The generall historie of the Turkes from the first beginning of that nation to the rising of the Othoman familie: with all the notable expeditions of the Christian princes against them. Together with the liues and conquests of the Othoman kings and emperours faithfullie collected out of the- best histories, both auntient and moderne, and digested into one continuat historie vntill this present yeare 1603: by Richard Knolles

[ A]

[ B] THE LIFE OF AMVRATH, THE THIRD OF THAT NAME, SIXT EMPEROVR OF THE TVRKES.

THe death of the late emperour Selymus was for feare of the inso∣lent Ianizaries notably concealed by the great Bassaes, vntill such time as Amurath his eldest sonne,* 1.1 then in ASIA, by speedie mes∣sengers [ C] aduertised thereof about twelue dayes after, arriued at CONSTANTINOPLE: and there receiued into the Seraglio, tooke possession of the empire, the fiue and twentith day of September, solemne amongst vs Christians for the natiuitie of our Sauiour Christ Iesus.* 1.2 He was about thirtie, or (as some write) seuen and twentie yeares old, when he began to reigne: of a manly stature, but pale and corpulent, wearing his beard thin and long: in his countenance appeared not the fierce nature of the Othoman prin∣ces, being indeed himselfe of a peaceable disposition, a louer of ju∣stice, and in the manner of his superstition very zealous. The roiot and excesse growne amongst [ D] the Turks by his fathers euill example, he reformed, by his owne temperance, and the seuere pu∣nishment of notorious drunkards: yet is it reported, that he would oftentimes himselfe drinke plentifully of wormewood wine: he was much subject to the falling sicknesse, and sore troubled with the stone: more spare handed than was for the greatnesse of his state: and yeelding more to the counsell of his mother, his wife, and sister, than of his great Bassaes; which was of many im∣puted to him for simplicitie.* 1.3 At his first comming to CONSTANTINOPLE, to appease the mur∣muring of the Ianizaries (grieued to see themselues so disappointed of the spoyle of the Christi∣ans and Iewes, which they were wont to take in the vacancie of the empire) he beside the vsuall largesse which the Turkish emperours at their first entrance into the empire bestow vpon them, augmented also their dayly wages, and graunted them this priuiledge, That their sonnes as soone [ E] as they came to be twentie yeares old, should be enrolled amongst the number of the younger Ianizaries, and be partakers also of their immunities; wherby he woon their fauors exceedingly. And immediatly to rid himselfe of all competitours,* 1.4 he after the vnnaturall manner of the Tur∣kish policie, caused his fiue brethren, Mustapha, Solyman, Abdulla, Osman, and Tzihanger, to be all strangled in his owne presence. The mother of Solyman pierced through with the cruell death of her young sonne,* 1.5 as a woman ouercome with sorrow, desperatly strucke her selfe to the heart with a dagger, and so died. At which so tragicall a sight it is reported that Amurath let some teares fall, as not delighting in such barbarous crueltie, but that the state and manner of his gouernment so required.

In the beginning of his reigne he established diuers wholesome lawes, altered the coyne, and [ F] bountifully relieued the poore.* 1.6 And albeit that he was of a mild and peaceable nature, yet be∣cause he would not seeme to degenerate from the Othoman princes his progenitors, he prosecu∣ted his fathers warres,* 1.7 and by the Tartars (called Praecopenses) in the moneth of October, in the yeare 1575 entred into RVSSIA, part of the Polonian kingdome, where he burnt and destroy∣ed two hundred noblemens houses, besides an infinit number of townes and villages, made great

slaughter of the poore countrey people, and carried away great numbers of cattell and prisoners [ G] bound in thongs made of raw hides. But whilest they were deuiding the spoyle with Peter the new Vayuod of VALACHIA, who had before solemnely promised to giue the Tartars no pas∣sage that way, the Polonian Cossackes, who had lien waiting for their returne vpon the riuer Borysthenes, brake into the Tartars countrey, and there requited them with like harme, and brought backe with them a number of old captiues, who little expected that their so sudden deliuerance.

The Polonians at this time were at variance among themselues about the election of their new king (Henry Valois their late king being the last yeare, after the death of Charles his brother the French king, secretly stolne from them into FRAVNCE, to take vpon him that kingdome: after whose departure some of the Polonian nobilitie made choice of Maximilian the empe∣rour: [ H] othersome no lesse enclining vnto the choice of the great duke of MOSCOVIE, and some vnto others also.) Whereof Amurath vnderstanding, and loth that either of those two great princes his enemies should be inuested or strengthened with that so great a kingdome, and so neere vnto him: to hinder that their election, and to bring in another of lesse power, and so lesse dangerous vnto himselfe, euen in the beginning of his reigne wrote vnto the Polonians to that purpose, commending vnto them Stephen Battor the Vayuod of TRANSYLVANIA, for their king, in manner as followeth:

Amurath God of the earth, Gouernour of the whole World, the messenger of God, and faithfull seruant of the Great Prophet: vnto the most honou∣rable [ I] Nobilitie and Counsellors of the kingdome of POLONIA, greeting.

* 2.1It is not vnto the world vnknowne (most honourable and mightie Senatours) our noble progeni∣tours to haue of long time and for many yeares holden good friendship and religious leagues with the kingdome of POLONIA: For which cause it hath seemed good and reasonable vnto vs, to put you in remembrance of this so auntient a league and bond of friendship; for that we vnderstand your kingdome to be of late become destitute of a king, by the departure of the noble king Henry, your crowned king (descended of the royall race of the French kings) our friend: who for the small re∣gard you had of him (so great and worthie a prince) and for your disloyaltie, is departed out of your [ K] kingdome, without purpose of returning any more into POLONIA. Whereupon, as it is reported vnto vs (but how truly we know not) you passing ouer your said crowned king Henry, are about to make choice of a n••w king, and especially of Maximilian the emperour, or of the duke of MOSCO∣VIE, both men of running wits, and of vs greatly hated: for why, you may well know they will bee troublesome and grieuous not vnto euery one of you onely, but euen vnto vs also. Wherefore be you ware that you be not deceiued; and take heed least your confederations and leagues cannot long by their valour and prowesse be established; and withall consider well the great dangers and losses which you may thereby fall into, whereof we haue thought good to giue you a tast: wherefore beware that heauier things befall not your State. We know there are right noble and wise men amongst you, which know better than they how to rule and gouerne: and if so be it please you not to make choice of any of [ L] your owne nation; there is not farre from you one Stephen Battor, prince of TRANSYLVANIA, a man of great honour and valour, by whose labour and dexteritie you may easily procure the peace and quiet of your kingdome. Whereas if you shall doe otherwise, we take to witnesse your God, and his ser∣uant our Great Prophet, to destroy all your wealth and goods, which together with you selues; your wiues and children, shall be giuen for a prey vnto our souldiors; with the cheefe men of your cities of CRACOVIA and LEPERIS: which for all that we say not, as any thing at all doubting of your fide∣litie and constancie towards vs. As for the rest which it pleased vs by word of mouth to haue told vn∣to you, we haue giuen charge vnto this our embassadour and counsellour, vnto whom our desire is that you should giue full credence. From CONSTANTINOPLE the last of September in the yeare of our Prophet Mahomet 983, and first of our reigne. [ M]

This the great Sultans commendations so much preuailed with the Polonians, that not∣withstanding that Maximilian the emperour was by the Archbishop of GNESNA and some others chosen king, yet was that his election by the greater part of the Nobilitie reuoked, and

[ A] both he and the great duke of MVSCOVIE being passed ouer, the noble princesse Anne (of the most honourable Iagellonian house) chosen queene of POLONIA,* 2.2 yet with this condition, That she should marrie Stephen the Vayuod of TRANSYLVANIA, to them by Amurath commen∣ded. Who afterward elected king, all the time of his life right worthily gouerned that noble kingdome, not onely defending the same in such state as he found it, but also notably extending the bounds thereof, enlarging it with such territories as he by force of armes got from his neigh∣bours, especially the Muscouite. Of this election Amurath would oftentimes afterwards boast and say, That he had giuen the Polonians their king. But of him and of the league by him made with Amurath, more shall be said hereafter.

The yeare following great troubles arose in PERSIA, whereby the flourishing state of that [ B] most mightie kingdome was sore shaken,* 2.3 and opportunitie giuen for the Turkish emperour to inuade the same; which he laying hold vpon, entered into that bloudie warre, which to the great quiet of the Christian commonweale, for long time after exercised the forces of those most pu∣issant princes one vpon the other. For the better vnderstanding wherof, it shall not be amisse com∣pendiously to set down the same troubles of the Persian kingdome, the very ground of the long and mortall warre betweene those two most mightie Monarchs.

Old Tamas the Persian king, sonne to the noble Hismaell, who with great glorie had more than fiftie yeares worthily gouerned that large kingdome, and mightily withstood the often in∣uasions of the Turkish emperours,* 2.4 now spent with yeares, died the eleuenth of May in the yeare 1576, leauing behind him eleuen sonnes, namely, Mahomet the eldest, of an infirmitie in his eies [ C] surnamed Codabanda, a man of a peaceable and quiet disposition, more delighted with the sweet pleasures of a contented life than the carefull honors of so great a kingdome: Ismahel the second sonne, of a more fierce and troublesome nature, so much abhorring quietnesse, that not regarding the league hardly concluded betwixt his aged father and the Turkish emperours Solyman and Se∣lymus, he would now and then without his fathers knowledge vpon a youthfull heat breake out into the frontiers of the Turkes dominions, and there make great spoyle; for which doing al∣though he was both of his father and the people the more regarded, yet was he by his fathers commaundement (who in outward shew seemed to mislike of those his youthfull prankes, ten∣ding to the breach of the league) restrained of his libertie, and sent to the castle of CAHACA, be∣twixt TAVRIS and CASBIN; where he remained at the time of his Fathers death: Aidere the [ D] third sonne, no lesse ambitious than was his brother Ismahel, but not of like valour, kept by Zal∣chan, Piry Mahamet, and other his kinsfolkes, all men of great power and authoritie: The other eight were, Mamut, Solyman, Mustapha, Emanguli, Alichan, Amet, Abrahin, and Ismahel the younger.

The old king before his death had by his last will and testament solemnely appointed Isma∣hel his second sonne to succeed him in the kingdome;* 2.5 as of all his sonnes most ••it to take vpon him so great a charge. Which thing Mahomet his elder brother seemed not much to dislike, contenting himselfe with such honours as his father had before bestowed vpon him.

Tamas thus dead, Ismahel was by the Sultans sent for to CAHACA, to take vpon him his fa∣thers kingdome at CASBIN; when in the meane time there arose a great tumult in the citie, yea [ E] euen in the kings pallace:* 2.6 for Aidere the third brother, who in the time of his fathers greatest sicknesse had entered the chamber where he lay drawing towards his end, and in his sight most presumptuously set the royall crowne vpon his head, to the manifesting of his ambitious desires, for which he was then worthily reproued: now after the death of his aged father, carried head∣long with the same aspiring humour, and supported by Zalchan, and other his mightie fauourits, had so effectually dealt with the great ladie Periaconcona, his eldest sister, and the other Sultans counsellours of estate, put in trust to see the will of the dead king put in execution, as that the succession could not be any longer kept from him, and preserued for Ismahel, but by the helpe of some fine and secret deceit. This ladie Periaconcona (elder than all the young princes the sonnes of Tamas, her brethren, a woman of great spirit and deepe conceit) left in great trust by her father, [ F] seeing the proceeding of her brother Aidere, durst neither openly to mooue any thing vnto the Sultans, prejudiciall to his designes; neither could she in her heart endure so great an injurie to be done to her brother Ismahel, appointed by his father to succeed him. Wherfore in this perplexi∣tie she cast in her wily head, how to satisfie her ambitious brother present, how to saue the right of Ismahel absent, the honour of her dead fathers will and testament, and the safetie of the king∣dome.

For hauing throughly debated the matter with the Sultans, she resolued, That Aidere in∣uested [ G] in royall apparrell, and setled in the great gallerie, should attend the acclamation of the people, and be there openly enthronised, as the very elected king. With which vaine shew the vnwise youth (blinded with ambition) suffered himselfe to be led: and being set in his majestie, verely persuaded himselfe, that he should now be honoured both of his friends and foes as king. But vnto these his so hastie and prosperous designes, the successe that sprung from the subtiltie of those counsellours and his dissembling sister, were nothing conformable: for that she by their aduise tooke order for the gates of the pallace to be presently locked, leauing at euery passage a sure guard, and onely one wicket open, safely warded with a companie of most faithfull and va∣lourous captaines and souldiours, wholly deuoted to Tamas and Ismael: with streight charge, to suffer euery man to enter in, sauing onely the knowne friends of Aidere. In this sort did she [ H] thinke to haue entertained the young man, vntill such time as Ismahel should arriue from CA∣HACA, and so put in execution what he thought best for the honour of himselfe and the generall quiet of the kingdome.

Who joyeth now but Aidere? in conceit a king, replenished with vnwonted joyes, recei∣uing honour from all men, sauing from his best friends. By meanes wherof perceiuing now the prohibition of them, and moued also with the great stirre of Zalchan his greatest fauourit (who discouering the deceit, and crying vpon king Aider, threatened the ladie, the Sultans, and the rest that waited vpon the faigned succession, indeed ordained but for the scorne and despight of the ambitious man) strucken with an exceeding feare, and full of sorrow, he withdrew himselfe closely amongst certaine women of the Court, hoping so to find some way to escape with life. [ I]

In the meane time so greatly encreased the cries and threatenings of the friends and fauou∣rits of Aidere (who now had all of them prepared themselues for some dangerous and perniti∣ous attempt) that the counsellors with consent of the ladie his sister, were enforced to take order, That to bereaue this tumultuous & seditious people of all their hope and courage, Aidere should be depriued of his life.* 2.7 Whereupon Sahamal the Georgian, vncle to Aidere by the mothers side, by the appointment of the ladie Periaconcona and the Sultans, after long search made for him, at last found him hidden amongst the women, and without further delay taking him by the lockes, strucke his head from his shoulders; and in the place where Zalchan and the rest of his vn••ortu∣nat fauourites stood crying and threatening, amongst the thickest prease of the proud conspira∣tours flung the head all bloudie, and as it were yet breathing for heat, crying aloud vnto them: Be∣hold [ K] there your king, enioy him at your pleasure. At which sudden and horrible spectacle euery man burned in rage and anger: neither for the present wanted there many a rash head, that vainely threatened most cruell reuenge. But in the end, when they perceiued the neere succession of Is∣mahel ineuitable, and the death of Aidere irreuocable, euery man betooke himselfe to his owne priuat affaires, and so at last deuided themselues one from another, and so departing from the pal∣lace, scattered themselues some one way some another euery man as hee thought best for his owne safetie.

* 2.8Shortly after Ismahel the desired king arriued at CASBIN, where he was of his sister and the Sultans joyfully receiued, as their lawfull and vndoubted soueraigne, and with the great acclama∣tion of the people saluted king: who as soone as he saw himselfe possessed of the royall seat, and [ L] his power now answerable to his desires, he (after the manner of the Turkish pollicie) most vn∣naturally caused the heads of his eight yonger brethren to be strucken off:* 2.9 and withall vsed such further diligence, that not onely all those which were neere vnto them in bloud or affinitie, were bereaued of their liues, but also all the fauourits of his late slaine brother Aidere, were destroied in that publicke slaughter: so that all the streets of CASBIN were defiled with bloud, and all the ci∣tie resounded with mourning and complaints. Which vnexpected crueltie, altogether vnwor∣thie so worthie a thought king, so altered the minds of his subjects in generall, that all their for∣mer hopes were now conuerted into new feares, and their joy into mourning. But much greater and farre more lamentable did the miseries grow, as soone as it was giuen out, That hee would change the religion of the Persians (who with great deuotion honor their foolish Prophet Aly) [ M] into the superstition of the Turks (who with no lesse impietie obserue and maintaine the wicked rites of Ebubekir, Haumer, Osman, and others, by them supposed to be the most true successours of their great Prophet Mahomet.) For by meanes of this vncouth noueltie and vnexpected change, and by force of an edict concerning that matter, published by this new king, many of his

[ A] prophane priests, many of the gouernours of his friendly and subject cities (too much deuored to their former superstition) were driuen some into exile, some clapt into prison, some had their eyes pluckt out (among whom was the Caliph of CASBIN) and not a few others in sundrie sorts depriued of their liues. Yea many ladies (joyned in bloud with Ismahel himselfe, and diuers others of his kinsfolks, to whom neither sex, nor age, nor innocencie could be a sufficient de∣fence) endured sundrie torments and strange calamities: so that in PERSIA was neuer felt grea∣ter troubles, or a more dangerous change.

In this so great an innouation, and among these tumults, there went abroad withall a gene∣rall rumour, not in the cities of PERSIA onely, but in the regions of the Turks also, euen as farre as CONSTANTINOPLE, That Ismahel with a puissant army of such as fauored this new proclai∣med [ B] vanitie, was determined in person himselfe to go to BABYLON, now called BAGDAT, there to receiue the crowne of the empire, at the hands of him that he should find to be the successour of their great Caliph, and in the chiefest place among their vncleane priests: as had sometime So∣lyman the great emperour of the Turkes, and the Persian kings of auntient times. In this world of troubles, when as the feare of farther miseries increased, rather than any hope of auntient qui∣etnesse; he was when he least feared,* 2.10 by the helpe of the aforenamed ladie Periaconcona suddenly bereft of his life: but whether ouertaken in some of his owne amorous practises, or poisoned by his said sister; or that she (as some probably affirme) hauing secretly conspired with Calil Chan, Emir Chan, Pyry Mahamet, Curchi•• Bassi (being all at that time men of great account, and as it were presidents of the kingdome) who disguised in womens apparell and brought in by her, stran∣gled [ C] him at such time as he had priuatly withdrawne himselfe amongst his parmours, is vncer∣taine. Howsoeuer it was, sufficeth it, that he by the helpe of the said ladie Periaconcona, was by vnnaturall death taken out of this world the foure and twentith day of Nouember, in the yeare of grace 1577;* 2.11 to the exceeding joy of all those nations, who by his death thought themselues now freed of many great and dangerous troubles: when he had raigned one yeare, seauen mo∣neths, and six daies.

Ismahel thus taken out of the way, the ladie began forthwith to persuade with the great Sul∣tans (the ministers of Ismahels death) that as they had for the generall good of PERSIA contri∣ued the death of the late king: so now that they would take vpon them the protection of that great kingdome, with the preseruation of the majestie and libertie thereof, vntill such time as it [ D] were knowne who should worthily succeed in that crowne, which now remained in their hands. There was at that time many of the greatest princes and Gouernors of that kingdome assembled at CASBIN, there gaping after such mutations of those troublesome times, as might best serue their priuat dessignes. Emir Chan burning in ambitious desires, was in hope by means of a match to be made with a sister of Periaconcona (who was alreadie greatly enclining vnto him) to be ex∣alted to the soueraigntie of all PERSIA. Mirize Salmas the chiefe Sultan, hoped on the other side to aduance into the estate, either Mahamet Codabanda the eldest brother of the dead king, or else Hamze the eldest sonne of the said Mahamet; and by bestowing vpon him his daughter in marriage (as afterwards he did) so to encrease the glorie of his house. Others there were, that thought they should be able to draw Abas Mirize (the middlemost sonne of Mahamet) out of [ E] HERI, and to make him king. Neither wanted the infant Tamas his aspiring friends, whose tu∣tour waited likewise for some opportunitie to settle him in the kingdome, and so by meanes of his greatnesse, to make himselfe greatest amongst his fellowes. A number of others there were that secretly waited vpon euerie occasion that time should present for their preferment. Howbeit in this so great varietie of thoughts, the Sultans answered the ladie with one consent, and promi∣sed her in most liberall tearmes, all the protection that their forces could affoord, or their wea∣pons procure: and yet did euerie one of them, both in action and word, clearkly dissemble their seuerall imaginations, whereunto their minds were as prone and readie, as their hearts were cun∣ning closely to conceale them.

Amurat the Turkish emperours now wakened,* 2.12 first at the death of the old renowmed Ta∣mas, [ F] and then at the rumour of the desire Ismahel had to passe with an armie to BABYLON, as also at the fresh report of the Turkish superstition newly published in PERSIA; and withall throughly instructed what harme this late king had done in PERSIA, what dissentions he had raised, and how hardly the prouinces of that empire had endured those calamities: began forth∣with to thinke hereby a faire occasion to be ministred vnto him, to take vp armes against the

Persians, and matter sufficient suggested for him to put in execution the great desire he had of [ G] some new conquest. For it is an antient custome, which is grown to be as it were a law amongst the Othoman kings, That they may not challenge their due honours in their life time, nor their prowd monuments after their death, vnlesse they attempt some great and ambitious actions and enterprises, and performe some exploit conformable to their majestie. Amurath therefore bent vpon these great stirs in PERSIA, would not direct his mind any other way, or take any other war in hand, vntill he might first see what issue these maruellous innouations in PERSIA would bring forth: which in the person of Mahamet the succeeding king, seemed to be more pregnant than euer before, and ministred vnto Amurath new occasions of victorious and strange hopes. For as soone as Ismahel was dead, the aforenamed Mirize Salmas (in dignitie chiefe man among the Sultans, though in bloud and nobilitie inferiour to them all) after many letters dispatched to [ H] and fro, at last assured Mahamet Codabanda, how with all quietnesse of mind and securitie of per∣son, he might come and possesse himselfe of the kingdome. He was also aduertised by the said Salmas, of the whole conspiracie plotted against his brother to bring him to his end: and like∣wise made acquainted, how the fraudulent ladie (with the Sultans) had capitally consulted against himselfe; and how she fauouring Emir Chan, and Abas Mirize of HARI (her nephew and his sonne) more than became her, did little regard the due and rightfull succession of him being the eldest brother.* 2.13 So Mahamet bearing himselfe vpon the faith and diligence of Mirize Salmas, and desirous withall to see his eldest sonne Hamze Mirize aduanced to some such soueraign dig∣nitie, as he saw was due to the liuely hope euerie man perceiued to be in him, in regard of his vertue and prudence for mannaging the common-wealth, and matters of warre (wherein also he [ I] shewed himselfe vnto his father jealous and suspitious, least some other man should vsurpe vpon him, that honour and authoritie which so properly appertained vnto him) resolued in the end not to leaue the kingdome in the hands of priuat persons, nor the lightnesse of an vnconstant woman of suspected modestie, and a rebellious conspiratour against her owne bloud, wherwith she had without any pittie or remorse of conscience, now twise defiled her selfe. And therefore he wrote backe againe, That he was minded to take the rightfull succession vpon him, and that for the same purpose he was putting himselfe vpon his journey: with straight charge notwith∣standing, that Mirize Salmas should before his entrance within the gates of CASBIN, present him with the mischieuous head of Periaconcona; a woman (in respect of the scorne exercised against her brother Aidere, and of the treacherous death of her other brother Ismahel, and of [ K] the peruerse imaginations which she had conceiued to cause the succession to fall into other mens hands, and of the prodigall familiaritie which she had with some of the Sultans) well wor∣thie of a thousand deaths.* 2.14 Secretly did Mirize Salmas put in execution whatsoeuer Mahamet had priuatly enjoined him, so that by his means he was presently and solemnly proclaimed king of PERSIA. And afterwards hauing gathered togither many squadrons of men, wholy deuo∣ted to the bloud and name of Mahamet, the same Mirize Salmas met him on the way, carrying the head of that manlike Virago Periaconcona vpon the point of a launce, with her haire disper∣sed, and some other vncouth sights to the terrour of the beholders. From which nouelties (one mischiefe as it were hudling vpon the necke of another) there sprung vp diuers inward hatreds, sundrie tumultuous seditions, and much ciuile warres: this new king by the instigation of Mi∣rize [ L] Salmas, seeking on the one side to be reuenged on the Sultans for his brothers death; and they on the other side opposing themselues with all their power against him, the state of PER∣SIA began to fall into great inconueniences, and of these nouelties to reape new losses. Sah••∣mal the Georgian fled into his mountaine of BRVS, fearing the wrath of this new lord: Leuent ogli likewise an other of the lords of GEORGIA, vnderstanding of the flight of Sahamal his neigh∣bour, estranged himselfe so farre from his old loue and auntient deuotion towards the Persian kings, that he seemed now to desire some new innouation. The nations also that were neigh∣bours to the Turkes, and the people of MEDIA ATROPATIA, now called SIRVAN, disliked of this new king; and in the end it appeared, that PERSIA vnder this king through many mutati∣ons was in short time fallen into most notable miserie, and the state thereof more weakned than [ M] it had been of long time before.

Of all these things had Amurath from diuers places intelligence, but more particularly from Vstreff of VAN, a citie of ARMENIA the greater, situat vpon the lake Actamar; who sent him most perfect information of all the stirs in PERSIA: Discoursing vnto him of the death of Is∣mahel,

[ A] the consultations of the Sultans, the trecheries and death of Periaconcona, the broiles be∣tweene the king and the Sultans, the nature of the new king (being diseased in his eyes, little estee∣med of his subjects, besotted in affection towards his sonnes) the facilitie to ouerrule the cheefe Gouernours of the Georgians, and the people of SERVAN, euill affected towards the new king: and to be breefe, whatsoeuer had in truth succeeded in PERSIA, and might enflame the mind of the ambitious Sultan, to conuert his forces against an enemie of small counsell, and much confusion: adding thereunto, that neuer was there greater opportunitie to ouercome that king than now was offered; and therefore wished him, not in any case to let slip so faire an occasi∣on, as the Othoman kings had neuer before, for the obtaining of so certaine and so glorious victories.

[ B] Amurath of long time wholly bent to marke the euent of the troubles in PERSIA, now stir∣red vp with these aduertisements from Vstref, setled himselfe more deepely in his former conceits to proue his forces in subduing the Persian king, the auntient enemie of the Othoman emperors, and his onely cor••iuall and odious competitour in the East. But no one thing did more enflame him thereunto, than to thinke, how he should haue to his enemie a king not acquainted with deeds of armes, doting vpon his children, and weakened with the dissention of his subjects: and on the other side entering into the consideration of his owne forces, of the infinit number of his men, both horse and foot, of the meanes he had to find money, of his artillerie and engines of warre, wherein he farre surpassed the Persians; he did more and more resolue with himselfe, to take the occasion that was now offered him to begin th•• warre. For the compassing of which [ C] his purpose he was greatly fauoured by the present state of Christendome, at that time being wholly in league and amitie with him. So not finding any thing contrarie to his designements, he resolued at last to conferre with the cheefe Bassaes, which had the gouernement of his empire, Whether it were better vpon this occasion to begin the prepensed warre; or if they thought not this opportunitie to be so fit, then to lay it aside, and to conuert his forces and counsell against the commonwealth of Christendome. For such is the barbarous pollicie▪ whereby this empire is mannaged, That it is lawfull for them to breake any league, be it by neuer so many promises or solemne oathes confirmed,* 2.15 whensoeuer any enterprise is to be attempted for the aduauncing thereof. So that although this warre could not be moued either against the Persians or Christi∣ans, without breach of their promised faith: yet among the manifold consultations that passed [ D] among the great Bassaes, there was not any man found that made any account of that defect, but all with one accord, without further respect sought to set forward the ambitious desire of their proud lord and master. At last after long consultation and large discourses it was agreed vpon by the great Bassaes Mahomet, Sinan, and Mustapha, That it would be better and lesse danger to attempt warre against the Persians, than against the Christian princes. Mustapha among the rest preferring the valour of the Latines (whereof he had made good triall especially at FAMAGVS∣TA) before the armies and forces of the Georgians and Persians. Whereby it is apparent to the world, that neither the zeale of their religion, nor any injurie receiued from the Persian king, but onely the ambitious desire of Amurath (to subdue a kingdome,* 2.16 both in his owne conceit and other mens relations, euill gouerned, by an effeminate and sottish king, and through ciuile dis∣sention [ E] brought into great danger) was the first prouocation of making this warre.

Vpon this resolution there arose new consultations touching the manner thereof,* 2.17 and vpon what coast they should begin their journey, for the more honourable successe thereof. Which point Amurath greatly vrged, protesting before his cheefe counsellours, That he would not en∣ter into that war, except he were in great hope to beare away the victorie. Some thought it most conuenient to send the armie to BABYLON, and from thence to SYRAS, called in old time PER∣SEPOLIS, the cheefe citie of the countrey of PERSIA: others there were that gaue aduise, That the armie should be directly sent to TAVRIS, there to erect strong fortresses, and to take posses∣sion of all the country round about it: and there wanted not some (as it is reported) that thought it better to send two seuerall armies for both the forenamed places; and so by bringing the ene∣mie [ F] into a straight, to enforce him to yeeld to whatsoeuer should be of him required. But Amu∣rath durst not repose such confidence in his forces, as to thinke, that with his battels deuided and so weakened he should be able to conquer that enemie, who had alwayes most valiantly fought against the monstrous and puissant armies of his auncestours. And therefore firmely resolued with himselfe, to send one onely armie, and so with his vnited forces to seeke the ouerthrow of

the enemie. And so preferring the strong hope he had conceiued to conquer the countrey of [ G] SIRVAN, and the cheefe cities of MEDIA the great, before the difficultie of making warre vpon the coast of SCYRAS, reposing also great hope in the notable help that was promised him by the Tartars called Praecopenses, he confirmed the great Bassaes his counsellours in the same opini∣on: and withall discouered vnto them a matter, which to all of them, but especially to Sinan, see∣med most strange; namely, that he was determined not to goe himselfe in person with his army, but to send one of his worthiest captaines in his stead. The causes why he so did, were many, but especially, for that he was troubled with the falling sicknesse, and feared greatly (and that not without good cause) least his sonne Mahomet (being much fauoured of the people) might perad∣uenture in his absence be vntimely aduaunced to the empire; beside the dangers that he suspected at the hands of the Christian potentates: and withall persuaded it to be vnto himselfe a great ho∣nour [ H] to performe those things by his seruants, which had in those countries beene vnfortunatly attempted by his most noble predecessours in their owne persons.

While they were thus consulting about this expedition, and the great Bassaes, Sinan, Musta∣pha, and others, made meanes to be sent as the soueraigne ministers of their lords designement; he dispatched away sundrie postes and light horsemen with order to the Bassaes and Gouernors of VAN, BABILON, and ERZIRVM, in the frontiers of his dominions, That they should by of∣ten inrodes spoyle the townes and castles of the Persians, and by all meanes to doe them what harme they could.* 2.18 Which they were not slacke to put in execution, and especially Vstref (or rather Husreue) Bassa of VAN: who with often incursions did much mischeefe, as well in the countries tributarie, as subject to the Persian king. A forcible preparatiue for greater troubles [ I] to ensue.

Now in these great preparations for the Persian warre (which for many yeares after notably exercised the greatest part of the Turks forces, to the great quiet of the Christian commonweale) Stephen Bathor the late Vayuod of TRANSYLVANIA, but now by the commendation of Am••∣rath become king of POLONIA, in the beginning of his reigne by his embassador the great lord Iohn of SYENNA, entered into a strong league and confederation with the great Turkish Sultan Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE. Which for that it sheweth in what tearmes that famous kingdome then and yet standeth with the Turkes great empire, and withall containeth matter well worth the Christian consideration, it shall not be impertinent to our purpose (omitting the long and glorious stile of that barbarous Monarch, seruing to no other end but to shew the [ K] greatnesse of his power) plainely to set it downe as it was on his part at the same time by him confirmed.

The League betwixt the most puissant and mightie Princes, Sultan Amurath the Turkish emperour, and Stephen king of POLONIA, agreed vpon and concluded at CONSTANTINOPLE, in the yeare of our Sauiour Christ Iesu 1577, and of the Pro∣phet Mahomet 985.

* 3.1I Sultan Amurath the sonne of Selym Chan, the sonne of Solyman Chan, the sonne of Selym [ L] Chan, the sonne of Baiazet Chan, the sonne of the Great Emperour Mahomet Chan, &c. Prince of these present times, the onely Monarch of this age, of power able to confound the power of the whole world, the shaddow of diuine clemencie and grace, Great Emperour of many kingdomes, countries, prouinces, cities, and townes, lord of MECHA, that is to say, of the house of the glorie of God, of the resplendent citie of MEDINA, and of the most blessed citie of IERVSALEM, prince of the most fruit∣full countrey of AEGIPT, IMEN, ZENAN, ADEN, and many other such like: in most louing manner declare, That the most glorious and renowmed Stephen king of POLONIA, great duke of LITHY∣ANIA, RVSSIA, PRVSIA, MASOVIA, SAMOGITIA, KIOVIA, LIVONIA, and many other countries moe, prince of the couragious followers of Iesus, Gouernour of all the affaires of the people and familie of the Nazarets, the welcommest cloud of raine, and most sweet fountaine of glorie and [ M] vertue, eternall lord and heire of the felicitie and honour of the aforesaid noble kingdome of PO∣LONIA, vnto whom all the distressed repaire for refuge, wishing a most happie successe and blessed end to all his actions: offering vnto vs many religious vowes and eternall praises worthie our perpe∣tuall loue and most holy league, and with great deuotion performing these and other like honours, as

[ A] for the dispatch of his letters to our most glorious court, for the new confirming of the most sacred league and confederation with vs, sending the honourable lord Iohn of SYENNA (his most faithfull counsellour) his embassadour to our imperiall court; declaring his loue and integritie, and purging himselfe of all the suspition of hostilitie, hath requested the league and confederation to be renewed. At whose instance we haue giuen these our letters confirming the said league of peace and confedera∣tion: wherein we commaund, that none of our Counsellors, Beglerbegs, Sanzacks, Generals of our armies, Captaines or seruants, shall doe, or on my behalfe presume to doe any hurt vnto the kingdome, countries, cities, castles, townes, islands, or whatsoeuer else to the kingdome of POLONIA belonging. And in like manner, that none of the Nobilitie, Generals, Captaines, or others whosoeuer belonging vnto the king of POLONIA, shall dare to doe any harme vnto my kingdomes, cities, castles, or towns [ B] confining vnto the kingdome of POLONIA. In briefe my will is, that he being a mortall enemie vn∣to mine enemies, and a fast friend vnto my friends, shall doe no grieuance or harme vnto any my sub∣iects, or things whatsoeuer vnto my iurisdiction belonging. So in like manner communding also, that no hurt by any meanes, or for any occasion be done by our people vnto the subiects, or whatsoeuer else vnto the iurisdiction of the king of POLONIA appertaining.

The creatures, embassadours, messengers, and men of whatsoeuer condition else, shall on both sides freely without let or trouble come and go without any harme receiuing, either in their persons or goods.

It shall be lawfull also for the king of POLONIA his subiects, to seeke throughout out empire for any the Polonian captiues taken before the time of this league; and the same so found (if they haue [ C] not receiued the Turkish religion, but still remaine Christians) to redeeme, without the contradi∣ction of any man.

And that whatsoeuer shall be taken and carried away after the confirmation of this league, shall be all againe freely and without any thing paying, deliuered and restored.

That the merchants on both parts may freely traffique with all kind of merchandise in the blacke and white sea, as also vpon the maine; and so paying their vsuall and lawfull custome, to be in nothing wronged or molested.

If any of the Polonian merchants shall die in our dominion, the goods of him so dead shall not be embeseled, but kept in safetie vntill his brethren or other his friends shall come with the king of PO∣LONIA his letters: vpon the shewing whereof, hauing also our letters mandatorie, the goods shall be [ D] forthwith restored vnto the dead mans heires. In which sort also my merchants shall be dealt withall, if any of them shall chance to die in the kingdome of POLONIA.

If any wrong be done within the limits of mine empire, vnto any belonging vnto the kingdome of POLONIA, after the date of these letters confirming the league; the dooer of the wrong shall by my commaundement be sought out, and being found shall be punished, and the wrong done, without any delay or contradiction, forthwith recompenced. And the like iustice to be also on the behalfe of the king of POLONIA administred.

If any debtor shall depart out of mine empire into the Polonian territorie, wheresoeuer he shall chance to be found by his creditor, he shall be brought to the iudge of that place to be examined, and whatsoeuer it shall be proued him of right to owe, the iudge of that place shall according to the equitie [ E] of the cause make the creditor to be satisfied.

But if the debtor cannot himselfe personally be found, no other man shall by reason of an other mans debt be taken, detained, or molested: neither shall the innocent be troubled for the guiltie, in ei∣ther or both our kingdomes.

In briefe, vpon whatsoeuer conditions and capitulations the league of peace and confederation was in the time of my father, my grandfather, or great grandfather of famous memorie, made with the kings of POLONIA, vpon the same conditions and capitulations be it now made also.

Whatsoeuer hurt hath hitherto been done to either part by reason of the disagreement of the Gouer∣nors and captaines, shall all be on both parties neglected and forgotten.

Also after the time of these letters confirming the league and confederation, Whereas the king of [ F] POLONIA shall in time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a certaine summe of money vsed to be paied vnto the Tartars; the Tar∣tar Chan and his sonne Mirzeleby their princes, shall restore the same againe, and not to dare to suf∣fer his armies by any meanes to hurt the Polonian territories. So that on the part of the Tartars and their armies, no harme shall be done vnto the kingdome of POLONIA: neither on the part of the Polonians to the territories of the Tartars. And if any harme shall by the Tartars be done in the king

of POLONIA his territories, it shall by my commaundement be againe restored. And so likewise on [ G] the part of the Palatine of MOLDAVIA, or the inhabitants of the kingdome of MOLDAVIA, no harme shall be done vnto the countries subiect vnto the king of POLONIA: but if any be done and certainly knowne, to be by my commaundement againe recompenced.

On the part also of the king of POLONIA and his subiects, whatsoeuer harme shall be done vnto the territorie or subiects of the Moldauian Palatine, or Tartars; the harme so done to be recompen∣ced, and the dooers thereof punished.

Also that all such fugitiues as hauing done any notorious felonies or other villanies in MOLDA∣VIA, and so are fled into POLONIA, shall at my request, or at the request of the Palatine of MOL∣DAVIA, be restored, and in no case denied.

That all the Polonian captiues within my dominions, yet professing the Christian religion, may by [ H] the king of POLONIA his subiects be redeemed, not paying any more for them than their lords and masters paid: euerie such master of the slaue taking his oath that he cost him so much. But such cap∣tiues as haue receiued the Turkish faith, to be forthwith set at libertie: and so the Turkes slaues in the kingdome of POLONIA to be likewise manumised.

That our embassadours on both sides (so long as we are in league and amitie) may freely come and go, and not be staied in any place; and being willing to meet together, may at their pleasure so doe. And being entred into the confines of either part, to be forthwith by some good and faithfull guide appointed vnto them, conducted vnto the place they are to go vnto. And this to be on both sides kept.

No man to dare to hurt, or stay any Merchant, hauing paied his thirtith part, or lawfull custome.

If any of our subiects shall haue any suit with any of the king of POLONIA his subiects, the iud∣ges [ I] shall without delay be bound to administer iustice. All theeues and robbers shall be diligently sought out; and being found, to be seuerely punished: and the goods taken away, without impeachment to be restored vnto the right owners, their heires, or to the king.

The Sanzacks of SILISTRIA and BOLOGRAVE, the Customers and water-baylifs shall not suffer any man but merchants and such as are sent in our seruise, to passe ouer the riuer Nyester; who passing ouer, if they shall bring with them any slaue or bondman out of POLONIA, he shall be sent backe againe. The shepheards, if they will transport their sheepe into the iurisdiction of the king of POLONIA, shall not so doe without the leaue of the Polonian Gouernours, before whom they shall also number their sheepe: of whom if any shall be lost, the Gouernours shall cause them to be sought for, and to be restored vnto the shepheards, as also to pay for their hey. [ K]

The Zauzij, Ianizaries, or Posts, shall not dare in time of peace or war, to take any horses from the Polonian merchants, or other the kings subiects comming into our kingdome.

The Palatines of MOLDAVIA, in whatsoeuer condition they haue been towards the former kings of POLONIA, they shall now also still so be hereafter. The thirtiths and customes of both parts, shall continue in their old manner, and not be increased. The Polonian kings subiects and merchants, as well Armenians as of any other nation, whensoeuer they shall enter into MOLDAVIA, or any other part of our empire, shall not trauell by vncertaine and vnknowne, but by the common and high waies: wherein if they shall suffer any losse or harme, either in their goods or persons, the dooers of such wrongs shall be sought for, and seuerely punished. Which merchans shall be suffered without any molestation quietly to come and go, hauing paied their thirtiths: and no merchant to be troubled for [ L] anothers debt.

If any the Polonian kings merchants or subiects, be willing for readie money to redeeme and carr••e away any slaues taken out of the Polonian kingdome, and yet professing the Christian religion; the iud∣ges shall in no case withstand them, neither presume to take them from them, or againe to redeeme them. But if any of such slaues haue receiued the Turkish religion, they shall not be againe demanded by the king of POLONIA.

Such slaues as haue not receiued the Turkish religion, if after a certaine space they shall be set at li∣bertie by their masters, and in the letters testimoniall of their libertie, it shall be declared that they haue receiued the Turkish religion; yet shall they not by the iudges be therefore detained.

In the citie of BVRVSA, the Polonian merchants hauing paied their vsuall thirtiths, shall not be [ M] farther pressed with any other vnusuall payment.

My will is also, that the territories at this present in the possession of the king of POLONIA, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hereafter to be by him taken from the Muscouite or any other the Christian princes, to be comprised within this league, and so to be royally by him possessed.

[ A] And for the confirmation of the articles and conditions in these our letters of confederation con∣tained, I sweare by the power of the most mightie God, and of his most holy prophet; and by the most cleane and pure spirits of all the prophets; that for all the daies of my life, and so long as nothing shall on the behalfe of the king of POLONIA be done contrarie to the peace and league, nothing shall also on my part be done contrarie vnto the same. Witnesse the Almightie, the vpright iudge and decerner of mens actions. From CONSTANTINOPLE the yeare of the holy prophet Mahomet 985, the 14 of the moneth Cziemassi Eumel, and of Christ 1577.

This league betwixt these two mightie princes Amurath and king Stephen▪ thus concluded, and after the death of Stephen by Sigismund the third (which now raigneth) renewed; as it hath [ B] been euer since vnto the Polonian kingdome for the time commodious, so hath it as with an Adamantine band so bound that most famous kingdome, as that in the hardest distresses of the Christian common-weale, and most in deed concerning it selfe, it hath affoorded no more helpe than hath the members farther off, which is (I rue to say it) none at all. As in these late and pre∣sent warres betwixt the Christian emperour and the two last Turkish Sultans, is too plainely to be seene: wherein had it in due time giuen but such reasonable helpes as it might well haue spa∣red, much no doubt might haue been done for the repressing of the common enemie, and the recouerie of the greatest part of that is lost of HVNGARIE: But thus bound, standeth as a dead member, seruing to no vse more than to the more speedie destruction of it selfe, togither with the rest of the sicke bodie. For what assurance it can haue in this long (I must needs say) but euill as∣sured [ C] peace, is well to be seene in that in the great consultation of this great Sultan Amurath with his Bassaes after the Persian warre, for the inuading of Chistendome; the Polonians for all this league so solemnly constrained, were nothing the more regarded, but laied in the same bal∣lance with the rest, and preserued onely by the Prouidence that all gouerneth: which leading the Turke against the Christian emperour their neighbour, hath giuen them that peace they were otherwise hardly to haue looked for. Vnto whom for all that, hauing to his endlesse praise maintained a long and most chargeable warre, they haue not lent any great helpe or friendly hand; yet lying themselues still in the lyons mouth, and like enough to be the next (God grant I be therein deceiued) that is to be of him deuoured.

But leauing these the heauie conceits of a melancholy mind, and ominous forbodings of that [ D] I wish not, to returne againe toward PERSIA, Amurath his greatest care. Amongst many the ambitious competitours for the mannaging of these Turkish so great desseigns, was the great Bassa Mustapha (euen he,* 3.2 who in the raigne of the late emperour Selymus conquered CYPRVS, carrying thence togither with his victorie perpetuall infamie, for his faithlesse and cruell dealing with Bragadine the worthie and renowmed Gouernour of FAMAGVSTA) appointed Gene∣rall of the Turkes armie into PERSIA: and authoritie giuen him, to prouide whatsoeuer hee should thinke needfull for so great a warre. And commaundement giuen vnto the Bassaes, and other commaunders of the greatest part of the Turkish empire Eastward,* 3.3 that they should them∣selues with their souldiors of all sorts, bound by their perpetuall annuities to go to the warre, in the beginning of the Spring this yeare 1578, repaire to ERZIRVM, a citie of CAPADOCIA bor∣dering [ E] vpon ARMENIA, there to attend the commaund of their new Generall. Who hauing his dispatch from CONSTANTINOPLE, and for fashion sake conducted by most of the court ouer the strait to SCVTARI,* 3.4 and from thence passing through the countries of AMASIA and SI∣VAS, in the verie beginning of Sommer arriued at ERZIRVM; and there staied vntill such time as his people, victuals, artillerie, and other his necessarie prouision was come thither. From whence he departed for SIRVAN, hauing first taken a diligent surueigh of his whole armie, mustering the souldiors of euerie nation by themselues: namely, of the Mesopotamians twelue thousand, of the Assyrians and Babylonians fourteene thousand, of the Syrians two thousand, of them of the lesser ASIA (now comprehended vnder the name of NATOLIA) ten thousand, of the Iewes and Philistims one thousand, and of the Cilicians foure thousand. After whom followed the sol∣diors [ F] of GRaeCIA, the glorie and hope of all the campe, valiant men to the number of ten thou∣sand: and after them the familiar and faithfull guard of the Generall, ten thousand Ianizaries of CONSTANTINOPLE with harquebusiers on their shoulders, and scimitars by their sides: of the citie also of ERZIRVM, and the jurisdiction thereof, appeared foure thousand vnder the en∣signe of Beyran Bassa their Generall. All these were stipendaries to the Turkish emperour: vnto

whom other voluntarie aduenturers joyned themselues, in number not inferiour to the rest, but [ G] better furnished, and of greater courage. So that in this generall suruey of the armie were found about an hundred and ten thousand men, most part horsemen: yet was there not any stirred out of ARABIA, AEGIPT, AFRICA, or HVNGARIE, or other places alongst the sea coasts: neither were the prouinces from whence these souldiours were drawne, left destitute or vnfurnished of their ordinarie garrisons. Besides this multitude of men, Mustapha brought with him fiue hun∣dred small pieces of artillerie, with many loads of mony for his souldiors pay, with further order for the taking vp of more at ALEPPO, and other places, if his occasions should so require. He caused also great quantitie of corne to be transported by the Great sea called in antient time Pon∣tus Euxinus, to TRAPEZONDE, so to be conueyed to ERZIRVM, being but foure dayes journy distant thence. To be short, hauing taken order for all things he thought necessarie for the warre, [ H] he in seemely array departed from ERZIRVM,* 3.5 and in eight dayes arriued at the ruins of CHARS, and in the fruitfull countrey thereabout rested himselfe: but was there surprised with such a vi∣olent tempest of wind and raine, as rent in sunder his tents and did great harme, by meanes wher∣of many fell sicke and were constrained to forsake the armie.

Hauing stayed three dayes at CHARS, the bounder of the Turkish and Persian empires, he departed thence with his armie, and that euening lodged vnder the mountaines of CH••ILDER, supposed to be part of the hils PERIARDO: where hearing the Persians to be in armes, he thought it best for the securitie of his armie,* 3.6 so to pitch his tents as that he might well discouer the comming of the enemie, and not to be assaulted at vnawares. And therefore planting himselfe in the plaine, he gaue order that Beyran, Bassa of ERZIRVM, should take possession of a certaine [ I] hill on the right hand; and Deruis the Bassa of CARAEMIT should keepe another hill that stood on the left hand; and with them Osman Bassa, Mahamet Bassa, Mustafsade Bassa, aduenturers, with many others as well stipendarie as voluntarie men, should likewise pitch their tents vpon the same hils, in such sort, as that they making as it were two wings to the campe, might discouer the comming of euery man, and yet he himselfe being shaddowed with the two hils, might lie vnperceiued of any.

Mahamet the new king of PERSIA, as yet scarcely setled in his kingdome, stirred vp by the fame of these motions, resolued in himselfe to stand vpon the defence of his state, and for a time to dissemble the conceiued hatred which he bare to some of the Sultans of PERSIA, and princes of GEORGIA, and to make some apparent shew that he was reconciled to them; for that with∣out [ K] them he could not promise vnto himselfe any forme of an armie, or defence: wherein (not∣withstanding all the troubled state of his kingdome) he wrought so cunningly, that almost all the great men of account tooke vpon them the protection of his state and kingdome. And so Tocomac a Sultan,* 3.7 the Chan and Gouernour of REIVAN, a famous man, well knowne vnto the Turkes, and of great reputation amongst the Persians, was chosen Generall of this expedition; with charge, That gathering together the greatest number of men he could out of ATROPA∣TIA, out of MEDIA the greater, and other places neere vnto the Turks, he should by all meanes possible stop their passage into GEORGIA and MEDIA ATROPATIA. And thereupon pre∣cepts were sent out into all parts of the kingdome, That all the Chans, Sultans, and souldiours whatsoeuer should come readie prest to attend vpon their new Generall. Many obedient to the [ L] kings proclamation came, but many there were that would not stirre a foot, for their obstinacie in the broiles begun, and for the suspition they had of vnlooked for mischeefes: at whose diso∣bedience the king much grieued; but now there was no remedie but to make the best of the matter, and for the safegard of his honour to make the best resistance they could. So with those few which for the loue of their prince and countrey were met together in those parts, being in number not aboue twentie thousand, Tocomac was dispatched about his businesse, if happily he might with these small forces oppresse the enemy in some straight or troublesome passage, where the great multitude should rather serue to the confusion of themselues than to the helpe of one another. These twentie thousand were all horsemen, armed with scimitar and bow, with some harquebusies among, and furnished with very fine and well tempered armour; but aboue all, cou∣ragious [ M] they were and resolute, and well the more for the valour and prowesse of their Gene∣rall. So prouided of all things necessarie, they set forward, and keeping the way of TAVRIS and GENGE, they came to the turning of CHARS, where they were aduertised that the enemies ar∣mie was alreadie passed.

[ A] They were now come within a dayes journey of CHIELDER, when they sent quicke and faithfull scouts to bring them certaine newes of the condition and number of the Turks armie; who came thither euen at the very time that Mustapha was encamping his armie betweene the two hils, whereupon the two Bassaes Beyran and Deruis with their people had alreadie pitched their tents. These scouts discouering the Turkish hoast aloft, persuaded themselues that there was not any other battell than those which they saw vpon the hils; whereof with all speed they could they returned newes to Tocomac, who at ease had followed these his scouts afarre off. To∣comac thus misenformed by his scouts of the number of his enemies, held on his way boldly, with purpose to assault them: and hauing discouered their tents vpon the hils, was throughly confir∣med in the opinion he had before conceiued of the number of his enemies and the scouts relati∣on, [ B] and with so much the more confidence set forward to assaile them. But Beyran and Deruis, who quickly from the hils perceiued the Persians comming in the plaine, although they knew them to be men of great courage, yet reposing an assu••ed confidence in their Generals battell, with all speed mounted vpon their horses and ran to meet them. So in the aforesaid plaines vnder CHIELDER, within one houre after noone was joyned a most bloudie battell, wherein at last were slaine seuen of the Turkes Sanzackes, with a very great number of souldiours, without any apparent losse at all among the Persians; who fighting close together in great hea••, and all be-bloudied, vrged their happie and fortunat victorie.

But Mustapha who perceiued all that had passed,* 3.8 and stayed waiting till the fight was at the hotest, and the medley at the thickest, that so the flight of the enemies, might breed their greater [ C] disorder: and now seeing that his people could no longer endure the furie of the enemies rage (euen as if it had lightened and thundered, and as though the earth had shaken) with such cries and exclamations as the Turks vse in their assaults, for the more terrour of the enemies, exciting his armie, ran as it were headlong vpon his aduersaries, and so renewed a most terrible battell. The Persians with wonderfull courage endured this vnexpected and dreadfull assault, and with incredible signes of valour, in that little time of daylight that was left (for the night began now to approch) continued their manifold slaughters, and at last being fauoured by the darkenesse of the night, withdrew themselues with as little losse as possibly they might. Neither durst Musta∣pha any longer pursue them, but was glad by night to returne to his campe. Of the successe of this battell the Persians certified their king: as also of the greatnesse of the Turkish armie, with [ D] their further purpose for the annoying thereof. And by the Turkes also were presented to Mu∣stapha (who had alreadie sent away postes with newes to Amurath) fiue thousand heads, which by their colour, countenance, and beards, bewraied themselues to be Persians, and three thousand Persians aliue. Of this victorie Mustapha greatly rejoyced, and to make it seeme the greater see∣king by all meanes to conceale his owne losses,* 3.9 and to raise a greater terrour by the fame thereof among his enemies) caused the heads of those three thousand that were brought before him aliue to be presently cut from their shoulders, and gaue order, that of those heads there should be fra∣med a bulwarke in those fields for a most horrible and vncouth spectacle.

The same day that Mustapha employed himselfe about this barbarous and cruell work, there came vnto him certaine messengers from Manucchiar, the younger sonne of the Georgian wid∣dow [ E] Dedesmit (a great prince in that countrey) who told him, That with his good fauour and leaue Manucchiar their lord and master was comming to salute him, and to offer himselfe vnto him as his obedient and deuoted seruant. At which newes Mustapha redoubling his joy, gaue commaundement, That all the Bassaes and captaines of the armie with all solemne pompe, with trumpets, drums, peales of ordinance, and all other signes of munificall and joyfull entertainment should goe forth to meet the said Manucchiar, and to accompanie him to his presence. Which they did accordingly, and so encountering him with all signes of honour, conducted him to the great pauillion of Mustapha, who there caused him to be againe saluted with like triumph. Ma∣nucchiar dismounted from his horse, and against his will beholding the strange and vncouth pile of heads, all pale and filthie to behold, and indeed imagining what the matter meant: yet not∣withstanding, [ F] before all other things hauing done his due reuerence to the great Bassa, and ac∣cording to his degree placed himselfe next to his side, after he had presented him with such gifts as his countrey yeelded, he gaue him to vnderstand, That for the honour and estimation which he bare to the Turkish valour,* 3.10 he was alwayes deuoted to the house of the Othomans; and as he had oftentimes desired to spend his goods and life in their seruice, so at this present time, moued

by his auntient desire, allured by the strange fame of this victorious and wonderfull armie, and [ G] stirred vp by a particular phantasie, to learne the painefull and hard precepts of the art militarie, vnder such a Generall, commaunder of other commaunders; he offered him all deuotion and seruice, more than euer he had done to any heretofore, and himselfe hauing nothing in the world more deere vnto him, consecrated his owne life to his commaundements; desiring that the same might be employed in the conflicts of warre vnder his banners, among warriours and souldiors of fame and renowne: and therefore besought him to accept of him in the name of Amurath, whose obedient vassale he vowed himselfe to remaine for euer.

* 3.11Graciously did Mustapha receiue all this discourse from Manucchiar, and hauing shewed him againe the pile of heads, together with his battels, armour, and prouision of war, told him, That as all these forces are the gift of God, who alwayes fauoured the righteous counsels of the Otho∣man [ H] emperours, in such sort, that they Lord it ouer all the world, euen to the astonishment of all that liue in the world at this day: so had he for his particular chosen the better part, in comming now to yeeld himselfe, and to submit his obedience to his lord, although it had beene better if he had done it before. And as concerning the desire he had to be his companion and fellow in these warlike affaires, he did very friendly accept of his comming, and promised him all good entertainement and assured safetie. And so in exchange of the presents which he brought him, he apparrelled him in cloth of gold, honoured him with a battle axe and targuet, wrought with gold and ammell, and neuer permitted him to go from his pauillion without a traine of his slaues following him.

This Georgian prince thus solemnly entertained, the Generall gaue order through his camp, [ I] That they should the next morning remoue from those mountaines: and now euery man was putting himselfe in readinesse,* 3.12 when as there rise a most terrible tempest of wind and raine, mixt with thunder and lightening; which continued with such violence by the space of foure dayes together, as if the heauens had beene dissolued into waters. Whereby it came to passe, that out of the dead carkasses and heads before mentioned, issued a most horrible stinke: so that thereby, and by the foulenesse of the weather, with the other annoyances alwaies attending vpon so great a campe, the whole armie was exceedingly troubled, and diuers diseases arose among the Turks. But at the last the weather breaking vp, Mustapha rise with his campe, and set forward toward TEFLIS: and being not able by reason of the foulenesse of the way to passe any further, that day stayed in the plaines, where the lake CHIELDER GIOL standeth, and there refreshed his sicke [ K] and wounded souldiors: remoouing thence, the next day about noone he came to the castle of ARCHICHELEC, sometime a castle of the Georgians, but taken from them by Solyman in his warres against Tamas,* 3.13 and euer since holden by the Turkes. Here Mustapha surueyed his ar∣mie, and by diligent account taken, found himselfe to want fortie thousand of his souldiours: whereof some were slaine in the battell, some were dead of sicknesse, and many wearie of so long and perillous a journey were by night stolne out of the campe and returned to take their ease at home. From thence the armie remoued, and lodged at night neere the marish, called of the Turks PERVANA GIOL, or lake of slaues, and the next day came to TRIALA: where at this day are to be seene the ruines of a great citie, and of many churches; whereof some are yet repaired and maintained by deuout Christians, the reliques of those happie and religious forces, that with [ L] so great and faithfull zeale passed the seas and mountaines through those barbarous nations into the holy land, men worthie of eternall praise. The next day the Turkes ascended the high and craggie mountaine that standeth vpon TEFLIS: from the top whereof descending the day fol∣lowing, they seized vpon a castle of the Georgians, called by the Turks GIVRGI CHALA. De∣parting thence, and lodging in certaine plaines, the next day they came neere to the riuer that runneth by TEFLIS.* 3.14 But in these foure dayes march from ARCHICHELEC, where Mustapha tooke view of his armie, many of the Turks, who in seeking for victuals for themselues and their horses, had stragled from the armie, were cut off by the Georgian captaines; who with a number of their owne countrey souldiors secretly followed the Turks armie, and well acquainted with all the waies of the country, lay in ambush vpon such places as the victuallers were to passe through, [ M] and so suddenly setting vpon them, spoyled them at once both of their goods and liues.

Mustapha comming to TEFLIS, found that castle emptie, for that Daut Chan lord therof, hea∣ring of the comming of the Turkes, forsooke the same, and betooke himselfe to the fields: proui∣ding better for himselfe in so doing, than by staying still in the castle, to haue been there taken pri∣soner.

[ A] This castle for the conuenient situation thereof Mustapha caused to be repaired and for∣tified, and planted therein an hundred pieces of artillerie, and appointed Mahamet Bassa Gene∣rall Gouernour of that place, with a garrison of six thousand souldiors: which done, he depar∣ted for SIRVAN. At which very time those of SORIA which had brought a thousand loads of rent corne to the campe from ALEPPO, being themselues in number a thousand persons, with fiue hundred others of OMPS (in antient time called HVS, the citie of the patient Iob) and other places of SORIA, men neither of dutie bound, nor of themselues willing to follow the campe, returned homewards towards their owne countrey: but vpon the way they were set vpon by Alessandro, Ginsuf, and Dauid (three of the Georgian lords) and all slaine, except some few, who by the swiftnesse of their horses escaped with Nassardin their captaine.

[ B] Now after that Mustapha had passed the discent of the s••eepe mountaines of TEFLIS,* 3.15 the next day he encamped in certaine low plaines: where the embassadours of Alessandro surna∣med the Great, sonne of Leuent a Georgian prince, came vnto him and told him, That their lord was readie, if it so pleased him to come vnto him to doe him reuerence, and by word of mouth to promise him that deuotion he had alwayes in mind borne to the Othoman emperours. With a glad heart and cheerefull countenance did Mustapha receiue these embassadours: and present∣ly sent them backe to will their lord to come, and to tell him, That his friendship should be vnto him most deare and acceptable. And after their departure tooke order with all the commanders of his armie to receiue him with all the signes of joy that might be; which at his comming was accordingly by them performed. Who after he had presented vnto the Generall the rich gifts he [ C] had brought with him, he offered his obedience to the Bassa with most liuely speeches he could possibly deuise, calling Amurath his lord: seeming to take it in euill part, that he passed not through his territorie, where he should (as he said) haue had plentie of all things for the releefe of his armie; yet hoping, that in his returne from SIRVAN, he would take it in his way, where as he should find him most readie to bestow all that he had in the seruice of his lord: telling him moreouer, That although he could not for many vrgent respects goe with him into SIRVAN, yet he would alwayes accompanie him in mind, and continually pray vnto the Creator of all things for his prosperitie and most happie successe. Courteously did Mustapha receiue both his presents and submission,* 3.16 and in exchange thereof bestowed vpon him certain gifts after the Tur∣kish manner, and in magnificall tearmes gaue him answere, promising him in his returne to passe [ D] through his countrey: and so dismissed the Christian duke with like honour, wherewith he was entertained at his comming.

Mustapha holding on his journey toward SIRVAN, through moorish and troublesome wayes, in twelue dayes after he departed from TEFLIS came into the confines of SIRVAN, neere to the riuer of Canac, and there rested on this side the riuer one day. At which time they of the citie of S••CHI bordering vpon the Siruanians and Georgians, foure dayes journy from SV∣MACHIA, came to offer themselues to Mustapha, as subjects to the Turkes. Of whose submission the Generall gratiously accepted, promising to them his assured protection.

The Turkes armie ouerwearied with the continuall trauell of twelue dayes march,* 3.17 but yet farre more afflicted with hunger, not finding in those parts so much as one wild beast to assuage [ E] their greedie desire of meat, sought by all meanes euery man for himselfe to get something, espe∣cially when they vnderstood their Generall would passe the riuer into a countrey vnto them all vnknowne, where they were altogether vncertain what to find for their releefe. So whilest they were enquiring among themselues, who were able to conduct them to some such place as where they might supplie their wants, behold certaine Persians were taken; who being straightly exa∣mined on that point, after much resistance at last told them, That not far off, after they had passed certaine marishes, where Canac dischargeth it selfe into Araxis, they should find many fields full of Ryse and corne in the blade, and a little further certain fat heards of cattell, sufficient to relieue the whole armie. Of this newes was the Generall certified: who although he greatly doubted the subtilties of his enemie; yet to gratifie his souldiors, and to make them more willing to fol∣low [ F] him into SIRVAN, he licensed euery man that had a desire thereunto to goe and prouide themselues of victuals, and so suffered all that would to goe freely. Whereupon there went of themselues, and were sent by their captaines about ten thousand seruile persons, with cammels, horses, and mules, to fetch away this prouision of corne and cattell: but the euent answered not to their desires. For Tocomac with the other Persian captaines, and the rest of the souldiors that

were escaped from the ouerthrow giuen them in the plaines of CHIELDER, hauing gathered to∣gither [ G] the remainder of the armie, and recouered such places as they thought safe and friendly for them, carefully attended the marching and passing of the Turkish armie. And being certain∣ly enformed by them of REIVAN and GEORGIA what way they kept, and that of necessitie they must arriue at the banks of Canac; they began to deuise how they might in some measure be reuenged of their former losse, and empeach their enemies entrance into SIRVAN. But wan∣ting rather strength than courage to assaile the whole armie, they thought it best to stay in ambush in some fit place, vntill some part of the Turkish armie (allured with the prey of the corne and cattell) should for the reliefe of their common necessities descend into those fields. And the rather to draw them on, sent out diuers men, who as if they had gone about their owne busi∣nesse, and by chance at vnawares had lighted vpon the Turkes campe, reuealed vnto them as a [ H] great secret,* 3.18 what a good prey was hard by them. And so withdrawing themselues out of sight priuily, awaited the comming of the Turks: when as within the space of three daies it so fell out, that the aforesaid ten thousand forragers arriued at the wished place; where they had no sooner begun to charge themselues with the prey, but they were surprised by the Persians, and all slaine, sauing a few who by hastie flight saued themselues. The noise of this hoat skirmish being heard into the Turkish hoast, caused Mustapha to imagine that the matter was fallen out euen as in deed it was: and therefore rising with his whole armie, hasted with all possible speed to haue suc∣coured the poore people, who were now all slaine. And albeit he came not in so good time as to yeeld them reliefe, yet came he verie fitly to reuenge their death vpon the Persians, staying too long to load themselues with the spoile of their enemies. [ I]

The place from whence the Turks were to haue had the aforesaid bootie, was almost in man∣ner of an island, enclosed with the riuers of Araxis and Canac: whereinto Mustapha entred with his whole power, Deruis Bassa leading the one wing as did Beyran Bassa the other, and he him∣selfe comming on in the middle with the maine battell. The Persians seeing Mustapha with all his forces hasting towards them, and withall remembring the late ouerthrow by them receiued in the plaines of CHIELDER; began to bethinke themselues, how much better it had beene for them to haue contented themselues with the late slaughter of the forragers, and with speed to haue got them away out of that strait, than by staying longer to be enclosed with the multitude of their enemies, as that they could now no way escape without most manifest perill. In this perplexitie, discoursing among themselues whether it were better for them to flie, or with so great [ K] disaduantage to joyne battell, and so rather to die with honour than to liue with reproach: at last they resolued to reserue themselues to the farther seruice of their prince and countrey; dee∣ming it rather a point of wisedome than of dishonour, Not to aduenture vnto most desperat and assured death, so many worthie men as might in future time stand their countrey in great stead: yet did they not see how by flight well to escape, for that they were in such sort s••rained within the riuers, as that there was no ground left for them to escape by, than that which contrarie to their expectation was by the Turkes alreadie possessed. In these difficulties euerie man began to betake himselfe to his owne priuat conceit and fortune.* 3.19 Tocomac with Emir Chan, and other the great commaunders of the armie were the first that turned their backes, and by the helpe of their couragious horses, got ouer the riuer of Canac: whose example moued many others to attempt [ L] the like, though not with like fortune; for that their horses being not of such courage, and out of breath, lay many of them drowned in the riuer. Wherwith others being amazed, as percei∣uing ineuitable death in flying present before their eies, and reposing all their hope euen in des∣paire, ran as it were headlong in a rage and furie vpon their enemies, and in fighting shewed vn∣speakable valour: but what was one against an hundred? for there they were also all slain, though worthie of immortall fame. Thus was the Persian armie quite discomfited in this demy island, being first stained with the bloud of the enemie, and afterward with the slaughter of the neigh∣bour and proper inhabitant: and so became the perpetuall sepulcher of a most couragious and warlike people. The Turkes in this last conflict, lost not aboue three thousand men, beside the slaughter of the ten thousand forragers: although Tocomac to make his losse to seeme the more [ M] tollerable, made report to the king of a greater slaughter made. The Persian captaines full of sorrow for this vnexpected ouerthrow, with the licence of their Generall departed, euerie man to his seuerall gouernment: as Emanguli Chan to GENGE, Serap Chan to NASSIVAN, Tocomac himselfe to REIVAN, and all the rest to other cities, to the gouernment whereof they were be∣fore

[ A] by the king appointed, and so remained expecting his farther pleasure from CASBIN.

Mustapha was now come to the riuer of Canac, which he was to passe ouer into SIRVAN, and therefore made straight proclamation through his whole armie, That euerie man should be in readinesse against the next day to passe the riuer. At which proclamation all his people suddenly arose in a tumult, and with injurious tearmes euen to his face reproued his folly and in∣humanitie, propounding vtter danger vnto himselfe, and an vniuersall con••usion vnto the whole armie: and therfore praied him to surcease from proceeding any farther, vnlesse he were minded to cast them all away. But his resolute mind was not by their threats or entreaties to be remo∣ued, neither gaue he them other answere than this: That so had Amurath commaunded: and that if all the rest should shew themselues vnwilling to obey their Soueraigne,* 3.20 hee himselfe would not nor [ B] could not, but would be the first man to attempt and performe that, which they all so abhorred and re∣proued. Valiant souldiors (he said) were discouered and knowne, not in idlenesse and ease, but in great paines taking, and difficult enterprises: who neuer ought to be afraid to change this momentarie life for euerlasting honour, or to shun death, if the seruice of their prince so required. And for mine owne part (said he) I most earnestly request you, that after I haue attempted the passage of the riuer, if any thing happen vnto me otherwise than well, yet carrie my dead bodie to the other side of the riuer: to the end, that if I cannot whilest I yet liue execute the commaundement of my soueraigne, I may yet at least performe the same when I am but a speechlesse and liuelesse carkasse; for as much as the desire of my lord is not in any sort to be frustrated, for making too great account of mine owne life.

Diuers and sundrie murmurings and whisperings followed vpon this speech of the Generall, [ C] who notwithstanding the next morning did first of all wade ouer the deepe and swift riuer him∣selfe: after whom presently followed the Bassaes with all their slaues, by whose example the rest also were induced at last to doe the like, and so continued vntill the darknesse of the night inter∣rupted their passage; by which occasion more than halfe the armie could not then get ouer. In this passage,* 3.21 being with great tumult and disorder attempted, it came to passe that about eight thousand persons carried away with the violence of the riuer, were miserably drowned, with the great outcrie of all the hoast. The like happened also to many mules, camels, and sumpter hor∣ses, vpon whose backes diuers persons being mounted, in hope to haue passed drie ouer the riuer, were likewise headlong ouerwhelmed therein. With great complaints and blasphemous cur∣sings was the whole night spent, by them that were yet on this side the riuer; whose feares were [ D] not a little increased, by the example of their vnfortunate fellowes before drowned. And like enough it was, some pestilent sedition to haue ensued thereupon, had there not a shallow foord by great chance been discouered, which gaue safe passage to those that were left. For in the pas∣sage which the people made that followed Mustapha, the grauell of the bottome of the riuer be∣ing raised and remoued by the heauie hooues of the cattell, was driuen downe the riuer to a place, where by great good hap there was also a foord: and there gathered togither in an heape, had in such sort raised the depth of the channell, that it made as it were a shelfe for their commodious passage, so that the remnant of the armie, carriages, and artillerie passing ouer the same, there was not so much as one man that perished. So hauing with much difficultie at last got ouer the riuer of Canac, they rested themselues that day and the next, and there staied vntill the whole [ E] armie was mustered, and againe put in order. Remouing thence, the day following they en∣camped in certaine barren Champaines, where was neither corne nor cattell: neither could they perceiue or learne,* 3.22 that in those quarters were any villages at all. By meanes whereof the hunger of their beasts increasing, they were enforced to giue their horses and mules, leaues, and stalkes of verie drie and withered reeds, and such other like things of little or no sustenance at all: and the men themselues were faine to satisfie their hunger with those vttermost reliques, which they were faine to picke out of such poore victuals, as now by corruption were become loathsome to mans nature: and that which worse was, they saw no end of these miseries they were so en∣tred into. Notwithstanding there was now no looking backe, but needs on they must, and fol∣low the fortune of their leaders: among whom Mustapha before all the rest set forward on his [ F] determined journey. He had not long marched, but there was discouered good store of sundrie plants, and shortly after a verie large plaine countrey all greene and flourishing, and garnished with many trees:* 3.23 by the onely sight whereof, euerie man was refreshed with the hope of reliefe; and with more than ordinarie paces, hasted vntill they were entered into those Champaines, abounding with all kind of corne and fruits that could be of an hungrie man desired. In this place

did euerie man satisfie his appetite, and forgot in part the forepassed calamities. Through this [ G] fruitfull and pleasant countrey Mustapha leading his armie, at last ariued at ERES, the chiefe ci∣tie in that coast of SIRVAN as you trauell from GEORGIA.

This citie of ERES was forsaken of a number of her inhabitants, as soone as it was knowne that the Turkes were come to Canac; who all followed their Gouernour Samir Chan: who with Ares Chan Gouernour of SVMACHIA, and other the Gouernours of SECHI and other places of SIRVAN, forsooke the cities, and altogither withdrew themselues into the mountains, as places of more suretie, attending the euent of these so great motions. So that as the Turkes entred the citie vndisturbed, so were they with the prey they found therein, nothing enriched: for that in this common danger, euerie man had carried away with him the best things he had. Here staied Mustapha two and twentie daies, during which time he erected a fortresse in the said [ H] citie: whereupon he placed two hundred small pieces of artillerie, and for the keeping thereof appointed Caitas Bassa, with a garrison of fiue thousand souldiours. In the meane time also he commaunded Osman Bassa (one of the voluntarie captaines) with ten thousand men to possesse SVMACHIA, sometime the Metropoliticall citie of that prouince, with the title of Visier and Gouernour Generall of SIRVAN. Giuing him farther in charge, that in any case he should cleare the passage to DERBENT, and giue present aduertisements to the Tartarians of his arriuall there: whom he supposed by that time to be come into those quarters, for that they had before so faithfully promised to Amurath▪ Osman comming to SVMACHIA, presently seazed vpon the citie, and was friendly entertained of those that remained there: whom he likewise courteously entreated, without doing or suffering any outrage to be done vpon them. Of which his courte∣ous [ I] vsage they of DERBENT vnderstanding, sent presently to offer their citie vnto him, besee∣ching him to receiue them into his protection, and to defend them from the Persians: vnder whom, although they had long liued in subjection, yet differed they from them in the ceremo∣nies of their Mahometane superstition, wherein they better agreed with the Turkes.

* 3.24Mustapha hauing thus brought the countrey of SIRVAN into the Turkish subjection, and finished his fortresse at ERES, and put all things in such order as he thought best: importu∣ned by the Ianizaries and the people of GRaeCIA, and somewhat enforced by the season of the yeare which was now farre spent; departed from ERES, and turned his course homeward to∣ward the countrey of Alexander surnamed the Great, as he had promised in his late passage in∣to SIRVA. And hauing trauelled a long journey, he sent before him certaine engines and pioners [ K] to make a bridge ouer Canac, so without danger to passe ouer his armie. Hauing passed the ri∣uer, he gaue notice to Sahamall (one of the lords of GEORGIA) of his arriuall, who presently came and yeelded himselfe as vassall to the Turkes: and being entertained of the Bassa with great pompe, and rewarded after the Turkish manner, tooke his leaue, and so returned into his moun∣taine of BRVS.

Mustapha setting againe forward, and trauelling by night because he would not lose the op∣portunitie of the faire weather; by the errour of his guides lost his way, and so fell into rough and difficult passages, whereby he was enforced to stay and wait for day light: which arising, did manifest vnto them, that they were now entred into the countries of his friend Alexander. And therefore he gaue forthwith proclamation through all his armie, That no man vpon paine of [ L] death should be so hardie as to molest or disquiet any of the subjects of Alexander, but to haue good respect vnto them, and to entreat them with all courtesie. The day following he still tra∣uelled on in the same countrey, when there arriued from ZAGHEN certaine embassadours of Alexanders, with great aboundance of cattell, corne, fruits, and other reliefe sent for a present to the Generall, with a solemne excuse, that he came not himselfe, because the infirmitie of his bodie would not suffer him. Wherewithall Mustapha rested satisfied, and leauing the citie of ZAGHEN on the right hand, caused the messengers of Alexander to guide him the way to TE∣FLIS: which they so directly did, that within the space of three daies they conducted him thi∣ther with his armie, without the feeling of any annoiance; from whence they returned, being well rewarded for their paines by the Generall. Who now come to TEFLIS, found the garri∣son [ M] he had there left for the keeping thereof,* 3.25 so hardly pinched with famine, that they were glad to eat cats, dogs, sheepskins, and such like vnwonted food: for neither durst they for feare of the enemie go out of the castle to prouide for themselues; nether if they had so done had it any thing auailed, such was the carefulnesse of the enemie in keeping of his things: but now by the com∣ming

[ A] of the Generall they were relieued with meat, money, and plentie of all things. Hauing staied there two daies, he put himselfe againe vpon his way, and with fire and sword destroied whatsoeuer came in his way in the Champaines subject to the said citie: onely the sepulchers of Simons progenitors (lord of that countrey) were left vntouched by the Turkes furie. The next day they trauelled ouer rough and ragged mountains, full of a thousand difficulties, which were the more encreased by wonderfull great snowes that were fallen: by reason whereof, many soul∣diors, horses, camels, and mules perished. In which distresse the armie continued two daies; du∣ring which time the souldiors were fallen into such a disorder, that forgetting the feare of the enemies countrey wherein they were, euerie man without regard tooke vp his seuerall lodging apart, some here, some there, where they might find either some thicke bush or some small cot∣tage, [ B] or some quiet valley to shelter themselues in from the wind, the snow, and the stormes. Of which disorder certaine Georgian lords vnderstanding by the scouts which from time to time waited vpon the Turkes armie, joyned themselues together and in the night secretly ap∣proached vnto it, expecting the opportunitie of performing some notable exploit: and hauing obserued, that Hosaine Bey had withdrawne himselfe with his regiment from the rest of the army vnder certaine mountaines, to defend himselfe from the storme and wind; they tooke the occa∣sion presented, and so assailing him, slew his slaues and all his squadrons; tooke a great bootie of many loads of money and apparell; lead away with them all his horses, and whatsoeuer else they could find, and scarce gaue him leisure to saue himselfe, by flying into the tents of Beyran Bassa. The next morning the Turkes remoued, and in the euening came to a castle called CHI∣VRCHALA, [ C] where they staied a whole day to make prouision of victuall: which was attempted by sending abroad many of their slaues into the fields, conducted by them of the castle; who were all miserably cut in pieces by the Georgians. From this place the Turkes armie departed in great hunger, ouer diuers rough places of the Georgians, where they were faine oftentimes to rest themselues: and at last came to the confines of Dedesmit, of her called the widowes countrey.* 3.26 In the entrance whereof, they must needs passe through a narrow strait, betweene certaine mountaines, where the riuer Araxis windeth it selfe with a thousand turnings in the low vallies: a dangerous place, and so narrow, that no more but one man alone could at once passe through it. Betweene this strait and a verie thicke and hilly wood, they lodged vpon the banke of the said riuer: and from thence they remoued the next morning, and trauelled ouer verie steep [ D] mountaines and rough forrests, ouer yse and snow more harder than marble, and ouer other hanging rocks▪ in such miserable sort, that many camels, mules, and horses, tumbling downe headlong into the riuer, there miserably perished. Through these ruinous crags and diuers other miseries, they marched all the next day, and after that another day also, as miserable to the armie as the former. And so at last being sore afflicted with hunger, spoiled of the enemie, tormented with the hard season of the yeare, and situation of the place, they arriued in the territories that lay vnder ALTVNCHALA, or Golden castle, the princely widowes pallace, where they had all manner of reliefe, for all the miseries they had endured since their departure from CHIVRCHA∣LA, by the space of six daies: which if it had been a faire common trauelled way, might haue been performed in one onely daies journey.

[ E] The widow,* 3.27 with Alexander her eldest sonne, came downe from her castle, and went vnto the pauillion of Mustapha; offering him diuers presents, and promising vnto him all faithfull obedience. Whom Mustapha courteously receiued, declaring vnto her, what honourable en∣tertainment he had giuen to Manucchiar her yonger sonne there present, who had been with him in all the expedition into SIRVAN. And for the present, dissembling the priuie displeasure he bare against Alexander (whom he thought to haue been one of them that spoiled the Sori∣ans in their returne from the campe) he embraced him courteously, and praied her to be con∣tent to leaue him also there with him: giuing her farther to vnderstand, that he would send both her sons to CONSTANTINOPLE to Amurath, with letters of credence for their yeelded obe∣dience, for their fauour shewed to his armie, in giuing it so secure passage, and so many helpes: [ F] and lastly, that for their good deserts, they might be of the said great Sultan both honourably entertained and rewarded. The aged ladie, although her mind was herewithall sore troubled, yet outwardly in her countenance shewed her selfe pleased; and seemed courteously to yeeld, what she was of necessitie constrained to grant: as well for that he was alreadie possessed of one of her sonnes, as also for that both her selfe and her whole state were now in his power, and as it

were at his deuotion. And therefore leauing both her sonnes behind her, she returned her selfe [ G] heauie to her castle.

* 3.28In this place Mustapha hauing refreshed his armie two daies, departed thence toward CHARS, and after many dayes trauell at last arriued at ERZIRVM, to the great rejoycing of the whole ar∣mie, which was there presently discharged by the Generall, without any mustering at all, & leaue giuen for euery man to returne into his countrey.

* 3.29Mustapha setling himselfe in ERZIRVM, dispatched postes with letters of plentifull aduertise∣ments to his great lord and master, of all things that had passed▪ not forgetting to magnifie his owne exploits aboue measure. He certified him of the battels he had had with the Persians, the obedience he had receiued of the Georgians and Siruanians, the mutinie of his owne souldiors, the fortresse he had built at ERES, the garrisons left in that citie with Caitas Bassa, and in SVMA∣CHIA [ H] with Osman Bassa: and in breefe, whatsoeuer els had passed; and whatsoeuer he had taken from the enemie. Neither did he faile to propound vnto Amurath, what he thought conueni∣ent to be attempted the next yeare, for the strengthening of those places he had alreadie conque∣red, and for preparing the way for new enterprises. And principally he put him in mind of a for∣tification to be made at CHARS, a place very fit for any passage into GEORGIA or ARMENIA, by situation fruitfull and commodious both for men and cattell. And withall he sent vnto him the widdowes two sonnes, Alexander and Manucchiar, the Georgian princes, certifying him of their submission, and that he had receiued in their country all good entertainment and friend∣ly welcome: and withall declaring his opinion, That Manucchiar was the meeter man for go∣uernment than his brother Alexander, and the readier to doe him seruice. Greatly did Amurath [ I] commend the valour and diligence of Mustapha, and highly pleased himselfe with this conceit, That of these beginnings might grow mightie conquests, to the enlargement of his empire, and that by this meanes he should be able to surpasse the glorie of his predecessours. And the more his ambitious thoughts were occupied about these wars, the lesse he troubled himselfe with thin∣king how to annoy EVROPE with his forces.

It was not long after the departure of Mustapha from ERES, but that the Tartarians hauing left the fennes of MEOTIS, and the vnmountable shores of the Blacke sea, and hauing passed ouer the rockes vpon CHOLCHIS, and surueyed the frosen crags of the mountaine CAVCASVS, were now arriued vpon the confines of SIRVAN, and there attended the commaundement of the Turkes. These Tartarians being of them that are called Praecopenses, to the number of thir∣tie [ K] thousand, conducted by their lord and captaine Abdilcherai, a young man of great valour and fame, and of a comely personage, were come according to the faithfull promise of Tatar Chan, with a full resolution to attempt whatsoeuer should be commaunded them in the name of Amu∣rath. Now Osman Bassa vnderstanding of their approch, according to the charge before giuen him by Mustapha the Generall, enuited them to enter into SIRVAN, and by encreasing of the Turkes forces to further these beginnings of Amurath his glorie, and these his conquests (or more truly to say, these magnificall & famous tearms of victorie.) All which was most diligently put in execution by Abdilcherai: who hauing entred the yron gates where DERBENT standeth (which by the Turks at this day is called Demir Capi, and signifieth the gates of yron) and so from thence passing into the countrey of SIRVAN, there stayed, and thereof gaue aduertisement to Osman, [ L] as was by him appointed. Ares Chan late gouernour of SVMACHIA, who for feare of the great armie of the Turkes had abandoned the citie the cheefe place of his charge, and betaken himselfe to the safegard of the mountaines, hearing of the departure of the Turkish Generall, resolued with the other Gouernours of ERES and SECHI (who following his example, had in like man∣ner fled) now to returne againe to their forsaken countrey, and to make proofe if he could by any meanes take reuenge of the injurie done vnto him by the Turkes. So passing vnder SVMACHIA, and hauing put to the sword certaine of Osmans stragling victuallers that were gone out of the citie, he encamped with all his people a little from SVMACHIA, and by good fortune surprised certaine messengers sent from Abdilcherai the Tartar, to certifie Osman Bassa of his arriuall, and to know his pleasure what he should put in execution. These Tartarians brought before Ares, af∣ter [ M] much torture disclosed the letters they carried: which the Persian captaine read, and conside∣ring the great number of the Tartarians that were come (for the letters made mention of thirtie thousand) he resolued not to stay any longer in those quarters, but presently raised his campe, and retired towards Canac, meaning from thence to certifie the king of these nouelties, and vpon the

[ A] bankes of the said riuer to attend the kings answere. The Tartarian captain comming to SVMA∣CHIA, was appointed by the Bassa to passe ouer the riuer of Canac into GENGE, the countrey of Emanguli Chan, with the spoyle thereof to enrich himselfe, and by all meanes to make his arri∣uall vnto the Persians most terrible. With this charge the Barbarian departed, thirsting now for nothing more than for the bloud and spoyle of the enemie: and with posting journies came to Canac, where Ares Chan was yet encamped: whom he vpon the sudden most ••uriously assaul∣ted, and like a deuouring flame discomfited all his hoast.* 3.30 And taking him aliue, sent him to SV∣MACHIA to Osman, who forthwith caused him to be hanged by the necke out of a lodging in the same Statehouse where he had not long before sat as Gouernour. The Tartarian after that, swim∣ming ouer the riuer,* 3.31 and coursing a little aboue GENGE, found Emanguli Chan with his wife, and [ B] all his familie, and a great part of the nobilitie of GENGE in a valley hunting the wild Bore; and assayling him, put him to flight, tooke from him his wife, all the ladies, and many slaues, and slew many of the rest that were come thither to see the sport: and after that rode on to GENGE, which he tooke, and yeelded it wholly to the furie and lust of his barbarous souldiors, who left no manner of inhumane crueltie vnattempted, in satisfying their immoderat and barbarous affe∣ctions. And so being loaded with the spoyles, and wearie with the slaughter of their enemies, they returned merrily toward SIRVAN: and passing againe ouer Canac, came to the hither side of ERES into certaine low champaigns, enuironned about with hils, and there hauing pitched their tents, without any feare setled themselues to sleepe and to rest their wearie bodies.

In the meane time, and long before these actions, were newes come to the Persian Court of [ C] all the Turks proceedings: whereupon the Persian king hauing gathered new forces, had dispat∣ched Emir Hamze Mirize his eldest sonne with twelue thousand soldiors to passe into SIRVAN, to see what hurt the enemie had done, and to attempt the reuenge of the forepassed injuries; but aboue all things to punish the villanie of them of SECHI▪ and the other cities of SIRVAN, that not induced with any necessitie, had so voluntarily yeelded themselues to follow the obedience and religion of the Turkes. The Persian prince departing from CAS••IN, accompanied with his mother Begum, who would needs follow her beloued sonne, was on his way towards SIRVAN, vnder the guiding and gouernment of Mirize Salmas, cheefe of the Sultans; and had now left behind them the countries of ARDOVIL and CARACACH, when he was certified by the aduer∣tisements come from Ares Chan, of the arriuall of Abdilcherai, with his great number of Tar∣tarians; [ D] and was thereby at the first strucken into a great quandarie▪ and almost out of comfort: yet prickt forward with an honourable desire of glorie and reuenge, he prosecuted his entended enterprise for SIRVAN, and hastening his journey, came to ERES long before the king his father thought he could haue so done.* 3.32 This his notable celeritie serued him to great purpose, for that Caitas Bassa was boldly gone out of the fortresse, and went spoyling the countrey, carrying away with him whatsoeuer he met withall, and committing such insolencies as hungrie souldiours be∣yond all honestie vse to doe in strange and fruitfull countries. But when he was in the middest of these spoyles, and least feared the enemie, he was suddenly assailed by the prince; and hauing no meanes to escape his furie in this extremitie, after a fierce and bloudie battell (wherein the Turks although in number few, yet shewed many effects of valor) he was there slaine with all his soul∣diors, [ E] leauing the fortresse, the spoyles, and the countrey committed to his custodie, free to the pleasure of the victor: which the Persian prince hauing once againe gotten into his possession, tooke away the two hundred pieces of artillerie that were left in the fort by Mustapha, and pre∣sently sent them to CASBIN to his father.

The prince encouraged with so happie a beginning, leauing his mother at ERES, followed on his journey toward SVMACHIA, but by the way descending the hils, he discouered where the Tartarians lay encamped. Whereupon he stood in great doubt, whether to aduenture vpon so mightie an enemie, or to content himselfe with the victorie he had alreadie gotten, and so to re∣turne into PERSIA: to returne he thought it too great a shame, and chose rather to aduenture himselfe to most manifest perill. And therfore descending the hill, and drawing nigh the enemie, [ F] he perceiued that the armie was all laid downe to rest, and that their horses were some couched, some standing, but all vnsadled: whereupon without any stay setting spurs to his horse, he pric∣ked forward with all his hoast, and most terribly assaulted the Tartarians, now buried in their spoyles and sleepe; & hauing slaine their first and second watch, although with some losse, among the tumultuarie souldiors he made an vniuersall confusion and slaughter, putting some to flight,

killing others, and taking diuers of them captiues. Among whom was their Generall Abdilch••∣rai, [ G] who was taken aliue, and sent to the king in CASBIN.

* 3.33After these victories the Persian prince scoured to SVMACHIA, and compassed the citie round about, wherein the Turkish Bassa Osman sat as Gouernour, to the reproch of PERSIA: and there encamping himselfe, sent word to Osman, That if he would yeeld himselfe, he would let him de∣part with life and goods: otherwise, if he would obstinately hold it out, and not yeeld the citie, which he so vnjustly possessed, he should be constrained to surrender it by force, and his life withall. Osman who as then knew nothing of the Tartarians ouerthrow, but still hoped of their returne, thought it best to entertaine the prince with faire words vntill their comming, and there∣fore gaue him courteous answere, that he was very readie to yeeld vp the citie: but withall en∣treated him, that he would stay but for three dayes, and graunt him time to put all things in rea∣dinesse, [ H] that so he might freely depart, as it had pleased him in courtesie to offer. The prince glad of such an answere, supposing it to haue proceeded of a sincere meaning, expected of the Turke the performance thereof. But Osman meaning nothing lesse, than to commit himselfe to the faith of his enemie, and seeing that the Tartarians, whom he looked for, appeared not, he resolued to saue himselfe by secret flight; doubting, as he had good reason, that if he should longer stay, to be betrayed by the inhabitants of the citie themselues: and therefore somewhat before the as∣signed tearme of the three dayes appointed for the surrendering of the citie, he by the helpe of a darke night, and the couert of the high and rough crags, with great silence withdrew himselfe out of SVMACHIA,* 3.34 carrying away with him all his substance, and so in safetie arriued at DERBENT. The next morning the inhabitants of SVMACHIA opened the gates of the citie to the prince: [ I] who seeing their infidelitie, first by giuing of entertainement to Osman, and now by helping him to escape, without giuing him any knowledge therof, did put in execution the effect of his wrath and indignation, which euen in CASBIN he had conceiued in his mind against them; and with great crueltie did punish the miserable and vnfortunat citisens, laying their houses euen with the ground, rasing both the old and new wals of that citie, of late so desired a receit for the Turkes. But when he was to depart thence, he stood in doubt, Whether to goe on to DERBENT, or to returne to PERSIA: the strength of that citie, the appproch of Winter, and the long journey he was to take homeward, persuaded him to lay aside the enterprise for DERBENT, whereupon he resolued to returne to CASBIN: yet first to make his returne by them of ERES and SECHI, and vpon them as vpon rebels to inflict well deserued punishment. So making his present repaire [ K] thither, spared neither sex nor age, nor any condition of persons, but vpon them all poured forth his furious indignation, without exception. Which done, he with his aforesaid mother Be∣gum, and his armie, though somewhat deminished, yet victorious and triumphant, returned to CASBIN.

* 3.35Yong Abdilcherai the Tartarian was kept safe in the kings pallace at CASBIN, but with such easie imprisonment as was agreeable to his calling: which was day by day so enlarged, as that he seemed not to liue as a prisoner, but rather as a companion of those of the Court, and as it were in apparent libertie. By which occasion hauing insinuated himselfe into the loue of Begum the kings wife, he spent his time in courting of her, and she againe in entertaining of him in all secret and couert manner. Yet these their mutuall affections and interchangeable fauours passed not so [ L] secretly, but that in the Court and all ouer the citie it was a rife report, That the shamelesse ladie, prodigall of her honour, had participated both her bed and her selfe with the Tartarian prisoner. Howbeit neither the king nor the prince knew any thing of it. But the king perceiuing the yong gentleman to be generally commended, valiant, courteous, and of a comely feature, and withall nobly borne (for he gaue it out that he was the brother of Tatar Chan) persuaded himselfe, that it would stand with the great good of his state, of a captiue to make him his sonne in law, by gi∣uing him his daughter in marriage: whereby he was in good hope there might grow such an amitie and vnion betweene the Tartarian Praecopenses and himselfe, as that they would from thenceforth not onely refuse to fauour Amurath in those warres, but also become enemies vnto him, and in the fauour of PERSIA turne their armes and affections against him. Which his [ M] deepe and considerat purpose so displeased the Sultans of CASBIN, that they sought by all meanes they could possibly deuise to auert the king from that so strange a policie: but all in vaine, for the king being fully resolued, and now vpon the point to make a conclusion of the marriage; the Sultans entering into the pallace with their followers, and finding there the vnfor∣tunat

[ A] Tartarian,* 3.36 ran him through the bodie, and cutting off his priuie members, flapped them vpon his mouth after a most barbarous and filthie manner. It is reported, that the queene was then also murdered by them: certaine it is, that the poore ladie neuer after that day saw the light of the Sunne: but whether it was put in execution by the appointment of the king her husband, or that the Sultans did it for the publicke interest, is not certainely knowne. Vpon these murders sprung vp many troubles, and much ciuile dissention, threatning the vtter confusion of the Per∣sian kingdome, to the singular benefit of Amurath. All which tumultuous disorders the king by brideling his owne affections, and the motions of his sonne Emir Hamze Mirize, well appeased, procuring at last a perfect vnitie, as then most necessarie for the defence of his kingdome.

Osman Bassa being in DERBENT (the onely place of refuge now left for the Turkes in SIR∣VAN) [ B] ceased not with all carefulnesse to deuise what he possibly could, for the assuring of that countrey (of late woon, and now againe almost lost) vnder the gouernment of Amurath. For the better establishing whereof, together with his owne safetie, he thought it good to enter into friendship with old Sahamal the Georgian, lord of the mountaine of BRVS. With this man did Osman practise many tokens of good will, and he again interchangeably towards Osman: where∣upon there arose great friendship betweene them, at leastwise in outward appearance: whereun∣to in short time there was added a straight knot of alliance: for that Osman took to wife a daugh∣ter of the said Sahamals, the greatest signe of his sincere loue towards him. Neuerthelesse shortly after Osman vpon some reasonable conjectures began to suspect (as indeed the truth was) that Sa∣hamal for all the faire shew of friendship he made towards him, might for all that receiue some se∣cret [ C] order from the Persian king, to betray him, and to free the citie from the Turks, and so to re∣duce all that prouince vnto the auntient deuotion: in which jealous suspition he was fully con∣firmed by the speeches of his wife, the daughter of Sahamal; who rauished with the honour, valour, and riches of her husband, could not conceale any thing that she knew deuised against him, but frankely told him, That her father being secretly reconciled to the Persian king, held friendship with him, and that letters went betweene them of great matters, and particularly of the affaires of SIRVAN. Hereupon the Bassa persuaded himselfe, that all the friendship of Saha∣mal was but deepe dissimulation, and the marriage of his daughter nothing but a meane to pro∣cure his death. Neuerthelesse he made shew vnto his wife, as if he had made no such reckoning of it as indeed he did, but kept it in store to his owne safetie and the destruction of Sahamal, [ D] whom for all that he still entertained with all honour and kindnesse due vnto a most louing fa∣ther in law. But to preuent the malitious purpose of Sahamal, hauing enuited him according to the custome to a certaine solemne feast, he acquainted certain companies of his most trustie and valiant souldiors with his determination, enjoyning them, that as soone as Sahamal was entered into his Court, euen in the very dismounting from his horse they should all fall vpon him, cut off his head, and put all his retinue to the sword. Which his cruell commaund was by him accor∣dingly at Sahamals comming put in execution,* 3.37 he in lighting from his horse being slaine, and all his followers murdered, when forthwith were sent forth by Osman two thousand horsemen to spoyle and sacke all the country of the said Georgian lord, to the great maruell and astonishment both of farre and neere. The Persian king hearing of these newes, tooke the matter grieuously, [ E] as foreseeing that the recouerie of that countrey and prouince of SIRVAN would proue a mat∣ter of great difficultie, and fearing greatly that it would still remaine (as indeed it doth) in the possession of the Turkes. This was the end of the Turkes attempts against the Persians in SIR∣VAN this yeare 1578, wherein they lost aboue seuentie thousand men, deuoured partly with the sword, and partly with famine, and the other miseries of warre. And so Winter comming on ve∣ry sharpely, euery man withdrew himselfe from the field, wholly attending the keeping of that they had alreadie gotten, vntill the comming on of the next Spring.

Amurath aduertised by letters from Mustapha of all that had happened in the late expedi∣tion against the Persians,* 3.38 vpon these prosperous successes (which the Bassa had for the aduancing of his owne credit described to be farre greater than indeed they were) began to cast many deui∣ces [ F] in his head touching such matters as were to be attempted the next year. And first he thought it necessarie to send his forces againe into SIRVAN, to recouer such places as were first conque∣red by Mustapha, but afterward againe subdued by the Persian, so to establish his gouernment in that countrey. But vpon better consideration he ceased further to thinke of that matter, for the great hope he had conceiued of the aid that was promised him by Tatar Chan, who had

faithfully assured hoth him and Osman, that he would ouerrun that prouince anew, and do great [ G] matters in furtherance of the Turkes desseignes: all which for all that fell out to be but windie words: yet in respect of this hope he layed SIRVAN aside, and committed the defence thereof to the false promises of the Tartarian, and the valour of Osman. And pleasing his ambitious de∣sires with more haughtie thoughts, he began to deuise with himselfe, for sending his armie direct∣ly to TAVRIS, there to erect a fortresse; which being strongly fortified and furnished with a gar∣rison of most valiant souldiors, should neuer be againe subdued by all the power of PERSIA; and by this meanes to keepe in subjection all those great countries betweene TAVRIS and ER∣ZIRVM. Which his conceit being of great weight and importance, was much encreased by the persuasion of others, very inward with him; euery man being almost of opinion, That it was an easie matter for so great an hoast in few dayes to performe that seruice, and to pierce not onely [ H] into TAVRIS, but further to passe whether soeuer he would desire. Yet after he had more deep∣ly considered of an enterprise of so great importance, and with more indifferent judgement com∣pared his owne forces with his enemies, he began to find many difficulties and dangers, which in the heat of his ambitious desires he at the first saw not: For beside the length and tediousnesse of the journey, he doubted that in sending his armie for TAVRIS, it might be on the one side assailed by the Georgians (of whose obedience he had as yet no great assurance) and on the other side by the Persians, and so brought into great danger; which he was alwayes to feare, whenso∣euer he should haue occasion to send new supplies vnto the fortresse by him entended at TAV∣RIS. Whereupon laying aside all his former conceits, as too eagre and perillous, he resolutely concluded with himselfe, first to make sure his owne borders, and afterwards by little and little [ I] to enter into the enemies countrey, still fortifying in conuenient places as he went, and so surely, although but slowly, to triumph ouer his enemies; rather than by thrusting his armie headlong vpon vncertaineties into places strongly fenced both by nature and the power of most mightie enemies, to be enforced with shame to abandon the enterprise so hastily begun.

* 3.39Of this his resolution he aduertised Mustapha by writing, giuing him in charge, against the next Spring to prouide all such things as should be necessarie for the building of certaine forts vpon the way that leadeth from ERZIRVM into GEORGIA: that hauing made those wayes safe, and brought the people vnder his obedience, he might afterwards attempt greater matters. Whereupon Mustapha presently directed forth precepts to the cities of ALEPPO, of DAMAS∣CO, CARAEMIT, and other places of SORIA and MESOPOTAMIA, for the taking vp of cun∣ning [ K] workemen, of pioners, and such like, to the number of twentie thousand: and likewise wrot to all the countries, out of which he had raised his armie the last yeare, That all their souldiors (yea and in greater number also) should be in readinesse against the next Spring, to returne to the wars. The rumor whereof he caused to be spread euen as far as AEGIPT. He commaun∣ded also the taxes and tenths of those countries to be collected, and further vsed the chambers of ALEPPO, and other places, for such masses of mony as he thought necessarie for these purposes.

In this while the two Georgian brethren, Alexander and Manucchiar, sent (as we haue be∣fore said) by Mustapha to Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE, in doubtfull hope, expecting the end for which they were sent vnto the Court, were both examined, and exhorted to embrace the Mahometane religion:* 3.40 whereunto Manucchiar easily yeelded. Whereas on the other side [ L] Alexander his elder brother could by no allurements or meanes bee induced to consent to so infamous and damnable a change of his religion;* 3.41 although he knew he should therefore be de∣priued of his state: but protesting his obedience at all times to Amurath, and his loue to his brother, requested onely, That he might but as a priuat man goe and liue in his countrey, there to be buried amongst his auncestours. Which his request the Turkish emperour referred to the discretion of Manucchiar, to doe therein as he saw good: who consented thereunto. Hereupon Manucchiar was circumcised, and the name of Mustaffa giuen him, with the title of the Bassa and Gouernour of ALTVNCHALA, and of all his mothers and brothers countries: and being thus created a Turke, had his brother Alexander a Christian committed vnto him, and so both returned into their owne countries. [ M]

* 3.42Now in the Persian court at CASBIN, were many consultations had for the repressing of the inuasions of the Turks. And among others carefull of those matters, Emanguli Chan Gouernor of GENGE, doubting to loose his honourable gouernment, by reason of the late sacke of his ci∣tie, and spoile of his countrey by the Tartarian; by those plots that were daily in contriuing for

[ A] the sending of men into SIRVAN, to impeach the dessignments of Osman Bassa, and (if it were possible) to driue him out of DERBENT; tooke occasion to offer vnto the king, vpon paine of his head to defend SIRVAN, and not to suffer Osman the Turke to attempt any new fortificati∣ons or further conquests in that prouince. Of which his offer the king accepted, and thereupon the gouernment of GENGE, and guarding of the countrey of SIRVAN against the forces of Os∣man, was frankly committed vnto him. And commandement giuen to the Gouernours of TAV∣RIS, REIVAN, and NASSIVAN, and to diuers other captaines that were neerest, to be readie at all times with their power to assist Emanguli Chan, if it should fortune either the Tartarians, or Turks, with any great power to enter into SIRVAN: which order so taken, was thought suffi∣cient for the securitie of that prouince.

[ B] But how to protect the Georgian countrey, was thought to be a matter of greater impor∣tance, euerie man being almost of opinion, That some great power of the Turkes should be sent thither, for the more assurance of the conquest thereof alreadie begun; and for the succour of the fortresse at TEFLIS, which must needs otherwise fall againe into the hands of the Georgi∣ans. This matter so troubled the Persian king, as that he seemed to haue bent his whole coun∣sels and thoughts thereupon: when Simon a Georgian, a famous captaine (sometime prisoner with Ismahel the late king, at CAHACA, and by the familiaritie he had with him, seduced from the Christian faith; for defence whereof he had in the time of king Tamas chosen to liue de∣priued of his libertie and state) thinking it now a fit time to obtaine at the kings hand such helpe as he had long desired, for the recouerie of his dominion vsurped by Dauid, otherwise called Daut [ C] Chan his yonger brother (who for the obtaining thereof of king Tamas, had voluntarily renoun∣ced his Christian religion) offered now vnto the king his faithfull seruice, for the defence of that part of the Georgian countrey, wherein TEFLIS stood (being in right, part of his owne inheri∣tance) against the Turkes: reprouing by way of disgrace, his yonger brother of cowardise, and promising the performance of great matters in himselfe, both for the defence of that euill defen∣ded countrey, and further annoying of the enemie. With great contentment did the Persian king consent to the request of Simon,* 3.43 and named him Chan of all that kingdome, which he pos∣sessed before whilest he was a Christian: and sent with him Aliculi Chan into GEORGIA, with fiue thousand horsemen and certaine pieces of artillerie taken at ERES, when Caitas Bassa was slaine. Simon afterwards comming to GEORGIA, was joifully receiued of his countreymen, [ D] and there pressed about three thousand souldiors of his own and of his neighbours; excusing him∣selfe that he was become a Persian, not because he preferred the Mahometane superstition before the Christian religion, but only so to be deliuered from his long imprisonment, & by that means to maintaine his estate. And in this order were the affaires of GEORGIA assured, and strength∣ned in best manner that might then be.

Now began the Spring to approach,* 3.44 and euerie man prepared himselfe to the discontinued trauels of the wars begun:* 3.45 and now were met togither at ERZIRVM, out of all the wonted pro∣uinces, all the Turkes forces, with all things necessarie for the intended warre. With this armie in all things equall with the first, Mustapha set forward, and in twelue daies came to CHARS, not perceiuing in his souldiors any signe of discontentment at all. And for as much as here they were [ E] to stay, and to fortifie both with wals and ditches that ruinated citie, and that with as great speed as was possible; there was no remedie, but that beside the pioners & enginers that were brought for that purpose, many of the Spaoglani, yea and of the Ianizaries also must be set to worke. Whereupon they all suddenly in a tumult, began with bitter protestations to tell the Generall, That their stipends wherewith it pleased the Sultan to fauour them, were not bestowed vpon them to employ their forces and vertues in such seruile workes; but onely with their swords and other weapons to exercise that force and hardinesse for which they were esteemed worthie of that honour. Whereunto the Generall answered in most haughtie tearmes; and not yeelding one jot to their inciuilitie, but vsing all meanes of authoritie and terror, brought them to worke so much as he desired.* 3.46 So that within the space of twentie three daies, the towers and wals were [ F] erected, the ditches digged, the artillerie orderly planted vpon the wals, and the water brought round about it. Many inconueniences happened in the armie while they were busie in this worke;* 3.47 and namely vpon the 25 day of August, when they had almost euen finished the whole building, the souldiors endured a most sudden cold, by reason of the snow that then fell in great aboundance.

CHARS thus fortified, the Generall resolued to send succours into GEORGIA to TEFLIS; [ G] without which it was most certaine, that that fortresse would be yeelded to the Georgians: but in what sort to relieue it, he remained doubtfull. To send part of his armie with some valiant cap∣taine, seemed dangerous: and to go himselfe with all his forces, would sound (as he thought) to his discredit with his great lord and master; whom he had alreadie made beleeue, that he had sub∣dued all the Georgians, and brought all that prouince to his obedience and deuotion. In this am∣biguitie, the desire he had to preserue his credit with Amurath preuailed:* 3.48 and so he made choise of Hassan Bassa of DAMASCO, sonne to Muhamet principall Visier of the court, a gallant gen∣tleman and of great valour, to whom he deliuered betweene eighteene and twentie thousand souldiors; joining vnto him one Resuan captaine of certaine aduenturers, that voluntarily offe∣red themselues to follow the forces of Hassan; assigning vnto him likewise fortie thousand duc∣kats, [ H] and many loads of meale, rise, and barley, with other things necessarie both for diet and war, and so sent him away for TEFLIS.

Hassan with this charge set forward, fully resolued to put these succours into TEFLIS, or to lose all: and at length came to the famous strait of TOMANIS, where the ouergrowne woods on the one side, with the deepe vallies and craggie rocks on the other, would astonish a right con∣stant beholder. When vpon the sudden, the Persians and the Georgians (vnder the conduct of Aliculi Chan and Simon) at vnawares set vpon the Turkes, and joyned battell with them. For these two valiant captaines remaining for the most part in the borders of TEFLIS and TOMA∣NIS with eight thousand souldiors, waiting for some opportunitie to annoy either them of the fort of TEFLIS, or else such as should come to their succours; vnderstanding by their espials of [ I] the comming of Hassan with this aid, had scattered themselues all alongst the said strait, in hope there to assaile the Turks; and holpen by the aduantage of the place, to driue them headlong into the deepe valley, and at once to bereaue them both of their goods and life. But Hassan carefull of nothing more than how to auoid that danger, chose rather to make his journey through the thicke woods, and so as he might to escape the ambush that the enemie might lay for him vpon that straight passage. And so entring with his armie into the wood, which he was to haue left vpon his left hand,* 3.49 to discouer what might be plotted against him, he was hardly charged by the enemie, and constrained to fight with a thousand windings and turnings in and out, through a thousand crooked paths and doubtfull cranks, in a most confused medley, with great slaughter of his men: who not accustomed to this kind of fight, nor acquainted with the situation of the [ K] place, were in the skirmish driuen so farre, that downe they fell, and being not able to recouer themselues, were presently slaine. And thus with much adoe, he at length passed the strait of TOMANIS. Hassan deeming himselfe much disgraced by suffering his enemies in number so farre inferiour, to haue done him so much harme, and so to haue escaped his hands: and farther, considering that in such places, sleights and stratagems more auaile than open forces; burning with desire of reuenge, would needs stay neere vnto those straights, as if it had been to refresh his wearied armie; but in deed to trie if the Persians would aduenture againe to trouble him, or no: and appointed Resuan Bassa with certaine bands of the souldiors of GRECE, and of his owne aduenturers, to lie in ambush within the couerts of the strait, attentiue to euerie stirre of the ene∣mie. Two daies the Turks armie lay thus diuided, and were now resolued the third day to re∣moue [ L] thence towards TEFLIS: when as the Persian captaines, Aliculi Chan and Simon, vainly imagining that this stay of the Turks was for feare of the Persians, foolishly returned, and gaue a fresh onset vpon the flanke of Hassans squadrons.* 3.50 Who forthwith raising all his souldiors, and giuing a signe to Resuan, with all speed compassed in his enemies, and straightning them on both sides, tooke some of them aliue, cut in pieces othersome, and put the rest all to flight. Among others that were taken aliue, was Aliculi Chan the Persian captaine, who ouer rashly charging vpon the face of Hassan, fell into his hands. The next day following (being the eleuenth day af∣ter Hassans departure from CHARS) he joifully arriued at TEFLIS, where he found among the poore besieged Turkes, many miseries; whereof some were alreadie dead, and some yet sicke: for they were so plagued with famine, that they not onely deuoured their horses, but euen the [ M] verie skins of the same horses, of sheepe and of dogs, and in such most miserable wants had pas∣sed the time:* 3.51 whom Hassan at his arriuall comforted with gifts and good words, exhorting them to persist constant in the seruice of their king, whose honour (as he said) was neuer more than there to be respected. And for as much as the souldiors of the fort did with one voice request

[ A] Hassan to appoint them a new Gouernour, because they did all mislike Mahamet Bassa, who the last yeare was left by the Generall in that fort; Hassan remoued the said Mahamet, and put Amet Bassa in his place: and so after he had filled vp the places of the dead souldiors with a new supply, and set all things in good order, he tooke his leaue, recommending the charge and custodie of that fortresse to their trust and valour. Hassan returning from TEFLIS, and being without any trouble come to the strait of TOMANIS, was aduertised by his scouts, that it was so strongly possessed by the enemie, and so shut vp with artillerie, as that it was not to be passed through: for Simon thinking (as in deed it fell out) that Hassan would returne that way, had so belaid that strait, as that the Turkes could not without most assured losse passe the same: which thing much troubled the Bassa, and filled his head with many conceits, how he might make his journey some [ B] other way, and decline the danger prepared for him. Thus perplexed, and altogither doubtfull what to doe, or which way to turne himselfe: Aliculi Chan the Persian, (who to purchase his li∣bertie could haue been content to haue done any thing) offered Hassan to shew him a short and safe cut, whereby he might without danger passe with his armie ou•• of that troublesome coun∣trey; yet couenanting before, that he should promise him to set him at libertie for his so good seruice. Which his request the Bassa pid not sticke in large manner to promise, although he af∣terwards to his great dishonour performed not the same: so bending his journey on the right hand, he was guided by Aliculi through strange and vncouth waies out of those woods and dangers, not meeting so much as with any one of his enemies. But when the Persian duke well hoping for his libertie put the Turke in mind of his promise; he with deepe and faigned sighs [ C] protested, That he was right sorie that he could not performe what he had promised to doe for him, for as much as it lay not in his power to set any man at libertie, that was taken in battell by the souldiors of his great lord and soueraigne: yet gaue him his faith, that so farre as his intrea∣ties and fauours with the Generall Mustapha could preuaile, he would vse all the most earnest meanes he could to procure his libertie and returne to his owne countrey.

Simon the Georgian perceiuing that the Turks were remoued,* 3.52 imagined forthwith, that they had taken this new way. But being afterward certified by his faithfull spies, that it was so indeed, he ran all headlong and as it were desperat to meet with this so happie an army. And all enflamed with rage for this great fortune of the Turkes, he fell vpon the taile of the Turkish hoast: which with vnmeasurable furie he wholly destroyed, leading away with him all the people, all the hor∣ses, [ D] and all the treasure of Mahomet Bassa, which he brought from TEFLIS, and all the treasure of Hassan Bassa likewise. As for Aliculi Chan, whom Simon most greedily sought for, he was sent away in the front of the armie, and so not to bee rescued. Hassan holding on his way came to CHARS in the space of eight dayes after his departure from TEFLIS, and there presented vnto Mustapha the Generall the Persian captaine Aliculi, recounting vnto him the dangers he had en∣dured, and whatsoeuer else had happened in that expedition. Aliculi the vnfortunat Persian was by the commaundement of Mustapha carried to ERZIRVM, and there in the castle com∣mitted to prison. Not long after Mustapha returned himselfe also to the said citie of ERZIRVM, with his armie sore weakened and discontented, which was there presently by him discharged.

About the same time that these things were in doing, Amurath to make a safer and more ea∣sie [ E] passage for his forces into GEORGIA, sent Vluzales his Admirall with a great fleet into the Euxine sea to MENGRELIA,* 3.53 called in auntient time CHOLCHIS, who entering the famous ri∣uer of Phasis (now Fassa) there fortified, and layed such a beginning, that it is now one of the Turks proud Beglerbegships, although those fortifications shortly after the departure of the Ad∣mirall, were for the present againe by the Mengrelians demolished. And this was the end of the stirres of this yeare 1579.

Of all these successes Mustapha afterwards sent aduertisements to the Court to Amurath, recounting vnto him the fortifying of CHARS, the deserts of Hassan, as well for the succouring of TEFLIS, as for the taking of Aliculi the Persian. And because the said Generall had the yeare before persuaded Amurath, That the country of GEORGIA and the people therof were brought [ F] vnder his obedience, to the end he should not maruell at so many losses and so many battels, and thereby doubt of some false informations, he declared vnto him, That all these troubles were not raised by the naturall and homebred Georgians, but by two certaine captaines Aliculi and Simon sent out of PERSIA, who had made all these stirres: of which one of them now remained with him in prison, for him to determine of at his pleasure. With great delight did the Turkish empe∣rour

read all that Mustapha had written,* 3.54 and by two of his gentlemen vshiers sent to Hassan a [ G] battle ax all guilt, and set full of stones, a targuet of gold and pearle, and a rich garment of cloth of gold, in reward of his good seruice for which hee greatly commended him: and withall gaue order, That Aliculi should be kept where he was in the castle of ERZIRVM, in diligent and safe custodie.

These inuasions of the Turkes much troubled the Persian king in his court at CASBIN, con∣sidering that now they had both throughly acquainted themselues with all the passages into GEORGIA (in the difficultie and roughnesse whereof consisted the chiefe defence of that pro∣uince) as also that diuers of the Georgian princes were more than inclining vnto the Turkes ser∣uice: so that he could not but justly feare, that his enemies would in time begin to pierce into the noble cities of MEDIA the Greater, yea and peraduenture euen vnto TAVRIS before any [ H] of the rest: which his care of forreine inuasion was doubled with domesticall feares: Mirize Salmas his chiefe Visier, and vpon whom he most rested, still filling his head with a jealous suspi∣tion, That Abas Mirize his sonne (made Gouernour of HERI by Tamas his grandfather) was about (in these troubles with the Turke) to proclaime himselfe king of PERSIA, to the great ig∣nominie of his father, and prejudice of Emir Hamze his eldest brother, the worthie and vndoub∣ted heire of that great kingdome. This Mirize Salmas (according to his longing desire) had married a daughter of his to the said Emir Hamze with the consent of the king his father: but yet not content with that great honour, ceased not continually with ambitious deuises, to seeke out meanes how to bring to passe that the Persian estate might wholy remaine to his sonne in law, vndeuided and entire from the participation of his brethren: and therefore little regarding the [ I] perils that might happen from the Turkes, and blinded with the desire of his owne greatnesse, he went about to turne the king (being a man very credulous and inconsiderat) against Abas Mirize; either to take him and commit him to prison, or at least to bereaue him of all authoritie and com∣maund. And the better to persuade the king thereunto, he discoursed vnto him how little Abas Mirize his sonne had respected him in diuers occasions; and that in these late wars, he had not so much as sent forth one man against the Turkes, but had forbidden such as were of his jurisdicti∣on of HERI to come to CASBIN, at such time as they were summoned both by letters and commaundement to haue passed with Emir Hamze into SIRVAN; by reason whereof not one of them would stirre a foot, answering, That they were enjoyned so to doe by Abas Mirize their lord: who had not onely caused himselfe to be called king of HERI, but had giuen it out, [ K] that he meant to claime the succession in the whole kingdome. These complaints much preuai∣led with the king, both in respect of the loue he bare to Emir Hamze his eldest sonne, and also of the credit he gaue to his Visier: especially being accompanied with the craftie packing of the said Visier; who as he was verie cunning in such practises of himselfe, so did he make them much more effectuall with the effeminat king by the meanes of diuers great ladies, and other deuises that were to him verie familiar and vsuall. Insomuch, that the king carried away with light be∣leefe, did continually bethinke himselfe how to find opportunitie to represse the boldnesse of his disobedient son: not forgetting for all that to make such preparation against the Turks, as should be sufficient to stay their passage to TAVRIS, if they had any purpose so to doe. But leauing the Persian king to his troubled cogitations for a while, let vs againe returne vnto the Turkes Gene∣rall, [ L] the great Bassa Mustapha.

* 3.55He now lying at ERZIRVM (after many troubles abroad) was surprised and almost ouer∣whelmed with vnexpected quarrels at home, many grieuous complaints being made of him to Amurath, whereby he was induced afterwards to take from him his Generalship, and to call him to the court to giue account of his actions. Which seemed not to be done without cause, he hauing before raised a great discontentment in the mind of Amurath, by sending such a strong power to the succours of TEFLIS, whereby he conjectured, that the affaires of GEORGIA, were not in such securitie as Mustapha had alreadie enformed him they were; and also generally offen∣ded the minds of the souldiors of his armie, who all in an vprore accused him of improuidencie and prodigalitie, for that now this second yeare he had with so much ado gathered togither such [ M] a number of souldiors, to the trouble of the whole empire, and infinit charge of their lord, & yet performed nothing worthy the glorie of Amurath, or answerable to so great a charge. Which complaints, although they were of some moment, yet would the Turkish emperour for the great fauors he bare vnto him his antient tutor, neuer haue construed them so hardly against him,

[ A] as for the same to haue been induced to haue depriued him of his place, if the inueterat enuie of Sinan Bassa had not ministred strength and force to these hard accusations, and set (as it were) an edge vpon Amurath to doe what he afterwards did.

But forasmuch as the course of time and processe of the present historie,* 3.56 bringeth now forth these two mightie champions of the Turkes togither; the enuious competitours the one of the others honours; who liuing many yeares togither, haue left the wofull remembrance of their greatnesse and valour vnto the world, but especially vnto the afflicted state of Christendome, the large wounds by them made, as it were, yet bleeding: stay with me a while, and without griefe if thou canst behold the liuely counterfeits of two so great enemies (who both liued within these few yeares, and the latter of them died but the other day) as they are by the skilfull hand of the [ B] cunning workeman most perfectly described, and thus to be seene.

[illustration]

MVSTAPHA.

Quid Cyprum tactas? Quid Medos marte subactos? Quid fusos Persas? Quid tua facta refers? Dum te perfidiae damnet Bragadinus: & ipse Theupulus indigna morte peremptus erit. [ F] RICH. KNOLLEVS.

What dost thou boast of CYPRVS woon? or of the Medes orethrowne? What of the Persians put to flight? or of thy deeds so knowne? Whilst Bragadinus thee condemnes of extreame perjurie, And Theupulus to thy disgrace, a sham••••ull death did die.

[illustration]

SINAN.

Mitte Sinane tuos nimium iactare triumphos: Et rigido vultu verba superba loqui. Vltar nam{que} aderit mox Transyluanius heros: Qui tumidum coget te dare terga fugae. [ L] RICH. KNOLLEVS.

Proud Sinan cease to vaunt too much of thy great triumphs woon, Or with sterne looke for to extoll the deeds by thee erst done: For why the Transyluanian prince will take reuenge of thee, And swelling in thy greatest pride, enforce thee for to flee. R. Knolls.

[ M]

This Sinan was a most auntient enemie to Mustapha, and in all things thought himselfe his match: For if Mustapha had subdued CYPRVS, so had he conquered TRIPOLIS, GVLETTA, with the kingdome of TVNES in AFFRICKE: and if Mustapha were a man of great courage, and reuerend for his yeares, Sinan would be his equall both in the one and the other: yea and did

[ A] not sticke to thinke himselfe his better too, for that in the enterprise of GIAMEN in ARA••IA, he performed such an exploit as Mustapha neither durst nor yet knew how to put in execution, so carrying away the glorie of that famous conquest: for which euer after there was betweene them a continuall heart burning, one of them enuying at the others glorie, and both in word and deed, as occasions fell out, in all things opposing themselues one against the other. At last hap∣pens this opportunitie for Sinan: who taking the occasion of the complaints of so many against Mustapha, caused a great number of them to frame their supplications to Amurath (which he for his part did in most malignant manner enforce and exaggerat against his old aduersarie) accu∣sing him that this second yeare he had most manifestly shewed himselfe to haue gone vnto the warres not as a worthie Generall desirous of noble and honourable enterprises,* 3.57 but as a man [ B] that would make marchandise of bloud, and of his souldiors payes; employing the most liberall prouision of corne and money not as rewards of well deseruing men, nor to the erecting of such fabrickes as were needfull, and might haue beene built therewithall, but onely to his own proper gaine; so to enrich himselfe with his peoples losses, to the great shame of his lord, and consuming of the publicke treasure: adding hereunto, that if the things done by Mustapha were well sear∣ched, it would be found, that he had neglected many good oportunities, attempted many things in vaine, and not done any good either to the emperour or his souldiors, but onely to himselfe: whom rather than they would follow againe, as their Generall, all his people in an vprore shew∣ed themselues readie and willing to aduenture themselues in any other farre greater labour that by their lord and soueraigne should be commaunded them.

[ C] These and such like complaints, with the hard opinion alreadie conceiued against him by Amurath, were the occasion why he resolued to put him from his place. Beside that, he thought it a thing dangerous to his state, to suffer one and the selfesame Generall any long time to com∣maund ouer so great armies, deeming it not so much for his honour still to employ one man, as to shew that he had varietie and choice of subjects,* 3.58 worthie of so great a charge. And therfore being desirous to find out the truth of that was reported to him concerning Mustapha, he sent the cheefe of his gentlemen porters with fifteene others to bring him to the Court, with his Chancellor and Treasurer, to shew the accounts of such monies as he had receiued, and to giue vp an account of their whole office. Vnto this messenger had Amurath deliuered three diuers letters, which he should warily shew as occasion serued: one of them was so written of purpose, [ D] that Mustapha in the receiuing therof might by the same messengers be strangled: in the second was the emperours warrant for the doing of that was to them commanded: and in the third was contained, that Mustapha should forthwith send his chauncellor and treasurer to the Court by those messengers. Mustapha in the meane time by diuers meanes, but especially by the guilt of his owne conscience, venting the displeasure of the emperour towards him, and suspecting (as the truth was) his life to be by those messengers sought after, at such time as the captaine porter came to his campe, found many delayes to put him off, and would not in any case be spoken withall. But when the messenger would endure no longer delay, he was at length admitted to his pre∣sence, hauing a circle appointed for him, out of which he and his companions might not stirre or approch neerer vnto him, the Bassaes guard standing in armes round about him. The messen∣ger [ E] perceiuing the Bassaes warinesse, wilely pluckt forth the third letters, concerning the sending of his Chancellor and Treasurer to the Court. Then began the craftie old Bassa to find many excuses to haue delayed the matter: but being hardly pressed by the messenger, and seeing no other remedie, he with much difficultie deliuered them both, couenanting before with the mes∣senger to haue both their liues spared: who comming to CONSTANTINOPLE, were forth∣with clapt fast into the tower called IADICVLA, as there to haue beene seuerely examined of all the doings of the Bassa.* 3.59 But Mustapha after long delay comming at length to CONSTANTI∣NOPLE the ninth of Aprill in the Spring following, and vsing the mightie and potent mediation of diuers great ladies and other his gratious friends in Court, preuailed so much in that corrupt gouernment, as that he was againe at length receiued into the fauour of Amurath▪ without any [ F] further proceeding against him, his chancellor, or treasurer, who by his meanes were afterwards also enlarged and set at libertie: yet was he neuer after admitted to those honours, which he per∣suaded himselfe were of right due vnto him, for his good and faithfull seruice of long time done to the Othoman emperours.

In this time that Mustapha was Generall at ERZIRVM, Muhamet the Visier Bassa was trea∣cherously

slaine at CONSTANTINOPLE: after whom shortly after died also Achmet Bassa, who [ G] succeeded in his place: so that the said soueraigne dignitie, in honour next vnto the Turkish emperour, was by rightfull succession due to Mustapha the next Bassa; but that hee was not thought worthie of it by him that might and of right ought to haue gratified him therewith, as shall be a little hereafter declared, when we haue briefely set downe the sudden and strange death of the said Muhamet the Visier, worthie in all histories to be registred, as a mirrour for all such as administer justice in so great place, to looke vpon.

* 3.60This Bassa, a man of as great fame as euer was any that had gouernment in the Othoman em∣pire, in the time that he all commaunded, had for some light causes depriued a certaine souldior of CONSTANTINOPLE of his yearely pension, which with many labours and dangers he had gotten to maintaine himselfe, which pension the Bassa bestowed vpon another souldior, so that [ H] the other poore soule remained in miserie, altogether vnprouided for. Vnto which miserable estate seeing himselfe now brought, and not guiltie to himselfe of any fault worthie so great pu∣nishment, he determined with himselfe to reuenge the injurie with the bloud of that great Bassa, and to bereaue him of life that had bereft him of liuing: which because he could not by any fit meanes put in execution (by reason of the guard of slaues that keepe the person of the Visier, so that no man can come neere him that holdeth that high place) except he could by some meanes acquaint himselfe in the Visiers house, and so insinuate himselfe into his acquaintance; he resolued to take vpon him the rude habit of those religious which the Turkes call Deruislars, and after their manner to present himselfe euery morning before the Visier to aske his almes: and so hee did, counterfeiting withall a certaine kind of follie and lightnesse of mind, as doe those Derui∣slars, [ I] to make the people beleeue, that they contemne all worldly things, as men rauished onely with heauenly cogitations, which yet was by some that knew him thought to haue happened in him, through the greefe he had conceiued for the losse of his stipend. Muhamet not onely the first time, but also at all other times that this counterfeit hypocrite came before him, caused him to be comforted with his almes, and as it were with a kind of priuat stipend, enjoyned him euery morning to come vnto him into the Diuano, and there together with others appointed for the same purpose, to say his deuout prayers, and in singing praises to their wicked Prophet, to entreat God for his saluation: for it is a custome of all the noblemen, that at ordinarie houres of prayers all their priests assemble themselues in the Diuano, which is made readie for them, and there all together the infidell wretches doe with their vncleane mouthes mumble vp their super∣stitious [ K] prayers or rather most abhominable blasphemies. By this meanes did this dissembling companion so insinuate himselfe into the Visiers acquaintance, that the counterfeit foole went in and out of the Diuano at his pleasure, no man gainesaying either his going in or comming out, but dayly sat in the presence of the Visier, and so hauing said his prayers, and taken his almes, with all reuerence quietly departed. At last when the craftie hypocrit thought that the time was come wherein he might most fitly execute his purpose, hauing vtterly resolued with him∣selfe to die, so that he might satisfie the desire he had of reuenge, so long couertly fostered in his heart; hauing conueyed a very sharpe dagger secretly into one of his sleeues, he went according to his custome, to require his almes, with an assured resolution (when he had said his prayers, and reached out his hands to receiue his wonted almes) speedily to charge vpon the Visier, and [ L] with the dagger to strike him to the heart. According to the accustomed manner was the coun∣terfeit hypocrit (for who would euer haue suspected so long and so traiterous a designement) ad∣mitted into the Diuano, where Muhamet the Visier sat in his house, to giue publike audience, and after the vsuall manner, before any of the suters that attended for answeres and dispatch of their businesse suspected any such deceit, he was admitted neere vnto the Visier, and sitting right against him, according to his old wont poured out those vaine deuotions which those hypocriticall Bar∣barians vse to mumble vp in their prayers: which being finished, whilest the Visier simply rea∣cheth vnto him his wonted almes, the traiterous villaine in receiuing it suddenly drew out his dagger, and once or twice stabbed it into the Visiers breast, out of which so deadly wounds gu∣shed out his bloud and life together. Whereupon the standers by astonied with the strangenesse [ M] of the fact, ran in, but loe the old hoarie Visier lay all soyled in his owne bloud, deadly pale, and breathing forth his last gaspe. The mischieuous murtherer they presently laied hands vpon, and bound him fast: but the rumour of the strange fact did by and by flie vnto the emperours eares: who suspecting that some of the other great Bassaes desiring to mount into that high dignitie,

[ A] had prouoked the traitor to doe this detestable act, would needs vnderstand of the traiterous murderer, What occasion had mooued him so trecherously to kill his Visier. Who resolutely answered him, That he did it to deliuer the citie of CONSTANTINOPLE from the tyrannie of him, by whom he was vndeseruedly depriued of his pension. But when he could get no other answere of him, he deliuered him into the hands of the slaues of the dead Visier, who with most exquisit torments put him to death.

Muhamet thus dead, after him succeeded Achmetes the ne••t Bassa, who (as is before said) shortly after died also; so that it was now Mustapha his course to s••cceed in that chiefe roome, for that he was the third in the order of the Bassaes. But when he had vsed all the meanes that he possibly could, to haue obtained that so honourable a place by order due vnto him; yet could he not find [ B] so much grace in the sight of Amurath his great lord, as to haue it granted him vnder seale, al∣though in effect he made him sit as Visier, and all matters of state were brought vnto him as chiefe Visier: but in his stead the seale was sent to Sinan Bassa, who was now made Generall for the Persian wars. Which disgrace not a little discontented Mustapha, fearing least some other strange accident should in short time light vpon him.

After that Mustapha was thus displaced from his Generalship,* 3.61 Amurath nominated Sinan Bassa to be Generall in his stead for this expedition against the Persians,* 3.62 and for the preseruation of CHARS and TEFLIS; giuing him soueraigne authoritie to commaund, and to set in order all such preparations as he should thinke necessarie for such enterprises as he should thinke good to attempt in his first yeare: who although by reason of his great fauour he grew haughtie and [ C] glorious, yet did he not foreslow to discourse throughly with himselfe vpon all his dessignments: and namely, beside the succouring of TEFLIS, he determined to build a fort at TOMANIS, to assure the passage thither from CHARS; and withall to attempt all the meanes he could to induce the Persian king to send embassadours for peace, with such conditions as should be acceptable to Amurath. With these and such like discourses did he busie himselfe whilest he was yet ma∣king preparation to set forwards towards ERZIRVM.

Of all these changes and alterations was the Persian king aduertised, as also that this new Turkish Generall Sinan was carefull, how this long warre might by some meanes be appeased and a good peace concluded. Vpon which occasion, and by the persuasion of Leuent ogli the Georgian, and of Mirize Salmas his Visier, he was induced to send embassadors to CONSTAN∣TINOPLE, [ D] to demaund peace of Amurath.* 3.63 Vpon which resolution he dispatched Maxut Chan, (of some called Maxudes) his embassador, with direction that he should go to Sinan, and of him to receiue guides to conduct him to CONSTANTINOPLE with letters to Amurath, and as much as lay in him to labour for the pacifying of all these troubles: and in any case to conclude vpon it, so that he would be content with CHARS and TEFLIS. With these instructions the embas∣sador departed, and at length arriued at CHARS, and so came to ERZIRVM, and was from thence conducted towards AMASIA. But when he came to SIVAS, he found Sinan the Generall there encamped, gathering togither his armie for the execution of his dessignments: for Sinan vpon the arriuall of Mustapha, departing from CONSTANTINOPLE the fiue and twentith day of Aprill, was now come so farre on his way. Of the comming of this embassadour, the Turks re∣ceiued [ E] great joy, and newes thereof was in post sent by Cicala Bassa to the court. The Persian embassadour enformed Sinan of all that he had to treat with Amurath on the behalfe of king Mahamet; and laboured earnestly to persuade him, of the equitie of the cause, and of his request: declaring vnto him, that for as much as both the nations were conjoyned vnder the law of Ma∣homet their common prophet (though there seemed some small difference not worth those trou∣bles) it were a verie inconuenient thing for them to contend among themselues, and to seeke the ouerthrow or vtter destruction of one another: and that therefore he was in good hope to ob∣taine of Amurat this desired peace, if he had no other cause wherewith he found himselfe agrie∣ued, as in truth he had not. Wherefore he besought the Generall, that he would with safe con∣uoy conduct him to Amurath, to the end that if it were possible these bloudie wars might take [ F] end; at the verie report whereof the rest of the world rejoiced, and stood attentiuely waiting to see what would be the issue thereof.

This embassadour, Sinan entertained after the best manner the rudenesse of his nature would afford: and thinking that the verie fame of his valour, had wrought in the minds of his enemies this resolution to come to demaund peace, granted vnto the embassadour a sure conuoy to con∣duct

him to CONSTANTINOPLE; and wrote to Amurath in his letters, all that he thought was [ G] fit to be demanded, representing vnto him what great and important matters (he hoped) might now be obtained. But before he dismissed the said embassadour, he aduised him not to go to Amurath,* 3.64 without resolution to offer vnto him some great good conditions, and to yeeld vnto him all that countrey which he by force of armes had before conquered: for he knew the mind of Amurath verie well, that hee was resolued in himselfe, not to yeeld so much as one hand breadth of that ground which he had woon with the sword. Which motion of the prowd Bassa so troubled the embassadour, that fearing he should not be able to conclude any thing, he stood in doubt whether to proceed on his journey to CONSTANTINOPLE, or to returne back againe into PERSIA: but considering better what belonged to his duetie in so waightie a busi∣nesse, and hoping to receiue more reasonable conditions from the mouth of Amurath himselfe; [ H] he gaue large words to Sinan, and so with a safe conuoy departed from SIVAS, and by long jour∣nies came to SCVTARI, and so passing ouer that little strait, the fourth of August arriued at CONSTANTINOPLE.

The Persian king in the meane time, stirred vp with the report of the Turks preparations; to cause it to be noised,* 3.65 that he likewise intended some important matters, commaunded all the Chans and Gouernours of his kingdome, to meet togither with all their forces at TAVRIS, where he himselfe with the prince Emir Hamze his sonne met them. And after many consulta∣tions there had for the repressing of the Turkish inuasion (for as yet it was not certainly knowne what Sinan meant to attempt) he resolued to send souldiors into GEORGIA towards TEFLIS, whither of necessitie succours must be sent by the Turkes to them of the fort: and withall, deter∣mined [ I] also to go himselfe with all his armie from TAVRIS to CARACACH, a place verie com∣modious and neere to guard both TAVRIS and SIRVAN, being situat euen in the middest be∣tweene the one and the other; and there to expect the remouing of Sinan, whose ambitious na∣ture the king knowing, doubted that he to surmount Mustapha, would attempt some great en∣terprise, yea peraduenture to run euen vpon TAVRIS. But when it came to the point that hee should send some of his captaines into GEORGIA, he made choise of such as had best expe∣rience of those countries, and were neerest vnto them: with whom he sent Tocomac also, and the rest whose seruice he had before vsed against the Turkes; commaunding them to joine their forces with Simon the Georgian, and by all meanes possible to annoy the enemie: whom if they should perceiue to bend for TAVRIS, they should not faile to follow him; to the end they might [ K] joine togither with him, and so encounter the enemies armie. All those captaines were resolute men, and led with them ten thousand souldiors; which being joyned with them of GEORGIA, amounted to the number of thirteene thousand: who arriuing at GENGE, gaue knowledge to Simon of their comming, and that in his behalfe they were readie to doe great matters.

Now was the Persian embassadour with all due honour receiued at CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was honourably entertained by the great Bassaes of the court, but especially by Mu∣stapha, who within two daies after suddenly died; of a surfeit taken of eating too much of muske M••lons, and immoderat drinking of Zerbet (a kind of pleasant drinke which the Turkes vse, made of water and sugar:) but most men thought him to haue poisoned himselfe, as fearing the former indignation of Amurath to be againe enflamed by the new complaints of the Persian [ L] embassadour against him, for that he in the time of his Generalship had dishonourably suppres∣sed certaine embassages sent from the Persian king; which he now fearing to be called in question for, the former stormes as yet scarce well appeased, made himselfe now away. After his death it was commonly reported, that if he had longer liued he should haue been vndoubtedly strangled: which to preuent, he became the worthie executioner of himselfe, that had most vnjustly caused others to be most shamefully murthered. Which was the more like to be true, and the rather beleeued, for that the infinit wealth he had of long time scraped togither, was immediatly after his death taken into the kings treasures, some small portion thereof being left vnto his nephews: a most certaine token of Amuraths indignation against him. The Persian embassadour hauing audience the seauenth of August, with many liuely reasons and much eloquence, persuaded the [ M] Turkish emperour to desist from the warre begun, as contrarie to the will and pleasure of their common Prophet Mahomet: as also to the peace, which was so roially, and with so many capi∣tulations, not long before concluded betweene Tamas and Solyman his grandfather; and was not to haue been broken and warres raised, but vpon some great quarrell or injurie done; which the

[ A] Persians had not at any time offered, but had alwaies wished vnto him all happinesse; as they had manifestly declared, by sending vnto him an embassage to that purpose by Sultan Tocomac: whereby he might plainly perceiue, the good mind and zeale the Persian king had for the main∣tenance of the peace. And although in the short raigne of Ismahel, there was some rumor rai∣sed that he meant to go vnto BABYLONIA, and some such like newes: yet that was but a youth∣full part, and an effect of that heat which is commonly proper to such as being kept long in straight prison cannot vse their libertie with moderation, and had therefore receiued due punish∣ment for it, by sudden and vnexpected death. But as for the king that now is, he did aboue all others embrace amitie with his majestie; and therefore did most earnestly desire, that it would please him to temper his anger conceiued, which had incensed him to take vp armes against a [ B] king so much his friend▪ being of the same religion, and better affected towards him than all the rest of the nations in the world.

This embassadour the Turkish emperour dismissed without any resolution at all; but onely gaue order, that whatsoeuer he had to say touching this peace, he should communicat it with his Visier. Many were the discourses that happened; for that the Turke required all those cities and countries, which till that time he had conquered with the sword, or (as their prowd manner of phrase is) whereon his Generals horse had trod, to be yeelded again vnto him: and the embassa∣dour on the other side, had no warrant from his king to yeeld any more than that part of GEOR∣GIA which is on this side the riuer of Araxis. Whereupon the said embassadour began to feare, least he should be suspected for a spie, and so be euill intreated: wherewithall he did find himselfe [ C] too manifestly charged by the hard speech that the Visier vsed towards him. Being thus doubt∣full whereupon to resolue, perceiuing himselfe strained to the grant of these demaunds, and re∣ceiuing also some threatnings withall, he determined with himselfe to enlarge his speeches with the Visier in diuers and sundrie particularities, and to giue him good hope that he should be able to persuade with his king, the yeelding vp of so much as Amurath had and did demaund. Here∣upon was Maxut Chan the embassadour in friendly manner and without any outrage sent from CONSTANTINOPLE to CHARS, and commission giuen to Sinan (then at CHARS) that with∣out delay, and with all fidelitie, he should cause the embassadour to be conducted to VAN, and from thence into PERSIA, wheresoeuer he did desire: all which was faithfully performed.

But to returne againe to Sinan the Generall,* 3.66 who from SIVAS had sent the said embassadour [ D] to CONSTANTINOPLE (as is before declared:) and being departed thence, arriued at ERZIRVM, where he tooke a suruey of his armie, and other prouision necessarie for this expedition: and so from thence was now come to CHARS, from whence he dispatched the Persian embassadour, much discontented that no other conclusion for peace could be wrought.

Maxut Chan at last arriuing at the Persian Court,* 3.67 reported vnto the king all that had happe∣ned in this his embassage: the summe whereof was, That Amurath would not condiscend to any condition of peace, vnlesse the whole countrey of SIRVAN might be yeelded vnto him, for that he had once (as he said) conquered the same. Neither did the same embassadour forbeare to tell the king, the suspition Amurath: had conceiued of him, to haue been a spie rather than an em∣bassadour; and of the large promises he was faine to make to the Turke, to auoid the manifest [ E] danger of imprisonment or death: all which for all that, now lay in his majesties power to per∣forme or not. The king for the present remained well satisfied with that Maxut had done, and in reward of his great trauell and expences, gaue him the charge of the chamber at TAVRIS, na∣ming him the chamberlaine of that rich and great citie. Of which new office (though verie ho∣nourable and of great importance) he tooke small pleasure, for that one Emir Chan his auntient enemie was chiefe Gouernour of that citie, from whom he feared some dangerous treacherie: wherefore he appointed his deputie for the execution of the office, and withdrew himselfe from TAVRIS to CASSANGICH, a place of his owne, there to passe away the time vntill it should please the king otherwise to dispose of him. But Emir Chan, who still nourished in his mind the auntient hatred he had conceiued against him, tooke this as a most fit occasion to bring him into [ F] disgrace with the king: certifying him, That Maxut not contented with the great preferment it had pleased him to bestow vpon him, had in contempt of his rewards abandoned TAVRIS, and subsisted in his place a most base person to represent the kings majestie and to mannage his trea∣sure: and that he absented himselfe farre from that citie and the court there, hauing withdrawne himselfe into the confines of TVRKIE, no doubt for some mischieuous intent, either to yeeld

himselfe vnto them, or els to haue intelligence with them, and was like ynough to be guiltie to [ G] himselfe of the great errour he had alreadie committed, by offering SIRVAN vnto the Turkish king; and making promise of so large conditions, whereby he had obtained such a sure and sa••e conuoy to conduct him; when as he had before discouered himselfe to be a fauorer of the Turks, and a traitor to his owne king: and that therefore it were good to make triall of his inclination▪ and so peraduenture to decline some great mischeefe, tending to the danger of the Persian state. This malitious accusation slily contriued, so wrought in the mind of the suspitious king, that he commaunded Emir Chan secretly to apprehend Maxut, and to bring him to the Court, and (if he could not by other meanes) then by torture to wrest from him the truth of all those matters. Glad was Emir to haue his enemie thus put into his hands, and thought it long 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he had brought this shame vpon Maxut: who hauing alreadie heard some i••ckling thereof, resolued [ H] with himselfe to doe any thing, rather than to fall into the power of his hatefull enemie. And therfore at such time as fifteene tall fellows were for that purpose sent vnto him from Emir Chan, who in the kings name summoned him to the Court, he without making any shew that he took the matter otherwise than well, entertained them courteously, and made them great cheere: but when he perceiued them to be ouercome with sleepe, which crept vpon them by reason of the excesse wherewith they had ouercharged themselues, he caused them to be straightly bound, and with long cords hanged them downe into a deepe well, and there shut them vp, secretly couered. Then gathering together the most precious things he had in his house, and setting his wiues, his children,* 3.68 his brethren, and nephewes on horsebacke, fled with all his familie in the euening, and the next day arriued at SALMAS, and was there friendly entertained by the Turkish Bassa, and [ I] from thence conueyed to VAN, where he was also courteously welcommed by Cicala Bassa, and honourably accompanied, sent to Sinan the Generall, who very glad of his comming, sent him with all diligence to CONSTANTINOPLE to Amurath. And this was in effect the end of the first enterparlance of peace betwixt the Persians and the Turkes.

Sinan remained at CHARS eight dayes, and there againe surueyed his armie and prouision, and afterwards set forward towards TOMANIS, with resolution there to build a fort. But being come thither, he could by no meanes put that his designement in execution, by reason of the im∣moderat raine, which continually by the space of eight dayes fell in such abundance, as that nei∣ther did the Sunne appeare, or the skie cleare. Beside that, Sinan greatly feared least the enemie taking the opportunitie of this raine, of the straight, and of the building, should assault his armie, [ K] and finding it in euill plight and out of order, greatly endomage it: Wherefore casting off his former determination for fortifying at TOMANIS, he remooued thence, to carrie succours to TEFLIS. But as soone as he was risen with his armie, and past the strait, Tal-Ogli captaine of the Ianizaries of DAMASCO, and Homar Sanzack of SAFFETO, hauing receiued secret intelligence that hard by a little out of the way, was good store both of corne and cattell, resolued with them∣selues to goe thither to fetch in that bootie: and so with two thousand souldiors greedie of prey they set forward. Now Simon the Georgian and the Persians, following the Turkes armie afarre off, had deuided his souldiors into all such places as where there was either corne, or water, or any such thing as might allure the Turkes to scatter themselues from the campe: and perceiuing these hungrie Turkes carelesly to run headlong to lay hold on this desired bootie, he suddenly [ L] fell vpon them, and cut them in pieces, being disordered, so that of those two thousand escaped but Tal-Ogli the captaine of the Ianizaries onely, Homar the Sanzacke, and all the rest being left dead vpon the ground.

* 3.69Sinan holding on his way, in two dayes came to TEFLIS, where presently he called a coun∣sell of all the cheefe men of his armie, taking order, That euery man vpon his oath should depose the truth touching the greatnesse of TEFLIS: which he did onely in reproch of Mustapha the great Bassa, who most vntruly had enformed Amurath, That it was as great and populous as DAMASCO; whereas in truth it was not in any respect to be compared vnto that so famous a citie. After that he deuided the treasure and succours he had brought, amongst the souldiours of the fortresse, chearing them vp with good words and promises of great matters. And because [ M] the souldiors there in garrison complained greatly against the Bassa their captaine, he caused a bill of complaint to be framed against him, and finding him guiltie that he had conuerted the sol∣diors pay to his owne vse, he condemned him to the restitution thereof, and so immediately dis∣charging him of his office, placed in his roome Giusuf Bey, a lord of GEORGIA, who for the an∣tient

[ A] enmitie betweene him and Simon, had yeelded himselfe to the Turkes, and was of them so welcommed, that Sinan trusted him with the custodie of that fort, which with so many dangers had beene maintained and defended till that day.

All things thus set in order at TEFLIS,* 3.70 Sinan with his armie departed thence, and hauing againe passed the strait of TOMANIS, there came vnto him Mustafsad Bassa, afterwards gouer∣nour of ALEPPO, declaring vnto him, That not farre off was great store of corne and cattell, and no bodie but only a few Georgians to keepe the same, and therfore wished him to send forth some to fetch it in: whereof (though it had beene much more) his armie then stood in great need. Sinan was well affected vnto this Mustafsad, and therefore the easilier enduced by him to send for the aforesaid bootie: but moued with the fresh remembrance of that which had happened to [ B] Tal-Ogli and Homar, he gaue order, That to fetch in this corne and cattell there should go•• out ten thousand horsemen and their seruants, among whom was also the same Mustafsad as their Generall. Now stood Tocomac, Simon, and the other Persian captaines in secret ambush, waiting when any of the Turkes should come to fetch in this bootie. Whereupon the aforesaid souldi∣ors being now come, as they desired, and hauing almost charged all their mules and horses with that which best pleased them to make choice of: the hidden Persians all on a sudden issued out of their lurking places amongst them,* 3.71 and with great slaughter put them to flight, and with such fu∣rie pursued the victorie, that they slew of them seuen thousand, carried away many prisoners aliue, and the mules and horses laden with the stolne bootie. Mustafsad was the first that fled, and the first that brought the vnhappie news of that ouerthrow to Sinan: which was forthwith [ C] confirmed by the report of such as had by speedie flight escaped the furie of the enemie. Wher∣upon Sinan dispatched away the Bassa of CARAMANIA with a great power, charging him wheresoeuer he should find the enemie, to set vpon him: and presently rising himselfe with his whole campe, followed the said Bassa. But all too late, for the Persians after the aforesaid victory without staying had withdrawne themselues into their strong places, knowne onely to such as were well acquainted with the difficult passages of GEORGIA: and hauing there disposed of their prey, were now returning to await some fresh occasion of new slaughter. But when they descried the whole armie of the Turks vpon the rising of a certaine hill, they were afraid to meet them, yea and stood in some doubt also, least Sinan should descend from the hill, and so assault them: for which cause they retired themselues againe into the strength of the mountaines: yet [ D] not with such speed, but that the Turkes ouertooke some few of them, and slew about fiftie or threescore of them, whose heads in signe of triumph they carried a good part of their way vpon the points of their speares: and tooke prisoners about threescore and ten moe.

At last Sinan with all his armie hauing passed these dangerous places of GEORGIA, arriued at TRIALA, where it was told him, That the Persian king in person himselfe being alreadie de∣parted from TAVRIS, with an exceeding great army was comming to bid him battell. At which news he caused proclamation to be presently made through all his armie, That euery man should put himselfe in readinesse for the voyage to TAVRIS, whether he himselfe meant to go to meet with the king his enemie. In the meane time (as is reported) he dispatched certaine posts to the Persian king, then at CARACACH, to entreat him to send another embassadour to Amurath [ E] for peace, thinking by that meanes (as some doe conjecture) to remoue the king from the resolu∣tion of comming to assaile him, if he had any such meaning. After this proclamation made, he descended into the open and large plains of CHEILDER, where presently he mustered his whole armie, and gaue it out, That before he would set forward toward TAVRIS, he would make triall of the readinesse and nimblenesse of his souldiors, in such sort, as if they should presently joyne battell with the enemie: which without further delay he put in execution the next morning, for∣mally raunging his whole armie in order of battell; and then sending out some few others, to shew themselues vpon the top of certaine hils, as if they had been enemies that came to seize vp∣on his armie; he caused all his artillerie to be discharged, and commanded euery man to skirmish and bestirre himselfe, altogether after the same manner as if the enemie had beene there present [ F] before them: where the thundering of the great and small shot, the thicke stormes of arrowes, with the brightnesse of the armour and weapons, yeelding forth lightenings as if it had beene fierie beames, and the noise of drums and trumpets and other instruments of warre, with the en∣signes of blew and yellow flying in the wind, made such a medley of all things, as if it had been the turmoile of a very battell indeed. In the end he caused the retreat to be sounded: and then

setting all his armie in order againe, made the like shew the second time, and so the third time al∣so: [ G] which was indeed performed with the great scorn and derision of his souldiors,* 3.72 who deemed it rather childrens play, than any commendation to the proud Bassa. These counterfeit shews of warre thus finished, yet did he not set forward toward TAVRIS, as he had giuen it out, but loyte∣red eight dayes in those plaines of CHIELDER. At which time there arriued out of PERSIA one Aider the Aga, as an embassadour from the king, who was by Sinan with great joy entertai∣ned. Diuers were the things by this embassadour propounded, such as had Maxut Chan before: but the conclusion of all was, that the Persian king would be content voluntarily to relinquish CHARS and TEFLIS, and so remaine (as he did before) in amitie with Amurath, and so desired Sinan to conclude a peace with his master if it might be: as for himselfe, this message done, he was presently to returne into PERSIA. For this peace Sinan promised to deale with Amurath, so [ H] that the Persian king would send another embassadour to CONSTANTINOPLE. Vpon which conclusion the said Aider returned into PERSIA, and at TAVRIS declared to his king what he had seene, what promises he had receiued of Sinan, and withall exhorted him to send a new em∣bassadour vnto the Turkish Court. After this, when the publike rumour of the comming of the Persian king, was found to be false, Sinan in stead of going to TAVRIS returned to CHARS, where he idelly stayed a whole month with the generall maruelling and murmuring of all his armie, astonished to see themselues (to the great charges of their king, and the disturbance of his whole kingdome) brought forth not for any honourable conquest, but as it were only of purpose to make a vaine shew of warre.

At last he departed from CHARS, for that now Winter was come on, and the frosts and [ I] snows did his armie great harme:* 3.73 and so comming to ERZIRVM, there presently dismissed eue∣ry man to goe and winter in his owne countrey, but remained still himselfe in the same citie: from whence he by speedie posts diligently enformed Amurath of the succours he had left at TEFLIS, of the losses he had receiued from the enemie, of all that which was by Mustapha misre∣ported, of the comming of the Persian embassadour to him, of the promise made vnto him tou∣ching a new embassadour; and to be short, of all his whole actions. Besides all this, he aduertised Amurath, That the enterprise of PERSIA was a very hard, long, and difficult matter, and such a one as needed another manner of preparation than had beene as yet appointed for it: and that if he desired to subdue PERSIA, it were then very necessarie that he should speake with him at large, and discourse vpon many particularities, which could not so well without exceeding tedi∣ousnesse [ K] be declared dy writing. After that he sent other messengers also to sollicit Amurath for his returne to CONSTANTINOPLE, continually telling him, That it was not possible for him to signifie by writing, what he purposed to report to him by word of mouth, for the better ac∣complishing of the enterprise begun. Nothing in the world did Sinan abhorre more than this warre, hauing his mind altogether bent against the affaires of the Christians in EVROPE, and therefore sought by all meanes possible for the diuerting of those warres from the East into some other quarters. At last he wrought so much, he entreated so much, he writ so many letters, and sollicited the matter so earnestly, that Amurath was persuaded to send for him to CONSTANTI∣NOPLE, as soone as euer he was certified of the arriuall of the new embassadour from PERSIA, of whom Sinan had before aduertised him: for he was resolued either to grow to a peace with [ L] the said embassadour, if he came with honourable conditions; or if he came not, or that after his comming they could not agree vpon the peace, then to put in execution those his conceits wher∣of he must needs in particular talke with Sinan by word of mouth. At length the promised em∣bassadour called Ebraim Chan, a man of great eloquence, and highly honoured in PERSIA, came to Sinan; whereof Sinan gaue present intelligence to Amurath, beseeching him againe to permit him to come to CONSTANTINOPLE: which his request Amurath then graunted. Wherup∣on Sinan forthwith returned to the Court, where he attended the vniuersall gouernment of the whole empire. At his first comming to the presence of Amurath (wherein hee discoursed not with him of any thing, but of the comming of the Persian embassadour) the conditions were set downe which they were to require for the reducing of the capitulations of this peace to a good [ M] end. After which agreement the embassador (being now come, and most magnificently receiued in CONSTANTINOPLE) had audience: at which time he with much glorious speech laboured to persuade Amurath, That his king had a most ardent desire to be reconciled vnto him, and to joyne his forces with his against the enemies of the Mahometane religion, and that for that pur∣pose

[ A] he was now especially come thither: which his good purpose, if it were answered with like zeale on his part, there would thereof ensue the greatest vnitie and friendship that euer was be∣tweene any Mahometane princes. Whereunto Amurath gaue him no other answere, but that he should thereof talke with his Visier, and with him en••••eat of all matters concerning the peace: and so he was by Amurath entertained and dismissed, both at one time.

Now had Amurath called to CONSTANTINOPLE his eldest sonne Mahomet (who after∣ward succeeded him in the empire) being then about sixteene yeares old,* 3.74 to circumcise him ac∣cording to the custome of the Turkes;* 3.75 following therein the inueterat law of the Hebrewes. Vnto which solemnitie, many Christian princes were solemnly inuited; who accordingly sent thither their embassadours with great gifts and presents, in token of peace and confederacie, [ B] namely, Rudolphus the emperour, Henrie the third the French king, Stephen king of POLONIA: the State of VENICE, the king of PERSIA, the Moore kings of MAROCCO and FES, the prin∣ces of MOLDAVIA, VALACHIA, and others. With all triumph and joy was the circumcision of this young prince solemnised, by the space of fortie daies & fortie nights, in the great market place of CONSTANTINOPLE, where all the embassadours aforesaid had their scaffolds prepa∣red and furnished according to their degrees and states, and receiued such entertainment as might be shewed at such a kind of barbarous spectacle: Only the Persian embassadour, who had also his scaffold seuerall to himselfe, but not regarded as the rest, rejoyced not at these feasts and tri∣umphs: for among sundrie other wrongs and scornes done by the commaundement of Amu∣rath vnto the Persian nation (as by hanging vp of certaine counterfeit pictures of Persians made [ C] of laths and sticks, and then burning them, and in many scornfull sorts abusing them) the Turke, for the great displeasure he had conceiued for the harme done to Osman Bassa and the Turkes in SIRVAN much about that time, and for the disdaine he had taken against Ebrain Chan (as one not condiscending to the conditions of peace which he expected, nor yeelding to any more than the other embassadour had done before, seemed to haue come as a spie to marke the Turkish af∣faires, or to mocke Amurath, rather than to put in execution any good matter to pacifie the minds of the two mightie princes) commaunded the standing before appointed for him, in dis∣grace of him to be cast downe, and himselfe with all his followers to be shut vp as close pri∣soners in the house of Mahamet Bassa at CONSTANTINOPLE: where he was so straightly kept, that though an hundred of his followers there died of the plague, which shortly after began [ D] to wax hoat in the citie,* 3.76 yet could he not obtaine so much fauour as to be remoued to some other place, but there was enforced to tarrie it out, vntill that afterward order was taken, he should be carried thence as prisoner to ERZIRVM. To end these solemnities, Mahomet the young prince was circumcised, not publikely, but in his fathers chamber, by Mechmet one of the inferiour Bassaes, sometime the emperour Solymans barber.

Now whilest Sinan as great Visier sat commaunding in CONSTANTINOPLE, the garrisons in CHARS and TEFLIS (kept in by the enemie, and hauing receiued none other reliefe than a little which Sinan before his departure from ERZIRVM had by good hap caused to be secretly conuaied vnto them) were thought to be driuen to great wants. Which thing Sinan right well knew, and fearing least those two places which had with so much adoe beene both gained and [ E] maintained, should for want of new succours fall againe into the hand of the enemie: hee both boldly and freely counselled Amurath, to send a new garrison to VAN for the safetie of the coun∣trey thereabouts; and then vnder the conduct of some valiant captaine, to send succours to TE∣FLIS. Vpon which point Amurath asked Sinan his opinion, and willed him to bethinke him∣selfe of some fit man. Hereupon Sinan propounded diuers vnto him, but none of them pleased him; for why, he was before resolued, in despight of Sinan and of his counsell, to bestow this charge vpon Mahamet Bassa, nephew to Mustapha the late Bassa, and for his sake hated of Sinan. This Bassa Mahamet he sent to ERZIRVM, with the title of the Bassa of that prouince; honou∣ring him withall with the name of Generall of the armie for TEFLIS. And presently gaue com∣maundement to Hassan the Bassa of CARAEMIT, to Mustapha sometime called Manu••chiar [ F] the Georgian, to all the Sanzacks, the Curdi, and the souldiors of ERZIRVM, that they should resort to the standerd of Mahamet their Generall, and so to follow him to TEFLIS. Where∣upon there assembled togither out of all the said places about fiue and twentie thousand souldi∣ors, with all things necessarie for the reliefe of the distressed garrison in TEFLIS. Commande∣ment was also giuen to the Bassaes of ALEPPO and MARAS, to repaire to VAN with all their

souldiors, and there to abide till Winter: which they accordingly did, not molested nor trou∣bled [ G] by any enemie.

In the end of August Mahamet Bassa departed from ERZIRVM, with the Bassa of CARAE∣MIT and all his armie, carrying with him money, corne, and all other things needfull for the re∣liefe of TEFLIS: and in eight daies came to CHARS, and from thence to ARCHELECH, not trou∣bled by any. At ARCHELECH he found Mustapha (otherwise called Manucchiar the Georgian) with all his souldiors, whom the Generall most joyfully entertained and honoured with gifts: and withall admonished him to continue in his obedience to Amurath, and to conduct him with his armie the shortest and safest way to TEFLIS: for that some were of opinion, that it were best to go by TOMANIS, and some other by the way of Mustaffa his countrey: wherin Mustaffa did readily resolue him, that the easiest and shortest way lay through his owne countrey, being [ H] also in his opinion the safest. This counsell of Mustaffa pleased Mahamet greatly, so that he made choise of him to be the guide of his armie, reposing himselfe wholly vpon his good direction: and so departed thence towards TEFLIS, passing through ALTVNCHALA, and CARACHALA, both belonging to the said Georgian, abounding with all things necessarie for the sustenance of man, neither were they euer disturbed by any enemie. Hauing passed Mustaffa his countrey, they came to a friendly castle called GORI, from whence they discouered in certaine fields a great armie of the Georgians, mingled with Persians, but apparelled after the manner of GEOR∣GIA: these were those captaines of PERSIA, sent from the Persian king (as in other yeares be∣fore) to aid the Georgians; who secretly conjoyned with Simon Chan the Georgian, had chan∣ged their apparell, because the treatie of peace should not be disturbed, and their king accounted [ I] vnjust of his word; who vnder the colour of a treatie of peace, whiles Amurath attended nothing else but to succour and defend his conquered countries, without purpose to annoy any other pla∣ces, went about to procure the destruction of the Turkes. These then as soone as they saw the Turkish armie, and perceiued that they also themselues were by them descried, sent Heraulds vn∣to them with haughtie words of defiance, and to offer them battell. With great griefe of mind did the Bassa receiue this prowd defiance; but hauing no other purpose but onely to bring his succours safe to TEFLIS, he dismissed the Heraulds, and studied by all meanes he could to shun battell.* 3.77 That euening he was fauoured in his purpose by the great and continuall raine which then fell, ••••d serued for a reasonable excuse of his delay: but the next day prouing faire, and the Sunne shining bright, both the armies marched in sight the one of the other all day, vntill about [ K] foure houres and an halfe before night; at what time the Turkes arriued neere to a riuer that se∣parated the one armie from the other. There the Bassa fell in consultation with Mustaffa, whi∣ther they should passe ouer the riuer before night, or stay on that side they were vntill the next morning. In which case Mustaffa aduised him to stay, as fearing least the enemie should set vp∣on the armie disordered in passing the riuer, and so annoy them. Notwithstanding the Generall disliked this aduise of Mustapha, hauing taken a strong conceit, euen vpon the first discouerie of the enemie, that there was some intelligence and compact betweene Mustaffa and the Persians, and that to that end he had malitiously persuaded him to come that way, and not by the way of TOMANIS: & therfore the Bassa thinking, that if there were any such plot laied between Mustaffa and the enemie, to set it in some confusion, would not in any case follow the counsell of the [ L] suspected Georgian, to stay that night; but commanded, that with the greatest speed that might be, all his souldiors with their treasure & corne should passe ouer the riuer; to the end that before night he might on the other side of the riuer encampe his armie in some good place, to the scorne and derision of his enemies. Mahamet his lieutenant, a bold yong man and an hardie, was the first that ventured ouer, and after him the carriages of money and of corne, and then the whole armie, with such speed, that some of the confused multitude were drowned in the passage, be∣ing rather troden downe with the horses and camels, than brought to their deaths either by the depth of the channell or swiftnesse of the riuer.

As soone as the Georgians perceiued that the Turks had passed the riuer, without any staying vntill they might settle themselues in any good order, they in great hast and furie ran vpon them, [ M] and presently assailed them whiles they were yet all in confusion and out of order: by reason whereof, the Turkes, although they turned their faces vpon their enemies, and made some good resistance, yet in short time you might haue seene the bankes of the riuer in many places stained with the Turkish bloud, and many carkases of the Turkes here and there scattered, without any

[ A] apparant losse among the Georgians and Persians. Amongst them that fell in this slaughter, were a number of Sanzackes,* 3.78 of the Curdi, and Mesopotamians; which the rest perceiuing, and by the ouerthrow of their owne conjecturing the losse of others, turned their backes and fled: the like did the remnant of the Mesopotamians, and after them at last the whole armie: whom the Georgians pressed so sore in their flight, that many of the Turkes seeing no other way to es∣cape, cast themselues into the riuer, and so (though hardly) escaped with their liues. Great was the shame, great was the confusion, but greatest was the losse they receiued, for that in the heat of the battell the kings money and corne was taken by the Georgians and Persians, euery man sauing onely so much for himselfe as he could secretly hide vpon his owne bodie, or conuey by the meanes of some trustie slaue, which by the helpe of their swift horses was preserued rather by [ B] fortune than by valour.

The Turkes thus discomfited and spoyled of their reliefe;* 3.79 the next morning gathered them∣selues together againe, one with another cursing the heauens, their king, and their aduerse for∣tune: some of them also threatening the Georgian renegate Mustaffa, as though all this mis∣chiefe had happened through his treacherie and secret intelligence with the enemie. Notwith∣standing, when they found that they had still remaining so much money and other easements as might suffice to comfort the afflicted minds of the souldiors, besieged in the fort, they resolued to hold on their way towards TEFLIS, and in their journey vsed such speed, that the day fol∣lowing they arriued there in the euening. But when they of the fort saw their friends, whom they had so long expected, arriued in such bad sort, and so euill furnished, they were astonied, and won∣derfully [ C] grieued at this common losse, and all in a confusion protested to Mahamet, That they would abandon the place, if they had not forthwith necessarie prouision made for them. But the Generall after he had with large promises mitigated their first furies and insolencies, presently in the morning caused a Diuano or counsell to be called in the castle, where hauing gathered toge∣ther all the cheefe men in his armie, he spake vnto them in this manner:

For as much as it hath pleased God,* 3.80 that so great and important an occasion of victorie, which was offered vnto vs for the honour and glorie of euery one of vs, is now fallen out so vnfortunately, that it hath not only not ministred vnto vs any matter of triumphing ouer our enemies, as we should haue done, but rather hath made them (I know not how) to carrie away from vs both the triumph, and also [ D] our armour, our horses, our slaues, and our spoiles; yea and (the remembrance whereof doth most grie∣uously trouble and afflict me) our Sultans money, and our publicke munition and forces solemnely deli∣uered to our conduct, is now become a bootie and prey vnto them; that the honour which might haue made euery one of vs famous among noble and valourous souldiors, is now fallen from our foreheads, and to our great detriment doth adorne the heads of strangers, or rather of our enemies; and that notwithstanding all this, we are now come to those courageous souldiors, which with their great valour haue defended this fort, euen in the middest of their enemies weapons and trecheries; and to whom we should yeeld that aid and releefe, which the vertue of euery one of their minds doth deserue, and which king Amurath had put into our hands to bring hither vnto them: there is now no remedie, but to re∣solue vpon some good meanes, that we fall not wholly into the vtter disgrace of our lord and king, and [ E] that is, To maintaine these souldiors in the custodie and defence of this sort: and though it be with all our owne wants and all our owne dishonors, to comfort these that haue so long time looked for vs, and so well deserued all manner of releefe. We cannot excuse our selues, that our enemies were better than we either in number or instruments of warre, for both in the one and the other we were farre beyond them; neither yet can we say, that they set vpon vs by night, or at vnawares: for when we saw their number, their weapons, their horses, and finally their approch, and their manner of assault, yet wee would needs passe ouer the riuer, and ioyne battell with them: which we now know hath fallen out ve∣ry lamentable to vs, because we were more readie to take our flight than to endure the fight, and to vse our feet than to occupie our hands. And therefore it is very requisit, as well to satisfie the rigor of iu∣stice, as to performe the dutie of souldiors, that we suffer not our lord and king to loose his mony, which [ F] he trusted into our hands, and which we haue lost, not by greater strength, nor by any trecherous stra∣tageme of our enemies, but by our owne too too important feare, and too base a regard of our liues, be∣fore which it was the dutie of euery one of vs, to haue preferred the care of honour. For if by fighting and courageous sustaining the assaults of our enemies, though they had beene stronger and better ar∣med than we, this misfortune had happened vnto vs, and that we could in any sort haue represented to

the king and the world an honourable and bloudie battell, we should not now haue had any need to seeke [ G] meanes how to repay this losse, and to restore the thing that violently was taken from vs by such as were more mightie than our selues, and these honourable souldiors also should more easily haue dis∣gested with vs this lamentable calamitie. But we haue lost that money, and in very deed hauing as it were willingly bestowed it vpon the Georgians and Persians to redeeme our liues and to saue vs from their furie, are bound to repay it, or els for euer hereafter to be challenged as lawfull debtors to the king for it. And therefore my good friends and companions, if you will take a good course, let euery one of vs, without any further consultation put his hand into his priuat purse (if he haue not foolishly cast that also into the hands of the rauenous enemie) and with our owne money let vs succour the ne∣cessitie of these men, and haue regard to the honour of our king. So shall wee make our flight lesse blame worthie, we shall iustifie our actions more honestly (and that which is of greatest importance) [ H] we shall the better pacifie the wrath of Amurath, which he might most iustly conceiue against vs. I my selfe before you all am most readie to disburse foure thousand duckats towards it: if it shall please you all to follow me accordingly, we shall deliuer these souldiors from their great necessitie, and acquite our s••lues from the intricat bonds of most troublesome displeasures.

* 3.81There might a man haue seene a thousand countenances changed a thousand manner of wayes; for one softly whispered many a curse and shame vpon the king, vpon Mahomet, yea and vpon God himselfe, another denied to disburse any thing, another determined priuily to steale away, and some said one thing, and some another; but in the end euery man was induced to fol∣low the example of Mahamet: and thereupon hauing made a purse according to euery mans [ I] abilitie, there was collected thirtie thousand duckats among them. And presently after, word was sent to Leuent Ogli at ZAGHEN, to send thither graine, muttons, and other necessarie prouisions that they might the better continue the defence of the fort.

Two dayes onely stayed Mahamet in TEFLIS, and hauing changed such souldiors as desired to be dismissed, and also appointed Homar Bassa Gouernour of TEFLIS in stead of Giusuf, that there gouerned before, he departed. But before his departure consultation was had, Whe∣ther they should keepe the way of TOMANIS, or the way they came through the countrey of Mustaffa the Georgian: and in the end they resolued to keepe the way of TOMANIS, and ther∣upon order was taken, that they should all passe the riuer. The Curdi were the first that went ouer, and had alreadie pitched their tents vpon the further side of the water; when the Generall [ K] began to reuoke his former order, and sent them word, That they should returne, because he was now determined to goe backe the same way he came. At which message all the Sanzackes were in a rage, and in plaine tearmes sent him answere, That these mutabilities beseemed not them, be∣ing men accustomed to warre, but to be rather childrens play than manly resolution, and that for their parts they were not minded to change their journey, but would goe on the same way they had begun: and so forwards they went (say the Generall what he could) and by the way of TO∣MANIS arriued at CHARS long before Mahamet, who was much grieued at this their so great disobedience: but seeing no other remedie, he with the Bassa of CARAEMIT, and Mustaffa the Georgian, put themselues on their journey euen by the same way they came to TEFLIS. At last Mahamet arriued at ALTVNCHALA, the cheefe castle of Mustaffa the Georgian, and burning [ L] with the desire of reuenge of those losses which he thought himselfe to haue receiued by the tre∣cherie of Mustaffa; or (as some thought) seeking by this meanes to make Amurath beleeue, that in truth all the forepassed mischeefes had happened not through their cowardise, but through the trecherous and malitious deuices of the Georgian, and so to make their receiued losses seeme more pardonable; he deuised with himselfe, how to find out such a plot, as that Mustaffa might vpon the sudden be taken away, as guiltie of so foule a treason: and that he had deuised was in this sort.* 3.82 To call a counsell into his owne pauillion, as if he had receiued some commaundement from the Court, and hauing caused Mustaffa to come into that roome, whiles the said counterfeit commaundement should be in reading, to cause his lieutenant with those cheefe of his band that stood about him, to fall vpon him, and presently to cut off his head. This pretended counsell was [ M] accordingly called, wherein sat the Bassa himselfe, and with him the Bassa of CARAEMIT, cer∣taine Sanzackes subject to the jurisdiction of ERZIRVM, the Capigi Bassa or cheefe gentleman vshier, and the Generals lieutenant; with whom he had vpon their solemne oathes for secrecie communicated his entended deceit. The Georgian Mustaffa was also called accordingly: who

[ A] both because he was beloued of moe than one, and had also vsed all diligent circumspection, but especially hauing heard in the armie some priuie whisperings of such a matter, knew full well of all that was deuised against him, and therefore prouided also for his owne defence. But as tou∣ching his going to the counsell, he thought he might not denie so to doe, least by his absence he might seeme guiltie of the fault whereof he was (peraduenture not without cause) suspected; and thereby to leaue his cities for a prey to their enemies, now in the heart of his countrey. And therefore resoluing to goe, he deuised how so to doe with most safetie; and so; as if need should be, he might be able to turne the mischiefe entended against him vpon the head of the Generall himselfe. And therefore hauing chosen out fiftie of his most faithfull and resolute souldiors, he commaunded them to follow him to the counsell appointed in the Generals pauillion: and be∣ing [ B] come thither, to stay there readie and attentiue at his first and one onely call, suddenly and forcibly to rush into the pauillion with their weapons, & rather than any wrong should be done vnto him, to shew their valour against the Turkes, without exception of any person whatsoeuer. These men by nature enemies vnto the Turks, vnderstanding well his meaning, setled themselues vpon the execution: and taking vnto them some other also of their faithfull and trustie friends; followed him euen to the pauillion of Mahamet: where Mustaffa entring into the place of coun∣sell, desired of the Generall to know what his pleasure was; who presently caused the counterfeit commaundement to be read, whereunto Mustaffa gaue an attentiue eare. But when the other Bassaes and Sanzackes began to sit downe (contrarie to the manner of the Turkes, who whenso∣euer any commaundement of the emperours is in reading, vse alwayes to stand vp, and not to sit [ C] down vntill it be full read) the Georgian tooke his leaue, promising to be euer readie to performe not onely that order of the kings, but also whatsoeuer els he should commaund. And so being about to depart, the Capigi Bassi (or great vsher) of Mahamet came vnto him, and plucking him by the sleeue, would haue forced him to sit downe. Then Mustaffa crying out aloud, drew his sword,* 3.83 wherewith he strucke Mahamets lieutenant, that was right against him, and with his left hand hauing raught the roll from his pate, with his right hand suddenly (to the great astonish∣ment of all that were present) at one onely blow parted his head, his necke, and his breast i•• twaine, euen to his very stomacke; so that he died (a strange spectacle to behold) being thus cut in sunder, with his cleft head and two shoulders hanging downe vpon their seuerall sides. After this first, he redoubled his second stroke, aiming at the head of the Bassa of CARAEMIT: but it [ D] being defended with the wrythen rolls of the turbant, it slipped downe by his eare; yet so, that with a peece of the said turbant it carried his eare quite away, with a little also of the flesh of his cheeke: and all enraged, eagerly assailed Mahamet Bassa the Generall (who now all in confusion was risen vp in the tumult) and wounded him with fiue mortall wounds; which were yet after∣wards by cunning hand healed, when they had brought him euen to deaths dore. At the crie of this Georgian all his people rushed in together: vpon whose confused tumult, and the feare that Mustaffa through his furie had strucke into the Turks, the campe was presently raised: and euery man with all speed departing thence, put himselfe on his way towards CHARS, whether also were brought the two wounded Bassaes and the rest that were ill handled and greatly scared with these sudden and vncouth stirres.

[ E] Of all this treacherie entended against him, Mustaffa sent present information to the Tur∣kish emperour, finding himselfe greatly grieued at the false suspition that Mahamet had wrong∣fully conceiued against him, to his great dishonour: and wrought so cunningly, that Amurath in token of his good liking and contentment sent him both cloth of gold and a battleax all gilt. Mahamet on the other side entermedling here and there with all the art that possibly he could deuise, all hatefull and injurious tearmes, sent large aduertisements of all the misfortunes that had happened, and aggrauated to the king both the treacheries of Mustaffa, and also the slender se∣curitie of those wayes and countries.

As soone as Amurath vnderstood the calamities of his souldiors, the losse of his money, the great dishonour of his people, and the apparant danger wherein the fort of TEFLIS stood, when [ F] it was like to be abandoned: all inflamed with rage and anger, he called vnto him the Bassaes of his court (among whom sat as chiefe the prowd and haughtie Sinan) and rated them all excee∣dingly, reprouing their lewd counsell, and recounting the losses that he had from time to time receiued, as if they had happened through their defaults, and especially Sinan, as the principall occasion of all these mischiefes: Who like an improuident foole (as he said) would needs relin∣quish

the charge of his armie, and like a king sit idle at CONSTANTINOPLE, standing (as it [ G] were) at some publike triumph to behold and heare the miseries and misfortunes of others: ha∣uing before in the time that Mustapha was General, most vainly boasted, with the like power that he had to fetch the Persian king out of CASBIN, and to deliuer him in bonds to Amurath, but had in deed performed nothing worth the remembrance. Sinan could doe no lesse but make answere to the wrathfull king, yet not with such mildnesse and modestie as in such a case hee should peraduenture haue done, but in prowd and peremptorie manner, without any reuerence or regard,* 3.84 told him plainly: That as the last yeare a little before his returne to CONSTANTI∣NOPLE, succours had been conuaied to TEFLIS without any losse or trouble (as in truth they were) euen so had they been this yeare also, if he had put his aduise in execution as much as hee despised and contemned it: for he did then giue him to vnderstand, that Mahamet Bassa could [ H] not be a fit man for so great a charge, and that it was necessarie to haue chosen in his roome some other captaine of valour and discretion; but seeing he would needs make choise of the same vnfit man, he was not now to blame any other for this errour, but onely himselfe. As for his com∣ming to CONSTANTINOPLE, it was a thing long before thought most needfull, not onely for his aduise how the matter of peace might be brought to some good passe; but also because if that treatie came not to the desired issue, then he had to talke with him how he might compasse the ouerthrow of his enemy: which thing as yet he had no fit time to declare vnto him, but was now readie to reueale it, if it were so his pleasure. Wonderfully was Amurath grieued with this sullen answere, when he considered that a slaue of his owne, should so arrogantly and manifestly reproue him of folly and improuidence. Notwithstanding, being desirous to know of him what [ I] that secret and important matter was, which he had to reueale vnto him for the easie compassing of his commenced enterprise, he dissembled his discontentment conceiued against him, and com∣maunded him to disclose those his deuises which he had to vtter. Sinan in briefe, of all his adui∣ses, propounded these two things: first his counsell was, not to proceed in this warre as they had hitherto done, by seeking with forts and fortresses to hold and keepe the enemies countries; for that their treasures were not able to yeeld such store of money, as was sufficient for the mainte∣nance of so many and so great garrisons: contrarie to the opinion of Mustapha (of late dead) who with great pertinacie had persuaded that dangerous, chargeable, and difficult manner of warre. His second aduise was, that the true meanes to bring this warre to wished end, consisted especi∣ally in the resolution of Amurath himselfe; who if he would go in person himselfe, and against [ K] so mightie a king oppose the person of a king, then might he most assuredly promise vnto him∣selfe all speedie and honourable victorie: for that at the onely name of his comming, the Persians would easily come to any agreement; or if not, he might then proceed in his wars, and so ob∣taine most glorious conquests. This his aduise so little pleased the effeminat king, that in stead of the great opinion he before held of him, he now conceiued an enuious affection against him: and a further suspition (fostred by the great ladies of the court, especially Amuraths mother) That Sinan had thus counselled the king himselfe to go in person, not for any good could come ther∣of, but onely that so he might find meanes for the prince his sonne to make himselfe king, and to driue out his father. Which suspition was in such sort nourished in the mind of Amurath, espe∣cially being assured of the great affection which the prince carried towards Sinan, and he likewise [ L] towards him, that he resolued to rid him out of his sight; and so depriuing him of all charge, presently banished him the court, and out of CONSTANTINOPLE to DEMOTICA (a citie of THRACE) from whence afterwards he by most humble supplication obtained to be remoued to MARMARA,* 3.85 a little beyond SELYMBRIA. And into his place of Visiership was preferred Sciaus Bassa (who had married Amurath his sister) an Hungarian borne, a goodly personage, and of honorable judgement: but aboue all men a seller of justice and preferments, and yet a great friend to the peace with the Christian princes, which Sinan had alwaies most wickedly maligned.

* 3.86The Persian captaines in the meane time, with their spoiles and diuers of their enemies ensignes, were with great joy receiued at home in PERSIA: but when the discord that fell out betweene Mahamet Bassa and Mustaffa the Georgian was also reported, the former joy [ M] was redoubled; euerie man being of opinion, that these discords might bee great impedi∣ments vnto the Turkes further attempts into PERSIA, which it was feared they would the next yeare attempt, to the great danger of NASSIVAN and TAVRIS. Vpon which occasi∣ons, the Persian king perceiuing that he could not haue a fitter opportunitie to employ himselfe

[ A] against Abas Mirize his sonne (then with him it disgrace) determined with himselfe,* 3.87 to leaue the matters on this side of his kingdome in their present state, and to march toward HERI: whereunto he was earnestly solicited by his elder sonne Emir Hamze Mirize, but especially by Mirize Salmas his Visier. Vpon which resolution, committing the defence of REIVAN, NAS∣SIVAN, and that side of his kingdome, to Emir Chan Gouernour of TAVRIS; he set forward himselfe with his army towards CASBIN, and so marching through diuers prouinces, arriued at length at SASVAR, being on that side the chiefe of all the cities subject to the jurisdiction of HERI: which citie he tooke by force, and without delay caused the Gouernour thereof to be be∣headed, although he alleadged a thousand excuses for himselfe, and objected a thousand accusa∣tions moe against the seditious Visier. The king after this departing thence▪ and hauing also put [ B] to death certaine captaines and Sultans, that were accused by the Visier to be confederats in the rebellion of his sonne,* 3.88 he arriued at last at the desired citie of HERI. Verie strong is this citie, by situation compassed about with a good wall, and watered with deep channels of running springs, conuaied into it by Tamerlane their founder, or restorer: besides that, there was in it many vali∣ant captaines, enemies to Mirize Salmas, readie to lay downe their liues in defence of themselues and of Abas their lord; so that the winning thereof, could not but proue both long and difficult. As soone as the king approched the citie, he felt in himselfe many troubled passions arising of griefe and pietie, it grieued him to thinke that hee should beget so gracelesse a sonne, who in stead of maintaining his state and honour, should seeke his ruine and destruction: it grieued him also to remember the bloud of his subjects, before spilt vpon so strange an occasion; and [ C] scarcely durst he enter into the cogitation, thenceforward to shed any more of the bloud of his people. Neuerthelesse, being still more and more solicited by his Visier, he attempted to vnder∣stand the mind of his sonne, and (if it might be possible) to get him into his hands. But whiles the king trauelling with these thoughts lay with his armie before HERI, Abas Mirize in the meane time, writ diuers letters to his father and to his brother, wherein he besought them, That they would make knowne vnto him the occasion of this their stirre: For if desire of rule had mo∣ued them to seeke the depriuation of him, being their sonne and brother, from the honour hee lawfully possessed, and which his father himselfe had procured for him of his grandfather Tamas; they ought to abandon that imagination, for that he was alwaies readie to spend his wealth and his bloud togither with his estate in their seruice, and acknowledged his father to be his good fa∣ther [ D] and king: But if they were not induced hereunto for this cause, but by a desire to reuenge some trespasse that he had committed to the prejudice of the crowne of PERSIA, or his fathers honour; he was most readie to submit himselfe to any amends, and with all reason to yeeld vnto them the kingdome, yea the whole world, and euen his owne life, the rather to satisfie their minds with a more full contentation. With twise and thrise reading ouer, were these affectio∣nat letters considered and disgested: and at last both the father and the brother perceiuing in them such liberalitie of words, and ouercome with pitie, or if not with pitie yet with great admiration and contentment, they determined to put the matter in practise, and moderating their desire of reuenge, to attempt the reducing of the yong mans mind to some good passe. Whereupon they wrote backe vnto him, That no greedie desire to vsurpe his gouernment, had induced them [ E] to make so great a voyage, to trouble so much people, and to shed such aboundance of bloud; but onely his disobedience and presumption, in that he had caused himselfe to be called the king of PERSIA; and had not sent so much as one captaine to aid them in the late warres against the Turkes. Glad was Abas the yong prince, when he vnderstood the accusations that were laied against him, hoping to make it manifest before all men, how the king and his brother were mis∣informed in these particularities: and therefore incontinently did write backe vnto them, That if they would faithfully promise him, honourably, and without any outrage to receiue his embas∣sadours, he would send vnto them such euident matter, and so cleare information touching those his accusations, as that they should not onely clearely perceiue that there was neuer any such kind of though in him, but also that he had alwaies desired & laboured the contrarie: and would [ F] moreouer open vnto them such matter, as in respect of other men, and not of himselfe, might cause their comming to proue profitable and commodious to all the kingdome of PERSIA. Which his request they both solemnly promised faithfully to performe, being verie desirous to vnderstand what those strange nouelties should be. Whereupon Abas Mirize sent vnto them two of his chiefe counsellors, men of great account and reuerence both for their yeares and wise∣dome,

with full instructions:* 3.89 Who after many speeches, in the end swearing (according to their [ G] custome) by the Creator that spread out the ayre, that founded the earth vpon the deepes, that adorned the heauen with stars, that powred abroad the water, that made the fire, and briefly, of nothing brought forth all things; swearing by the head of Ali, and by the religion of their pro∣phet Mahomet, that such peruerse thoughts neuer entred into the head of Abas Mirize: they al∣leadged many testimonies and manifest proofes, that most loially in all due time, as well when he was aduanced to the kingdome of PERSIA, as also in his battels against the Turks, his sonne had alwaies caused deuout prayers and supplications to be made to God for his prosperitie, nei∣ther euer desired to heare any other but happie and fortunat successe of him. They brought with them a thousand and a thousand precepts and royall letters, which the young man had cau∣sed to be written, as occasions required to the Gouernours that were his subjects, for the gouern∣ment [ H] of the State, wherein he neuer named himselfe king of PERSIA, but onely, Your king and Gouernour of HERI. They prayed the king also, to cause a diligent processe to be framed against his sonne, and if there should be found in him any signe or shadow of so wicked a suspiti∣on, then to take from him his estate and libertie; offering themselues to remaine as hostages for him.* 3.90 But when all this should be done, and Abas found altogither free from these vnjust accusa∣tions, then (falling euen to the earth and kissing it) they besought him, and as it were conjured him, not to leaue the matter thus imperfect, to the prejudice of his bloud, but returning to his counsellor, to take information likewise vpon what mind and consideration he had aduised the king to take vpon him this vnorderly and dangerous voyage; where no doubt he should find nothing in him, but malignant, ambitious, and wicked affections; and such as euen deserued, [ I] that with his bloud there should be reuenged all the bloud of those which till that houre had been brought to their vnworthie and vndeserued deaths. And for as much as nothing remained, whereof the Visier had enformed the king against his sonne, but the commaundement that was giuen by Abas Mirize to the Gouernors vnder him, That they should not go to the wars against the Turkes: they confessed in truth that such an order was taken, but not to that wicked and trai∣terous end and purpose as was reported to the king by his great counsellour, but onely in respect of an inuasion justly feared in those quarters by the Tartarian Iesselbas; who by diuers inroads had alreadie done great harme in the countrey about HERI, and put young Abas and his coun∣sellors in such a feare, that they durst not disfurnish their cities of their guards and forces: and ther∣fore had commaunded the said Gouernours, not to go to warre against the Turkes, but to stay [ K] and expect further direction. And that all this was by writing signified vnto the Visier himselfe: which he of a malicious mind had concealed, onely to trie, if in these common troubles he could bring to passe, that Abas Mirize and the king might be taken away, and Emir Hamze succeed in his place; and so he himselfe remaine the Superintendent of his sonne in law, and Moderator of that most famous kingdome. Of which so treacherous a purpose they (for all that) thought Emir Hamze the young prince altogither ignorant (knowing his honourable disposition and loue towards his owne kindred) but imputed it only to the immoderat and ambitious desire of the wicked traitour Mirize Salmas.

Of these graue speeches of the embassadours, Mahamet the father (by nature credulous) be∣gan to make great construction; and deeply to consider of their so earnest and important re∣quests, [ L] which seemed vnto him so vpright and equall, as that he could not chuse but hearken vn∣to the same. And therefore calling vnto him the Gouernours, the captaines, the judges, and treasurers of all the cities that were subject to to HERI: he demanded of them, how and in what sort they esteemed of Abas Mirize, and in what degree of honour he desired to be esteemed of them: and of them all receiued one answere, That they held him for their lord as lieutenant to the king of CAS••IN, and that he himselfe had alwaies desired to be so taken and thought of: for proofe whereof, euerie one of them brought in diuers letters, precepts, and orders, wherein hee neuer caused himselfe to be honoured with any other title, but onely, Your king of HERI. He demaunded further, whether any such warres were attempted by the Tartarian Iesselbas or no: whereof he receiued a large and solemne information, that so it was, to the great detriment of all [ M] those territories. And thus the king was throughly persuaded of the innocencie of his sonne; who before was noted vnto him by his Visier, to be an obstinat rebell. Vpon which occasion only, although he might justly haue put him to death, as author of so great troubles and bloud∣shed; yet because he would be better enformed of the truth of the accusations laid against him by

[ A] the embassadours, he resolued to make a curious and diligent inquisition thereof: and therefore first of all, in great secresie he examined Emir Hamze his eldest sonne, wherefore he had aduised this journey against his brother Abas, whom he had found guiltlesse of all those crimes that were objected against him? whereunto the prince answered, That he had no other certainetie of the pretended euill behauiour of his brother, but onely that which proceeded from the great credit that he alwaies gaue to his father in law Mirize Salmas, to whom as to a chiefe counsellor, his father in law, and protector of the kingdome, he had alwaies yeelded assured credence: and so discharged the whole tempests of all those mischiefes vpon the Visier. Touching whom the king made diligent inquisition, as well among those of the court as of the armie; and thereby found him guiltie of all that the embassadours of HERI had accused him: and that being alwaies ac∣quainted [ B] with the true occasions which restrained the Gouernours of HERI (subject to Abas Mirize) from going to the warre against the Turkes, he had most maliciously concealed the same, of purpose to hatch such a strange and dangerous discontentment, as had wrought the vn∣worthie death of many great men,* 3.91 and almost defiled the hands of the father with the innocent bloud of his guiltlesse sonne. For which so foule a treason the false Visier was worthely con∣demned to die, and his wily head by the commaundement of the king strucke from his carkasse. Iustly rewarded, with the same punishment which he vnjustly sought to haue conuerted vpon others; and with his owne destruction pacified the dissentions and hatreds that were risen be∣tweene the two princes. And so the two brethren being reconciled togither, and the sonne to the father; after that Abas had againe promised his wished obedience (which he afterwards [ C] most dutifully performed) king Mahamet returned with the prince towards CASBIN: where by reason of new and vnexpected motions of the Turkes, he had now beene long looked for and desired.

Amurath through the rough speeches of Sinan, was more and more setled in his purpose for the continuing of the Persian warre; accounting it so much the more to his owne glorie, as it should in happie successe fall out contrarie to the opinion of many: and thereupon began to be∣thinke himselfe whom he might chuse for his Generall, to whom he might commit so great a charge. Among the Bassaes of the court there was one Ferat, a man of ripe yeares, but yet fierce of courage, tough in opinion, in counsell as hardie as might beseeme his age, readie for all sudden and strange aduentures, but aboue all a vassall most deuoted to the king: Of this man, at last he was [ D] resolued to make choise to haue the leading of his armie: and therfore calling him apart, declared vnto him what he had in himselfe purposed,* 3.92 encouraging him to take the charge vpon him, with a firme resolution to performe all things answerable to so worthie an enterprise, with the opini∣on he had conceiued of his valour. Verie willingly did Ferat accept of this new office, and thought himselfe (as indeed he was) highly fauoured by the king: and thereupon made him a large promise, to employ his strength, his wit, and vttermost deuoire, to put in execution what∣soeuer should be offered vnto him, either by occasion, or by his royall commandement.

At first Amurath had no other purpose to imploy him any further, but only to assure the pas∣sage to TEFLIS, and so into all GEORGIA; and to haue destroied the country of Mustaffa the Georgian, who had so audaciously injured the lieutenant of Amurath, and put his whole army [ E] in confusion: but being certainly aduertised of the troubles in PERSIA betweene the king and his sonne, he changed his purpose, and commaunded Ferat to employ all his forces to erect a fortresse at REIVAN, a place belonging to Tocomac, and to assure the passage from CHARS to REIVAN; for so they should be reuenged of many harmes they had receiued by him, and lay open the way to the citie of TAVRIS, to the great glorie of Amurath. As for Mustaffa the Georgian, although he had well deserued to be chastised for his rash attempt against Mahamet Bassa, being then his Generall, yet he willed Ferat to dissemble his euill opinion of him, and (if it were possible) so to worke, as to vse him as an instrument to conuay treasure and succours to TEFLIS: for by this meanes the passage, being made safe, all GEORGIA would without any mo fortresses be subdued, and then the next yeare they might attempt the enterprise for [ F] TAVRIS.

Highly did Ferat commend the deuises of Amurath his lord,* 3.93 and shewed himselfe readie for any attempt. And so the time being come wherein it behooued them to set on foot their im∣portant dessignments, in the beginning of the yeare 1583, commandements were sent out to all the cities of the empire, which were wont to make their appearance at these warres, That vpon

fresh summons, they should be readie to returne against the Persians, and to put in execution [ G] that should be enjoyned them by their new Generall. The fame whereof flew as farre as SO∣RIA, IVRIE, PALESTINE, MESOPOTAMIA, BABYLONIA, to BALSARA, to SIVAS, to MARAS, to all BITHYNIA, CAPADOCIA, CILICIA, ARMENIA, yea and beyond CON∣STANTINOPLE to the borders of HVNGARIE and GRECE, and in briefe to all the regions that were wont to come to this warre: all which sent their captaines and souldiors accordingly. And so at the last Generall Ferat departing from CONSTANTINOPLE,* 3.94 and passing ouer to SCV∣TARI by the way of AMASIA and of SIVAS, came to ERZIRVM, where he tooke a view of all his armie and prouision: and from thence in eight daies arriued at CHARS, conducted by the Persian fugitiue Maxut Chan: and from CHARS set himselfe on his way towards REIVAN. Three daies before he came to REIVAN, of certaine ruines of an old castle which the Turkes [ H] call AGGIA CHALASI (or the Castle of strangers) he erected a new fortresse, and left in it a garri∣son of foure hundred souldiors,* 3.95 with a Sanzacke, and certaine pieces of ordinance, and then went to REIVAN. This countrey is distant from TAVRIS eight or nine daies journey; betweene which two places are situat NASSIVAN, CHIVL••A••, MARANT, and SOFIAN, all enriched with goodly gardens and pleasant greenes: but in the way are many craggie mountaines to be climed, and sundrie hard passages either for armie or traueller.

* 3.96Here then did Ferat encampe himselfe with his armie, and taking aduise of his chiefe captains where he should build the fort, they all with one consent aduised him, to seaze vpon the houses and gardens of Tocomac, and there to fortifie. Which he accordingly did, enclosing the gardens with strong wals and deepe ditches round about, whereinto he conuaied water from a certaine [ I] riuer, that comming downe from the mountaines, ran into Araxis. Which worke was perfor∣med with such expedition▪ that within the space of fifteene daies the fortresse was finished, being in circuit seauen hundred and fiftie yards. It grieued Tocomac exceedingly thus to lose his coun∣trey and dwelling, and so much the more, because it happened so suddenly, and as it were vnloo∣ked for. He himselfe as soone as he vnderstood that the Turkish armie was comming to that coast, hauing withdrawne himselfe and his men of warre out of the citie hee could not keepe, sought by all meanes to be reuenged, if not altogither, yet in some part of this so great an injurie. And therefore he wrote vnto the king at CORAZAN, to Emir Chan at TAVRIS, to Simon in GEORGIA, he gathered soldiors out of the villages, and vsed all his possible endeuour to enable himselfe to annoy the enemies armie: But from none of these places could he receiue any helpe, [ K] the king being so farre off in wars against his sonne, the Georgian being busied by hindering any reliefe to be brought to the besieged in TEFLIS; as for Emir Chan (who by solemne promise vnto the king before his departure to HERI, had vndertaken the defence of that side of the king∣dome against the Turkes) he either would not, or could not stirre; neither sent so much as one souldior, hauing as some supposed secret intelligence with Generall Ferat, not to disturbe him in this his worke. So Tocamac destitute of all other helpe, and not able of himselfe to doe much against so mightie an enemie; yet ceased not to lay such priuie ambushes for the Turkes as hee could, killing of them sometimes 100, sometime 150, and sometimes mo, as they fell into his danger. And to ease his stomacke against Emir Chan (who sitting still at TAVRIS as it were to behold his miserie, would not so much as shake a sword against these spoiling Turkes) he spared [ L] not to dispatch certaine horsemen in hast to the king at CORAZAN, and by eloquent letters to amplifie the cowardise of Emir Chan; intermedling withall some causes of suspition, that he had some intelligence with the Turkish Generall.

Ferat hauing thus built this new fort at REIVAN, as Amurath had commanded, and furnished it with artillerie, and all other things needfull for the defence thereof; appointed Sinan Bassa (the sonne of Cicala a renegat of GENVA, and by Selymus the late emperor, in the flowre of his youth created Aga or captaine of the Ianizaries) with a garrison of eight thousand souldiors to keepe the same. And so departing thence, by the way of AGIA CHALASI, in ten daies arriued with his armie at CHARS.

Ferat had not long stayed at CHARS, but strange news were brought thither, That Mustaffa [ M] the Georgian (to whom Amurath had sent thirtie thousand duckats, by two of his Capigi and two of his Chiaus, to haue by him beene conueyed to TEFLIS for the releefe of them in the fort) was reuolted from the Turkish obedience, and being now become a rebell, had left that for∣tresse in manifest danger to yeeld, if by some other meanes it were not relieued. Which strange

[ A] nouelties exceedingly troubled the Generall: who to know the certainetie thereof, called before him all such as were the messengers of this misfortune: by whom he was certainely enformed, That Mustaffa, the two Capigi, and the Chiaus, hauing put themselues vpon their way towards TEFLIS with the treasure, guarded with a conuoy of fiue hundred of his souldiors, in the mid way had met with his cousin Simon the Georgian, by whom he was persuaded to returne againe to his antient faith and religion, which he had to the great perill of his soule so prophanely aban∣doned, and to shake off the seruice of Amurath, which would yeeld him no other recompence than an hard and infamous captiuitie, and in the end some fraudulent and trecherous death: and that his persuasion had so preuailed with Mustaffa, that he caused the two Capigi and the Chi∣aus to be apprehended and presently beheaded; and deuiding the treasure, with his said cousin [ B] had with him and his other kinsmen vowed a solemne and perpetuall confederacie: and so ha∣uing withdrawne themselues to their wonted passages, lay there in wait for such succours as should by the Turkes be brought to TEFLIS.

When Ferat vnderstood these and such other particularities, he all in a furie swore that he would not returne to ERZIRVM vntill he had put all the country of Mustaffa to fire and sword: yet first he thought it needfull to relieue TEFLIS, which would otherwise bee in danger to bee yeelded to the enemie: and for that purpose made choice of Hassan Bassa, who in the last yeare of the Generalship of Mustapha had most couragiously conueyed the like succours, and taken Aliculi Chan. Vnto him therefore did the Generall assigne fortie thousand duckats, with other prouision necessarie for that seruice, and for the more suretie appointed him fifteene thousand of [ C] the most choice and valiant souldiours in all the armie to conduct the same. In ten dayes space Hassan Bassa went and came from TEFLIS, hauing in his journey too and fro had many skir∣mishes with the Georgians, wherein he lost some few men, without any other losse worth the remembrance.

After this the Generall sent one Resuan Bassa with six thousand souldiors to spoyle the coun∣trey of Mustaffa the Georgian the late renegate, but now become a rebell to the Turkes: which Resuan, without any long stay ouerran all his territorie, burnt his townes, and committed most vncouth outrages, which extended euen vnto the poore insensible trees, and carried away with him many captiue soules, with much corne and cattell, like a raging tempest destroying whatso∣euer came in his way. Now was the Generall also retired to ARDACHAN, whether came Resuan [ D] to meet him with his foresaid bootie. But because they had now performed what they had be∣fore entended, and the approch of Winter persuaded their returne, they remoued from ARDA∣CHAN, and by the way of OLTI retired to ERZIRVM,* 3.97 from whence all the souldiors were li∣censed to depart to their seuerall places of abode, and a memoriall sent vnto Amurath of all the actions had beene performed; and especially of the good seruice done by Hassan Bassa, who for the same was now once againe honoured by the king with cloth of gold, a battleaxe and tar∣guet all gilt.

About this time one Podolouius a gentleman of POLONIA, sent by Stephen king of POLO∣NIA to CONSTANTINOPLE, by the leaue of Amurath to buy certaine horses in ANATOLIA; returning homewards with foure and twentie goodly horses which he had bought, was notwith∣standing [ E] the great Turks Passe, by his commaundement stayed vpon the way, all his men (in number foure and thirtie) slaine, excepting one boy, who getting into a wood escaped, and Podo∣louius his head strucke off. The horses brought backe to CONSTANTINOPLE, were by the ap∣pointment of Amurath some bestowed into his owne stable, and the rest giuen among the Bassaes, oftentimes pointed at with the fingers of the Turkes in derision of the Polonian king. This Amurath commaunded to be done in reuenge of an outrage done by the Polonian Cos∣sackes against the Turkes, whereof newes was but euen then brought to the Court.

The nine and twentith day of Nouember of this present yeare 1583,* 3.98 died Hama Cadum, the widdow of the late emperour Selymus the second, and mother of this Amurath, and lieth buried by her husband Selymus and his fiue sonnes, strangled by their brother Amurath.

[ F] All the rest of this yeare 1583 Ferat spent at ERZIRVM,* 3.99 and afterwards sent out his ordinarie commaundements to all the accustomed cities, to summon the souldiors against the next Spring in the yeare 1584,* 3.100 gathering together a greater number of pioners and enginers than euer had beene gathered in these warres heretofore: and withall gaue it out, That he would goe to NAS∣SIVAN, and there doe great matters. At which report the Persians were much mooued, and be∣gan

to cast many things in their heads about it: but aboue all others the king, who vnderstanding [ G] at CASEIN of all that had before happened at REIVAN, and of the new preparations of the Turkes,* 3.101 began to feare that they would this yeare passe to TAVRIS, or at least as was reported to NASSIVAN, and in those places build new fortresses, to the great danger of the Persian em∣pire: and therefore retaining still such forces as he brought with him from HERI, and comman∣ding as many moe as he could out of all the cities that were subject vnto him, to follow him to TAVRIS, he arriued there with his armie not long after the arriuall of Ferat Bassa at ERZIRVM. This vnexpected comming of the Persian king with so great an armie to TAVRIS, filled the world with expectation of great matters to haue beene done by him against the Turkes: inso∣much that Ferat the Generall, before he would proceed any further, thought it good to ad••ertise Amurath of the matter: declaring vnto him, That his desire was to goe to NASSIVAN, and [ H] there to build a fortresse, according to his commaundement, so to lay open the passage to TAV∣RIS; but hauing receiued certain intelligence, That the Persian king was come to TAVRIS with an huge armie, and full resolution to encounter him, he thought it his dutie not to put in executi∣on his aforesaid determination, without his expresse commaundement. Vnto whom Amurath presently wrote backe, That the matter so standing, he should not goe to NASSIVAN, but onely employ his forces to assure the passage of TOMANIS and LORI, that so the fort of TEFLIS might the yeare following be relieued by some small band, without sending of any great armie for the conueying of succours thither. This new commaundement of his lord, Ferat kept secret to himselfe, causing the rumour of his going to NASSIVAN to be more and more encreased, of purpose to feed the opinion that the Persians had before conceiued of his comming thither; and [ I] so deluding them, with lesse danger to build the forts he had entended, for the quieting of those most dangerous passages of LORI and TOMANIS.

Vpon this resolution Ferat hauing gathered together his people, with all things necessarie for his purpose, remoued with his armie from ERZIRVM toward CHARS, where he stayed ten dayes, to take a new suruey both of his souldiors and prouision. And so departing thence, set for∣ward toward LORI, sending before him Hassan Bassa with fiue thousand light horsemen to scoure the countrey euen to TOMANIS, and to learne what he possibly could of the enemies purposes, and the state of GEORGIA. Which thing Hassan dutifully performed, speedily scou∣ring ouer all the woods, and disclosing all the passages from thence to LORI, and so to TOMA∣NIS, without meeting with any vpon whom to assay his valour, more than certaine robbers vp∣on [ K] the high way, whom he caused to be slaine (as men altogether ignorant of the Georgian and Persian affaires) and their heads to be set on the tops of their launces, and so returned againe to LORI: where hauing stayed one day, he met with the Generall, to whom he recounted all that had happened in that his excursion. Ferat being come to LORI, there encamped his armie. This place did sometime belong to Simon the Georgian, well strengthened with an high castle, com∣passed about with very deepe ditches and a thick wall, almost a mile in circuit, but was then some∣what weakened with time: it is distant from TEFLIS about two daies journey, of a cariers pace. Vpon this castle Ferat seized, and hauing repaired the wals and strengthened the breaches, he placed therein Ali Bassa of GREECE with seuen thousand souldiours for the defence thereof, and planted vpon the wals two hundred small pieces of ordinance. And so when he had set [ L] all things there in good order, departed thence with his armie towards TOMANIS; hauing before commaunded Ali Bassa at some conuenient time to fortifie SAITAN CHALASI, a ca∣stle about ten miles distant from LORI, and therein to place a conuenient garrison of souldi∣ors and artillerie.

Foure dayes were they going from LORI to TOMANIS, being ordinarily but one dayes worke from the one place to the other:* 3.102 but now the Generall would needs so make it, to take the spoile of those rich fields, abounding with corne, cattell, and fruit, and to leaue vnto the coun∣trey people a lamentable remembrance of his being there. At last being come to TOMANIS (in times past a castle of Simons, but by reason of these warres, by him then abandoned) he began to consult with the other captaines, how and where the fortresse should be erected, for the assurance [ M] of that countrey. But after many discourses, it was at last concluded not to fortifie in that castle, as being too farre from the strait, to make that dangerous passage safe and secure; but to goe a lit∣tle further, and to build a fortresse vpon the very mouth of the strait. So the armie marching for∣ward a few miles, at the very entrance of the narrow passage found the ruines of another castle,

[ A] and neere thereunto stayed themselues. This steepe headlong castle was so compassed round a∣bout with a thicke wood, which hindered all discouerie a farre off, that it was not conuenient to found such a castle there, from whence their ordinance could neither auaile them to whom the defence therof should be committed, neither endomage those that should come to offend it. And therefore the Generall commanded, that euery man with all his endeuour should lay to his hand for the cutting downe of that thicke wood, and making way through thicke and thin to lay it for an open champaigne, that was before the receptacle of a thousand dangerous treacheries. In very short space were the trees layed along on the ground, the place made lightsome and open, and a very commodious situation prepared for the foundation of a castle.* 3.103 The plot of the old ruined castle was compassed about with a wall of a thousand and seuen hundred yards, and in the [ B] middest thereof was erected a strong keepe, sundrie lodgings and chambers builded, and two hundred pieces of Ordinance destributed vpon the new wals. After that, the Generall sent Res∣uan Bassa and the Bassa of CARAEMIT with twentie thousand of his most choice souldiors, to conuey succours to TEFLIS: who marching closely together in the direct way, in one day arri∣ued at the said fort; wherein they bestowed their supplies, and changing the Gouernour thereof, substituted in his roume one Bagli, being then vpon this occasion onely called a Bassa. Whilest Resuan yet lay thus encamped vnder TEFLIS, Daut Chan the brother of Simon, who in the be∣ginning of these warres, at the comming of Mustapha the Turkes Generall into GEORGIA, had fled out of TEFLIS, came now with all his familie, offering himselfe as a subject and deuoted vassale to the Turkish emperour; whom Resuan entertained with great promises and large assu∣rances [ C] of all good successe, according to his desire.

In the meane while newes were brought to Simon, That Generall Ferat staying at the straits of TOMANIS with his armie, had sent Resuan Bassa with a farre lesse number than indeed he had, to succour TEFLIS: Vpon which report he tooke courage to encounter Resuan, and to giue him battell. Vpon which resolution without further delay being accompanied but with foure thousand Georgians, partly subjects of his owne, and partly of Manucchiars, he with all speed possible went against Resuan. But whilest Simon was going thitherwards, Generall Ferat fearing the worst, had alreadie by chance dispatched away the two Bassaes of CARAMANIA and MARAS, with ten thousand souldiors, to the end that joining themselues with the souldiors of Resuan, they should at all aduentures be so much the stronger. Now Simon going resolutely [ D] on, found Resuan encamped with six thousand souldiors onely at the foot of an hill, on the back side whereof lay all the rest of his armie, and presently gaue a charge vpon him, when the souldi∣ors behind the hill being aware of his approch, were readie all at once with their weapons to re∣ceiue him. Who now perceiuing his errour, repented himselfe to haue so rashly assaulted his ene∣mies, seeing now no other remedie but to be vtterly vndone. But seeing that he had now so farre engaged himselfe, as that he could not by flight but encrease his griefe and make the issue more lamentable, with those few souldiours which he had he endured the furie of the great armie of Resuan, so that on both sides there was joyned a most cruell battell: wherein the strange and vn∣usuall valour of those few Christians was much to be wondered at. Yet in the end the huge num∣ber of the Turkish swords and speares so preuailed vpon that small number of the Georgians, as [ E] that they were brought to great extremitie: yea Simon himselfe hauing his horse slaine vnder him,* 3.104 fell downe headlong to the ground, and in his fall was very neere to haue beene taken pri∣soner, as was his lieutenant and many other his followers, had he not beene relieued by an vnex∣pected and maruellous chance: for whiles the battell was euen at the greatest heat betweene them, Resuan discouered the two Bassaes of CARAMANIA and MARAS, who (as is before said) were newly sent by Generall Ferat to succour him, but both by the said Resuan and also by the rest of his armie were indeed thought to be Persians; whereupon they were incontinently sur∣prised with a sudden feare, insomuch that they now became very doubtfull of the victorie, wher∣of they thought themselues before assured. In this suspence and doubtfulnesse of mind the bat∣tell was also intermitted, and the victorie by the sight of those their friends disturbed: whereby [ F] the Georgians, and especially Simon, whose state was almost desperat, tooke the opportunitie to escape and saue themselues, leauing behind them most sure signes of their valour among the Turkes; of whom many remained there slaine, many wounded, and many filled with great mar∣uell and vnexpected feare. Thus escaped poore Simon with the remainder of his followers into his knowne places of refuge, there to bewaile the death and captiuitie of his subjects. But Resuan

after he had discouered the Bassaes approching towards him, to be his knowne friends and well-willers, [ G] fretted in himselfe exceedingly, that Simon had so escaped his hands: yet holding on his way to TOMANIS, he arriued there in great triumph, drawing the standerds of Simon all along the ground, and causing many of the heads of the Georgians to be carried vpon his souldiours launces, to the great joy of Generall Ferat; to whom he deliuered all the prisoners taken in the battell, and wicked Daut Chan, who hauing in times past renounced his first faith, was become a Persian, and now againe despising the vaine superstition of the Persians, had yeelded himselfe to the vanitie of the Turkes, and made himselfe a voluntarie slaue to Amurath.

Now was the yeare so farre spent, that euery man began to feare the Winters approch, and therefore the Generall determined to remoue thence, and to withdraw himselfe into places of more safetie. And so hauing set all things in order in the new fort, he appointed Hassan to be the [ H] Bassa of TOMANIS, and left with him eight thousand select souldiours, chosen out of all the ar∣mie for the defence of that fort, and the countrey thereabout. Deepely had Ferat layed vp the outrage committed by Mustaffa the Georgian (being now returned to his old name of Manuc∣chiar) in taking away the kings treasure, and killing the two Capigi and the Chiaus: and there∣fore he resolued with himselfe not to returne to CHARS or ERZIRVM, vnlesse he had first pas∣sed into the countrey of the said Georgian, and in most cruell manner reuenged those notable in∣juries before receiued.* 3.105 In three daies he arriued at TRIALA, and there encamped. But lying there such an vnwonted dearth and scarcitie of all things rise in the armie, but especially of victuals, that euery fiue bushels and an halfe of Wheat was sold for fiue hundred duckats, to the vniuersall ca∣lamitie of the whole armie. [ I]

From this place the Generall was minded to goe on forwards towards the countrey of Ma∣nucchiar, but whiles he was vpon the raising of his tents, one Veis Bassa of ALEPPO, came vnto him and told him, That it was not good now to spend the time in wandering about those coun∣tries, for that there were three very great enemies confederat together, to make this enterprise ve∣ry difficult, and almost impossible and desperat: one was the season of the yeare, being now full of snowes, frosts, and tempests; another was, the want and scarcitie of all things necessarie, espe∣cially of victuall; the third was, the people of GEORGIA, who by a common vniting of them∣selues together, and peraduenture aided by the Persians, might worke some notable mischeefe a∣gainst the armie. This speech of Veis so much offended the Generall, that he most sharpely rebu∣ked him, and with bitter tearmes reproued him, telling him flatly, That he well perceiued he was [ K] brought vp among mountaines and villages, and of a villaine (as he was) vpon some superfluitie of grace, or foolish importunitie, aduanced to the honour of a Bassa; and that therefore he should not haue presumed so much as to think it lawfull for him, so impudently and malapertly to come and giue him such aduertisements; whereas it had beene his dutie rather to haue held his peace, and to haue hearkened vnto the commaundements of his betters and superiors, yeelding himselfe obedient and deuoted with all his power to performe the same. With this rebuke the Generall passed on to ARCHELECH, burning and in a manner destroying the country before him, though indeed it was in amitie and confederacie with the Turkes. But the inhabitants of ARCHELECH vpon the comming of the Turkes had abandoned the citie, and for feare withdrawne themselues into the mountaines. In ARCHELECH Ferat encamped, & staied the space of foure daies among [ L] the rockie crags and in a barren soyle, yeelding necessarie sustenance neither for man nor beast; so that euery man there endured vnspeakeable miseries: yet for the space of foure dayes the soul∣diours with patience endured this so great a calamitie. But in the end the fall of an huge snow being added to these extremities, did so greatly encrease their greefes, that all the Ianizaries and Spaoglans of CONSTANTINOPLE arose in a tumult, and comming before Ferat, in despight∣full and contemptuous manner with very haughtie and resolute tearmes said vnto him:

* 3.106And how long shall we endure this thy tedious and insolent gouernment? Where is the due commi∣seration that thou oughtest to beare towards the vassales of thy Soueraigne, thou rusticall and vnrea∣sonable captaine? Doest thou thinke happily, that we keepe our harlots as thou doest vnder thy sump∣tuous [ M] pauillions, all fat and in goodplight, with delicat viands, whilest others liue in miserie? Doest thou beleeue that we haue, as thou hast, our daintie sugars, spices, and conserues, whereby to restore vs, in the common calamitie of others? And that we haue at commaund meat and pretious wines, which thou minglest with thy cleare and pleasant waters, partly prouided for thee by the art of the cunning

[ A] doctors, and partly brought to thee from farre places? From this day forward it will be no longer en∣dured, that so much people should continue in this famine, afflicted with nakednesse, and many other inconueniencies: and therefore get thy selfe vp, and returne toward ERZIRVM, otherwise we shall be enforced to doe that which will breed more displeasure vnto thee, than to any man aliue.

The Generall in a great agonie presently called a counsell, wherein it was concluded, That they should all send their strong sumpter horses to ARDACHAN, and the rest to follow him into Manucchiars countrey, whither he had appointed to go, onely to make an inrode, and with the spoile and bootie of that countrey to refresh the minds of his souldiors afflicted with the miseries both past and present. This commandement of the Generals they all readily obeied, as well be∣cause [ B] he promised them a speedie voyage, as also for that euerie man desired the sacke of AL∣TVNCHALA, and other the territories of Manucchiar. So Ferat holding on his journey through certaine low vallies betweene the high and craggie mountaines, continually accompanied with great famine and scarsitie, at length brought his armie to CLISCA, a place belonging to Ma∣nucchiar, but as then for feare of the Turks quite abandoned and forsaken by the inhabitants; who with their wiues and children and all the best stuffe they had, were fled into remote and safe pla∣ces, vntill the furie of the enemie were ouerpassed. In the fields neere vnto this place (abounding with corne and cattell & plentie of fruit) the Generall refreshed his whole armie, and hoping that all the souldiors would like it well to stay a while in such good ease, determined with himselfe to erect a fort in that place. And with this resolution gaue commaundement to Resuan Bassa to go [ C] vp to the tower, and in the top thereof to set vp an ensigne with a proclamation and publike re∣port, That he would in the name of Amurath there erect a fort, and fortifie it as he had the othe•• forts before. Resuan accompanied with Amurath the Bassa of CARAMANIA, according to the commaundement of the Generall, in the top of the tower set vp an ensigne or two: which as soone as the souldiors had espied, the forenamed Ianizaries and Spaoglans, thinking themselues too much abused by their Generall, arising againe all in an vprore, replenished with furie and in∣dignation, ran vp in a rage to take downe the ensignes that were set vp vpon the tower, and ta∣king them in their hands, rapt the said Resuan once or twise about the pate, discharging withall a thousand injurious and despightfull words vpon him, and sharply rebuked him. And then re∣turning to the Generall (who was now come thither himselfe to countenance the action of Res∣uan) [ D] with gestures full of despight, contempt, and disdaine, reuiling him with many shamefull and scornfull tearmes, they protested vnto him:

That they were not come to the warres to exercise the occupation of masons and dawbers,* 3.107 and to be employed in such vile and dishonourable offices, but onely to mannage their weapons, and thereby to demerit their ordinarie wages, and to purchase to themselues glorie and renowne at the kings hands. And therefore if he loued his head, and would not see those armes turned against himselfe which hi∣therto had beene the reuengers of the enemies iniuries, he should resolue with himselfe to leaue these new buildings and these vnseasonable designments; and giuing place to the contrarie season of the yeare, to haue due care of their common desires and necessitie.

[ E]

Whiles they were yet thus expostulating the matter with him, one more bold than the rest, and more forgetfull of his duetie, did not sticke to assault the Generall, and to threaten him to wreake his furie vpon him: which in that tumult had happily beene done, had not the Bassa of CARAMANIA lent the Generall his owne horse, and so conducted him to his pauilion. Yet was he neuerthelesse still pursued by the tumultuous souldiors, and againe sharply accused for the stay that he made there, and for not resoluing presently to remoue thence: and at last after many reproachfull speeches told expressely, That if he did not the next morning remooue out of those quarters, without all faile he should loose his life for it. For all that, Ferat disdaining to yeeld to them that should of dutie haue been readie and obedient at euerie becke of his, and seeking by all [ F] meanes (notwithstanding all this stirre) to stay there so long time as should be sufficient to build a fort, that would so much offend Manucchiar, answered them againe.

That he made no account of their threatning him with his life,* 3.108 which he had alwaies offered to lay downe for any seruice of his king. But if they had no care to serue their soueraigne in this new buil∣ding,

they might go their waies; as for himselfe, he was resolutely minded to obey his lord in what∣soeuer [ G] he had commaunded him, for the honour of whom, euerie one of them ought to thinke their liues verie well bestowed.

Vpon this answere there followed diuers railings and cursings against the king, against the Generall, and against them all; and in this confused tumult euerie man betooke himselfe to his weapons: in euerie corner was heard grumlings and whisperings, full of wrath and indignation: so that there was a great feare of some dangerous euent,* 3.109 but greater was the suspition of the Ge∣nerals life. And now euerie man had withdrawne himselfe to the guarding of such things as he esteemed most; when suddenly and in a trice you might haue seen the pauilions of all the Bassaes and captaines fall downe flat to the ground, all the cords therof being cut in sunder by the wrath∣full [ H] souldiors: and as it were in a moment, all the muttons and other cattell which the Generall and Bassaes led with them for their ordinarie vse, were seized vpon by the same souldiors, and guarded with all diligence possible. And so farre was it off that any man durst challenge or re∣uenge this their insolencie, that they themselues turning afresh vpon their Generall (being now in a maze and deadly feare) began now the third time to threaten him, That if he did not forthwith remoue from those countries, and turne his journey towards ERZIRVM, those vallies and fields should without all faile become the sepulchers of the Bassaes, and those hils retaine the eternall memorie of so bloudie a day.

With a little liberalitie might the Generall haue done with this people whatsoeuer he had listed, but being loth to gratifie them with any thing, he was enforced to performe their prowd [ I] and arrogant demaunds, and to his great shame to obey them whom with right vsage he might haue made obedient to himselfe: and therefore to auoid their despightfull threats, to his excee∣ding great reproach, he was glad euen as they had commanded to remoue out of those quarters. The first day he arriued at ARDACHAN, with the great trouble of all his souldiors: for whereas the journey was wont to be two waies worke ordinarily, as well in respect of the length of the way as the difficultie of the passage, the Generall would now needs haue it done in one, the rather thereby to grieue his souldiors. But of this his wilfulnesse, he receiued euen the same day the just reward; for that the chariots wherein his women rode, were conuaied away, togither with the eunuchs that were their keepers: some say by the Georgians, that lay in wait for such a prey; some others say by the Ianizaries, who the more to dishonour their Generall wrought [ K] him this injurie.

Great was the reproach that Ferat receiued in the armie, but farre greater at CONSTANTI∣NOPLE, when these newes were there knowne: but there was no remedie, he must now perforce endure it,* 3.110 and discontented as he was, keepe on his way towards ERZIRVM. In ARDACHAN he tooke a surueigh of his armie, and there gaue his souldiors leaue to depart: himselfe afterwards arriuing at ERZIRVM, hated of all his souldiors, enuied by his captaines, derided for the losse of his women, and fallen into the disgrace of euerie man. No lesse than the rest was the Turkish emperour discontented with him also: first for that he had done nothing worth the speaking of in reuenge of the shamefull injurie done by Manucchiar the Georgian, and yet so mightily discon∣tented his souldiors: and secondly, for that without any care he had suffered Aliculi Chan the [ L] Persian prisoner to escape away; about whose flight it was thought he could not chuse but haue some intelligence. For Ferat, after he was by new order from the court to diuert his journey from NASSIVAN to the straits & narrow passages of GEORGIA, being desirous to be through∣ly enformed of those dangerous waies; in this second yeare when he remoued from ERZIRVM, tooke Aliculi Chan out of prison, of purpose to vse him as his guide in those dangerous straits, and therefore carried him vnder a guard (whatsoeuer it was afterwards) of his most faithfull vassals, still intreating him well, and taking such order as that he wanted nothing: at last being come to the straits of TOMANIS in GEORGIA, where the Castle (as we haue before said) was erected, he from thence secretly escaped into PERSIA. The manner of his escape is diuersly reported: some say that Ferat in discharge of his promise, for his good direction had gratified him with [ M] his libertie: others say, that Ferat corrupted with money, gaue him opportunitie to escape: some others (with more probabilitie) that this escape was made, neither for money nor discharge of promise, but by the onely vigilancie of Aliculi himselfe, and the sleepinesse of his keepers; and that watching the opportunitie of the night (a friend to all escapes) he started away. Howso∣euer

[ A] it was, in fine hee was deliuered from his long captiuitie to the discredit of Ferat, and re∣turned into PERSIA, to performe such enterprises against the Turkes▪ as shall bee hereafter declared.

Generall Ferat (before his departure out of GEORGIA) had commaunded Aly the Bassa of GRaeCIA (whom he left,* 3.111 as is before declared, in the new castle of LOR••) to fortifie a certaine castle called SAITAN CHASI (in our language, the Castle of the Diuell) which he with great di∣ligence performed, and left therein fiftie pieces of ar••illerie, and a thousand souldiors vnder the charge of a Sanzacke: and so quieted the passages from fort to fort, as that all the waies from REIVAN to CHARS, and from CHARS to TEFLIS, were made easie and safe, and all the means taken away whereby the enemie might be able to plot any new treacherie vpon those passages: [ B] which was no small piece of good seruice.

The Persian king in the meane time lying at TAVRIS with his armie, vnderstanding that the Turkes had changed their purpose from NASSIVAN to GEORGIA, so that there was no fur∣ther need to employ his armie against them for the defence of TAVRIS or NASSIVAN: at last resolued with himselfe to licence his souldiors to depart, and to apply himselfe to more priuat re∣uenges. For calling Emir Chan vnto him, whom he had left Gouernor of TAVRIS, and Generall for that part of his kingdome; he required of him the occasion, why he had not performed the great promises which he had made to him before his departure to HERI, nor done his endeuour to hinder the Turks Fabrik at REIVAN: and why he went not ou•• with other souldiors appoin∣ted for that purpose, and namely with the Turcomans (as he had promised) to reuenge so great [ C] an injurie, and in best manner he could to haue endomaged the Turkish forces? Sundrie excuses did Emir Chan alleadge for the colouring of his manifest default, but none sufficient to cleare him of the crimes objected against him by the king and the Sultans:* 3.112 wherefore he was by the king adjudged to haue his eies burnt out with an hoat yron; and so depriued of his sight, to be despoi∣led of all his goods and shut vp in close prison. Which heauie doome was without further de∣lay accordingly put in execution: whereof within the space of a few moneths, the wicked Chan (but yet a famous souldior) miserably died in prison. Whose death so highly offended the Tur∣coman nation (who had him alwaies in great estimation) that they absolutely denied their defen∣ces for the crowne of PERSIA: and the more, when they heard that the king had bestowed the roume of Emir Chan vpon Aliculi; who although he had in many respects deserued all prefer∣ment, [ D] yet for that he was an auntient enemie to certaine Turcoman captaines, they would not in any wise endure that he should be exalted to so great an honour. And therefore they waxed more disdainfull and ill affected towards the king, whereby the Persian forces became the more weakened and diuided.

The Turkes notwithstanding the league yet in force betweene Amurath and Rodolph the Christian emperour that now is, did many times make incursions into the vpper part of HVN∣GARIE, burning the countrey villages, and carrying away the people into captiuitie: but in their returne, they were oftentimes cut off by the emperours souldiors, and slaine. Which being re∣ported at CONSTANTINOPLE much moued the Turkish tyrant: but when he vnderstood that his men had without any cause made those inrodes into the territorie of the Christians, and so [ E] receiued the foresaid losses, he was againe appeased, and in the beginning of this yeare 1584, re∣newed the league betwixt him and the emperour for eight yeares more.

Ferat from ERZIRVM aduertised Amurath of all that had happened in his late expedition, de∣siring him to commaund what he would haue taken in hand the next Spring. But besides this information from him, there wanted not many others which did the like also, although in ano∣ther manner: declaring vnto the king (and that in an odious sort) the whole proceedings of Fe∣rat, the escape of Aliculi Chan, the shamefull losse of his women, his quarrels with the Ianizaries▪ his falling out with Vies Bassa, a man well regarded of Amurath himselfe, the disorders of his whole campe for his want of discretion; and to be short, the particularities of all such actions as had not altogither so honourably been by him performed that yeare: causes of themselues suffi∣cient [ F] to induce the king to remoue the said Ferat from his Generalship. To which occasions, were also added sundrie other secret respects: for euer since the last departure of Ferat from ERZIRVM, Amurath had still in his head, the next yeare following to attempt the enterprise of TAVRIS, and thereby to stirre vp through the world a famous report of his conquests corre∣spondent to his greatnesse. Now among the captaines whom he esteemed to be worthie men,

to whom he might with trust commit this so great an enterprise, he bethought himselfe of Os∣man [ G] Bassa, left at SVMACHIA in SIRVAN by Generall Mustapha in the first yeare of this warre: who hauing in that prouince remained euer since, had without any helpe of the Tartarians, by his owne industrie and valour, to the great contentment of Amurath, brought that large coun∣trey into a reasonable obedience of the Turkish empire: and that which most of all pleased the Turkish emperour, had in a countrey so farre distant maintained his armie, wherewith he had done all this without any expences at all to his king; hauing now a good while leuied his souldi∣ors stipends vpon the lands and territories of that region; and still exercised a kind of gouern∣ment and soueraigntie ouer those places. Of all which his good proceedings, he had caused in∣telligence from time to time to be sent vnto the court: by which meanes, and other fauourers which he had about the king, there was fostered in the mind of Amurath a wonderfull good [ H] opinion of him; so that now without delay he resolued to send for him to CONSTANTINO∣PLE, and for that purpose,* 3.113 before Ferat was arriued at ERZIRVM, he had dispatched certaine Capigi and Chiaus to call this famous warriour vnto him: yet wanted there not some (and those not of the meanest sort) that went about to hinder both his comming to the court, and also these designments of so great importance. For Sciaus the chie••e Visier (who rather for the comeli∣nesse of his person and alliance with the king, than for any other his vertues, was mounted to that high roome) did greatly feare least Osman, whose course it was to sit next vnto him in the order of the greatest Bassaes, partly for his experience in matters of warre, and partly for the good affection the king did beare vnto him, should at his comming to CONSTANTINOPLE persuade the king to what he listed, and so peraduenture take from him the chiefest office, and [ I] get into his hands the whole gouernment of the empire, whereby so great wealth was to be gai∣ned. Wherefore to rid himselfe of these feares, he cast about by all meanes to keepe him from comming to the Court: but because that to attempt the same openly, might proue a matter both difficult and dangerous, he thought it better to make triall of a more commodious and secret meanes. This Sciaus in consideration of many gifts bestowed vpon him by Mahomet the Cu∣man Tartar king, had many times excused him to Amurath of diuers accusations which Osman by his letters had laid to his charge, For not aiding him in the subduing of SIRVAN, as he was both by promise and dutie bound: and for all his ouersights alleadged such reasons in his be∣halfe, as if they did not altogither persuade Amurath to be kind vnto him, yet at the least not to carrie a mind of reuenge against him: and had so far proceeded in countenancing this Tartarian [ K] king, that there was betwixt them confirmed an interchangeable amitie and mutuall confedera∣cie. Him Sciaus imagined to find willing and readie by all meanes possible, to hinder the com∣ming of Osman his enemie to the Court, if he were but made acquainted with the matter. And therefore Sciaus, as soone as he vnderstood the certaine resolution of Amurath to call Osman to the Court, secretly wrote to the Tartar king, who lay encamped neere to the hauen of CAFFA vpon the Fens of MEOTIS, certifying him, That Osman was to come to the Court, and that ther∣fore it were good for him to call to mind, how great an enemie he had been to him, and how much he had endeuoured by letters to Amurath, to turne all his hatred and displeasure against him: and withall, That if he was able to doe so much by letters, as if Sciaus had not defended him with verie reasonable excuses, the king had executed his wrathfull indignation vpon him to his [ L] great danger; he should then imagine with himselfe, what Osman should be able to doe when he should come in person to the presence of Amurath, and without any mediator, betweene them∣selues determine of all matters what they should thinke conuenient. These, and peraduenture worse letters which Sciaus wrote to the Tartar, ministred matter enough vnto him to resolue to doe what he might, not to suffer so pernicious an enemie of his to arriue at CONSTANTINO∣PLE: and especially perceiuing that Sciaus, in whose breast he reposed all his hope and all his protection,* 3.114 did so greatly feare his comming. Wherefore to rid himselfe of that feare, he com∣maunded twelue thousand souldiors, that changing their weapons and appparell, they should go and lie in wait for Osman in the borders betweene COLCHIS and I••ERIA, towards the Tar∣tarian Nomades, by which way he was to come; and so making an assault vpon him, to bereaue [ M] him of his life. Hoping that such an outrage once done could not, or would not be imputed to his procurement, but rather to the Tartar Nomades, or to the Mengrellians, or to the Georgi∣ans, or to the Moscouites, or to the robbers by the high way; and to be short, rather to any bo∣die else than to him. This commaundement of the Tartar king, was accordingly by the souldi∣ors

[ A] put in practise: who without further stay joyned themselues together, and so rode towards the place appointed.

And now were the messengers sent from Amurath, come to Osman, who readily put himselfe on his way towards CONSTANTINOPLE, hauing left behind him at DERBENT and SVMA∣CHIA two Bassaes, thought to be the most sufficient men in SIRVANIA: hauing also appointed very good orders in the same, and an assured establishment of all those countries and places which Mustapha first had subdued, and he himselfe had afterwards maintained vnder the obedi∣ence of Amurath. He had also prouided for the safetie of his own person, in passing those trou∣blesome and dangerous passages through which he was to trauell, by chusing out foure thousand souldiors which he had tried in diuers battels, and brought vp vnder his own discipline; through [ B] whose valour he doubted not safely to passe through the treacheries of the Albanians, and the populous squadrons as well of the Tartarians as of the Mengrellians.

Thus departed he from DERBENT, and coasting along the rockes of CAVCASVS (that at all times of the yeare are all white and hoarie with continuall snowes) leauing on his left hand ME∣DIA, IBERIA, and CHOLCHIS, and on the right hand the famous riuers of Tanais and Volga, euen at his first entrance vnto the shores of the Euxine sea,* 3.115 he was by the abouenamed twelue thousand Tartarians, being apparrelled like theeues that lie vpon those wayes, suddenly assailed and fought withall. But like as an huge rocke lying open to tempests and waues, standing fast and vnmoueable in it selfe, resisteth the thunderings and rushings of the great and fearefull billowes: so stood Osman fast and firme, and couragiously sustained this trecherous assault, turning the bold [ C] countenances of his resolute souldiors against the rebellious multitude of those traiterous squa∣drons: who as is their manner in the beginning vsed great force, but finding so stout resistance in those few, whom they had thought with their onely lookes and shoutings to haue put to flight, they began at length to quaile.* 3.116 Which Osman quickly perceiuing, couragiously forced vpon them, and in a very short space and with a very small losse of his owne, put those Tartarians to flight, killing a number of them, and also taking many of them prisoners: by whom Osman was afterwards informed (as the truth was) that their king for feare that he had conceiued, least when he came to CONSTANTINOPLE he would procure his destruction from Amurath, had sent this armie to seeke his death. Of which treason Osman caused a perfect processe to be made, toge∣ther with the depositions of the Tartarian prisoners, which he sent the shortest way he could de∣uise [ D] to Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE; with letters declaring all that had passed, enflaming him to reuenge so grieuous an injurie and so wicked a practise. Amurath receiuing these aduer∣tisements from Osman, according to the necessitie of the matter tooke order that Vluzales his Admirall with certaine gallies well appointed, should passe ouer to CAFFA to fetch Osman; and withall to carrie with him Islan, a brother of the Tartar kings, commaunding Osman by letters, that he should (to the terrour of others) put to death the treacherous king, and place his brother in his roume.

This Tartar king was one of those mightie princes, who basely yeelding to the Othoman power, led vnder them a most vile and troublesome life, as their tributaries and vassals, alwayes at commaund: whose yonger brother Islan (presuming of the sufficiencie of himselfe and the fa∣uour [ E] of the people) going to CONSTANTINOPLE, became a suter vnto the Turkish emperor, to haue his eldest brother thrust out of his kingdome, as a man for his euill gouernment hated of his subjects, and to be placed himselfe in his roume. Which his sute was so crossed by the em∣bassadours of the king his brother, who spared for no cost in the behalfe of their master, that the ambitious youth was sent from the Turks Court to ICONIVM, and there clapt fast vp in prison: where apparrelled like an Eremit, he led his life altogether conformable to his miserie, with such a kind of externall innocencie, as if he had beene void of all hope or ambitious desire of a king∣dome, but rather like a forlorne and vnhappie wretch with vaine affliction and impious deuoti∣on to prepare himselfe to a laudable and honourable death. But whilest he thus liued, sequestred from all worldly cogitations, vpon the discouerie of the king his brothers rebellion he was in [ F] more than post hast sent for to CONSTANTINOPLE, and put into the gallies bound for CAF∣FA, with letters to Osman of the tenor aforesaid.* 3.117 Now in the meane time Osman had by cunning meanes got into his hands this Tartar king, being as is reported betrayed by his owne counsel∣lours, corrupted with the Turkes gold: whom with his two sonnes Osman vpon the receit of the aforesaid letters from Amurath, caused to be presently strangled with a bowstring, and Islan his

younger brother to be saluted king in his place, yet as vassale to Amurath. This shamefull death, [ G] the vsuall reward of the Turkish friendship, was thought justly to haue happened vnto this Tar∣tar king, for that he not long before, supported by Amurath, had most vnnaturally deposed his aged father from that kingdome, just vengeance now prosecuting his so great disloyaltie.

Osman embarking himselfe in the forenamed gallies at the port of CAFFA, passing ouer the Euxine sea, and entering into the Thracian Bosphorus, arriued at CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was receiued with great pompe and singular significations of good loue. But with most eui∣dent and expresse kinds of joy was he saluted by Amurath himselfe, when by his owne speech and presence he declared vnto him euery particularitie of the matters that had happened in his long and important voiage, and in liuely manner represented vnto him the perils and trauels that he had passed, and the conquests that he had made in SIRVAN. After all which discourses Amu∣rath [ H] who longed after nothing more than to see the Persian king somewhat brideled, and the fa∣mous citie of TAVRIS brought vnder his own subjection,* 3.118 began to enter into conference with Osman about that enterprise, and in the end would needs throughly know of him, what issue he could promise him of this his desire▪ and in what sort by his aduice and counsell the forces should be employed, and the armies disposed for the subduing of that citie, which ouerall the nations of the world was so famous and so great an honour to the Persian kingdome. To all which de∣maunds his answere and resolution was,* 3.119 That for so much as the matters of GEORGIA were now well setled, the trecherous passages by the new built forts assured, and the prouince of SIR∣VAN vnder his obedience established, there was now no cause why he should any longer fore∣slow so famous an enterprise, but by the conquest of TAVRIS, & erecting of a fort in that proud [ I] citie, to bring a terrour vpon all PERSIA, and to raise a glorious renowne of so mightie a con∣quest among the nations of EVROPE: for the accomplishment whereof he thought that either the same armie, or at the most a very little greater would suffice, so that it were raised of the best and choisest souldiors.

By reason of one of the letters which Sciaus Bassa had written to the late Tartar king, and by the instigation of the young Sultan Mahomets mother (jealous of the neere alliance of the great Bassa with her husband, as prejudiciall and dangerous to her sonne) Amurath had in the open Diuano depriued the said Sciaus from the office of the cheefe Visier, and hardly pardoning him his life, at the intercession of his wife, being his sister, had banished him the Court, so that he liued afterwards about CALCEDON, vpon the borders of ASIA, not far from CONSTANTINOPLE, [ K] in a close pallace he had there built for his owne pleasure:* 3.120 in whose roume he appointed Osman to be cheefe Visier; and to honour him the more, nominated him the Generall of his armie a∣gainst the Persians. Such power hath vertue, that euen from the very scum of the rascall sort, and out of the rusticall rout of mountaine peasants (which notwithstanding cannot be truly justified of this Osman, his father being Beglerbeg of DAMASCO, and his mother the daughter of the Beglerbeg of BABILON) it doth oftentimes in the course of this variable world draw diuers men into princes Courts, and aduance them to the highest dignities. Truth it is, that from a priuat souldiour, though well borne, he by sundrie degrees grew vp to the highest honours of that so great an empire, and was at one instant created the cheefe Counsellor and Generall of the Otho∣man forces. Great was the joy that Osman conceiued hereat, and great was the desire hee had to [ L] make himselfe worthie of so honourable fauours; and the greater confidence he perceiued that Amurath had reposed in him, the more eagerly was hee spurred on to doe any thing possible whereby he might shew himselfe to haue deserued the same. And therefore aduising with him∣selfe, that for as much as the greatnesse of the enterprise required a greater armie than was leuied in former yeares, so it was necessarie also for him the sooner to send out his aduertisements into all his subject prouinces, and by his owne example to stirre vp the other captaines and souldiours euen in the Winter (though it were as yet somewhat troublesome) to passe ouer to SCVTARI, and from thence to ANGORI, to AMASIA, to SIVAS, and there in those territories to driue out the time, vntill his soldiors which were summoned were all gathered together. And because vpon this his great speed it might peraduenture fall out, that the enemie misdoubting his pur∣pose [ M] for TAVRIS, might prouide a greater armie than they would otherwise, he caused it to be giuen out, That he must goe for NASSIVAN; to the end, that the Persians so beguiled, should not regard the gathering of so mightie an armie as they would haue done if they should haue heard of the Turkes comming to TAVRIS: and so the generall cousening rumor flew, not only

[ A] through all the cities subject to the Turkes, but into the countries of the Persian also: who not∣withstanding being very jealous of the citie of TAVRIS, and fearing that the matter would fall out, as indeed afterwards it did, ceased not to make most curious and diligent enquirie about it▪ And although the disgrace offered to his embassadour at CONSTANTINOPLE, dissuaded him from sending any other for treatie of peace: yet to spie out the secrets of the Turkes, and to vn∣derstand the certainetie of their purpose for NASSIVAN or TAVRIS, he sent diuers messengers to Osman, as if he had meant to feele his mind touching a peace, but in very deed for nothing els but to sound his designements: which for all that he could not with all the cunning he could vse, possibly discouer, but still remained doubtfull as at the first, the fame still running for NAS∣SIVAN.

[ B] In the beginning of this yeare, now growing towards an end, Amurath sent one Mustapha, one of the meanest of his Chiaus, vnto Stephen king of POLONIA, to excuse the death of Podo∣louius (so shamefully murthered as is before declared) as if the same had happened by the inso∣lencie of certaine souldiors, and not by his commaundement: who the better to colour the mat∣ter, had brought with him two base fellowes, as authors of that outrage, for the king to take re∣uenge vpon; but were indeed no such men as they were pretended to be, but rather (as it was thought) men before condemned for some other fact worthie of death, and now sent thither to serue this purpose: for whom the Chiaus (in proud and threatening manner in the name of his master) required to haue present restitution made of all such goods as the Polonian Cossackes had not long before taken from the Turks, and the captaine of the said Cossackes to be deliuered [ C] also vnto him, to be carried to Amurath: and so hardly vrged the matter, that (notwithstanding the vnworthie death of Podolouius and his followers, and the taking away of his horses) all the goods taken by the Cossackes, were forthwith restored: which the Chiaus almost in triumphant manner presented vnto Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE.

This Summer also Amurath disporting himselfe with his Muts, was almost dead. These Muts are lustie strong fellowes, depriued of their speech; who neuerthelesse by certain signes can both aptly expresse their owne conceits, and vnderstand the meaning of others: these men for their secrecie are the cruell ministers of the Turkish tyrants most horrible commaunds, and there∣fore of them had in great regard. With these Muts mounted vpon faire and fat but heauie and vnreadie horses; was Amurath, vpon a light and readie horse, sporting himselfe (as the manner of [ D] the Turkish emperours is) riding sometime about one, sometime about another, and striking now the horse now the man at his pleasure; when suddenly he was taken with a fit of the falling sicknesse, his old disease, and so falling from his horse, was taken vp for dead: insomuch, that the Ianizaries supposing him to haue beene indeed dead, after their wonted manner fell to the spoy∣ling of the Christians and Iewes, and were proceeding to further outrages, had not their Aga or captaine to restraine their insolencie, to the terror of the rest hanged vp one of them taken in the manner,* 3.121 and certaine others in the habit of Ianizaries. Neuerthelesse, Amurath shortly after recouered againe, and to appease that rumour of his death (openly vpon their Sabboth, which is the friday) rid from his pallace to the temple of Sophia; where I with many others saw him (saith Leunclauius) his countenance yet all pale and discoloured.

[ E] This yeare also happened such a chance as had like to haue raised new warres betwixt the Turks and the Venetians:* 3.122 which for as much as it is worth the reporting, I thought it not good in silence to passe ouer. The widow of Ramadan Bassa, late Gouernour of TRIPOLIS in BAR∣BARIE, with her sonne, her familie, and a great number of slaues of both sorts, being about to de∣part from TRIPOLIS to CONSTANTINOPLE, had rigged vp a faire gallie for the transporting of her selfe and her substance, reported to be worth eight hundred thousand duckats: vnto which gallie for her more safetie she had joyned two others, as consorts. Thus embarked, she came to the mouth of the Adriaticke, where sayling by CORFV, she was by force of tempest driuen into the gulfe of the Adriaticke. At which time one Petrus Emus, one of the Venetian Senatours, with certaine gallies had the charge for the keeping of that sea agaist pyrats and all other ene∣mies [ F] whosoeuer. He hearing of the Turkes comming into the gulfe, without delay set vpon them, and being too strong for them, tooke them all: and hauing them now in his power, exer∣cised most barbarous crueltie, as well vpon the women as the men: for hauing slaine the men, in number two hundred and fiftie, and the sonne of Ramadan in his mothers lap, he caused the wo∣men, being before rauished, to haue their breasts cut off, and afterwards to be cast ouerbourd

into the sea, being in number about fortie. The brother of Emus chancing vpon a beautifull vir∣gine, [ G] was by her most earnestly entreated to haue spared her honour; and the rather for that (as she said) she was a Christian, taken prisoner about twelue yeares before in CYPRVS, since which time she had liued in most miserable captiuitie among the Turks, and being now fallen by good hap into the hands of a noble Venetian, was in good hope to be set at libertie inuiolated: which she most humbly besought him for the loue of God to doe, and not to embrue his hands with her guiltlesse bloud, or to dishonour himselfe by forcing of her. But all she could say preuailed nothing with the cruell and vnbrideled youth, who after he had at his pleasure abused her, cast her with the rest into the sea.* 3.123 It is thought that Emus suffered this so great an outrage (and so farre vnbeseeming the honor of the Venetians) to be done, to the intent that none should be left aliue to bewray the greatnesse of the bootie, or of the villanie there committed: which was neuerthe∣lesse [ H] (God so appointing it) reuealed by one of the Turkes, who saued by a surgion of CRETE, which knew him, and afterwards comming to CONSTANTINOPLE, openly declared the same. With the odious report whereof the Turkes were so enraged, that in euery corner of the citie a man might haue heard them threatening vnto the Venetians most cruell reuenge: yea they had much adoe to hold their hands from the Bailo or Gouernour of the Venetian marchants in CONSTANTINOPLE, and to forbeare to spit in his face, as he went in the streets. At that time was one Io. Franciscus Maurocenus (or as they commonly called him, Moresin) Bailo at CON∣STANTINOPLE: who vnderstanding that Amurath in his rage was about to send one of the great gentlemen of his Court, whom the Turkes call Zausij (the great Turkes vsuall embassa∣dours) to VENICE about that matter, found meanes to haue him stayed at CONSTANTINO∣PLE, [ I] and another of lesse authoritie sent to expostulat the matter with the Senat, and in the name of Amurath to require to haue the offendour punished,* 3.124 and the gallies with the slaues and goods restored: so should the league betwixt him and them continue firme, whereas otherwise he should be constrained by force of armes to reuenge the wrongs done to his subjects. This mes∣sage being by the said messenger deliuered at VENICE, the Senatours after diligent examination of the matter, returned this answere: That the widdow of Ramadan with her familie comming to ZACYNTHVS, an island of theirs, was there honourably entertained, and presented with cer∣taine courteous presents; but departing thence, and comming to CEPHALENIA, another of their islands, her people running on land, contrarie to the conditions of the league, made spoyle of whatsoeuer they could light vpon, sparing neither man nor beast: Of which their insolencie [ K] their Proueditor vnderstanding, and making after them, found them in armes within the gulfe; and comming neere vnto them, was neither by them saluted, as the manner at sea is, neither was any top saile strucke, in token that the commaund of that sea belonged vnto the Venetians, all which they ought by the league to haue done: for which their outrages and proud contempt their Proueditor had taken so sharpe a reuenge: neuerthelesse, they promised in that case to doe what beseemed them in reason and justice to doe, for the satisfying of his desire. With which so reasonable an answere Amurath seemed to be well contented, but being indeed loth to entangle himselfe with warres against that mightie State at sea, his warres against the Persians being not yet finished:* 3.125 yet shortly after Emus was for his dishonourable and cruell dealing with the ladie and her familie worthily condemned and beheaded, and the gallies with all the goods and slaues [ L] restored. This great woman had in those gallies foure hundred Christian slaues, all which vpon the taking of the gallies were (as the manner is) set at libertie,* 3.126 for whom the Venetians made re∣stitution of as many others of the Turks.

Ramadan Bassa, the husband of the aforesaid great ladie, was Gouernour of TRIPOLIS in BARBARIE and of the countrey thereabouts: who hauing warres with one of the barbarous kings of the Moores, went out against him with all his forces, wherein were certaine companies of Ianizaries, sent by Amurath from CONSTANTINOPLE. Now in this countrey, as in many other places of AFFRICKE, are great and de••art sands, ouer which whosoeuer is to passe, must prouide himselfe both of victuals and skilfull guides, without which they are not without danger to be passed: Ramadan with his armie vnprouided both of the one and the other, hauing entered [ M] these deserts, was at length brought to that case, that he could neither goe forward, neither with∣out losse of his men returne.* 3.127 Yet at length he retired, and got home, but not without the losse of some of his people, and the manifest danger of his whole armie: for which his improuidence the Ianizaries fell into such a rage, that not respecting the honour of the man, or regarding the

[ A] displeasure of their soueraigne, they fell vpon him and slew him. At which their insolencie, if Amurath did winke and passe it ouer vnpunished, let no man maruell: for why, the auntient obedience of those martiall men is not now as it was in former times, when they were with a more seuere discipline gouerned; but now growne proud and insolent (as the manner of men is, liuing in continuall pay) with weapons in their hands doubt not to do whatsoeuer seemeth vnto themselues best, be it neuer so foule or vnreasonable. Which although it be in many places of this Historie to be seene; yet for the more manifestation thereof I thought it not amisse here briefly to set downe an example or two of their notorious insolencie.

Not many yeares before,* 3.128 the Ianizaries in CYPRVS with like insolencie slew Achmetes Bassa Gouernor of that island: pretending for the colour of so foule a fact, That he had defrauded them [ B] of their pay, and oppressed them of the countrey with intollerable exactions. Amurath highly offended with this their disloialtie in killing their Generall, whom they had neuer before com∣plained of; thought it much to concerne the majestie of himselfe, and the repressing of the like insolencie in others, not to suffer it to go vnpunished: and for that purpose sent another new Go∣uernour into CYPRVS, with ten gallies furnished as well with other necessarie prouision, as with such a conuenient number of souldiors as might suffice to chastice the insolencie of the chiefe offendours. This new Gouernour arriued in CYPRVS, dissembling the secret commandement he had for the executing of the transgressours, by certaine trustie men gaue it out among the Ia∣nizaries, That Amurath was so farre from being angrie with the death of Achmetes, as that he thought him worthily slaine by the Ianizaries for defrauding them of their wages, and oppres∣sing [ C] of his other subjects: which report the new Gouernour had of purpose giuen out, to put them in securitie, and without farther trouble to bring them into his danger. Hereupon the Iani∣zaries cheerfully and with all due reuerence receiued their new Gouernor: but shortly after to be sure,* 3.129 they by an vnexpected guile when as nothing was lesse feared, compassed in all the new come souldiors, and slew them euerie mothers sonne; and not so contented, seized also vpon the gallies that brought them. Which second outrage, though Amurath tooke in euill part as see∣ing his majestie therein contemned, yet was he content to passe it ouer, being loth to adde dome∣sticall troubles to the great wars he had in hand with the Persian.

But to end this matter with the opinion of one of their own greatest Bassaes concerning these maisterfull men:* 3.130 It fortuned, that whilest Busbequius embassadour for Ferdinand the emperour [ D] vnto Solyman, lay in the Turkes campe (at such time as Solyman in person himselfe was gone ouer the strait into ASIA, to countenance his eldest sonne Selymus against his younger brother Baiazet) that vpon a light quarrell (though heauily taken) betweene the followers of the said embassadour, and certaine Ianizaries washing themselues at the sea side; the embassadour for the quieting thereof, was glad to vse the helpe of Rustan the great Bassa, Solyman his sonne in law; who vnderstanding the matter (by a messenger sent of purpose) aduised the embassadour to cut off all occasion of contention with those most naughtie fellowes: asking him farther, if he knew not that it was now the time of warre, in which time they so raigned, as that Solyman himselfe was not able to rule them, but stood in feare of them. Which speech fell not rashly from Rustan, a man right well acquainted with his lord & masters griefe: for that most notable prince feared no∣thing [ E] more, than least some secret & dangerous treason should lie hidden among the Ianizaries, which breaking out vpon the sudden, might worke his finall destruction; whereof hee needed not to seeke for any farther example, than to his grandfather Baiazet. For, as true it is, That great are the commodities of a perpetuall armie of a princes owne; so are the incommodities also not small, if they be not carefully met withall: but especially for that the prince is euer in doubt of re∣bellion; and that it is still in the power of those armed souldiors, at their pleasure to translate the kingdome to whom they list. Whereof there haue been many great examples, although there are many waies for the remedying of the same.

But now that we haue by occasion of the occurrents of that time a little stept out of the way, let vs returne againe vnto the wars of PERSIA,* 3.131 the chiefe object of Amuraths hautie desires. [ F] Now according to the commandements gone out through all the cities of the empire, the soul∣diors of all sorts began to flock togither: and all those that were either desirous to be established in their former charges and gouernments, or ambitiously sought to be now promoted, repaired to Osman as vnto a king, and the soueraigne moderator of the Turkish empire, presenting him verie large and liberall gifts, whereby he gathered togither a huge heape of infinit treasure: and

so entertaining them with all affable courtesie, and promising both rewards and honours to such [ G] as would follow him in his purposed expedition, he leuied a wonderfull great number, both of men and monies. And now was the time come that called him away to go towards ERZIRVM, where he was greatly expected of his huge armie there assembled togither. And notwithstan∣ding the great dearth of victuall that commonly raigneth in those quarters, yet thither he must, where he arriued about the latter end of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare 1585: and there taking a view of his whole armie, and of all the prouision necessarie for so important and famous an en∣terprice, he daily laboured to hasten his departure▪ In this citie of ERZIRVM were met togi∣ther all the souldiors of the prouinces that were wont to send helpe, but yet in a greater number than euer was gathered by any Generall before: for that euerie man forsooke his owne priuat businesse, and vpon assured hopes of new rewards and vnwonted honours, were all induced to [ H] follow the fame of this their new Visier and Generall▪ onely the people of AEGYPT and DA∣MASCO were busied with other more priuat quarrels at home, whereof because they were both of great importance, and also fell out at this verie instant (leauing Osman with his armie for a while at ERZIRVM) I will in as few words as I may make a briefe rehearsall.

* 3.132Amurath had heretofore taken Hassan Bassa the Eunuch out of the Serraglio, from the charge he had there to serue in the queens Court, and at her instance sent him as Bassa to CAIRE the great citie of AEGYPT. Which great office, beside the honour belonging vnto it, is also be∣neficiall to them whose good hap it is to be aduanced thereunto: the riches the multitude of peo∣ple inhabiting therein being so great, that it seemeth not to be one citie, but rather to containe within the large circuit thereof many cities. This man being exceeding couetous, and therefore [ I] desirous to handle the matter in such sort as that he should little need to seeke for any more such grants at the kings hands, sought by all manner of meanes to oppresse the whole nation, and by all importunities to wring and extort from them rewards and bribes, without regard of honestie or reason. By which his sinister and corrupt dealing, he had now made himselfe so odious and intollerable to the people in generall, that they in great number, and many times, began to go to CONSTANTINOPLE, and with humble petitions to request the king to take from them such a cruell and vnjust Gouernour; so that generally in the Court there was no talke but of the vil∣lanies and mischiefes that were reported of the couetous Eunuch. At last Amurath seeing that these publike exclamations went daily so farre, as that he could not for shame let them go any further without due punishment, he resolued with himselfe to call him to the Court; and hauing [ K] sent vnto him certaine messengers, admonished him sundrie times to returne home. But the Eu∣nuch loth to leaue so fit an occasion to enrich himselfe, did still delay his returne, alleadging di∣uers faigned excuses for his longer stay. Which thing when Amurath vnderstood, thinking himselfe thereby deluded, he determined to prouide for so great a disorder, and by punishing of the mischieuous Eunuch, to satisfie in some part the discontented minds of his oppressed sub∣jects in CAIRE.

* 3.133There sat at that time among the chiefe Bassaes of the Court one Ebrain (or as most call him Ibrahim) by nation a Sclauonian, a young man of the age of two and thirtie years or therabouts, of verie faire conditions, and of a reasonable judgement: vpon whom Amurath himselfe had determined to bestow his owne daughter to wife, and so to make him his sonne in law. And [ L] therefore being now minded to remoue the Eunuch from his office, and to satisfie the citie; and being also willing withall to giue meanes to his said sonne in law to enrich himselfe: he resolued to send him as generall Syndic, and soueraigne judge into AEGYPT, giuing him in particular charge, to remember how wickedly his predecessour had dealt before him. And so this new Bassa tooke his journey towards AEGYPT, although there ran before him a great rumour of his comming, and of the great authoritie wherewith he was sent. At which report, as the Aegypti∣ans rested content and joyfull, so the Eunuch waxed verie sad and sorrowfull: persuading him∣selfe, that this alteration could not but engender some strange issue and effect against him. Whereupon aduising himselfe, to prouide better for his owne affaires and the safetie of his life, he resolued not to stay the comming of the new Gouernour: but departing out of AEGYPT, with [ M] great care and circumspection for feare of meeting with Ebrain, he trauelled towards CON∣STANTINOPLE in hope to appease the kings wrath, or at least by mediation of bribes, and by the intercession of the queene to find him more fauourable than he should find Ebrain; who without doubt would not haue spared any extremitie or crueltie, to haue bereft him both of his

[ A] goods and life togither. Amurath aduertised from Ebrain of the sudden flight of the Eunuch Bassa out of AEGYPT, and hearing withall that he kept not the high way from CAIRE to CON∣STANTINOPLE, began to feare least when he came into SORIA he should flie into PERSIA to the king, and so worke him double and treble domage; as one that had alreadie gathered a huge treasure, and hauing long liued in the Court, knew the most secret affaires thereof, and had learned all the priuie deuises and fashions of the Serraglio. Whereupon he with all diligence dispatched his Imbrahur Bassi (whom we may call Master of his horse) with fortie of his Ca∣pigi (all gentlemen Vshers, and officers of most secret & neerest roomes about him) with charge and commaundement, that if they met him they should bring him to the Court; vsing all the aid and assistance of his people that might be requisit: and for that purpose deliuered vnto him [ B] verie effectuall and large letters, after the best manner of the Court. This messenger with his appointed traine departed, and without any extraordinarie enquirie found the Eunuch in SO∣RIA, encamped in the plaines neere vnto the citie now called AMAN,* 3.134 but in times past APAMEA; the principall citie of that countrey. As soone as the Eunuch vnderstood of the comming of the Imbrahur himselfe, he gaue order to his guard of slaues, which in great number with speares and arcubuses did ordinarily keepe his pauilion, that they should not grant entrance into his ten•• to any, but onely vnto the Imbrahur himselfe, and if need were, by force to keepe the rest of the Capigi from comming in. Which order was in verie good time giuen; for as soone as the kings officer had discouered the tents of the fugitiue Bassa, in all hast he ran towards the same, and see∣king out the greatest among them, went presently thither to haue entred with all his follow∣ers: [ C] but the slaues being in armour opposed themselues against them, and permitting onely the Imbrahur to enter in, entertained the rest of his traine without. The Imbrahur being come in, read vnto him the commaundement which he had from the king to bring him to the Court, and most instantly moued him, that without any further resistance he would quietly go with him. To whom the warie Eunuch answered: Behold, how without any calling of the king, or conducting by you, I come of my selfe, well assured to find not onely pardon and pitie, but also fauour and grace in the sight of my lord; whose vpright and mild nature, the wicked treacheries of my false accusers cannot abuse, to the preiudice of me an innocent. And so without more adoe they went all to CON∣STANTINOPLE: the Eunuch yet still standing vpon his guard.

The polliticke and craftie Eunuch had in this meane time dispatched diuers postes with letters [ D] to the Sultan ladies, certifying them of his comming, and principally beseeching the queene to protect him,* 3.135 and to appease the kings wrathfull indignation, that happily he might haue concei∣ued against him; and so at length they arriued at SCVTARI. As soone as Amurath vnderstood of his comming thither, he caused all the treasure which he had gathered to be taken from him, with all the rest of his priuat substance, and the wretch himselfe to be clapt vp in prison in the Ia∣dicula or seauen towers. Where after he had languished many daies, still fearing some deadly blow, he at length receiued from the queene, an vnexpected, but most welcome aduertisement, That he should be of good cheere and quiet himselfe, for that his wealth had alreadie saued his life, and that she hoped in short time to procure him also his libertie: Which in deed she brought to passe; for she her selfe made earnest petition to Amurath her husband, that for as much as he [ E] had bereft her Eunuch of all his goods, he would yet at least deliuer him out of prison, and re∣store him vnto her againe. Which request of the queenes was granted accordingly, and the Eu∣nuch enlarged: but the treasure that he had so vnjustly scraped togither in AEGYPT, that remai∣ned still among the gold and other jewels of the kings.

But Ebrain Bassa with his new commission now arriued in AEGYPT, had in short space by far more sinister deuises than had the Eunuch before him, scrapt togither such an infinit heape of ri∣ches, as was able onely of it selfe to make him worthie of his promised wife, and therefore he was called home to the Court to accomplish the intended marriage. With this commaunde∣ment to return to CONSTANTINOPLE, he receiued also in charge, to make his journey through the people of DRVSIA; and such as he should find loyall, to confirme them in their due obedi∣ence, [ F] and to make them pay their antient duties; but such as he should find stubborne and diso∣bedient, he should quite root them out and destroy them. This commaundement Ebrain pre∣sently put in execution, and hauing packt vp togither all the riches he had gathered in the time of his gouernment, and raised good store of souldiors in that prouince, he tooke with him thirteene Sanzackes, that were ordinarily accustomed to sit as assistants vnder the gouernment of the Bassa

in the ruling of the populous territories of CAIRE: and so set forwards towards GAZA, [ G] passing ouer those vast and huge wildernesses of sand that lie betweene CAIRE and GAZA. From GAZA, joyning the Sanzacke thereof with him, he went to IERVSALEM: & from thence causing the Sanzacke there also to follow his traine, he turned by SAFFETTO, by LEZIVM, by NAPLOS (called in times past SAMARIA) still taking with him the Sanzackes of all those pla∣ces, and at last turned himselfe towards DAMASCO: so that before he joyned with the band of DAMASCO, he had gotten together eighteene Sanzackes, with all their squadrons of souldiours and slaues. Besides these, hee had also his owne priuat Court, which was wonderfull populous, and two hundred Ianizaries of CONSTANTINOPLE, whom Amurath would needs haue him to take with him at his departure from the Court, so that he had in his armie almost twelue thou∣sand horsemen. From DAMASCO, Vies the Bassa was come as farre as IERVSALEM to meet [ H] him, with all the souldiors vnder his gouernment, in number about two thousand persons. Be∣sides that, there came vnto him by the way of SIDON the Aga of the Ianizaries of CYPRVS, with all the band of that desolat and destroyed island: which captaine with his souldiors was transported ouer into the maine in those gallies that by the kings appointment were sent to fetch E••rain: who now strengthened with all these souldiors, had purposed the vtter ruine of the diso∣bedient Drusians, and the raising of his owne glorie, by triumphing ouer them.

* 3.136These Drusians, against whom these great preparations were now made by this new cap∣taine, and of whom the Turkish emperour is so suspitious and doubtfull, are supposed to be by descent, Frenchmen, the reliques of those that with great deuotion did in times past fight those memorable and Christian battels in IVRIE, and recouered the holy citie: but being afterwards [ I] brought low, partly by the plague, and partly by the furie of the Barbarians, mingled their seed with the circumcised nation, and so together with their authoritie and commaund lost also their first faith and religion: yet so, that they grew into an hatred of the Turkish superstition, and ab∣horring the circumcision of the Iewes, betooke themselues to a new prophet of their owne cal∣led Isman, whose doctrine they follow. The right Drusians liue vncircumcised, neither doe they forbeare wine as doe the Turks: they make it lawfull among them (most vnlawfully) to marrie with their owne daughters: the Turkish gouernment they haue sought by all meanes to eschue, and notwithstanding all the endeuours and attempts of the Turkish tyrants, but especially of Se∣lymus the second, yet haue they alwayes beene subject to their owne naturall princes, and would neuer admit any captaine or gouernour of the Turks within the countries which they possessed. [ K] They are a people very warlike, stout, resolute, and religious obseruers of their owne superstiti∣on: in battell they vse the arcubuse and scimitar, yet some of them at this day do serue with laun∣ces and darts: they are apparrelled after the manner of the Easterne people, with a turbant on their heads, and breeches they neuer weare, but in stead thereof they couer those parts with their coat, which reacheth downe to their knees, buttoning it vp before. Their feeding is grosse, and of mountaine meats.* 3.137 They inhabit all the countrey that is enuironned within the confines of IOP∣PA, aboue CaeSAREA and PALESTINA, and within the riuers of Orontes and Iordan, stret∣ching it selfe euen to the plaine of DAMASCO, neere to the hils that compasse it about vpon the coast of mount Libanus.* 3.138 They were all in times past good friends and confederats, so that they were greatly esteemed: but now being at variance, through greedinesse and couetousnesse, they [ L] were deuided among themselues, one seeking the destruction of another. At this time they were gouerned by fiue chiefe captaines or gouernours: one of them was called Ebne-man, and of the Turkes Man-Ogli; another Serafadin; the third Mahamet Ebne-mansur; the fourth Ebne-frec; and the fift Ali-Ebne-Carfus, by the Turkes called Ali-Carfus-Ogli. Vnder these, who indeed car∣rie the title and authoritie of an Emir (that is to say, King or Chiefe) there are diuers their lieute∣nants or deputies, whom they call their Macademi or agents. Ebne-man or Man-Ogli inhabited the mountaines and fields that are contained vnder the jurisdictions of CaeSAREA, of PTOLE∣MAIDA, of TIRVS, and of SIDON, and had his residence for most part vpon the hill, in a towne called ANDERA: he was very mightie in men and armour, and since the time that by treacherie his father was murthered by Mustapha then Bassa of DAMASCO, alwayes a deadly enemie to the [ M] name of the Turkes. Ebne-frec, Ebne-carfus, and Ebne-mansur, were alwayes great friends, but now especially at the comming of Ebrain Bassa they shewed themselues more straightly confe∣derated together. Serafadin and Man-Ogli were euer opposit against them: so that the one side procuring the ouerthrow of the other, they lost their strength, and left no means to defend them∣selues

[ A] against the Turkes, who had long lien in wait for their libertie. Now as soone as the news came among them, That Ebrain being departed from CAIRE, was comming into SORIA to subdue them; the three confederates aboue named resolued among themselues to goe and meet this great Bassa, and to submit themselues vnto him, of purpose to turne all the intended mischiefe vpon Serafadin and Man-Ogli their enemies. And so hauing packed vp great store of money, cloth of silke, cloth of woollen, and cloth of gold, with many loades of silkes, and other things of exceeding value, euery of the three being accompanied one with some two thousand, ano∣ther with some three thousand men, they put themselues vpon their journey towards Ebrain, and met him at IERVSALEM, where he was alreadie arriued. This their comming Ebrain tooke in wonderfull good part,* 3.139 and courteously accepted those their rich and great presents which they [ B] brought him; and by the offers of their fidelitie, and the grieuous accusations they made against the other two Drusian lords their enemies, began to conceiue great hope of his entended enter∣prise: for why, he saw that nothing could more easily compasse their ouerthrow than this their discord. Being thus accompanied, he came by the way of DAMASCO to the champaigne of BOCCA, and there encamped. This was in the moneth of Iuly this yeare 1585. The whole army that was with Ebrain, reckoning also the souldiors of the three Drusian lords, was about the number of twentie thousand horsemen strong. In this place there came people out of all quar∣ters thereabouts with presents to honour the Bassa, to whom he likewise yeelded such small fa∣uours as his couetous nature could affourd them.

From this place also Ebrain presently sent letters to Serafadin and Ebneman, whereby he enui∣ted [ C] them to come vnto him, to acknowledge their obedience vnto the Sultan: for that otherwise they might assure themselues to be in short time depriued both of their estates and liues. For all that, Man-Ogli would not by any meanes come in. But Serafadin being poore both in wealth and forces, resolued to come, in hope by rich presents to purchase his attonement with the great Bassa.* 3.140 And therefore hauing packed vp together diuers loades of silkes, great store of money, and many clothes of good value and beautie, and also attended vpon with diuers of his subjects, he arriued at last at the pauillion of Ebrain with these his rich presents; which were there readily receiued, and he himselfe with great attention heard: whose speech in effect tended to no other end, but onely to persuade the Bassa, That he had alwayes beene a deuoted vassale vnto Amu∣rath, and that he had carried a continuall desire to be employed in any his seruice: and that now [ D] being led by the same affection, and assured of his fauour, by the friendly and courteous offers made him in his letters, he was come to shew himselfe vnto him to be the same man, and so pro∣fered him whatsoeuer lay in his slender power to performe. Wherunto Ebrain made no answer at all, but onely asked him the cause why he liued continually in discord and brawles with the three Emirs (who also sat at that time in the same pauillion.) Whereunto Serafadin answered, That it was not long of him, who as one desirous of peace, had not at any time taken vp armes but in the just defence of himselfe, against the injuries of those his enemies; who because they were more mightie than he, sought continually to oppresse him. Hereat the three conspirators arose, and with their grim lookes bewraying their inward hatred, falsely charged him to haue beene euer the author of those brawles: adding moreouer, That his insolencie was at that time [ E] growne so great, as that no strange vessell durst for feare of him arriue at the ports of SIDON, TIRVS, or BERITO, nor any marchant or marchandise passe ouer the plaines: but that those countries, as though they were a prey and spoyle to the theeues of ARABIA, were generally shunned of all trauellers both by sea and land, to the great hinderance of the Sultans customes. Serafadin would hereunto haue gladly replied, but preuented by Ebrain, and surcharged with many injurious words, was committed to the custodie of the two hundred Ianizaries of CON∣STANTINOPLE. And so being by them brought into a rotten tent that was appointed for him, was euery night from thence forward put in the stockes fast chained, and continually guarded with a trustie guard of the same Ianizaries. In the meane time came the answere of Man-Ogli, who wrote backe vnto the great Bassa Ebrain as followeth: [ F]

To the Lord of Lords,* 4.1 Soueraigne aboue the great ones, the mightie, the noble captaine, cousin to the graund Lord, and the worthiest among the elect of the Prophet Mahomet, the noble and famous lord Ebrain Bassa, God giue good successe to his haughtie enterprises, and prosperitie in all his honour. I wish (euen as thou doest louingly inuite and exhort me) that I might come before thee, and follow

thee, and serue thee alwaies in any occasion that it may happen thee to stand in need of my helpe: For [ G] I know that thou wouldest rest assured of the reuerence that I beare towards thy lord, and of the most feruent desire wherein I liue to serue him, and to employ both my substance and my life in his seruice: whereof I haue also giuen some testimonie, though but small, in the managing of his customes that I haue receiued: wherein I haue alwaies so carried my selfe, as that I am not his debtor of one Asp••e▪ a thing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that Ebne-Mansur (who is now with thee) hath not done. For although by his comming to meet thee euen as farre as IERVSALEM he would make a shew of his fidelitie, yet doth he vsurpe more than two hundred thousand duckats of the kings, which he doth most vniustly detaine from him of his customes. But my hard fortune will not graunt me the fauour that I may come vnto thee: for there are at this present with thee three of mine enemies, who (I know well) being not contented to haue alwaies disquieted and troubled my estate, doe now seeke to bring me into so great hatred with [ H] thy heart, that if thou haddest me in thy hands, thou wouldest without any consideration bereaue me of my life. And I am assured, that this sending for me importeth no other thing, but onely a desire thou hast to imprison me, and so to kill me. For I know how much thou art giuen to great enterprises. Besides this, my comming is also hindered by mine auntient oath that I tooke: when being as yet but a child, I saw mine owne father so villanously betrayed by the murthering sword of Mustapha, be∣ing at that time the Bassa of DAMASCO: who vnder the colour of vnfeigned friendship got him into his hands, and traiterously strucke off his head. For in truth I carrie the image of my fathers re∣uerend head, all pale, and yet as it were breathing, imprinted in my mind, which oftentimes presen∣teth it selfe vnto me, as well sleeping in the darkenesse of the night, as also waking in the light of the day, and talking with me, calleth to my remembrance the infidelitie of the murthering tyrant, and ex∣horteth [ I] me to keepe my selfe aloofe from the hands of the mightie. And therefore I neither can nor may obey thy requests, and in that respect it grieueth me, that I shall seeme disobedient vnto thee, be∣ing in any other action and in all my cogitations wholly addicted to doe any seruice not onely to thee, who art most worthie to be reuerenced of farre greater persons than I am, but also to euery the least vassale of Amuraths. Thou wilt pardon me I hope, and thou shalt well perceiue, that if there be any thing neere me that may be acceptable to thee, all that I haue whatsoeuer, though in respect of thy selfe it may seeme vile and base, yet is it thine, and is now reserued wholly for thee, and not for me. Farewell, and commaund me, and hold me excused vpon these iust causes which thou hearest, for my being so backward in comming to honour thee, as my dutie requireth. [ K]

The poore and the least among the slaues of the graund Lord, The Sonne of Man.

* 4.2Ebrain perceiuing by this letter the resolution of Man-ogli, resolued also in himselfe to goe vpon him with all his armie, and either by force or sleight to get him into his hands, or at least to draw from him so many arcubuses, and as great gifts and tributes as possibly he might: and ther∣fore rising with his campe, and turning himselfe toward the countrey of Man-ogli, he burnt and destroyed foure and twentie of his townes; and so mounting vp certaine rocks of LIBANVS, vp∣on the top of a large hill (that standeth ouer ANDARA and other places belonging to Man-ogli) [ L] he encamped himselfe.* 4.3 But whiles the armie was thus marching forward, Veis Bassa of DAMAS∣CO with a great part of his people, and his sonne the Sanzacke of IERVSALEM, with his soul∣diors likewise, to the number of fifteene hundred persons, hauing separated themselues from the rest of the armie, in manner of a rereward; as they were busie in raising their tents, vpon the sudden were furiously assaulted by a great band of Drusians, of the faction of Man-ogli, and discomfited. Which victorie the Drusians so prosecuted, that they became lords of the pa∣uillions, the wealth and armour of the Turks: and leading away with them their horses and their carriages, put to the sword fiue hundred persons, and scarce gaue any leasure to escape either to the Bassa the father, or the Sanzacke his sonne, who fled straight to IERVSALEM, and neuer re∣turned againe to Ebrain; but Veis his father still followed the armie with those few which he had [ M] left, and was thought worthie of all men to be pitied.

Vpon the hill aforesaid Ebrain continued foure and twentie daies togither, with aboundance of all things necessarie for victuall: during which time he attended nothing else, but to trie all de∣uises how he might draw money and presents from Man-ogli, or how he might traine him into

[ A] his hands.* 4.4 For the compassing whereof, he dispatched one Gomeda (Ebne-Mansurs Agent) to Man-ogli, being in ANDERA; to tell him, That for as much as he would not giue credit to the promise which was made him, nor aduenture himselfe into the hand of his friend, he should send vnto him all the arcubuses he had: for that the Sultans pleasure was, that his people that went not to the wars in his seruice, should not be furnished with so great store of weapons, to the dan∣ger of their neighbours, and of the subjects themselues. With great griefe of mind did Man-ogli behold the messenger, as the man whom he well knew to be the Agent of his deadly enemie; yet in regard of him that sent him, he forbare to doe him injurie, or to giue him any reproach; tel∣ling him, That all his people and weapons were dispersed abroad ouer his territorie, so that he could not tell what arcubuses to send him: with which cold answere Gomeda returned. Which [ B] thing when Aly Bassa of ALEPPO vnderstood, he offered himselfe to the Generall, that hee would go vnto him, and that to some better purpose. Many reasons did Aly Bassa vse to per∣suade the warie Drusian to come and yeeld his obedience to Ebrain, swearing that no harme should be done vnto him: and withall promising him great and honourable fauours. But neuer could he remoue the resolute and prouident mind of Man-ogli, or win him to yeeld himselfe into the hands of a man, whom he thought to be so murtherous: yet at last with much adoe he pre∣uailed so much with the Drusian lord, that in signe of the reuerence he did beare towards the Generall, and of his obedience towards Amurath, he was content to send a present to Ebrain. And thereupon gaue him three hundred and twentie arcubuses, twentie packs of Andarine silks, and fiftie thousand duckats to carrie to the Bassa for a gift, and to reconcile him vnto him. For [ C] the better effecting whereof, he sent his owne mother to the great Bassa, who in the behalfe of her sonne performed a verie worthie message, excusing him as well in respect of his enemies that sat there so neere vnto him, as also in regard of his oath which he had solemnly sworne, That for the treacherie of Mustapha he would neuer commit himselfe into the hands of a Turke: and therefore besought him to accept of the gifts that were sent him, and withall, a mind and heart most readie to serue and obey the king in all occasions; and that he would hold him excused, for that his excuses were both just and reasonable.* 4.5 Wherunto the Turke replied, That although she had found so foule a fault in Mustapha, who vnder the assurance of his promise and fidelitie had betraied her husband: yet for all that she ought not to feare any such wicked or infamous act at his hands, who stood vpon his honour and the word of a souldior: And so by oath pro∣testing [ D] all faithfull and constant friendship towards him, in token of his sincere meaning he cast a white vaile about her necke, and put another vpon himselfe, and the third he gaue her in her hands: willing her to report to her sonne the oaths he had made, and to carrie him that vaile and bring him with her, protesting no otherwise to intreat him, but as a friend and a brother. The peaceable old woman went her way accordingly, but she neither could nor would go about to alter the purpose of her sonne, but returned to Ebrain such answere as did not greatly please him. After which time, he sought more than euer he did before, to get the warie Drusian into his hands, or at least without regard of shame to draw from him mo presents and weapons. And therefore once againe he sent the craftie Gomeda, to exhort him vpon the faith and promise giuen, to come vnto him: but for all the craft and lying speeches that the treacherous messenger could [ E] cunningly vse, he could obtaine nothing of the Drusian lord, but good words onely. Yet at last after much finenesse he preuailed so much, as that Man-ogli was contented by him to send ano∣ther present to Ebrain, with an expresse condition notwithstanding, that he should cause Ebrain to depart out of those quarters, and that he should not himselfe returne any more to request any thing farther of him. Which he verie largely promised, only desiring him to send a good num∣ber of arcubuses, thereby to content the Bassa fully: so he gaue him fiftie thousand duckats more, and foure hundred and foursescore arcubuses, with a thousand Goats, an hundred and fiftie Ca∣mels, an hundred and fiftie Buffes, a thousand Oxen, and two hundred Weathers. With this rich present came Gomeda to Ebrain, declaring vnto him that this he had got from him, vpon promise that he should not molest the Drusian any more. For which promise so made, Ebrain [ F] sharply reproued Gomeda, and threatned to make him know what it was to take vpon him so dangerous a libertie: and for the greater despight both to the one and to the other, Ebrain would needs haue Gomeda himselfe to returne againe with like message to trouble the Drusian. Wher∣unto although he went in great feare of some mischiefe by the hands of Man-ogli, yet was there no remedie but needs he must follow the commaund of him, in whose power it was to take from

him both his honour and life; and therefore on he went. But as soone as Man-ogli saw Gomeda [ G] (thinking as truth was, that he came againe about his wonted requests) he was with the verie sight of him so farre moued, as that he was euen at the point to haue throwne a dart at him, and so to haue dispatched him, had not the regard of more dangerous effects staied his furie; yet spa∣red he not with ignominious words and deadly threats to disburden his choller. Notwithstan∣ding Gomeda could doe no lesse but accomplish the effect of his fraudulent requests, and so wrought with him, that he drew from him foure burdens more of arcubuses, ten swords and ten guilt daggers, certaine siluer belts, ten packs of silke, and some few pence: causing him withall to protest vnto him, neuer to suffer himselfe to be persuaded to come againe vnto him; for if he did, he threatned to kill him, happen afterward what might of it. With exceeding joy and tri∣umph did Ebrain receiue this present, and thinking now with himselfe that he had gotten a suf∣ficient [ H] bootie from him, he determined to rise with his armie, and to sacke all the rest of Man-oglies countrey. Which he performed accordingly, and being conducted by Emir Ebne-frec, burnt ANDERA the place of Man-ogli his residence, and in two daies burnt and destroied nine∣teene other of his townes, with vnspeakable crueltie committing all things to fire and sword. Af∣ter all this sacking and rasing, Ebrain sent diuers messengers to Man-ogli, to trie whether hee would yet be persuaded to come vnto him, but nothing could moue the resolute Drusian to commit himselfe into his hands, but rather encreased his constancie to auoid a most certaine death.* 4.6 Now the great Bassa still thirsting after bloud and reuenge, vnderstanding by a spie, that the captaine of ANDERA (being one of the Factors of Man-ogli) with three hundred and fiftie souldiors was got vp to a certaine hill, into a place of great securitie, he sent Emir Ebne-frec to en∣tice [ I] him, and to tell him, That seeing his lord Man-ogli would not come and yeeld himselfe, he should come vnto him; which if he would doe, he would assuredly in despight of Man-ogli make him a Sanzacke of some of those places which he most desired. The ambitious and vnhee∣die Macademo suffered himselfe to be easily persuaded, and being accompanied with his three hundred and fiftie followers, went with the said Ebne-frec, and came at last to the pauillion of Ebrain, hauing first caused his aforesaid men to stay behind in a valley two or three miles off. But Ebrain would not so much as see the Macademo, although both in respect of the nimblenesse of his person, and also the fiercenesse of his lookes he was worthie to be looked vpon: but com∣maunded him to be kept in a seuerall place from Serafadin, and in the meane time deuised how he might with least losse of his owne men, put to death those three hundred and fiftie the Maca∣demoes [ K] followers: which was by training them, by means of the said Ebne-frec, into a certain vine∣yard, and so hauing brought them into a strait, suddenly to set vpon them and kill them. Which was accordingly performed: for being by the treacherous Emir brought into the place appoin∣ted for their slaughter, fearing nothing lesse, they were suddenly enclosed by the Turkes San∣zackes and Ianizaries, and slaine euerie mothers sonne. This massacre thus finished, Ebrain commaunded the Macademo to be brought before him, and without delay to be stripped and flaid quicke: who being come, stoutly vpbraided Ebrain with his promise and his oath; and amongst other speeches which he vttered whiles they stripped him, said: Cut me off my mem∣bers, and first putting them into the priuities of that infamous Ebrains wife, put them afterwards into the mouth of himselfe: for so (I trow) he will be contented and satisfied with my flesh. And to them [ L] that were the executioners of his painfull death, he said: It is your great good fortune in deed, that with such violence and needlesse deformitie, ye are now able to spill my bloud and to take my life from me: whereas none of you all had been able, or once durst man to man to haue drawne one drop of it from me, no nor to haue endured my countenance. But go to, proceed in your wicked and vnsatiable desire of my bloud, and fulfill the cruell commaund of your Visier: for in the end there will also light vpon you the iust reward of this so villanous a fact. With these and other such like speeches the miserable wretch was stripped,* 4.7 and three great slashes made on his backe, where they began to flea him; he in the meane time not ceasing to blaspheme their religion, & to curse their king, and their false prophet also. But the barbarous souldiors proceeding in their cruell action, made other like gashes vpon his breast and stomacke; and so drawing the skin downward, could not bring [ M] it to his nauell before he was with the extremitie of the paine dead. After this, Ebrain caused the followers of Serafadin (in number about 150) to be cruelly slaine, and all his countrey to be most miserably wasted: he himselfe still remaining in chaines.

Whilest the fire and sword thus raged in the Drusian countrey, Ebrain by speedie posts sent

[ A] to SIDON, where his gallies lay at rode, commaunded, That disbarking foure thousand souldi∣ors, they should sacke all those countries alongst the sea coast euen as far as CaeSAREA in PA∣LESTINE, sparing neither age nor sex, nor any person of condition whatsoeuer. Which his cru∣ell command was presently put in execution, and three thousand soules brought away captiues, great booties made of much rich merchandise, many townes burnt, sundrie castles rased and laid euen with the ground, and to be short, all the whole countrey of Serafadin and Man-ogli laid vtterly wast and desolat.

Ebrain was now in readinesse to depart for CONSTANTINOPLE, where he was by Amu∣rath expected, as well for his gold as the accomplishment of the marriage. But bethinking him∣selfe, that whatsoeuer hitherto he had done would be accounted either little or nothing, vnlesse [ B] he prouided in some sort for the quieting of those people vnder the Turkish obedience, he de∣termined to nominat one of the three Drusian Emirs that came to him to IERVSALEM, to be Bassa of all those regions. And because Emir Aly Ebne-carfus was the richest and most obedi∣ent of them all, he thought good to commit that charge vnto him, and honoured him with that dignitie; yet not without a bribe, but for the price of an hundred thousand duckats. Wherefore he apparelled him in cloth of gold, gaue him a horsemans mase, and a sword all guilt, and deli∣uered vnto him the kings commission, causing him withall to sweare faith and obedience to Amurath. And so hauing (at least to shew) set in order the affaires of those mountaines, which an hundred of the Turkes great captaines had in former time vainely attempted, he returned to DAMASCO, where he staied twelue daies, by shamefull shifts extorting money from diuers per∣sons. [ C] At last hauing no more to doe in those parts, he turned himselfe towards GAZIR and BA∣RVTO, places vnder the gouernment of Ebne-mansur, where he arriued with all his armie, and found the gallies which he had left in the port of SIDON, now in the hauen of BARVTO as he had before commaunded. Now vpon a certaine hill aboue BARVTO neere vnto the sea, Ebrain had pitched his owne tent only and none other;* 4.8 and hauing sent all the rest of his best and good∣ly things which he meant to carrie with him to CONSTANTINOPLE aboord the gallies, shrow∣ded himselfe only vnder that narrow and base tent. Thither he called Ebne-mansur, and in plea∣sant manner told him, That now it was time for him to make payment of the debt of an hun∣dred and threescore thousand duckats, which he ought the king his lord for the custome of TRI∣POLI and BARVTO: for that he could not longer stay in those quarters, but was to returne to [ D] CONSTANTINOPLE, which he knew not how to doe vnlesse he carried with him the discharge of that debt. Whereunto Ebne-mansur made answere, That it would not be long before his Macademoes would come with his monies, and that then he would without farther delay make payment. Which thing Ebrain well knew to be but an excuse, and therefore determined with himselfe to thrust him into the gallies; and because he could not carrie the money vnto the king, yet at the least to bring him his debtor. But for as much as he doubted to put this his determi∣nation openly in execution, for feare of some insurrection amongst the people, as well for that he was within the territories of the said Ebne-mansur, as for that he saw him greatly beloued and fauoured of the other two Drusian lords, Ebne-frec and Ebne-car••us: he therefore thought it bet∣ter pollicie by concealing this his purpose, to shew him in his outward actions all good counte∣nance, [ E] and by secret and subtile meanes to take him prisoner. Whereupon he deceitfully told him, That for as much as he was to stay there for his businesse that night, and was resolued the next day to make a road into the countrey of Man-ogli, he therefore praied him to doe him the fauour to be his guide: and for that purpose, when he should send for him at midnight, that he would come vnto him verie secretly, because he was minded to depart without any stirre, onely with fiue hundred men in his companie.* 4.9 The Drusian lord verily beleeued the matter that so it was, and withall was in good hope by that means to find some way to escape his hands. Wher∣upon being called vp at midnight, he readily went to the tent of Ebrain, who presently charging him (whom all men thought he had especially affected) with many abhominable and foule tearmes, caused a chaine to be cast about his necke and his armes, and so fast bound to be carried [ F] into the gallies. And yet not so contented, tooke the spoile of all his countrey, whereby there was leuied such a prey as was maruellous to behold: for besides money (wherof there was a verie huge summe) the store of clothes of silke and gold was such and so great, as might better beseeme some great prince, than such a mountaine rusticall lord as he was. When the Bassa had conuei∣ed all this into his gallies he sailed to TRIPOLI, where he found Serafadin in the custodie of

Veis Bassa and Ali Bassa: and hauing stayed there some few dayes, wherein he committed sun∣drie [ G] villanous and abhominable robberies, he caused the said Serafadin to be put into the gallies, with all his silkes and other wealth, and so departed for CONSTANTINOPLE: where at such time as he entered into the channell of the citie, accompanied with foure and twentie gallies, hee was encountered and receiued by a wonderfull number of his friends and fauourits, and saluted with an honourable peale of artillerie out of the Seraglio. Iohn Thomas Minadoi the best repor∣ter of this historie, as also of the late warres betwixt the Turkes and the Persians, being then at CONSTANTINOPLE, and hauing (as he reporteth of himselfe) good meanes to see the bounti∣full and beautifull presents which the spoyling and rauenous Bassa gaue the Turkish king, repor∣teth the summe thereof to haue beene a million of gold,* 4.10 besides the yearely reuenue of CAIRE amounting to six hundred thousand duckats, with threescore horses most richly garnished, of sin∣gular [ H] beautie, but especially of the Arabian race, a liue Elephant, and a liue Giraff••e (which is a beast like a Cammell and a Panther) two great Crocodiles dead, a chaire of massie gold richly set with pretious stones, a casket also beset with pretious stones and gold, many packs of most fine clothes, woollen and silkes, certain other clothes with fringe of gold and siluer and the Barbarian cutworke, most fine linnen of ALEXANDRIA, and all the arcubuses taken from the Drusians: besides sundrie rich presents giuen by the prowd Bassa to the great ladies of the Court,* 4.11 reported by Leunclauius to haue beene worth two hundred thousand Sultanines.

But now for as much as we haue before made mention of the Sanzacke of IERVSALEM, and his flight, it shall not be altogether impertinent to our historie (though somewhat out of time) in few words to declare what passed between him and the Arabians of PALESTINE, a little before [ I] the comming of Ebrain the great Bassa into those quarters: by which little, the desirous Reader may easily perceiue the wofull and troublesome state of that sometime most blessed and fruitfull but now most miserable and barren land of IVRIE, and of those places in holy Writ so much renowned.

* 4.12In the confines of SODOME, and in the places that lie not only betweene the lake ASPHAL∣TITES and DAMASCO, but also in the plaines and in the vallies of IERICHO, and of SAMARIA, and in other places about BETHLEHEM, EMAVS, BETHANIE, BETHFAGE, CAPHARNAVM, NAZARETH, LEVIR, BETHSAIDA, NAPLOS, and other townes of name thereabouts, there doe haunt and liue sundrie Arabian captaines; who spreading themselues euen as far as RAMA and IOPPA, ouerrun at their pleasure all the countries there round about, and continually com∣mit [ K] grieuous outrages as well against the said cities as also vpon the goods and wealth not onely of the inhabitants there, but also of strangers: yea and their insolencie oftentimes groweth so great, that they dare to assault the fenced cities, beside the spoiling of trauellers, that by reason of their businesse haue occasion to passe from one citie to another. They are good horsemen, but vse no armour: their horses are very swift to run, and spare of diet, and are themselues bold and aduenturous theeues. These Arabians hauing had intelligence, that the aforesaid ambitious youth, appointed Sanzacke of IERVSALEM, was in mind to raise all the Sanzackes thereabout; and joyning himselfe with them, and his father the Bassa of DAMASCO, to restraine their insolent libertie, and to worke their destruction; resolued with themselues not to stay vntill he and his confederats were readie, but rather by sundrie inuasions vpon him, euen vnto the gates of IERV∣SALEM, [ L] to prouoke him to come out into the field. And the rather to induce him so to do, they compacted with a certaine Subbassi of BETHLEHEM, their friend, to encourage and animate the Sanzacke thereunto, by promising vnto him good successe and prosperous euents. The ambiti∣ous young man, seduced with the glorious persuasions of the false Subbassi, of whom he made good reckoning, and prouoked by their insolencies, resolued (as they had wished) to issue out of the citie into the open field: and thereupon hauing armed an hundred of his vassales, and raised all the horsemen that were vnder his gouernment, to the number of six hundred, he made a rode towards IERICHO, sending before defiance vnto them: against whom the Arabians came ac∣cordingly, and with their arrows and Indian canes ouerwhelming his arcubuses, as if it had been a raging floud, wrought him great woe: when in the very nicke the battell yet being at the hotest, [ M] the traiterous Subbassi fled towards BETHLEHEM, and left the souldiors of IERVSALEM in the hands of the Arabians, who put most part of them to the edge of the sword, and scarcely gaue li∣bertie to the Sanzacke to saue himselfe by flight. The Sanzacke certainely enformed of this fraud of the dissembling Subbassi, to be reuenged vpon him, began also in like manner to dissemble

[ A] with him, faigning that he would once more trie his forces against the same Arabians; and so vsed the matter,* 4.13 that the Subbassi arming himselfe, came vnto him, without any suspition of the mischeefe intended against him. But as soone as he was come, the Sanzacke tooke him aliue▪ and presently caused him in most cruell manner to be flaine quicke.

Thus hauing passed ouer the troubles that staied the people of AEGYPT and DAMASCO and the countries thereabouts, from resorting to Osman the Turkes great Generall at ERZIRVM: let vs againe returne thither where we left him, taking a view of the preparations against the Persi∣an; and prosecute those affaires, which of all others most exercised the forces of the two mighti∣est Mahometane monarchs, and with the expectation thereof filled the world from the East to the West.

[ B] The straight commaundement from Amurath, together with the fame and reputation of Osman the Generall, had drawne together such a world of people of all sorts to ERZIRVM▪ as that it seemed not the power of one king alone, but rather the vnited forces of many kings. Wherefore Osman perceiuing that he had gathered together too great a number of people and too huge an armie, and that it might so fall out that he might want victuall for so great a multi∣tude; neither so greatly fearing his enemies forces, as that he needed to lead so populous an ar∣mie against them; determined to discharge a great number of such as he thought most weake, and least able to endure trauell: so that out of this great multitude hee drew out about fortie thousand persons, who liberally according to euery mans abilitie redeeming the ordinarie perils of the warres, returned home to their owne dwellings. And so in Osmans armie remained the [ C] number of an hundred and fourescore thousand persons or thereabouts.* 4.14 With this multitude the Generall departed from ERZIRVM (about the eleuenth of August this yeare 1585) towards TAVRIS, continuing for all that the speech for NASSIVAN. But he had scarce marched two dayes, when diuers souldiors of GRaeCIA and CONSTANTINOPLE presented themselues be∣fore him, vpbraiding him with great improuidencie, and telling him that they began alreadie to feele the want of victuall, by wanting the same day their ordinarie allowance of corne for their horses: so that if in the beginning, and as it were in the enterance of so long a journey they felt such want, they could not tell with what judgement or discretion hee meant to lead so great a companie so farre as NASSIVAN, nor by what cunning conceit he had presumed to sustaine so great an armie in the seruice of their lord. Osman quietly heard their complaints, and presently [ D] prouided for them, by causing such store of barley to be destributed among them, as they desired; and seuerely punished the officers that had the charge for the allowance of corne, who most co∣uetously began to make marchandise of the common prouision, by conuerting it to their owne priuat vses. And hauing thus quieted their troubled minds, he proceeded on his journey, and by the way of HASSAN CHALASSI and of CHARS arriued vpon the Calderan plaines, famous for the memorable battels there fought betweene Selymus and Hysmaell. In these plaines hee tooke a generall review of his armie, wherein there wanted a number, that by reason of sicknesse being not able to continue the journey were enforced to stay behind, some in one place, some in another. Remouing thence, he tooke the way not to NASSIVAN, as he had still hitherto gi∣uen it out he would, but now directly to TAVRIS. Which so sudden an alteration of the jour∣ney, [ E] as soone as the souldiours of GREECE and CONSTANTINOPLE heard, they fell into a great rage, and comming againe before the Generall, reuelled with him in this sort to his face.

And what are we thou villaine,* 4.15 thou Turke, thou dolt, whom thou handlest in this sort? We are neither oxen nor sheepe of the mountaines, for the leading of whom thou thinkest thou art come out: neither can we brooke these thy lies and deceits. If thou hast publickly professed to lead vs to NAS∣SIVAN, and by that speech hast trained vs from the furthest bounds of GRaeCIA, to what end now after thou hast wearied vs so much, doest thou deceiue vs with such vanities, and prolong our iour∣ney, and set before vs such strange and important dangers as our minds neuer once thought on? But if this was thy first purpose and intent, and that now not foolishly or by chaunce, but vpon premedita∣tion and good aduice thou changest thine opinion, why diddest thou dismisse so many souldiours, as [ F] might haue made the armie more terrible and stronger for the enterprise of TAVRIS? Doest thou thinke that by suffering others to redeeme their liberties, and so to encrease thy riches, thou shalt set our liues to sale, and to make vs slaues to the Persians?

At these arrogant speeches the Generall was exceedingly troubled,* 4.16 seeing his good meaning, and the earnest desire he had to aduance the majestie and glorie of his king, taken in so euill part,

and those his best souldiours so highly offended. And although he could indeed haue readily [ G] vsed the sharpest and hardest prouisions and remedies for it, that in such occasions are ordinarily applied: yet vpon good aduice he forbare so to doe, and in stead of rigour and punishment re∣solued to worke by more easie meanes. Whereupon causing many of the captaines and chiefe men amongst those seditious souldiors to come before him, he first persuaded them: That the former speech for NASSIVAN was not raised at all by him, nor that he was minded at that time to goe for TAVRIS: but all that was done, he had done to fulfill the commaundement of the Sultan, who had charged him so to doe, to the end to lessen the Persian preparations; which they would vn∣doubtedly haue made farre greater, if the speech had beene giuen out at the first for TAVRIS. Which his princely care of their safetie they for their parts ought willingly to further, for that in so doing they should still preserue that great opinion, which both the king and the world had conceiued of their [ H] valour and fidelitie. Neither needed they to feare, that the souldiors which were dismissed might weaken the armie, for that they themselues were not onely sufficient to pierce into TAVRIS, and to open the way vpon the enemies, but to daunt them euen with their lookes: and that those which were discharged, had but purged the hoast of all cowardise, and left nothing in it but vertue and courage. By this mild answere of the Generall the tumultuous souldiours were sufficiently pacified, but much better apayed and contented they were, as soone as he put his hand to the common purse, and bestowed among them all a small quantitie of monies: for by this his kind vsage all their stomackes were ouercome, and they themselues became so willing and so couragious, that now they durst venture not to TAVRIS only, but to CASBIN, yea euen to the furthest parts of all the Persian kingdome. [ I]

These important outrages thus appeased, the Generall turned himselfe with all his armie to∣wards COY, a citie situat beyond VAN, in the middest betweene TAVRIS and the Martian Meere, where he refreshed his armie with all things he could desire. From COY he passed to MA∣RANT, a citie subject to the Persians, plentifull also of all things needfull for man or beast. From thence he leaned downe towards SOFFIAN, a fruitfull place, subject also to the Persians; from whence he began to discouer TAVRIS. Great was the joy of the whole campe, and now the mutinous souldiors of GREECE and CONSTANTINOPLE could highly commend the aduice of the Generall,* 4.17 or rather of Amurath himselfe, in giuing out the rumour of NASSIVAN for TAVRIS, as the onely meanes whereby they were in quiet come so farre, the Persians being wholly occupied (as they supposed) about NASSIVAN: insomuch that euery man being waxen [ K] couragious, and replenished with joy, without any feare at all began prowdly to plot vnto them∣selues nothing but sackings, pillings, taking of prisoners, rauishments, robberies, and all those inso∣lent and outragious actions that vse rashly to proceed from the greedie affections of those bar∣barous victors; especially they of the vauward, who being desirous of bootie, and to discouer the enemies countrey, descended downe toward certaine pleasant gardens full of all sorts of trees, springs, and fruits: where hauing satisfied their appetites, they withdrew themselues to a certaine little riuer neere to a bridge called The Bridge of salt water, and there stayed at pleasure attending the comming of the armie.* 4.18 But euen whiles they were thus enjoying the water, the fruits, the shade, the greene grasse, and other delights of the place, the Persian prince Emir Hamze, king Mahamets eldest sonne, who with ten thousand good souldiors had closely couched himselfe, [ L] watching still when some of the enemies bands should come downe to those resting places, sud∣denly set vpon them with such speed, courage, and furie, that as if it had beene a lightening and in a manner without any resistance he ouerran all those Turkes, and dispersed them, putting to the sword about seuen thousand of them. And so leading away with him many prisoners, horses, slaues, with sundrie ensignes and Turkish drums, he withdrew himselfe backe towards his blind father, who lay then encamped about twelue miles from TAVRIS with fiftie thousand souldiors or thereabouts; Aliculi Chan Gouernour of TAVRIS being left in the citie with foure thousand souldiors onely. A greater armie than this, not exceeding the number of threescore and foure thousand men, was not the Persian king able to leuie; the principall occasion whereof was the death of Emir Chan, for which the Turcoman nation being waxen rebellious and disobedient, [ M] would not by any meanes be brought to defend that citie, whereof Aliculi Chan their capitall enemie was now Gouernour: and from GHEILAN and HERI there came not so much as one souldior to relieue the necessities of PERSIA. So that with these small forces in comparison of the enemies, the Persian king had no stomacke to meet the Turkish armie in plaine battell, but

[ A] sought how he might with as little losse to himselfe as possibly he could, make triall of his forces, and by all politike meanes to weaken and annoy his strong enemie.

Osman vnderstanding of this discomfiture of his vauward, forthwith dispatched Sinan Bassa the sonne of Cicala,* 4.19 and Mahamet the Bassa of CARAEMIT, with fourteene thousand souldiors to pursue the victorious prince: who in their pursuit vsed such expedition, that at length they ouertooke him in the way towards his fathers campe. But as soone as the prince saw the Turkes so neere him, that without a shamefull and dangerous flight he could not auoid the battell, cou∣ragiously he turned his face, and joyned with them a most bloudie conflict: which being begun two houres before night, was most fiercely maintained, vntill that the darknesse of the night be∣reauing them of the vse of their weapons, enforced both the one side and the other to retire. [ B] Which was done with the notable losse of the Turkes, who in this second conflict (as it was commonly reported) lost six thousand men: and had (as it was thought) suffered a generall slaughter, had not the night interrupted so vncouth an action, well worthie of a thousand day∣lights. So that hitherto the Turkes sustained the losse of more than ten thousand souldiors, and yet had scarce discouered or seene the citie which they so greedily longed after.

The next morning the Turkes campe remoued and came within two miles of TAVRIS, where they encamped. But whiles they were setting vp their tents, Aliculi Chan issuing out of the citie with all his garrison, and such of the citisens as were fit to beare armes, set vpon the face of the vauward being now renewed, and with many cunning turnings and windings so charged them, that with great losse he forced them to retire euen vnto the maine battell: where after he [ C] had espied the great artillerie, he without hurt withdrew himselfe againe to the citie. The con∣fusion of the Turkes in this skirmish was notable, for in a verie small time the vauward was disor∣dered, and almost three thousand slaine. But Aliculi not so contented, in the shutting in of the euening sallied out of the citie the second time, and swiftly running along that side of the armie that lay towards TAVRIS, slew the Bassa of MARAS, and did great hurt in that quarter: which done, without any stay he fled to the kings campe, and forsooke the defence of that sorrowfull citie which he could not hold. Neuerthelesse the Taurisians (as many of them as remained in the citie) gathered themselues togither to the gates of the citie, well armed, prepared to make a bloudie entrance for the Turkes whensoeuer they should come. All the night was spent in wat∣ching without rest on either side, and yet nothing attempted: but vpon the breake of the day, a [ D] great multitude of the seruile sort of the Turkes, and of the common rascall rout, without any order from their captaines, armed with corselets, speares, and swords, went to the citie with reso∣lution to haue sacked it, and so to haue enriched themselues with the spoile and pillage of that wealthie citie.* 4.20 But when they came to the guarded gates of the citie, they found there contrarie to their expectation, a terrible rescue, and were enforced there to joyne an hard and mortall bat∣tell; so that the wals, the entrance, yea all the ground thereabouts was bathed with bloud, and as it were couered with weapons and dead carkases. And yet for all that, though the Persians stood fast and firme at the arriuall of this seruile rout; at the last they were constrained to yeeld the en∣trance, being ouercome by the multitude of them that out of the campe flowed in vpon them like a floud; and retiring into the citie, now astonied and amazed on euerie side, they fortified [ E] themselues in their houses vnder the ground, and in the corners and winding turnings of the streets: from whence with their arrowes and some few arcubuses, they did the Turks that entred great harme. Yet were they not able to kill and destroy so many of their enemies, but that at the last they were too mightie for them, and wrought many grieuous mischiefes in that wofull citie. And so a great number of this rascall people that remained ali••e, returned to the Turkish campe, carrying away with them too manifest tokens of the poore oppressed citie: wherein the misera∣ble women and impotent soules stood embracing and straining the doores and poasts of their houses, and kissing their natiue soile, with prayers, mournings, and complaints, bewailing their present miserie, and yet fearing worse to come. Osman the Turks Generall now made acquain∣ted with these calamities, caused proclamation to be published, That no man should be so hardie [ F] as to molest the Taurisians, & in the meane time went himselfe about the citie, viewing through∣ly the situation of it, and surueying the place wherein he might both encampe himselfe safely, and with better foundation and greater securitie erect a castle or fort, for the more assurance of that conquered countrey.

The citie of TAVRIS is seated at the foot of the hill ORONTES,* 4.21 about eight daies journey

from the Caspian sea, and is subject to winds, cold, and snow: yet of a verie wholesome ayre, [ G] abounding with all things necessarie for mans life: and wonderfull rich, with perpetuall con∣course of merchandise brought thither out of the East, to be conuayed vnto the West; and also of others brought out of these Westerne parts, to be dispersed into the East. It is verie popu∣lous, so that it feedeth almost two hundred thousand persons: but yet open to the furie of euerie armie, without wals, and vnfortified. The buildings (after the manner of those of the East) are of burnt clay, and rather low than high. For all things it carrieth the name, and was the place of the Persian kings residence, vntill such time as that the late king Tamas remoued his seat from thence farther into his kingdome to CASBIN: neuerthelesse both before and since, although it had been sundrie times molested by the inrodes and furie of the Turkish emperors, yet was it still in great estimation and renowme. [ H]

Of this citie Osman Bassa hauing taken diligent view, caused his tents to be pitched on the South side thereof, where was a spatious garden all flourishing and beautifull, replenished with sundrie kind of trees and sweet smelling plants; and a thousand fountaines and brookes deriued from a pretie riuer, which with his pleasant streame diuided the garden from the citie of TAV∣RIS: and was of so great beautie, that for the delicacie thereof, it was by the countrey inhabitants called Sechis Genet (that is to say) the eight Paradises: and was in times past the standing house of their kings, while they kept their residence in this citie, and after they had withdrawne their seat from thence to CASBIN, became the habitation and place of aboad for the Gouernors of TAV∣RIS. Of these gardens and places Osman made choise to build his castle in; whereof he gaue the modell himselfe, and commaunded that all the whole circuit of those pleasant greenes should be [ I] enuironed with wals, and trenches digged round about them to conuay the water from the fore∣said riuer. Which was accordingly begun with the greatest care that possibly might be: the foundation of the embatteled wals laid, the ditches digged fourteen foot broad, & a mans height in depth;* 4.22 and in the space of six and thirtie daies the whole worke finished and brought to an end: great store of artillerie mounted vpon the walles, and diuers bathes, lodgings, and such other houses necessarie for the Turkish vses built within the castle. The first day of this buil∣ding Osman fell sicke of a feauer with a bloudie flix, which happily was the cause both of the slownesse of the building, and of many other losses that afterwards happened, as shall be hereafter declared.

* 4.23Fiue daies after the building of the castle was begun, newes was brought into the Turkish [ K] camp, That eight Ianizaries and diuers Spaoglans were seene strangled in a bath within the citie of TAVRIS. Whereupon the Zaini, Spahini, and Ianizaries came presently vnto the Generall, declaring vnto him, That although he had with too much clemencie giuen order that no man should hurt or molest the Taurisians, and that according to his pleasure euerie man had vsed mo∣destie towards them and obedience to him: yet the Taurisians themselues had most audatiously strangled in one of their baines eight Ianizaries and certaine Spaoglans, which injurie and inso∣lencie (they said) in their judgement was not to be suffered. This outrage so moued the Generall, that without any farther delay he commaunded the citie to be sacked, leauing it wholly to the pleasure of his souldiors: who forthwith so vsed the matter, not as if they would haue reuen∣ged an injurie, but rather at once haue brought an vtter destruction vpon the whole citie. Eue∣rie [ L] place was filled with slaughter,* 4.24 rauishment, rapine and murther; virgins were deflowred, men-children defiled with horrible and vnspeakable sins; younglings snatched out of their pa∣rents armes, houses laid euen with the ground and burnt, riches and money carried away; and in briefe, all things ruinated and wasted. Neither were these mischiefes committed once onely, but the second followed worse than the first, and the third vpon that worse than the second: so that it was a miserie almost inexplicable, to behold that citie so populous, so rich, sometimes the court and pallace of the Persian kings, and honour of that empire, now subject to the furie of the Turkes, plunged in calamitie and vtter destruction.

The wofull aduertisement hereof sore troubled the Persian king, but the young prince his sonne much more; who moued with the passions of most inward griefe, disdaine, and dispaire, [ M] and desiring nothing more than reuenge, resolued to attempt any thing whereby to require so great a wrong. In which resolution hauing confirmed his armie, he commaunded fiue hundred of his horsemen to present themselues euen to the verie sight of their enemies tents, and as it were to dare them to battell: which thing they performed accordingly, and made a gallant show

[ A] of themselues. At the discouerie whereof, the Turks imagining that the Persians were come in great number to assaile the armie, order was giuen by the sicke Generall, that Cicala Bassa, and Mahamet the Bassa of CARAEMIT, with the people of GRaeCIA, and all their owne forces should go to encounter the enemie: who presently with their ensignes displaied vnder which there stood about foure and thirtie thousand strong, besides a number of seruile people, yet men exercised in labours and perils, in all well neere fortie thousand, set forward. Now the fiue hun∣dred Persians, with a maruellous cunning kind of skirmishing dallied with the Turkish souldiors, and drew them forward for the space of eight miles and more: and being brought so farre on, and now forewearied with the skirmish, were lustily assailed by the Persian prince, who with part of his armie (to the number of about twentie thousand persons) couragiously set vpon the two [ B] Bassaes, and joyned with them the deadliest and cruellest battell that euer was written of. Wherein the Persians hauing giuen a most perilous onset and done great harme, it was thought that they would haue contented themselues with so luckie an encounter, and so retired▪ which the Turks minding to preuent, and not to returne without a notable victorie, hardly pressed vp∣on them, hoping in the end to put them to flight, and so to giue them a bloudie and deadly ouer∣throw. But the Persians hauing quietly and with great assurance for a reasonable space endured their charge, at last as if they had been fresh men, made head vpon them afresh, and began a most terrible battell anew: wherein the Bassa of CARAEMIT (aboue named) was put to flight, and being wholly dismaied and discomfited, fled backe againe to the campe, carrying with him the most manifest tokens of the vnhappie issue of the battell. Cicala the other Bassa notwithstanding [ C] valiantly and with great cunning still sustained the furie of the Persians, labouring by all meanes to encourage his souldiours, and to haue restored the battell: but when he had done what he could, ouercome at last by greater valour, he was enforced to betake himselfe to flight also; and so altogither discomfited,* 4.25 came to the campe without any ensigne, hauing left behind him 8000 of his souldiors dead vpon the ground.

The Persian prince encouraged with this so fortunat a victorie, by speedie heraulds sent to the sicke Visier (whom he thought notwithstanding to haue been in health) and gaue him to vnder∣stand, that if he were willing to fight he was readie for him, and in what sort soeuer it pleased him to accept of battell, to make him good account of his valour; and to cause him to know, not only that Amurath his master had most vnjustly raised this warre, but also that it had been good [ D] for himselfe not to haue taken the same in hand. Of this offer Osman accepted, but being not able himselfe to go and answere the prince in person hand to hand, by reason of his sicknesse which euerie houre mortally encreased, hee sent out all his captaines with his armie to dare him battell.

The prince lay ten miles or thereabouts distant from the campe of Osman, towards whom the Turkes set forward in this manner: The maine battell was guided by the Bassa of CARAEMIT and Sinan Cicala, with all the souldiors of ASSIRIA and BABYLON: the left wing was led by the Bassa of NATOLIA, with the band of GRaeCIA; and the right wing was conducted by Amurath Bassa of CARAMANIA, with the people of SORIA to the number of threescore thou∣sand: beside such as were left behind at TAVRIS, with the trustie guard of the Ianizaries, and the [ E] artillerie, for the safegard of the sicke Visier. In this order they confronted the Persian prince, who was himselfe in the middest of his armie, with all his people in verie good order: hauing on the one side the souldiors of PERSIA and HIRCANIA, and on the other them of PARTHIA and ATROPATIA, in all to the number of fortie thousand. The Turkes feared nothing more, than that the Persians fetching a great compasse about, should with all celeritie and furie set vpon their tents, and the riches they had laied vp togither in their pauillions: and therefore at euerie motion of theirs, they continually feared this sudden outroad; whereof they had such especi∣all care, that retiring themselues as much as they might, and faigning as if they had giuen place to the Persians, it wanted not much but that they had brought them euen within the just leuell and marke of the artillerie. Which the Persians perceiuing, without any further dallying hard∣ly [ F] began to assaile the maine bodie of the battell. The prince himselfe being entred amongst the ••ouldiors of the Bassa of CARAEMIT (who as Generall sustained the place of Osman) and pres∣sing into the middest of the battell,* 4.26 dispatched euerie man that came in his way; and hauing sin∣gled out the Bassa from the rest, smote off his head, and gaue it to one of his followers to carrie vpon the top of his launce. Which being openly descried, brought a great terrour vpon the

Turkes, and exceedingly encouraged the Persians; who embrued with the bloud of their ene∣mies, [ G] and intermingling themselues more and more among them, made of them a most confused and generall slaughter: wherein beside the Bassa before named, there died also the Bassa of TRA∣BIZONDA, the Sanzacke of BVRSIA, with fiue other Sanzackes, and as it was commonly repor∣ted twentie thousand Turkes moe. It fell also to the lot of Amurath Bassa of CARAMANIA to be there taken prisoner, with diuers other common souldiours. But night comming now on, and the Persians being come somewhat too nigh the Turkish artillerie, they gaue ouer the fight, and withdrew themselues backe to the place where their king lay encamped with the rest of his armie.

But now were diuers dayes spent wherein the new fortresse at TAVRIS (as we haue before said) was fully finished, when the souldiors of GRaeCIA and CONSTANTINOPLE wearied to [ H] see their friends and fellowes thus slaine before their faces, and hauing also safely layed vp in their owne custodie such preyes and booties as they had gotten in the sacke of the citie, resolued with themselues to procure their owne departure, and so much the rather, for that Winter was now fast comming on. And for as much as the Generall was through the immoderat flux of bloud brought weake, and in despaire of life, and quite abandoned of all hope by his phisitions, and therefore not to be spoke withall; they were faine by the mouth of such as were their trustie friends about him, to represent vnto him the necessitie of their returne, and withall after many re∣uerent entreaties caused it also to be signified vnto him, That if he stood obstinate, and would needs stay dallying out the time in those dangerous places where no such need was, they should be enforced to withdraw themselues and to forsake him. Osman, who had now nothing els to [ I] doe in those countries but onely to leaue some conuenient garrison in the new fortresse at TAV∣RIS, liberally promised to satisfie their requests by departing thence the next morning. So calling vnto him Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa of TRIPOLIS,* 4.27 a man of a craftie and cruell nature, made him gouernour and keeper of the new built fortresse at TAVRIS. And the more to encourage him to take that charge vpon him, he gaue him freely for the space of three whole yeares not onely the office and authoritie, but also the rents and reuenewes of a Bassa of CARAEMIT, lately slaine by the Persian prince, and withall honoured him with the title of the Bassa of the Court: so that hauing finished his three yeares office of CARAEMIT, he was then to goe and sit among the soueraigne seats of the Bassaes of the Porta. The Bassa seeing so faire and so high a way for him to mount to those high honours (greater than which there is none in the Turkish empire) [ K] readily accepted the offer, and dispatching his lieutenant for CARAEMIT to the gouernment of those countries in his absence, with an hundred of his owne followers; setled himselfe in the said fort with a garrison of twelue thousand souldiors,* 4.28 furnished with all necessarie prouision vntill the next Spring. The Generall hauing thus set all things in order, and carefully prouided for the safe∣tie of the fortresse, departed according to his promise, and the same morning, which was the four∣score and seuenth day after his departure from ERZIRVM, came to a place called SANCAZAN, seuen miles distant from TAVRIS.

The Turkes were now vpon the point of their encamping in a confused disorder and hurly-burly, when those that were hindermost in the armie heard the neighing of horses, and the noise of drums and trumpets, as if it had beene the comming of an armie. Which when the whole [ L] campe vnderstood, they ran all headlong, and disordered as they were to the rescue, on that side where the noise of the horses and warlike instruments was heard. But whilest the Turkes were thus intentiuely busied on that side to expect the comming of the enemie, the Persian prince without any signe or token of battell, with eight and twentie thousand horsemen was readie vp∣on them on the other side: who hauing discouered the cammels and other carriages whereupon their booties, their spoiles, and their riches were laden, which they had taken in TAVRIS, beside much of their prouision for victuals for the sustenance of the armie, he turned vpon them, and with a prouident and safe conuoy had taken for a prey eighteene thousand of the cammels and mules, well loden with the same booties and victuals; which the prince sent presently away with six thousand of his souldiors, and he himselfe with his two and twentie thousand Persians [ M] entered into the Turks armie, who now to withstand his assault, had on that side also made head against him. A gallant thing it was, and terrible withall, to see what a mortall battell was made, what singular prowesse shewed euen presently in the forefront of the battell;* 4.29 for in a moment you might haue seene the tents and pauillions turned vpside downe, and their encamping lodgings

[ A] replenished with dead carkasses and bloud, victorious death raunging and raigning in euery cor∣ner. The Turkes themselues were astonished and maruelled to see their enemies (so few in num∣ber, and intermingled among so populous an armie of warlike people) more like fatall ministers of death, than mortall men, to brandish their swords ouer them, as if it had lightened, and to make so generall a slaughter; and doe to this day with great admiration recount the valour and prowesse of the Persians. But they all now doubting least the enemie in this furie should forci∣bly haue entered the very lodgings of the sicke Visier, it was commaunded not by himselfe (for he lay now at the last gaspe) but by him who at that time commaunded in his name, That with∣out delay the artillerie should be vnbarred, and discharged: which in that medley and confusion of both armies, without any exception or distinction of persons, ouerthrew both friends and [ B] foes, and did perhaps more harme among the Turkes themselues than among the Persians: for at the first thundering noise thereof the prince with all speed retired, after whom presently fol∣lowed all the rest; so that the Turkes which remained behind were more annoyed with the deadly shot than were the Persians, who flying away could not feele the dammage, but that the Turkes must first be well payed for their labour. The Turkes pursuing the flying Persians, made shew as if they would gladly haue ouertaken them:* 4.30 but night comming on, they feared to pro∣ceed any further than they might without danger returne. In this battell of SANCAZAN were slaine twentie thousand Turks, without any notable losse of the Persians.

Among the rest in the same place died the Visier Osman,* 4.31 Generall of the late dreadfull but now desolate armie; not by the hand of the enemie, but consumed by the vehemencie of an ague and [ C] a flux of bloud. Whose death notwithstanding was kept secret from the whole army, euery man verily thinking, that it was but onely the continuance of his sicknesse, because the chariots wher∣in he lay were still kept close: and in his name Cicala Bassa (for so he had appointed in his will) gaue out answeres and commaundements to the whole armie. Neuerthelesse it was disclosed to the Persians, by meanes of three young men, who in the life of Osman hauing charge of his jew∣els and treasure, were with the best thereof and the fairest of his horses fled to the Persian king, to whom they reuealed the death of the Generall. The Persians who before had thought it not possible for so great cowardise, and dishonourable kind of fighting and ordering of an armie to haue proceeded from the vertue and valour of Osman, of whose worth they had too manifest a triall and experience in times past; now vnderstanding of his death, were thereby encouraged to [ D] attempt the vtter ouerthrow of the Turkish remnant, and so to giue them an honourable fare∣well. Whereupon the Persian prince with foureteene thousand men followed the Turkes, who had now raised their campe, and were remooued to a certaine riuer of salt water, not farre from SANCAZAN; where the prince caused a few tents to be pitched, about foure or fiue miles distant from the Turkish campe, the aforesaid brooke running in the middest betweene the two armies. Now the prince had purposed to haue assailed the Turkes in the morning, whiles they were loa∣ding their carriages, hoping in that confusion to haue wrought them some notable mischiefe: which his designement was reuealed vnto the Turks by one of his spies whom they had caught. And therefore they did neither rise so early in the morning as their manner was, nor load their stuffe vntill such time as they were all armed, and on horsebacke readie to receiue their enemies. [ E] By which their warie and vnusuall manner of rising, the Persians perceiued that their purpose was by some meanes discouered. And yet considering that if they should loose this occasion, they should find no other good oportunitie to annoy them before the next Spring, they vtterly resol∣ued to aduenture the assault: and hauing obserued that the enemies artillerie was on the right side of the armie, they in the sight of euery man began to enter on the left. But the Turkes pre∣sently so vncouered and vnbarred their artillerie against the assailants, as was to their great losse and danger. Howbeit they were so nimble and so quicke to shrowd themselues vnder the ene∣mies armie, and to auoid the mischieuous tempest, that being come now very neere the Turkes squadrons, they must needs joyne battell with them. The Persians had purposed before as soone as they saw the Turkes begin to stirre, to retire, and so to draw them on into a very filthie and [ F] deepe marish; which being then drie, was not feared or doubted of any, but onely by those that were acquainted withall, or borne thereabouts. Which their policie the rebell Maxut Chan, and with him Daut Chan (as being well acquainted with those places) perceiuing, gaue notice thereof to Cicala Bassa: who presently caused a great compassing wing to be made, commaunding them to set vpon the Persians, and to charge them home: which was forthwith put in execution, so

that their forefront opened it selfe with very large and spacious cornets vpon the prince: who no [ G] sooner saw this their vnwonted order of comming on, but by and by he perceiued that his pur∣pose was discouered. And thereupon without any stay he began to retire, calling his people after him: which could not so readily be done, but that three thousand of them remained behind, all miserably stifled, ouertroden in the mire, with very little losse to the Turkes: and this onely bat∣tell of fiue that were fought vnder TAVRIS and in those quarters, was lesse hurtfull to the Turks than to the Persians.

The prince returned to the king his fathers campe, recounting vnto him the whole action, together with the departure of the enemie. And so the Turkes came to SALMAS, where the death of the Generall was published: from SALMAS they went afterwards to VAN, where they tooke a suruey of their armie, and found wanting therein about fourescore and fiue thousand per∣sons, [ H] or as some say more.* 4.32 At VAN all the souldiors were dismissed: and Cicala from thence gaue notice to Amurath at CONSTANTINOPLE of all that had happened. Where first was publi∣shed the death of Osman the Generall; for whom were made many signes of great sorrow: and together with his death were blazed the bloudie and mortall actions that were in that expediti∣on performed: so that the whole citie seemed to be greatly discomforted, and in many places were heard much secret railing vpon the king, many curses of this warre, and insolent maledicti∣ons of these manifold mischiefes. After that, was dispersed the great fame of the new fortresse ere∣cted at TAVRIS, of the sacking of the citie, and of all the losse that had happened therein: and a generall edict published in the kings name, That through all the cities of his empire they should make solemne feasts, with other expresse tokens of joy and rejoycing: which was accordingly [ I] done both in CONSTANTINOPLE and other places. There was also word sent to the embas∣sadours of HVNGARIE, of FRANCE, of VENICE, and of other countries, that they should doe the like: but they all with one accord answered, That it was neuer the custome of embassadours to make any such signe of rejoysing, but onely when the king himselfe in person returned from the like victories.

In the meane time consultation was held at VAN for the sending of succours to TEFLIS in GEORGIA: vnto which important seruice, Daut Chan to deserue some reward at Amuraths hand, offered himselfe: vnto whom Cicala Bassa deliuered thirtie thousand Cecchini to be con∣ueyed to the fort at TEFLIS. Which piece of seruice the renegate performed, and without trouble relieued the souldiors in the fort: which was so well accepted of Amurath, that he for the [ K] same good seruice honoured him with the dignitie of the Bassa of MARAS. Maxut Chan also the other Persian rebell, that guided the Turkish armie to Reiuan, and afterwards to TAVRIS, was in like manner by the same Amurath honoured with the great rich office of the Bassa of ALEPPO.

* 4.33The miseries the Turkish armie endured in this expedition for TAVRIS, beside the losses be∣fore rehearsed, were wonderfull: for as the Sanzacke of AMAN, a citie of SORIA (called in anti∣ent time APAMEA) present in all this action, reporteth in a letter which he wrote to Ali Bassa of ALEPPO, there was such a dearth in the Turks armie, that they were enforced to giue their cam∣mels bisket and rice, and when that failed, they gaue them their pack-saddles to eat, and after that pieces of wood beaten into pouder, and at last the very earth: which dearth endured vntill they [ L] arriued at VAN. And at TAVRIS whiles the fortresse was in building, they were of necessitie constrained to giue their horses their dung in very drie pouder. By reason whereof there follow∣ed a grieuous mortalitie of horses, cammels, mules, and men, and the stinke which grew of this mortalitie became so great, that euery man was faine to carie a piece of a strong smelling oynion still vnder his nose, to auoid the heauinesse thereof.

The fort so lately built in the royall citie of TAVRIS exceedingly grieued the Persians in ge∣nerall, but especially the king and the prince his sonne: to let it alone, they reckoned it too great a shame, and how to demolish it they well knew not, finding themselues not onely destitute of ar∣tillerie, but also of such sufficient strength as was requisit for the performance of so great an en∣terprise: yet prickt on with desire of glorie and the necessitie of the cause, they determined euen [ M] in the sharpenesse of Winter to gather new forces, and with trenches of earth to approch the ditch, and to trie if they could aduance a countermure as high as their wals, and so to attaine to the conquest thereof. But in the gathering of their men they discouered new difficulties; for, to hire any souldiors either from HERI or GHEILAN, was denied them by Abas and Amet Chan:

[ A] and the Turcoman nation, which might haue been the readiest and the neerest at such a need, for the late death of Emir Chan, and for the succession of Aliculi, were growne verie contumati∣ous: so that neither the king, nor the prince, nor the presidents and gouernours of the kingdome, could tell which way to turne themselues. At last for the common safetie they determined to draw the Turcomans to a reconciliation; hoping that by promising them any honest satisfaction for the wrong wherwith they challenged themselues grieued for the death of their captaine▪ they would become more tractable to doe them seruice in their common necessities. Whereupon the king sent kind letters to the heads and captaines of those nations, and principally to Mahamet Chan, and to Calife the Sultan, declaring plainly vnto them the perill of his state, and of the li∣bertie of the whole kingdome, with the confidence he had in their valour: and that therfore for∣getting [ B] all that was past, as done not in shame or scorne of their nation, but onely for zeale and loue to the kingdome, they would demaund such satisfaction as they desired, and that he would be readie to agree to any just request they should make. To which letters they readily answered, That they would come vnto him, to put in execution whatsoeuer he should for the common necessitie or the honour of his State commaund. Now they had craftily among themselues al∣readie concluded, not to suffer any other to sit in the roume of Emir Chan their late Gouernour, but onely young Tamas the kings third sonne. Which conclusion they had plotted to them∣selues, with a resolution in the end to cause him to be accepted for king at CASBIN, in despight of the king himselfe and of the prince Hamze: nothing regarding, that by this action farre grea∣ter troubles would arise in PERSIA than euer were yet heard of, but onely being wholy bent to [ C] reuenge the death of one onely Emir Chan.* 4.34 With this malitious and fraudulent resolution, they to the number of ten thousand (vnder the conduct of two captaines, Mahamet and Calife) went to the king, in all reuerence offering themselues with all readinesse to be imploied in the enter∣prise whereunto they were called. The old credulous king, not suspecting any mischiefe plotted by these secret rebels, was greatly comforted at their comming: and although by some of his Sultans that had felt some inkling of this conspiracie, he was aduised to deale circumspectly and warily with them, and not commit any matter of importance to their trust, yet did he thinke euerie houre a thousand vntill he had offered them satisfaction: promising them, that what cap∣taine soeuer they would desire in the roume of Emir Chan, if it were possible they should haue him. Whereunto the dissembling Mahamet Chan made answere, That their desire aboue all [ D] things, was to doe him pleasure and seruice; not doubting but he would appoint them such a chieftaine▪ as should be valorous, noble, and acceptable vnto them. The king could stay no longer, but frankly declared vnto them, That to assure them of his good will, and to giue them an hostage in pawne thereof, he had made choise of young Tamas his sonne to succeed in the roume of Emir Chan their late Gouernour. As soone as Mahamet Chan heard this resolution of the king; who beside all expectation voluntarily of himselfe yeelded them the meanes to put in execution, what they had malitiously before contriued against the peace and libertie of the kingdome: he became more jocund than he was wont to be, and outwardly shewed himselfe rea∣die for whatsoeuer the king would command him: and in the names of the rest yeelded also large promises of fidelitie and obedience, so that the matter might be performed for which he had now [ E] giuen his word.

The king, who desired nothing more than to see the fort of TAVRIS rased (which could hardly be done without the helpe of those Turcomans) contrarie to the aduise of the wisest of the Sultans, and of the prince, secretly and as it were by stealth gaue his young sonne Tamas into the hands of Mahamet, as chiefe of all the Turcomans. Who to nourish the good opinion and credulitie of the king, and to secure the prince and the Sultans, gaue a lustie beginning by the helpe of his followers, with trenches and rampiers to approach the fort. Neither was there any great time spent therein; for they had now almost made their trenches and mounts euen with the enemies wall, and the ditch it selfe was almost filled vp with earth, so that there wanted but little more labour to begin the desired assault: when contrarie to all mens expectation, the false [ F] and wicked traitour Mahamet Chan with all his Turcomans,* 4.35 leading away with them the child Tamas, departed in the night time and vpon a sudden, from so noble and honourable an enter∣prise. And blinded with desire to put in execution his ill hatched purpose, couertly and without any noise remoued from the besieged wals, and put himselfe on his way towards CASBIN: still tearming Tamas by the name of the king of PERSIA, and sundrie waies abusing and mocking

the poore old king and the prince. This so sudden and so dangerous a rebellion, whereby not [ G] onely so honourable and so necessarie an enterprise was to be abandoned, but the whole state of the kingdome like to be endangered, exceedingly grieued all good men, but most of all the old king and the prince his sonne: who no lesse carefull of his rightfull succession, than was the aged king of his present estate, both now hazarded by this rebellion; wholly incensed with griefe and anguish of mind, began to cast a thousand deuises in his troubled head, what course to take, and what to resolue vpon. To abandon the siege it grieued him aboue measure, and to suffer so pernitious a rebellion to go forward, seemed too dangerous for the state of PERSIA: and to pro∣uide for both these mischiefes at once, was altogither impossible. In these huge waues of con∣trarie thoughts, he resolued at last to turne himselfe against the Turcomans, and to suppresse that rebellion as most dangerous to the State. And so with twelue thousand souldiors, and a [ H] part also of the kings ordinarie guard, all couragious and hardie men, he followed after the re∣bellious Turcomans; and marching directly toward CASBIN, he ouertooke them at a place called CALISTEZA, a daies journey on this side CASBIN, and there joyned battell with them. Wherein many of them being sorie for that they had done, would not so much as draw their swords against the prince: many others fled also away for feare, so that he easily obtained a wi∣shed victorie ouer them.* 4.36 The seditious Mahamet Chan was taken prisoner, and by the princes commaundement presently beheaded: so was also Calife the Sultan, and diuers other captaines of this pestilent conspiracie. Young Tamas was also taken, and by the direction of the prince sent to the castle of CAHACA. Fiue thousand Turcomans of the late followers of the rebell Maha∣met, fled out of the battell towards BABYLON by the way of SIRAS, and yeelded themselues to [ I] Solyman Bassa of that citie; who afterwards repenting themselues of their folly, sought to returne againe into the fauour of their king, but all in vaine: so that being become rebels to the one, and suspected to the other, they did at one time loose their countrey, their libertie, their honour, and the fauour of all men as well friends as foes. The prince after this victorie held on his way to CASBIN, and there staying, laboured to gather the dispersed Turcomans, especially those that moued with the honestie of the cause, would not beare armes in so vnjust an action; intending afterwards to returne to TAVRIS, to attend the besieging and conquest of the fort. This was the end of this dangerous rebellion, the chiefe cause that TAVRIS was not againe recouered out of the hands of the Turks, to the great weakning of the Persian kingdome.

* 4.37Now Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa Gouernour of the castle of TAVRIS, fearing least the Persian [ K] prince would with a greater armie againe returne to the siege: perceiuing himselfe to wax euerie day weaker and weaker, by reason that many of his men secretly fled from him, beside them that perished with sicknesse, and others slaine in aduenturing too boldly to go abroad to seeke for vi∣ctuals; sent aduertisement thereof to Cicala Bassa at VAN, signifying farther vnto him by writing, That if the prince should againe returne to assault the fort, he should of necessitie be enforced to yeeld it: and that therefore as he tendered the honour of his Sultan, he would be carefull to send him succour, whereby he might be able to maintaine the fort: adding moreouer, That now it was most easily to be done, because there was no forces of the enemies in those quarters, sa∣uing onely a few which remained about the king, lying twelue miles off from TAVRIS. Cicala moued with the importance of the enterprise propounded, and withall desirous to gaine some [ L] credit of glorie and renowme with his king, entertained the aduises of Giaffer, and getting him to horse with a traine of three thousand harquebusiers and good store of munition, set forward toward TAVRIS. The Persian king aduertised thereof, sent out spies to learne what way they held, meaning to meet them and to set vpon them: but these spies comming neere to SALMAS were apprehended by the forerunners of Cicala, and being put to torture, reuealed at last how that their king was in armes, and on his way towards SANCAZAN. At which newes Cicala was greatly astonied, as well for the danger whereinto the forces and munition which he had with him were likely to fall, as also for that by any losse which his troupes should sustaine in this expe∣dition, the citie of VAN (being indeed the greatest and most noble frontier towne in all those countries) must needs be in hazard to be lost, hauing left in it but his lieutenant with a verie few [ M] souldiors. Whereupon he determined to relinquish this dangerous enterprise, and to with∣draw himselfe backe to the defence and preseruation of the citie committed to his trust and go∣uernment. But although these expected and desired succours were not conuaied to TAVRIS as was intended, yet had Giaffer as good fortune as he could wish: for the preparations of the

[ A] prince were so long and so troublesome, and his returne so much prolonged, that there was time enough yeelded vnto the Turkes great Generall now newly chosen (as by and by shall be de∣cla••ed) to go with a strong armie into those quarters; and so to preserue all that which the only expedition and celeritie of the enemie might haue put in great hazard, and almost haue brought to a desperat case.

In the meane time, Amurath the Turkish emperour was greatly troubled at CONSTANTI∣NOPLE in making choise of a new Generall: on the one side Osman Bassa hauing by his last will left Sinan Cicala to be his successour, as a man of approued valour; and the many dangers he had run through in the late seruice about TAVRIS, with the great fauours he had in the Court, did not a little encline the king to his election: on the other side, he heard of a publike rumour spread [ B] amongst the souldiors, that they could by no meanes endure to be commaunded by so young a captaine, and that some in plaine tearmes should say, That they would not obay him: which caused Amurath to doubt, that some dangerous discord might thereof ensue in the armie, if he should proceed to make choise of him. Then there was also Ferat Bassa, the same man which had alreadie sustained that charge before Osman; who now verie ambitiously sought againe for this honour, hauing of late performed some good seruice to the good liking of the king. Of any other to make better choise he had none, so that he stood in great doubt what to doe. In the end, because he was in good time to prouide for his affaires, he made choise of Ferat Bassa, the same man whom he had before made proofe of: a man of great fidelitie, of an honourable carri∣age, and alreadie experienced in the leading and commaunding of such an armie, to whom hee [ C] granted the ordinarie authoritie, to mannage at his pleasure such affaires of the empire as concer∣ned his journey. Vpon this resolution generall precepts were sent out to all cities within the kingdome, to the Bassaes and other Gouernours with speciall commaundement, That all their souldiors, togither with their taxes, tenths, munitions, victuals, armour, artificers, and to bee short, all their necessarie furniture and prouision should be readie and in order, vpon the first war∣ning should be sent them the next Spring.* 4.38 Great prouision of money was made, and in SORIA (besides the ordinarie summe that is bestowed vpon the yearly pay of souldiors in REIVAN, ERZIRVM, LORI, TOMANIS, TEFLIS and CHARS, which swallow vp all the reuenue of that countrey, and of the citie of TRIPOLI, amounting to the summe of six hundred thousand duckats) there was taken vp in prest of priuat merchants in the citie of ALEPPO only, the summe [ D] of threescore thousand Cecchini, to be repaied vnto them with the first monies that should be re∣ceiued by the officers of his custome houses. A matter that moued an extraordinarie grudging among the people, for that it seemed to euerie man a verie strange and intollerable exaction, be∣side so many grieuances laid vpon them, for corne, for carriages, for pioners, and for workmen, to endure this burthen also of lending their money without hope of restitution thereof: yea and in deed euerie man did greatly wonder how they were thus ill aduised, to make it knowne to the Christian princes what scarcitie and want of money they had. The Generall had also with him foure hundred pieces of artillerie, and did beside so worke the matter, as that Maxut Chan (who was appointed Bassa of ALEPPO) was granted vnto him to be the guide of his armie, as hee had been of Osmans; and that Cicala Bassa of VAN (scarce his good friend) was remoued from [ E] thence, and sent farther off out of his way as Bassa to BABYLON.

And thus hauing put all things in readinesse,* 4.39 he departed from CONSTANTINOPLE in the moneth of Aprill,* 4.40 in the yeare 1586; and passing ouer the strait into ASIA, came to SIVAS something later than he should haue done, being hindred partly by the plague which then raged exceedingly in CONSTANTINOPLE, and partly by other occasions incident to such actions. At SIVAS he staied so long for the comming togither of his armie, and in mustering men, that it was the latter end of Iuly before he departed thence; staying in deed the longer at SIVAS, by reason of the exceeding dearth and want of victuals at ERZIRVM: which dearth was also so great in ALEPPO, that a VENICE bushell of wheat was sold for twelue Cecchini.

Ferat yet making his aboad at SIVAS, but readie to depart, was aduertised by certaine postes [ F] sent from Giaffer the Bassa of TAVRIS, how that the Persian prince was hourely expected with a great armie, and that if he did foreslow to send succours, and to preuent the comming of the prince, and so to giue him time and leisure to assault the castle, he doubted greatly how he should be able to hold the same. Vpon which aduertisement Ferat presently remoued, and so hasted his journey, that about the beginning of August he was at ERZIRVM: and still hearing more and

more of the princes comming, stayed not there, but hasted to VAN: where hauing gathered to∣gether [ G] all his souldiors, and taken a new suruey of his armie, he departed thence; and being pre∣sently come into the open and large champaines, to make proofe of the readinesse of his souldi∣ors, he marshalled them in such sort as if he should forthwith haue joined battell with the enemie, and so in seemely order marched on.

The Turkish Generall continually feared least the Persians should come vpon him with some sudden assault: besides that, the constant report of the princes comming to TAVRIS with his armie, much encreased his troubled thoughts. But on the other side, he reposed great confi∣dence in the conspiracie that was now plotted against the life of the prince, with the priuitie of Aliculi Chan the protectour and champion of Abas Mirize of HERI: who vnder colour of accompanying the prince to assist his forces, had resolutely concluded with himselfe, and abso∣lutely [ H] promised Abas (hauing also giuen intelligence thereof to the Turkish Generall) to rid the prince Hamze of his life; or at least (which he thought might more easily be brought to passe) in the sundrie reuolutions and variable chances of the battell at some time or other to make him fall into the hands of Ferat, and so to settle his lord and master Abas in his estate. Vpon these treacheries Ferat grounding himselfe, began with greater confidence to dispose his designments, and somewhat lesse to feare the fame of the huge preparations of PERSIA against him. Which preparations in truth as by most wicked deuices and malicious conspiracies they were turned quite contrarie from that end whereunto the prince Hamze had continually appointed them: so if they had beene employed with such faith and fidelitie as so righteous a cause required, without all doubt the writers of our time should haue had matter ynough in this fourscore and sixt yeare [ I] to shew and represent vnto the world such accidents as should be nothing inferior to those of the yeare before going. But for as much as rebellion and discord, the two infernall ministers of the di∣uell, haue for the vtter vndoing and ouerthrow of the glorie of PERSIA continually fauoured the Turkes armies,* 4.41 no maruell it is that the Persian nation cannot vaunt of any reuenge taken for the indignities offered them by their enemies; and that our writers cannot chuse but write of the true and vndoubted victories of the Turkes, and the bare shaddowes of the Persian exploits; which notwithstanding many Christians vainly beleeue, because they most earnestly desire them to be true, although they doe see to the contrarie the manifest prospering and euident conquests which the Turkes haue in diuers their states and countries.

The Persian prince about the latter end of Iuly arriued at TAVRIS with the greatest part of [ K] his armie, where he (contrarie to the opinion of all men) stayed not, for what cause is vncertaine. But vnderstanding that Zeinel Bassa of SALMAS, by nation a Curdo, lay encamped before the ci∣tie, who of a Persian was become a Turke, and had done great harme against the state of PER∣SIA; he determined suddenly to set vpon him, and to chastise him for his rebellion. According to which resolution, being accompanied with twelue thousand souldiors, he rode to SALMAS, where finding Zeinell with all his people encamped as he had beene before enformed, he gaue him the assault. Zeinell more readie to flie than to fight, and his souldiors as readie as he, fled pre∣sently, and fell before the Persians, so that the Bassa himselfe with a few others had much adoe to escape and saue themselues in the closest corners thereabouts, leauing the citie committed to his charge, for a prey vnto the angrie enemie: who entering into the same, sacked and spoyled it, ex∣ercising [ L] thereon all such cruelties, as partly the naturall desires of souldiors vse to practise, and partly such as the Turkes themselues shewed vpon them in that miserable and most lamentable sacking of TAVRIS the last yeare. The like spoyles did the Persian armie in all those quarters round about, and so would haue peraduenture returned to TAVRIS, but that certaine spies arri∣ued vpon them, with aduertisement, That the Bassa of REIVAN being issued out of his fortresse with fifteene hundred harquebusiers, had committed the like outrages in the villages and fields thereabouts, as the prince had done about SALMAS. With which newes the prince was greatly mooued; and immediatly rising with his armie, and marching towards REIVAN, not farre from the citie encountered the Bassa: who discouering the enemies forces afarre off, began in great dis∣order to flie and retire into his fort, leauing the greatest part of his souldiors (making not so much [ M] speed in flight as himselfe) to the furie of the prince, who put them all to the sword, and did what harme he possibly could in all the places thereabouts.

At the very same time great troubles arose in the Drusian countrey for Man-ogli the valiant Drusian (of whom we haue before spoken) in reuenge of the injuries done vnto him and his peo∣ple

[ A] by Ebrain Bassa, and by a violent kind of restitution to recompence himselfe of all those bribes and presents which by so many shifts and subtilties were by the couetous Bassa wrung from him (as is before declared) had now taken vp armes, and hauing wasted and sacked all the territorie of Ebne-mansur and of his other enemies who had yeelded their obedience vnto the Turkes, without let forced all that countrey with sudden inuasions and inrodes, euen very neere vnto the cities of BALBECKE and TRIPOLI, and did there exceeding harme. For redresse whereof, Amurath was glad to dispatch away from the Court Ali Bassa borne at ALEPPO, with the title of the Bassa of DAMASCO, and with authoritie to muster fresh souldiors, and so wholly to attend the vtter subuersion of Man-ogli. But comming thither, he found all againe quiet, so that his presence in that countrey serued rather for a reconciliation and peace making amongst [ B] them, than for the prosecuting of any further warre; which at that time was most necessarie for the Turkes to be auoided, as well for want of money in the common treasurie, as for the excee∣ding scarcitie of victuals.

Now the Persian prince hauing made an end of the outrodes and spoyles before mentioned, retired himselfe to TAVRIS, and so towards his fathers campe, where the rest of his armie was now arriued, to the number of about fortie thousand: of whom the prince dispatched away the souldiors of HERI to the number of eight thousand, vnder the conduct of the traiterous Aliculi Chan their Generall; and part also of the Turcomans, vnder the leading of Emanguli Chan; with speciall charge, That they should by the way in places of most aduantage meet and receiue the enemies armie, and in those narrow and troublesome passages to doe them what mischiefe they [ C] possibly could. Which the prince thus appointed, thinking by this meanes to weaken the ene∣mies forces, and so at their arriuall at TAVRIS to come vpon them with all his power, and so vt∣terly to destroy them.

Both these captaines departed accordingly,* 4.42 making shew that they would with all affection accomplish the commaundement of their prince: yet neuer was there heard any seruice of mo∣ment put in execution by them: For Aliculi full of treason, after their departure began to alleage many forced reasons and excuses, Why they should surcease from meeting with the Turks: and Emanguli as yet vtterly ignorant of the wicked purposes and mischieuous treacherie of Aliculi, suffered himselfe to be misse-led by him also. By the delayes and negligence of these two Persian captaines, the Turkish Generall tooke leisure without any losse or hinderance at all to arriue at [ D] TAVRIS,* 4.43 and to put the desired succours into the fort: at what time the Persian prince by good hap had got knowledge of the treacherie of Aliculi, and of the designements which many of the Sultans had lately contriued, for the betraying of him aliue into the hands of the Turkish Gene∣rall. Of which suspition he being greatly afraid, durst not onely not trust himselfe to performe those battels that he had before determined to haue performed; but quite abandoning this noble and honourable enterprise, wholly employed all his care and studie for the safetie of his own per∣son, and so left the triumph of the matter in the power of the Turkes. And thus those great hopes and expectations which the Persians had conceiued of great exploits to haue beene done against the enemie, did not onely prooue vaine and come to no good issue, but contrariwise by this discouerie were conuerted into most strange disturbances, and all PERSIA thereby endured [ E] sundrie alterations and reuolutions of most important consequences. For both Aliculi Chan and his complices were pursued by the prince, as rebels and traitours: and also Abas Mirize of HERI was manifestly discouered for a wicked and treacherous contriuer of his brothers death: whereby the common mischiefes were encreased more than euer they were before, and the pub∣licke calamities yeelded greater hopes vnto the Turkes than they had euer before conceiued in all the course of these warres.

When Ferat had thus relieued them in the castle of TAVRIS, leauing for the custodie ther∣of Giaffer the Bassa with his former companies, he returned towards ERZIRVM: hauing first caused a fort to be erected at CVRCHIVE TAVRIS, a place neere vnto TAVRIS, another at COY, and the third at CVM: in euery one of which forts he left a conuenient number of soul∣diors, [ F] with all things necessarie and sufficient for their maintenance, and defence of the places they were to keepe. He sent also succours to the fort at TE••LIS in GEORGIA, which they had long expected, and now most joyfully receiued. But the Persian prince hauing hunted Aliculi Chan out of the quarters of TAVRIS, thought himselfe now wholly deliuered from the great feare of treason and rebellion, wherein he of late liued: and therfore in as great hast as he could, put him∣selfe

on his journey towards GENGE: in which place hauing gathered together a good num∣ber [ G] of souldiors, he determined to remoue thence, to intercept the succours that were by the Turkes to be brought to TEFLIS. Now he had alwayes found Emanguli Chan to be both faith∣full and wise, and in him he reposed an assured confidence for performing any enterprise that he had in hand, and communicated with him euery deuice that he had conceiued in these wars. And therefore he made head and joyned with him; and lodging most familiarly in his citie, he stayed there for the setting in order and disposing of his foresaid designement, being very desirous not to let such an oportunitie to ouerslip, without signification vnto the world of some notable no∣ueltie, which might be correspondent to the fame that of matters passed and performed the yeare before, was now spread and published abroad ouer all the world. But when he was euen at the very fairest to haue put this his desire in execution, and least of all feared any treacherie or trea∣son, [ H] vpon a sudden in the night time as he slept vpon a pallet he was miserably strucken through the bodie,* 4.44 by an Eunuch of his that attended vpon him: and so the most resplendent and bright lustre that euer shined in PERSIA, was vtterly extinguished. What was the occasion thereof, and who procured his death, diuers and sundrie are the opinions of men. Some thinke, that his bro∣ther Abas Mirize of HERI, who had before conspired to haue had him betrayed into the hands of the Turkish Generall, had now by force of money and gifts enduced the wicked Eu∣nuch thereunto. Others deemed it not to haue beene done without the priuitie of his father, as more desirous to preferre Abas Mirize his other sonne vnto the kingdome. Diuers others doe diuersly reason of the matter; so that to affirme of a certainetie, that thus or thus the death of so worthie a prince was procured, were great rashnesse: and therefore we leaue it, with the fur∣ther [ I] processe of the Persian state, vnto the further discouerie of Time, the auntient mother of truth.

Notwithstanding the league betwixt the Christian emperour Rodolph the second and Amu∣rath the Great Turke, many sharpe skirmishes oftentimes fell out betwixt the Christians and the Turkes vpon the frontiers of their territories and dominions, especially in HVNGARIE, CRO∣ATIA, and STIRIA: as now in the latter end of this yeare 1586 in the month of December, the Turkes after their insolent manner making an inrode into the borders of CROATIA, receiued a notable ouerthrow by the Christians, being in number much fewer: where amongst others the Bassa of BOSNA with his brother was slaine; whose head with certaine prisoners was sent to VIENNA to Ernestus Archduke of AVSTRIA, the emperours brother. This Bassa of BOSNA [ K] and his brother, slaine in this conflict (as we haue said) are reported to haue beene the sonnes of Muhamet the late great Visier, by one of the daughters of Selymus the second, Amurath his sister. For diuers yeares following Amurath did no great matter worth the remembrance, contenting himselfe (as it should seeme) with that he had alreadie got from the Persians: and holding his league in some reasonable sort with the Christians: yet not so, but that many a bloudie broile tending at last euen to the breach of the league passed betwixt the Turkes and the Christians, which for the continuation of the historie we will briefely set downe, as they are vnto vs by the writers of our time reported.

* 4.45In Februarie the yeare following, which was the yeare 1587, the Christians prouoked by the often outrages of the Turkes,* 4.46 setting vpon the castle of KOPPAN, not farre from the lake of BA∣LATON, [ L] being then frozen, by good fortune surprised it. There was at that time in the castle three of the Turkes Sanzackes, and about a thousand Turkes, of whom an hundred and ninetie of the better sort, with seuentie women, besides diuers of the meaner sort, fell into the hands of the Christians; the rest sauing themselues by flight, or by creeping into secret corners. An hundred horses for seruice were there taken also, and so much bootie as was esteemed to be worth fortie thousand duckats. Of the three Sanzackes that were there present, Alis Sanzacke of KOPPAN was taken, and brought first to VIENNA, and afterward presented to the emperour: Another of them standing vpon his defence in a vault vnder ground, was there smothered: The third esca∣ped by flight, but was afterwards the same yeare taken, with diuers others, as shall be forthwith declared. [ M]

The eight of August following, foure of the Turks great commaunders in HVNGARIE, viz. the Bassa of ZIGET, the Sanzackes of MOHAS, of QVINQVE ECCLESIae, and the new San∣zacke of KOPPAN, with fiue thousand souldiors brake into the borders of the Christians, and in most cruell manner destroied seuenteen countrey villages about LIMBACH: carrying away with

[ A] them all the miserable countrey people, with the spoile of the countrey. Whereof George Countie Serinus (sonne to that most valiant Countie Nicholas Serinus slaine at ZIGET) com∣maunder of the garrison of CANISIA vnderstanding, with as much speed as was possible raised such forces as he was able out of his territorie betwixt the riuers of Drau••s and Mura: and cal∣ling vnto his aid the Countie Nadasti▪ the Lo. Bathianius, and some other valiant captaines that had the charge of those frontiers, with such diligence tooke the straits and passages whereby the Turkes must needs returne amongst the marishes, that the Turkes comming backe againe that way with a verie rich prey and many prisoners, being in the breake of the day hardly charged by those most expert and resolute souldiors, in those straight and troublesome passages about a mile from CANISIA, were at length discomfited and put to flight; with such a miserable slaughter, [ B] that many of them yeelded vp their scimitars, pitifully crying for mercie; othersome fled backe into the woods and forrests, and many running headlong into the marishes there perished, or sticking fast in the deepe mud, cried togither for mercie and helpe of their enemies. In this con∣flict Muhamet the Sanzacke of QVINQVE ECCLESIae (sonne to Hali Bassa slaine in the bat∣tell of LEPANTO) was taken prisoner. Sinan Beg Sanzacke of MOHAS, thinking to escape tho∣row the marish, stucke fast with his horse, and was shot through the head with a small shot, and there died. The Bassa of ZIGET with Chasan the new Sanzacke of KOPPAN, seeing all despe∣rat and lost, fled betimes out of the battell: but he of KOPPAN, wandring vp and downe in the woods, was the next night after the battell, with others taken: the Bassa of ZIGET almost spent with hunger and griefe of mind, escaped on foot seauen daies after to BRESENZA. There were [ C] taken of the Turkes a thousand three hundred, of whom manie died afterwards of their wounds. In this battell there was slaine of the Turks, with them that perished in the marishes and woods, about two thousand: and of the Turkes horses were taken aboue fifteene hundred. All the prey before taken by the Turkes with the miserable captiues, was againe recouered. The number of them that performed this notable seruice, was in all but fifteene hundred foot and fiue hundred horse: of whom there was but eleuen slaine, but most of the rest wounded. Foure hundred heads of the slaine Turkes were (after the manner of those bordering souldiors) carried for shew to CANISIA, with fiue hundred prisoners. The Christian souldiors with the helpe of the coun∣trey people, ceased not for certaine daies to hunt after the Turkes that were fled into the woods, as after wild beasts; of whom they found a great number: diuers others also seeing no means to [ D] escape, came forth of their lurking places and yeelded themselues.

Amurath vnderstanding of all these troubles that had so happened,* 4.47 commaunded Aly the Bassa of BVDA to be strangled, for that he had broken the league, and not restrained the inso∣lencie of his Sanzackes, whom he might haue commaunded: And in his stead placed Sinan Bassa, whom before in disgrace, he had now at the request of his wife againe receiued into fauour and restored to his former dignitie. About this time also, Sigismund (the king of SVVEDEN his sonne) now after the death of king Stephen chosen king of POLONIA, and Maximilian the em∣perours brother rejected: euen in the beginning of his raigne sought to renew the league, which Stephen his predecessour and other the Polonian kings had before made with Amurath and his predecessours the Turkish Sultans. And to that purpose writ vnto him as followeth.

[ E]

Sigismund the third, king of Polonia; vnto Amurath the third, emperour of the Turkes, sendeth greeting.

The Almightie long keepe and preserue your maiestie in health and honour.* 5.1 Most mightie prince, our best beloued friend and neighbour, after that we by the grace and goodnesse of God were chosen to gouerne the kingdome of POLONIA, and the embassadours of that kingdome had signified so much vnto vs: we prouiding vs of necessaries, came to DANSKE the 18 day of October, from whence we send Iohn Zamogil our Secretarie to giue your maiestie to vnderstand of this our comming. For be∣ing told by the Polonian embassadours, that we were chosen vnto the gouernment of that kingdome [ F] vpon condition, That according vnto the custome of our predecessours the Polonian kings, we should keepe loue and friendship with the most excellent * 5.2 Mussulman emperours: we promise vnto your so∣ueraigne maiestie, that we are willing with the like or greater zeale and deuotion, to continue that amitie and friendship with your most excellent maiestie, and the Othoman emperours your succes∣sours. For confirmation whereof, so soone as we shall come vnto CRACOVIA, the regall citie of PO∣LONIA,

and there be crowned; we will forthwith send our great embassadour vnto your maiestie. In [ G] the meane time we most earnestly request your maiestie, that our kingdome may on your maiesties be∣halfe rest in safetie and peace: which we persuade our selues you will easily grant. So wishing vnto you all health and happinesse, we bid you farewell, from DANSKE the 18 of October, in the yeare 1587, and of our raigne the first.

Vnto which the kings request and letters, Amurath not long after returned this answere in writing.

Amurath the third, emperour of the Turkes, vnto Sigismund king of POLONIA greeting.

[ H]

* 6.1I take it well, and as a token of your loue, that your embassadour Iohn Zamogil came with your letters vnto our most high and glorious Court, the refuge of distressed princes: wherein you haue gi∣uen vs to vnderstand, how that in stead of the most excellent and famous king Stephen of worthie me∣morie late king of POLONIA; you, descended of the same noble stocke and race of the Polonian kings, are by the free election of the whole State of the famous kingdome of POLONIA, and the great king∣dome of LITHVANIA, chosen king of POLONIA: and being sent for by lawfull embassadours, by the fauour and goodnesse of God to be come vnto the citie of DANSKE, and from thence to be about to go vnto CRACOVIA the chiefe citie of the kingdome of POLONIA. And when you are there ar∣riued, to send your great embassadour vnto our most high and glorious Court, to confirme, preserue, and establish the league and amitie commodious and necessarie for both our kingdomes, honoured and [ I] kept by your auntient predecessours, with our grandfathers and great grandfathers; yea and that with greater zeale and deuotion than any your noble auncestours. And therefore your embassadour in your name requesteth, That no inuasion on our behalfe be made into the borders of the kingdome of POLO∣NIA, or any harme there done: and that the most noble Tartar prince Isbam Gerai (whom God blesse) should be warned and restrained, that he neither make nor suffer any incursion to be made into the con∣fines of the kingdome of POLONIA. All which things in your letters contained, with the rest which your embassadour hath by word of mouth deliuered, are with speed orderly by vs conceiued. Know you therefore our most stately and magnificent Court to be alwaies open vnto such as resort thereunto, and that from thence neuer man had repulse, neither shall hereafter haue: wherefore it beseemeth you, as soone as these our letters shall be brought vnto you, to open your eies, and to beware that nothing be on [ K] your part done against the maiestie of our Court, and the league; and that our peace and amitie be nei∣ther in much or little disturbed, but as best beseemeth, well and sincerely kept: and so persuade your selfe it shall on our part also be most inuiolatly obserued. Our letters are also directed vnto the most excellent Tartar prince Isbam Gerai, whom God blesse, straightly charging and commaunding him, not to make or suffer any incursion to be made into the borders of POLONIA. In briefe, the league and amitie shall on our part be religiously kept: and whosoeuer shall presume to doe any harme vnto the kingdome or confines of POLONIA, shall therfore without faile receiue from vs due punishment. So on your part also it is requisit that the same be done, and that in declaration of your loue you forget not oftentimes to intimate vnto our most high and glorious Court, such certaine occurents and newes as shall happen in those parts; which shall be vnto vs a signe of your sincere loue and friendship. So know [ L] you, and giue credit vnto this our seale from CONSTANTINOPLE.

Neither was king Sigismund vnmindfull of this his promise before made for the sending of his embassadour: but being possessed of the Polonian kingdome, sent Christopher Dziercius (his Secretarie) embassador vnto Amurath for the confirming of the league: which he hath euer since so firmely kept with the Turke, as that he could neuer by any intreatie of the emperour, or of the princes electors, or others, or in respect of the common danger, be drawne into the fellowship of this long and religious warre, so hardly maintained by the emperour, and some few other Christian princes his confederats; first against Amurath whilest he liued, and euer since against Mahomet his sonne, which now raigneth: the issue whereof, God grant it proue not as well vnto [ M] the Polonians as others farther off, in fine lamentable.

* 6.2The yeare following, Ferat (yet the Turkes Generall in PERSIA) tooke the citie of GENGE, being before for feare of the Turkes quite abandoned and forsaken by the inhabitants;* 6.3 who yet vpon his faith giuen for their safetie returned againe, yeelding to pay vnto the Turke a yearely tri∣bute

[ A] of fiue thousand duckats. But when he would haue gone farther into the enemies countrie, hauing part of his armie cut off by the way, he was by his mutinous souldiors fouly intreated, wounded, and enforced to retire. Cicala Bassa also passing ouer the riuer Euphrates, had in those quarters diuers bloudie skirmishes with the Persians, sometime carrying away the better and sometime the worse, as the fortune of the field serued. Vntill at length Amurath himselfe, no lesse wearie than his people of that long and chargeable warre, and the Persian king also encli∣ning to peace; hee by the persuasion of Sinan Bassa (but lately before receiued into fauour) was now contented to be entreated to hearken vnto the same: moued thereunto as well by reason of new troubles then in other places arising, as for the great famine and plague then raging in CON∣STANTINOPLE. And considering withall what a great territorie he had woon from the Persi∣ans, [ B] and how necessarie it was for him by peace to confirme himselfe in those his new conquests, and by the building of certaine strong forts for the succour of one another, and by the placing of his Timariots therein to assure the same vnto him: all which without peace he could not possi∣bly doe, as the old Bassa right wisely told him. For which reasons he yeelded to peace; and so embassadours passing too and fro, a peace was at length agreed vpon betwixt these two great Mahometane princes: the Turke couenanting to keepe vnto himselfe the places he had alreadie gained, namely TAVRIS, GENGE, SIRVAN, and CHARS, with all the profits thereof arising, for the maintenance of his garrisons and Timariots there. Whereof it was thought new stirres would eftsoones arise; the Turkes growne insolent of their late victories, being not able to con∣tent themselues with the conditions of the league; and the Persians not willing to liue in conti∣nuall [ C] feare of the Turkes, especially seeing themselues to be daily by them more and more op∣pressed; and withall doubting least the Turks after they had taken fast footing in those new con∣quered countries, and so growne strong, and gotten better knowledge of the passages, should (af∣ter their ambitious manner) seeke to possesse themselues of the rest; not keeping the couenants agreed vpon betwixt them, nor at all regarding the capitulations of the league. Which was ne∣uerthelesse (as we said) on both sides for the space of ten yeares orderly confirmed, with all due circumstances and ceremonies in like occurrents by the great potentats of the world vsed: and for the more assurance thereof, one of the Persian kings sonnes (or as some others say, one of his ne∣phewes) giuen vnto the Turks in hostage, as Amurath required.

These long warres thus ended,* 6.4 shortly after a great sedition was raised at CONSTANTINO∣PLE [ D] by the souldiors of the Court, which returning out of PERSIA, with great insolencie de∣maunded their pay. For the satisfying of whom, by the consent of the great Sultan himselfe, the valew of the coine was enhaunsed; and a new kind of subsidie for leuying of money imposed vpon the subjects in generall, none excepted: who standing vpon their auntient liberties and pri∣uiledges, refused to pay it, especially the Ianizaries and other souldiors of the Court. Where∣fore their Aga (or captaine) was commaunded to appease them, and to persuade them to pay the demaunded tribute: in attempting whereof he was in danger to haue been slaine by the in∣solent Ianizaries, and yet neuerthelesse for preuailing no more with them, was in displeasure thrust out of his office, and another placed in his roume, that should haue married Amuraths daughter; of whom for all that the Ianizaries would not accept in any case, but threw stones at [ E] him,* 6.5 and threatned to kill him. The next night a great fire arose in the citie, for the quenching whereof, the Ianizaries were commaunded (as their dutie was) to put to their helping hands: which they not only most obstinatly refused to do, but also kept backe others that brought water for the quenching therof, and togither with the other souldiors of the court did what they might to make it burne the faster. With the rage of this fire were consumed seauen of their temples, fiue and twentie great Innes, fifteene thousand houses, with many warehouses and shops. To appease this dangerous stirre, and to preuent farther mischiefe, commaundement was giuen to the Beglerbeg of GRaeCIA, and Dauid Passy a Iew, the first authors of this new imposition, that they should either gather the aforesaid tribute by them deuised, and pay the souldiors, or by some other meanes to giue them contentment. But here began the priests publikely to dissuade the [ F] people from payment of this new tribute, or any other such like; persuading them in any case to defend their auntient liberties and customes: whereupon the churches were by the priests shut vp, publike prayers for the health of the Sultan intermitted, the Bassaes houses assaulted, and all the citie on a new hurly burly. For the appeasing whereof, Amurath was glad to yeeld vnto the Ianizaries, to pay the souldiors out of his owne treasurie, to reuoke his mandates giuen out for

the exaction of the new tribute, and to deliuer the two persuaders thereof to the pleasure of the [ G] Ianizaries; who drew them vp and downe the streets at horses tailes, and afterwards cutting off their heads, in scorne tossed them from hand to hand one to another, as if they had beene ten∣nise balls.

About the latter end of September Sinan Bassa of BVDA hauing with the assistance of the Sanzacks about FILLE, raised an armie of eleuen thousand soldiors, with purpose to haue spoi∣led all the vpper part of HVNGARIE,* 6.6 came the sixt of October before the castle of PVTNOC, and gaue thereunto summons: but finding them in the castle better prouided and more resolute than he had before supposed, he departed thence, and passing the riuer Schayo, came to SIXO, a towne of about fiue hundred houses, which after a sore batterie he tooke, and burnt it downe to the ground. In the meane while Claudius Russell, Generall for the warres in that part of HVNGA∣RIE, [ H] hauing assembled his forces, came vpon him, and after an hard fight put him to the worse, when he had slaine of his Turkes about two thousand fiue hundred,* 6.7 besides three hundred other drowned in the riuer Schayo. Shortly after, the Christians in like manner breaking into the fron∣tiers of the Turkes, tooke from them the castles of BLAVENSTIEN, GESTES, with some other small forts thereabouts in the vpper part of HVNGARIE.

* 6.8Sinan for that he had contrarie to the league, and without commaundement from Amurath, so vnfortunately attempted warre in HVNGARIE, was the next yeare in great displeasure sent for to CONSTANTINOPLE, and Ferat Bassa of BOSNA (late Generall of the Turkes armie against the Persians, and now but newly come home) placed in his roume at BVDA.

Amurath before not ignorant of the great preparation that Philip the king of SPAINE had [ I] made, and of the inuincible Armado (as it was tearmed) by him set forth for the inuasion of EN∣GLAND (the fame whereof had long before filled a great part of the world;) as also of the euill successe thereof the last yeare, viz. 1588; and of the purpose her Majestie of ENGLAND had for the troubling of his rich trade, especially into the West Indies, and for the relieuing of Don An∣thonio, by him driuen out of PORTINGALL: writ vnto her about this time concerning those and such like matters as he had beene moued of by her Agent as followeth.* 6.9

Amurath the third, Emperour of the Turkes, vnto Elizabeth, Queene of ENGLAND, FRANCE, and IRELAND, greeting.

[ K]

Most honourable Matrone of the Christian religion, mirror of chastitie, adorned with the bright∣nesse of soueraignetie and power amongst the most chast women of the people which serue Iesu, mistris of great kingdomes, reputed of greatest ma••estie and praise among the Nazarets, Elizabeth queene of ENGLAND, to whom we wish a most happie and prosperous raigne. You shall vnderstand by our high and imperiall letters directed vnto you, how that your Orator resiant in our stately and magnifi∣cent Court, hath presented vnto the throne of our Maiestie a certaine writing, wherein he hath certi∣fied vs, how that about foure yeares agoe you haue made war vpon the king of SPAINE, for the aba∣ting and breaking of his forces, wherewith he threateneth all other Christian princes, and purposeth to make himselfe the sole Monarch both of them and all the world beside: as also how that the same king of SPAINE hath by force taken from Don Anthonio, lawfully created king of PORTINGALL, his [ L] kingdome: and that your intention is, that his ships which go and come into the Indies, may from hence∣forth be embarred and stayed from that nauigation: wherein are yearely brought into SPAINE pre∣tious stones, spices, gold, and siluer, esteemed worth many millions, wherewith the aforesaid king as with a great treasure enriched, hath meanes to molest and trouble all other Christian princes: which if he shall still proceed to doe, he will make himselfe dayly stronger and stronger, and such an one as may not easily be weakened. After that, your aforesaid Oratour requested our Highnesse in the beginning of the next Spring to send out our imperiall fleet against him, being assured that the king of SPAINE could not be able easily to withstand it, for that he had now alreadie receiued a great ouerthrow by your fleet: and being scarce able to withstand you alone, if he should be on diuers parts inuaded, must needs be ouercome, to the great benefit of all the Christian princes, as also of our imperiall state. Besides this, [ M] that whereas the aforesaid Don Anthonio is by force driuen out and depriued of his kingdome, that we (to the imitation of our noble progenitors of happie memorie, whose graues the Almightie ligh∣ten) should also giue the aid and succour of our magnificent state, as did they vnto all such as had re∣course vnto their high Courts and pallaces for reliefe. In briefe, all these things, with many others,

[ A] which your aforesaid Oratour hath at large declared vnto our imperiall throne, we haue well vnder∣stood, and layed them vp in our deepe remembrance. But for as much as we for many yeares past haue made warres in PERSIA, with a full resolution and intent vtterly to conquer and subdue the king∣dome of that accursed Persian hereticke, and to ioyne the same vnto our auntient dominions; and by the grace of God and helpe of our Great Prophet, are now vpon the point for the satisfying of our de∣sire: that once done, due prouision shall be assigned vnto all such things as you haue of vs requested or desired. Wherefore if you shall sincerely and purely continue the bond of amitie and friendship with our high Court, you shall find no more secure refuge or safer harbour of good will or loue. So at length all things shall goe well and according to your hearts desire in your warres with SPAINE, vnder the shaddow of our happie throne. And for as much as the king of SPAINE hath by fraud and deceit got [ B] whatsoeuer he holdeth, without doubt these deceitfull deceiuers shall by the power of God in short time be dispatched and taken out of the way. In the meane time we exhort you not to loose any opportunitie or time, but to be alwayes vigilant, and according to the conuentions betwixt vs, fauourable vnto our friends, and vnto our enemies a foe. And giue notice here to our high Court of all the new wars which you shall vnderstand of concerning the said king of SPAINE, for the behoofe both of your selfe and vs. To be briefe, your embassadour after he had with all care and diligence dispatched his embassage, and here left in his place one Edward Bardon his Deputie and Agent, now by our leaue maketh his re∣turne towards your kingdome, being for the good and faithfull seruice he here did, worthie to be of you esteemed, honoured, and before others promoted: who when he hath obtained of you all those his deser∣ued honours and preferments, let him or some other principall embassadour without delay be appointed [ C] to our imperiall Court, to continue this office of legation. This we thought good to haue you certified of vnder our most honourable Seale, whereunto you may giue vndoubted credence. From our imperiall pallace at CONSTANTINOPLE the 15 of the blessed moneth * 7.1 Ramazan 1589.

Yet for all these faire shewes it may seeme vnto him that looketh more neere into the state of the Turkish affaires at those times, and that which hath ensued since, that Amurath glad of the discord of these two so great Christian princes, and not yet well assured of his new conquests in PERSIA, had no great mind to the inuasion of SPAINE, as too farre from the strength of his empire, an enterprise not to be so easily managed by sea, as were the wars he shortly after vnder∣tooke against the Christian emperour Rodolph by land: wherewith for all that (God be thanked) [ D] he found his hands full all the remainder of his life, as hath his sonne Mahomet that now raig∣neth after him, euen vnto this day.

About this time also the Polonian borderers (whom they call Cossackes) a rough and war∣like kind of people,* 7.2 after their wonted manner making an inrode vpon the Turkes and Tartari∣ans, vpon the sudden surprised KOSLAVV, a port town within a daies journey of CAPPA, where they had the spoile of many rich warehouses of the Turkes marchants, and the rifling of certain ships lying there in harbour; and hauing taken their pleasure, burnt the rest, and so with a great bootie returned to their lurking places. With which injurie the Tartars prouoked, and set on by the Turkes, to the number of fortie thousand brake into PODOLIA and the prouinces neere vnto POLONIA, and resting in no place, but burning the countrey before them, slew the poore [ E] countrey people without mercie; and making hauocke of all that they light vpon, beside the spoile, carried away with them many thousands of most miserable captiues: the greatest part whereof for all that, the Polonians rescued, with the notable slaughter of the enemie, surprised in his returne. Whereupon such vnkindnesse rise between the Turkish emperour and Sigismund the Polonian king, that it was thought it, would haue broken out into open warres, had not the Polonian by his embassadours and the mediation of the queene of ENGLAND wisely appeased the angrie Turke, and so againe renewed his league.

Amurath now at peace with the world,* 7.3 from which he by nature abhorred not, and sitting idle and melancholie at home,* 7.4 was persuaded by the Bassaes his counsellors to take some new warre in hand. For that great empires (as they said) could not without the continuall vse of armes long [ F] stand or continue: as appeared by the Romane state, which so long as it was at wars with CAR∣THAGE▪ or their great captaines and commaunders occupied in armes against their neighbour princes, still remained triumphant, and commaunded ouer a great part of the world; but giuing it selfe to ••ase and pleasure, and the martiall men not after their wonted manner employed, it in short time by ciuile discord fell, and of the mistresse of the world became it selfe a prey euen vnto

the basest nations. Which old Cato in his great wisdome foreseeing, cried out in the Senat, That [ G] the souldiors and men of warre were to be kept still busied in armes farre from home; for that in so doing all should goe well with the state, and the glorie thereof encrease. Wherunto the Otho∣man emperours, his noble progenitors, hauing respect, propounded not peace as the end of their warres (as do other weake princes, hauing their owne forces in distrust) but as inuincible conque∣rours still sowed warres vpon warres, making one victorie the beginning of another: whereby they not onely brought that their empire vnto that greatnesse it was now of, but by such continu∣all employment made their souldiors more couragious and readie, and also kept them from re∣bellions and tumults: whereunto, in time of peace and liuing at ease, these martiall men are most commonly enclined, learning (as all others doe being doing nothing) to doe that is euill and nought. Euery thing (as they said) was by the same meanes to be maintained, whereby it was at [ H] the first encreased: and that therefore great empires as they were by warres begun and augmen∣ted, so were they by continuall wars also to be from time to time established; whereas otherwise the souldiors liuing in peace, and forgetting their martiall prowesse, would for most part grow cowardly, as giuing themselues ouer to the loue of their owne dwellings, of their wiues, and of their children, and other pleasures; or els conuerting their studies vnto marchandise or other pro∣fitable trades, would in time forget the vse of armes, and be thereunto againe hardly drawne: vnto the great weakening of his strength both by sea and land, and the deminishing of the number of his great commaunders and expert captaines, not to be had without the continuall vse of warre. With these and such like reasons, the great Bassaes of the Court persuaded Amurath, That he must of necessitie take some new expedition in hand, and not to suffer his valiant souldiours, but [ I] now lately returned out of PERSIA, to grow lasie or insolent for lacke of employment. Which they did not so much for the loue of their prince, or zeale vnto the State, as for their own particu∣lar profit, especially the two old Bassaes Sinan and Ferrat, the enuious competitours the one of the others honour: who although they both much and almost all commaunded both in peace and warre, yet was their honours greater, and their profit farre more in commaunding of the Turkes great armies abroad, than in sitting in the Diuano at home: vnto which no lesse honou∣rable than profitable preferment they both with like ambition aspired, accompanied with the hot desires of their great and many fauourites both at home and elsewhere. These persuasions well pleased Amurath, who although he were himselfe no souldior, yet was he desirous of new con∣quests, and to encrease his name: accounting it no lesse honour vnto himselfe by his seruants at [ K] his appointment to performe great things, than it was vnto his auncestours to doe that they did themselues in person.* 7.5 But in this so serious a matter, and of so great consequence, Amurath at the first could not tell what best to resolue vpon; not for that he was not desirous of warres, but because he as yet certainely knew not against whom he might with greatest profit and lesse diffi∣cultie and danger conuert his forces: vpon which point his counsellors agreed not, but for diuers reasons were of diuers opinions. Which for as much as they containe matters of greatest im∣portance of all things then in the world done, but especially concerning the profit of the Chri∣stian commonweale, I shall not thinke it vnworth my labour to set them downe in such order as I find them credibly reported: hauing moreouer in them many secrets and most weightie mat∣ters not yet come to all mens knowledge: as also opening the deuices of the Turkish tyrant a∣gainst [ L] the Christian princes; a motiue not onely for them to joyne in counsell together how to withstand him, but for the common Christian commonweales sake to forget & forgiue all their priuat displeasures, and with their vnited forces and power honorably and couragiously to make warre vpon him, and so at length by the mercie of God to ouerthrow him, together with his ty∣rannicall empire, the greatest terrour of our time.

The great Bassaes concerning the intended warre were of eight sundrie opinions: whereof the first was,* 7.6 That the warres against the Persian should be renewed: the second, for the inuasion of the king of MOROCCO and FES: the third, for warre to be taken in hand against the king of SPAINE: the fourth, for the besieging againe of MALTA: the fifth, was to set vpon the Veneti∣ans: the sixt, for the inuading of some part of ITALIE: the seuenth, for the king of POLONIA: [ M] the eight and last was, for warre to be made vpon the emperour and the kingdome of HVNGA∣RIE. With all the which aforesaid princes, except the Spaniard, although the Turke were then in league, and could not with all or any of them make warre, without the notable breach of his faith and honour: yet was that neuer made question or scruple of, but only, Which might best

[ A] stand with the profit of his state for him to set vpon: his barbarous law allowing him that li∣bertie, for the more assuring of his state or inlarging of his empire, to breake all faith and promise especially with the Christians; not more in any thing to be pitied, than in reposing any credit or confidence in the faith of such a miscreant.

The reasons the great Bassaes alleadged for the renewing of the Persian warre,* 7.7 were, For that the Persian king was of himselfe like to breake the league so lately with him concluded, so soone as he should know the Turkes entangled in any other warre; moued thereunto, as well for the recouerie of his countrey to his great dishonour lost, as also in reuenge of so many and so great injuries to him of late done by the Turkish emperours. Beside that, the Christian princes would persuade him and pricke him forward thereunto: especially the Spaniard, who for the neerenesse [ B] of INDIA might without his great charge procure him so to doe, and also conueniently fur∣nish him with great ordinance and canoniers, which it was well knowne he of late did. The countries also but lately conquered, were not yet (as they said) in quietnesse or safetie, and the fortresses therein but of late built, togither with the garrisons therein, to be in great danger, be∣ing for the length of the way and difficultie of the passage, not to be still speedily relieued: inso∣much, that if the Persians did them no other harme, but onely to forrage and wast the countrey about them, they should bring the inhabitants into such distresse, as that those new conquered countries were againe by the defendants to be forsaken, or else they must themselues with hun∣ger perish. True glorie (they said) consisted not so much in conquering, as in the vse of the con∣quest, and the prosecution of the happie victorie: and that therefore Amurath should take heed, [ C] that he prouoked not the wrath and indignation of the Great prophet Mahomet against him; who hauing by his good fauour and guide obtained mo victories than any of his predecessours against the enemies of his religion, ought as a religious and deuout prince seuerely to reuenge the wrong by them done both to God and man. Vnto which religious warre Vsbeg Han the Tartar king, as also the prince of G••ILAN offered their readie helpe: as for the euent of the vi∣ctorie now as good as in his hand, he was to judge by the successe of his former warres. Nei∣ther that he need to feare the Persian horsemen, although they vsed Arabian horses, being by his men many times shamefully put to flight: or yet to doubt least the Georgians in fauour of the Persians should take vp armes, for that many of them were alreadie vnder his obeisance, and sub∣ject vnto the Bassa of TEFLIS and other his commaunders; the rest were his vassals, or else such [ D] as following the fortune of their princes, Simon and Alexander, sought after no greater mat∣ter, but contenting themselues with their own countrey, although but small, thought themselues well if they might keepe and defend the same; by nature and situation so strong, as that there is scarce any way into it, by reason of the high and broken mountaines, the thicke woods, and strait passages.

The second opinion which was deliuered,* 7.8 was for the transportation of his warres into AF∣FRICKE against the king of MOROCCO, commonly called the Seriphe: and that for these cau∣ses most, It would be a great shame and reproach (as they said) vnto the Othoman empire, that it was not yet able to subdue these Moores and people of AFFRICKE, in number but few: nei∣ther was it lesse shame or dishonour vnto the Othoman emperours, to haue so small a territorie in [ E] AFRICA, being the third part of the world, which by reason of the neerenesse vnto ITALIE, had long time held wars with the Romans. Beside that, ALGIERS and TVNES could neuer be safe∣ly kept by the Turkes; neither that the subjects and pyrats which inhabited those cities would euer be content or at quiet, vntill they had againe got that kingdome into their hands. The pro∣montorie of AGVERO and port of LARACE (two ports without the straits) were (as they said) to be taken, as places verie commodious for the Turks friends, seeking in those seas after bootie, and for the securing of their trade. And although the Seriphe were himselfe a Mahometane, and held his kingdome as a tributarie vnto the Othoman empire; yet had he secret intelligence with the Spaniard and the knights of MALTA, whereby they not long since had vpon the sudden al∣most surprised TRIPOLIS, he in the meane time as it were winking thereat. And that although [ F] the Spaniard possessed in AFFRICKE, MARASCHEBIR, ORAN, PEGNON, TANGER, A••∣ZILLA, MAZAGA, CEVTE or SEPTA, places whereby he might helpe and assist the Moores; yet might his force and attempts by a strong fleet be easily hindred, and SPAINE it selfe infested. Beside that, the Spaniards had yet in such fresh remembrance the losse of TVNES and GVLET∣TA (places by them thought inexpugnable, and yet by Sinan Bassa to his immortall praise ta∣ken)

as that they would not for the Moores sake easily seeme to attempt any thing against the [ G] Turkes.

* 7.9The third opinion was concerning the war to be made against them of MALTA, which was by a strong fleet to be performed: for that the gallies of MALTA did daily great hurt, as well vn∣to the Turkes merchants, as vnto such as for deuotion sake trauelled by sea vnto MECHA. And that therefore the warre was thither to be transferred, not onely for religions sake and to asse∣cure the passage thither from the incursions of the Malteses, but also in reuenge of the old and late injuries by them done; and especially to blot out the infamie and disgrace which the Great Sultan Solyman had incurred, at such time as he had in vaine besieged that island, and to requi••e the losse by him there sustained. Beside that, they also alleadged the common complaints of the subjects: for that there were many which pitiously lamented the miserie and calamitie, some of [ H] their friends, some their kinsfolke, whom they knew to liue in most wofull seruitude with those knights, and whom they most earnestly desired to haue now set at libertie: complaining, his subjects to haue been so farre from suffering of any such things from those knights in the time of his auncestors, as that contrariwise they themselues were by them driuen out of the island of the RHODEES, the strongest bulwarke of the Christian common-weale toward the East. Being moreouer worthie also to be chastised, for that they had holpen the rebellious Moores with all kind of munition, and had themselues attempted to haue surprised MODON.

* 7.10In the fourth place were they which were of opinion, that it were best for him to make war vpon the king of SPAINE. These men alleadged it to be impossible for the Turkish empire to aspire vnto the Monarchie of the whole world (whereunto all the Turkes actions and deuises [ I] were alwaies as at a certaine marke directed) except the Spaniard his great strength and power were first weakened, wherein he seemed to surpasse all other the Christian kings and princes: and that there was no feare least he should besiege ALGIERS, which he knew to be now much bet∣ter fortified than it was in the time of the emperour Charles the fifth. And that although the Spa∣niards without ceasing besought their king for the vndertaking of that expedition, by reason of the new losses and harmes which they daily receiued from the pyrats of AFRICA; yet would he not hearken vnto their request, for feare of the danger imminent both to himselfe and his subjects from the enemies fleet, which he should in so doing draw into the Spanish seas: neither would the Spanish gallies easily come into the Turkes countries in the East, for being too farre from their owne countrey, which for the most part stood in need of their helpe. And that the king of [ K] SPAINE was with the multitude of his businesse, or other his vrgent affaires still so hindred, as that he could not suddenly put in execution what his counsell for the wars should decree. As al∣so how much it was to be gathered by that which happened not long since at PREVEZA and NAVARINVM, That the Spaniards shunned the Othoman forces: as also how warily the king delt in all his affaires, least at length against his will he should be enforced to enter into warres with the Turke, was most manifest; as was to be seene when as of late about the end of the Persian warre, he refused to giue aid vnto the Persian king whom he might haue holpen, and was so be∣fore wont to doe. And in case that he would stand vpon his guard, and by force seeke to repell force; yet should he scarce haue so much strength as (beside those wars which he now maketh in diuers places) to be able to vndertake also a new warre, and to find so many souldiors, with so [ L] much coine and other things necessarie for so great a war. It stood him in hand (as they said) to defend the low countries, and to recouer againe the prouinces there lost, which of themselues wonderfull strong, both by reason of the sea and the multitude of the riuers, were also with won∣derfull courage and pertinacie defended by the inhabitants, for their libertie and religions sake. Whereunto the English (at deadly hatred with the Spaniard) might many waies giue great helpe, if they should inuade PORTINGAL, or with their ships lie in wait for his Indian fleet, or make incursions into other his kingdomes, as they did not long since at the GROINE and CA∣DEZ; places most fit to trouble SPAINE, and to hinder his traffique into the Indies or other pla∣ces. Beside that, he was at that time so entangled with his warres in FRANCE, as that he could scarce find how to dispatch himselfe thereof, without the losse of his honour and credit. And ad∣mit [ M] he should make peace with the aforesaid princes, in such sort as that he should not frō thence∣forth from them receiue any harme; yet were other means to be sought and taken in hand for his farther disturbance; as by troubling his rich trade for spices and other merchandise, whereof he re∣ceiueth great profit; as also if need were, by driuing his ships out of the Persian gulfe, by the helpe

[ A] of those gallies which still lie at road at POSSIDIVM, which we now call SVEZ. And that the fortresses and strong holds he there possesseth, were to be set vpon▪ and if it might be taken from him; as was once attempted against the Portingals at DIV and ORMVZ: the like whereof Al∣fonsus Albuquercius (the king of PORTINGAL his viceroy in INDIA) attempted, when as with his light horsemen running through that countrey, he thought vpon the sudden to haue spoyled MECHA, and to haue robbed the Sepulchre of Mahomet (as had happened vnder the empire of the Sultans) and as Traian the emperour had long since in like manner attempted to rage and spoile. Those places which he possessed in AFFRICKE were (as they said) to be set vpon, and the coast of SPAINE towards the Mediterranean to be infested▪ so at length to gratifie the Moores his subjects, who still instantly requested the same, that so they might more safely traf∣fique [ B] and trauell, and that so the Moores might at length be deliuered from the imperious com∣maund of the Spaniards: of which exploit Sultan Selymus lately before dead, was in his life time well persuaded; but might now at this time be much more commodiously done, for that th•• Moorish nation was now greatly increased, and much oppressed by the Spaniards; and hauing got great wealth by the trade of merchandise, euen by nature and religion had conceiued a mor∣tall hatred against the Spaniards: whereunto might not a little auaile the por•••• in AFFRICKE▪ whereinto the Turkes fleet might at all times in safetie retire. And in briefe, that which was of greatest importance to the better successe of this war, the French king and the queene of ENG∣LAND, had of their owne accord promised the continuation of their warres, and that the French king should inuade NAVARRE, and by force of armes recouer the right he pretended vnto that [ C] kingdome; whilest in the meane time, the queene of ENGLAND should not only trouble him in the West Indies, and other places of the Ocean towards the North and the West, but might also stirre vp new broiles in the kingdome of PORTINGAL, where most part of the people with great impatiencie beare the prowd commaund of the Spaniard: as persuaded (and that truly) all their prosperitie and quietnesse to haue been lost, togither with their last king their true and law∣full soueraigne. For he at peace with the kings of FRANCE and ENGLAND, exceedingly there∣by enriched his subjects by traffique: whereas since they fell into the hands of the Spaniard, they daily complaine of their new losses and dangers by reason of his perpetuall wars. Moreouer, that there was to be found great store of exiled Spaniards dispersed here and there, which being malecontent and wearie of the Spanish gouernment, were fled not only out of PORTINGAL, [ D] but euen out of ARAGON & other parts of his kingdome: which now liuing in FRANCE, ENG∣LAND, and CONSTANTINOPLE, both secretly and openly liberally offered great helpes: the like whereof many of the Moores also promised. All which togither seemed to promise a most easie expedition and certaine victorie, if any should vpon the sudden inuade SPAINE; for that there was almost no vse of armes, the inhabitants at home seldome times exercising themselues therein; neither in places needfull hauing any ordinarie garrisons, and but few horses fit for ser∣uice. And that in fine it was to be considered, SPAINE to be greatly bared of men which knew how valiantly and couragiously to mannage armes, for the often choise they make of them, which are almost daily transported into the Indies, ITALIE, and the Low countries, whereby the strength of his countrey must needs be exceedingly impaired: so that if they should be inua∣ded [ E] with any strong and mightie armie, they might seeme hardly able to be holpen or defended by their owne people, but should need of the aid and helpe of the other neere prouinces subject vnto this kingdome: which if they should be either letted or stay to come in good time, they should leaue so much the more easie victorie vnto their enemies.

In the fift place were they which went about to persuade Amurath to breake his league with the Venetians,* 7.11 vsing reasons rather probable than true; although they might seeme vnto the Turkes lesse doubtfull, for that men easily and willingly beleeue such things as they themselues desire. These men went about to proue no expedition to be of lesse difficultie than this, as jud∣ging of things present by the euent of former warres passed; wherein the Turks had alwaies ta∣ken something from the Venetians: who to redeeme their peace, were diuers waies enforced to [ F] satisfie the Turks. That the Venetian common-weale was affraid of the Turkes and abhorred warre, was manifest they said in that, that in all actions it had propounded vnto it selfe peace, as the end thereof; and after the manner of their auncestors, neuer entred into warres; but enforced thereunto: and would happily vpon the first denouncing of warres, willingly depart with cer∣taine places forfeare of greater harme, or to be vtterly ouercome, as it appeared they did in the

yeelding vp of CYPRVS. The power and force whereof was not so great, as that it could alone [ G] stand against the great Sultan: and to confederat it selfe with others, would require no small de∣lay, for the great and many difficulties which commonly vsed to arise in making of leagues; not being now so conjoyned with the Spaniard as in times past, of whose aid it being of late destitute, was constrained to make an hard peace with Selymus. And if so be the Spaniard would needs joyne himselfe vnto the Venetians against the Turkes, yet that he could by no meanes affourd vnto them such aid and supplies as were of necessitie to be required vnto so great a war, he him∣selfe being in his warres otherwise so entangled: as for all other confederation they could make without him, to be but weake and to no purpose. That which the Pope could do herein to be but little: for albeit he should according to his dutie exhort other Christian princes to giue aid, and to stirre them vp vnto this warre, yet that beside some little supplie of mony hardly drawne out [ H] of his owne cofers and the ecclesiasticall reuenues, he could scarcely performe any thing more; or when he had done his vttermost deuoire, could but joyne fiue gallies of his owne vnto the Venetian fleet: which with the gallies of the duke of SAVOY, of the knights of MALTA, and of the Florentines, could but make a fleet of some twentie gallies, which was but a small matter. Besides that the Turkes were persuaded, that betwixt the Venetian state and the other Christian princes was no such friendship and good agreement, as the greatnesse of the imminent danger of that warre, and as the necessitie of the cause would require: and that hitherto their treasures had beene so exhausted in paying the debt they were run into in the last warre, and in building of for∣tresses, that happily they were not now so furnished with coyne, as was requisit for the defraying of so great a warre. And vnto this warre against the Venetians, consented almost all the Visier [ I] Bassaes, differing only in this, Where or against what place of the Venetian territorie this warre were to be first begun: some naming one place, and some another (for diuers reasons them ther∣unto leading) which for breuitie we passe ouer.

* 7.12Othersome of the Bassaes in the sixt place, rejecting all the former opinions concerning the warre to be taken in hand, would haue had all the forces of the Othoman empire, as well by land as sea, to haue beene conuerted against ITALIE: for that otherwise the Turkes should neuer come vnto the Monarchie of the whole world (whereunto as at a marke they had directed all their actions) except they did first subdue ITALIE. For that this countrey, as the centre of the whole world, was wont to giue both counsell and aid vnto the rest of the limbes, whereby the deuices of others were crossed: and that the Romanes had at length commaunded ouer all the [ K] world, especially for that they held in possession this countrey. Hereat did the Hunnes, the Alani and Gothes, the Vandales, the Frenchmen, Spaniards, and Sara••ins, direct all their thoughts and cogitations. In fine they concluded, That no expedition could be taken in hand more honourable or profitable than this: for that ITALIE was as a queene amongst other pro∣uinces, for commodious situation, the wholesomenesse of the aire, the plentie of all things ne∣cessarie for mans life, for great, faire, and most rich cities, for the auntient glorie and majestie of the Romane empire, and many other causes also. Neither that this expedition was to be deemed of much difficultie, for that ITALIE was vnder the rule of diuers princes, vnto whose com∣maund most of their subjects vnwillingly obeyed: as also for that the inhabitants of that coun∣trey had now for many yeares liued in continuall peace, and were therefore the more effeminat [ L] and fearefull, and so vnfit for the warres: and that if that expedition were in one or diuers places taken in hand before the corne were full ripe, the Turkes in that so fruitfull a countrey could ne∣uer want necessaries for them to liue vpon; whereas the inhabitants in great number wanting the same, and shut vp within the wals and fortifications of their cities and strong townes, should be brought into extreame wants: which was the more euidently to bee seene, for that at this time wherein they were at peace, they had not corne sufficient in the countrey for such a multi∣tude of people to liue vpon, but were glad to haue it brought vnto them from other places, espe∣cially from PELOPONESVS, CONSTANTINOPLE, and the cities vpon the coast of the great Ocean. Furthermore, that it was to be considered, That most part of the Italians liued by no other meanes than by their handie labour, or the trade of marchandise; of which meanes if they were [ M] depriued, they should in short time be brought to that point, as to be glad to accept of such con∣ditions as the victor should propound vnto them, or as tributaries to submit themselues vnto the Othoman gouernment. Neither that the souldiors would vnwillingly be drawne vnto that war; for that they were not to passe through barren regions of the enemie, frosen with yse, or desolate,

[ A] either by rough woods or inaccessible mountains; but were all the way thither to trauell throgh their owne country, and as it were in the sight of their own houses: and if the Turks could often∣times enter so farre, when as they had their confines more remote, and their passages more diffi∣cult, that the same might now much more easily be effected, when as they had a far greater op∣portunitie, and their enemies so neere at hand.

The seuenth opinion was theirs,* 7.13 which thought it best to haue the war transferred into PO∣LONIA, and from thence into HVNGARIE and GERMANIE: for which they alleadged these reasons. First, for that they thought it a disgrace vnto the majestie and reputation of the Othoman empire, That the king of POLONIA had somtime refused to pay his tribute due (for so the Turks account of all such presents as are vnto their Sultan vsually sent by their neighbour princes, of [ B] courtesie) and that therefore he was by force of armes to be compelled thereunto. Which they thought would the more easily be obtained, for that there was much secret hatred and heart-burning amongst the Polonian nobilitie. Neither that it would be any difficult or dangerous warre to bee taken in hand: for as much as POLONIA was confined with MOLDAVIA, the Tartars, and the Sanzacks of ACHERMAN, BENDERA, and VOSIA: and moreouer, for that the Turkes could neuer haue any assured or full possession of MOLDAVIA or VALACHIA, ex∣cept the insolencie of the Polonians were repressed; the Vayuods of which countries, when they had enriched themselues with much wealth, vsed still to flie into the kingdome of POLO∣NIA. Besides that, they should thereby reuenge themselues for the injuries done them by the Cossackes, and haue more free and safe trafficke into MVSCOVIE, and bring a terrour vpon the [ C] duke of MVSCOVIE, by reason of the nighnesse of the country: which great duke was an im∣pediment vnto the Othoman emperour, that he conquered not the whole kingdome of PERSIA. And when they had by this meanes by little and little drawne neere vnto GERMANIE, happily it might so come to passe, as that the Christian emperor should thereby receiue some notable losse, his empire being still more and more exposed and enuironed with the Turks forces & garrisons. POLONIA they said to be a plaine and open countrey, neither to haue any strong places for to withstand them, and the inhabitants to haue small skill in martiall affaires, for that they had now long liued in peace. For as for the war that they had with Maximilian the Archduke of AVSTRIA, it continued not long: and king Stephen in the late wars he had with the Muscouite, vsed for most part the Hungarian souldiors, and ended those wars rather by besieging than fighting.

[ D] They which in the eight and last place deliuered their opinions concerning the intended war;* 7.14 persuaded, to haue it conuerted vpon the Christian emperour; whom the Turks call the king of VIENNA. The causes they alledged for the beginning of this warre was, For that the Vscocchi were growne so insolent as to make good prise of the Turkes both by sea and land; in such sort; as that not onely for the harmes which they did, but euen for the majestie and honour of the Othoman empire, their insolencie was not longer to be suffered. By whose injuries it was especi∣ally brought to passe, that the marchants to their great hinderance in priuat, and the Sultans great losse in common, hauing left the towne of NARENTA or NARONA in the Turkes dominion, had remoued their mart to SALONA (now called SPALATO) a towne of the Venetians: and that yet for all that was not so sufficiently prouided for the securitie of the said marchants, al∣though [ E] there were peace betwixt the emperour and the Venetians: for that these vnruly men for most part liuing vpon the spoyle, troubled all both by sea and land with their robberies, driuing away mens cattell, burning the villages, and taking away the young babes out of the mothers armes and laps. Whereby it was easily to be seene, what mind they were of: and that it was not to be doubted, but that if occasion should serue for them to surprise any of the Turkes strong holds vpon the frontiers, they would with all their power attempt the same: which what a di∣shonour and infamie (not to speake of the losse) it would be vnto the whole Othoman empire, euery man might easily ghesse. Neither that it was vnknowne how little the Christian emperor had esteemed of the Turke, at such time as he was in warres with the Persian, paying his tribute too late at his pleasure; an euident signe rather of violating tha•• of establishing the league. And [ F] that the good successe of this warre was not to be deemed either difficult or doubtfull: for that the attempt might be giuen both by CROATIA, HVNGARIE, and AVSTRIA, countries aboun∣ding with all things necessarie for the maintenance of a great armie; as also for that they were almost to trauell all the way in the Turkes owne territorie. Beside that, the chiefe fortresses of HVNGARIE, namely BELGRADE, BVDA, and ALBA REGALIS, with many other strong pla∣ces,

were alreadie holden by the Turkes garrisons, whither their armies might in all cases of ex∣tremitie [ G] in safetie retire, or out of the same garrisons repaire their losses, if any should be. The Romane empire (as they said) was more desirous of peace than war; and the princes, of nothing more carefull than how to heape vp and preserue their treasures: and the people of GERMANIE for that of long they had had no warres, to be lesse fit now to beare armes, and worse to be com∣maunded by their captaines; alwayes hauing in distrust the Hungarians, the Italians, and Spani∣ards, for that those nations are not beloued, but rather hated of the Germans, being not at vnitie among themselues, but deuided, especially about matters of religion. Neither that it was to bee feared, least forraine princes should giue aid vnto the emperour in this warre. The Polonian and Transyluanian to liue now in peace with the Turke, and therfore would by no meanes turne the heat of this warre into their owne bosomes: as also for that the Polonians were afraid, least in so [ H] doing they should be driuen out of their countrey, and enforced to remoue themselues toward the frosen sea: and the Transyluanian hauing receiued his soueraignetie from the Turke, no lesse in feare (if he should so doe) to be of him againe stript and spoyled of the same▪ As for the king of SPAINE, although he were of such power, as might affourd vnto the house of AVSTRIA great aid, yet that he was in other places now too much busied: and that the bishop of ROME could not in all places be readie to serue his turne: the princes of ITALIE would not spend their sub∣jects and treasures to pleasure another man: and that the Venetian State would not rashly stirre vp the Turkes armes against themselues, but rather at ease expect the euent of the warre than to entangle themselues with other mens dangers. These were the chiefe opinions of the great Bas∣saes concerning the warre to be taken in hand, not so much proceeding from any ripe or sound [ I] aduice (as commonly they doe) but rather from a certaine barbarous insolencie and contempt of others, wherewith they moued, doe oftentimes vainely persuade them of the easie performance of diuers expeditions: which in proofe they find to be not onely most difficult, but vnto them∣selues also most pernitious.

* 7.15 In this so great diuersitie of opinions stood Amurath, of long in doubt what to resolue vp∣on: desirous he was in all places to shew his power, and (if it were possible) to exceed the glorie of his predecessours, as he thought himselfe to haue alreadie done in PERSIA; hauing as he boa∣sted, by his seruants there performed more than they could themselues in person with their mightie armies. Wherefore contenting himselfe with that he had alreadie done in the East, hee resolued now to turne his forces against the Christian emperour towards the West, and that for [ K] diuers respects. First, it grieued him to see the honour of the house of AVSTRIA, and that it durst to make head against him: besides that, to make warre vpon a countrey confining vpon his owne, would be a thing of farre lesse difficultie than was the Persian war, where his armies were now still to be led through his owne peaceable countries, from whence they were to bee at all times plentifully relieued with victuals and whatsoeuer els they needed. In which opinion he was also confirmed by Sinan Bassa; who hauing in vaine persuaded him to haue made warre against the Venetians, furthered now this warre, in hope thereby to recouer his credit and reputation, (before greatly empaired abroad by the litle he did in PERSIA; as also at CONSTANTINOPLE, by the discord betwixt him and Ferat Bassa, commonly called the Blacke Serpent) as also to en∣crease his wealth and riches: which shortly after sorted to his desire, being by the great Sultan [ L] Amurath appointed Generall for those wars. But aboue all others, Hassan Bassa of BOSNA fur∣thered this matter, in hope thereby to haue gained great riches (as the Turkes manner is) toge∣ther with the greatest honours of the field, as hee was most vainely persuaded by his cold pro∣phets, to whom he gaue no small credit. He therefore daily certified Amurath of the harmes which the Vscocchi and other the Archduke his seruants and subjects did vpon the frontiers of his territories: telling him of their burnings, spoylings, and robbings, inciting him to begin his warre in CROATIA, and so to continue the same either against the emperour, or the Venetians, or els vpon the sudden that way to breake into ITALIE, as had sometime the like beene done in the time of Mahomet, Baiazet▪ and Solyman, his noble progenitours: whereby to bring a great terrour vpon all the princes of ITALIE, and to enrich his souldiors with rich spoyles. By which [ M] his importunitie he (as a most mortall enemie not onely vnto the house of AVSTRIA, but vnto all Christendome) got leaue to begin those stirres in the frontiers of the empire, which were first fatall vnto himselfe, and haue euer since euen vntill this day notably exercised the armes of these two last Othoman emperours Amurath and Mahomet; as also the Christian emperour, with

[ A] others his friends and confederats. Yet vnto this leaue granted vnto the Bassa, was this condition at the first annexed, That he should not seeme to doe it by the commaundement of Amurath, but of himselfe, vnder colour to restraine the Vscocchi; who as well by land as by sea (as he pre∣tended) spoiled both the Christians and Turks, by the great libertie of the princes of AVSTRIA, hauing small care to chasten them.

Now was it no great matter for Hassan Bassa to doe what Amurath his great lord and master had commaunded, for the disturbing of the peace betwixt him and the Christian emperour: the Turkes leagues with their neighbour princes being seldome so religiously kept, but that as well their souldiors in garrison vpon their frontiers by land, as their aduenturers by sea, might to keepe themselues doing, vpon a militarie insolencie (as the Turkes tearme it) now and then at their [ B] pleasures make incursions for bootie both by sea and land: which answered with the like from their neighbours so molested, there neuer wanted new grieuances and just causes of complaint, to the stirring vp of greater troubles, euen amongst the greatest princes. The Venetians thus wronged at sea,* 7.16 and their merchants robbed; by their embassadours complained at CONSTAN∣TINOPLE of the injuries done them by the Turkes pyrats, requiring to haue them called home, and justice done vpon them. In like manner the emperour also, seeing many things both this yeare and the next attempted by Hassan Bassa in CROATIA, and the other Turkes in HVNGA∣RIE, contrarie to the league, to the great disturbance of his subjects in both those countries, by his embassadour then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE, complained of these outrages, desiring to know whether they were done by the consent and knowledge of Amurath or not; and if not, [ C] then to require that order might be taken for the restraining thereof: which was accordingly done, and those incursions for a while staied, and the former peace continued. Amurath still ma∣king shew as if he were willing that the league agreed vpon for eight yeares, should not be in any wise on his part infringed. At which time the Persian kings sonne (the league not long be∣fore concluded) died in the Turkes Court, where he lay in hostage: whose dead bodie Amu∣rath caused to be honorably sent home to his father into PERSIA:* 7.17 with an Apologie in defence of himselfe, against the suspition conceiued by some, that he should haue beene the cause of the vntimely death of that young prince; still vrging withall the confirmation of the league, which by the death of the prince was like enough to haue been broken. Whereof Amurath was the more desirous, for that persuaded by his Bassaes (as is aforesaid) to make warres with the empe∣rour [ D] (although he notably dissembled the same) he was in hope thereby to adde vnto his em∣pire the reliques of HVNGARIE, with some good part of the territories of the house of AV∣STRIA also, and so to open himselfe a way into the heart of GERMANIE. For which purpo∣ses he now caused very great preparation to be made, and a strong armie to be raised: and at the same time put a great fleet of gallies into the Archipelago for the safetie of his islands in that sea.

According to these designments,* 7.18 the Bassa of BOSNA, by the commandement of Amurath, with an armie of fiftie thousand entred into CROATIA, and without resistance burnt and destroi∣ed the countrey before him, sparing nothing that came in his way▪ And not so contented, laid siege to the citie of WIHITZ,* 7.19 being the metropoliticall citie of that countrey, strongly situ∣at [ E] as it were in an island, compassed about with the riuer Yna: Which citie, after he had sore battered, and twise assaulted, was by the distressed defendants (now despairing of reliefe, and vna∣ble longer to hold it out) yeelded vnto the Bassa vpon composition, That the Germain souldiors there in garrison, might in safetie with bagge and baggage depart; and that such of the Christian citisens as would, might there still remain without hurt from the Turks, either in bodie or goods. Which conditions the Bassa faithfully performed to the garrison souldiors, whom in number but foure hundred, he sent with safe conuoy into their owne territorie: but afterwards contrarie to his faith and promise, exercised all manner of Turkish tyrannie vpon the poore citisens. The emperour troubled with this vnexpected inuasion of the Turkes, sent the lord Petzen (whom he had many times employed in embassages to the Turke) to pray aid of the Germain princes [ F] against the common enemie: who according to the greatnesse of the danger, in large tearmes promised their helpe. The first that made head, was Ernestus archduke of AVSTRIA, the em∣perours brother; who with fiue thousand souldiors came from VIENNA to SAVARIA, com∣monly called GREIS, the Metropolis of STIRIA: to whom repaired daily more strength out of CARINTHIA.

* 7.20In the meane time, the Turkes armie daily encreasing in CROATIA, enclosed six thousand [ G] footmen, and fiue hundred horsemen of the Christians, who had taken the mountaines, woods, and strait passages, and so straitly beset them, that of all that number few escaped with life: amongst whom many valiant souldiors and expert captaines were slaine; namely, Iames Prants, George Plesbach, and Iohn Weluerdurff. The Bassa after the barbarous manner of the Turkes, to make his victorie more famous, laded six wagons with the heads of the slaine Christians. The Turkes thus raging in CROATIA, brought a generall feare vpon all HVNGARIE, BAVARIA, BOHEMIA, STIRIA, CARINTHIA, SILESIA, and the rest of the prouinces thereabouts. Whereupon the emperour calling togither the States of SILESIA and MORAVIA, declared vnto them the imminent danger; persuading them to joyne their forces with the rest, for the re∣pulsing of so dangerous an enemie, and so imminent a danger. [ H]

After long delay, Ernestus the archduke (the tenth of August) came to the emperour his bro∣ther, with the embassadour of HVNGARIE; and the seauenth day after were called togither the embassadours of the kingdomes and prouinces of the empire, where it was throughly debated, how the Turkes were to be resisted, and their attempts infringed; as also from whence; forces▪ money, and other warlike prouision was to be raised. For now it was manifestly seene, that longer to delay the matter was dangerous: and the rather, for that the Beglerbeg (or great com∣maunder) of GRaeCIA, with threescore thousand select souldiors both horse and foot, of long time exercised in the Persian warres, was ere long expected; who joyning with the rest of the Turkes armie, might doe great matters both in HVNGARIE and the places adjoyning. For preuenting of which so great and manifest dangers, they sat daily in counsell at PRAGE, yea of∣tentimes [ I] euen from morning vntill night: for the Hungarians, and especially the lord Nadasti, a most noble & valiant gentleman amongst them, instantly vrged to haue succours sent into HVN∣GARIE; for as much as the Turkish emperour, if he should get into his hands the rest of the townes and castles yet holden by the Christians in HVNGARIE, it was to be feared least he should in short time after endanger the whole State of GERMANIE: the strength whereof the Turke feared not so much, as hee did those poore reliques of HVNGARIE. Others were no lesse carefull of the dangers of CROATIA and STIRIA, as more proper to themselues, the ene∣mie now there raging. In these so great dangers, the Hungarians with the rest of the distressed, cried vpon the emperour for helpe; and he likewise called vpon the princes of the empire. Diuers assemblies were made in BOHEMIA, HVNGARIE, MORAVIA, SILESIA, and the other pro∣uinces [ K] of the emperours, and embassadours sent from almost all the Germane princes to the em∣perour: all was full of consultation, but as for helpe, that came in verie slowly; yet such as was to be had, was forthwith sent into CROATIA, to defend the fortresses there against the farther at∣tempts and proceedings of the furious enemie.

* 7.21The eighteenth of September, the Turkes with all warlike prouision, vpon the sudden by night assaulted the strong castle of TOCCAY in the vpper HVNGARIE, in hope to haue surpri∣sed it: but finding it a matter of more difficultie than they had before imagined, they departed thence, and attempted the lesser COMARA, which standing in a marrish ground, was also easily defended. At which time also the Bassa of BVDA, with his power entred into the frontiers of the Christians, but hauing well viewed the cities, townes, castles, and forts vpon those borders, and [ L] finding nothing for his purpose, he without any thing doing returned againe to BVDA.

The six and twentith day of September, Hassan the Bassa of BOSNA encamped with his army betwixt the riuers of Kulp and Sauus,* 7.22 and in the darknesse of the night passing ouer part of his armie into TVROPOLIS, with fire and sword most miserably spoiled all that pleasant and fer∣tile island; the lord Bonny to whom the keeping thereof was committed, labouring in vaine to defend the same.

About the end of this moneth, the Bassa of ZIGET, with the Sanzackes of MOHAS, KOP∣PAN, and QVINQVE ECCLESIae, and other Turkes of great name, came with a strong armie, and encamped betweene ZIGET and RODESTO. And shortly after newes was brought to the emperours Court, that KANYSIA a citie of STIRIA (not farre from the riuer Zala) was hardly [ M] besieged by the enemie, and that the Turks in comming thither had taken many Christians cap∣tiues, whom they had sent to be sold at CONSTANTINOPLE; and that there was in the Turks armie about an hundred & threescore thousand men. But for as much as the Christian armie dai∣ly encreased also, and was now grown to the number of threescore thousand, men began to hope

[ A] well, that the enemies rage would be staied from any farther proceeding. About the same time Ernestus the archduke appointed Generall of the armie, with the Marquesse (sonne to Ferdinand the archduke) his lieutenant, came both vnto the armie.

In these preparations, about the beginning of October heauie newes was brought vnto the emperours Court, how that seauen thousand men whom he but a little before had sent into CROATIA, vnder the conduct of Thomas Artelius Beane, George Gleichspacher, and Dionysius Denke, to hinder the course of the Turks proceedings, being encamped betwixt WIHITZ and CAROLSTAT; and hauing the twelfth of September discouered from an high hill certaine com∣panies of the Turks (which were in deed of purpose come thither to view the armie of the Chri∣stians) sent out fiftie horsemen to discouer the Turkes armie where it lay, and what it attempted. [ B] Who finding no mo of the Turkes than those whom they had before seene from the moun∣taine, returned againe vnto the armie with such simple intelligence: whereunto the Christians giuing credit, became secure in their tents, as men out of feare of the enemie, and so kept but negligent watch. But in this their so great securitie, the enemie on a sudden came vpon them; and with an hundred thousand men brake into their trenches: where the Christian footmen for all that, for the space of foure houres, maintained a notable fight, wherein many were on both sides slaine. But the poore Christians being beset round, and oppressed with the multitude of their enemies, were there slaine almost all: yet the captaines seeing the danger, by speedie flight saued their liues; for which their cowardise and carelesse negligence, they were afterwards ap∣prehended and beheaded. Almost all the common souldiors were there slaine: yea such as fell [ C] aliue into the hand of the enemie, were most cruelly cut in pieces. The spoile also of the tents of the Christians, fell vnto the enemie: wherein beside aboundance of other things, they found sixtie thousand dollers, brought but two daies before from LINTZ for the souldiors pay. The Turkes after their barbarous manner, in ostentation of their victorie, laded fourteene wagons with the heads of the slaine Christians, which they sent vnto diuers of their places thereabouts. This was indeed a great victorie, but gained by the Turks with much bloud: for the Christians fighting as men desperat, slew of their enemies aboue twelue thousand, and died themselues as men rather with number oppressed, than with true valour vanquished.

The night following,* 7.23 the Turks vpon the sudden in the dead time of the night, surprised the castle of S. George, and without respect of age or sex cruelly put to the sword all them that were [ D] therein, except an hundred and fiftie persons whom they carried away captiues; and so setting the castle on fire, departed. At the same time, diuers companies of the Turkes were seene about SISEG, who led away with them about six hundred Christians into most miserable captiuitie. And that nothing might be wanting vnto the calamities of this so miserable a wasted countrey: three hundred wagons charged with all manner of prouision sent out of the prouinces there∣by for the reliefe of the garrison souldiors in CROATIA, were all intercepted by the Turkes, and so carried away.

The emperour considering these proceedings of the Turkes,* 7.24 and that their strength daily en∣creased, gaue notice by writing to all the princes and states of the empire, what incursions the Turkes had of late made into CROATIA and the frontiers of HVNGARIE, with other places [ E] neere vnto them: and that the Beglerbeg of GRaeCIA, with the Bassaes of BOSNA, BVDA, and TEMESVVAR, without regard of the league yet in force, had taken diuers cities, townes, castles, and strong places, and so extended the bounds of their dominion aboue fortie Germane miles, hauing slaine or carried away into captiuitie the poore inhabitants of those countries; and now to be growne to that height of pride, that except their farther proceedings were with like forces repressed, they would in short time set foot into GERMANIE it selfe, and possessing themselues of STIRIA and CARINTHIA, would from thence daily more and more encroach vpon the em∣pire; which to hinder was not in his power onely, but required their helpe in generall: where∣fore he requested them now at length, in so publike a danger to open their cofers, and to send out their forces against the common enemie. Which request of the emperors, with the due con∣sideration [ F] of so great a danger, moued not only the princes and states of the empire, but others also farther off, to yeeld liberall contribution vnto so necessarie and generall a cause.

The Turkes now hearing of the great preparation of the Christian princes, beside the armie which was alreadie in the field; and that they had made a strong bridge ouer the riuer of Dra∣uus, which they had also fortified, thereby in safetie at their pleasure to transport their armie:

without further delay furnished such places as they had gotten with strong garrisons, and so [ G] withdrew themselues into their owne territorie: which they did the rather, for that the plague then raged sore in CONSTANTINOPLE, insomuch that there died a thousand a day. Which contagion had also taken hold of the Turkish armie: so that the Christians for feare of infection forthwith slew what Turke soeuer fell into their hands. And thus ended the troubles of this year, being but as it were an introduction for greater to ensue the yeare following.

* 7.25The Turks together with the beginning of the new yeare began also their wonted incursions into the frontiers of the Christians.* 7.26 They of the garrison of PETRINIA (a strong fort but lately and contrarie to the league built by the Turkes vpon the riuer Colapis or Kulp, for the further inuasion of CROATIA) made dayly excursions out of that new fort, and entering into the island TVROPOLIS, spoyled and burnt the towne and castle of B••CK VOCHOBINAM, and hauing [ H] made a great slaughter, carried away with them foure hundred prisoners. And in HVNGARIE, the Turkish garrisons to supplie their wants, made diuers rodes vpon the Christians; and did ex∣ceeding much harme; of which aduenturers six hundred in passing ouer the frosen lake, were all drowned in the midst thereof. In another place three thousand of them neere vnto NVHVSE, deuided themselues into two companies, whereof the one shewed it selfe in the sight of the townesmen, the other still lying close in ambush: They of the towne vpon the sight of these Turkes sallied out, and causing them to retire, followed them so far, that they were past the place where the rest of the Turkes lay: who presently starting vp, ran with all speed toward the towne in hope to haue surprised it, and wanted not much of that they desired: for there was scarce an hundred of the Germanes there in garrison left in the towne, who had scarce so much time as to [ I] draw vp the bridges: which done, they with the great ordinance from the wals enforced the Turkes to retire and forsake the towne. About the same time also the Turkes in garrison at PE∣TRINIA sallying out vpon the sudden, tooke the towne of MARTENIZE, which they spoyled; and hauing slaine and taken about seuen hundred persons, set fire on the towne, and so returned, hauing lost in this exploit not past an hundred and fiftie of their owne men. Not long after, the same garrison souldiours of PETRINIA tooke another castle, three miles distant from the ri∣uer of Kulp, whereinto the Christians dwelling round about, had for feare of the enemie conuey∣ed all their wealth with great store of victuals: all which the Turkes tooke, and hauing slaine six hundred men in the castle, returned with an exceeding rich bootie to PETRINIA: which they bought, with the liues of fiue hundred of their fellowes, slaine in taking of the castle. With like [ K] insolencie did also the other garrisons of the Turkes rage in all the other part of HVNGARIE. About CASSOVIA, in the vpper HVNGARIE, they carried away about three hundred Christi∣an captiues: and in the nether part of HVNGARIE they tooke the strong castle of S. Hedwig vp∣on the lake of Balaton, which they spoyled and burnt: and so likewise the castle of ISNA: but attempting the lesser COMARA, they were by the garrison souldiors valiantly repulsed. They also fortified the castle of STOCKE, which they had but a little before taken, that so it might serue for a safe refuge for their aduenturers. Which their manifold outrages, contrarie to the league, eui∣dently declared the desire they had to begin that bloudie warre which presently after ensued: and was indeed the more suspected, for that at the same time the emperours embassadour Fredericke Crocowitts was by the commaundement of Amurath shut vp close in his house at CONSTAN∣TINOPLE, [ L] and not suffered to speake with any man, neither to write or to send any messenger to the emperour: which caused him the more to suspect some great matter to be by the Turke en∣tended, and therfore began to raise new forces. The Hungarians and Bohemians also seeing their townes and castles thus taken, their prouinces spoyled, infinit numbers of people led away into captiuitie, and the enemie dayly encreasing in strength: at length agreed, vpon their owne char∣ges to maintaine a certaine number both of horse and foot, for the repressing of these the Tur∣kish incursions.

Now although the emperour knew right well all these outrages of the Turkes, contrarie vn∣to the league, could not be done without the knowledge and good liking also of Amurath; as before enformed thereof by his embassadour from CONSTANTINOPLE: yet to shew himselfe [ M] willing to haue the league on his behalfe kept, as also to make a further proofe of Amurath his resolution for peace or warre, he wrote vnto him as followeth:

[ A]

Rodolph the second, Emperour of the Romanes; vnto Amurath king of the Turkes.

Whereas nothing is hitherto on our behalfe omitted,* 8.1 for the preseruation and continuance of the league and amitie betwixt your most excellent maiestie and vs, by the renewed capitulations of peace; and that we haue with all sinceritie and loue performed, and are hereafter readie to performe whatso∣euer is on our part to be performed and done; and as we haue hitherto, so for euer hereafter also make offer of the same: we most assuredly promise vnto our selues on your maiesties behalfe, that you in like manner will not suffer any thing on your part to be wanting; but gladly and willingly to doe all things [ B] which shall be meet and needfull for the preseruation and keeping of this our mutuall loue and friend∣ship. Vpon which good hope grounding our selues, to declare our plaine meaning and sinceritie indeed, we will cause our honourable Present (which is now readie) to be brought vnto your most royall maie∣stie, at such time as shall bee agreed vpon betwixt our embassadour and you: vnto whom in all such matters as he by our commaundement shall haue to deale with your most excellent maiestie, your visi∣ers or seruants, we request you to giue full credence. In the meane time your excellencie shall doe well to prouide, that as we haue now seuerely commaunded our subiects to keepe the peace vpon our fronti∣ers, so that your souldiors also make no incursions as enemies into our territories, nor doe in them any harme, but to endeuour themselues also to peace and quietnesse: and especially, that all such things as contrarie to the capitulations of the league haue beene there of late taken from our people, or otherwise [ C] vniustly possessed, may be againe restored, the losses recompensed, the new fort of PETRINIA demo∣lished, and the Bassa of BOSNA and others the authors of breaking of the league punished and displa∣ced: whereby we shall gather your royall maiesties most noble and kind affection towards vs and our State: which as it shall be a thing most iust, so shall it be a singular confirmation of our league. But concerning these matters, and others to the same belonging, our embassadour is to declare our mind more at large, that so our prest desire for the continuance of our league and friendship with your maie∣stie, may more plainely be knowne. So wish we all health and prosperitie vnto your most royall maiestie. From PRAGE the eight of March, 1593.

The emperour also at the same time and to the same purpose writ to Sinan Bassa in this sort.

[ D] Rodolph the second, Emperour of the Romanes; to Sinan Bassa the chiefe Visier, greeting.

We write at this present vnto your most excellent Emperour,* 9.1 our most honoured friend and neigh∣bour, concerning such matters as we thought fit for the preseruation of the peace and league betwixt vs, least happily otherwise we might seeme to haue forgotten our dutie. Now it shall well beseeme your vprightnesse and good will, which we haue at other times prooued, for the high place and authoritie which you hold (and which we reioice to be againe restored vnto you) to giue vnto these things such easie passage before his maiestie, as that we may acknowledge your kindnesse and fauour, and haue occa∣sion therefore to shew our selues vnto you thankefull. First we offer our selues most readie to continue [ E] the peace, & to performe whatsoeuer is according to the conuentions of the renewed peace on our part to be performed: as also to send the honourable Present (which is not as yet by vs sent) when as our embassadour shall haue with you appointed any certaine time wherein it may be sent. And we also as∣suredly hope so to preuaile with your Emperour, that on your part the places within our territories, by your people forcibly possessed, together with all such things as haue beene wrongfully taken away, may be againe restored, and the fort of PETRINIA rased. The Bassa of BOSNA also (who we think would haue beene kept within the compasse of dutie, if you had at that time held the place of the chiefe Visier) and whosoeuer els, guiltie of the wicked breach of the league, to be worthily according to their deserts punished and displaced, and your soldiors seuerely charged not to make any further incursions, nor to do any thing that may tend to the breach of the league: as we likewise shall with new and straight com∣maunds [ F] most carefully restraine our garrison souldiors vpon our frontiers from all such excursions and enemies actions. But of these things our embassadour is more fully and at large to entreat with you: vnto whose speech we desire such credence to be giuen, as vnto our owne; and we will so prouide, that you shall haue good proofe of our great good will towards you. From PRAGE the eight of March 1593.

Vnto which the emperours letters Sinan returned answere as followeth.

[ G]

Sinan Bassa, cheefe Visier to Amurath the third, Emperour of the Turkes; vnto Rodolph the second, Emperour of the Romanes, greeting.

* 10.1By these we giue your Maiestie to vnderstand, That two of your Maiesties letters were brought hither before wee were chosen and confirmed cheefe Visier in this most royall Court; wherein your Maiestie excuse your selfe, and shew the causes why the sending of the wonted Presents hath beene so long deferred, by laying the fault vpon the insolencie of our garrison souldiors in BOSNA, and the breach of the publicke peace. Which your letters being by vs read before our most mightie emperour, his Highnesse in great choller burst out into these words: And thy sonne the Beglerbeg of BVDA [ H] hath still hitherto writ and giuen vs to vnderstand, that the vsuall Presents would certainely come: and that the king of VIENNA would not in any case consent vnto the breach of the league, or of the amitie betwixt vs and him; and yet for all that the presents are not hitherto come: wherefore thy sonnes writings and relations are not true. But now the Bassa of BOSNA hath sent word vnto the Court, that your Maiestie will not send them, and all your doings to be but meere deceit and fraud. For which cause our most mightie Emperour hath remooued my sonne from his place in BVDA, and rewar∣ded the Bassa of BOSNA with honorable garments, wheras my sonne is for your Maiesties sake displa∣ced. Now on our behalfe nothing is done against the peace, but our souldiors as with a bridle kept in: whereas on your Maiesties part, excursions and harmes into the territories of our emperor neuer cease; especially into BOSNA, whereinto your souldiors haue of late in warlike manner broken, although they [ I] were by our garrisons ouercome, their great ordinance taken, and brought hither vnto the Court. Wherefore seeing the case so standeth, your Maiestie is to resolue vs vpon two points, whereof the first is, Whether you be minded to keepe friendship with vs as beseemeth; and to send hither the two last yeares Presents or not? and the second, Whether you will set at libertie our captiue Sanzacks or no? Now if your Maiestie shall be content to keepe the league, and within these two months next to send the two yeares Presents, as also to dismisse our Sanzackes; the league shall on our part be likewise vn∣doubtedly kept, your territories shall be in no case molested, such Christian captiues as your Maiestie shall require, be enlarged, and a most firme and sure friendship by vs continued. Whereas if you shall vpon any cause or excuse longer delay the sending of those honourable Presents, and vnto these our demaunds send vs nothing but certaine vaine and windie answeres, let God on high be therefore for [ K] euer praised: for now our most mightie and victorious emperour, who wanteth neither abilitie nor power, hath commaunded, That we our selfe should in person goe in this warre, and putting our con∣fidence in the highest, with the armie of the right beleeuing Turkes to come into those parts: And therefore assure your Maiestie, that we will not faile there to encounter you: at which time shall ap∣peare vnto the world what is by God our Creator (whose holy name be for euer blessed) in his deepe wisedome preordained and set downe for vs. Wherefore seeing that all which concerneth the league, together with the safetie and quiet of our people on both sides, is vnto your Maiestie thus declared; you are to consider the end, and to follow our good aduice: whereas if otherwise you shall be the cause of the breach of this so wholesome a peace and vnitie (which we hitherto haue so sincerely and firmely kept) the excuse thereof both in this world and in the world to come shall lie vpon your selfe. Now [ L] we request of you no more, but forthwith to send vs answere of these our letters. As for the rest, well may he speed that taketh the right way. From CONSTANTINOPLE the last of the month * 10.2Giuma Zuleuel, in the yeare of our holy Prophet Mahomet 1001.

Yet for all these faire offers of peace thus made by Sinan Bassa in his letters, was his purpose nothing lesse than to haue performed the same, seeking onely to haue drawne the two yeares Presents from the emperour, amounting to a great summe of money, and so neuerthelesse to haue prosecuted the intended warre, the emperour being the onely man, of whom Amurath his great master had amongst all the Christian princes made choice of to exercise his force vpon. Of all which things the emperour was not ignorant, being thereof (as we said) fully before by his em∣bassadour [ M] aduertised from CONSTANTINOPLE.

These troubles of the Spring thus past, ensued the Sommer much more troublesome, for Hassan Bassa of BOSNA, chiefe authour and deuiser of all these broiles, ceased not for the encrease of his credit, to worke what mischiefe he could against the Christians that bordered vpon him.

[ A] This great Bassa mortally hated the Gouernour, or as some call him the Abbot of SISE••, a strong castle situat vpon the borders of that part of CROATIA, yet holden by the Christians, where the riuer Kulp falleth into the famous riuer of Sauus or Saw (and was in deed the verie bulwarke of that countrey) the cause of which his hatred is reported to haue beene this: The yeare before, the Bassa had sent a messenger to this Abbot, to require him to deliuer the castle or monasterie vnto him: which messenger for certaine daies the Abbot entertained with many ho∣nourable speeches, learning in the meane time of him so much as he possibly could of the Bassaes intention, with what power, in what place, and with what engines he had determined to besiege the castle. In the meane time it was discouered, that his steward had long before plotted with the Turke to haue betraied the castle, and had for certaine yeares past receiued of him a yearely [ B] pension. Vpon which occasion, the Abbot caused both the messenger and his owne steward to be apprehended, and so fast bound hand and foot, to be cast out at a window of the castle into the riuer of Saw. The Bassa seeing his messenger not to returne, sent another to the Abbot, grie∣uously threatning him, if he did not send him backe againe his messenger: wherunto the Abbot answered, That he had dismissed him certaine daies before, and therefore maruelled if he were not as yet returned: neuerthelesse concerning his demaund, that he was resolued to yeeld the monasterie vnto the Bassa, against whose forces he saw himselfe vnable to hold it▪ requesting on∣ly, that it would please him to send some men of account to receiue it at his hand, for that it would be no small dishonour vnto him to deliuer it vp vnto common souldiors. The Bassa glad of this message, sent forthwith certaine principall men of great account, hoping now without any losse [ C] to haue that strong place yeelded vnto him, which had so long time stood in his way. Three daies after certaine troupes of horsemen sent from the Bassa, came to the monasterie as was ap∣pointed, and finding the gates open entred, first the noblemen, and after them fiue hundred others or thereabouts: who were no sooner within the gates, but that the portculleis was let fall, and certaine murthering pieces (secretly placed in the court for that purpose) discharged: with the violence whereof, the Turkes that were alreadie entred, were most miserably rent in pieces, their heads, armes, and legs flying in the ayre; when presently the garrison souldiors starting out of their lurking places, made a quicke dispatch of all them that had escaped the furie of the great artillerie. The rest of the Turks shut out, hearing the noise and crie of them within, turning their horses, betooke themselues to speedie flight. The great Bassa hearing of this slaughter of his [ D] men, and how he had been deceiued, swore in great rage by his Mahomet, to rase this monasterie downe to the ground, and to plucke the Abbots skin ouer his eares: and so by threatning letters gaue him to vnderstand as followeth.

Hassan Bassa of Bosna, vnto the Abbot of Siseg.

It is not to thee vnknowne,* 11.1 how often we haue sent vnto thee our messengers with letters, decla∣ring vnto thee our loue and good will; requesting thee in friendly ••ort, and without farther resistance to yeeld vp vnto vs thy fortresse of SISEG, not longer to be by thee holden. Vnto which our request thou hast hitherto most wilfully at thy pleasure opposed thy selfe, not without the slaughter of our men; [ E] and in so doing, hast giuen cause vnto the great Sultan to ouerthrow and rase that thy fortresse, wher∣of thou for the emperour wilt needs be the chiefe. Thinkest thou it will be for thy good, or yet well ta∣ken, that thou hast so shamefully and perfidiously circumuented and slaine our embassadours and ser∣uants sent vnto thee? Nay assure thy selfe, that if Mahomet grant vs life, we will neuer giue ouer the siege of that thy fort wherein thou so much trustest, vntill I haue before thy face ouerthrowne it, and (if thy God shall giue thee aliue into my hands) haue pluckt thy skin ouer thine eares, to the great reproach and shame of the Christians: for I am fully resolued, not to depart from this place, but to con∣tinue the siege thereof vntill I haue it. Let a little time yet passe, and thou shalt see thy selfe on euerie side besieged, thy fort with mo and greater pieces of artillerie than euer, battered; and our power strong enough to constraine thee. Thou hast hitherto put thy greatest hope & comfort in the * 11.2 Banne Erodius, [ F] for whom by the helpe of Mahomet we are much too strong. In briefe we are of nothing more care∣full than how to get thee into our power: which if we doe, looke not for any mercie at our hands.

Neither was the Bassa vnmindfull of his promise,* 11.3 or of the losse he had receiued, but now in the beginning of Iune with an armie of thirtie thousand horse and foot, came and besieged the

fortresse of TRENSCHIIN, which with continuall batterie and often assaults he at length tooke, [ G] sacked the towne, slew most part of the inhabitants, except eight hundred or thereabouts of the younger sort, whom he carried away with him into captiuitie. And being prowd of this victo∣rie, remoued thence by a bridge which he had made, passed ouer the riuer, and so the twelfth of Iune came and encamped before the monasterie of SISEG:* 11.4 and after vaine summons giuen to the same, the next day caused his great ordinance to be planted, and with great furie thundring against the wals, in short time ouerthrew the new tower, in the fall whereof two of the Christi∣an canoniers perished. This furious batterie he maintained by the space of ten daies without in∣termission, giuing no time of rest vnto the besieged; so that it seemed not possible for the mona∣sterie to be any long time defended, if it were not with speed relieued. The bishop of ZAGRA∣BIA, and Rupertus Eggenberg Generall of the emperours forces that then were at ZAGRABIA, [ H] gaue knowledge thereof to Andrew lord Auersberg Gouernour of CAROLSTAT, crauing his aid and counsell: who calling togither his owne forces, raised a good number both of horse and foot, and called also vnto him the bordering horsemen of KARNIA and CRAINIA; who the seuenteenth day of Iune met all togither not far from INSTAVVITZ, and there taried that night. The next day passing ouer the riuer Sauus neere vnto ZAGRABIA, they joyned themselues with the emperours forces, and marched the nineteenth day in good order to SCELINE, where they expected the comming of Countie Serinus. The twentith day Peter Herdelius with his Hussars, and the lord Stephen Graswein came into the campe, with many of those light horsemen whom the Hunga••ians call Vscocchi. The one and twentith day they lodged at GRADIVM, still ex∣pecting the comming of the Countie Serinus, who otherwise busied, could not come. The next [ I] day after, a souldior sent out from the besieged, came into the campe, who gaue the captaines to vnderstand, that except they made hast that day to relieue the distressed monasterie, it would vndoubtedly be lost: for that the enemie had made it saultable, and would that night giue the assault; and the defendants, doubting how they should be able to maintaine the place, began be∣fore his departure thence to thinke of composition with the enemie. Vpon which newes the captaines forthwith began to consult among themselues, what course to take in so doubtfull and dangerous a case: where Auersberg was of opinion, That it were best to march on, & to giue the enemie battell; with whom also agreed the lord Rederen: The rest of the captains being of a con∣trarie mind, for that the strength of the Christians compared to the Turkes, was too weake; and therefore they thought it better in time to retire whiles they yet might, than to hazard vnto most [ K] manifest perill the liues of so many valiant men, at so great ods. At which counsell Auersberg was at the first much moued, but afterwards (as he was a man of great eloquence) plainly set be∣fore them the necessitie of the cause, and with liuely reasons cheered vp the fearefull Croatians; notably persuading them all in generall, to put their whole trust and confidence in God, to whom it was as easie to giue victorie by few as by many: and to fight like valiant men, for their religi∣on, their countrey, their liues, their wiues, their children and friends, and whatsoeuer else they held deare; against that cowardly enemie, whose valour neuer brought him into the field, but onely the vaine trust he had in his multitude; and would therfore no doubt easily be put to flight, if he should contrarie to his expectation find himselfe but a little hardly laid vnto. With these and other like reasons hee preuailed so much, that they all yeelded vnto his opinion, and with [ L] one consent resolued to go against the enemie, and to doe what they might to relieue their be∣sieged friends. So vpon a signe giuen, the whole armie (in number not aboue foure thousand) forthwith remoued, and with great speed hasted towards the enemie; and being come within a mile of the campe, put themselues in order of battell. The Turks by their espials vnderstanding of the approach of the Christians, brought all their horsemen ouer the riuer of Kulp, by a bridge which they had made, and hauing put themselues in order, came on to joyne battell with the Christians: who had in their vauntgard placed the Croatians and Hussars; in the left wing them of CAROLSTAT, and the harquebusiers of KARNIA; in the right wing the borderers of CRAI∣NIA, all horsemen; in the maine battell the rest of the souldiors, with the horsemen of SILESIA, vnder the conduct of Sigismund Paradise;* 11.5 the rearward was enclosed with three companies of [ M] the emperours souldiors. The Croatians and Hussars in the vauntgard gaue the first charge vpon the enemie: but hauing for a good space made a great fight, they were about to haue retired, and discouraged with the multitude of the enemies, were euen vpon the point to haue fled: when Auersberg (Generall of the Christian armie) came on with his squadron, and not onely restored

[ A] the battell, but so resolutely charged the maine battell of the Turkes, that the Bassa was constrai∣ned at the first to retire, and afterwards to flie, after whom all the rest of the armie followed. The Christians still keeping their array, pursued them with great speed, and comming to the new made bridge before them, tooke from them that passage, to the great discomfiture of the Turks, who seeing the miserable slaughter of themselues, and no way to escape, ran headlong some in∣to the riuer Odera, some into Kulp, and were there for most part drowned; the rest were all slaine by the Christians,* 11.6 before determined not to take any prisoners. In the meane time, the Turkes that remained at the siege, vnderstanding of the ouerthrow of their fellowes, set fire on their pouder and other prouision, and so in great feare betooke themselues to flight. Whose tents the Christians immediatly after tooke, and in them nine great pieces of artillerie, and good [ B] store of great shot of 44 and 45 pound waight a piece, with the sumptuous pauillion of the Bassa, and much other rich spoile,* 11.7 which was all carried into the monasterie of SISEG. The number of the Turkes slaine in this battell, and drowned in the riuers, is of diuers diuersly reported, but most agree vpon eighteene thousand. And amongst them was Hassan Bassa himselfe, found in the riuer neere vnto the bridge, knowne by his most rich and sumptuous apparell; and neere vn∣to him Mahomet-Beg, and Achmet-Beg. In other places were also found the dead bodies of Saffer-Beg the Bassaes brother, of Meni-beg, Haramatan-Beg, Curti-Beg, Oper••-Beg, and Gos∣chus, the Bassaes chiefe counsellour and master of his houshold. But of all others, the vntimely death of Sinan-Beg Amurath his nephew, his sisters onely sonne, sent thither to haue learned the feats of armes vnder Hassan the great Bassa, was of the Turkes most lamented. Of twentie [ C] thousand Turkes that came ouer the riuer Kulp, scarcely two thousand escaped. This so great a victorie obtained, all the armie of the Christians went thrise about the monasterie, and euerie time falling all downe vpon their knees, gaue vnto God most heartie thanks for the same, as by him miraculously giuen, and not by themselues woon; and afterwards made all the shew of joy and gladnesse they could possibly deuise.

SISEG thus deliuered, and the Turkes armie ouerthrowne, the Christians with all speed laid siege to PETRINIA the strong new fort of the Turkes, which they for the space of fiue daies most furiously battered: but hearing that the great Gouernour of GRaeCIA (whom the Turkes call the Beglerbeg of ROMANIA) was with a great power comming to the reliefe of the fort, they raised their siege, brake vp their armie, and returned euerie man to his wonted charge.

[ D] Whilest these things were in doing at PETRINIA,* 11.8 a post came from CONSTANTINOPLE to BVDA, who brought thither the first newes of the ouerthrow of SISEG; for the report ther∣of was not as yet come to BVDA. Wherefore the Bassa called vnto him the messenger, author of so bad newes, and diligently examined him of the truth thereof: who told him, That at his de∣parture from CONSTANTINOPLE, nothing was there knowne of that losse, but that vpon the way as he came he met with diuers horsemen but lately escaped from the slaughter, who told him of a certaintie, that the Bassa was slaine and his armie destroied. Whereunto the Bassa of BVDA replied, That he was happie in his death, for that if he had by chance escaped, he should for his indiscretion vndoubtedly haue suffered some other more shamefull death at the Court.

When newes of the aforesaid victorie was brought to the emperour at PRAGE, he comman∣ded [ E] publike prayers, with thankesgiuing to almightie God to be made in all churches: and sent a messenger with letters to Amurath, to know of him how he vnderstood these insolent pro∣ceedings of his souldiors, and especially this late expedition of the Bassa of BOSNA and his com∣plices, contrarie to the league yet in force betwixt them. After which messenger he sent also the lord Popelius, with the yearely Present (or rather tribute) he vsed to send vnto the Turkish empe∣perour at CONSTANTINOPLE; yet with this charge, that when he was come as farre as CO∣MARA in the borders of HVNGARIE, he should there stay vntill the returne of the aforesaid mes∣senger: who if he brought tidings of peace from Amurath, then to proceed on his journey to the Turkes Court; otherwise, to returne againe with his present: as he afterwards did. For A∣murath enraged with the notable losse receiued at SISEG, and prickt forward with the teares and [ F] prayers of his sister (desirous of nothing more than to be reuenged for the death of her sonne) the seauenth of August caused open war to be proclaimed against the Christian emperour, both at CONSTANTINOPLE and BVDA. The mannaging whereof he committed to Sinan Bassa the old enemie of the Christians, his lieutenant generall, and persuader of this warre: who departing from CONSTANTINOPLE with an armie of fortie thousand, wherein were 5600 Ianizaries,

was by Amurath himselfe and the great men of the Court brought a mile on his way: hauing [ G] in charge from the great Sultan, by the assistance of the Beglerbeg of GREECE, the Bassaes of BVDA and TEMESVVARE, and other his Sanzackes and commaunders in that part of his em∣pire, to reuenge the death of his nephew, and the dishonour receiued at SISEG.

This warre Amurath with great pride denounced vnto the Christian Emperour and the rest of the princes his confederats in this sort.

Amurath the third, by the grace of the great God in heauen, the onely Mo∣narch of the World, a great and mightie God on earth, an inuincible Caesar, King of all Kings from the East vnto the West, Sultan of BABILON, Soueraigne of the most noble fami∣lies of PERSIA and ARMENIA, triumphant victor of HIERVSALEM, Lord [ H] possessour of the Sepulchre of the crucified God, subuerter and sworne enemie of the Christians, and of all them that call vpon the name of Christ.

* 12.1We denounce vnto thee Rodolph the Emperour, and to all the Germane nation taking part with thee, vnto the great Bishop also, all the Cardinals and Bishops, to all your sonnes and subiects: wee earnestly (I say) by our crowne and empire denounce vnto you open warre. And giue you to vnder∣stand, that our purpose is, with the power of thirteene kingdomes, and certaine hundred thousands of men, horse and foot, with our Turkes and Turkish armes, yea with all our strength and power (such as neither thou nor any of thine hath euer yet seene or heard of, much lesse had any proofe of) to besiege [ I] you in your cheefe and metropoliticall cities, and with fire and sword to persecute you and all yours, and whosoeuer shall giue you helpe, to burne, destroy, and kill, and with most exquisit torments we can de∣uise to torture vnto death and slay such Christian captiues as shall fall into our hands, or els to keepe them as dogs, captiues in perpetuall miserie; to empaile vpon stakes your fairest sonnes and daugh∣ters: and to the further shame and reproch of you and yours, to kill like dogs your women great with child, and the children in their bellies: for now we are fully resolued to bring into our subiection you which rule but in a small countrey, and by strong hand and force of armes to take from you your king∣dome, as also to oppresse, root vp and destroy the keyes and See of ROME, together with the golden scepter thereof: and we will prooue whether your crucified Iesus will helpe you and doe for you as yours persuade you. Beleeue him still, and trust in him, and see how he hath holpen his messengers which haue [ K] put their confidence in him: for we neither beleeue, neither can we endure to heare such incomprehen∣sible things, that he can helpe, which is dead so many worlds of yeares agoe, which could not helpe him∣selfe, nor deliuer his owne countrey and inheritance from our power, ouer which we haue so long time raigned. These things ô yee poore and miserable of the world, we thought good to signifie vnto you, that you with your princes and confederats may know what you haue to doe and to looke for. Giuen in our most mightie and imperiall citie of CONSTANTINOPLE, which our auncestours by force of armes tooke from yours, and hauing slaine or taken prisoners all their citisens, reserued such of their wiues and children as they pleased vnto their lust, to your perpetuall infamie and shame.

Sinan with his armie thus s••tting forward, kept still on his way towards BVDA, but the Beg∣lerbeg [ L] of GRaeCIA with a farre greater power marched towards CROATIA, as well to relieue the forts distressed by the Christians,* 12.2 as againe to besiege the strong castle or monasterie of SI∣SEg: which he with his huge armie at his first arriuall compassed about without resistance, and with continuall batterie ouerthrew the wals thereof, giuing no time of rest vnto the defendants. Which breaches they for all that valiantly defended, and with restlesse labour notably repaired, the very fearefull women bringing tables, stooles, and whatsoeuer els came to hand, that might any wise helpe to keepe the enemie out, of whom a great number was in the breaches slaine. But what was that handfull against such a multitude? At length the third day of September the Turks by maine force entered the Monasterie, and put to sword all the soldiors therin: amongst whom were two hundred Germanes, of whom the Turks cut some in pieces, and the rest they threw in∣to [ M] the riuer Kulp. One religious man there found among the rest, they did flea quicke in detesta∣tion of his profession, and afterward cutting him in small pieces, burnt them to ashes. So taking the spoyle of all that was there to bee had; and leauing a strong garrison for the keeping of the place, they passed ouer Sauus, burning the countrey before them, and carried away with them

[ A] about a thousand poore Christians into perpetuall captiuitie. These inuasions of the Turks cau∣sed the Emperour to craue aid both of the states of the empire, and other forraine princes farther off, which was by some easily graunted, but not so speedily performed.

About this time Peter surnamed le Hussar (for that hee commaunded ouer those horsemen whom the Hungarians call Hussars) captaine of PAPPA, by the appointment of Ferdinand coun∣tie Hardeck gouernour of RAB, lay in wait for the Turks Treasurer in HVNGARIE, who had the commaund of fiue thousand Turkes: him this Hungarian tooke at aduantage, as he was muste∣ring and paying certaine companies of his souldiors, mistrusting no such danger, and desperatly charging him, slew him with diuers of his men▪ and put the rest to flight, and so with the spoyle and some few prisoners he returned againe to his castle, carrying with him the Treasurer.

[ B] Now Sinan the Generall being come with his armie to BVDA,* 12.3 resolued with himselfe to be∣gin his warres in that part of HVNGARIE, with the siege of VESPRINIVM. This episcopall ci∣tie was by Solyman the great Turke taken from the Christians in the yeare 1552, and againe by them recouered about foureteene yeares after, about the yeare 1566, since which time vntill now it had remained in the hands of the Christians. Sinan without delay marching with his armie to VESPRINIVM, compassed the citie round, and encamping as he saw good, planted his batterie wherewith he continually thundered against the citie. The Christians there in garison easily per∣ceiuing that the citie was not long to be holden against so great a power, placed diuers barrels of gunpouder in certaine mines they had made vnder the wals and bulwarkes of the towne, with traines that should at a certaine time take fire. Which done, they departed secretly out of the ci∣tie [ C] in the dead time of the night, hoping so in the darke to haue escaped the hands of the enemie: which they did not so secretly, but that they were by the Turks descried, and most of them slaine. Ferdinand Samaria Gouernor of the citie, after he had for a space valiantly defended himselfe, fell at last into the enemies hand, and so was taken aliue, together with one Hofkirke a Germane cap∣taine. The Turkes entered the citie the sixt of October, striuing who should get first in, for gree∣dinesse of the prey, when suddenly the pouder in the mines tooke fire, and blowing vp the very foundations of the wals and bulwarkes, slew a number of the Turks that were within the danger thereof, and wonderfully defaced the citie.

From VESPRINIVM the Bassa remoued with his armie to PALOTTA, and gaue summons to the castle:* 12.4 but receiuing such answere as pleased him not, hee layed siege vnto it with all his [ D] power. Which at the first Peter Ornand captaine of the castle chearefully receiued: but being af∣terward without any great cause discouraged (the castle as yet being but little shaken, and but one man slaine, and the rest of the souldiors readie to spend their liues in defence thereof) he sent vnto the Bassa, offering to yeeld the castle vnto him, so that he with his souldiors might with bag and baggage in safetie depart. Of which his offer the Bassa accepted, and graunted his request. But he was no sooner come out of the castle with his souldiors, and readie to depart, but the faithlesse Turke contrarie to his oath and promise caused them all to be cruelly slaine, except only the cap∣taine and two other. After that the Bassa without any great labour tooke in all the country there∣abouts neere vnto the lake of Balaton.

Now at last, though long first, about the middle of October the Christians began to muster [ E] their armie, in number about eighteene thousand, all good and expert souldiours: with which power they shortly after passing ouer Danubius, at the first encounter with the Turkes put them to the worse, slew a great number of them, and rescued a number of poore Christian captiues.

In the latter end of this moneth countie Hardeck Gouernour of RAB,* 12.5 and Generall of the Christian armie in that part of HVNGARIE, departing from KOMARA with all his power, came and layed siege to the strong citie of ALBA REGALIS, which by the force of his artillerie hee in short time made saultable; but in assaulting the breaches, was by the Turkes there in garrison notably repulsed. So hauing made sufficient proofe both of the strength and courage of the de∣fendants, and perceiuing no good could be done without a long siege, for which hee was not as then prouided; after consultation had with the rest of the captaines, he resolued to raise his siege: [ F] which he did the second of Nouember, remouing that day but halfe a mile from the citie, because he would be sure of all his armie. But as he was about the next day to remoue, news was brought him by his espials, that the enemies power was at hand, and euen now almost in sight, which proued to be so indeed. For the Bassa of BVDA by the commaundement of Sinan Bassa the Ge∣nerall, was come forth with thirteene Sanzackes and twentie thousand souldiors, thirtie field pie∣ces,

and fiue hundred wagons laded with victuall and other warlike prouision, to raise the siege, [ G] and to relieue the citie; and was now euen at hand, comming directly vpon the Christians: wher∣upon the countie, assisted by the countie Serinus, the lord Palfi, the lord Nadasti, Peter le Hussar, and other valiant captaines of great experience, with wonderfull celeritie put his armie in order of battell, and so couragiously set forward to encounter the enemie. The Bassa seeing the Christi∣ans marching towards him, tooke the aduantage of the higher ground, and from thence dischar∣ged his field pieces vpon them; which mounted too high, by good hap did them little or no hurt at all. The Christians for all that desirous of battell, and nothing regarding the disaduantage of the ground, but calling vpon the name of the Almightie, mounted the hill, and joyning battell with the Turkes, by plaine force constrained them to flie. In this armie of the Turkes, being for most part horsemen, were about fiue thousand foot, and many of them Ianizaries, who in flying, [ H] oftentimes made stands, and wounded many, and yet neuerthelesse were almost all there slaine, with many others: amongst whom were three great men, the Sanzacks of STRIGONIVM, SET∣CHINE, and NOVIGRAD; seuen Chiaus, and many other men of marke, the most valiant cap∣taines of the Turkes borderers. The lord Nadasti with some others taking view of the Turkes that were slaine and lost in this battell, deemed them to haue beene at the least in number eight thousand: few prisoners were saued, all being put to the sword, which caused Sinan to sweare by his Mahomet neuer more to spare any Christian. All the Turks artillerie, wagons, and prouision became a prey vnto the Christians: many ensignes were there found, and weapons of great va∣lue. It is hard to be beleeued, how much this victorie encouraged the Christians, & daunted the Turkes. Whereupon the countie with great joy brought backe his armie to ALBA REGALIS, [ I] and encamped neere the bulwarke called STOPASCH, where the Turks most feared to be assaul∣ted. Palfi, Nadasti, and some others, earnestly persuaded with the countie, not to depart from the citie before he had woon it: But he considering the hard time of the yeare, the strength of the ci∣tie (which was now full of souldiours, by reason of them that were fled in thither from the late ouerthrow) with the want of things necessarie in his armie to maintaine a longer siege; and fea∣ring also after long lying to be enforced with dishonour to forsake it, would not hearken to their persuasions, but calling a counsell, resolued to raise his siege, and to content himselfe with the vi∣ctorie he had alreadie gotten, which was afterward imputed vnto him for more than an ouer∣sight. So setting fire vpon the suburbes of the citie, he rise with his armie, and departed thence the fift of Nouember, and returned to RAB. [ K]

* 12.6Not long after, Christopher lord Teuffenbach, the Emperours lieutenant in the vpper part of HVNGARIE, who lay encamped at CASSOVIA with his armie of foureteene thousand soul∣diors, remooued thence, and marching along the countrey two dayes, came and layed siege to SABATZKA, one of the Turkes strongest castles in those quarters, out of which they vsually did much harme among the Christians. This castle Teuffenbach battered in three places; and ha∣uing at length made it saultable, tooke it by force the nineteenth of Nouember, and put to the sword all the Turkes there in garrison, in number about two hundred and fiftie, and instead of them left a strong garrison of his owne: whereby all the countrey thereabouts was restored to great quietnesse.

* 12.7SABATZKA thus taken, the Christian Generall remoued with all speed to FILEK, a strong ci∣tie [ L] of the higher HVNGARIE, which Solyman the Turkish emperour tooke from the Christians in the yeare 1560, and placed therein a Sanzacke, vnder the commaund of the Bassa of BVDA. The Generall encamping before this citie, the next day after planted his batterie, and in most ter∣rible manner without intermission thundered against the wals and gates of the citie. The San∣zacke Gouernour thereof, considering the power of the Christians, got out secretly by night with a few souldiors, to acquaint the other Turkish Sanzackes his neighbours with the comming of the Christians, and the number of their armie; and further to consult with them how the citie might bee relieued. The Bassa of TEMESVVARE, with the Sanzackes of GIVLA, HADVVAN, SCANTTZAG, and SCIRME, vndertooke the matter: and therupon the Bassa sent for eight hun∣dred Ianizaries, of late left by Sinan Bassa in garrison at BVDA and ALBA REGALIS; who all [ M] flatly refused to goe to this seruice, saying, That they would not be led as beasts to the slaughter, as were their fellowes but a little before at ALBA REGALIS: neuerthelesse they enforced the Ar∣menians, whom Sinan and his sonne had brought thither, to goe; but of BVDA, ALBA REGA∣LIS, and SCAMBOTH, were sent onely fifteene hundred common souldiors. For all that, the

[ A] Bassa with the Sanzacks his followers, firme in their former resolution for the reliefe of the di∣stressed citie, hauing made great preparation, and raised an armie of eighteene thousand strong, with many field pieces, by night drew neere vnto FILEK, and staied within two miles of the ci∣tie. But the Generall of the Christians, with Stephen Bathor and the other captaines, vnderstan∣ding of their comming, with seauen thousand good souldiours chosen out of the whole armie, went out presently against them; and the one and twentith of Nouember suddenly assailing them in their tents, ouerthrew them and put them all to flight; whom the Christians fiercely pursued with a most terrible execution. In this fight and flight there was slaine six thousand Turks, and but few or none taken. The Bassa himselfe, with the Sanzacke of FILEK and many others of great name, were found amongst the bodies of the slaine Turks. This victorie gained [ B] with little or no losse, yeelded vnto the Christians a rich prey, many gorgious tents, and faire ensignes, much cattell, and nine and twentie field pieces, with two hundred wagons laded with victuall and other prouision; all which they carried into the campe of FILEK, and so more straightly besieged the citie than before. The same day the lord Palfi and Martin Lasla came to the campe with six thousand souldiors: and forthwith three trumpeters were sent to tell them of the citie, That if without farther resistance they would forthwith yeeld the citie, they should haue leaue in safetie to depart with life and goods, although the Turkes had of late in like case broken their faith with the Christians at PALOTTA: but if they refused his grace, and would needs hold it out to the vttermost, then to denounce vnto them all extremities. For all this, the Turks no∣thing dismaied, refused to yeeld: wherupon the batterie began afresh, and in more terrible manner [ C] than before:* 12.8 so that though the citie was most strongly fortified both with wals and rampiers, yet had the Christians in three daies space, with continuall batterie made a faire breach into it, whereby they in despight of the enemie entred without any notable losse the foure and twentith of Nouember, ransacked the citie, and burnt a great part thereof. The same day they also tooke the vttermost castle, wherein the Sanzackes pallace stood: this castle standeth vpon a verie high hill, strengthned both by art and nature, and had in it a strong garrison of valiant souldiors, who spared not lustily to bestow their shot amongst their enemies, of whom they slew a great num∣ber. Neuerthelesse, the Christians after they had for the space of two daies and two nights with a most furious batterie shaken the wals, by plaine force entred the castle the six and twentith of Nouember, and put to sword all the garrison souldiors; except such as had in good time forsa∣ken [ D] this castle, and retired themselues into another more inward. Who being in number eight hundred, with their wiues and children, without hope of reliefe, and seeing the cannon now bent vpon them, set out a white ensigne in token of parley: which granted, it was agreed that they should depart with life, and so much of their goods as euerie one of them could carrie. Vpon which agreement, the castle was yeelded the eight and twentith day of Nouember, and the Turks with a safe conuoy brought vnto the place they desired. In this castle was found a great bootie, many pieces of artillerie, with much other warlike prouision, but of victuals small store. The Generall with the rest of the captaines entring the castle, fell downe vpon their knees, and with their hearts and hands cast vp towards heauen, thanked God for their victorie, and for the recouerie of that strong citie; but especially for the deliuerie of so many Christians out of the [ E] Turkish ••hraldome: For it is reported, that there are aboue eight hundred countrey villages subject to the jurisdiction of FILEK, the poore inhabitants whereof were now all freed from the Turkish seruitude, by the taking of this only citie. The Christians forthwith repaired the wals, bulwarks, and trenches, and strongly fortified euerie place against the enemie: and so leauing a sufficient garrison in the citie and castles, departed with their armie, now in number about twen∣tie thousand, towards SODOCH, six miles from FILEK. But as they were vpon the way, newes was brought vnto the Generall, how that the Turks had for feare abandoned the castles of D••I∣VVIN and SOMOSKE: whereupon he sent out certaine companies of souldiors to take in both those places; who comming thither, found them in deed forsaken of the enemie, but yet many pieces of artillerie and other warlike prouision there still left.

[ F] In the latter end of Nouember the Generall marched with his armie towards SETSCHINE, a strong towne in the diocesse of AGRIA,* 12.9 but the Turkes in that place had two or three daies be∣fore prepared themselues to flie, and sent their wiues, their children, and the best of their sub∣stance, some to HATVVAN, some to BVDA: and now hearing of the approach of the Christian armie, set fire on the towne and fled. The Christians immediatly entring, did what they could

to quench the fire, and saued a great part of the towne: so leauing there a conuenient garrison, he [ G] hasted with speed to BLAVENSTEIN, which the Turkes did also set on fire, and betooke them∣selues to flight. The Christians comming thither the next day after, namely the fourth of De∣cember, ••ound a great part of the towne yet vnburnt, wherein they left a strong garrison: and from thence marched to SALLEK, which towne they also tooke being forsaken by the enemie, and put thereinto a good garrison. The Generall was of nothing more desirous, than to haue prosecuted this so happie a course of victorie: but such was the foulenesse of the winter weather, that he could not trauell with his great artillerie, without which no great matter was to be done against the enemie, still keeping himselfe in his strong holds. And his armie in that wasted and forsaken countrey, began now to feele the want of victuals; so that many had withdrawne them∣selues out of the armie vnto their owne dwelling places. [ H]

At the same time also, the lord Palfi going to DREGEL and PALANKA, and finding them forsaken by the enemie, furnished both places with garrisons of his owne men. Certaine other strong places were also this moneth recouered from the Turkes, as AINACKE, SOLLOCKE, WETSKE, and others, and so much territorie gained by the Christians, as was in circuit thought equall with the lower AVSTRIA. The joyfull newes of the aforesaid victories, with the reco∣uerie of so much of the countrey, and so many strong townes and castles, made great rejoycing both at VIENNA and PRAGE: for which cause publike praiers with thankesgiuing to almightie God were made in both places, with many other tokens of joy and triumph, both there and in diuers other places of the empire.* 12.10 Yet were not the dead bodies of the Turkes slaine at ALBA REGALIS buried; whereof rise such a loathsome and noysome smell thereabout, that no man [ I] could abide to come nigh the place, to the great trouble of the inhabitants round about. At length certaine Turks out of BVDA and ALBA REGALIS, to the number of 350 met togither to haue buried those loathsome carkases: vpon whom it chanced a captaine of the Hussars to light with his horsemen, who fiercely assailing them, left most of them there dead for others to burie, and carried away the rest prisoners.

The Bassa of BVDA had caused Murat Sanzacke of PALOTTA to be strangled, for that he suspected him to haue had intelligence with the Christians: in whose roume he placed another, who comming with 600 Turkes to take possession of his preferment, was by the way set vpon by Peter le Hussar, with the garrison souldiors of PAPPA and THVRN, and slaine with most part of his followers. Fiue and thirtie of them were taken aliue, with all the Sanzackes rich fur∣niture. [ K] To end this yeare withall, the Turks in garrison at PETRINIA, SISEG, CASTROVVITZ, and other places thereabours, met togither in number about 300, who the 19 of December pas∣sing ouer the riuer Sauus, began to spoile the frontiers of those countries. But before they were gone farre, they were so encountred by the lord Graswin and the borderers thereabout, that 500 of them were left dead vpon the ground, diuers of good account taken prisoners, and almost all the rest drowned in the riuer; so that of all them that came ouer, few escaped with life. In the latter end of this moneth great numbers of souldiors were taken vp in SAXONIE, and other pla∣ces of GERMANIE; whereof some were sent to PRAGE, and some to VIENNA in AVSTRIA: and in HVNGARIE the Christians encreased their strength with new supplies. In AVSTRIA also a new armie was raised, and two and twentie great pieces of artillerie sent downe the riuer of [ L] Danubius to COMARA, and new preparation made in euerie place for the next yeares wars.

* 12.11Amurath the Turkish emperour, going out of the citie to CONSTANTINOPLE the 11 of Ianuarie,* 12.12 to muster the armie he had prepared against the Christians for this yeare, was suddenly ouertaken with such a tempest of wind and raine, that it ouerthrew his tents, his chariots, yea his horses and men had much adoe to withstand it. Wherewith he being (as with an ominous prodigie) exceedingly troubled, returned with his armie into the citie, and oppressed with me∣lancholy, cast himselfe downe vpon his bed as a man halfe sicke. Where falling asleepe, hee dreamed that he saw a man of an exceeding stature, standing with one of his feet vpon the tower of CONSTANTINOPLE,* 12.13 and the other ouer the strait in ASIA; who stretching out his armes, held the Sunne in one of his armes, and the Moone in the other: whom whiles he wondred at, [ M] the monster with his foot strucke the tower, which forthwith fell downe, and in falling ouer∣threw the great temple with the imperiall pallace. Amurath awaked (as he thought) with the noise, and much troubled with the dreame (for the Turks are in such vanities verie superstitious) sent for all his wisards and interpreters of dreames, to know the meaning of this his so strange or

[ A] rather so melancholy a dreame. Who hypocritically answered him, That forasmuch as he had not with all his force as a tempest impugned the Christians, their great Prophet Mahomet threat∣ned by that dreame, to ouerthrow the tower, the temple, and the imperiall pallace; that is to say, the religion and empire of the Turks. Which vaine and fained interpretation so much moued the superstitious tyrant, that he swore from thenceforth to turne all his forces vpon the Christi∣ans, and not to giue ouer warre vntill he had done what he might to subdue them. This the Turks dreame, with the interpretation thereof, and the solemne vow he had made for the destru∣ction of the Christians, was publikely read in the Churches of TRANSYLVANIA, and many godly exhortations made vnto the people, to moue them by prayer and all other good meanes, to auert that so threatned thraldome.

[ B] Of the rich spoile taken from the Turks in the late victorie neere vnto ALBA REGALIS,* 12.14 the Christian captaines made a present for the emperour and the archduke Matthias his brother, which they sent by the lords Gall and Brun: and was by them presented vnto the emperour and his brother the 11 of Ianuarie at VIENNA, in order as followeth. First went the master of the ordinance of RAB, on both sides attended vpon with the other officers of the artillerie: after them were drawne thirtie great pieces of ordinance, taken in that battell. After these pieces fol∣lowed three Turkish horses, with rich saddles, and furniture studded with gold, the stirrups and bridles being of siluer, guilt and most curiously wrought: after them were carried two and twen∣tie of the Turkes ensignes, three of them verie rich, and the other right faire. Then followed the two embassadours aforesaid, with each of them a guilt mase in his hand, such as the Turkes [ C] Bassaes vse to carrie: after them were brought many instruments of war, guilt scimitars, gleaues, bowes and arrowes, targets, and ten of the Ianizaries drums. Two of the aforesaid horses were presented to the emperour, and the third to the archduke. The field pieces brought to the castle gate, and orderly placed vpon the plaine, were all (at such time as the rest of the Present entred the castle) forthwith by the cannoniers discharged: and there for certaine daies left vpon the plaine for the people to feed their eies vpon. The embassadours discharged of their Present, and rewarded by the emperour with chaines of gold and other gifts, returned againe vnto the campe. Notwithstanding that it was now deepe Winter, yet many sharpe skirmishes daily passed vpon the borders, betwixt the Turkes and the Christians. The fifteenth of this present moneth, two thousand of the Turks assembled togither, were making an inroad into the countrey about FI∣LEK: [ D] whereof the lord Teuffenbach hauing intelligence, lay in wait for them, and setting vpon them, fearing no such danger, slew and tooke of them fifteene hundred.

Matthias archduke of AVSTRIA, now Gouernor of STIRIA, CARINTHIA, and the coun∣tries thereabout (by the departure of Ernestus his brother, but a little before by Phillip king of SPAINE made Gouernour of the low countries) was now also by the emperour appointed Ge∣nerall of the Christian armie against the Turkes: who to be nearer vnto the enemie, and to far∣ther the new warre, departed the six and twentith day of Februarie from VIENNA to RAB, af∣ter whom daily followed the forces newly raised in SILESIA, MORAVIA, and HVNGARIE, with others also sent from PRAGE and VIENNA. He considering to what small purpose it would be to haue the last yeare taken so many strong townes and castles, except the same were [ E] also well manned and furnished with all needfull prouision; by the persuasion of the lord Teuf∣fenbach, sent Countie Schlicke with a thousand horse to FILEK, for the more safetie of that place, and the countrey thereabout so lately gained from the Turkes.

It fortuned that about this time, a souldior of the Turks taken not farre from DREGEL, and brought into the campe; among other things wherof he was examined, confessed that in NO∣VIGRAD, a strong towne and of great importance (but one mile distant from VACIA, and three from BVDA) was left but a weake garrison of about eight hundred souldiors, who there liued in great feare to be besieged, and that the Turks doubting such a matter, had brought thither much prouision for the better fortifying of the towne. Vpon which intelligence the Christians began to remoue with their armie, and being come betwixt DREGEL and NOVIGRAD, vnderstood [ F] by the countrey people, that it was true that the Turke had reported: wherefore they resolued that night to lay siege vnto the towne. So forthwith some were sent to DREGEL, to fetch thence certaine pieces of artillerie, whom certaine troupes of Germane horsemen went to meet: who vsed such diligence, that the eight of March a little before the rising of the Sunne, the whole ar∣mie with the great ordinance was come before NOVIGRAD. That day the Christians spent in

pitching their tents,* 12.15 and encamping themselues: yet before night they had planted certaine great [ G] pieces vpon an high hill, from whence they might see into the castle; whereof the master of the ordinance caused three of the greatest (about the going downe of the Sunne) to be discharged a∣gainst the castle, to giue the Turke to vnderstand that they wanted nothing for the siege. The same night also the Christians cast vp a great mount in the valley, from whence they presently sent six great shot into the castle: but early in the morning the Sunne being yet scarce vp, and all things now in readinesse, they began to batter the castle, and that day out of ten great pieces dis∣charged three hundred great shot against the castle; but to small purpose, for the castle was built vpon a most strong rocke, fortified with high and thicke wals, and a deepe ditch hewen out of the maine rocke, which compassed the castle round; and for the more strength thereof was so fortifi∣ed with pallisadoes made of strong timber, as that there was no accesse vnto the wals: yet by the [ H] commaundement of the Generall, certaine companies of the Christians prepared themselues to assault the breach, such as it was; who besides their weapons, carrying with them drie faggots, and setting them on fire, burnt the pallisado in diuers places, and so opened the way vnto the wals; and encouraged with the successe, approched neerer, and slew diuers of the Turkes vpon their rampiers: who discouraged with their owne weakenesse and the forwardnesse of the enemie, faintly defended themselues, and yet slew diuers of them, beating them downe from the wals with stones, timber, fire-workes, and such like. This assault giuen in the night, was continued vn∣till foure a clocke in the morning, and so giuen ouer. Shortly after came the Archduke with a thousand horse into the campe, and caused the batterie to be againe renewed: whereby it chan∣ced, that the chiefe canonier in the castle being a renegate Germane, was taken with a great shot, [ I] and slaine; whose death so dismayed the rest of the defendants, that they presently set forth three white ensignes in signe of parle: which for all that the Christians seemed not to regard, but still continued their batterie. The Turks then pitifully crying out, named two captaines, whom they desired to haue sent vnto them, with whom they might fall to some reasonable composition. So for a while the batterie ceased, and those captaines being sent into the towne, brought nine of the best of the Turkes in the citie with them vnto the Archduke: who by their interpreter declared, That they well considering the force of the Christians, and seeing no reliefe to come from the Bassa of BVDA, as he had promised, thought themselues to haue alreadie discharged the parts of good souldiours, and seeing no other remedie, were contented to yeeld the castle, yet so, as that with bag and baggage they might in safetie depart. Whereunto the lord Palfi taking vpon him [ K] the person of the Archduke (for that he himselfe would not be knowne) answered, That for as much as they had not yeelded at the first summons, but holden it out to the losse of many of his mens liues, and his great charge, they were vnworthie any fauour, yet of his owne clemencie he would receiue them, if they would absolutely without any further condition yeeld themselues to his mercie. This answere being reported to the Sanzacke, gouernour of the towne, pleased him not, and therefore said he would still stand vpon his defence. Whereupon the Christians were about to haue begun a fresh assault. But after a new parley it was at last agreed, That the Turkes yeelding the towne vnto the Archduke, should in safetie depart with their apparrell and scimitars onely. With which agreement two of the Turkes were sent backe into the castle, and the rest detained. Foure houres the Turkes in the castle delayed the time, as men doubtfull what to doe: [ L] but being earnestly called vpon by the lord Palfi for a resolute answere, and seeing the Christians readie again to assault them,* 12.16 they for feare yeelded: and so foure hundred and fiftie of them came forth, amongst whom was the Sanzacke gouernour of the towne, with his wife and daughter, the Sanzacke of SELENDRE, sent thither to haue aided him, and one Chiaus lately come from the Court. These great men brauely mounted, were commaunded to alight from their gallant hor∣ses, and had in their steads other bad jades giuen them to ride vpon: and as they passed by, as wel the women as the men were searched, that they carried with them nothing more than their clothes: if any thing els were found, it fell vnto the souldiors share for good bootie. This strong towne of NOVIGRAD, had continued in the possession of the Turkes about threescore yeares, and serued as it were for a bulwarke to PESTH and BVDA, which now recouered out of their [ M] hands, opened a way vnto their further harmes. The keeping of this towne was by the Archduke committed to the lord Rebei, a noble man of HVNGARIE, and kinsman to Palfi, with a strong garrison and certaine troupes of Hussars.

The Sanzacke of NOVIGRAD, after he had lost the towne, comming to BVDA, was presently

[ A] apprehehended by the Bassa, and layed in prison: who although he excused himselfe, by allead∣ging that the towne was not possibly to bee holden with so small a garrison against so great a power;* 12.17 and that if any fault were, it was to be imputed to them of BVDA, for not sending reliefe in time; and therefore appealed vnto the further hearing of Amurath himselfe: yet all serued him not, but was by the Bassaes commandement in the night hanged vpon a tree neere vnto the gate of the citie, and afterwards cut in pieces.

Whilest these things were in doing, the Emperour sent his embassadours to the great duke of MVSCOVIA, the king of POLONIA, and the prince of TRANSYLVANIA, to proue how they stood affected towards those his warres against the Turke, and what aid he might procure from them. Into MVSCOVIE was sent one Warkutsch a gentleman of SILESIA, who comming to [ B] MVSCO, found in that Court the embassadours of the Tartar, the Turke, the Persian, the Polo∣nian, and the Dane. Of all these, the embassadours of the Tartar and the Turke could haue no audience, but were with contumelious words rejected, as miscreants. The emperours embassa∣dour was honourably entertained, and after the manner of that countrey, a large proportion of wine, mede, aquauita, flesh, fish, and foule of sundrie sorts allowed him dayly all the time of his a∣bode. At length hauing audience, he declared vnto the great duke the cause of his comming, and in the name of his master requested his aid against the Turke. Whereunto the duke answered, That he would giue the emperour towards the maintenance of his warres against the common enemie, fiue hundred thousand duckats, and allow him yearely foure hundred thousand, during the time of that warre; requesting him not to make any peace with the Turke, and promising to [ C] send him aid also of men in this warre, if he should so need. The Persian embassadour also ho∣norably feasted the emperours embassadour, and had with him great conference concerning the warres of the Christians with the Turks, and in his masters name promised the continuation of his wars against the Turke, so that the emperour would likewise promise not to haue any league with him, so to giue him leisure to turne all his forces againe into PERSIA. This embassadour af∣ter he had almost foure moneths tarried in MVSCOVIA, returned to the emperour. At which time doctor Wacker, the emperours embassadour into POLONIA, returned also with joyfull newes, how that the Polonians with an armie of eight and twentie thousand had stopped the passage of an hundred thousand Tartars, whom the Turke had sent for against the emperour; and that if he needed, he should be aided with the Polonian Cossackes: But vnto the rest of his re∣quests [ D] he could haue no answere of the states of that kingdome, for that the king was then absent in SVVEDEN, and was therefore referred to be further answered at his returne.

At the same time countie Serinus with three hundred harquebusiers and certaine troupes of horsemen,* 12.18 and the footmen of STIRIA and the countries thereabout assembled, to the number of ten thousand, departed from CANISIA, to besiege BRESENZA, a castle of the Turkes: but they vnderstanding before of his comming, conueyed away the best of their substance, and set∣ting the castle on fire, departed the three and twentith of March. The earle comming thither, tooke the forsaken castle, and put thereinto a garrison of his owne souldiors. In like manner he tooke also SIGESTA, forsaken by the Turkes, where he also placed a garrison of the Christians. And so going on to BABOTSCHA, besieged it: which castle although it was strongly situated [ E] in a marish, and could not easily haue beene woon, was for all that for feare abandoned by the Turkes, and so taken by the countie: by recouerie of which places there was a safe and easie way layed open euen to ZIGET, the Bassa whereof stood in no small doubt to haue beene euen then besieged.

Amurath intending by all meanes he could to vex the Emperour, had determined to send his fleet into the Adriaticke, to besiege ZEGNA, a citie of the Emperours, situat vpon the sea coast in the bay QVERNERO, called in auntient time FLANATICVS SINVS. Which the better to effect, he sent one of his Chiaus embassadour to the Venetians, to request them, That his fleet might by their leaue passe alongst the Adriaticke, and haue the vse of their ports and harbours, as need should require. Which his request the Venetians hearing, refused in any case to yeeld [ F] thereunto: fearing (and not without cause) the vnfaithfulnesse and trecherie of the Turkes, whose oathes and promises are no longer strong, or by them regarded, than standeth with their owne good and profit: neuerthelesse, they most honourably vsed the embassadour, and so sent him a∣way, without obtaining of that he was especially sent for.

In the vpper part of HVNGARIE Christopher lord Teuffenbach the Archdukes lieutenant ha∣uing

gathered an armie of twentie thousand souldiors, the sixteenth of Aprill laid siege to HAT∣VVAN, [ G] a strong towne,* 12.19 six miles from BVDA, fortified with a triple ditch, and bulwarkes of excee∣ding strength. Against which although the Christians could not doe much either by mines or mounts, by reason it was so enuironed with water: yet they so shut vp all the passages thereunto, that nothing could be brought or caried in or out of the towne. They of the town s••eing them∣selues thus blockt vp, by secret messengers certified the Bassa of BVDA in what case they stood, praying him of aid: who with ten thousand chosen souldiours, which he had then in readinesse, and the Sanzackes of SERNAH, GIVLA, LIPPA, LERVVOGE, and TSCHAN••RAD, with fiue thousand moe, forthwith set forward toward HATVVAN to raise the siege: and the last of Aprill being come within sight of the Christian armie, about one of the clocke in the afternoone en∣camped on the side of the riuer Sagijwa: but when he could not or els durst not for the deepe∣nesse [ H] of the way, the abundance of the water, and neerenesse of the enemie, aduenture to passe the riuer, he retired backe againe, to passe ouer at Iasperin (otherwise called Iasbrin) where the ri∣uer was joyned with a bridge, and not farre off a good fourd also to passe ouer at; thinking so to haue come vpon the backes of the Christians, and with more safetie to haue relieued the besie∣ged towne. But Teuffenbach perceiuing his purpose, forthwith after his departure passed the riuer with much difficultie, and ouertaking him with his armie the next day, being the first of May, about one of the clocke in the afternoone, between ZARCHA and FVCASALVA, with his great ordinance disordered the rereward of the enemies battell; and comming on couragiously with his whole armie, began a most cruell fight: which the Turkes a great while endured with won∣derfull resolution: but now destitute of their wonted multitude (their greatest confidence) and [ I] hardly layed vnto by the Christians, they in the end turned their backes and fled; whom six thousand Hungarians and Germanes fiercely pursued, and had the killing of them almost to BV∣DA. In this battell the Christians tooke all the enemies great ordinance, with seuenteene ensigns, and also the castle of Iasperin, which the Turkes had for feare abandoned; wherein was found good store of victuals, certaine great pieces, with much other warlike prouision. Of this so nota∣ble a victorie Teuffenbach by letters presently aduertised the Archduke, after he was againe retur∣ned to the siege of HATVVAN. Which letters because they containe many particularities and circumstances of this battell, I haue thought it not amisse here to insert.

* 12.20Although (sayth he) I haue by a speedie messenger vpon the very kalends of May certified your [ K] excellencie of the notable victorie, which God of his great goodnesse gaue vnto vs the same day ouer our hereditarie enemie: yet afterward vpon diligent inquisition we vnderstood many particularities, as well of the captiues themselues, as of the inhabitants about ZOLNOCK, PESTH, and BVDA, whereof I thought good to aduertise you. The captiues themselues confesse, That the Bassa of BVDA, with the Sanzackes of ZOLNOC, ZARVVACE, GIVLA, and TSCHANGRAD, CIPPAIO, GENN••, and others, had with great celeritie raised an armie of thirteene thousand souldiours, amongst whom were many Tartars, with purpose to haue relieued the besieged towne of HATVVAN, and vpon the sudden to haue oppressed vs in our tents: Filled with which hope, they in great hast came with all their power the last of Aprill towards HATVVAN: but for as much as they could not passe ouer the riuer Zagijwa, by reason of the height of the water, they were the next day, being the first of May, condu∣cted [ L] by the captaine of Iasparin to a more commodious passage, so to come the neerer vnto vs, and the next day in the morning to haue surprised vs in our tents. But our most mercifull God hath auerted this so great a mischiefe from vs, and turned it vpon their owne heads. For as it is most constantly re∣ported from ZOLNOC, PESTH, and BVDA, and confirmed by the inhabitants of the same places, there are two thousand fiue hundred of the Turkes slaine, and as many wounded, of whom many peri∣shed, and are found dead vpon the high wayes leading to PESTH and ZOLNOC: of these wee haue sent a thousand heads to CASSOVIA, and caused many of the Turkes to be buried for feare of infe∣ction in this so great heat. Verely it was a bloudie battell, so that the old souldiours say, they haue not remembred or seene the Turkes (no moe in number) to haue stood so long in battell, and to haue so fought it out without flying. Many men of great name & place there perished and fell, amongst whom [ M] are reckoned the Sanzacks of PESTH, NOVIGRAD, & TEMESKE: GENNE, ALAVUS, BOGSTE, ALVSTAFA, MARIELAVS, and certain Chiaus lately sent from the Court, with the Bassa his guard, wherin were eight hundred right valiant soldiors, of whom few escaped with life. Many fell that would haue yeelded great ransome; but it was agreed vpon betweene the Germanes and the Hungarians, not

[ A] to spare any of the enemies, but to put them all to sword; and that whosoeuer did otherwise, it should be imputed vnto him for dishonour. So that more than sixteene common souldiors, none were taken prisoners, of whom we might learne how things went amongst the Turkes, with other circumstances of the battell. We tooke thirteene field pieces, whereof foure were greater than the rest; which they called organes, and foure and twentie of the enemies ensignes. The Bassa of BVDA (beside other three wounds by him receiued) was grieuously wounded in the side. Of our men were lost about an hun∣dred, and many of them most expert souldiors: and about six hundred others grieuously wounded, of whom there is small hope, many of them being alreadie dead. Neither is the losse small we haue re∣ceiued in our horses and armour, for there be few amongst the Germane horsemen, which haue not lost one, two, or three of their horses or seruants, whereby our horsemen are wonderfully weakned: yet [ B] was the victorie great, to God be the praise, to him be the glorie and thankes therefore. Let vs in the meane time prosecute the siege begun. The last night I commaunded the water to be drawne another way, so that now our trenches may be aduaunced many paces, and bulwarks raised within two hundred paces of the wall. We haue alreadie planted fiue great pieces of artillerie in one bulwarke, and hope the next night to place fiue moe vpon amount fast by, and will doe what shall bee needfull for a straight siege: and when time shall serue, vndertake the towne with all our power, God graunt vs therein good successe and victorie.

The Turkes in garrison at ZA••OLA, a fort thereby, discouraged with the ouerthrow of their friends, forsooke the ••ort; which for strength and greatnesse was comparable with TOCAY or [ C] ERLA. Which strong place the Christians without any losse now recouered.

Whilest this valiant captaine the lord Teuffenbach thus lay at the siege of HATVVAN,* 12.21 Mat∣thias the archduke Generall of the Christian armie in HVNGARIE, encouraged with the good successe he had at NOVIGRAD, came with his armie (being 44000 strong) before STRIGO∣NIVM (sometime the Metropoliticall citie of HVNGARIE, but now of long a sure recepta∣cle of the Turkes) and the sixt of May encamped his armie about a quarter of a mile from the castle in a most pleasant medow, from whence both the citie and the castle were plainely to be seene. Vpon whom the Tur••es out of the castle, and three gallies that lay vpon the riuer, dis∣charged certaine great pieces without any great harme doing: but after that the Christian fleet was a little before night come downe the riuer, and with their great ordinance began to answere [ D] them againe, the enemie ceased shooting, and lay still that night. In the meane time it fortuned, that a Turkish youth taken in a garden thereby, and brought into the campe and examined; con∣fessed that there was no garrison in the citie, more than foure hundred Ianizaries, and that a new supply was daily expected from BVDA. The Christians labouring that night, were by the brea∣king of the day, come with their trenches to a hill ouer against the castle, where they placed their batterie, and forthwith began to batter the citie. The same day (being the seauenth of May) two and twentie Turkes heads were presented to the archduke, and foure men taken aliue, new∣ly sent out of the citie to haue viewed the Christian campe. About night certaine bals of wild fire were shot into the citie, whereof one fell vpon the tower called S. Adelbert, and set it on fire; wherewith first the church, and afterward a great part of the towne fell on fire. The Sanzackes [ E] house, with all his horses and armour, and a great quantitie of pouder was then burnt, and inesti∣mable hurt done in the citie. The next day, the Christians had with continuall batterie made a breach in the castle wall: but adjoyning vnto the wall was an high and broad sandie rampier, which could hardly be battered; for all that the Germanes gaue a fierce assault vnto the breach, hoping to haue entred by the ruines of the wall, but being not able to get ouer the sandie ram∣pier, were enforced with losse to retire. The day following they began againe the batterie with eighteene great pieces; when about eight a clocke in the morning, the Rascians that were in the old citie gaue the Generall to vnderstand, That if he would at a place by them appointed, assault the greater citie to draw the Turks thither, they would in the meane time deliuer vnto the Chri∣stians certaine little posternes,* 12.22 and receiue them into the old citie; vpon condition, that no vio∣lence [ F] should be done vnto them or theirs. Which being so agreed vpon, the Christians accor∣dingly gaue the assault the eleuenth of May in the euening, and by the helpe of the Rascians tooke the citie; who according to promise were all taken to mercie, and the Turkes slaine, ex∣cept such as by their good hap recouered the new towne. The keeping of this citie was com∣mitted to the charge of two companies of Germane footmen, and six hundred Hungarians, with

three hundred Rascians and other townesmen. Thus was the old citie of STRIGONIVM gai∣ned [ G] by the Christians, the suburbs whereof they presently burnt; neuerthelesse the new towne with the castle was still holden by the Turkes. Wherefore the Christians hauing cast vp cer∣taine trenches and mounts, and placed their artillerie as they thought most conuenient, began againe to batter the castle,* 12.23 and after they had by the furie of the cannon made it saultable, with great courage assailed the breach, which the Turkes valiantly defended: so that the Christians were glad to retire, leauing behind them about an hundred and thirtie of their fellowes slaine in the breach. The Turkes a little before the comming of the Christians, had fortified an hill, wher∣unto the castle was something subject, called of the Christians S. Nicholas his hill; this hill so fortified, the Christians with continuall batterie and assault gained the 17 of May, and put all the Turkes left aliue therein to the sword; and turning the ordinance, from thence also batte∣red [ H] the castle. The two and twentith of May a little before the going downe of the Sunne, cer∣taine ensignes of footmen were drawne out of the campe, to haue the next day assaulted the lower towne; who taking the benefit of the night, attempting to haue entred the towne in the dead time of the night, were notably encountred by the Turkes sallying out of the towne vpon them. The Christians for all that hauing enforced them to retire, prosecuted their former reso∣lution, and with much adoe got ouer the vttermost wall: but finding there, contrarie to their ex∣pectation, such a deepe and broad countermure as was not possible to be passed, they stood as men dismaied: neither could they in the darknesse of the night, well see how to get back againe ouer the towne ditch, but disorderly retiring, stucke fast many of them in the deepe mud, and there perished. In this assault there were about a thousand of the Christians wounded and slaine: [ I] and albeit that they twise or thrise renewed the assault, yet preuailed they nothing, but were still repulsed with losse. Many also of the Turkish garrison were likewise slaine; yea the Sanzacke himselfe hurt with a great shot, with many other wounded men sent downe the riuer to BVDA, brought thither true newes of the aforesaid assaults, and of the state of the besieged.

* 12.24In the meane time newes was brought to the campe, That Sinan Bassa the old enemie of the Christians, and the Turkes great lieutenant, comming towards HVNGARIE with a great armie, and hauing by boats conuaied ouer part thereof, was set vpon by ••he Rascians (these are poore oppressed Christians dwelling on both sides of Danubius, who weary of the Turkish thraldome, and desirous of their auntient libertie, haue oftentimes taken vp armes against the Turkes, as they now did, encouraged by the good successe of the Christians on the other side of HVNGARIE) [ K] and that after diuers skirmishes, they had taken thirteene of the Turkes vessels, wherein beside victuals and certaine great pieces of artillerie, they found about 2400 waight of pouder, 447 hundred of lead, 46454 bundles of match, 1200 great shot, whereof 1005 were of 66 pound waight, and of small shot for harquebusiers 48500, with much other warlike prouision: a great part whereof was brought into the campe at STRIGONIVM, and the rest reserued to future vses. This losse so troubled the great Bassa, that he altered his purpose before entended for CASSOVIA.

The fourth of Iune, about fiue hundred Turkes sent vp the riuer from BVDA, conducted by two Sanzackes vnder two red and white ensignes, landed neere to GOKARA on the farther side of Danubius, ouer against STRIGONIVM: where after they had a while refreshed themselues, [ L] and left some few for the more assurance of the place, all the rest were conuaied ouer the riuer in∣to STRIGONIVM, where they had been long looked for, the old garrison being now sore weak∣ned by the former assaults. Foure daies after, the Turkes encouraged with this supply, sallied out vpon a sudden, and had entred one of the forts of the Christians; but were forthwith againe re∣pulsed, hauing lost six and twentie of their men, and two of their ensignes: not farre off lay a troupe of horsemen, who if they had in time come in, not one of the Turks had escaped. Long it were to tell, how often and in what manner the Christians assaulted this citie, but were by the Turkes so receiued,* 12.25 that in fiue assaults they lost fiue thousand of their men, amongst whom were diuers captaines, lieutenants, auntients, and others of good account: three and twentie ca∣noniers were also slaine, and ten great pieces of artillerie so spoiled, as that they were no more [ M] seruiceable. The garrison of this citie consisted for most part of the Ianizaries (the Turkes best souldiors) whose notable valour in holding out of this siege, was both of their owne people and their enemies much commended: whatsoeuer was beaten downe by day, that they againe re∣paired by night; and still relieued with victuall and things necessarie from BVDA, did what was

[ A] possible to be done for defence of the citie. About the same time certaine Turkes chancing vp∣on a troupe of Germane horsemen, in fight slew about fiftie of them, and put the rest to flight▪ whereupon an alarum being raised in the campe, many ran out to the rescue of their fellowes, taking with them certaine small field pieces. Which the Turkes perceiuing, began to flie: whom the Christians eagerly pursuing, were suddenly assailed by other Turkes, sallying out of a fort fast by, and enforced shamefully to retire, and to leaue their field pieces behind them. Which the Turkes ceizing vpon, cloyed them, brake their carriages, and made them altoge∣ther vnseruiceable.

All this while the lord Teuffenbach lying at the siege of HATVVAN,* 12.26 about this time requested aid of the Archduke, for that his power was with often conflicts, hunger, and other difficulties [ B] alwayes attending long sieges, so much weakened, as that he had scarcely six thousand sound men in his campe, to whom the Archduke forthwith sent twelue hundred footmen, being loth to spare any moe, for too much weakening of his owne armie.

Amurath disdaining to see the frontiers of his empire in so many places impugned by the Christians, and dayly to receiue from them so great harmes, sought by all meanes to bee reuen∣ged: wherefore beside the great power of his owne, which he was now about to send with Si∣nan Bassa into HVNGARIE, he had also procured from the great Tartar a wonderfull number of those rough and sauage people, to be sent into HVNGARIE, there to joyne with his armie. These wild people to the number of seuentie thousand, according to direction giuen, breaking into PO∣DOLIA, WALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, gathered together an incredible number of oxen and [ C] kine; to this end and purpose, that driuing them before them, they might both be assured of vi∣ctuals, and the safer trauell through a part of POLONIA. But when they were come vnto the borders of that countrey, and there found the power of Samoschie the great Chancellour and the Polonian Cossackes in armes, they easily perceiued that they could not that way passe without great losse. Wherefore they placed the aforesaid heards of cattell, some before, some behind, and some on each side of the armie, and so enclosed round about with those cattell as with a trench, marched on. But when they were come neere vnto the Polonians, this rude deuice serued them to no other purpose than the ouerthrow of themselues: for the Polonians discharging their great ordinance, so terrified the cattell, that they turned vpon the Tartars, and ouerthrowing whomsoeuer came in their way, did exceeding much harme: whom the Polonians immediatly [ D] following, and hardly charging the confused armie, armed onely with bow and arrowes, after some small fight put them at last to flight, and obtained of them a notable victorie, with an ex∣ceeding rich prey. Of the Polonians were lost about eighteene hundred, but of the Tartars were slaine thirtie thousand. The rest retiring into PODOLIA, and passing the riuer Nester by the way of TRANSYLVANIA, where they did exceeding much harme, came to TEMESVVARE, and so afterwards further into HVNGARIE: vnto whom the Turkes sent seuen hundred horsemen, to conduct them to the armie.

But to returne againe to the siege of STRIGONIVM.* 12.27 The fourteenth day of Iune the Christi∣ans betweene eight and nine of the clocke in the morning with great furie assaulted the towne in three places: which assault they most notably maintained, vntill it was almost three a clocke in [ E] the afternoone. Neuerthelesse, the Turks so valiantly defended themselues, that at last the Chri∣stians were glad to giue ouer the assault, and with losse to retire. The Archduke from an high place beholding the assault, had one of his footmen slaine fast by him with a small shot. Many of the Turks were also slaine in this assault, and amongst them one of the three Sanzackes that defended the citie. The night following there arose a most horrible tempest, with such raging wind, and abundance of raine, that many thought they should neuer haue seene day: with the vi∣olence whereof the Archdukes tent was ouerthrowne, and diuers others blowne downe or rent in sunder, were in the aire carried from place to place. About the same time the lord Palsi within the sight of the castle cast vp a notable fort, with high mounts and strong trenches (euen in the selfesame place where Solyman lay about fiftie yeares before, when he besieged and woon STRI∣GONIVM) [ F] by which fort so built, the enemie was embarred to conuey any thing vp the riuer for reliefe of the citie, to the great discomfiture of the besieged: for to haue hindered the which worke, the enemie oftentimes sallied out, but to no purpose. This fort being brought to perfecti∣on, the Christians tooke also another fort in an island on the further side of the riuer, which the Turkes had but a few dayes before taken from the Christians, and cloyed the great pieces there∣in:

which fort the Christians now againe repaired, furnishing it with a sufficient garrison and [ G] other great ordinance.

These things thus done, the castle and the lower towne were in fiue diuers places out of the new built fort,* 12.28 the old towne, and the island, so battered with continuall shot, that a man would haue said, that one stone would not haue beene left vpon another, but that all should haue beene beaten downe and layed euen with the ground. The seuenteenth of Iune one of the Christian canoniers so dismounted one of the great pieces in the castle, that the piece together with the Turkish canonier that had charge thereof fell downe out of the castle into the ditch. And the same day a mason that fled out of the castle into the campe, amongst other things reported, That many of the Turks were slaine with this continuall batterie and often assaults, and that not past an houre before fortie of them were slaine in one chamber, and now acknowledged themselues [ H] to be indeed besieged: and to haue resolued, that when they were brought to the last cast, then desperatly to sallie out vpon the Christians, and so either to returne with victorie, or to make shift euery man for himselfe as he might. Which his report seemed not altogether faigned: for about midnight a thousand of the Turkes sallying out of the castle vpon the fort newly built vpon the riuer, in hope to haue surprised it, were by the Christians therein notably repulsed and enforced to retire: in which conflict fiftie of the Turkes were slaine, and many moe wounded and taken prisoners. And the same day toward euening eight Turkes of good sort being taken and brought into the campe, confessed, That but six dayes before, they had seene seuen boats full of wounded and dead men sent downe the riuer from STRIGONIVM to BVDA. Whereby it was easily to be gathered how bloudie a siege this was vnto the Turkes, for as much as all those bodies were [ I] the bodies of men of good account and place; for the bodies of such common soldiors as were slaine, they still threw into the riuer running by.

* 12.29The fort newly built vpon the banke of Danubius, much troubled the besieged Turkes in STRIGONIVM, because nothing could without danger of it be sent vp the riuer for their reliefe. Wherefore they by fit messengers sent word out of the castle vnto the Admirall of the Turkes gallies lying below in the riuer, That he should at an appointed time come vp the riuer with his gallies as high as the fort, and on that side at leastwise to make shew as if he would assault it: at which time they of the towne would be likewise readie to sallie out, and to assaile it indeed on the other side by land. The Admirall accordingly came vp the riuer with his gallies, and by dis∣charging of certaine great pieces, made shew as if he would on that side haue battered the fort: [ K] but was so welcommed thereout of, that he was glad with his rent gallies quickly to fall downe the riuer againe further off out of danger. But whiles the thundering shot was thus flying too and fro towards the riuer, they of the towne sallying out, assaulted the fort on the other side to∣ward the land, and that with such desperat resolution, that some of them were got vp to the top of the rampiers, and there for the space of two houres maintained a most cruell fight: wherein many of them were slaine and wounded, and the rest enforced with shame to retire.

The Christians thus still lying at the siege, and intentiue to all occasions, partly by their espi∣als, and partly by such as they had taken prisoners, vnderstood, that a new supplie both of men and victuals was shortly to be put into STRIGONIVM: and therefore sent out certaine compa∣nies of souldiors, who lying in two conuenient places, the one vpon the riuer, the other by land, [ L] might intercept the said supply. Both which places were before by the prouident enemie posses∣sed: who suddenly assayling the Christians comming thither, and fearing no such matter, slew some of them, and put the rest to flight: who neuerthelesse in their retreat, brake the bridge which the Turkes had made of boats vnder the castle of STRIGONIVM ouer Danubius. Of which boats some were carried away with the violence of the streame, and of the rest thirtie fell into the hands of the Christians, without losse of any man more than fiue, who making too much hast out of a little boat, fell into the riuer, & so perished. In this time, Fame the forerunner of all great attempts had brought newes into the Christian campe, That Sinan Bassa the Turks great Gene∣rall was comming to the reliefe of STRIGONIVM: of whose power, diuers diuersly reported. But the greater part doubting the worst, and wearie of the long siege and of the calamities inci∣dent [ M] thereunto, added still something to the last report, to make the danger of longer stay to seeme the greater: certaine it is, that the newes of the comming of so great and puissant an ene∣mie, raised many a troubled thought in the minds of so great a multitude. Now were the besie∣ged Turks in great wants in STRIGONIVM, as appeared by letters intercepted from the San∣zacke

[ A] to the Bassa of BVDA, declaring vnto him the hard estate of the besieged, and humbly cra∣uing his promised helpe, without which the citie could not for want of victuals possibly be de∣fended by the fainting souldiors aboue three dayes. Which letters being read in the campe, cau∣sed great preparation to be made for the continuing of the siege and the withstanding of the ene∣mie, whose comming was euery houre expected. All this while the great ordinance neuer ceased on either side: wherby many were slaine, as well of the Christians as of the Turks; and amongst others many of the cannoniers.

But for as much as the rife fame of Sinan Bassaes comming encreased dayly, and the Christian campe possessed with a generall feare, gaue vnto the wise just suspition of some great mischiefe likely to ensue: Matthias the Generall entered into counsell with countie Ferdinand Hardeck, [ B] the lord Palfi, the lord Vngenade president of the counsell for the warres, and Erasmus Eraun gouernor of COMORA, What were best to be done in so dangerous a time? who with generall consent agreed betimes (before the comming of Sinan) to raise the siege, and to remoue with the armie into some place of more safetie. Which their determinat resolution, the day following, being the six and twentith of Iune, they made knowne to the other princes and great comman∣ders in the armie: who wonderfully discontented therewith, especially the Germans, both open∣ly by word, and solemnely by writing, protested against the same, as most dishonourable, and al∣together made without their knowledge or good liking. To whom the president of the counsell for their further satisfaction, declared, That the enemie was comming with a very great armie, and euen now at hand, whose strength encreased dayly, and with what power hee had purposed [ C] to assaile them in their tents, was vncertaine: besides that, it was manifestly knowne vnto the world, how that in the former assaults they had lost many of their best souldiors, beside others that died in the campe: and that the place wherein they lay encamped, was subject to many dan∣gers: For which so vrgent causes the Generall had resolued to raise his siege, and before the com∣ming of so strong an enemie, to remoue his armie into a place of more safetie. Which reasons for all that did not so well satisfie the Germane princes and commaunders, but that they still vr∣ged their former protestation, requesting his excellencie to haue them excused before God and the world, if they yeelding to his commaund, as to their Generall, did that which they thought not altogether best, and which they would not haue otherwise done. For the more euidence whereof, the said Germane princes and great commaunders caused their said protestation to be [ D] solemnely conceiued in writing, which they firmed with their seales, and subscribed with their owne hands in order as followeth: Francis duke of SAXONIE, Augustus duke of BRVNSWICK, Sebastian Schlick, countie Wigand Maltzan, Ernestus of ALSTAN, Henry Phlugk, Iohn Nicholas Ruswormb, Henry Curwigger Heerrath, Iohn of OBERHAVSEN, Henry Rottcirch, Melchior of NOTHVVITH.

But the Archduke with the rest constant in their former resolution,* 12.30 first sent away the great ordinance, and raising the siege the eight and twentith of Iune, followed after with the whole ar∣mie, passing ouer Danubius not farre from KOKARA, doubtfully expecting what course Sinan the great Bassa (who was then reported to be euen at hand) would take. Yet before their depar∣ture they set the old towne on fire, and rased the fort S. Nicholas, before taken from the enemie, [ E] which they had once purposed to haue kept. This vnexpected departure of the Christians much gladded the besieged Turkes: who for want of victuals had not beene able long to haue holden out. Yet lay the lord Teuffenbach still at the siege of HATVVAN, labouring by all meanes to take from the besieged Turkes their water, and with earth and faggots to fill vp their ditches; which worke he had now happily brought to some good perfection. Whereof they in the towne by letters aduertised the Bassa of BVDA, and that except they were within the space of three daies re∣lieued, they should be enforced to yeeld the towne. Which their distresse the Bassa considering, with speed assembled all his forces, and so set forward to relieue them, hoping to haue come vpon the Christians before they were aware of his comming. But Teuffenbach vnderstanding thereof, with fiue thousand chosen horsemen went out of the campe to meet him, & suddenly comming [ F] vpon him,* 12.31 fearing no such thing, slew fiue thousand of the Turkes, put the Bassa to flight, and to∣gether with the victorie obtained an exceeding rich prey.

Now was there no lesse expectation and hope of the winning or yeelding vp of HATWAN,* 12.32 than was before of STRIGONIVM: but according to the chance of warre it fell out otherwise. For Teuffenbach hauing with continuall batterie layed the breaches faire open, and made choice

of such souldiors as he thought meetest for the assault, was in the performing thereof so notably [ G] repulsed by the Turkes, that he was glad to retire with the losse of his best and most resolute souldiors:* 12.33 which put him out of all hope of taking the towne by force. For beside the losse of these good men, he had scarce so many sound men left, as might suffice to furnish his garrisons for defence of those frontiers: by reason that the Hungarians were almost all shrunke home, and of the Germanes were left scarce two thousand. Besides that he had oftentimes craued new sup∣plies of the archduke, but all in vaine: for which causes he was glad to abandon two strong forts he had built before HATVVAN, and to leaue the towne now brought to great extremitie. Thus two notable cities, which were now as it were in the hands of the Christians, and by the recoue∣rie whereof the broken state of the afflicted Christians in HVNGARIE had been much strengthe∣ned, were as it were againe restored vnto the barbarous and cruell enemie. [ H]

Whilest the Christians thus lay at the siege of STRIGONIVM and HATVVAN, the Rascians (of whom we haue before spoken) striuing still more and more to rid themselues from the Tur∣kish thraldome, gathered themselues togither to the number of fifteene thousand, betweene BVDA and BELGRADE, vnder a Generall of their owne chusing. For feare of whom, the Bassa of TEMESVVAR with an armie of foureteene thousand, went to fortifie and victuall LIPPA, doubting least it should by them be surprised: but hauing done that he went for, in his returne he was met with by the same Rascians, and twise fought withall in one day, and both times put to the worse, with the losse of the greatest part of his armie. After which victorie the Rascians tooke BECZKEREK a strong towne, standing in a marish foure miles from BELGRADE, and slew all the Turks they found therein. After that they tooke a castle called OTTADT, and dealt [ I] with the Turks in like manner. From thence they went and besieged BECHE, a castle standing vpon the riuer Tibiscus or Teise, where the towne adjoyning vnto it yeelded presently; but they in the castle standing a while vpon their guard, offered at last to yeeld also vpon certaine condi∣tions. But the Rascians knowing that the Turkes thereabouts had conuaied into that castle the best part of their wealth, and withall that it was but weakely manned, would accept of no con∣ditions, but needs haue it absolutely deliuered vp to their pleasure. In the meane time the old Bassa of TEMESVVAR and his sonne, knowing it to tend to their dishonour to suffer this base people so to rage at their pleasure about them, gathered togither 11000 Turkes, and so in great hast came to relieue the besieged castle. Vpon whom the Rascians turned themselues, and in plaine battell ouerthrew the Bassa, and so pursued the victorie, that of those 11000 Turks scarcely [ K] escaped 1000: the Bassa himselfe being there slaine, and with him three Sanzacks, his sonne esca∣ped by flight. In this battell the Rascians tooke 18 great pieces of artillerie: and not long after tooke also WERSETZA and LVTZ, two strong places. After which so happie successe, they sent vnto the archduke Matthias for aid, but especially for canoniers, professing themselues now vtter enemies vnto the Turkes. The Rascians also about TEMESVVAR sent word vnto the other in the campe, that they would come and joyne with them. And they which inhabite the countrey betweene the riuers Danubius and Tibiscus, by messengers sent of purpose vnto the lord Teuffenbach (the archdukes lieutenant in the vpper part of HVNGARIE) offered in short time to send him ten or twelue thousand men, so that he would receiue them and their countrey into the emperours protection; which he easily granted them, and thereof assured them by writing. [ L] And to the archduke himselfe they sent also their trustie messengers, requesting him to send them a Generall to lead them, promising vnto him all obedience: which messengers departing from them the fourteenth of Iune, shortly after returned with such answere as was thought most con∣uenient for their present state. Thus against the comming of Sinan, was HVNGARIE almost all on a broile.

* 12.34The emperour long before distrusting the Turkes purpose for warre, and well considering what a difficultie it would be for him with his owne forces only to withstand so puissant an ene∣mie as was Amurath; had by his embassadours praied aid of diuers Christian princes, but espe∣cially of them of the empire, as those whom this warre concerned most. Wherfore he after the auntient and wonted manner of his state in so common and imminent a danger, appointed a ge∣nerall [ M] assembly of the Princes and States of the empire, to be holden at RATIS••ONE, in the lat∣ter end of Februarie: which for sundrie vrgent causes was put off vntill March, and againe vn∣till Aprill, and so afterward vntill May. At which time the emperour in person himselfe, with the Princes Electors, and other the great States of the empire, being met togither with great

[ A] pompe at RATISBONE, and solemnly assembled into the bishops pallace, began there to sit in counsell the 2 of Iune.* 12.35 Vnto the which Princes and States so assembled, after that the emperour had first by the mouth of Phillip Countie Palatine of RHENE, giuen great thanks for their so rea∣die apparance, & briefly declared the cause of their assembly; he himselfe after some complaint made of the Turkish infidelitie, in expresse words declared vnto them, how that he by his embas∣sadour then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE, had in the yeare 1591 made a league for eight years, with the present Turkish Sultan Amurath: which league Amurath himselfe had approued and confirmed, and thereof sent him publike and solemne instruments: wherein it was proui∣ded, That no hostilitie should be on either side during that time attempted. And yet notwith∣standing that he, contrarie to his faith giuen, as an hereditarie enemie of the Christians, had vio∣lated [ B] this league, and by sundrie incursions barbarously spoiled and wasted, not HVNGARIE onely, but other of his imperiall prouinces also: But especially by Hassan Bassa of BOSNA, who first with a strong armie besieged, battered, and tooke REPITZ, an antient frontier castle, and af∣ter that WIHITZ, DRESNIK, CRASSOVVITZ, with other places of name: And had in his dominion and territorie built PETRINIA a most strong fort, hurtfull to all that countrey, out of which he had done incredible mischiefe in CROATIA, WINDISMARCH, and the most fruit∣full island TVROPOLIE; and had out of those places carried away aboue fiue and thirtie thou∣sand Christians into most miserable captiuitie. Of which shamefull injuries and breach of faith, he had many times by his embassadours complained vnto the Turkish Sultan at CONSTANTI∣NOPLE, and requested, that all hostilitie set apart, due restitution might haue been made, but to [ C] haue therein preuailed nothing: and that the same Bassa in stead of condigne punishment, had been for the doing thereof honoured by the Great Sultan his lord with honourable gifts, the sure tokens of his fauour: Whereby he was so confirmed in his barbarous proceedings, that he be∣gan to make open warre, and hauing raised a full armie, and strengthened also with certaine com∣panies of Ianizaries sent from the Court, had passed ouer the riuer of Kulp, and besieged the ca∣stle of SISEG: but by the just judgement of God the reuenger of wrongs, had there receiued the reward of his faithlesse and cruell dealing, being there slaine, and almost all his armie vtterly de∣stroied by his small forces, raised in hast for his owne lawfull defence. Neuerthelesse the faith∣lesse Turke (as if he had beene highly wronged himselfe) to haue made this his breach both of league and faith forthwith knowne to all the world, by commanding open warre to be solemn∣ly [ D] proclaimed against the kingdome of HVNGARIE, both in CONSTANTINOPLE and BVDA: and by the Beglerbeg of GRaeCE, to haue againe besieged and taken the strong fortresse of SI∣SEG. Whereas on the other side (because nothing should on his part be wanting, which might make his desire of peace more knowne) he had againe, and oftentimes by his embassadour put the Turke in remembrance of his league made, and confirmed by his faith: who for all that had changed nothing of his purpose, but sent his great Visier Sinan Bassa with the Beglerbeg of GRaeCIA, and many inferiour Bassaes and Sanzacks into HVNGARIE, who with fire and sword enforced the inhabitants and countrey people (such as they left aliue) to sweare vnto the Turke obedience, and to become his subjects: and at the same time tooke VESPRINIVM and PALOT∣TA, two famous fortresses of that kingdome. And that the same Bassa by commandement from [ E] his lord and master, had contrarie to the law of nations imprisoned Frederik Kreckowitz his em∣bassadour, first at CONSTANTINOPLE, and caused the greater part of his followers to be thrust into the gallies; and afterwards to haue sent him with a few of his seruants to BELGRADE, and there to haue kept him so long in prison, that he there miserably died. In reuenge of which so great and open wrong, and for the defence and comfort of his afflicted subjects so neere the ene∣mie, he had raised a good strength both of horse and foot, by whose helpe and the assistance of almightie God, the Bassa of BOSNA had reaped the fruit of his perfidious dealing: as had also the Bassa of BVDA, with many thousands of their great souldiors; ouerthrowne neere vnto AL∣BA REGALIS; besides many of their castles and townes taken or rased. Yet for all that was it easie to be seene, these so great victories by the goodnesse of God had and obtained against so [ F] mightie and cruell an enemie, not to suffice; but that there was still need of a perseuerant and con∣tinuall supply for the maintenance of a perpetuall warre: and that it was daily to be expected, or rather euen now presently to be descried, That the Turke in his quarrell which he deemeth al∣waies just against the Christians, and in reuenge of these ouerthrowes, would draw forth all his forces, and aduenture his whole strength. For which causes he had by the knowledge and con∣sent

of the Princes electors of the sacred empire, appointed that present Diet of the empire; and [ G] not for the aforesaid causes only, but for diuers others both necessarie and waightie also: as the generall peace of the empire, the pacification of the Low countries, the reformation of justice, and amendment of the coine: but especially and aboue all other things, to make it knowne vnto the world, how much it concerned to haue the Turkes pride betime abated, and some effectuall de∣fence for HVNGARIE (now in danger) at length prouided; being the most sure defence and strongest bulwarke of that part of Christendome. And that whereas his owne hereditarie pro∣uinces were not of themselues alone sufficient to maintaine so chargeable a warre, he therefore re∣quested the Electors, Princes, and States both present and absent, not to grudge to be present with their helpe, their counsell, and whatsoeuer else should be needfull against so puissant and dangerous an enemie. So ending his speech, he caused all his demaunds before conceiued into [ H] writing to be read, and so deliuered vnto them. For answering whereunto, the Princes electors and others there present required time; which granted, after many sittings & long consultations, they at last with one consent answered, That it was a hard matter by reason of the late dearth, and other like occasions, for them to grant such helpe and aid as the emperour had in writing re∣quired: yet hauing before their eies the great and imminent danger wherin the Christian com∣mon weale then stood, they not regarding their owne proper and neere difficulties, had in regard of his sacred and imperiall majestie, for the comfort and defence of the endangered Christians, and for the repressing of the Turkish furie, of their owne free will and meere compassion, gran∣ted beside their accustomed contribution, such farther reliefe for the space of six yeares, as they thought sufficient for the maintenance of a defensiue warre, both for the present and the time to [ I] come. What was by them farther decreed concerning the emperours other demaunds, as not pertinent to our purpose, we willingly passe ouer.

* 12.36Of all these things, as also whatsoeuer else had happened at STRIGONIVM, HATVVAN, or other places of HVNGARIE, was not Sinan Bassa ignorant: who now euen vpon the departure of the Christians from STRIGONIVM, was come with an huge armie betweene BVDA and ALBA REGALIS: vnto whom also fortie thousand Tartars, that by force had made themselues way through PODOLIA and the vpper part of HVNGARIE, had now joyned themselues: so that in his armie were reckoned aboue an hundred and fiftie thousand fighting men; to the great terrour, not onely of HVNGARIE, AVSTRIA, STIRIA, CROATIA, BOHEMIA, and the prouinces therabout, but also of the whole State of GERMANIE. With this great armie the old [ K] Bassa had purposed to haue ouerwhelmed the Christians in their campe at STRIGONIVM: but now that they were before his comming departed ouer the riuer towards KOMARA, he resol∣ued to keepe on his way, and to besiege the strong citie IAVRINVM, now called RAB. And to make all sure before him, he thought it best to take in his way DOTIS, a strong towne of the Christians, in the mid way betweene STRIGONIVM and RAB, about fiue Hungarian miles short of RAB. The Christian armie but newly passed ouer Danubius, in marching towards KOMARA, might see the mountaines and fields on the other side the riuer all couered with the multitude of the Turks armie: who though they were in deed many, yet marching dispersedly, made show of moe than in truth they were. So both armies marching in sight the one of the other, and seperated onely with the riuer, held on their way: the Christians to KOMARA, where [ L] they encamped vnder the verie wals of the citie, yet in such sort, as that they might a farre off well descrie one another; and the Turkes towards DOTIS, where the Bassa with all his armie encamped the 21 day of Iuly. The night following, hauing planted his batterie, he began in fu∣rious manner to batter the castle, the chiefe strength of the towne; the Christian armie looking on,* 12.37 but not daring at so great ods to relieue their distressed friends. So whiles the Bassa granteth no breathing time vnto the besieged, but tireth them out with continuall batterie and alarums, they of the towne dispairing of their owne strength, and to be able for any long time to hold out against so mightie an enemie, within three daies after yeelded the towne, being in that short time sore battered, and also in diuers places vndermined: yet with this condition, That it should be law∣full for the garrison souldiors and townesmen, with their wiues and children in safetie to depart. [ M] Which was vnto them by the Bassa frankly granted, but not so faithfully performed: for at their departure many of their wiues and children were staied by the Turkes, and the lord Baxi Gouer∣nour of the towne fouly entreated. Immediatly after, the Bassa without much adoe tooke S. Mar∣tins castle also, not far from DOTIS, being by the captaine yeelded vnto him.

[ A] In the meane time the countrey villages round about forsaken of the poore Christians, were by the Turks most miserably burnt, and all the countrey laied wast. Yea some of the forerun∣ners of the Turks armie passing ouer the riuer Rabnitz, ran into the countrey as farre as ALTEN∣BVRG, within fiue miles of VIENNA, burning the countrey villages as they went, and killing the poore people, or that worse was, carrying them away into perpetuall captiuitie: yet not without some losse, foure hundred of these roaming forragers being cut off by the lord Nadasti. Palfi also, and Brun Gouernour of KOMARA following in the taile of the Turks armie, set vpon them that had the charge of the victuals; of whom they slew a great number, tooke 120 of them pri∣soners, and 150 camels and 30 mules laded with meale and rice, which they carried away with them to KOMARA.

[ B] DOTIS and S. Martins thus taken, Sinan Bassa constant in his former determination, set for∣ward againe towards RAB, and being come within a mile of the citie, there encamped; the Christian armie then lying not far off on the other side of the riuer.* 12.38 This citie of RAB is a strong and populous citie, honoured with a bishops See, and was worthily accounted the strongest bul∣warke of VIENNA, from whence it is distant about twelue Germane miles, standing vpon the South side of Danubius, where the riuer diuiding it selfe, maketh a most fertile island called SCHVT; in the East point whereof standeth the strong citie of KOMARA. The defence of this citie of RAB was committed to Countie Hardeck, a man of greater courage than fidelitie, with a garrison of twelue hundred choise souldiors, vnto whom a little before the comming of the Bassa were certaine companies of Italians joyned, who togither with the citisens made vp the [ C] number of fiue thousand able men: a strength in all mens judgement sufficient for the long de∣fence of that place. The last of Iuly (Matthias the archduke about the going downe of the Sunne departing out of the citie of RAB, ouer the riuer into the island ouer against it) came Si∣nan Bassa with his huge armie and beset it round, casting vp trenches and mounts, whereon he skilfully placed his gabions and great artillerie, and whatsoeuer else was necessarie for so great a siege: and that with such celeritie, as was to the beholders thought most strange. The second of August, he with great furie battered the citie, and brought his trenches within musket shot of the wals.* 12.39 At which time foure thousand Tartarian horsemen swam ouer the Danubius between RAB and KOMARA; after whom followed six thousand Turkes, who being with much adoe got ouer to the farther side, suddenly surprised a fort of the Christians next vnto the riuer; and [ D] forthwith turning fiue great pieces of ordinance which they found therein, discharged them vp∣on the campe of the Christians: who terrified with the sudden accident, rise vp all in armes, and hardly charging those desperat aduenturers, slew many of them; especially such as seeking after bootie had dispersed themselues from their fellowes, and forced the rest againe to take the riuer, wherein most of them perished.* 12.40 About fiue daies after, the Tartarians (liuing for most part vpon prey) swam againe ouer the riuer, and vpon the sudden burnt a village in the island, and slew cer∣taine Christians in their tents, but being quickly encountred by the Christian-horsemen, they were easily ouerthrowne, and many of them slain: the rest casting away their weapons and forsa∣king their horses, ran headlong into the riuer, trusting more to their swimming than to their figh∣ting; whom the Christians hardly pursuing, in the verie riuer slew about two thousand of them: [ E] and by this victorie obtained many of the Tartarian swift horses, with their scimitars, their bowes and arrowes,* 12.41 and such ensignes as they had. All this while Sinan Bassa without intermis∣sion, lay thundring with threescore great pieces of batterie against the citie: but to little or small purpose, for as yet he had made no breach whereby to enter, but the harme that was done was vpon the towers or high built houses, or in the campe, by such randon shot as flying ouer the towne fell by chance among the tents of the Christians. And the Ianizaries intentiue to all op∣portunities, in a great raine furiously and with a most horrible crie (as their manner is) assaulted an vtter bulwarke of the Christians, which they for feare forsooke, and retired themselues into the citie; vpon which bulwarke so taken, the Ianizaries had set vp three of their ensignes: When the Christians ashamed of that they had done, and better aduised, taking courage vnto them, forth∣with [ F] sallied out againe, and couragiously charging the Ianizaries but now entred, slew many of them, and recouered againe the bulwarke.

Sinan Bassa leauing nothing vnattempted that might further his desire for the winning of the citie,* 12.42 was now casting vp a great mount against the citie: which whilest he dayly surueyed, he chanced to fall sicke, and therefore appointed one of the Bassaes in his owne stead to ouersee the

worke; who whilest he was walking too and fro, hastening the worke, and commaunding this [ G] and that thing to be done, he was taken with a shot out of the towne and slaine.

The fifteenth of August certaine Turkes before the rising of the Sunne getting ouer Danubi∣us in boats, assailed a fort of the Christians: which the souldiours that had the keeping of it, pre∣sently forsooke, and left it to the enemie. Which Iohn de Medices, lately come into the campe with two thousand Italians, perceiuing, forthwith came to the rescue of the fort, draue out the Turks, and hauing slaine diuers of them, forced the rest into the riuer, where they were all drow∣ned. At which time fiue thousand Tartars in another place, passing ouer the riuer into the island, were encountered by the lord Palfi and the Hussars his followers, and without any great resi∣stance put to flight,* 12.43 wherein many of them were slaine: the rest taking the riuer, were in good hope to haue got ouer, and so to haue saued themselues. But other Turks meeting them in the ri∣uer, [ H] would with their weapons haue beaten them backe, and stayed their flight: against whom the Tartars opposing themselues, made with them in the very riuer a most cruell fight, but with such losse vnto the Tartars, that of the fiue thousand which aduentured ouer, few returned to car∣rie newes vnto their fellowes how they had sped. Now began great scarcitie of victuals in the Turks campe, so that the souldiors were faine to feed vpon vnripe fruit and such other vnwhole∣some things: whereof ensued the bloudie flix, with many other dangerous diseases: which ra∣ging amongst them, did wonderfully consume the Bassaes armie. Beside that, they of the citie with continuall shot had slain many, and among them a sonne in law of the great Bassaes, whose death he is reported to haue taken so vnpatiently, that he fell sicke for griefe, but in short time after passed it ouer, and recouered againe. [ I]

The Tartars not yet warned by their often losses, but passing againe ouer the riuer into the island the nineteenth of this moneth, were there three thousand of them slaine. In the mean time certaine companies also of the Turks hauing secretly passed the riuer, in another quarter assayled the Christians in their campe: in which hurly burly other of the Tartars got ouer the riuer not farre from KOMARA, hoping now at length to performe some great matter, which they had be∣fore so often to their cost vainely attempted. But finding the Turkes ouerthrowne before their comming, and the Christians (contrarie to their expectation) in armes readie to receiue them, they were easily discomfited, and two thousand of them slaine. In this conflict the Sanzacke of STRIGONIVM, with two others, and many moe of great account among the Turkes perished. Shortly after the Christians sallying out of the citie, slew a great number of the Turkes, and so [ K] retired with small losse. Thus was the Turkes armie dayly deminished, besides that the want of victuals with the bloudie flix so encreased, that many persuaded the Bassa to haue raised his siege, and to haue remooued with his armie to some other more wholesome place, and of greater plentie: but he resolutely set downe not to depart before he had either woon the towne, or en∣forced them therein to yeeld, would not hearken to any persuasions to the contrarie.

Whilest Sinan thus lay at the siege of RAB, Maximilian the emperours brother tooke Cra∣stowitz, a fortresse of the Turks vpon the borders of CROATIA, and put to sword all the Turks there in garrison. After that he layed siege to PETRINIA, a strong fortresse of the Turks, which they but a few yeares before had contrarie to the league built in the emperours territorie, for the annoying of CROATIA, and for the exceeding strength thereof was thought almost impregna∣ble. [ L] Yet such was the industrie of Maximilian and his souldiors, that what with continuall bat∣terie and mines they so terrified the Turks there in garrison, that they for feare set fire on the fort, and flying away by night, made shift euery man for himselfe, as he might. Which they in the ca∣stle of SISEG hearing, set fire also vpon it, and so left it to the Christians: whose example they also of GARA followed: by which so prosperous and happie successe of Maximilians, not the frontiers only, but euen the whole countrey of CROATIA was for that time deliuered of a won∣derfull trouble and no lesse danger.

* 12.44The eight and twentith day of August twentie thousand of the Christians passing ouer the riuer by a bridge out of the island, and joyning with them of the towne, sallied out vpon the Turks campe. The Hungarian Heidons in the foreward at the first onset tooke two of the Turks [ M] bulwarkes; and hauing beaten out the enemies, cloyed certaine of their great pieces: but the Turks returning with greater power, enforced the Christians to retire, and recouered again their lost bulwarkes. In this conflict many were slaine, as well Christians as Turkes. In the meane while Thonhause a great captaine of the Christians, and Geitzhofler, countie Hardecke his lieute∣nant,

[ A] with fifteene hundred Hungarian and Germane footmen came in great boats to haue hol∣pen their fellowes, but landing somewhat too late, they were by the enemie beaten backe, and enforced with such speed to retire, that many of them being not able to recouer the boats, were drowned in the riuer, amongst whom Geitzhofler himselfe perished, and Thonhause was deadly wounded in his breast. Yet the Christians not discouraged with this losse, but gathering them∣selues together vnder the very wals of the citie, gaue a second assault vnto the enemie. In the fore∣ward were the footmen, who were by the enemies horsemen easily repulsed: but by the com∣ming in of the lord Rinsberg (who was at the first onset slaine) the Turks were enforced into their trenches, except some few, which deuided from the rest hid themselues in the vineyards, but be∣ing found out by the Christians, were there all slaine. In this skirmish the lord Palfi was grieuou∣sly [ B] wounded in his thigh.* 12.45 Of the Christians were slaine foure hundred, and of the Turks about two thousand. These conflicts endured from seuen a clock in the morning vntill twelue, at which time the Christians returning into the citie, and so into the campe, amongst other spoyles carried away with them seuenteene of the enemies ensignes.

No day now passing without some skirmish, at length the ninth of September ten thousand Turkes, some in boates, some by other meanes, hauing got ouer the riuer of Danubius into the island of SCHVT, suddenly set vpon the Christians, all sleeping in securitie, and little fearing any such danger: of whom they slew about two thousand, and after some small fight put the rest to most shamefull flight, in such sort, that Matthias the Archduke himselfe with the other noble∣men and captaines had much adoe by flight to escape. Thus whilest euery man surprised with [ C] feare, made what shift he could for himselfe; the enemie in the meane time entered the trenches, tooke their tents, the great ordinance, the shot and pouder, and all the money which but a little before was brought for the souldiors pay; besides about a thousand waggons, and two hundred boats well loaded with prouision for the campe,* 12.46 and ten gallies, wherein were an hundred and twentie pieces of great ordinance. The losse receiued this day was valued at fiue hundred thou∣sand duckats. And albeit that this victorie cost the Turkes two thousand and fiue hundred of their liues, yet thereby they gained the masterie both vpon the riuer and the land, so that now roming farre and neere without resistance, they spoyled the countrey all about, and burnt certain countrey villages not farre from VIENNA: so that for many miles space from countrey townes were for feare of the enemie forsaken by the inhabitants; of whom some were taken and slaine, [ D] some carried into captiuitie, and some others (reserued to a better fortune) with such things as they had, got themselues farther off into places of more securitie. And the more to encrease these ca∣lamities, the Tartars shortly after passing ouer Danubius neere vnto ALTENEVRO, first sacked WEISENBVRG, and after burnt it, with certaine townes thereabout: but aduenturing to haue gone further into the countrey, they were with losse enforced to returne.

Whilest the Turks thus preuaile in HVNGARIE, Cicala Bassa the Turkes Admirall then at sea with a fleet of gallies, landing his men in diuers places of ITALIE, did exceeding much harme but especially in CALABRIA, where he vpon the sudden surprised RHEGIVM, ri••led the towne, and afterwards burnt it. From thence taking his course towards SICILIA, he in the sight of MESSANA landed certaine of his men; who aduenturing too farre ashore, were by the countrey [ E] people ouerthrowne and put to flight.* 12.47 So the Turks returning againe to RHEGIVM, vtterly ra∣sed what they had before left of that towne. In the meane time not farre from MESSANA, euen in the sight of the garrison of the towne, they tooke a certaine ship comming out of the East countries, and three other comming from APVLIA. Afterward chancing vpon certaine gallies of the East, they changed some few shot with them, but to no great purpose. And so turning their course, and sailing alongst the coast of CALABRIA, they oftentimes landed certaine companies, which skirmishing with the Calabrians, had sometime the better and sometime the worse, and so with such fortune as befell them, were againe receiued into the gallies. They of MESSANA, vnto whose eyes these dangers were dayly presented both by letters and speedie messengers, gaue the Viceroy knowledge thereof (who then for his pleasure lay at PALERMO) requesting his pre∣sent [ F] aid: but he dallying of the time, they for the more safegard of the citie and of the sea coast, of themselues raised fiue hundred horsemen, whom they committed to the leading of Philip Ci∣cala, the renegate Turkish Admirals brother; and beside stored the citie with all such things as they thought necessarie for the enduring of a siege, if it should chance the Turke to haue any such purpose: of all which they certified the king of SPAINE, as also of the negligence of the

Viceroy, requesting his speedie aid against these terrours of the Turks. In the meane while the [ G] Neapolitanes for safegard of their coast put to sea thirtie gallies: vnto whom the Pope, the duke of FLORENCE, the Genowayes, and the knights of MALTA, joyned also theirs, in all to the number of about fourescore gallies, vnder the conduct of Auria. The prouident Venetians also although they were as then in league with the Turke; yet for the more safetie of their state, put to sea a fleet of about an hundred saile, some ships, some gallies, vnder the leading of Poscarin their Admirall. Which two fleets sayling vp and downe those seas, deliuered ITALIE, SICILIE, DALMATIA, with many other prouinces and islands of the Christians of a great feare.

Sinan Bassa hauing before encouraged his soldiors with great hope and large promises, com∣maunded an assault to be giuen to the citie of RAB:* 12.48 which was accordingly by them begun the three and twentith day of September, the Sunne being as yet scarce vp, and furiously maintained [ H] all that day from morning vntill night. But they of the towne so valiantly defended themselues, that at last the Turks were glad to giue ouer the assault, and with losse to retire. Neuerthelesse the next day the assault was again renewed, and most desperatly continued by the space of two daies: wherein aboue twelue thousand of the Turks there lost their liues,* 12.49 the other with shame retiring themselues into their trenches. In few dayes after, the Turks by a mine blew vp one of the bul∣warkes of the towne, with the fall whereof the towne ditch was in that place somewhat filled: whereby the Turks with all their power attempted thrice the next day to haue entered, but were by the valour of the defendants still notably with losse repulsed. Yet notwithstanding all this chearefulnesse and couragiousnesse of them in the towne, the puissant enemie ceased not with continuall batterie and furious assaults to attempt the citie, vntill that at length he had gained two [ I] of the bulwarkes, from whence he might to his great aduantage, by the rubbish and earth fallen out of the battered bulwarkes and rampiers, haue accesse vnto the towne, to the great terrour of the defendants. Whereupon countie Hardeck the Gouernor (who corrupted by the Turke, had of purpose many times before said that the towne could not possibly be long defended) now tooke occasion to enter into counsell with the other captaines of the towne (diuers of whom he had alreadie framed to his purpose) what course were best to take for the yeelding of it vp. And so after a little consultation, holden more for fashion sake, than for that he doubted what to doe; resolued to send a messenger vnto the Bassa, for a truce to be graunted for a while, to see if happi∣ly in the meane time some reasonable composition might be agreed vpon. Yet the Gouernour considering vnto what scorne and danger he should expose himselfe, by yeelding vp of so strong [ K] a towne; to colour the matter, and to excuse his doings vnto the rest of the nobilitie and garri∣sons of HVNGARIE, caused a publicke instrument to be in his and all the rest of the captaines names conceiued in writing, wherein they solemnely protested vnto the world, That for as much as it was impossible (by reason of the weakenesse of the garrison) for them longer to defend the towne against so mightie an enemy, without new supplies in stead of them that were slain, which they had oftentimes in vaine requested, they were therefore of necessitie enforced to come to composition with the enemie. Which protestation so made, the Gouernour with the chiefe cap∣taines confirmed with their hands and seales. So after a truce granted, and pledges giuen on both sides, at length it was agreed vpon, That all the garrison souldiors, together with the countie and other captaines should in armes with ensignes displayed with bag and baggage depart in safetie; [ L] and with a safe conuoy be brought to ALTENBVRG. Which agreement though by oath con∣firmed, was not on the Turks part altogether performed: for when the countie had the 29 day of September, at ten a clock in the forenoone deliuered vp the citie vnto the Bassa, and the Christian garrison was all come out, the countie himselfe with a few of his friends was with a conuoy of Turks brought in safetie to the appointed place: but the Italians and other garrison souldiors that came behind,* 12.50 and ought to haue beene by the Gouernour protected, were contrary to the Turks promise spoyled of all that they had, and hardly escaping with life, came that night to HOCH∣STRATE, and the next day to ALTENBVRG. Thus was RAB, one of the strongest bulwarkes of Christendome, traiterously deliuered vnto the most mortall enemie of the Christian religion; being euen then when it was giuen vp, victualled for a yeare, and sufficiently furnished with all [ M] things necessarie for defence: all which prouision together with the citie fell into the hands of the faithlesse enemie. A losse neuer to haue beene sufficiently lamented, had it not beene about foure yeares after, euen as it were miraculously againe recouered, to the great rejoysing of all that side of Christendome, as in the processe of this Historie shall appeare.

[ A] Sinan glad of this victorie, as of the greatest trophey of his masters glorie ouer the Christi∣ans, gaue him speedie knowledge thereof, both by letters and messengers. Of whom he was for that good seruice highly commended, and afterward bountifully rewarded: for now had Amurath alreadie in hope deuoured all AVSTRIA,* 12.51 with the prouinces thereabout. The great Bassa, because he would not with too long stay hinder the course of his victorie, without delay repaired the rent citie, new fortified the battered bulwarkes, enlarged the ditches, and filled the cathedrall church with earth, in manner of a strong bulwarke, where vpon he planted great store of great ordinance: and with exceeding speed dispatched all things necessarie for the holding of the place. In the meane time he sent certaine Tartars to summon the towne and castle of PAP∣PA; which castle and little towne subject thereunto, the Christians the night following set on [ B] fire, because it should not stand the enemie in any stead for the farther troubling of the coun∣trey, and so fled.

The Bassa hauing at his pleasure disposed of all things in RAB,* 12.52 and leauing there foure thou∣sand Ianizaries, and two thousand horsemen in garrison, departed thence with his armie and laid siege to KOMARA, a strong towne of that most fertile island, which the Hungarians call SCHVT; which situated in the verie point thereof about foure miles from RAB, is on the East, South, and North enclosed with the two armes of Danubius. All these waies Sinan with his fleet (which he had there notably well appointed) laid hard siege vnto the towne, and gaue thereun∣to diuers assaults: and by land, the Beglerbeg of GRaeCE ceased not both by continuall batterie and mines, to shake the wals and bulwarks thereof. Thus was the citie on all sides both by wa∣ter [ C] and by land hardly laid vnto. But the Christians within, with no lesse courage defended themselues and the citie, than did the Turkes assaile them; shewing indeed, that the libertie of their religion and countrey, was vnto them dearer than their liues. Matthias the archduke in the meane time, not ignorant how much it concerned the emperour his brother to haue this ci∣tie defended, hauing after his late ouerthrow gathered togither a good armie of Germanes, Bo∣hemians, and Hungarians, resolued to go and raise the siege: and so marching forward with his armie, came and encamped the 28 day of October at NITRIA, about fiue miles from KOMA∣RA. Now were the Tartars a little before departed from the came, with purpose to returne home: yea the Turkes themselues wearie of the siege, and wanting victuall both for themselues and their horses, began also as men discouraged to shrinke away. Which the Bassa well consi∣dering, [ D] thought it not best with his heartlesse souldiors and armie now sore weakened,* 12.53 to abide the comming of the Christians: and therefore vpon their approach he forthwith forsooke the citie, which he had by the space of three weekes hardly besieged, and by a bridge made of boats transported his armie and artillerie ouer Danubius to DOTIS, where the next day after he brake vp his armie. Immediatly after the Turkes were thus departed, the Archduke arriued at KOMA∣RA, where he with great diligence caused the breaches to be repaired, the mines to be filled vp, and new bulwarkes and rampiers to be made in diuers places for the more strength of the citie, leauing the charge thereof still vnto the lord Braun the old Gouernour, who in the defence thereof had receiued a grieuous wound in his right knee: of whom also this notable fact is re∣ported. The Bassa in time of the late siege of KOMARA, vnder the colour of a parley, had sent [ E] fiue Turks into the citie to the Gouernour, but in deed to proue if he were by any meanes to be woon to yeeld vp the citie, and not to hold it out to the last: The faithfull Gouernour, hauing giuen them the hearing vntill they had discharged their whole treacherie, presently caused foure of their heads to he strucken off, and to be set vpon long pikes vpon one of the bulwarkes for the Bassa to looke vpon; but the fift (the beholder of this tragedie) he sent backe vnto the Bassa, to tell him, That although he had found one in RAB to serue his turne, he was much deceiued if in him he thought to find Countie Hardeck; and that he wished rather to die the emperours faithfull seruant in the bloud of the Turkes, than to betray the citie committed to his charge.

Countie Hardeck late Gouernour of RAB, generally before suspected to haue treacherously betraied that strong towne vnto the Bassa, was therefore sent for to VIENNA, and there by the [ F] emperours commaundement committed to prison. Where among many things laid to his charge, as that he should in the beginning of the siege negligently haue suffered many things to be done by the enemie, which afterwards turned to the great danger of the towne: and that in the time of the siege, he had caused some of the canoniers to discharge certain great pieces against the enemie, with pouder onely without shot: and that seeing one piece among the rest to do the

enemie much harme, he had caused the same to be remooued, and so placed, as that it serued to [ G] little or no vse: beside that, he (as it should seeme) making small reckoning of the towne, should oftentimes say, That if the Turkes should win it, he should be but one towne the richer: with diuers other such things, giuing just cause of suspition. The thing that lay most heauie vp∣on him, was the testimonie of one of Sinan Bassa his chamber, who being taken young by the Turkes, and seruing in the Bassaes chamber, was now fled from the Turks, and comming to the Archduke in the time of his siege, declared vnto him, that there was treason in his campe: and that he but three daies before by the commaundement of his master, had deliuered two bags full of duckats vnto two Christians, of whom the one had a notable scarre in his face, and was afterwards known to haue bin one of the Counties seruants. Vpon this and such like proofs, the Countie was after many daies hearing, in open court by the judgement of seauen and fortie no∣blemen [ H] and captaines of name, condemned of treason, and adjudged to be hanged, his dead bo∣die to remaine vpon the gallowes by the space of three daies,* 12.54 and all his lands and goods to bee confiscat: The rigour of which sentence was afterward by the emperour mitigated, and the trai∣tour by him adjudged to haue his right hand (by him before giuen to the emperour, in pawne of his faith) and his head strucke off vpon a scaffold at VIENNA, and so buried. Which seuere sentence was afterwards accordingly put in execution: for the tenth of Iune following, the trai∣tour being brought to the scaffold built of purpose in the hie street of VIENNA, after the sentence of his condemnation there solemnly read, commending himselfe vpon his knees to the mercie of God, with his eies couered, & his right hand laid vpon a blocke couered with blacke, had both his hand and head so suddenly strucke off by the executioners, as that the beholders could hard∣ly [ I] judge which of them was first off. His dead bodie with his head and hand, was presently by his seruant wrapped in a blacke cloth and laid in his coach, which stood there by of purpose co∣uered with blacke, and was afterwards buried amongst his auncestors.

The Tartars but lately••before departed from Sinans campe, passing ouer Danubius at STRI∣GONIVM, had purposed through the vpper part of HVNGARIE, and by the borders of TRAN∣SYLVANIA and MOLDAVIA, to haue againe returned into their countrey: of whom two companies falling into the hands of the lord Palfi, were by him cut off and vtterly defeated: the rest comming vnto the borders of TRANSYLVANIA, and finding the passages so beset by the Prince and the Vayoud of VALACHIA, as that they could not without most manifest danger passe that way, returned againe the same way they came: and hauing rifled and burnt certaine [ K] towns and villages in the vpper HVNGARIE about TOCKAIE, passed the riuer againe at STRI∣GONIVM, and wintering at VESPRINIVM, PALOTTA, and other places in the countrey about RAB, liued vpon the spoile of the poore Christians, vpon the frontiers of AVSTRIA, euen as far as MEINERSDORF.

These Tartars (of whom we haue so often spoken) at their first comming to the aid of Sinan, by direction from the Turkish Sultan, staied vpon the frontiers of TRANSYLVANIA, of purpose to haue surprised that countrey, and either to haue thrust Sigismund Bator the young prince out of the gouernment thereof, or else to haue sent him in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE: For it was commonly reported, That he wearie of the heauie tribute which he yearely paied vnto the Turke, and had now after their greedie manner been diuers times enhaunsed: had purposed to [ L] reuolt from the Turkish Sultan, and to enter into confederation with the Christian emperour. Which innouation and change, certaine of the nobilitie and chiefe States of TRANSYLVANIA, sought by all meanes to hinder: and acquainting Amurath with the matter, and entring into conspiracie with the Tartars, vndertooke to deliuer the whole countrey into their hands, and to send the Prince prisoner to HVST, where the Tartars then lay vpon the borders encamped. Wherefore dissembling this their purpose, they cunningly persuaded the Prince, that Samosche the great Chancellor of POLONIA, in the confines of his countrey lay with a great power ex∣pecting his comming, to consult with him of matters of great importance. And the better to co∣lour this their treacherie, they had counterfeited letters to that effect from the Chancelor to the Prince, and had wrought so effectually, that the Prince not suspecting any such treason, gaue cre∣dit [ M] to their persuasions, and so put himselfe vpon his way towards the Chancellor (as he suppo∣sed:) but by the way, he was aduised by some of his friends which had got some suspition of the matter, not to go any farther, for that his comming was not attended by the Polonians his friends (as he was persuaded) but by the Tartars his enemies, who lay in wait for him at HVST, to be∣reaue

[ A] him of his life and gouernment. The Prince astonied with the noueltie of the matter, listned vnto their persuasion, and retired with his traine to the strong fort of KEHWERE; where he staied fourteene daies, as if it had been onely for feare of the Tartars. In the meane time, hee gaue notice to the nobilitie and gouernours of the countrey; his friends, of the imminent and common danger; who forthwith repaired vnto him in armes. But the traitors proceeding in their purpose, ceased not to persuade Bornemissa, who had the leading of the princes armie, that to fight with the Tartars was a matter of no small danger: and that therefore if he wished well to his countrey, he should not haue to doe with them, but onely shew himselfe neere vnto them, and that he was not vnprouided for them: which was accordingly done, and the Transyluanian army brought so nigh vnto the Tartars, as that they might heare the noise of their drums and [ B] trumpets. Whereby the Tartars as by the watchword, perceiuing themselues discouered, and nothing to fall out according to their expectation, & as had been vnto them promised for the be∣traying of the prince:* 12.55 they remoued thence, and by another way breaking through the middest of TRANSYLVANIA, and so into HVNGARIE, rifled and burnt fiue hundred villages, slew all the males that were aboue twelue yeares of age, and carried away the rest vnto the Turkish army then lying at the siege of RAB. In the meane time the traitours (when as this first plot serued them not) conspired to set vp one Balthazar Bator, the young princes nigh kinsman, and with the good fauour of Amurath to preferre him to the soueraigne gouernment of their countrey. Which their purpose the Prince perceiuing, and doubting altogither to trust vnto the fidelitie of his owne subjects; writ to his neighbours the Rascians, and other his confederats, praying [ C] their aid in this his so dangerous and doubtfull estate. Which after he had receiued, he appoin∣ted a generall assembly of all his States to be holden at CLAVSENBVRG, and that vpon a great paine to be inflicted vpon all such as should not there personally appeare: so at the prefixed day all came, except the Cardinall Bator and Stephen his brother, who guiltie of so foule a treason against their owne bloud, were now before fled into POLONIA. Being all thus met togither, the Prince commaunded the gates of the citie to be shut, and diligent watch and ward to be kept, forbidding by open proclamation, that any man vpon paine of death should so much as speake of any imagined treason. And at the same time politikely caused to be published in writing, how that the Germanes, had in the farther side of HVNGARIE got a notable victorie ouer the Turks; for joy whereof he commanded bonefiers to be made, and the great ordinance to be in triumph [ D] shot off, with many other signes of joy and gladnesse: and withall caused a notable banquet to be prepared, whereunto togither with others, were inuited also all the chiefe of the conspirators: Of whom, euen as they were at dinner & least feared any such matter, he commanded fourteene to be apprehended and committed to prison: and the next morning caused fiue of them to be executed in the open market place.* 12.56 The principall of whom, who had vndertaken to haue him∣selfe slaine the Prince, after three or foure light cuts in the necke, he caused to be drawne in pie∣ces with foure horses: the other foure, namely Alexander, and Gabriell Gendi, Gregorie Diaco, and Ladislaus Sallentz were beheaded, and their dead bodies all that day left in the market place for the people to behold: the rest were also afterwards worthely executed; and Balthazar Bator, whom the conspiratours had intended to haue exalted, strangled. Hauing thus reuenged him∣selfe [ E] vpon his enemies, he by a publike edict divulged through all his dominion, gaue leaue to all his subjects in generall, of their owne charge to take vp armes against the Turkes, and whatsoe∣uer they could take from them, to haue it to themselues, as good prize gotten from their lawfull enemies. By which vnwonted libertie, the Transyluanians encouraged as with a great bountie, armed themselues on all hands to the number of fortie thousand, who being mustered and sworn to hold togither against the Turkes, made their first expedition towards Danubius; where at their first arriuall, by good hap they light vpon certaine of the Turkes ships laded with prouision for the campe, and merchandise of all sorts, and much treasure: of which rich ships, they at the first onset tooke seuen, but the eighth (being in deed the Admirall) escaped their hands. In these ships they tooke an exceeding rich bootie, slew many of the Turkes, and in token of the victo∣rie, [ F] carried backe vnto the Prince seaen of the Turkish ensignes. This victorie caused great joy in TRANSYLVANIA, euerie man of so prosperous a beginning, conceiuing good hope of most happie successe. It is reported, that Sinan Bassa hearing of this losse, should say, That if this pro∣uision had come to him in safetie, he could with that treasure more easily haue bought VIEN∣NA in AVSTRIA, than he had RAB in HVNGARIE. After this victorie the Prince laied siege

to TEMESVVAR, but hearing of the returne of the Tartars from the Turks campe, and that they [ G] were comming toward TRANSYLVANIA (as is beforesaid) he left TEMESVVAR, to look to the defence of his owne countrey.

* 12.57Not long after, about the two and twentith of December a tumult rise among the Ianizaries of the Court at CONSTANTINOPLE, which grew to such an height, that in the heat thereof one of the Bassaes was by them slaine, with some others of good account, and one of Amuraths sonnes sore wounded, and with much adoe saued. Vpon conceit whereof, Amurath for anger and griefe fell into a fit of the falling sicknesse (whereunto he was much subject) and was therwith for the space of three dayes and three nights so grieuously vexed, as if he should haue presently giuen vp the ghost: so that the citie was filled with heauinesse and feare, and the great men of the Court were euen readie to thinke vpon a new lord. This tumult of the insolent Ianizaries many [ H] supposed to haue beene the cause of Amurath his death,* 12.58 which shortly after ensued: his griefe and maladie encreasing dayly by the euill newes still brought vnto him both by messengers and let∣ters, especially out of TRANSYLVANIA, where the prince waiting vpon euery occasion, was still at hand with the Turkes, cutting them short in euery place; and in sundrie rodes which he made vpon them this moneth, tooke many of their castles and forts from them. He had at that time in the field in diuers places three armies: one vnder the conduct of Gesty Ferens, in the countrey of LVGAZ neere vnto TEMESVVARE: another vnder the leading of Michaell Horwat, on the side of Danubius, to intercept the Turkes comming to BVDA: and the third commaunded by Caspar Cornoyse in the country neere to GIVLA, vnto whom came shortly after fifteene hundred horsemen out of the vpper HVNGARIE. [ I]

* 12.59The Transyluanian prince Sigismund Bator thus lately reuolted from the Turk, for the streng∣thening of his state thought it best betime to enter into confederation with his neighbors of VA∣LACHIA and MOLDAVIA (who moued by his example, shortly after in like manner also cast off the seruile yoke of the Turke) but especially with the Christian emperour Rodolph. For which purpose he sent his embassadours honourably accompanied: who comming to COSSOVIA in HVNGARIE the foureteenth of December, arriued at PRAGE the twelfth of Ianuarie, with twentie waggons, and an hundred and fiftie horse, where they were by the emperours appoint∣ment most honourably receiued and royally entertained: and after a few dayes hauing deliuered vnto the emperour the summe of their embassage, which was for a confederation to be made be∣tweene the emperour and the prince: after much graue consultation and serious discourse it was [ K] fully concluded and agreed vpon: the chiefe points whereof I thought it not amisse here in briefe to set downe, for the satisfying of such as desire to know in what tearmes that worthie prince next neighbour vnto the Turke then stood with the Christian emperour.

* 12.60First it was agreed vpon, That the emperour for himselfe and for the states of HVNGARIE should promise to proceed in his wars begun against the common enemie, and not to conclude any peace with him, without the knowledge and good liking of the prince. And that in all con∣clusions of peace to be made betwixt him and the Turke, the countries of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, should be alwayes comprised: in regard whereof, the prince likewise promised for himselfe and the states of TRANSYLVANIA, to prosecute the commen∣ced warre, and not to enter into any league with the Turke, without the knowledge and consent [ L] of the emperour and the nobilitie of HVNGARIE, and this to be confirmed by solemne oath on both sides.

Secondly, that the prouince of TRANSYLVANIA with all the parts and confines thereof hi∣therto possessed by the prince in HVNGARIE, should remaine vnto the said prince Sigismund and his heires male, with all the profits arising thereof, in such sort as they had done in the time of Iohn, Stephen, and Christopher, his predecessors, to haue therein a most free and absolute au∣thoritie: yet so, as that they should acknowledge his imperiall majestie and his lawfull successors for their lawfull soueraignes; vnto whom they should alwayes sweare their fealtie, but without any homage doing: and that to be performed by his successours at the time of the change, but by the prince himselfe, presently after the confirming of this league. But that for lacke of heires [ M] male, the countrey of TRANSYLVANIA with all the territories thereunto annexed, should dis∣cend vnto his sacred majestie and his successours, the kings of HVNGARIE, as a true and insepa∣rable member thereof: whereunto the prince and all the states of TRANSYLVANIA should bind themselues by solemne oath. But yet that at such time as the heires male should faile in the

[ A] line of the present prince, and that the countrey of TRANSYLVANIA should according to these present conditions be deuolued to the crowne of HVNGARIE; as well his present imperiall and royall majestie as his successours, should keepe inuiolate the auntient lawes, priuiledges, and cu∣stomes of that countrey, and alwayes appoint one of the nobilitie of TRANSYLVANIA to be Gouernour or Vayuod of the same, and no other stranger.

Thirdly, that his majestie should acknowledge the prince of TRANSYLVANIA for an abso∣lute prince, and by speciall charter confirme vnto him the title of Most excellent.

Fourthly, that his imperiall majestie should procure one of the daughters of the late Arch∣duke Charles his vncle, for a wife for the prince, that as they were now to be joyned in league, so they might be joyned in affinitie also.

[ B] Fiftly, that the emperour should procure him to bee made one of the order of the Gol∣den Fleece.

Sixtly, that the prince might with more cheerefulnesse and securitie make warre against the common enemie, his imperiall and royall majestie should not at any time, howsoeuer things fell out, forsake the said prince or any of the countries subject vnto him: and euen now presently to aid him according as the present occasion required, and afterward (if greater need should be) with greater helpe, whether it were by his Generall of CASSOVIA, or others: and this giuing of aid to be on both sides mutuall and reciprocall, according as the necessitie of the one or other part should require: and that where most need was, thither should most helpe be conuerted.

Seuenthly, that the sacred Romane empire should take vpon it the protection and defence of [ C] the prince and his territories. And that his imperiall majestie should create the said prince and the princes his successours, princes of the empire: yet so, as that they should haue neither voice nor place among the said princes.

Eightly, that whatsoeuer castles, towns, cities, or other places of strength should by their com∣mon forces be taken or recouered from the common enemie, at such time as his imperiall maje∣stie should send into the field a full armie, should be all his majesties: But such places as the prince should by his owne forces or policie gaine from the enemie, should remaine vnto the prince him∣selfe. Yet that what places soeuer the prince should recouer, which at any time before belonged to the kingdome of HVNGARIE, before it was taken by the Turke, those he should forthwith deliuer to his majestie, as soone as reasonable recompence were by him therefore made vnto [ D] the prince.

Ninthly, his sacred majestie should promise of his owne bountie to giue vnto his excellencie sufficient aid for the fortifying and defence of such places as should be thought necessarie for the behoofe of the Christians: as again the said prince should likewise promise not to spare his own cofers or forces, that the same places should be throughly fortified and defended, for the behoofe of his majestie and the common good of the Christian commonweale.

Lastly, that for as much as the euents of warre are vncertaine, and many things suddenly hap∣pen contrarie to mens expectation, if such necessitie should chance vnto his excellencie or his successours (which mishap God forbid) that hauing spent themselues, they should not be able longer to defend their state and countrey, but that the mightie enemie preuailing, they should at [ E] last be enforced to forsake the same▪ in this their extremitie, his imperiall & royall majestie should promise both for himselfe and his successors, within the space of one moneth to assigne some cer∣taine place in some other of his dominions, where the said prince and his successours might ho∣nourably liue. And the like regard to be had also of other such principall men, as should together with the prince aduenture their liues and liuings in defence of the Christian commonweale.

Which articles of confederation agreed vpon, and solemnly confirmed, the same embassadors were with all kindnesse, bountie, and magnificence dismissed and sent back again vnto the prince: who was not himselfe in the meane time idle, but labouring by all the meanes he could to draw vnto him Michael the Vayuod of VALACHIA, a man of no lesse worth than himselfe, and Aaron the Palatine of MOLDAVIA, both of them then the Turkes tributaries; and by them to alienate [ F] from the Turke both those countries, that so with their combined forces they might the better defend their libertie, and withstand their common enemie: wherein he did so much, and preuai∣led so farre with them both, that casting off the Turks obeisance, they shortly after to the great benefit of the Christian commonweale, and no lesse hinderance of the Turkes proceedings in HVNGARIE, joined hands both together with him for the recouerie of their lost liberty. Which

reuolt of these bordering princes, for that it so much concerned the common good, as that the [ G] safegard of AVSTRIA, and of the remnants of HVNGARIE, with some good part of GERMA∣NIE also, is euen by them that in those matters saw much, not without cause suppose•• to haue re∣sted therein; and that this noble Vayuod (of whom much is to be said hereafter) was the second actor herein, it shall not be from our purpose to see the manner of his reuolt also from the Turke, as we haue alreadie the Transyluanians. For the more euidence whereof, as for the honour of the man (whilest he liued, a most worthie member of the Christian commonweale) we will a little step backe to see how he obtained of the Great Turke this so honourable a preferment as was the Vayuodship of VALACHIA, not without his reuolt long now to be holden.

* 12.61Alexander the late Vayuod of VALACHIA, a Moldauian borne, and by Amurath himselfe promoted to that dignitie, proud aboue measure of this his so great a preferment, as also of his [ H] owne nobilitie, and the deceitfull fauour of fortune still fawning vpon him; not onely oppressed his people himselfe with intollerable impositions, but to be in farther fauour with the Turkes, brought into that countrey (too much before exhausted) such a companie of them, as that they seemed now almost wholly to haue possessed the same, oppressing the poore Christians (the na∣turall inhabitants) with new exactions, and more than tyrannicall injuries, euen such as were not elsewhere by the Turkes themselues vsed; not onely breaking at their pleasure into their houses, and despoyling them of their goods, but taking tythe also of their children, as if it had beene of their cattell, a thing neuer before there seene: and for the satisfying of their beastly lust, raui∣shing their wiues and daughters, euen in the sight of their husbands & parents, with diuers other such outragious villanies, not with modestie to be rehearsed. So that by this meanes he had vio∣lently [ I] taken from his Christian subjects all hope of recouerie of their auntient libertie, had it not as sometime it falleth out in these worldly things both vnto men and commonweales, which brought vnto the last cast, & euen as it were to the bottome of dispaire, by the goodnesse of God contrarie to all hope find sometime such vnexpected helpe and reliefe, as that thereby they, be∣yond their hope, euen to the astonishment of the world, mount vp againe vnto a greater lustre of their state than was that from which they before fell: it had euen so by the singula•• mercy of God now happened vnto the Valachians, not knowing which way to turne themselues. There was at CRAILOVVA, a citie in the confines of VALACHIA towards the confines of the Hungarians and Turks (where the gouernour of these borders is for the defence thereof with a strong garri∣son alwayes resiant) a noble gentleman called * 12.62 Ion Michael, sonne to Peter the Palatine of that [ K] countrey, the aforesaid Alexander his predecessour: who as he was vnto the people for the ho∣nour of his father, the prerogatiue of his birth, the comelinesse of his person, and talnesse of his stature, well knowne: so was he for his zeale towards the Christian religion, his loue towards his countrey, his kindnesse towards his equals, his courtesie towards his inferiours, his vpright dealing, his constancie and bountie vnto them, no lesse gracious; and for other the noble vertues of his heroicall mind and naturall disposition for the performance of great matters, his deepe wisdome and quicke foresight, his sweet and pleasing speech, void of all affectation, vnto all good men most deare: whose fame, both for the honour of his house, and of his owne vertues, still more and more encreasing, and rife in the eares of Alexander the Vayuod, was the cause that he commaunded him as the readie or rather naturall competitour of his state and honour to be se∣cretly [ L] apprehended, and so taken out of the way: whereof he by good fortune hauing intelli∣gence, and carefull of his owne health, for safegard of himselfe fled first into HVNGARIE, and there not staying long (God so directing him) went to CONSTANTINOPLE in the yeare 1591, to sue for the Vayuod his place, all the nobilitie of his countrey and the prouinces thereunto adjoyning, secretly rejoysing thereat. About which time the chiefe and most graue of the Vala∣chian nobilitie and counsellours prostrating themselues at the feet of Amurath, most grieuously complained vnto him of the manifold and intollerable injuries they had alreadie sustained, and were still like to endure, without hope of redresse, from Alexander their Vayuod, and the fol∣lowers of his Court; the Turks garrisons and marchants with plentifull teares orderly declaring many his most foule and detestable facts, and afterward highly commending Ion Michael for his [ M] rare vertues, as the true heire of their prouince; most humbly requested Amurath either to haue him appointed the lawfull Gouernour of their countrey, or els some other place by him assigned for them to dwell in, wishing any where to liue, rather than vnder the heauie commaund of so mercilesse a man as was Alexander. For the furthering of which their sute, Michael his vncle by

[ A] the mothers side, a Greek•• borne, and a man for his exceeding wealth in great fauor in the Turks Court,* 12.63 spared for no cost. So Michael by the goodnesse of God was by Amurath with great solemnitie created Vayuod of VALACHIA, and the oppressed and almost forlorne state of that sometime most flourishing countrey by little and little well relieued (although not altogither without most sharpe and violent remedies, such as extremities oft require) began now againe to lift vp the head, and to aspire vnto the auntient libertie and honour thereof. At the beginning of whose happie soueraigntie, Alexander his predecessour in his owne conscience guiltie of his euill and shamefull gouernment of that so notable and great a prouince; and now in feare to be called to account, secretly fled. But certaine yeares after remouing to CONSTANTINOPLE with his wife, and there attempting diuers euill meanes for the obtaining of the Palatinat of [ B] MOLDAVIA,* 12.64 and for those his vnlawfull practises accused by the Palatines Agent: he was by the commandement of Amurath taken in his owne house, and there in his princely apparell most miserably strangled vpon Palme sunday, in the yeare 1597, about six yeares after his depar∣ture out of VALACHIA.

Michael thus made Vayuod of VALACHIA, long it was not but that it fortuned the reuerend father Cornelius de Nona, sent from Pope Clement the Eight, vnto the Great duke of MVSCO∣VIE, in his returne conferring with Sigismund the Transyluanian Prince, and Aaron the Palatine of MOLDAVIA, enformed them of the great consent of diuers zealous Christian princes, for the maintenance of the warre against the dangerous and common enemie; with many graue and ef∣fectuall reasons persuading them (but especially for that they were themselues Christians) in that [ C] Christian quarrell to joyne vnto them their forces also, raised in those their countries neere vnto the great riuers Danubius and Nester: but vnto Michael the Vayuod of VALACHIA, he could not for diuers his other important businesses then come; whom for all that, the aforesaid▪ Tran∣syluanian prince Sigismund his neighbour, desirously sought to draw into the fellowship of that warre, euen for the same reasons almost wherewith he had been himselfe mooued. First by di∣uers great reasons remouing such doubts as might justly seeme to hinder him from giuing ther∣unto his consent; and then, by declaring the Turkish insolencie daily increasing, with the infinit grieuances by them deuised against the miserable Valachians: when as the incursions of the Turks or Tartars, or their passages that way (no lesse troublesome than their inroads) was almost euerie moneth to be feared, their armies as friends to be in Winter and Sommer receiued, their [ D] souldiors to their great charges relieued, and their commaunders and captaines rewarded. VA∣LACHIA thus impouerished, was not able (as he said) to pay the great sums it did alreadie owe, neither was to expect any releasement of the euils it was wrapped in; much lesse was it able to suffice vnto the grieuous exactions to be thereunto by them afterwards imposed. None of his predecessours (as he told him, and as truth was) had for many yeares now past, for any long time or with any securitie held their state or gouernment: but that either by the calumniation of the enuious, or bribes of their ambitious competitours, brought into suspition with the Sultan, they were violently thrust out, or most cruelly put to death. In briefe, he said, it was a wise mans part, not without most manifest & waightie reasons, to promise vnto himselfe better fortune or more assurance of his state, than had his vnfortunat predecessours before him; but warned by their [ E] harmes, betimes to prouide for his owne safetie. By which persuasion he so preuailed, that the Vayuod (whose name, whose fame, whose wealth and life togither with his subjects was all thereby endangered) although he would not (for the waightinesse of the matter) at the first yeeld thereunto; yet assuredly promised, with his friends and the rest of the nobilitie of his countrey, to consider thereupon. Hauing it by the prince plainly laid downe before him, how a sufficient number of souldiors might at all times be raised, their pay prouided, and aid still sent him as need should be from the Germane emperor, or himselfe out of TRANSYLVANIA: as also that Aaron the Palatine of MOLDAVIA, would at all times be readie to combine himselfe vnto them; that so with their vnited forces, they might vpon the bankes of Danubius and Nester, easily represse the incursions both of the Turkes and Tartars their enemies: the Christian emperour in the [ F] meane time, with lesse trouble proceeding in his warres against the Turke in the other side of HVNGARIE.

Now whilest this plot was thus in laying, and matters too and fro in debating, not altogither without the Turkes suspition; Sinan Bassa comming with a great armie into HVNGARIE, had taken the strong towne of RA••, as is before declared: with which mischance so much concer∣ning

the poore remainders of HVNGARIE, the Vayuod not a little mooued, began more deep∣ly [ G] to consider of his owne estate. And as he was a man of a great spirit and no lesse zeale towards his countrey, grieuing to see his subjects committed to his charge, to be so daily by the insolent Turkes still more and more oppressed: he (as he had before promised to the Transyluanian) cal∣led an assembly of all the States of VALACHIA, to consult with them what were best to be done for the remedie of so great euils, as also for the preuenting of greater, not without cause then to be feared. Where by the generall consent of them all it was agreed, rather to joyne with the emperor and the other Christian princes in confederation (as they had been oftentimes by them requested) than longer to endure that heauie yoake of the Turkish thraldome and slauerie. Whereupon the Vayuod taking vnto him two thousand of the Hungarian garrison souldiors,* 12.65 now before for that purpose secretly laid vpon the frontiers of his countrey; and calling vpon the [ H] name of Christ Iesus, in one day to begin withall, slew about two thousand of the Ianizaries (who without his leaue had in that countrey prowdly seated themselues) with all the rest of the Turks (in the middest of their insolencie) togither with the traiterous Iewes, not leauing one of them that he could come by, aliue in all the open countrey. And purposing to driue them out of their strong holds also, and so to make a cleane riddance of them, he within foureteene daies after set vpon DZIVRDZOVVA, a great towne of the Turks vpon the banke of Danubius, which he burnt all sauing the castle: and hauing there made a great slaughter, and loded with the spoile of the Turks, returned to BVCARESTA the chiefe seat of his Palatinat.

But long it was not after this his so great presumption, but that he perceiued the Turkes in re∣uenge thereof to seeke after his life: although he yet seemed to yeeld his obedience vnto Amu∣rath, [ I] and to haue done that he did, as enforced thereunto by the insolencie of the Turks, and for the necessarie reliefe both of himselfe and his subjects. For the same moneth, RAB being (as is aforesaid) taken by Sinan: one of the Turks * 12.66 Emirs, discended of the great family and stocke of Mahomet their false Prophet, and then Cadilescher (a man of great account and place amongst the Turkes) accompanied with two thousand chosen souldiors, fiftie of the great Sultans cham∣ber, and many of the Zausij and Spahi, vpon the sudden came to BVCARESTA vnder the co∣lour of refreshing themselues after their long trauell, but in deed with purpose to haue taken the Vayuod; where they without controlement committed all kind of outragious villanie: and ta∣king vp all the chiefe houses in the citie, imperiously demaunded of the Vayuod (who then lay at his pallace neere vnto the new monasterie without the citie, built without any castle or defence [ K] vpon the riuer Dembowiza) ten thousand Florens for a present, with victuals and other neces∣sarie prouision for his followers. And presently after, being certainly enformed that he lay there but slenderly accompanied, and almost himselfe alone, the Emir himselfe on foot with a thou∣sand of his souldiors, went out of the citie as if it had been but for his pleasure, and in curtesie to haue seene him. Of which so suspitious a guests comming the Vayuod vnderstanding, got him betimes away into the campe of his Hungarian mercinaries, which then lay but fast by: when the Turke thus deceiued of the hope he had before conceiued for the taking of him, craftily sent certaine of his followers, to know of him, to what end he in time of peace did entertaine such a number of Hungarian souldiors? Whereunto the Vayuod cunningly answered, That they were at the first entertained for the taking of Peter the sonne of Alexander, sometime Palatine [ L] of MOLDAVIA; who although he were now before apprehended, and openly hanged vpon an hooke at CONSTANTINOPLE, yet that those souldiors were for their readie seruice, of neces∣sitie still to be billited in the countrey, vntill such time as their pay might be prouided. Which the Turke hearing, commaunded the Vayuod forthwith to discharge them as men vnnecessa∣rie, and to his subjects troublesome, promising the next day to lend him a tunne of gold to pay them their wages. Which faigned promise the Vayuod seemed thankfully to take; yet neuer∣thelesse commaunded the Hungarians forthwith in armes to stand in readinesse in the campe, for the intercepting of the Turkes, if happily by him distressed they should betake themselues to flight: whilest he in the meane time with his courtiers and other souldiors, secretly assembled into a valley thereby, came suddenly vpon the Turkes (not as then dreaming of any such thing) [ M] compassed about the Innes wherein they lay, and setting fire vpon them in fiue places, notably forced them both with fire and the sword, the two greatest extremities of war; seeking now for nothing more, than the just reuenge of his spoiled citie, his forced virgins, and wronged sub∣jects. Howbeit the Turkes for a space right valiantly defended themselues, and by plaine force

[ A] (although in vaine) sought to haue broken through the middest of their enemies, and so to haue fled. Yea many of them by force of the fire driuen out of their lodgings, and tearing off their burning cloathes, fought starke naked: but most of them which could, fled vnto the pallace where their great Emir lay, there with him readie to die or liue. All which their last endeuours of desperation, the Vayuod easily frustrated, with two great pieces of artillerie opening a way for his souldiors vnto them. So that the prowd Emir now in despaire (like the hunted Castor) threw downe out of a window a great chest full of gold and pretious stones, and other jewels of great valour, if happily he might haue so appeased the Vayuods wrath: humbly now requesting no more, but to haue his life spared; fearfully promising a large raunsome for himselfe, and those few which were yet left aliue with him.* 12.67 Howbeit the Vayuod mindfull of the manifold inju∣ries [ B] by them done vnto him and his subjects, and nothing mitigated or moued with the rich spoiles thrust vpon him, or the large promises the Turkes had made him; commaunded all those his enemies now in his power, to be slaine euerie mothers sonne: of whom his souldiors had a wonderfull rich spoile, although much more was lost in the fire: and so giuing thankes vnto God for the victorie, rested with his people a while at quiet. Yet within lesse than a moneth af∣ter, he sent Albertus Kirall his lieutenant with an armie to PHLOCZ (a great open vnwalled towne on the farther side of Danubius,* 12.68 equally distant from VROSCZVK and NICOPOLIS) from whence the Turkes oftentimes passing ouer that frozen riuer into VALACHIA, had there done great harme: which towne, not inferiour vnto a good citie, he suddenly surprised, and sacking it, put to the sword all the inhabitants thereof, except such as were before his comming [ C] sled. And shortly after (the more to annoy the Turkes,* 12.69 marching againe ouer the frozen riuer to haue surprised HERSOVVA a walled citie, but one daies journey from BRAILOVA, he was by the way vpon the ise encountred by the Turks, whom he there in a great conflict ouerthrew; and hauing slaine many of them and put the rest to flight, holding on his intended journey, tooke that rich citie, which he rifled and burnt downe to the ground, all except the castle, which was yet by the Turkes valiantly defended: and so with the spoile of the citie returned againe ouer the riuer, there to refresh his souldiors, wearied with labour and the extremitie of the Winter wea∣ther. And yet not so contented, within six daies after passing againe ouer the riuer, and hauing vpon the side thereof in a great battell ouerthrowne the Turkes garrisons,* 12.70 tooke SILISTRA a great citie of MACEDONIA, built by Constantine the Great (being the seat of one of the Turkes [ D] Sanzacks, and well inhabited with rich merchants) which faire citie he ransacked, and hauing slaine most part of the inhabitants, burnt it downe to the ground as he had the other, no lesse ter∣ror than griefe vnto the Turkes.

But whilest the aforesaid confederation betwixt the emperour and the Transyluanian Prince was yet in hand,* 12.71 and the troubles in VALACHIA thus arising; Amurath the great Sultan grie∣uously vexed with the stoan, and attainted with the falling sicknesse, his wonted disease; and in∣wardly also tormented with the late insolencie of the Ianizaries, and reuolt of the countries of TRANSYLVANIA, VALACHIA, and MOLDAVIA, no small hinderance to the proceeding of his warres in HVNGARIE: as a man both in bodie and soule tormented with great impatien∣cie and agonie of mind, departed this life the eighteenth day of Ianuarie, in the yeare of our Lord [ E] 1595: when he had liued one and fiftie, or as some say two and fiftie yeares, and thereof raigned nineteene. At the time of his death arise such a sudden and terrible tempest at CONSTANTI∣NOPLE, that many thought the world should euen presently haue been dissolued. His dead bo∣die was not long after with great pompe and solemnitie buried by Mahomet his eldest sonne (which now raigneth) in a Moschie which hee himselfe yet liuing had before built at CON∣STANTINOPLE.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Amurath ta∣keth vpon him the Turkish em∣pire the 25 day of December, in th•• yeare 1574.
• * 1.2

  The description of Amurath.
• * 1.3

  He pacifieth the Ianizaries, and augm••nteth their priuiledg••••
• * 1.4

  He strangl••th fiue of his bre∣thren.
• * 1.5

  A disperat wo∣man.
• * 1.6

  1575
• * 1.7

  Russia inuaded by the Turks. Leon. Gorecius de Bello I••o∣niae.
• * 2.1

  Amurath his letters vnto the Nobilitie of Po∣lonia.
• * 2.2

  Stephen Vayuod of Transyluania vpon the com∣mendation of A∣murath chosen king of Polon••••.
• * 2.3

  1576
• * 2.4

  The eleuen sons of Tamas the Persian king.
• * 2.5

  Ismahel appoin∣ted by his father to succeed him in the kingdome.
• * 2.6

  Aidere aspireth to the kingdome of Persia.
• * 2.7

  Aidere slain, and his head cast a∣mongst his fauo∣ri••s.
• * 2.8

  Ismahel saluted king.
• * 2.9

  He murdereth eight of his yon∣ger brethren.
• * 2.10

  Ismahel suddenly murthred by the deuise of his sister Periaconcona.
• * 2.11

  1577
• * 2.12

  Amurat a••••en∣••iue to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Persia.
• * 2.13

  Mahamet resol∣ueth to take vpon him the kingdome of Persia.
• * 2.14

  Mahomet pro∣claimed king of Persia.

  The head of Pe∣riaconcona pre∣sented to Maha∣met on a launce.
• * 2.15

  No assurance in the Turkes leagues.
• * 2.16

  Ambi••ion the cause of the Per∣sian warre.
• * 2.17

  A consultation holden amongst the Bassaes about the manner of the inuasion of Persia.
• * 2.18

  Vstref Bassa be∣ginneth the wars in Persia.
• * 3.1

  The League be∣twixt Amurath the Turkes Sul∣tan, and Stephen king of Polonia.
• * 3.2

  Musta••ha Bassa made Generall of the Turks armie.
• * 3.3

  1578
• * 3.4

  Mustapha com∣meth to Erzir••m and there muste∣reth his armie.
• * 3.5

  Mustapha at Chars.
• * 3.6

  Mustapha cun∣ningly encam∣peth his armie at Cheilder.
• * 3.7

  Tocomac Gene∣rall of the Persi∣ans.
• * 3.8

  Mustapha com∣meth with his battell to relieue his distressed peo∣ple.
• * 3.9

  A bulwark made of the heads of the slaine Per∣sians.
• * 3.10

  The speech of Manucchiar to Mustapha.
• * 3.11

  The answere of Mustapha.
• * 3.12

  A terrible raine and tempest.
• * 3.13

  Mustapha sur∣ueyeth his armie at Archichelec, and lacketh for∣tie thousand of his men.
• * 3.14

  The Turkes vi∣ctuallers cut off by the Georgi∣ans.
• * 3.15

  Alessandro the Georgian sen∣de••h embassadors to Mustapha.
• * 3.16

  Alessandro cour∣t••ously entertai∣ned by Musta∣pha.
• * 3.17

  The Turks army afflicted with hunger.
• * 3.18

  Ten thousand of the Turks forra∣gers slaine.
• * 3.19

  The Persians ••lie, and in flying are many of them drowned in Canac.
• * 3.20

  The resolute an∣swere of Musta∣pha to his tumul∣tuous souldiors.
• * 3.21

  Eight thousand Turks drowned in passing the riuer.
• * 3.22

  Famine in the Turks hoast.
• * 3.23

  The Turks army refreshed.
• * 3.24

  Mustapha retur∣neth out of Sir∣uan.
• * 3.25

  Mustapha relie∣ueth his distres∣sed garrison at Teflis.
• * 3.26

  The miseri•• of the Turks armi•• in passing the strai•••• of Geor∣gia.
• * 3.27

  The Georgian widow submit∣teth her selfe, with her sonne Alexander to Mustapha.
• * 3.28

  Mustapha com∣meth to Erzi∣rum, and dischar∣geth his armie.
• * 3.29

  Mustapha mag∣nifieth his owne exploits to Amu∣rath.
• * 3.30

  Ares Chan han∣ged at Sumachia
• * 3.31

  Emanguli Chan taken, & Genge sacked by the Tartarians.
• * 3.32

  Eres recouered by the Persians.
• * 3.33

  Sumachia besie∣ged by the Per∣sian prince.
• * 3.34

  Sumachia yeel∣ded vnto the prince.
• * 3.35

  Abdilcherai be∣loued of the Per∣sian queene.
• * 3.36

  Abdilchera•• slaine in the Court.

  The Tersian queene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 away.
• * 3.37

  Sahamal slaine by Osman.
• * 3.38

  The consultati∣ons of Amurath.
• * 3.39

  Mustapha care∣f••ll to put ••n ex∣c••tion Amura••h his commaund.
• * 3.40

  Manucchiar ••urneth Turke.
• * 3.41

  Alexander con∣stant in his reli∣gion.
• * 3.42

  Emanguli Chan taketh vpon him the defence of Siruan.
• * 3.43

  Simon with Ali∣culi Chan sent for the defence of Georgia.
• * 3.44

  1579
• * 3.45

  The meeting to∣gether of the Turks armie at Erzirum.
• * 3.46

  Chars fortified in 23 daies space.
• * 3.47

  Snowes at Chars in August.
• * 3.48

  Hassan Bassa sent with 20 thou∣sand to the suc∣couring of Tefli••.
• * 3.49

  The Persians assaile the Turks, and make of them a great slaughter.
• * 3.50

  The Persians ouerthrowne, and Aliculi C••an taken.
• * 3.51

  The miserie of the Turks in gar∣rison at Teflis.
• * 3.52

  Simon destroied the rearward of Hassan•• armie, and taketh from him his treasure.
• * 3.53

  Mustapha re∣turneth to Erzi∣rum, and there dischargeth his armie.
• * 3.54

  Hassan Bassa for his good seruice rewarded by Amurath.
• * 3.55

  Mustapha dis∣charged of his Generalship, and called home to Constantinople.
• * 3.56

  A comparison b••twixt Sinan Bassa and Mu∣stapha, two anti∣ent enemies both to themselues and the Christian common ••eale.
• * 3.57

  Sinan accuseth Mustapha to Amurath.
• * 3.58

  Io. Leuncla. in supplement. Annal. Turci∣corum, pag. 79.
• * 3.59

  Mustapha by the mediation of cer∣taine great ladies appeaseth the displeasure of Amurath.
• * 3.60

  The strange death of the great Visier Bassa Muhamet.
• * 3.61

  1580
• * 3.62

  Sinan Bassa cho∣sen Generall for the Persian war.
• * 3.63

  The Persian king sendeth Maxut Chan his embassadour to Amurath.
• * 3.64

  The admo••i••ion of Sinan to the Persian embas∣sadour.
• * 3.65

  The preparati∣ons of the Persi∣an king against the Turkes.
• * 3.66

  Sinan mustereth his armie at Er∣zirum.
• * 3.67

  Maxu•• Chan re∣porteth vnto the king what he hath done, and is for his good ser∣uice by him re∣warded.
• * 3.68

  Maxut Chan fl••e••h vnto the Turkes.
• * 3.69

  Sinan commeth to Tellis.
• * 3.70

  Sinan departeth from Teflis.
• * 3.71

  Seuen thousand Turkes slaine by the Georgian•• and Persians.
• * 3.72

  Sinan de••id••d of his souldiors.
• * 3.73

  Sinan commeth to Erzirum, and there breaketh vp his armie.
• * 3.74

  1581
• * 3.75

  Amurath cir∣cumciseth his el∣dest sonne Ma∣homet.
• * 3.76

  Io. Leuncl. suppl. Annal. Tur••. pag. 82.
• * 3.77

  Mahamet Bass•• refuseth battell offered by the Georgians and and Persians.
• * 3.78

  The Turkes dis∣comfited, and the treasure and corne taken by the Georgians and Persians.
• * 3.79

  Mahamet with his discomfited armie commeth to Teflis.
• * 3.80

  The Oration of Mahamet Bass•• in the castle of Teflis.
• * 3.81

  The Turkes a∣mong themselues make a purse of 30000 duckats, for the releefe of the garrison of Teflis.
• * 3.82

  Mahamet deui∣seth how to be∣tray Mustaffa the Georgian.
• * 3.83

  Mustaffa nota∣bly reuengeth himselfe of the tre••herie inten∣ded against h••m by Maham••t the Generall.
• * 3.84

  The proud an∣swere of Sinan to Amurath.
• * 3.85

  Sciaus Bassa made Visier in Sina•• place.
• * 3.86

  1582
• * 3.87

  Mahamet the Persian king re∣solueth to go to Heri against his sonne Abas Mi∣rize.
• * 3.88

  Mahamet com∣meth to Her••.
• * 3.89

  Abas Mirize by his embassadours purged of trea∣son.
• * 3.90

  The embassadors of Abas accuse Mirize Salmas the Visier.
• * 3.91

  Mirize Salmas the Visier found guiltie of treason and beheaded.
• * 3.92

  Ferat Bassa cho∣sen Generall of the armie in Si∣nans place.
• * 3.93

  1583
• * 3.94

  Generall Ferat d••parteth from Constantinople.
• * 3.95

  He commeth to Reiuan.
• * 3.96

  Ferat in the space of fifteene daies buildeth a ••or•• at Reiuan 750 ya••d•• ab••ut.
• * 3.97

  Ferat commeth to Erzirum, and there breaketh vp his armie.
• * 3.98

  The death of Hama Cadum, Amurath his mother.
• * 3.99

  1584
• * 3.100

  Ferat raiseth a new armie.
• * 3.101

  The Persian king with a great armie commeth to Tauris.
• * 3.102

  For at cutteth downe a thicke wood at Tomanis, and biuldeth a fort vpon the strait.
• * 3.103

  The compas•••• of the castle bui••t a•• Tomanis by Ferat.
• * 3.104

  Simon in danger to haue been ta∣ken, escapeth by a strange chance.
• * 3.105

  A wonderfull dearth in the Turks army at Triala.
• * 3.106

  The insolent speech of the mu∣tinous souldiors against Ferat their Generall.
• * 3.107

  The mutinous souldiors again•• threaten their Generall.
• * 3.108

  The stout an∣swere of Ferat.
• * 3.109

  The souldiours ouerthrow the Generals tents, and threaten to kill him.
• * 3.110

  Ferat at Arda∣chan breaketh vp his armie.
• * 3.111

  The dangerous passage from Reinan to Te••li•• secured vnto the Turkes.
• * 3.112

  Emir Chan ha∣uing his eies pu•• ou••, dieth mise∣rably in prison.
• * 3.113

  Amurath sen∣deth for Osman into Shuan.
• * 3.114

  The Tartar king sendeth twelue thousand Tar∣tars to lie in wait for to kill Osman
• * 3.115

  Osman assaulted by twelue thou∣sand Tartars.
• * 3.116

  Osman ouercom∣meth the Tartar••
• * 3.117

  Osman stran∣gleth Mahomet the Tartar king, with his two son••, and placeth Islan his brother in his s••ead.
• * 3.118

  Amurath de∣maundeth Os∣mans opinion concerning the enterprise of Tauris.
• * 3.119

  Osmans resoluti∣on.
• * 3.120

  Osman Bassa made cheefe Vi∣sier and Generall of the armie.
• * 3.121

  Io. Leunel. sup. Annal. Turci∣corum, pag. 91.
• * 3.122

  A most barba∣rous outrage comitted by Pe∣trus Emus a Ve∣netian.
• * 3.123

  The villanie dis∣couered.
• * 3.124

  Amurath sen∣de••h a messenger to Venice, to ••x∣postulat the in∣i••••ie done vnto his sub••••ct••.
• * 3.125

  Petrus Emus beheaded.
• * 3.126

  Io. Leunel. sup. Ann••l. Turci∣corum, pag. 92.
• * 3.127

  Ramadan Bassa slai••e by th•• in∣s••le•••• Ianizaries
• * 3.128

  Achmetes Bassa Gouernou•• of Ciprus slaine by the Ianizaries.
• * 3.129

  Another inso∣lencie of the Ia∣nizaries.
• * 3.130

  Busbequius le∣gationis Tur∣cicae, epist. 3.
• * 3.131

  1585
• * 3.132

  Hassan Bassa the queenes Eunuch sent to Caire to gouerne there.
• * 3.133

  Ebrain Bassa in speech to mar∣rie Amuraths daughter.
• * 3.134

  The warinesse of the craftie Eu∣nuch.
• * 3.135

  The Eunuch cast in prison a•• Con∣stantinople, and his euill gotten goods confisca∣ted.
• * 3.136

  The Drusian people what they are.
• * 3.137

  The countrey which the Dru∣sians inhabit.
• * 3.138

  Fiue chiefe ru∣lers or gouernors among the Dru∣sians.
• * 3.139

  Three of the Drusian lords meet Ebrain a•• Ierusalem with rich presents and a great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of men.
• * 3.140

  Serafadin co••∣meth with pre∣sents to Ebrain.
• * 4.1

  A letter of Man Oglies ••o Ebrain Bassa.
• * 4.2

  Ebraim burneth 24 townes of Man-oglies.
• * 4.3

  Veis Bassa and his sonne dis∣comfited by the D••usians.
• * 4.4

  Ebrain sendeth for a••cubuses to Man-ogli.
• * 4.5

  The notable dis∣simulation of Ebrain Bassa.
• * 4.6

  Emir Ebne-frec antiseth Man-ogli his Macade∣mo or lieutenant to come to Ebrain.
• * 4.7

  The Macademo by the comman∣dement of Ebrain ••laine quicke.
• * 4.8

  Ebrain notably dissembleth with Ebne-mansur.
• * 4.9

  Ebne-mansur in chaines sent to the gallies.
• * 4.10

  The rich pre∣sents giuen to Amurath by Ebrain.
• * 4.11

  Io. Leuncl. sup. Annal. Turci∣corum, pag. 95.
• * 4.12

  The land of Iu∣rie much trou∣bled with the Arabian theeues and robbers.
• * 4.13

  The Subbas••i of Bethlehem flaine quicke.
• * 4.14

  The number of Osmans armie.
• * 4.15

  The most insolen•• speech of the souldiors of Con∣stantinople and Greece vnto Os∣man their Gene∣rall.
• * 4.16

  Osman wis••ly appeaseth his mutinous souldi∣ors.
• * 4.17

  The Turkes re∣••oi••e vpon the discouerie of Tauris.
• * 4.18

  The Persian prince ouerrun∣neth the vau∣ward of the Turkes armie.
• * 4.19

  Osman sendeth two Bassaes with 14000 souldiors to ouertake the Persian prince.
• * 4.20

  A great slaugh∣ter in the gates of Tauris.
• * 4.21

  The description of Tauris.
• * 4.22

  The castle of Ta••••ris built in 36 daies.
• * 4.23

  Eight Ia••izaries with certaine S••••••gla••s ••ound s••••angled in a bath at Tauris.
• * 4.24

  The miserie of the Taurisians.
• * 4.25

  Eight thousand Turks slaine.
• * 4.26

  The Bassa of Caraemit slaine by the Persian prince, and his head cut off.
• * 4.27

  Giaffer Bassa of Tripolis an Eu∣nuch made Go∣uernor of Tauris.
• * 4.28

  Osm•••• th•• Ge∣nerall departeth from Ta••••is, and commeth to San∣cazan.
• * 4.29

  The battell of Sancazan.
• * 4.30

  Twentie thou∣sand Turks slain.
• * 4.31

  Osman the Visier and Generall di∣eth a•• Sancazan
• * 4.32

  The Turkes ar∣mie discharged at Van.
• * 4.33

  The miserie the Turks armie en∣dured at Tauris.
• * 4.34

  Ten thousand Turcomans off••r their seruice vn∣to the Persian king.
• * 4.35

  The Turcomans forsake the siege and fall into re∣bellion.
• * 4.36

  The Turcomans discomfited, and Mahamet Chan and Calife the Sultan behea∣ded.
• * 4.37

  Gi••ffer Bassa s••ndeth to Cica∣l•• Bassa for aid
• * 4.38

  The reuenue of Soria six hun∣dred thousand duckats.
• * 4.39

  1586
• * 4.40

  Ferat departed from Constanti∣nople and com∣meth to Siuas.
• * 4.41

  The glorie of the Persian king∣dome ouerthrown by rebellion and discord.
• * 4.42

  Aliculi and Emanguli Chan performe nothing against the Turk••, as was by the prince expe∣cted.
• * 4.43

  Fera•• putteth succours into the ••ort a•• Tauris.
• * 4.44

  The Persian prince ••laine by one of his Eu∣nuchs.
• * 4.45

  1587
• * 4.46

  The castle of Koppan in Hun∣garie surprised by the Christians.
• * 4.47

  Aly Bassa of Bu∣da strangled by the commande∣ment of Amu∣rath.

  Sinan Bassa a∣gaine receiued into sauour.
• * 5.1

  Sigismund the Polonian king his letter vnto Amurath.
• * 5.2

  The Turks de∣sire to be called Mussu••man, which in their language signifi∣eth a right be∣leeuer.
• * 6.1

  Amurath his answere vnto the letters of Sigis∣mund.
• * 6.2

  1588
• * 6.3

  Genge taken by Ferat.
• * 6.4

  The Ianizarie•• in a tumul•• at Constantinople.
• * 6.5

  Great harme done by fire in Constantinople▪
• * 6.6

  Sinan Bassa of Buda inuadeth the vpper part of Hungarie.
• * 6.7

  Sinan ouer∣throwne.
• * 6.8

  1589
• * 6.9

  Nicholaus Re∣usnerus epist. Turci••. lib. 12. pag. 42.

  Amurath his letters vnto the queene of En∣gland.
• * 7.1

  September.
• * 7.2

  The Polonian Cossack•• inuade the Tartarians and Turkes.
• * 7.3

  1590
• * 7.4

  The reasons wherewith the Visi••r Bassa••s persuade Amu∣rath to make warre.
• * 7.5

  The causes why Amurath would not suddenly re∣s••••••e vpon war.
• * 7.6

  Eight seuerall opinion of the Vis••er Bassaes concerning the warre to be ta∣ken in hand.
• * 7.7

  The first opinion and reasons of them that would haue the war•• renewed in Persia.
• * 7.8

  The second op••∣nion for making of war vpon the king of Fez and Morocco, & the reasons thereof.
• * 7.9

  The third opini∣on concerning the conquest of Malta.
• * 7.10

  The fourth opi∣nion for warre to be made against the K. of Spaine, and the reasons thereof.
• * 7.11

  The fift opinion for the inuasion of the Venetians, and the reasons why.
• * 7.12

  The sixt opinion for the attemp∣ting of Italie, and the reason•• thereof.
• * 7.13

  The seuenth opi∣nion for war ••o b•• made against the Polonian, & the reasons thereof.
• * 7.14

  The eight opini∣on for warre to be made against the Emperor, and the reasons thereof.
• * 7.15

  Amurath resel∣ueth to make w••rre vpon the emperour, with the reasons 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him there∣••nto.
• * 7.16

  1591
• * 7.17

  The Persian ho∣stage dieth in the Turkes Cou••••.
• * 7.18

  1592
• * 7.19

  Wihitz the Me∣tropoliticall cit••e of Croatia ••eel∣ded to the Turks.
• * 7.20

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.21

  Certaine ••aine attempts of the Turkes.
• * 7.22

  Turopolis spoiled by the Turks.
• * 7.23

  The castle Saint George surprised by the Turkes.
• * 7.24

  The emperour prayeth aid a∣gaine of the Ger∣mane princes.
• * 7.25

  1593
• * 7.26

  Diuers incursi∣on•• of the Turkes into the frontiers of the Christians in Croatia and Hungarie.
• * 8.1

  The Emperours letters vnto Amurath.
• * 9.1

  The Emperours letters vnto Si∣nan Bassa.
• * 10.1

  Sinan Bassa his letters to the em∣perour.
• * 10.2

  Which is the 16 of March in the yeare of Christ. 1593.
• * 11.1

  The threatening letters of Hassan Bassa of Bosna vnto the Abbot of Siseg.
• * 11.2

  The Hungarian Bannes are no∣ble men, in power much like vnto the Turkes Bas∣saes.
• * 11.3

  Hassan Bassa in∣uadeth Croatia.
• * 11.4

  Siseg besieged by Hassan Bassa.
• * 11.5

  A great battell betwixt the Turkes and the Christians.
• * 11.6

  Siseg relieued.
• * 11.7

  Eigh••••••ne tho••∣sand Turkes slaine.
• * 11.8

  Newes of the ouerthrow of the Turks at Siseg▪ brought to Bud••.
• * 12.1

  The proud and blasphemous de∣nuntiation of warre giuen out by Amurath a∣gainst Rodolph the Christian ••mperour.
• * 12.2

  Siseg taken by the Turkes.
• * 12.3

  Sinan Bassa be∣siegeth Vesprini∣um.
• * 12.4

  Palotta yeelded vnto the Turks.
• * 12.5

  Alba Regalis besieged by the Christians.
• * 12.6

  Sabatzka taken by the lord Teuf∣fenbach.
• * 12.7

  Filek besieged by the Christians.
• * 12.8

  Filek taken by the Christians.
• * 12.9

  Setschine, Bla∣uenstein, and Sallek abando∣ned by the Turk••
• * 12.10

  The Turks in b••rying their dead, slaine by the Christians.
• * 12.11

  1594
• * 12.12

  A great tempest at Constantino∣ple.
• * 12.13

  Amurath drea∣meth.
• * 12.14

  A faire present of the spoile of the Turkes, sent vnto the empe∣rour.
• * 12.15

  Nouigrad besie∣ged by the Chri∣stians.
• * 12.16

  Nouigrad yeel∣ded vnto the archduke.
• * 12.17

  The Sanza••ke of Nouigrad han∣ged a•• Buda.
• * 12.18

  Certaine castles of the Turks vp∣on the borders of Stir••a taken by the countie Seri∣nus.
• * 12.19

  Ha••••an besieged by the Christians
• * 12.20

  The copie of the letter•• of the lord Teuffenb••ch to Matthias the Archduke, Ge∣nerall of the em∣perours armie a∣gainst the Turk••.
• * 12.21

  S••rigonium be∣sieged by the Christians.
• * 12.22

  The old citie de∣liuered by the Rascians vnto the Christians.
• * 12.23

  The castle as∣saulted.
• * 12.24

  The Rascian•• rise vp against the Turks.
• * 12.25

  Fiue thousand Christian•• lost at the siege of Stri∣gon••um.
• * 12.26

  The Archduke send••th aid to the siege of Hat∣wan.
• * 12.27

  Strigonium as∣saulted.
• * 12.28

  Strigonium sore battered.
• * 12.29

  The new built ••ort hardly as∣sau••ted by the Turkes.
• * 12.30

  The Archduke raiseth his siege, and with his ar∣mie passeth the riuer.
• * 12.31

  Fiue thousand Turks slaine.
• * 12.32

  Hatwan in vain assaulted by the Christians.
• * 12.33

  Teuff••nbach gi∣ueth ouer the siege of Hatwan.
• * 12.34

  A Dice of the empire holden at Ratisbone for the withstanding of the Turke.
• * 12.35

  The emperour grieuously com∣plaineth vnto the Princes Ele∣ctors▪ and States of the empire, of the infidelitie of the Turke, and craueth their aid.
• * 12.36

  Sinan Bassa with an armie of 250 thousand be∣tw••ene Buda and Alba Regalis.
• * 12.37

  Dotis and Saint Martins yeelded to the Turkes.
• * 12.38

  Rab.
• * 12.39

  The Turks and Tartars passing ouer the riuer, ouerthrowne.
• * 12.40

  The Tartarians the second time ouerthrowne.
• * 12.41

  Rab battered.
• * 12.42

  A Bassa slaine.
• * 12.43

  A sight in the riuer betwixt the Turkes and the Tartars.
• * 12.44

  A great skir∣mish betwixt the Turkes and the Christians.
• * 12.45

  Two tho••sand Turks slaine, and 17 of their en∣signes taken.
• * 12.46

  A great spoile taken by the Turks.
• * 12.47

  Rhegium rased by the Turks.
• * 12.48

  Rab assaulted by the Turks.
• * 12.49

  Twelue thousand Turks slaine.
• * 12.50

  Countie Hardeck corrupted by the Turke, yeeldeth the strong towne of Rab vnto Si∣nan Bassa.
• * 12.51

  Rab repaired by the Turks.
• * 12.52

  Komara besieged by Sinan Bassa.
• * 12.53

  Sinan Bassa rai∣s••th his siege.
• * 12.54

  Countie Hardeck condemned and executed for be∣traying of Rab.
• * 12.55

  Great harme ••rn•• in Transyl∣••ania by the Tartars.
• * 12.56

  The conspira∣tors against the prince, appre∣h••nded and exe∣cuted.
• * 12.57

  The Ianizaries in a tumult at Constantinople.
• * 12.58

  Amurath sicke.
• * 12.59

  1595
• * 12.60

  The ••••••itulati∣ons of the league betwixt the em∣perour and the Transyluanian Prince.
• * 12.61

  Valachia oppres∣sed by the Turk••.
• * 12.62

  Ion sig••ifieth with the Va••a∣chian•• as much as Christian, which some mi∣s••aking, call this Mi••hael also by the name of Iohn
• * 12.63

  Michael by A∣mura••h created Vayuod of Va∣lachia.
• * 12.64

  Alexander strangled a•• Constantinople.
• * 12.65

  Michael the Vayuod of Vala∣chia reuolteth from the Turkes.
• * 12.66

  The Turk•• call all them that are dis••e••ded of the slocke of their Prophet Maho∣met by the name of Emirs or Lord••.
• * 12.67

  The Cadel••sher with all the Turke his fol∣lowers slaine.
• * 12.68

  Phlocz spoiled by the Vay••od.
• * 12.69

  Hersow•• taken.
• * 12.70

  Silistria 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.71

  Amurath di••t••.