. 2. 43. A.
• n 1.463

  E••ymologic: magn: in voc•• Strat••s.
• a 1.464

  Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 3. 85. C.
• b 1.465

  Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 8. 203. A.
• c 1.466

  Vegetius lib. 3. cap. 18.
• d 1.467

  Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 7. 176. B.
• e 1.468

  Platarch. in Timol.
• f 1.469

  Diod. Sicul: lib. 20. 743.
• g 1.470

  Arrian. lib. 2. 36. C.
• h 1.471

  Leo cap. 4. § 65. & 67. & cap. 12. § 66.
• * 1.472

  The whole wing.

  The right w.	The left ••▪
  1	3
  5	7
  1	3
  4	2
  8	6
  4	2
  23	23
• * 1.473

  The Merarchs alone.

  5	7
  1	3
  4	2
  8	6
  18	18
• a 1.474

  Caesar d•• bel. gall. lib. 2
• b 1.475

  Plutarch. in Philopoemene.
• c 1.476

  D••dor S••c: lib 16 51••.
• d 1.477

  Pol••b lib 12 664 C. Leo cap 17. § 61.
• e 1.478

  Pol ••. lib. 17 764 A.
• f 1.479

  Leo cap 7. §. 54.
• g 1.480

  Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 7. 178. A. It is called by Thucydides, Synciifis, Thu∣cyd. lib. 5. 393. B.
• h 1.481

  Appian. in Parthicis. 144. A. 164. D. C.
• i 1.482

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 17. 575.
• * 1.483

  Synaspisantes
• a 1.484

  Polyb. lib. 17. 764. A.
• b 1.485

  Aelian. c. 14.
• c 1.486

  See Polyb. lib. 12. 664. C. Leo cap. 17. § 91.
• d 1.487

  Suidas in Pl••thro.
• e 1.488

  Suidas ibid. & Leo cap. 17. § 89.
• a 1.489

  Xenophon de rep. Laced. 686. A.
• b 1.490

  Plutarch. in Crasso.
• c 1.491

  Xenoph. in Agesilao. 659. B.
• d 1.492

  Leo cap. 6. § 38.
• e 1.493

  Iul. Pollux lib. 2. cap. 4. § 32. calleth it a spanne.
• f 1.494

  Patricius Pa∣rel. part. secun: lib. 3. cap. 8.
• g 1.495

  Polyen. lib. 2 in Cleonym. § 2.
• a 1.496

  Appian. in Syriacis. 97. E.
• b 1.497

  Polyb. lib. 17. 763. E.
• c 1.498

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 510.
• d 1.499

  〈…〉〈…〉
• c 1.500

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• f 1.501

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• g 1.502

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• h 1.503

  〈…〉〈…〉
• i 1.504

  〈…〉〈…〉
• k 1.505

  〈…〉〈…〉
• l 1.506

  〈…〉〈…〉
• m 1.507

  〈…〉〈…〉
• o 1.508

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.509

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.510

  〈…〉〈…〉
• p 1.511

  〈…〉〈…〉
• r 1.512

  Plutarch. in Aemilio.
• s 1.513

  Polyb. lib. 17. 764. A.
• t 1.514

  Livy Decad. 5. lib. 573. C.
• u 1.515

  Livy decad. 4. lib. 1. 18.
• x 1.516

  Livy decad. 4. lib. 2. 30. C.
• * 1.517

  Plutarch. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.518

  Appian▪ in Sy∣r••cis. 109. B.
• * 1.519

  See Leo cap. 5. §. 3. & cap. 6. ••. 3••.
• b 1.520

  Po••yen. lib 2 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 2.
• c 1.521

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 4 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••.
• d 1.522

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 17 704. A.
• e 1.523

  Polyb. 17. 764. A.
• * 1.524

  f L••o ••ap 6. •• 39.
• g 1.525

  Pol••b l. 17. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 A.
• h 1.526

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Pol∣lu•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 l. 4 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. § ••.
• i 1.527

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 di••∣noso ••. lib 5. ••04. A.
• k 1.528

  Polyb. l. 17. 764. D
• a 1.529

  Leo cap. 14. § 69.
• a 1.530

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ap 20.
• b 1.531

  Xenoph. de exp••d 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 1. 270. D
• c 1.532

  Xenoph de exped. lib. 4. 322 D
• d 1.533

  Arrian. lib. ••. 9. C.
• e 1.534

  Arrian. lib. 2. 55.
• f 1.535

  Arrian. lib. 1. 23 B.
• g 1.536

  Polyb. lib. 1. 47. B.
• h 1.537

  Arri••n. lib. 9••. C.
• * 1.538

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 3••.
• a 1.539

  Xenoph. Cy∣ro••. lib. 7. 188. C.
• b 1.540

  Leo cap. 14. § 105.
• c 1.541

  Arrian lib.
• d 1.542

  Leo cap. 14. § ••04
• * 1.543

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••ecad. 5. l••b. 2 39. B.
• * 1.544

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. l••b. 8. ••61. B.
• * 1.545

  e Xenoph hist. Graec. lib 4. 513. D.
• e 1.546

  Xenoph. Cy∣rop. lib. 7. 178.
• f 1.547

  Appian. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 109. ••.
• * 1.548

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• c 1.549

  Plut in Ant.
• d 1.550

  L••u. decad. 4. lib. 1. 26. A. B.
• e 1.551

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• f 1.552

  Xenoph. Cy∣rop. lib. 2. 39. E.
• g 1.553

  L••u de••ad 4. lib. 1. 16. B.
• a 1.554

  Arrian. lib. 1. 7. D.
• b 1.555

  Arrian. lib. 2. 31. E.
• c 1.556

  Arrian. lib. 2. 31. F.
• d 1.557

  Arrian l. 3. 64 E.
• e 1.558

  Arrian. lib. 3. 65. D.
• f 1.559

  Arrian. lib. 4. 99.
• g 1.560

  Polyen. lib. 3. in Iphicrate § 2.
• * 1.561

  h Xenoph. de exped. Cyr. lib. 1. 265. B. lib. 7. 416. A. B.
• a 1.562

  P••n natural. histor. lib. 7. cap 56.
• a 1.563

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 512. Pol. lib. 3. 266 A. B.
• b 1.564

  Hirtius de bell. Af••ican. Xenoph. de exped. Cyr. lib▪ 3. 309. ••. Plut in Anton. Appian in Par. 164.
• c 1.565

  Xenoph▪ de exped. Cyr. lib. 3. 302. B. C.
• d 1.566

  Diod▪ Sicul. lib. 4. 189.
• e 1.567

  Xenoph. hist. Graec. lib. 7. 644. D.
• f 1.568

  Iust. lib. 7. 633. C.
• g 1.569

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 17. 573. & 594.
• * 1.570

  Plutarch. in Alexand.
• h 1.571

  Plut. in Pyrth.
• e 1.572

  Plutarch. in Agesilao.
• * 1.573

  Xenoph. H••st. graec lib 4. 518▪ A.
• * 1.574

  b Euclyd. lib. 1. definit. 31.
• a 1.575

  Polyb. lib. 4. 278. B. C.
• b 1.576

  Diodor. Sic: lib. 16. 510.
• c 1.577

  Xenoph. hist. Graea. lib. ••. 646 B.
• d 1.578

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 15 pag 502.
• h 1.579

  Xenoph. H••st. graec▪ lib. 3. 498. D.
• i 1.580

  Plutarch. in Lycurgo.
• k 1.581

  Leo cap. 12. 9. 40.
• l 1.582

  Leo cap. 14. §. 108. 109.
• m 1.583

  Leo cap 7. § 81. & cap. 14. §▪ 70.
• t 1.584

  after cap. 46.
• u 1.585

  Polyen. lib. 4. 217. ••21.
• n 1.586

  Polyb. lib. 12. 663. A.
• o 1.587

  Leo cap. 17. §. 89.
• o 1.588

  Cap. 18.
• m 1.589

  Liv. decad. 4. lib. 7. 142. B.
• * 1.590

  d Liu. decad. 4. lib. 7. 141. Poly••. lib. 5. 425. C. D.
• c 1.591

  Polyb. lib. 1. 39. B.
• d 1.592

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 17.
• e 1.593

  Polyb. lib. 5. 421.
• f 1.594

  Plutarch. in Alexand.
• a 1.595

  Polyen. lib. 4. in Alexand. § 17.
• b 1.596

  Polyb lib. 11. 634.
• a 1.597

  Plut. in Pyrrh.
• b 1.598

  Polyen. lib. in Agesilao.
• c 1.599

  Xenoph. Cy∣rop. lib. 7. 189▪ D.
• a 1.600

  Latus ape••ū
• a 1.601

  Plut. in Pyrrh.
• a 1.602

  Pausan. in Articis 43.
• b 1.603

  Pausan. in Corinth 89.
• c 1.604

  Pausan. in Corinth. 87.
• d 1.605

  Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. 473.
• * 1.606

  b Polyen. lib. ••▪ in Agesilao.
• b 1.607

  Aemil. Prob. in Chabria. 105.
• * 1.608

  See Leo cap. 7. § 83. 84.
• * 1.609

  See Leo cap. 12. §▪ 95.
• x 1.610

  Xenoph. hist. graec. lib. 4. 519. C.
• * 1.611

  Xenoph. hist. graec lib. 6. 605. D.
• h 1.612

  Xenoph. de rep. Lacedem. 686. E.
• * 1.613

  See Leo cap. 18. §. 39.
• i 1.614

  Herodot. in Calliop•• 248. & Plutarch. in Aristide.
• k 1.615

  Liv. decad. 3. lib. 8. 204. B. Polyb. lib. 11. 640. B.
• n 1.616

  Suidas in the word Dip••asia∣sai.
• o 1.617

  Suidas in the word Dip••asia∣sai.
• n 1.618

  Polyen. lib 2. in Cleandrida. § 4.
• o 1.619

  See Leo cap. 7. §. 69. & 79.
• p 1.620

  Xenoph Cy∣rop lib. 6. 168. B.
• q 1.621

  Leo cap. 14▪ §. 103.
• i 1.622

  Leo cap. 7. 69.
• k 1.623

  Poly••n l••b 4. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••. 19.
• * 1.624

  •• Po••yb. l. b 1.
• m 1.625

  Appian in Syriacis ••07. B.
• * 1.626

  Hollow Wedge.
• * 1.627

  Double Phalange.
• * 1.628

  Treble Pha∣lange.
• * 1.629

  Double fron∣ted Phalange.
• * 1.630

  Horsemen that vse two horses, one spare, the o∣ther being vid∣den vpon.
• * 1.631

  Doulbe flanked Phalange.
• * 1.632

  A H••rse.
• * 1.633

  The hollow fronted battaile.
• * 1.634

  The conuexe∣battaile.
• * 1.635

  Foure-square.
• * 1.636

  Wedge.
• a 1.637

  Before cap. 11▪
• b 1.638

  Before cap. 25.
• b 1.639

  Before cap. 25.
• b 1.640

  Before cap. 25.
• c 1.641

  Before cap. 29.
• c 1.642

  Before cap. 29.
• d 1.643

  Before cap. 28.
• d 1.644

  Before cap. 28.
• d 1.645

  Before cap. 28.
• e 1.646

  before cap. 26.
• e 1.647

  before cap. 26.