The generall historie of the Turkes from the first beginning of that nation to the rising of the Othoman familie: with all the notable expeditions of the Christian princes against them. Together with the liues and conquests of the Othoman kings and emperours faithfullie collected out of the- best histories, both auntient and moderne, and digested into one continuat historie vntill this present yeare 1603: by Richard Knolles

SOLYMAN.

[illustration]

SOLYMANNVS MAGNIFICVS TVRCARVM IMPRATOR QVARTVS FLORVIT ANNO 1520

* 1.1 Imperij Soliman patrij moderatur habenas, Regna{que} Christiadum cladibus vs{que} metit. Antiquam capit ille Rhodon, Naxum{que} Parum{que} Tyrrheni infestat Littora curua maris. Pannonios multo populatur milite fines, Et cingit muros clara Vienna tuos. Inclyta Sigethi dum moenia concutit armis, Cogitur, hinc Stygiam nudus adire domum.

His fathers empire Solyman doth rule with mightie power, And Christian kingdomes ceaseth not with slaughter to deuour. The antient RHODES, with NAXOS Isle, and PAROS he did take, And on the coasts of ITALIE did wofull hauocke make: Faire HVNGARIE with armies great he often did annoy, And with a world of men had thought VIENNA to destroy. But whilest to SIGETH he laied siege, in hope the same to haue, Cut off by death in his great pride, went naked to his graue.

[ A]

THE LIFE OF SOLYMAN, THE [ B] FOVRTH AND MOST MAGNIFI∣CENT EMPEROVR OF THE TVRKES.

THe death of Selymus was with all carefulnesse concealed by Ferha∣tes the onely Bassa then present, for feare least the Ianizar••es and souldiours of the court getting knowledge thereof, should after their wonted manner in the time of the vacancie of the empire, [ C] spoile the merchants and strangers in places where they lay in gar∣rison, and especially in the imperiall citie: and not so contented af∣ter their accustomed insolencie prescribe vnto the greatest Bassaes at their pleasure. For preuenting whereof, Ferhates dispatched a trustie messenger with letters in post to Solyman the onely sonne of Selymus, then lying at MAGNESIA, certifying him of the death of his father; and that he should deserue well of his peaceable sub∣jects by hastening his comming to CONSTANTINOPLE, whilest all things were yet in good order, in time to represse with his presence the feared disordered pro∣ceedings of his men of warre.

[ D] Solyman hauing to his great content perused the Bassaes letters, as one desirous enough of the empire; yet considering the cruell disposition of his father (who vpon a meere jealous conceit of his aspiring mind, and for certaine words by him let fall in dislike of his fathers extreame dea∣ling, had practised most vnnaturally to haue taken him away by poison: which danger he esca∣ped onely by the carefulnesse of his mother, who misdoubting the worst, caused the poisoned rich shirt sent to him from his father to be first worne by one of his chamber, whereof he in short time after died) and also that the letters were signed onely by Ferhates,* 1.2 and the newes not se∣conded from any of the other Bassaes: fearing some hidden & secret plot of his father tending to his distruction, durst not aduenture to remoue from his charge, but returned the messenger as one to whom he gaue little or no credit. Ten daies thus spent, and the death of Selymus nothing [ E] as yet suspected; Ferhates vnderstanding by his messenger the warinesse of Solyman, and that he expected more assured aduertisement, sent presently vnto the other great Bassaes Pyrrhus and Mustapha at HADRIANOPLE, that they should without delay repaire vnto the court: vnto whom at their comming he declared the death of the emperour. Which after they had seene to be true, they by an other secret and speedie messenger aduertised Solyman againe thereof, fir∣ming those letters with all their hands and seales: whereby Solyman now assured of his fathers death, presently put himselfe vpon the way, and by long and painfull journies in few daies came to SCVTARIVM, called in auntient time CRISOPOLIS, ouer against CONSTANTINOPLE. Where he was met with the Aga or captaine of the Ianizaries, and by him transported in a gal∣lie ouer that straight passage to CONSTANTINOPLE; where at his landing the Ianizaries by the [ F] appointment of their captaine were readie to receiue him, knowing as yet nothing of the death of Selymus, vntill that Solyman being now in the middest of them, the captaine with a loud voice said vnto them, Behold your emperour. Whereupon they all with great acclamation cried out, Long liue the great emperour Solyman: which consent of the men of warre, is vnto the Turkish emperours the greatest assurance of their estate. And so with much triumph he was by them

brought into the royall pallace, and placed in his fathers seat in the yeare 1520: in which yeare [ G] also Charles the fift was chosen emperour of GERMANIE. The Ianizaries disappointed by the Bassaes of the spoile of the merchants, especially Christians and Iewes, receiued of the bountie of Solyman a great largious; and in the beginning of his raigne had their accustomed wages some∣what augmented also, to their wonderfull contentment.

Solyman was about twentie eight years old when he began to raigne, and was at the first sup∣posed to haue been of a mild and peaceable disposition: so that the princes to whom the name of Selymus was before dreadfull, were now in hope that a quiet lambe was come in place of a raging lyon. But in short time they found themselues in that their expectation farre deceiued; and es∣pecially the Christian princes bordering vpon him, vnto whom he became a farre more dange∣rous enemie than was his father before him; conuerting his forces most part of his long raigne [ H] vpon them, which Selymus had almost altogither emploied against the kings of PERSIA and AEGYPT, the greatest princes of the Mahometane superstition.

The first that felt his heauie hand was Gazelles Gouernour of SYRIA: who presently vpon the death of Selymus, thinking himselfe now discharged of the oath of obedience which he had giuen to Selymus, but not to his successours; and earnestly desiring to restore againe the king∣dome of the Mamalukes lately ouerthrowne,* 1.3 gathered togither the remainder of the dispersed Mamalukes, which speedily resorted vnto him out of all parts of ASIA and AFRICKE: and al∣luring with rewards the leaders of the wild Arabians, with great numbers of the countrey peo∣ple of SYRIA discontented with the Turkish gouernment, entred into open rebellion, and by force of armes draue the Turkes garrisons out of BIRTHA, TRIPOLIS, and diuers other cities [ I] of SYRIA, taking them into his owne possession. And the better to effect that he had taken in hand, he sent embassadours to CAIRE, vnto Cayerbeius, who had of Selymus receiued the go∣uernment of Aegypt, the vnworthie reward of his horrible treason; persuading him by any meanes to take reuenge of the injurie and wrong before done to the Mamalukes, and by killing of the Turkes garrisons to make himselfe Sultan of Aegypt, and restore againe the kingdome of the Mamalukes, offering him therein the vttermost of his deuoire and seruice. But Cayerbeius, either not trusting Gazelles his old enemie, or ashamed by new treason to augment his former di∣shonour, or els (which was most like) misdoubting his own strength in performance of so great an enterprise: after he had attentiuely heard what the embassadours had to say, caused them pre∣sently in his owne sight to be put to death as traitors, and with all speed certified Solyman therof; [ K] who without delay sent Ferhates bassa with a strong armie into SYRIA. Which thing Gazelles hearing, and hauing in his power most of the cities of SYRIA, retired himselfe with all his armie into the strong citie of DAMASCO; whither at length, Ferhates the great Bassa by long march came also. Gazelles (resolued to trie the fortune of the field, and so either by speedie victorie or honourable death to end the matter, rather than to suffer himselfe to bee shut vp within the wals of the citie) vpon the comming of the Bassa valiantly issued forth with all his power, and gaue him battell; which for the space of six houres was most cruelly fought, and many slaine on both sides. At length Gazelles being oppressed with the multitude of his enemies (being eight times more in number) and hardly assailed on euerie side, was enforced to fight in a ring, and there performing all the parts of a worthie Generall and valiant souldiour,* 1.4 honourably died to∣gither [ L] with his Mamalukes in the middest of his enemies, leauing vnto them a bloudie victorie. Gazelles thus slaine, the citie of DAMASCO with all the countrey of SYRIA without any more adoe yeelded againe vnto the Turkes obedience, which the Bassa tooke in so good part, that he would not suffer his souldiours to enter into the citie, then richly stored with commodities of all sorts, brought thither by merchants out of diuers parts of the world.

SYRIA thus pacified, the Bassa went to CAIRE in AEGYPT, and there commending Cayer∣beius for his fidelitie, confirmed him in his gouernment; and enuying against the crueltie of Se∣lymus (so to please the Aegyptians) wished them to hope for all happinesse vnder the peaceable gouernment of the new Sultan Solyman. And so when he had set all things in order in both the prouinces of SYRIA and AEGYPT, returned againe to Solyman. [ M]

The yeare next following, Solyman by the counsell of Pyrrhus Bassa his old tutor (a mortall enemie vnto the Christians) and by the persuasion of the Ianizaries resolued to besiege the strong citie of BELGRADE, otherwise called TAVRVNVM, scituat vpon the borders of HVNGARIE, where the riuer Sa••us falleth into Danubius. Which citie his great grandfather Mahomet (sur∣named

[ A] named the Great, and before him the warlike Amurath) had with all their power, long time be∣fore to their great losse and dishonour, vainely attempted. Wherein vntill that time were re∣serued the ensignes, then taken from the Turkes, to their no small griefe, with other trophies of the glorious victories of the worthie captaine Huniades, and the great king Mathius Coruinus his sonne. Wherefore Solyman sending his armie before, was come as farre as SOPHIA a citie in SERVIA (the place where the Turks great lieutenant in EVROPE is alwaies resiant) before that the Hungarians were aware of his comming: for they liuing at ease all the time that Vladislaus raigned, and now sleeping in securitie vnder the young king Lodouicus his sonne, a man of no ex∣perience; who contenting himselfe with the title of a king, suffered himselfe to be pilled and polled by his nobilitie and great cleargiemen (inuerting all the wealth of the land to their owne [ B] priuat gaine) that he was not able to raise any sufficient power to go against his puissant enemie; especially his nobilitie, in whose hands rested the wealth of his kingdome, promising him much, but performing indeed nothing. Huniades with his hardie souldiours, the scourge and terror of the Turks, was dead long before; so was also Mathias that fortunat warriour: after whom suc∣ceeded others giuen all to pleasure & ease; to whose example the people fashioning themselues, forgot their wonted valour, and gaue themselues ouer to sensualitie and voluptuous pleasure. So that Solyman without let,* 1.5 presented his armie before the citie of BELGRADE, and with bat∣terie and vndermining in short time became lord thereof▪ hauing lost few of his people in that siege. How much the losse of that strong citie concerned the Christian common weale, the ma∣nifold and lamentable miseries which afterwards ensued by the opening of that gap, not vnto [ C] the kingdome of HVNGARIE onely, but to all that side of Christendome, did, and yet doth most manifestly declare. It was woon by the Turkes the nine and twentith day of August in the yeare 1521.

After the taking of the strong citie of BELGRADE,* 1.6 Solyman returning to CONSTANTINO∣PLE, brake vp his armie and there lay still almost all the yeare following. During which time, he caused great preparation to be made at GALIPOLIS and other his ports, for rigging vp of a great fleet: which caused the Italians, Venetians, and them of the RHODES, to looke about them, as men carefull of their estates, fearing that those forces would eare long be imploied against some or all of them.

About the same time Philippus Villerius a man of great wisedome and courage,* 1.7 then follow∣ing [ D] the French court, was in his absence by the knights of the RHODES chosen Great master of that honourable companie: who embarking himselfe at MARCEILLES, after a long and dan∣gerous journey (being not without the knowledge of Solyman hardly laid for at sea by Cortug∣ogli a famous pirat of the Turkes, whose two brethren the knights of the RHODES had but a lit∣tle before surprised at sea and slaine, and then held the third in prison) arriued in safetie at the RHODES, where he was with great joy and triumph receiued.

The great Bassa, by whose graue aduise Solyman was contented in all his waightie affaires to be directed, consulting with the other Bassaes of diuers great exploits which was first to be ta∣ken in hand, for the honour of their emperour and enlarging of his empire, were of diuers opi∣nions concerning the besieging of the RHODES. Pyrrhus the Bassa of greatest account, dissua∣ded [ E] the taking in hand of that action, as too full of difficultie and danger: producing for proofe thereof the example of the great emperour Mahomet, Solymans great grandfather; by whom it was vnfortunatly attempted, and in fine shamefully abandoned. But Mustapha next in place and reputation to Pyrrhus, extolling the power and fortune of Solyman, said, That the greatnesse of their emperor was not to be concluded within the attempts of his predecessors, as well appea∣red by the late taking of BELGRADE; from whence first Amurat, and after him Mahomet; two of the most warlike princes of the Turkes, had with great dishonour beene repulsed: and should no doubt with like good fortune preuaile against the RHODES also, being able (if need were) to bring more men before it than were stones in the wals thereof. Which he so confidently af∣firmed, with extenuating the power of the Rhodians, that he seemed to make no doubt of the [ F] good successe of that warre: presumptuously affirming, that vpon the first landing of Soly∣mans great armie, they of the RHODES would without delay yeeld themselues and their citie into his hands.

Amongst others of great experience, whose opinions Solyman was desirous to haue, before he would take so great a matter in hand, was the famous pyrat Cortug-Ogli, a man of a mischie∣uous

and cruell nature, but of great experience in sea matters. Who presented to Solyman by [ G] Mustapha and Ferhates, two of the greatest Bassaes, going before him, after due reuerence done, and commaunded to deliuer his opinion, spake vnto Solyman as followeth:

* 1.8The greatnesse of your deserts (most mightie and puissant emperour) maketh me (being by you so commaunded) at this time frankely to speake what I thinke may be for the glorie and honour both of your maiestie and empire. I dayly heare the pitifull lamentation of the miserable people of MI∣TYLENE, EVBoeA, PELOPONESVS, ACHAIA, CARIA, LYCIA, and all alongst the sea coast of SYRIA and AEGIPT, bewayling the spoile of their countries, the ransacking of their cities, the ta∣king away of their cattell and people, with other infinit and incredible calamities, which they dayly suffer of the crossed Rhodian pirats, no man withstanding them: many a time haue these wretched [ H] people holden vp their hands to me for helpe, most instantly requesting me to be a meane for them to your imperiall Maiestie, whereby they might be protected from the iniurie, rapine, and slaughter of these cruell rouers. Wherefore in their behalfe I beseech your sacred Maiestie, by the most reuerend name of the holy prophet Mahomet, and by your owne most heroicall disposition, to deliuer your affli∣cted subiects from these their most cruell enemies, and at length to set them free from the furie, capti∣uitie, and feare of these pyrates, more greeuous vnto them than death it selfe: and consider with your selfe, that this iniurie and insolencie tendeth not so much to the hurt of your poore subiects and op∣pressed people in priuat, as to the dishonour and disgrace of your imperiall name and dignitie; which if any other Christian king or prince should offer, your Maiestie I know would not suffer vnreuenged▪ and will you then suffer these robbers, cut-throats, base people gathered out of all the corners of Chri∣stendome, [ I] to wast your countries, spoile your cities, murder your people, and trouble all your seas•• for who can passe by sea to TRIPOLIS, DAMASCO, ALEXANDRIA, CAIRE, CHALCIDE, LES∣BOS, CHIOS, nay vnto this your imperiall citie of CONSTANTINOPLE, without most certain and manifest danger of these rouers? What haue we heard euerie Spring this manie yeares, but that the Rhodians had taken some one or other of your ports, led away your people into miserable captiuitie, and carried away with them the rich spoiles of your countries? And that which is of all other things most dishonourable, this they doe vnder your nose, and in your sight, in the middest and heart of your empire. Pardon me I beseech you most mightie emperour, if I too plainely speake what I thinke: For whatsoeuer I say, I say it to no other end, but that you should now at length doe that which should ma∣nie yeares agoe haue been done. We your most loiall subiects may not, nor ought not, for the encrease of [ K] our Mahometane religion, and for the enlarging of your empire and honour, to refuse to aduenture our goods, our bodies, our liues to all hazard and danger without exception. If you likewise be caried with loue of glorie and renowne, or rauished with the desire of neuer dying fame; in what wars can you more easily gaine the same, or better imploy vs your seruants, than in vanquishing and sub∣duing the RHODES, the reputed bulwarke of Christendome, which onely keepeth vs from their countries? But some will perhaps say, your auncestors haue in former times vnfortunately attempted that citie: so did they also BELGRADE in HVNGARIE: yet hath your happie fortune to your im∣mortall fame brought the same vnder your subiection, being far more strongly fortified than it was in times past: and doe you then despaire of the RHODES? Cast off such vaine and needlesse misdoubt, the Turkish empire hath alwaies growne by aduentures and honourable attempts: therefore make hast [ L] to besiege it both by sea and land. If your subiects mourning vnder the heauie burthen of the Christi∣an captiuitie, built it with their owne hands for the Christians, cannot they now at libertie, desirous of reuenge, and fitted with oportunitie, with like hands destroy the same? If it please you to vouchsafe but to looke into the matter (most dread Soueraigne) you shall see that there is a diuine occasion by the procurement of our great prophet Mahomet presented vnto your most sacred Maiestie, now that the Christians of the West are at discord and mortall warre amongst themselues. Your Maiestie is not ignorant, that in managing of warres, the oportunitie of time is especially to be followed; and that when occasion serueth, all remissenesse and delay is to be carefully auoided: the changes of times are most tickle, and if you suffer your good hap now to passe ouer, you shall perhaps in vaine after∣wards pursue the same when it is fled and gone. [ M]

Solyman by nature an ambitious young prince, prickt forward thus also by the persuasions of Cortug-Ogli and others, seeking their further credit and preferment by fitting his ambitious hu∣mour: but most of all by the instigation of the Bassa Mustapha, resolued to goe in person him∣selfe

[ A] against the RHODES. And first to make some proofe of what spirit and courage Villerius the new chosen Great Master was of, in whose sufficiencie the greatest part of the defence of the citie was supposed to consist: to him by way of a little cold friendship, he sent a messenger with this short letter thus directed.

Solyman by the grace of God, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, greatest Em∣perour of CONSTANTINOPLE and TRAPEZOND, most mightie king of PERSIA, ARABIA, SIRIA, and AEGIPT, lord of ASIA and EVROPE, prince of MECHA and ALEPPO, ruler of HIERVSALEM, and Master of the Vniuersall sea: to the reuerend Father Phillippus Villerius Lilladamus, Great Master of the RHODES, and Legat of ASIA, greeting.

I am glad of thy comming and new promotion,* 2.1 which I wish thou maiest long and happely enioy, for that I hope thou wilt in honour and fidelitie exceed all them which haue before thee ruled in the RHODES: from whom as my ancestors haue withdrawne their hand, so I after their example ioine with thee in amitie and friendship. Ioy thou therefore my friend, and in my behalfe reioice of my vi∣ctorie and triumph also: for this last Summer passing ouer Danubius vith ensignes displaied, I there expected the Hungarian king, who I thought would haue giuen me battell, I tooke from him by strong hand BELGRADE, the strongest citie of his kingdome, with other strong holds thereabouts: and ha∣uing with fire and sword destroied much people, and carried away many moe into captiuitie, as a tri∣umphant [ C] conquerour, breaking vp mine armie, am returned to my imperiall citie of CONSTAN∣TINOPLE, from whence farewell.

The Great Master hauing read these letters, and well considered of the same, perceiued forth∣with Solymans meaning, and that peace was offered him in words and shew, but war in deed and meaning. Which because he was readie by force to repulse, he rewarded the Turks messenger, and sent backe with him another of his owne, a priuat person. For the Rhodians did seldome vouchsafe to send any honourable embassadours to the Turkish emperours (with whom they for most part liued in hostilitie) either the Turkes to them. By this messenger he answered Soly∣mans letters with other of like vaine, as followeth.

[ D] Philippus Villerius Lilladamus, Great Master of the Rhodes, to the Turke.

I right well vnderstand your letters which your messenger brought vnto me.* 3.1 The friendship you write of, is as pleasing to me as displeasing to Cortug-Ogli your seruant, who went about to haue in∣tercepted me vpon the suddaine, as I came out of FRAVNCE: but failing of his purpose, stealing by night into the Rhodian sea, he attempted to haue robbed certaine merchants ships bound from IOPPE to VENICE: but sending my fleet out of my hauen, I staied his furie, constrained the pirat to flie, and for hast to leaue behind him the prises he had before taken from the marchants of CRETE. Fare∣well from the RHODES.

By this answere Solyman perceiued, that he was well met withall in his owne finenesse, and that he should not so easily carrie the RHODES, as he had before done BELGRADE. Yet being fully in himselfe resolued to trie his fortune therein, hee called vnto him certaine of the cheefe commaunders of his warres, to whom he opened his whole determination in this sort.

Although I doubt not worthie cheefetaines,* 3.2 but that you are of the same mind now that you haue been alwaies of, in the inuading of other nations: yet I haue thought it good in matters tending to the common glorie and good of vs all, to vse your generall aduice and counsell. Since the time that my fa∣ther left this world, we haue made warre with diuers nations and people: The Sirians by nature vn∣constant, and prone to rebellion, we haue by force reduced to their former obedience: The Sophi, that mightie king, nephew vnto the great king Vsun-Cassanes by his daughter the sister of king Iacup, in heart and deed our mortall enemie, not contented with the kingdomes of ASSIRIA, MEDIA, ARMENIA the greater, PERSIA, and MESOPOTAMIA, we haue by our forces shut vp within the compasse of his owne dominions: The last yeare running through HVNGARIE, both on this side and beyond Danubius, we tooke BELGRADE the strongest fortresse of that kingdome: and whatsoe∣uer els we attempted, we subdued. Yet for all that (to speake plainely of my selfe) my mind greater

in conceit than mine empire, and the bloud of Othoman, findeth no contentment in these victo∣ries. [ G] For whatsoeuer you haue yet done, although it be great, yet I deeme it all but little, in regard of your worth: my desire carrieth me further. This haue I alwaies aboue all things most earnestly desired, to set vpon the RHODES, and vtterly to root out all the strength and forces, yea the very name of those Rhodian souldiours. And haue not you also no lesse than my selfe desired the same? How often haue I heard you crying out, The RHODES, The RHODES? I haue expected the time, that being discharged of other warres I might here employ my whole strength and power. That we so long desi∣red, is now come: there was neuer greater oportunitie of good successe offered, a great part of the wals of the citie of the RHODES now lying euen with the ground; which cannot in short time be repai∣red, especially in their want of coine. Beside this, the garrison in the castle is but small, and their aid from FRANCE farre off, which will either come too late when the citie is lost, or that which I rather beleeue, neuer. For neither will the French king (being at mortall warres with the Germane empe∣rour, and lord of ITALIE) suffer his storehouses to be disfurnished, or his ports bared of the neces∣sarie defence of his shipping; neither doe you beleeue that the Spaniards (distressed at home with fa∣mine, warre, and ciuile discention) will easily come hither out of SICILIA and CAMPANIA with supplies of men and victuall. But you may perhaps thinke, that great danger is to be feared from the Venetian fleet, and the Isle of CRETE, which I assure you is not so: for I know (although I will not now manifest the same) how I haue preuented that mischeefe. Wherefore courageous souldiors (borne to the subduing of all Christendome, much more of the RHODES) with cheerefull hearts follow me your Soueraigne against these your most perfidious and cruell enemies. How long I pray you will 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suffer that staine and disgrace to sticke vpon the Othoman familie, and generally vpon all the name of the Turkes, which these Rhodians cast vpon vs the last time they were besieged? Which was not so much done by their valour, as by the vnfortunat counsell of my great grandfather Mahomet, cal∣ling home Mesithes Paleologus his Generall in that warre, for one vnluckie assault. But admit that their valour gained them the victorie, will you therefore alwaies suffer these piraticall excursions vp∣on our maine and Islands? the ransacking of our cities and countries? the carrying away of your c••••∣tell and richest substance? the captiuitie and slaughter of your wiues and children? the slauerie of your neerest friends and kinsmen? So helpe me great Mahomet, it shall not so bee: I vow▪ in despight of Christ and Iohn, in short time to set vp mine ensignes with the Moone in the middle of the market place of the RHODES. Neither doe I seeke any thing vnto my selfe, more than the honour of the en∣terprise; the profit I giue vnto you my fellow souldiors, their coine, plate, iewels (which is reported to [ K] be great) their riches and wealth is all yours, to carrie home with you vnto your wiues and children. Wherefore let vs now with all our forces and courage set forward to the besieging of the RHODES.

Solymans purpose thus made knowne, and the same with one accord of all his captaines well liked: Pirrhus the eldest Bassa and of greatest authoritie, who at the first dissuaded the warre, standing vp in the middest of the rest, said:

I cannot but much admire the great wisedome and rare vertues of our young emperour, who so wisely and aduisedly hath declared all the deepe counsels of a worthie cheefetaine in taking of warre in hand. Blessed be Mahomet, thrice and foure times blessed is this empire, blessed is our estate, and [ L] blessed are we with such a prince, which carrieth with him in his warres not onely men and habil••ments of warre, but most deepe wisedome and policie. Which wholsome manner of proceeding, if we had al∣waies before our eies, and would follow, we should in short time bring vnder our subiection not the RHODES onely, but all the kingdomes of the Christians. Yet beside that which our emperour hath most carefully and consideratly deuised, mine age and experience would exhort you, by gifts, promises, rewards, and all other meanes whatsoeuer, to corrupt if it were possible the very cheefe and principall citizens of the RHODES, thereby to enter into their most secret deuices and counsels: which how it may be wrought, I will in few words giue you to vnderstand. I as a man indifferent, desirous of peace and quietnesse, will by messengers and letters induce the Great Master to send some honourable em∣bassage to our dread Soueraigne, which if I can once bring him vnto, then let me alone with the rest. [ M]

* 3.3This counsell of the old Fox pleased all the hearers well, but aboue others the emperor him∣selfe, who gaue him in charge with all diligence and speed, to proue what he could doe: the other captaines he commaunded to prepare the greatest forces they could, both for land and sea

seruice. Which preparation was so great both at CONSTANTINOPLE and other places, that it could not long be kept so secret, but that newes therof was brought to the RHODES the fourth day of Februarie: which newes daily increasing and still confirmed by more certaine reports, Villerius the Great master for more certaine intelligence, sent a Christian of EPIDAVRVS, who could perfectly speake the Turkish language, as a spie to CONSTANTINOPLE; who by secret letters from thence gaue him knowledge, that the Turkes were preparing a great fleet, and rai∣sing a mightie armie, aduertising him also of a wonderfull proportion of artillerie prepared for batterie; but against whom was not commonly knowne, some deeming it to be for the in∣uasion of ITALIE, some for the RHODES, others supposing it to be for CIPRVS or COR∣CIRA: which diuersitie of conjectures, made many (whose conceits auerted from themselues the fortune of that warre) to be more carelesse and secure. But whilest euerie man was of opinion, that it was made against any man rather than himselfe; certaine aduertisement was giuen to the Rhodians from diuers places by letters from their friends and confederats, That the Turks did with extraordinarie diligence keepe straight watch and ward in all their ports therabouts alongst the sea coast, otherwise than they were before accustomed: which seemed to prognosticat some farther matter than the defence of their frontiers.* 3.4 Villerius carefull of his charge, as the marke whereat the enemie aimed, prouided with all possible diligence great store of victuall, armour, weapons, shot, pouder, and whatsoeuer els necessarie for the defence of the citie.

The new wals of the citie, and AVERGNE fortresse, by Basilius enginer to the emperour Charles the fift (a worke begun in the time of Fabritius Carectus late Graund master, but not yet finished) was now with all diligent labour set vpon, euerie man putting his helping hand vnto so necessarie a worke. Whilest these things are with so great endeuour and labour a doing, a mes∣senger came from CONSTANTINOPLE, sent from the old Bassa Pyrrhus, a sharpe witted and cunning fellow; who with much filed speech in most ample manner doing his message, by the way, painted forth the great towardlinesse and courteous nature of the Turkish emperour Soly∣man, with the great commendation of Pyrrhus Bassa his master: deliuering from both of them letters vnto the Great master of this purport.

Solyman by the grace of God King of Kings, Lord of Lords, &c. to the reuerend father Philippus Villerius Liladamus, Great master of the RHODES and legat of ASIA, greeting.

I am certainly enformed that my letters are deliuered vnto thee;* 4.1 which for that thou vnderstoo∣dest them aright, I cannot expresse how much it pleased me. Trust to it, that I am not contented with the victorie I got at BELGRADE; I hope for another, nay I assure my selfe thereof, which I will not hide from thee, whom I am alwaies mindfull of. Farewell from CONSTANTINOPLE.

Pyrrhus great counsellor to the mightie emperour Solyman, to Philippus Villerius Liladamus, Great master of the RHODES and legat of ASIA, greeting.

Your letters,* 5.1 greater in meaning than character, I haue deliuered vnto our most mightie em∣perour: but the bearer thereof I would not suffer to come to his presence, least he should be too much offended with so base a messenger. Vnto whom from henceforth send men of worth, commendable for their yeares and discretion, with whom his Maiestie may (if he so please) conferre and conclude of matters concerning the common good: which thing if you shall doe, it shall neither repent you of the doing thereof, nor me of my counsell. The messenger I send, bringeth letters vnto you also from our great emperour; to whose diuine excellencie how you are to answere, you are alreadie admonished. Farewell from CONSTANTINOPLE.

These letters being openly read, drew the minds of the Rhodians diuersly. Such as altoge∣ther wished for peace, measuring others after their owne plaine meaning and integritie, com∣mended the counsell of Pyrrhus, saying, That he being an old man of great experience, was not so desirous of our quiet, as of the quiet of his prince and countrey: and therefore wished by wis∣dome to order that which the young prince sought for by war, fearing the vncertaintie of mans

fragillitie, the common chance of warre, the violence of fortune, which hath oftentimes in a mo∣ment with a handfull of men ouerthrowne most mightie kings with their strong armies. The persuasion of these men tooke such effect, that one of the knights of the order called Raymund March, a Spaniard, a noble gentleman of great courage and verie eloquent, skilfull also in the Turkish tongue, and then moster-master, was appointed to haue beene sent embassadour vnto the Turkish emperour. Many there were of a contrarie opinion, which suspecting fraud and deceit, said it were good to beware of the enemies counsell: asking, to what end this embas∣sage were? for should we proclaime warre (say they) against the most mightie tyrant, not yet our professed enemie, who writeth all peace? or should we intreat for peace, no warre as yet proclaimed? that he which as yet is afraid himselfe, may now vnderstand that he is of vs feared. Besides that, with what securitie, with what face can our embassadours go, vnrequested of the Turkish emperour, without his safe conduct thorow those countries which we daily burne and spoile? But they shall shew Pyrrhus the great Bassaes letters forsooth, his protection, his credit and authoritie shall defend them from all injurie and wrong; as though the seruant should pre∣scribe lawes vnto his master, and such a seruant as is most like vnto his master (that is) cruell, false of faith, a hater of all Christians, but especially of vs Rhodians: whom the mercilesse tyrant ha∣uing in his power, with his nauie and armie in readinesse, shall with cruell torture enforce to dis∣couer vnto him our prouision, the secrets of our citie and Order. This opinion of the wiser son, was greatly confirmed by the too much curiositie of the messenger which was sent, who with all diligence enquired of the state and situation of the citie, of the number and strength of the Or∣der. Wherfore in conclusion he was sent backe againe, accompanied but with one priuat soul∣diour to carrie the Great masters letters vnto the Turkish tyrant: the tenure whereof was thus.

Philippus Villerius Great master of the Rhodes, vnto the Turke greeting.

* 6.1That you are mindfull of me, grieueth me nothing: and I am also mindfull of you. You repeat your victorie in HVNGARIE, wherewith not being contented you hope for another: naie you pro∣mise and assure your selfe thereof, before you haue attempted the warre. Beware you deceiue not your selfe; mens expectations neuer deceiue them more than in warres. Farewell from the RHODES.

The other letters written to Pyrrhus, were to this effect.

Philippus Villerius Liladamus Great master of the Rhodes, to Pyrrhus the Bassa.

* 7.1I haue aduisedly considered thy letters, with the behauiour and disposition of thy messenger. As I contemne not thy counsell, so will I not follow the same, whilest my men of warre doe spoile the coun∣tries and ports of thy lord and master; which I beare withall, by reason of the iniuries they haue s••∣stained of the Turkish pirats. But I will call them home, and will send embassadours vnto thy great lord: so that thou before send me safe conduct vnder thy masters great seale, for their safe comming and returne. Farewell from the RHODES.

But these letters were neuer deliuered vnto the great Turke, or the Bassa: for as soone as the Turkish messenger was come ouer into the maine, he presently tooke horse, which was there in readinesse for him, and posted towards CONSTANTINOPLE with as much speed as he could, leauing the Christian messenger his companion behind him; who returning backe againe to the RHODES, and telling what he had heard and seene, gaue them all great occasion to dispaire of peace:* 7.2 whereupon Villerius sent into CRETE to hire certaine companies of Cretensian arche••••. In the meane time aduertisement was giuen vnto the Great master by letters from the island of NAXOS, That the Turkes were readie to put their fleet to sea with the first appearance of the new Moone: which thing they most superstitiously obserue in the beginning of all their great actions. The same newes was brought also by certaine merchants of the island of PAT••MOS, who came to the RHODES with a great ship laded with corne from EVBoeA; vnder the colour of the sale whereof, they (by the commaundement of the Turkes, to whom they were tributa∣ries)

diligently noted all that was done in the citie, shortly to be besieged. The Great master with no lesse diligence, sent diuers of his small gallies amongst the islands and alongst the maine, to learne what might be of the enemies doings. Ioannes Lupus one of the knights of the order, and captaine of one of these gallies, meeting with a great ship of the Turkes laded with corne, tooke her and brought her home to the RHODES. But Alphonsus captaine of another of the gallies, lying in harbour in one of the islands, and suffering his men to straggle too farre into the land, was set vpon by a Turkish pirat and taken.

About the same time the Turks by often fires made vpon the maine in the night season, gaue signe vnto the Rhodians, that they were desirous to haue some parley with them, as their man∣ner was. Wherupon one Meneton a French man, one of the knights, by commandement of the rest of the order, was sent with a gallie well appointed to the maine to see what the matter might be; and with him was joyned Iacobus Xaycus paymaster for the gallies, that he might of the in∣habitants of the place, and his friends there dwelling, diligently enquire of all things concerning the intended warre: for this Xaycus, besides that he was a skilfull sea man and one that knew the coast well, had also good experience in ciuile affairs, and was wonderfully beloued and made of by the Turkish merchants, whose language hee had perfectly learned. Drawing neere the shoare, he found the Turkish merchants making merrie vpon the maine, with their carpets, cot∣ten wooll, and such like merchandise about them as they vsed to exchange with the Rhodian merchants for woollen cloathes: vnto these merchants he gaue due salutations, gaging his faith for their safetie, and they likewise to him. But being requested to come ashoare to make merrie [ C] vntill one of his familiar and old acquaintance might be sent for, who as they said was not farre off; he answered, that he could not so doe, except they would first deliuer a pledge for him a shipboord. The perfidious Turkes laughing as it were at his needlesse feare, willingly sent their merchandise, and a pledge aboord the gallies. Xaycus then going ashoare, and embracing the Turkish merchants which met him: vpon a signe giuen, was forthwith beset on euerie side and taken prisoner, and by post horses conuaied with all speed to CONSTANTINOPLE; where he was with most exquisit torments that could be deuised for any man to endure, enforced to con∣fesse whatsoeuer his cruell enemies could desire. After Xaycus was by treacherie thus lost, then began their prouident wisedome to be highly commended, which were the occasion, that the decree made for sending embassadours vnto the Turke, was againe reuoked. The hostage gi∣uen for Xaycus, being brought to the RHODES and examined, was found to be a simple coun∣trey fellow whom the Turkes had of purpose well apparelled to deceiue the Rhodians: who frankly and plainly according to his simple knowledge, answered to all things that were of him demaunded; as that the Turkes were making great preparation for sea vpon the coasts of CA∣RIA and LYCIA, and had taken vp many souldiours in the countries thereabouts to send vnto the frontiers of his dominions towards SYRIA, for defence of the same against the Persians. All which was true: For Solyman to put the Rhodians out of all suspition of inuasion (whom hee knew carefully to obserue his doings) sent those souldiours whom he had leuied in the countries neerest vnto the RHODES, farre away against the Persian, as if he had meant nothing against the RHODES, and so vpon the sudden to set vpon them with his armie brought out of EVROPE, before they were aware.* 7.3 But this his deuise serued to small purpose, for the Great Master per∣ceiuing by many circumstances, but especially by that late calamitie of Xaycus, that the RHODES was the place the Turkish tyrant longed after; and fearing that delay might bring farther danger, caused a cessation from all other businesse to be proclaimed, vntill all things necessarie for de∣fence of the citie were accomplished: watch and ward was kept in euerie street, the great artille∣rie planted vpon the wals and bulwarks, companies appointed for the defence of euerie place, the publike armorie full of all warlike prouision was open, all the streets were full of men carry∣ing weapons, some to one place, some to another. At which time a generall muster was taken by the chiefe men of the Order, where were found about 5000 free men able to beare armes, amongst whom were 600 knights of the Order, and 500 souldiours of CRETE; the rest were for most part marriners, able bodies, who in the time of the siege did great seruice, encouraged by their sea captaines: the island people which repaired into the citie, serued to little other pur∣pose but to dig and carrie earth vnto the rampiers: and the citizens (except it were some few of the better sort) were for the most part weake and of small courage, not able to endure any labour or paines, and yet hardly to be kept in order and gouerned, great speakers, but small doers,

greater in shew than in deed. The Great Master hauing carefully prouided and ordered all things needfull for defence of the citie, and fearing nothing more than the faint hearts of the citisens, caused them all to bee called together; for encouragement of whom, hee spake vnto them as followeth:

* 7.4Valiant gentlemen and worthie citisens, we heare that the Turke our mortall enemie is comming against vs, with a huge armie raised of diuers nations: from whose naturall crueltie and wonted per∣iurie except we defend our selues by force, one and the selfe same danger is like to befall me, my knights, and you all. For wee haue with common consent and hand greeuously spoiled him both by sea and land, and you are by booties taken by strong hand out of his dominions, enriched: and at this day we keepe his people in greeuous seruitude, and he ours; but he iniuriously, and we most iustly: For his ancestors (wea∣rie of the darke dennes and caues of the mountaine CAVCASVS, their naturall dwelling) without right, title, or cause, incited onely with couetousnesse, ambition, and the hatred of our most sacred re∣ligion, haue driuen the Christians out of SYRIA: and afterwards, oppressed the Grecians in GRE∣CIA; where not contented to haue destroied the people, with one simple kind of death (as barbarisme is euer cruell and mercilesse) they haue with most exquisit and horrible torments butchered many thou∣sands of that nation. All whom, this wicked proud youth (whose mischeefe exceedeth his yeares) a•• euill neighbour to all men, not contented with the dominions of ARABIA, SYRIA, AEGIPT, the greatest part of ASIA, and of many other places moe, seeketh in tyrannie, murther, spoile, periurie, and hatred against Christ and Christians, farre to excell: and forceth himselfe to the vttermost of his power, to take from vs our Islands, and to subdue the Christian countries; that so at length be∣ing lord of all, and commaunder of the World, he may at his pleasure ouerthrow the Christian cities▪ kill the Christians, and vtterly root out the Christian name, which he so much hateth. For the repul∣sing of which intollerable iniurie, we haue especially chosen this Island of the RHODES for our dwel∣ling place, because the same seemed more commodious than any other for the annoying of this barba∣rous nation. We haue done what in vs lay, holpen by you: we know by proofe your great valor and fide∣litie, which we now haue not in any distrust. Wherefore I will not vse many words to persuade you to continue in your fidelitie and loyaltie, neither long circumstance to encourage you to play the men: sithence worthie minds are not with words either encouraged or dismaied. But concerning my selfe and my knights of the Order, I will speake a few words. I wi•••• them, with whom (as I hope) the Christi∣an princes and other my knights of the West will in good time ioine their forces, are most readie and [ K] prest to defend your selues, your children, your wiues, your goods, the monuments of your ancestours, and sacred temples dedicated to the seruice of our God. Which opinion that it may remaine firme and fix in your minds, if nothing els, my faithfulnesse in your warres, my bodie not yet altogether spent, but able enough to endure paines and trauell, the nobilitie of these worthie knights of the Order, their loue towards you, and their hatred towards your enemies, were sufficient to confirme: but beside this, the strength of this citie, which this noble Order hath with infinit charges so notably fortified with ditches, wals, towers, and bulwarkes against all the force and furie of artillerie, is such, that no citie may worthely be compared, much lesse preferred before the same. It is wonderfully stored with all kind of weapons and war like prouision: we haue laid vp plentie of wine, flesh, and corne, in vaults, so that nei∣ther wet weather nor wormes can attaint the same: of wood and wholesome water not to be taken from [ L] vs, things necessarie for men besieged, we haue plentie: and able men ynow for the defence of the ci∣tie. All which things promise vnto vs assured victorie, and such end of the warre as we wish for. Be∣sides this, Necessitie, which giueth courage euen vnto cowards, will enforce vs to fight. Yet standeth on our side true religion, faith, conscience, deuotion, constancie, the loue of our countrey, the loue of our libertie, the loue of our parents, wiues, children, and whatsoeuer els we hold deare: Wheras they bring with them the proud commaund of their captaines, infidelitie, impietie, vnconstancie, a wicked desire of your bondage, of your bloud, and the bloud of your parents, wiues, and children. Out of doubt (be∣loued citisens) our good God will not suffer so many good vertues to be ouercome by their foule vices. Wherefore be you in minds quiet and secure, and trouble not your selues with forboding feare of your enemies; onely continue in the fidelitie and loyaltie which you haue alwaies kept inuiolat and vnspotted toward this sacred and honourable fellowship, in most dangerous wars, and hardest chances of fortune: and if need shall so require, with courageous hand shew your valour against your enemies, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it knowne vnto the Spaniards, French, Italians, Hungarians, and English, That the Rhodians are of power to daunt the Turkish pride, and to auert their fleets and armies from ITALIE, which they ha••e

so many yeares threatened with fire and sword: and will no doubt thither with all speed hasten and come, if (that which my mind abhorreth to speake) they should here preuaile. Neither will this ambi∣tious youth, in courage, falshood, and crueltie exceeding Hanniball, imitate him in that, that hauing ouerthrowne the Romanes in the great battell at ••ANNAS, knew not to vse his victorie: but he will presently with more than Caesars ••eleritie bring forth the treasures his father got in AEGIPT, and with great fleets and huge armies inuade APVLIA, CALABRIA, and SICILIA: from whence he will forthwith breake into FRANCE, and afterwards into SPAINE, and other Christian countries, raging through them with all kind of crueltie. But I am caried away further than I purposed, and than need is: For your fidelitie and valor (most worthie citisens) to endure the siege and repulse the enemie, is such, as needeth not my persuasion; and of greater resolution, than that it can be shaken with the dangers incident to men besieged▪ Yet the greatest and most forcible miseries of all, which is hunger and thirst, I assure you you shall neuer feele; which pinching calamities for all that, some people (in faith∣fulnesse, courage, and valour nothing comparable to you) haue neuerthelesse most constantly endured. For they of PETELINVM, besieged by the Carthaginensians, for want of victuall, thrust their pa∣rents and children out of the citie, the longer to hold out the siege, and liued themselues with hides and leather sod or broiled, and leaues of trees, and manie other homely things, by the space of eleuen months▪ and could not be ouercome vntill they wanted strength longer to stand vpon the wals▪ and to hold their weapons in their hands. They of CASSILINVM besieged by Hanniball, held out vntill a poore mouse was sold for much monie. You must of necessitie keepe watch and ward in your Stations: if your houses chance to be beaten downe with the enemies artillerie, you must haue patience: for why, they shall bee [ C] repaired againe, and it is not a matter of such importance, that we should therfore yeeld vnto our ene∣mies▪ in whose courtesie and fidelitie no assurance is to be reposed. For besides that he is by nature cruell and vnfaithfull, he can by no meanes be gentle and faithfull towards vs, which haue done him so much harme: who onely (as he himselfe saith) haue oftentimes to his greefe interrupted the course of the vi∣ctories of him the conquerour both of sea and land; whom he hath so manie times assailed by open force with all his strength, wit, craft, deceit, and policie: yet alwaies hetherto in vaine, almightie God still protecting vs, whom aboue all things (most deare citisens) I wish you to serue and call vpon: For except he keepe and defend the citie, the watchmen doe but watch in vaine.

This cheerefull speech wonderfully encouraged the hearets, especially the vulgar sort, easily carried away with pleasing words. But whilest they in their jolitie dreame of nothing but of tri∣umph and victorie, the wiser sort possessed with care, ceased not to doe what in them lay, to pro∣cure, That the good commonly forewished, might in fine come to effect. Amongst others, Cle∣ment bishop of the Greekes, a man both for his place and deuout manner of liuing had in great reputation amongst them, laboured earnestly by dayly exhortations to persuade the Greekes his countreymen in that great and common danger with heart and hand to joine with the Latines in defence of the citie: for although the gouernment was altogether in the Great Master and his Knights, which were Latines; yet the people both of the Island and citie were for most part Greekes, who liked not altogether so well of the Latine gouernment, but that they did many times repine thereat. Howbeit the matter was at that time so ordered by the good persuasion of the bishop, and good gouernment of the Great Master, that they all agreed as one man to spend their liues in defence of the citie; and were so farre from feare of the comming of the barbarous enemie, that many of the vulgar people, in whom appeareth commonly more heat than wit, wished rather for his comming than otherwise. But looke what they had fondly wished, proued afterwards to their costs ouer true. For within a few nights after, the Turkes by fire made in the night time vpon the maine, gaue signe of parley vnto the Rhodians. Whereupon a gallie well appointed, with a long boat, was presently set forth to see what the matter was: which drawing neere vnto the shore, was hailed by a Turke, accompanied with a troupe of horsemen, desi∣ring the captaine of the gallie to send some on shore, with whom they might more conueni∣ently parley: which thing the captaine refusing, What, said the Turke, art thou afraid of Xaycus fortune? To whom the captaine in threatening manner answered againe, Xaycus whom you haue contrarie to your faith and oath taken, troubleth me not; neither am I afraid of you, whom I trust not: but if you haue any thing to say, let me heare it, or els get you further off, otherwise I will speake to you by the mouth of the cannon. Then one of the Turks comming to the water side, laid downe letters vpon a stone, saying, that in them was contained that they had in charge:

which said, he presently set spurs to his horse, and departed with the rest of his companie. The [ G] captaine sending out his long boat for these letters, found them directed in this sort▪

Solyman by the grace of God, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, most mightie Emperour of CONSTANTINOPLE and TRAPEZONDE, &c. vnto the reuerend father Philippus Villerius Lilladamus, Great Master of the RHODES, to his knights, and all his people in generall▪

The purport of which letter was as followeth:

* 8.1The compassion I haue of my distressed subiects, and the great iniurie you doe me, hath moued ••e to wrath. Wherefore I commaund you without delay to yeeld vnto mee the Island and citie of the RHODES, willingly and charitably graunting you leaue safely to depart with all your riches▪ or to tarrie if you 〈◊〉〈◊〉 please vnder my obeisance, your libertie and religion in no part infringed with an••e tri∣bute or imposition. If you be wise, preferre friendship and peace before bloudie warre: for vnto them which are by force subdued, are reserued all extremities which the miserable vanquished vse to suffer of the angrie conquerour: from which neither your owne force, nor forraine aid, nor huge wals, which I will vtterly ouerthrow, shall be able to defend you, fare you well. All which shall assuredly be perfor∣med, if you shall make choice rather of my friendship than of my force: wherein you shall neither be deceiued nor circumuented; I take to witnesse God the creator of heauen and earth, the foure writers of the Euangelicall historie, the fourscore thousand prophets descended from heauen, & amongst them out [ I] highest prophet Mahomet, the reuerend ghosts of my father and grandfather, and this my sacred and imperiall head. From our pallace at CONSTANTINOPLE.

When these letters were openly read in the Counsell chamber at the RHODES, some were of opinion, That it was good to answere the Turkish tyrant roundly, thereby to giue him to vn∣derstand that they were not afraid of his threats: othersome thought it no wisedome with hard words to prouoke so great an enemie to further displeasure. Thus whilest euery man would haue framed an answere according to his owne disposition, in conclusion it was agreed vpon, to giue him no answere at all.

The same day these letters came to the RHODES, which was the foureteenth day of Iune, [ K] one of the Turkes great commaunders at sea with thirtie gallies, the forerunners of the Turkish fleet, arriued at the Island of CHOS, famous in antient time for the birth of Hippocrates the great physition, and the wonderfull picture of Venus left there vnperfited by Apelles, which for the excellencie thereof neuer man durst afterward take in hand to perfect: which fruitfull and plea∣sant Island was then at the arriuall of the Turkes, part of the dominion of the RHODES. The Admirall of this fleet here landing his Turkes, began to burne the corne which was then almost ripe, with the countrey villages round about. With which injurie, Preianes gouernour of the Island (a man of great courage and valour) moued, with a chosen companie of footmen, and cer∣taine troupes of horsemen, suddainely set vpon the Turkes, in diuers places disperced abroad far into the countrey, with such a terrible crie of the countrey people, and instruments of warre, that [ L] the Turkes being therewith amazed, ran away as if they had been mad, and were many of them slaine without resistance; and had not the gallies lien neare the shore, to receiue them that were able to flie thither, there had not one of them which landed escaped the hands of the Island peo∣ple. The Turkes hauing receiued this losse, left the Island, and put to sea againe.

* 8.2The Rhodians for the most part now assured and out of doubt of the comming of the Turks, by the persuasion of Gabriell Pomerolus vicemaster, and other men of great experience, pluck downe the suburbes of the citie, and laid them euen with the ground, their pleasant orchards al∣so and gardens nee••e vnto the citie, they vtterly destroyed; the Great Master for example sake be∣ginning first with his owne, beeing a place of great delicacie, lying vnder the wals neere vnto the French bulwarke: and taking into the citie all such things as they thought needfull for the en∣during [ M] of the siege, they vtterly destroyed all the rest, were it neuer so pleasant or commodious, within a mile of the towne, leauing all that space as euen and bare as they could possibly make it; to the intent, that the enemie at his comming should find nothing neere the citie whereof to make vse. But whilest the pleasures and delights of the suburbes are thus in defacing, another

[ A] more heauie and wofull sight presented vnto the eies of the citisens, filled the citie with greater mourning and pensiuenesse than did the comming of the enemie.* 8.3 The miserable multitude of the poore countrey people, some bringing wood, some corne, some cattell, some foules, and other such necessaries as they had, out of the countrie into the citie (for so the Great master had commaunded) after whom followed great numbers of women and children weeping, with dis∣chiueled haire, scratching their faces and tearing themselues after the manner of the countrie▪ wringing their hands and casting vp their eies to heauen, beseeching God with heauie counte∣nance and flouds of teares to defend the noble citie of the RHODES and themselues from the fu∣rie of their enemies. Which multitude of countrie people with their prouision, being packt vp into narrow roomes in the houses of the citisens, and their cattell staruing for want of fodder, af∣terwards [ B] corrupted the aire; whereof ensued rotten agues and the flix, during the time of the siege. But after the citie was giuen vp, such a plague and mortalitie followed, as destroied great numbers of the Turkes and poore Christians; which knowing not whither to go, chose rather there to die than to forsake their natiue countrey.

The Generall of the Turkish fleet which landed in the island of CHOS, and was of purpose sent by Solyman to prouoke the Rhodians to battell at sea; before he with his whole power came to besiege the island, came daily with twentie gallies halfe those narrow seas ouer, betwixt LY∣CIA and the RHODES, leauing the rest of his fleet riding at anchor at the promontorie called GNIDVM (not farre from the citie of the RHODES) readie to aid him as need should require: this manner of brauerie he vsed many daies togither, hoping thereby to allure the Rhodians out [ C] of their hauen to giue him battell; knowing, that if he should therein obtaine the victorie, it were at that time little lesse than the taking of the citie, or if he could by cruell fight but weaken the forces of the Rhodians, he should therein doe his master good seruice, and greatly further his victorie by diminishing the number of the defendants. When he had many daies without in∣termission in this proud manner come halfe seas ouer, and sometimes passing further came and lay at the mouth of the hauen, as it were daring them to fight: the Rhodians not wont to be so braued at their owne doores, moued with the intollerable insolencie of this proud Turke, by their continuall importunitie caused the Great Master to call a counsell, to consider whether they should fight with this fleet of the Turkes or not. The counsellors by the appointment of the Great Master assembled: the Chancelor, a man of great authoritie and spirit, famous for his no∣ble [ D] acts both at home and abroad, and chiefe of them which were of opinion this fleet of the Turkes was to be fought withall, said:

So great disgrace was not longer to be suffered,* 8.4 but presently reuenged: For (said he) the hugie fleet of the Turks, I do not sate at whose force & sight, but at whose verie name many men do tremble and quake (which for all that is vnto vs no great noueltie, for euerie yeare we heare of the like) is as a head to be ioined vnto these piraticall gallies, as members; and then will it be most expedient (which will be a most easie thing for vs to doe, hauing the better both for strength of shipping and number and va∣lour of men) to giue that great head such a blow and wound, by cutting off these limbes, that it shall euer after stagger and faint for want of strength: or else there is no other fleet at all prepared against [ E] vs to follow this, and then this discomfited we shall be at quiet. Which thing in my iudgement (though others which feare their owne shadowes and the falling of heauen, say otherwise) is most like to be true▪ for the great Turke is not so sottish to come hither, the fittest time of the yeare being so far spent, in the latter end of Iune, to besiege this citie, and such a citie as he knoweth to be most strong, wanting no∣thing that is needfull, and thorowly manned with valiant souldiours, from whence his auncestors haue been with losse and shame repulsed: when as the remainder of the Sommer will be spent, before he can encampe himselfe and place his batteries; and Winter time as you know is vnfit for anie siege, especi∣ally in this island, wherein they can find no hauen or harbour to rest in. Wherefore on Gods name let vs set vpon our proud enemies: and let vs not for a few threatning words sent vnto vs from a fearfull youth, vpon a finenesse and pollicie least we should follow the taile of his sleet bound for some other [ F] place, sit still like cowards within our wals with our hands in our bosomes, as men which for feare and dread durst not shew their heads. Which our cowardise and want of courage we (forsooth) call Fabius his pollicie: but I would to God we were like Fabius, but I feare we shall prooue more like Antiochus, the Aetholians, the Vitellians, all whose courage consisted in words, vainly hoping to gaine the victorie by sitting still and wishing well. But the helpe of God is not to be gotten by womens praiers and suppli∣cations

or these faint-hearted pollicies, which cowards call aduised counsell: but victorie is gained by [ G] aduenturing and exposing our selues to danger and perill.

With these and such like speeches he so moued the multitude, which commonly conceiueth most courage vpon the greatest vncertainties, that they desired that they might fight, saying. That they would wash away that foule disgrace with the bloud and slaughter of their enemies; for why, they wanted not weapons, courage, or hands (as they said) to doe it withall.

For all this, the grauer sort of the counsell (without whose consent the master might in such cases doe nothing) thought it not good in so dangerous a time to aduenture any great part of their forces, which they should afterwards want for the defence of their citie. The Turkish ge∣nerall deceiued of his expectation, and perceiuing that the Rhodians would not be drawne forth [ H] to battell at sea, withdrew his fleet twelue miles off, vnto a place called VILLANOVA; where casting anchor and landing his men, he burnt the corne all thereabouts which was now almost ripe, but forsaken of the people as a thing desperat: as for the people themselues, they were all fled, and had retired themselues either into the citie of the RHODES, or els into strong castles in other places of the island.

At the same time, certaine troupes of horsemen sent forth to haue skirmished with the Turks that were burning of the corne, were by a messenger sent from the Great master, commanded to retire:* 8.5 For the prouident Generall sought by all meanes to reserue his soldiors for greater dan∣gers, which he justly feared in the expected siege: during which time he shewed himselfe a most politike captaine and braue soldiour, he would many times by day eat his meat with his soldiors as one of them, and most part of the night keepe watch himselfe walking vp and downe, resting himselfe when he was wearie vpon some stone or piece of timber or other homly seat, as it chan∣ced. In time of assault he was alwaies more forward and aduenturous than the graue counsellors wished, fearing neither shot nor enemie: yet did he alwaies more commend discreet counsell grounded vpon reason, than prosperous actions commended but by their euents. And that which a man would wonder at, amongst so many cares in middest of such diuers and dangerous chances, he carried alwaies such a grace and majestie in his cheerfull countenance, as made him to be of the beholders both reuerenced and loued. All the time he could spare from the necessa∣rie cares of his waightie charge, from assaults, and the naturall refreshing of his bodie, he bestowed in prayer and seruing of God; he did oftentimes spend the greatest part of the night in the church [ K] alone praying, his headpiece, gorget and gauntlets lying by him: so that it was commonly said, that his deuout praiers and carefulnesse would make the citie inuincible.

* 8.6The six and twentith day of Iune early in the morning, newes was brought into the citie from the watch-tower standing vpon S. Stephens hill about a mile from the citie, That a most hu∣gie fleet was descried at sea, making thitherwa••ds all alongst the Westerne coast of LYCIA. This bad newes much troubled the citie, although it was not of most men vnexpected; all places was filled with tumult and hurly burly, euerie man measured the greatnesse of the danger by the measure of his owne feare, and such a pitifull crie was in euerie place as is vsually in cities present∣ly to be besieged. Hereupon publike praiers were made through all the citie, and euerie man with great deuotion besought the God of heauen, That as it was his pleasure that the Rhodians [ L] should at that time be the champions of the Christian religion; so he would giue them strength and victorie against their enemies, and to turne the calamities of warre vpon the enemies of his name. Their deuotion ended, the gates of the citie were shut vp, and people from all places ran vnto the wals, great flocks of women, children, and aged men not able to stand without a staffe, going forth of their houses to gaze vpon that dreadfull fleet (wherein was aboue 200 sailes as is reported) filled the streets,* 8.7 the tops of the high towers and houses. The formost of the fleet was the Admirall of CALIPOLIS, to whom Solyman had committed the charge of all his name, and to assaile the citie by sea: The rear admirall was Cara Mahometes an arch pirat, who was af∣terwards slaine with a great shot out of the citie. The viceadmirall in the middle of the fleet with a great squadron of gallies, hauing a faire Westernly wind, strucke saile directly before the [ M] mouth of the hauen (which was on both sides defended with two strong towers well furnished with great artillerie) and began to row towards the citie: whereupon an alarum was raised, the trumpets sounded, and many hasted vnto the bulwarke which defended the left side of the ha∣uen, which the enemie seemed to direct his course vnto; and was indeed more subject to danger

than the other. But the Turke seeing himselfe in danger to be sunke with shot from the bulwark, was glad to get himselfe farther off vnto the rest of the fleet: the Rhodians from the wals with lowd outcries scornfully deriding him for his foolish attempt. This great fleet in exceeding bra∣uerie and triumph passing by the citie in sight of the Rhodians (standing vpon their wals with ensignes displaied) did not more terrifie them, than they were themselues terrified to behold the strength of the citie and cheerfulnesse of the defendants. But passing on, they came to the pro∣montorie which the inhabitants call Bo, about three miles distant from the citie, Eastward: which small harbour being not able to receiue so great a fleet, many of the gallies were enforced to ride it out at sea, where they were by shot out of the citie oftentimes endangered and enforced to get them farther off. Whilest the enemie was there landing his great ordinance and other instruments of warre prepared for the siege, chusing a place for his campe, transporting his land souldiours from the maine into the island, viewing the strength and situation of the citie, and in what place he might with most ease assault the same: the Rhodians in the meane time were not idle, but sunke diuers deepe sounds in many places of the citie neere vnto the wals, to disco∣uer the enemies mines; and fortified their bulwarks with greater rampiers▪ in which worke eue∣rie man put to his helping hand without respect of age or calling.* 8.8 The Graund master about that time sent Lodouicus Andugus one of the knights of the Order, into SPAINE to Charles the emperour; and Claudius Ducenuillus another of the Order also, to ROME to the Cardinals, and Italian knights of the Order; and from thence into FRANCE vnto the French king with letters: crauing the aid of these Christian princes, for reliefe of the citie by sea and land besieged. But all in vaine, for they carried away with the endlesse grudge of one against another, or respecting on∣ly their owne estates, returned the embassadors with good words, without reliefe.

At this time Preianes Gouernour of CHIOS (of whom we haue before spoken) a man com∣parable with any of the captaines of that age, an excellent souldiour both by sea and land, valiant and thereto fortunat, of an inuincible courage, brought vp in the wars from his childhood; when he had by the space of two or three daies hid himselfe in the rocks at sea, for feare of the Turkes great fleet, came by night in a small pinnesse to the RHODES, hauing deceiued the Turks watch: at whose comming the Rhodians wonderfully rejoyced, for the souldiours reposed greater con∣fidence in no man than in him: And if any great exploit were to be done, him the Master trusted aboue any other:* 8.9 he alwaies in armes during the siege, encouraged the souldiours, searched the watch, suruaied the bulwarks, repaired the breaches; and such labours as others accounted ex∣treame miseries, he cheerfully endured, as if they had been but his pleasures and recreation. At the same time also Gabriell Martiningus of BRIXIA, a most skilful enginer, came to the Rhodes out of CRETA; by whose industrie and cunning, 55 mines which the Turks did with infinit labor and charge make (by reason of the springing of the water, and hardnesse of the rockes (during the siege, were all by countermines disappointed and defeated.

The citie of the RHODES is scituat••on a plaine ground,* 8.10 on euerie side to be besieged, onely Northward it is defended with a goodly hauen, from whence it lieth all Westward: betwixt it and the hils round about it, lieth a stonie plaine ground, not verie broad but of greater length; these hils are full of springs, and orchards planted with Oliues, Figtrees, Vines, and such other fruits as such drie and sandie ground will beare. But what by nature wanted, was by the hand and industrie of man supplied; for it was compassed about with a most strong double wall and deepe trenches, threatning the enemie with thirteene stately towers: and sure against all assaults, with fiue mightie bulwarks: with diuers goodly faire gates: and that which was the greatest defence of all, within the citie was alwaies kept a most exact and straight forme of warlike discipline. The defence of the whole citie was thus proportioned: From the French tower (which with the greatnesse and height thereof seemed to mate the skie) stood the Frenchmen with the French Lillies in their ensignes, vnder their Commander Ioannes Abbinus a noble knight of the Order: from thence to S. Georges gate lay the stout Germains, with the Eagle in their ensignes: in the third station were placed the French Auergnois, with the Spaniards, for that the ditches in that place were neither so deepe nor broad as elsewhere in the fift place lay the English garrison, ouer whom the Graund master himselfe commaunded▪ after them succeeded they of NAR••ONA: and last of all the Italians, in valour no•• inferiour to any of the rest, vnder the leading of Petrus Ballnus and Gregorius Morgutas. In euerie one of these stations were diuers valiant knights of the Order, whose names (worthie of eternall memorie) for breuitie we passe ouer, all men

of themselues sufficient to haue taken vpon them the whole charge. [ G]

* 8.11The enemie was not busier without the citie in placing his batterie, but traiterous minds were as busie within to haue betrayed the same. A Turkish woman, slaue to one of the rich citisens, had conspired with certaine other her complices, at such time as the Turkes should giue assault vnto the towne, at one instant to set on fire the houses wherein they dwelt in diuers places of the citie, that the defendants drawne from the wals to quench the fire, the Turks in the meane time might the more easily enter. But this treason was in good time reuealed, and the offenders wor∣thily executed.

The Turkes had not as yet placed their batterie, when as they tooke a certaine hill, whereon stood the church dedicated to Cosmus and Damianus, directly ouer against the English station: from thence (as it seemed, rather for exercising of their souldiors than for any great harme they [ H] could doe so farre off) they began with small battering peeces to shoot into the citie: and after∣wards they began to dig mines, and to cast vp trenches: for the performance of which kind of worke, and for the filling vp of the towne ditches, they had brought with them fiftie thousand pioners, men better acquainted with countrey labour and keeping of cattell, than with warres; which being enforced vnto their labour day and night, sometime with stripes, and somtime with death, did with incredible celeritie bring that to passe, which was before thought impossible. They cut wayes through the most hard stonie rockes,* 8.12 raising the plaines as high as mountaines, with earth brought two miles off, and laying the mountaines euen with the plaines, and yet they neuer wrought in safetie, but were miserably rent in sunder with the great ordinance out of the towne: and that which most of all troubled them, the Rhodians sallying out vpon these ouer-laboured people, hauing neither courage nor skill to defend themselues, but trusting onely to their heeles, slew great numbers of them, and not of them only, but of others also appointed for their defence, whom the Rhodians (taking courage of their feare) fiercely pursued & slew down∣right. And when many others issuing out of the campe in great companies, thought to haue re∣leeued their fellowes, the great ordinance before of purpose placed to most aduantage▪ so thun∣dered from the wals amongst the thickest of them, that the ground lay couered with the bodies and weapons of the dead Turks. With which manner of fight, after the Rhodians had twice or thrice troubled the enemie, the Turkes for their more safetie wrought most vpon their mou••••s by night, keeping most strong watch for defence of their pioners, which for more assurance they doubled in the day time, and bent their artillerie against the places which the Rhodians [ K] vsed to sallie out at: which did not so much keepe them in, as the feare of weakening themselues by often sallies, knowing that one man was vnto them a greater losse, than vnto the enemie an hundred.* 8.13 Amongst others which in the beginning of this great siege forced the vttermost of their deuices to the destruction of the Turkes, were certaine marriners, who hauing the Turkish lan∣guage perfectly, by leaue of the Grand Master (disguising themselues in the habit of Turks) de∣parted by night out of the hauen in a small boat, loaded with apples, plums, peares, mellons, grapes, and such other fruits as the time of the yeare affoorded; and in the darknesse came alongst the coast, vnto that part of the Island whereunto the passage was out of the maine. There as if they had been Turkes come from the maine, they landed their commodities, which the Turkish souldiors bought greedily. When they had thus sold their fruits, and in selling thereof diligently [ L] noted the speech and talke of the souldiors concerning the siege, and were now ready to depart; certaine Turks which greatly disliked the hard beginning of this siege, seeing themselues if they did but stir, in danger to be fet off with shot out of the towne, earnestly requested the marriners to take them with them into the maine: which to doe, at the first the marriners dissembling, re∣fused, as a thing dangerous: & besides that, their boat was too little to receiue so many as would willingly haue gone with them. Yet with much adoe they suffered themselues to be intreated to take in seuen or eight, such a number as they knew they could well master: who in hope of passing ouer into the maine, were (contrarie to their expectation) brought prisoners to the RHODES, where they were by Preianes brought vp to the top of the highest tower of S. Iohns church, from whence they might see all about the countrey, and well descrie all the manner of [ M] the Turks campe, which they simply discouered vnto the captaine, and whatsoeuer els they were demaunded: and amongst other things confessed, that the souldiours were greatly disconte••ted with the siege, hauing in the beginning thereof lost so many men, and that they were readie to rise in mutinie against their captaines, and would hardly by them be commaunded out of their

trenches and cabbins, saying, that all they did was but lost labour: and that they should find it another peoce of worke to win the RHODES, than they had at BELGRADE: wherefore if they were wise, they should in time depart before they had receiued further harme both from the enemie, and for want of necessaries, wherewith the souldiors began alreadie to be pinched. All which was then supposed to haue been spoken by the captiues to please them in whose power they now were: yet it appeared afterwards to bee all true. For Pyrrhus Bassa considering the troubled state of the campe, and the generall discontentment of the souldiors, whom he was at that time gladder to please than to punish, writ vnto Solyman at CONSTANTINOPLE, That if he would the siege should goe forward, he should without delay come in person himselfe to the campe, for that the souldiors without regard of shame were readie to rise in mutinie and to aban∣don the siege, refusing to be commaunded by their captaines.

In the meane time whilest Solyman prepareth himselfe to set forward, the Turkish captaines vnderstood by certaine fugitiues (whereof in all warres some are to be found) that the high stee∣ple of S. Iohns church serued them of the towne for a watch tower: for which cause, and for de∣spight of the Crosse standing vpon the top thereof, they laboured nothing more, than with con∣tinuall shot to beat downe that tower; which whilest they were doing with great diligence, So∣lyman himselfe came into the campe the 28 day of August in the afternoone:* 8.14 where finding in his armie all the signes of cowardise and feare that could be spoken of or deuised, and nothing done according to the commaund of such as he had appointed for that charge, but all things out of order; he tooke more greefe to see that great disorder, than he did pleasure and good hope of two hundred thousand souldiors▪ which were in his armie. Yet for all that hee was inwardly chafed with the heat of youth and indignation, against his own people as well as the Rhodians, he moderated himselfe betwixt his owne rage and the offence of his souldiors, and calling them together, caused them to be disarmed, not leauing among them so much as a sword: and compas∣sing them in with fifteene thousand harquebusiers whom he had brought with him well appoin∣ted, he stept vp into his royall seat, there set on high for the purpose; where sitting downe, he paused a good while without any word speaking, as if hee had considered with himselfe, whe∣ther he should onely punish the authors of the mutinie, or els with the punishment of many to reuenge so foule a sedition, little differing from open rebellion. But following in himselfe, the milder resolution, he thought it sufficient to correct the multitude and common sort of souldi∣ours with sharpe and bitter words: and after generall silence made, brake out into this cholle∣ricke speech.

Slaues (quoth he) for I cannot find in my heart to call you souldiors,* 8.15 What kind of men are you now become? are you Turkes? men wont both to fight and ouercome? verely I see the bodies, coun∣tenances, attire, and habit of my souldiors; but the deeds, speeches, counsels and deuises of cowardly and vile traitors. Alas how hath my opinion deceiued me? that Turkish force and courage is gone, the valour and strength both of bodies and minds, wherewith the Arabians, Persians, Sirians, Ae∣gyptians, Serutans, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Epirotes, Macedonians and Thracians were subdued, is lost: forgetting your countrey, your oath, the commaund of your captaines, your obedience, and all other warlike discipline, you haue against the maiestie of my empire refused to fight, like co∣wards betaken your selues to flight, for vaine feare of death and danger, not beseeming men of warre. If any man should at home but haue named the RHODES in your feasts, amongst your pots, in your assemblies or great meetings, you could then with your tongues brag to pull it downe, you had much adoe to hold your hands: here when I would make proofe of your force and courage, it is nothing. But you thought perhaps, that the Rhodians so soone as they saw your ensignes before their gates, would straightway yeeld themselues and their citie into your power: Let all men cease so to say or thinke, and beleeue me that know the truth, This base and infamous denne (which you see) is full of most cruell beasts, whose madnesse you shall neuer tame without much labour and bloudshed. Yet shall we tame them; for why nothing is so wild but it may at length be tamed: which except I bring to passe, I am fully resolued and haue vowed vnto my selfe, Either here to die or spend my daies: and if euer I doe or say otherwise, let this my head, my fleet, mine armie, and empire, be for euer accur∣sed and vnfortunate.

And so without further speech, desiring rather to be accounted of his souldiours gentle than

seuere, he pardoned them all their former offences, and swore them all againe to his obed••ence. [ G] This mutinie so appeased, all things were afterwards done with better successe and greater care both of the souldious and commaunders. First they planted in diuers places twelue great bom∣bards, wherewith they threw vp stones of hugie waight into the ayre, which falling downe into the citie, might breake downe the houses and whatsoeuer else they lighted vpon: with the fall of one of these,* 8.16 the Great master was like to haue been slaine. Howbeit this proued a deuise of more terror than danger, for with 200 such shot were but ten men slaine; which thing amongst others, Apella a traiterous fugitiue declared vnto the enemie, with whom he had intelligence, as he himselfe confessed being taken vpon suspition and examined: for which his treason he was justly executed.

* 8.17The force of the batterie was more feared, wherein the Turkes had planted fortie great pie∣ces [ H] of batterie, and amongst them twelue Basilisks (so aptly named of the serpent Basilis••••••, who as Plinie writeth, killeth man or beast with his sight) with these pieces the Turkes battered the wals continually; but lying somewhat farre off, did no great harme.

At the same time also Solyman caused batterie to be laid against the tower of Saint Nicholas, standing vpon a narrow piece of ground pointing farre into the sea, defending the hauen vpon the right hand, where sometime stood the great Colossus of the Sunne, accounted the greatest amongst the seauen wonders of the world. Which castle was both strongly and sumptuously built at the charges of the Dukes of BVRGVNDIE, as appeared by their armes there engrauen in many places in marble. This tower was valiantly defended by Guido a French man, who had the charge thereof, with 300 souldiours, amongst whom were 30 knights of the Order.

The Turks artillerie planted against that tower, was by the skilfulnesse of the Christian ca∣noniers in short time dismounted with shot from the tower, and many of the gunners slaine: so that they were glad to surcease any more to batter the tower by day, but lying still all the day they began to batter the same by night, wherein they preuailed no more than they had before done in the day time; for the defendants warily obseruing such places as were likest for the ene∣mie to place his batterie in, did so aptly place their ordinance against the same, and to so good purpose, that the Turkes swore, heir doings were by some meanes discouered vnto the enemies. So when they had in vaine bestowed 500 great shot, and made a small breach which they durst not once attempt to enter, they shamefully abandoned that place also.

All this while Pyrrhus was busie in working of mines to vndermine the citie, two and thi••••ie of which mines the defendants frustrated with countermines; in which kind of worke many were lost on both sides: yet for all the carefulnesse of the Christians, the English bulwarke was vnderminded by the enemie,* 8.18 and vpon the fourth day of September part therof blowne vp, with such violence, that vnto them in the citie it seemed at the first to be a generall earthquake; and therewith diuers English men were there ouerwhelmed. The Turks attempting presently to en∣ter, were by the Graund master and his followers with great slaughter repulsed.

But Mustapha the Bassa comming on with fresh supplies, and crying out of the cowardise of them which retired, renewed the assault: where for a while was fought a most sharpe and cruell fight, the leaders cheerfully encouraging their souldiours, and they likewise doing what was pos∣sible for men to doe. All mens eares were filled with the thundring of the shot, noise of trum∣pets and drums, and crying of men. And vnto the Turkes it seemed that ouer their heads it rai∣ned deadly shot, stones, and fire: for the townesmen and women mingled with the souldiours cast downe vpon the Turkes, fire, stones, timber, and whatsoeuer else came to hand: so that they vnable longer to endure the courage and force of the Christians, turned their backs and ran away by heapes, not expecting any signe of retrait, euerie man seeking to saue one: amongst whom as they fled, the great ordinance shot off from the wals made a wonderfull slaughter. At this assault of the Turkes were slaine (as some write) almost 2000, and amongst them the master of the Turkes ordinance, a man whom Solyman greatly loued: which victorie the Christians gained not without some losse; for besides some few others that were slaine, fiftie knights of the Order (men worthie of eternall memorie) there ended their daies also.

* 8.19The fift day after (which was the ninth day of September) Solyman by the persuasion of M••∣stapha the great Bassa, commaunded a fresh assault to be giuen to the English bulwarke, which was attempted by the Turks with greater resolution than the first. Seauen ensignes of the Turks were broken in by the ruines of the bulwarke, and had enforced the defendants, oppressed with

number to giue ground, when the Graund master comming in with the ensigne of the Order, guarded with a companie of most valiant knights, draue them out againe by force, and made good the place. Mustapha seeing his men retire, couragiously restored the battell by bringing on of new supplie, and other captaines with threats, strokes, and terror of death, enforced the souldi∣ours (who had before turned their backs) now againe to fight. So that there began a more cruell fight than had before beene from the beginning of the siege; which was vnto the Christians more dangerous, for that they were ouerwhelmed with the multitude of the Turkish shot. But in that extremitie no man regarded either danger, or life, onely this they remembred, That those were their barbarous enemies, whom they must either victoriously ouercome or die therefore: with which furie the assault was continued by the space of three houres, vntill at length Musta∣pha with his Turks discouraged, with the losse of 2000 of their fellowes, and of three great noble men whom Solyman especially fauoured, and sore beaten by the Spaniards out of their flankers, were enforced to retire. Few of the Christians in respect of so many enemies were slaine: yet had the ensigne of the Order been then lost, Ioachimus Cluys the ensigne bearer hauing both his eies shot out, had not Emericus Ruiaulx an Auernois and one of the knights of the Order, with incredible courage rescued the same.

After this second assault,* 8.20 falling out so vnluckily to the Turkes, Mustapha the great Bassa be∣gan to grow in contempt with Solyman: and Pyrrhus to keepe his credit by doing something, with continuall batterie of 17 great pieces did batter the mount neere vnto the Italian bulwarke. At which time also Cassius, Gouernour of BITHYNIA, another of the Turkes great commaun∣ders, laboured by vndermining to haue ouerthrowne the French bulwarke: so glad they were to attempt any thing to content their imperious great lord and master. But the endeuours of Cassius was by countermines through the carefull diligence of Gabriell Chierus, hauing charge of those works, frustrated: and Pyrrhus in the other place after he had by hoat assault slaine them which were appointed for the defence thereof, and gained the mount, and brought a great feare vpon the citie, was againe with great losse shamefully repulsed, and by the commaundement of Solyman caused to retire. At this assault the Gouernour of EVBOEA, Solyman his lieutenant gene∣rall, a man of great honor (if any of the Turks slaues are so to be accounted) was slaine, for whose death Solyman was exceeding pensiue and heauie.

Mustapha the Bassa finding himselfe in disgrace with Solyman for the two vnfortunat assaults by him giuen at the English station,* 8.21 determined if it were possible by a third to recouer his lost credit: and for his better successe therin, agreed with Achimetes another great Commander, at the same time to assault the Spanish bulwarke: according to this resolution Achimetes hauing with a mine suddenly blowne vp a great part of the wall of the Spanish station, in the thicke of the dust and smoke, presently entred his men, who by the ruines of the wall recouered the top of the rampiers. Mustapha also at the same instant hardly charged the English, so that in both places was made a hard and doubtfull fight. Mustapha desiring nothing more than with better successe now to redeeme his former dishonour, did what he might to encourage his souldiours, calling vpon them by name, and putting them in remembrance of their former victories. The Rhodi∣ans on the other side mindfull of their former honour, with the greatnesse of the present danger, valiantly repulsed the enemie, and forced him with shame to retire. In this assault many En∣glish men were slaine, and Preianes also sore hurt, hauing before slaine many of the Turks. Mu∣stapha beside the losse of his men, had also two of his ensignes taken by Christophorus Vualderick Comendatour of the Germain knights.* 8.22 Achimetes hauing woon the top of the wals, had there set vp the Turkish ensignes; but by the valiantnesse of the defendants, and by meanes of certaine smal pieces of ordināce, by Martiningus aptly placed in the houses before the new made breach, and by force of shot out of the flankers on both sides of the breach, whereof none fell in vaine, he was againe enforced to forsake the wals and to retire.

The three and twentith day of September the Turkish captaines hoping by meanes of a mine which they had made against the Auergne bulwarke, to enter and win the cittie; approa∣ching the wals with great multitudes of souldiours, readie to haue entred vpon the blowing vp of the mine, which being met with a countermine out of the citie, wrought not such effect as was by them expected: so that hauing receiued some harme, standing in a place of great disad∣uantage, and done nothing, they returned againe into the campe. Yet the expert captaines pro∣bably conjecturing that the wall might be inwardly shaken by the mine, although it were not by

them outwardly perceiued, caused that part of the wall to be most violently battered all the rest [ G] of that day and night following: and by the furie of their artillerie, made a faire and large breach. All that night was heard in the Turkes campe an vnwonted clattering of weapons, and of men running too and fro,* 8.23 as if there had been some great matter a doing; which the Rhodians conje∣ctured (as the truth was) to be a signe of some great assault to be shortly giuen.

Solyman resolued the next day with all his force to assault the new made breach, after he had by himselfe in a melancholy mood walked vp and downe in his tent a great part of the night, sent for the chiefe commanders of his armie, to whom he declared his mind as followeth:

Your valour and wisedome (worthie captaines) needeth not any exhortation, yet the desperat mad∣nesse of our enemies maketh me to speake vnto you these few words. Who whilest they yet doe, as from the beginning, as men without reason desperatly defend their citie rent with our artillerie, shake•• with our mines, their churches and houses beaten downe about their eares, wearied and worne out with slaughter, labour, and wounds, which must needs befall men so often times assaulted: they w••r∣thely seeme vnto our souldiours men of inuincible force and courage; which opinion to haue remoued, much concerneth the happie and wished successe of our assault. Wherefore I would haue you with ef∣fectuall persuasion & bountifull promises to harten on our men to the winning of this citie. Besides this, you shall open vnto them my purpose and intent, and that they should not thinke that they are brought hither to besiege one citie: but that in taking this one, they shall vpon the matter make a way into all the dominions of the Christians. Here be the kinsmen, aliance, and friends of all the kings, princes and potentats of Christendome: here is all our enemies treasure, the spoile whereof promised vnto our souldiors may serue to great purpose to encourage them forward: here is store of ordinance, armour, and other warlike prouision, which shall both furnish vs, and in time to come miserably con∣found the rest of the Christians. We shall beside this, enioy a most goodly and rich citie, with a hau•••• of all other most commodious, from whence all things necessarie for warre may at all times as occasion shall require▪ by land and sea be supplied: which as they shall be to vs things of great importance, so shall we despoile our enemies of farre greater. This is their castle, storehouse, treasurie and armorie: this is the verie receptacle & place of refuge for all such as trouble the Turkes by sea: from hence shal we haue free scope and passage into APVLIA, CALA••RIA, SICILIA, and many other Christian countries. But as for your selues valiant captaines, when as I consider how that you haue within these few moneths by your valour and wisedome subdued vnto my empire the strong citie of BELGRADE, which my great grandfather Mahomet that mightie emperour could not with all his power get▪ I rest in great hope that these fierce and obstinat Christians shall not long be able to defend themselues in these their dens and lurking places.

Hauing ended this speech, the captaines euerie one vnto his companie, made knowne what the great emperours will and pleasure was; and open proclamation made thorow all the campe, wherein the spoile of that rich citie was all granted vnto the souldiours as a prey and reward for the paines they were to take.

Solyman heauie with sleepe and care, laid himselfe downe vpon his pallet to take his rest. But the Great master (to whom the vnaccustomed stirre of the enemie portended some great matter) all that night in armes painfully viewed euerie part of the citie, cheerefully encouraging his souldiours to remember, That they did watch for the safetie of their countrey, their liues and libertie. It fortuned the same night, that a poore Christian seruing a Turke in the campe, calling secretly vnto the watchmen vpon the wals, gaue them warning that the Turkes▪ prepared the next day to giue a generall assault vnto the citie. Which thing when the Great master vnder∣stood, because he would haue nothing done rashly or fearfully (as it commonly happeneth in things done vpon the sudden) called togither his knights, and spake vnto them as followeth.

* 8.24I am glad sacred companions and fellowes in armes, that the time is come when in one battell gr••∣ting vnto your selues great honour, and defending your countrey, you may be iustly acco••••••ed the worthie defenders and reuengers of the Christian commonweale and name. The people against whom we are to fight to morrow, assaileth vs onely presuming vpon their multitude: But if wee measure valour, not by number, but by courage and prowesse, vndoubtedly a few resolute men will easily ouer∣come a multitude of cowards. You know your enemie, and the manner of his fight▪ you are to fight

(most worthie knights) with them whom you haue alwaies vanquished at sea, and in iust battell some∣times ouercome by land, at such time as with their whole power they assaulted your wals: omitting in the meane time manie hot skirmishes, wherein you euer put them to the worst: Wherefore you and they in the assault to morrow shall haue such courage, as conquerours and men conquered vse to haue. Neither will they fight because they dare fight, but because the great tirant and violent commaund of their captaines enforceth them thereunto. Wherefore remembring what you are by birth, what opinion the Christian commonwealth hath conceiued of you, where you are, and what you haue taken vpon you; take vp your armes with iust furie and indignation, and fight against them, following one franticke youth, as if you saw your slaues bearing armes against you: whereunto you are enforced, not onely by the indignitie of the wrong by them offered, but also by necessitie, which of it selfe is of power to make cowards valiant and hardie. For here we are in an Island from whence we cannot escape, and in a citie, whose rent and battered wals doe not so much protect and defend vs, as our weapons: wher∣fore to morrow we must here either vanquish them, or die therefore: to morrow shall giue vnto vs ei∣ther ioyfull victorie, or a most honourable death.

As he was yet thus speaking, news of the approch of the enemie caused him to make an end: and euery man hasted with speed vnto the place of his charge. The enemie comming fast on▪ with a most horrible crie (as their manner is) fiercely assailed the citie in fiue places,* 8.25 where the English, Spanish, Italians, Narbonenses, and Auergnoys had their stations. To the assault of euery of which places, Solyman had appointed ten thousand Turkes. Mustapha the Bassa calling vpon the name of his great prophet Mahomet, and promising vnto the souldiours the rich spoile of the citie, fiercely assailed the English station, from whence he had been three times before shamefully repulsed. Pirrhus the other great Bassa with like furie assaulted the Italian sta∣tion. In both places was maintained a cruell and deadly fight; the Turkes fighting for the prey, and the Rhodians for their liues and libertie.* 8.26 Neither was there any, of what degree or order so∣euer, which did not that day fight for defence of the citie. The priests and religious were not then exempted, but fought among the other souldiours; women, children, and with them the aged fathers, beyond the strength of their bodies and courage of their minds, brought weapons vnto the defendants, some stones, which they had digged out of the streets, some burning pitch∣barrels, some hoopes with wild fire, some scalding oyle, some boyling pitch: which being cast downe vpon the enemies, troubled them so, as nothing was more feared; for vpon whomsoeuer it fell, it stucke fast, and so scalded their bodies, that they were glad to cast downe their weapons to teare off their clothes, wherewith many of them rent off the skin and flesh also. All which things fell so thicke vpon the Turkes, as if it had rained fire and stones: besides the deadly shot, which amongst such a multitude of enemies neuer fell in vaine. The Great Master hauing a care∣full e••e ouer euery part of the citie, after he had well relieued the Italian station, which was at the first hardly distressed by Pyrrhus, left there Antonius Monterollus, one of the knights of the Order, with such companie as he thought conuenient for the safetie of that place, and went him∣selfe with the rest vnto the English station, which was then hardly laied to by the Bassa Musta∣pha. But whilest hee was there busied in repulsing the enemie, and had now well relieued the place, a suddaine crie ran alongst the wals, That the Spanish bulwarke was alreadie possessed by the enemie. With which heauie newes he was not a little troubled, but leauing there Emericus Gombaulus, one of the knights of the Order, with a chosen companie of souldiors for defence of that place; he with his guard hasted vnto the Spanish station, which hee found by a wonderfull chance alreadie taken by the enemie. In the beginning of the assault, certaine Turkes to shun the danger of the shot, had for feare hidden themselues at the foot of this bulwarke amongst the stones,* 8.27 which had before been beaten downe with the batterie: in the meane time, other Turks of the same regiment, vnder the leading of the valiant captaine Achimetes, hotly charged the Spaniards on the right hand of the bulwarke, not medling with the bulwarke it selfe, as a thing of greatest strength: the valiant soldiors appointed for the defence of the bulwarke, seeing their fellowes and countreymen distressed fast by them on the right hand, could not endure to stand still as lookers on, but left the bulwarke, and went to the place so hardly assaulted. Where whilst they were valiantly encountering the enemie, the cowardly Turkes who had before hid them∣selues for feare, hearing all silent ouer their heads, and thereby guessing (as the truth was) that the defendants were drawne thence vnto some other place more distressed; to colour their feare, and

proue their good fortune, like tall fellowes, crept out of the holes wherein they had before for feare hidden themselues, and secretly crawling vp the battered wals of the bulwarke, got into it before they were discouered: where finding none but a few souldiors (who busied in remoouing of a great piece vnto a place more conuenient for the annoying of the enemie, had laied downe their weapons) they suddainely set vpon them, slew them, ouerthrew the Christian ensignes, and so became masters of that strong fort. The Turks without seeing that, wonderfully commended the valour of those men, and blaming themselues of cowardise, made great halt through the middest of the towne ditch to get vp into the bulwarke to helpe their fellowes. But in going through the ditch, they were so cut off with shot on both sides out of the flankiers, that few of them could get vp into the desired bulwarke. And the Great Master with a crew of valiant soul∣diors, nothing fearing the armed enemie, now in possession of the bulwarke ouer their heads, with great resolution scaled the same.* 8.28 In the meane time Hugo Caponus, a Spaniard, and Me••••∣tius a Frenchman, both knights of the Order, with a companie of Cretensian souldiours brake into the bulwarke by a gate which the Turks had not as yet boulted, and being once got in, they made of the Turkes a quicke dispatch; for whom they slew not with the sword, they enforced to mischeefe themselues for hast backe againe ouer the wals. The bulwarke thus againe recouered, which had been two houres in possession of the enemie, and the citie deliuered of a wonderfull feare, the Great Master (well worthie of that name) leauing a sufficient number of souldiors fo•• the keeping of that fort, went with the rest of his companie vnto the place where the Spaniards with the rest of the defendants sore charged by Achimetes, and now wearied and almost spent, had much adoe to hold out: who encouraged with the sight of the Great Master, as if victorie had attended vpon him, with great cries and signes of joy valiantly and with great slaughter re∣pulsed their enemies, as if they had been fresh men. Long it were to recount the deadly fight and hard aduentures which befell at the assault of the other two stations of the Auergnoys and N••∣bornenses: but the Turkes were in euery place put to the worst, and lay by heapes slaine in the ditches and breaches of the towne.* 8.29 Solyman from his standing (for that purpose made of high masts) beholding the miserable slaughter of his men, and no hope of gaining the citie, caused a retreat to be sounded, a thing welcome both to the Rhodians and the Turkes. In this terrible as∣sault, which endured by the space of six houres, diuers of the knights of the Order were slaine, especially of the French and Spanish nation, with a hundred and fiftie common souldiours, all worthie of eternall fame: and of the Turks (as they which write most modestly report) twentie thousand. The yong tyrant was so much offended with the shamefull repulse he had receiued at this last assault, that he fell into a rage against all them who had persuaded him to enter into that action, but especially against the great Bassa Mustapha, whom he accused as an vnfaithfull coun∣sellour, and cheefe persuader of that vnluckie warre; who flattering him in his vaine humour, by extolling his forces aboue measure, & falsely extenuating the power of the enemie, assuring him that vpon the first approch of his armie they would yeeld themselues without resistance, had drawne him into that dangerous expedition, like to sort to the great dishonour of himselfe and all the Othoman familie: for which doing he adjudged him worthie of death, and in a great furie commanded the executioner without further delay to put him to death in his presence.* 8.30 Which dreadfull doome so suddenly and vpon so light an occasion giuen vpon a man of so great marke and qualitie, strucke such a terrour into the minds of all there present, that none of them durst speake one word against the rigour of that sentence, or so much as fet a sigh in pitying of his case. The executioner now readie to giue the fatall stroke, Pirrhus the most antient of all the Bassaes, moued with compassion, and presuming of his great fauour with the tyrant, whom he had from his childhood had the charge and gouernment of, stept foorth, and appealing vnto his mercie, earnestly requested him to spare his life. Wherewith Solyman was so filled with wrath and in∣dignation, that for his presumption, and for sending for him to CONSTANTINOPLE, to come to that dangerous siege, he commaunded him to be executed also. All the rest of the counsellors seeing the danger of these two great men, fell downe at the feet of the fuming tyrant, crauing pardon,* 8.31 saying, That the enemies ground had alreadie drunke too much of the Turkish bloud, and was not to be further moistened with the bloud of such two noble personages and worthie counsellors. Solyman moued with this generall intercession of his great men, pausing a little vpon the matter, the heat of his furie being something ouer, suffered himselfe to bee intreated, and graunted them their liues: vnto Pyrrhus for his great age and wisdome, and to Mustapha for his

wiues sake, who was the tyrants naturall sister, sometime the wife of Bostanges.

All the time of this siege, the Turkes great fleet, furnished with men and all manner of war∣like prouision, lay before the entrance of the hauen without doing any thing at all: for the Ad∣mirall being no man of warre, seeing the mouth of the hauen chained, and the castles vpon the entrance full of ordinance,* 8.32 and strongly manned, durst not attempt either to enter the hauen, or besiege the castles: for which his cowardise, and for that he had negligently suffered prouision both of victuall and munition to be conueyed into the citie during the time of the siege, to the great releefe of the besieged, he was by Solyman adjudged to die a most cruell death: but by the mediation of Achimetes, one of his best men of warre, the seueritie of that sentence was chan∣ged into a punishment, vnto any noble mind more grieuous than death it selfe: For he was by Solymans commaundement openly set vpon the poupe of the admirall gallie, and there as a slaue receiued at the hands of the executioner a hundred stripes with a cudgell, and so with shame was thrust out of his office.

After that Solyman had in so many places with all his power so long time in vaine besieged the RHODES,* 8.33 his haughtie courage began to quaile; so that he was vpon point to haue raised his siege, and left the Island, yea the greefe he had conceiued, went so neere him, that he many times fainted and lay speechlesse, as if he had been a dead man. The remembrance of so many vnfortunat assaults, the death of so many worthie captaines, the losse of so many valiant souldi∣ors (sufficient to haue subdued a great kingdome) so much grieued him, that a great while after he shunned the companie of men, and would not suffer himselfe to be spoken withall: vntill at length he was againe by Abraham his minion, a man in whom he tooke singular pleasure, recom∣forted, and persuaded to continue the siege; for that Time (as he said) which worketh all things, would at length tame the fiercenesse of his enemies, whom the sword could not vpon the sud∣daine subdue. In the meane time Solyman for his pleasure, and to shew vnto the Rhodians, that he purposed not to depart, began to build a sumptuous castle vpon the top of the mount PHI∣LERMVS in the eye of the citie. During which time diuers letters were shot into the citie with Turkish arrowes out of the campe, wherein many of Solymans most secret counsels were reuea∣led, and the reuolt of a great man promised, which the Rhodians by many circumstances gathe∣red to haue been Mustapha, who could not easily forget the injurie so lately offered vnto him by Solyman: needs it must be some one of Solymans secret counsell, otherwise he could not haue re∣uealed so great secrets as it were out of the bosome of Solyman. But see the chance, at the very same time tidings came vnto Solyman, That Cayerbeius the gouernour of AEGIPT was dead: in whose place Solyman sent Mustapha to CAIRE, as gouernour of AEGIPT, by that honourable prefer∣ment again to please his discontented mind: after which time no more letters came into the citie.

Now the Turkes began to make faire warres, their terrible batteries began to grow calme, and for certaine daies it seemed by the manner of their proceeding, that they purposed rather by long siege than by assault to take the towne. Neuerthelesse the enemies watching day and night in their trenches, vsed all the policie they could, sometimes offering vnto the souldiors vpon the wals great rewards, if they would yeeld vp the citie, and sometimes threatening them as fast: and to breed a dislike amongst the defendants, they would oftentimes say, that Solyman desired only to be reuenged vpon the Latines, without meaning any harme vnto the Greekes.

It was now the beginning of October, and Winter began to grow fast on, great raine, with terrible thunder and lightening, and mightie tempests, heauens threats, then fell so abundantly, that the Turks before wearied in bodie with labour and wounds, were now also in mind discou∣raged. And that more encreased their feare, the sea was growne so rough, that the admirall was not able in that open and dangerous sea longer to ride it out with his gallies: but was enforced to slip his ankers,* 8.34 and as he might to run his gallies on ground. In these troubles wherewith both Solyman himselfe and all his armie were at furthest of their wits, and almost quite discouraged, Achimetes one of his most valiant and expert captaines came to comfort him, and promised if he would continue the siege, in short time to make him an open way into the citie: Vpon confi∣dence whereof, Solyman to encourage his fainting souldiours, now scarce able for cold and lacke of courage to hold their weapons in their hands, caused them to be assembled before his pauilli∣on, where from a high place he comforted them in this ••ort:* 8.35

I am not ignorant (most valiant souldiours) what great things you endure for mine honour, and

the glorie of mine empire. This continuall threatnings of the heauens, this immoderat raine, this [ G] terrible thunder and lightning, the coldnesse of the weather, the want of necessaries, with the mani∣fold miseries of this long siege, doe much persuade me, to giue you leaue to lay downe armes and to take your rest. But first let vs consider if vnto men of courage it be not a dishonour, for the tedious∣nesse of raine and tempest, to leaue vnto our enemies the victorie alreadie in our hands, and shame∣fully to forsake our trenches, forts, mounts, ouertopping not onely the wals of the citie but mating the heauens, with such other like worke made with my infinit charge and your great trauell, all for the taking of this citie. Truly this warre either should not haue beene taken in hand at all; or being once begun, is to be ended for the honour of the Othoman empire. Which for so much as it could not be accomplished in Sommer; the reputation of mine empire in common, and the regard of the commodi∣tie of euerie one of you in priuat, enforceth me to performe it in Winter. For if we shall from hence depart with our armie, who doubts but the enemie, not onely for desire of reuenge, but also strained by necessitie, hauing lost all he had of his owne, will prey vpon your countries, houses, and goods, and will bring you, your wiues, and children, into a farre more miserable slauerie and bondage than that wher∣in he himselfe now is? Wherefore I aduise you to continue the siege, and neuer to depart before you haue attained vnto the end of your desires. And admit there were no necessitie in the matter, yet the honour and fame of the action ought to impose vpon you a resolution both of bodie and mind to en∣dure the siege: For the eies and countenances of all nations, especially the Christians, are fixed vpon you; whom when they shall vnderstand not to be able to endure the field one Winter, they will of right call you Sommer birds, which so soone as any storme ariseth looke after your houses and places of re∣pose. It is reported, that the Graecians for a strumpet besieged TROY ten yeares; and shall not the [ I] Turkes, vexed and oppressed with slaughter, robberies, inuasions both by sea and land, and that more is with the seruitude of 214 yeares, endure one Winters siege? They will say, that the terror of your name is but vaine, and that fame hath encreased the same (as many other things mo) which not seene, are more feared in farre countries amongst men of small experience: And that now euerie man may safely enough abide your force, which make your inuasions rather vpon a furie and brauerie than vp∣on any good resolution, which in all kind of warre (but especially in besieging of cities) is most necessa∣rie: whereof many being by naturall situation and fortification impregnable, time hath with her handmaides, Famine and Thirst, ouercome and vanquished, as it shall doe this citie of the RHOD••S: against which beloued in armes there is a secret mischiefe prepared, which may not in this open audi∣ence be published; for it is as necessarie that the vulgar sort should be ignorant of some things, as [ K] to know the same.

Many thought, that this was spoken rather of pollicie than vpon any good ground: and al∣though his hoat persuasion had little moued the cold courage of his despairing souldiours, yet the regard of duetie in that most loyall nation, with the greedie expectation of so great a secret, ouercame all other difficulties; so that they departed (at leastwise in shew) contented to endure whatsoeuer should befall.

* 8.36Achimetes author of this great expectation, and the onely hope of Solymans successe, came oftentimes and assailed the Vaumures of the Auergne station, which although they were not verie high, yet were they alwaies valiantly defended by the Rhodians. It fortuned, that this warlike captaine daily attempting the Vaumures, in the end by force obtained the same: and so possessed of the place he so much desired, desperatly kept it vntill greater helpe came running in, who with wonderfull expedition (with matter for that purpose before prepared) clapt vp a strong and defensible couering in manner of a penthouse against the towne wall, betwixt the wall and the vaumure, vnder which they shrowded themselues from the defendants; which was an easie matter for such a multitude to doe, the ditches of the towne in that place being now filled vp so high, that the defendants could not out of their flankers scoure the ditch, nor yet without mani∣fest danger come to cast any thing downe vpon them from the top of the wals: for the Turkes harquebusiers which lying vpon their mounts, higher than the battered wals of the citie, suffe∣red none to appeare vpon them without danger. So that the Rhodians who erst thought them∣selues [ M] at great quiet, were now ouertaken with a sudden and vnexpected mischiefe: which at the first filled the citie with feare and heauie silence, which straightwaies after brake out into pitifull outcries and lamentations. The Turkes lurking vnder their penthouse, laboured with mattocks and pickaxes to dig vp the foundation of the wall; and Preianes forward and couragious to doe

what might be done, threw downe vpon the Turkes, fire, scalding oyle, burning pitch, wilde∣fire and such things. But when the miserable men which shruncke from the worke for feare of the fire, were againe beaten forward by their imperious commanders, and presently slaine if they made any delay, and fresh men still thrust on in steed of such as wete hurt or slaine: the fatall work begun the seuenth day of October, went apace forward, with the great & continuall labor of these wretched slaues. A great number of the common souldiors whom the Turks call Asapi was imployed in this worke:* 8.37 of whom Solyman in this siege of the RHODES, and other his expe∣ditions, made not much more account but as of pioners to worke in mines and to cast vp tren∣ches, and oftentimes with their bodies to fill towne ditches to make a way for the Ianizaries to passe ouer vpon: they by the constraint of Achimetes vndermined the wal, and as they wrought, shoared vp the same againe with timber, whereunto they afterwards set fire, hoping by that meanes to ouerthrow the wall: which falling not out according to their expectation, for that they had not farre enough vndermined it, they assaied with great hooks and strong ropes to haue pulled it downe. But the Rhodians with their great ordinance from the Auergne bulwarke; quickly put them from that mad worke with great slaughter, and frustrated all their long labour. Achimetes thus disappointed of his purpose, stood in great doubt whether he should giue ouer the enterprise, for that he saw he laboured in vaine, or else in that dangerous place to expect some better hap, the onely meane to saue him from the tyrants heauie displeasure; who as hee knew measured all things by the euent. Solyman vnderstanding by Achimetes that the wall (although it was not ouerthrowne as was expected) was yet sore shaken and weakned with vndermining, [ C] caused his batterie to be planted against that part of the wall so vndermined: which so many waies weakned, and now sore battered, fell downe daily more and more. For remedie where∣of, the Rhodians laboured day and night to raise a new wall, in steed of that which was bea∣ten downe.

At the same time Solyman persuaded by the generall opinion of all his great captaines, that the citie was that day or neuer to be taken, determining to giue another generall assault, caused proclamation to be made thorow his campe: wherein he gaue the spoile of the citie vnto his sol∣diours, and the more to encourage them, spake vnto them in few words as followeth.

Fortune at length valiant souldiours,* 8.38 hauing notably proued your courage and patience, now offe∣reth vnto you the worthie rewards of your labour and paines. The victorie and wealth of your ene∣mies which you haue so much desired, is now in your hands. Now is it the time to make an end of this mungrell people, of whom more are slaine than left aliue; and they not men, but the shadowes and ghosts of men, feeble and spent with hunger, wounds, wants, and labour: who will I know resist you, not because they so dare, but because of necessitie they so must, enforced thereunto with all extremi∣ties. Wherfore now reuenge your selues of the falshood, crueltie, & villanies of these Christians, and make them a wofull example to all posteritie, that neuer man hereafter presume to offer iniurie to a Turke, in whatsoeuer state he be. The way is alreadie open into the citie, there is a faire breach made▪ whereby thirtie horsemen may at once enter: nothing wanteth but courage in you to assaile the same.

The souldiours encouraged with this speech of their emperour, made great shew of cheerful∣nesse, and promised to doe their vttermost deuoire, threatning vnto the Christians most horri∣ble death and miserable captiuitie.

In the meane time the great shot flying continually thorow the breach, did beat downe ma∣ny houses in the citie; but the countermure new built against the breach standing vpon a lower ground, it seldome toucht, to the great good of the Rhodians. The ratling of the falling houses, the horrible noise of the enemie, with the thundring of the great artillerie, wonderfully terrified the miserable citisens: in euerie place was heard the lamentation of women and children, euerie thing shewed the heauinesse of the time, and seemed as altogither lost and forlorne. The day thus troublesomely spent, the night followed much more troublesome; and after the night, the day of the assault of all other most dreadfull: for with the dawning therof, the glistering ensignes of the enemie were seene flying in the wind, and the Turkes cheerfull with the hope of spoile and victorie, hasted towards the breach with great outcries and songs, after their countrey manner: and there before one of the gates of the citie called S. Ambrose gate, set downe a great number of their ensignes deckt with garlands, in token of victorie. The Turks great fleet also at the same

time sayling too and fro before the hauen, made shew as if it would haue assailed the citie on that [ G] side:* 8.39 who had seene the citie so beset, would haue said that it would at one instant haue been be∣sieged both by sea and land; and to most mens judgements, it seemed that the Rhodian state should that day haue taken end and been destroied. Yet for all these extremities, the Rhodians were nothing discouraged, but looking vpon their weapons as the onely remainders of their hopes, not regarding any danger, vpon the alarum giuen came running out of their houses by heaps vnto the wals, like desperat men opposing their bodies in steed of the battered wals against their enemies in defence of their countrey. There needed neither exhortation nor commaund of captaine, euerie man was vnto himselfe a persuader to fight valiantly in defence of the citie; and one of them propounded vnto another the cruell death, the miserable seruitude, the mocks and taunts they should endure, if they should chance to come into the proud enemies hand: all [ H] which was to be auoided either by honourable victorie or death. The Turkes conducted by Achimetes, fiercely assailed the breach, which was by the Rhodians (standing vpon the ruines of their wals) valiantly defended. In the meane time, the dismaied matrons and maidens, some in their houses with heauie hearts expected the woful destruction of the citie and themselues, other▪ some in the churches with flouds of teares and lamentable cries, poured forth their prayers to the Almightie, crauing his helpe in that their hard distresse, and to protect them against their barbarous enemies. The deadly fight at the breach, was on both sides with great courage and force maintained. The Turks were in good hope forthwith to win the citie, if they did but a little more straine themselues: and therefore to terrifie the Rhodians the more, oftentimes in their fighting gaue out most terrible outcries: and the Rhodians accounted the Turkes as good [ I] as vanquished, for that they being so many in number, and in a place of such indifferencie, had not yet preuailed: beside that, they were greatly encouraged with the greatnesse of the common danger, and the sight one of anothers valour: so that by their inuincible courage the Turks were enforced shamefully to retire. The Rhodians seeing their enemies turne their backs, gaue a great shout in derision of them: the Turks disdaining that they in number many (and now victors, if they should with a little resolution maintaine the assault they had begun) should be so derided of a handfull of men as good as alreadie vanquished; with great indignation returned againe to the breach, and more furiously assailed the Rhodians than at the first. At which time the citie had vndoubtedly been taken, had not they which defended the ends of the wall, yet standing on both sides of the breach, out of their baricadoes with their shot ouerwhelmed the Turks thronging in [ K] at the breach; and others with murthering shot out of the flankiers of the new built wall so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them in sunder, that a greater slaughter for the time was hardly in any place seene. Achimetes beholding the wonderfull slaughter of his souldiours, and that he fought with great disaduan∣tage and losse, against desperat men, who resoluing to die feared no danger, gaue ouer the as∣sault, and againe retired: leauing behind him in the breach and towne ditch the carkases of fiue thousand of his dead Turkes, besides many more which afterwards died vpon the hurts there receiued.

This assault was giuen vnto the towne the last day of Nouember, a day dedicated to S. An∣drew: after which time the captaines of the Turkish armie, although they dispaired not of the vi∣ctorie, yet terrified with so great slaughter of their men,* 8.40 resolued with one accord no more to at∣tempt [ L] the citie with any notable assault; but by sundrie great trenches to be made thorow the middest of the ruines of the wals, to get into the citie; and with mattocks and pickaxes to ouer∣throw the new made wall and another baricadoe which the defendants had made within the same: and in the meane time whilest this was in doing, to keepe the Rhodians still busied with continuall skirmishes and alarums. This deuise put in execution by the wonderfull labour of such a multitude of people, serued the enemie to greater purpose than all that he had before done: who daily ouerthrowing or destroying the new fortificatiōs which the Rhodians made in steed of them which were before ouerthrowne, and by little and little creeping on further, draue the defendants to that extremitie, that they were glad to pull downe many of their houses, therwith to make new fortifications, and to make their citie lesse, by casting vp of new trenches: so that in [ M] short time they were brought to that point, that they could not well tell which place to fortifie first, the enemie was now so farre crept within them: for the ground which the enemie had thus gained within the citie, was almost 200 paces in breadth, and 150 paces in length.

Solyman, although he did now assure himselfe of the victorie, and was by nature cruell and

desirous of reuenge;* 8.41 yet persuaded by Achimetes and Cassius (two of his most valiant captaines) that for the enlarging of his empire, nothing was better than the fame of clemencie: commaun∣ded Pyrrhus the old Bassa to proue if the Rhodians might by parley be drawne to yeeld their ci∣tie vpon reasonable conditions. Whereupon the Bassa sent one Hieronimus Monilia a Geno∣way, vnto the wals, who crauing of the defendants safe conduct, said hee had something to say tending to the common good of the distressed citie. All mens minds were presently filled with expectation of some great matter, and he commaunded to speake. Who answered, That hee might not deliuer his message openly, but would either by speech in secret, or by letters deliuer the same vnto one Matthias de Via his countrieman, one of the citisens of the RHODES. When Fra. Fornouius one of the knights of the Order,* 8.42 a French man of a cholericke disposition, whose great courage was well seene in all that siege (hauing as is reported, with shot out of S. Georges tower himselfe slaine 500 Turks during the time of that siege) being now present, and mooued with indignation to heare a motion made of priuat conference with the enemie; bent his piece vpon the messenger, and caused him forthwith to depart without doing his message. Many who in time of the assault feared not any danger, but were become altogither desperat and carelesse of themselues, after that they vnderstood that the enemie had offered parley, and that they began to conceiue some hope of life: resorted vnto the Great master, requesting him, that hee would prouide for the safetie of his louing people; whose warlike forces was with many assaults sore weakened, the citie beaten downe about their eares, and most of them which were left, either wounded or sicke. They had (as they said) now sufficiently proued both their force and fortune: wherefore he should doe well, to beware least while he were too long in consulting, the enemie should conceiue a further indignation in seeing his offers refused. With these and such speeches they enforced the Great master to send embassadours to Solyman.* 8.43 The men that were sent, were Anthonius Groleus a French man, ensigne bearer for the Order, a man of great reputation for his wisedome and experience; and with him Robertus Barusius, a man of great grauitie and skil∣full in the Greeke tongue: for whom were receiued as pledges, a kinsman of the great captaine Achimetes, and a certaine Epyrot which fled out of the citie vnto the Turks, because one of the Graecian captains had struck him with his open hand; a man of a sharpe wit, and one that could perfectly speake the Greek, Turkish, and Italian tongues, as appeared to his great credit amongst the enemies, being had of them in great regard, although he was not knowne whilest he dwelt in the citie, that he was any such man. After that came also Solymans interpreter, for he himselfe could speake no other language more than his owne, accounting it a great disgrace, and against the Othoman empire to vse any other language. The embassadours admitted vnto Solymans presence, told him, That they were sent to know, for what cause he had sent to require parley? Who in a flaming heat, as if he had knowne nothing thereof, said there was no such matter: and commaunding them presently to void his campe, sent them away with letters to the Great ma∣ster and the citisens to this effect.

If I had not compassion of humane infirmitie, which oftentimes tumbleth headlong mens ambi∣tious and hautie minds,* 8.44 into most dangerous and vnnecessarie mischiefes, truely I would not haue di∣rected vnto you these letters at this time; but as you haue well deserued, persecute you with death and most miserable seruitude: which how easie a thing it were for me to doe, you your selues know. But ha∣uing now sufficiently tried my force, if you be wise make proofe of my clemencie. You haue alreadie sa∣tisfied your owne furie, your owne mad humor: and now aduise your selues, lay your hand vpon your heart, and without delay yeeld your selues as I command; your liues I giue, I giue you your wealth; and more than that, your choise to tarrie there still, or to depart: Refuse not the grace frankly offered, which was of you to haue beene most heartily desired. It shall not alwaies be lawfull for you (as at this pre∣sent) to make choise of both. From our campe.

Vpon the returne of the embassadors, the poore of all sorts flocke togither to the Great ma∣ster his house not farre from the breach: where after the multitude of the common people was dismissed, and the chiefe of the Burgers sent for, the imperious letter of the Turkish tyrant was openly read before the knights of the Order, and the better sort of the citisens. Whereunto the Great master accounting it both honour enough, and sufficient tearme of life honourably to die, answered in this sort.

* 8.45You heard (sacred fellowes in armes, and valiant citizens of the RHODES) these imperious and [ G] sorrowfull letters: whereunto how we are to answere, requireth no great deliberation: we must as re∣solute men either yeeld or die; all hope of victorie is gone, except forraine aid come. Wherefore if y•••• will follow my counsell, let vs with weapons in our hands, vntill the last gaspe and the spending of the last drop of our bloud, like valiant men defend our faith and nobilitie receiued from our auncestours, and the honour which we haue so long time gotten both at home and abroad: and let it neuer be said, that our honour died but with our selues.

This speech of the Great Master seemed vnto many, heauier than the imperious commaun∣dement of the Turkish tyrant: and a great while men stood silent, heauily looking one vpon a∣nother, many with changing of their countenance and outward gesture, more than by words, ex∣pressing what they thought in heart. At length a certaine Greeke priest, with great compassion [ H] of mind (as it seemed) and teares trickling downe his cheekes, brake forth into these words:

* 8.46And I would also hold my peace, if I were a priuat man; and not first of all in so great and trou∣bled an assemblie, broach mine owne opinion. But for as much as the regard of our common preser∣uation, can wring a word out of no mans mouth; and all men know, that now is the time to speake and say what euery man thinketh best, which shall neither alwaies nor long be graunted vnto vs▪ I will not let it now ouerpasse and slip away: Wherefore let vs suppose, that no commaund of a most mightie prince besieging vs, were come vnto vs, but that I were reasoning as a priuat man with his neighbor, or one friend with another by the fire side, or in our cups without care, without any great affection to either partie, as men indifferent, not liking or hating (as men oftentimes doe of princes affairs which [ I] cencerne them nothing) and then (as I hope) my speech shall be vnto you neither vnpleasant nor vn∣profitable. We Greekes and Latines, with ioined armes haue now this six moneths withstood our dead∣ly enemies, not onely abroad before our wals, but also in the very bowels of our citie, without any for∣raine helpe: which as we haue of long time all vainely looked for, so are we now euery one of vs out of hope thereof. And yet our enemie either moued with the secret goodnesse of God, or els ignorant of our strength and forces, spent with wounds, slaughter, sicknesse, and perpetuall labour, doth voluntarily offer that vnto vs, which was of vs to be most of all desired and earnestly sued for. Your publicke and priuat treasures, the bodies of your selues, your wiues and children he keepeth vnuiolated; he taketh from vs only the citie, which he hath for most part alreadie beaten downe and taken. Worthie Great Master, and you most valiant Knights, I haue knowne your prowesse and valour in many battailes at [ K] sea, but especially in this siege; whereof seeing there is no more vse in this our desperat estate, I doe appeale vnto your wisdome and discretion. Sithence all is now the conquerors, in that he leaueth vnto vs our liues and goods, is to be accounted gaines, and the yeelding vp of the citie and Island no losse, which the victorious enemie alreadie commaundeth: which although it be a heauie matter and gre••∣uous vnto the nobilitie, yet your fortune persuadeth you thereunto. Wherefore if you be to be mo••••d with any compassion, I account it better to yeeld, than to be slaine your selues, or to see your wiues and children by law of armes to be led away before your faces into miserable captiuitie and seruitude. If any Christian compassion remaine in your warlike minds, I beseech you seeke not the vtter destructi∣on of this innocent people, who (I may with modestie say) hath not euill deserued of you, whom Christ Ie∣sus, whom the enemie himselfe would haue preserued. That I say this which I speak vnto you for Chri∣stian [ L] charitie, and for no other cause, let this be a sufficient testimonie, That so long as you were able to resist by your owne power, or hoped for aid from forraine princes, I neuer spake word, or once thought of yeelding: but now seeing the fatall ruine of all things about vs, our common estate brought vnto the vttermost extremitie, our deadly enemie in the heart of our citie, no hope, and that the warre cannot longer be protracted; I wish you to yeeld, and for my part had rather make choise of peace th•••• warre, and to proue the enemies fauour than his furie.

Most of them there present, were of the same mind with the priest. But as nothing can be so reasonably spoken as to content all men, so this speech was not of them all liked: some there were (though not many) which considering the harmes they had done vnto the Turkes, and [ M] doubting with what safetie they might yeeld themselues into the power of that faithlesse peo∣ple, had rather to haue fought it out to the last man, and so to haue left vnto them a bloudie vi∣ctorie. Amongst these, one bold spoken fellow stept forth, and in presence of them all dissuaded the yeelding vp of the citie in this sort:

I haue not been with any thing more vnacquainted,* 8.47 than to deliuer my opinion before princes, or in such great and publicke assemblies; being alwaies more desirous modestly to heare other mens opi∣nions, than impudently to thrust forth mine owne. But now, seeing extreame necessitie will not lon∣ger suffer me to keepe my wonted course of silence, I will frankely speake my mind, and tell you what in my opinion is to be answered vnto the heauie message and imperious commaund of the most perfidious tyrant. This cruell enemie hath ouerthrowne our wall, and is entred three hundred foot and more within our cittie, and as a most troublesome guest liueth and conuerseth with vs as it were vnder the same roofe. Such as list not longer to endure such an vnwelcome guest and troublesome neighbour, persuade you because he is troublesome, to giue him all: But (worthie and sacred knights) I am of far different opinion; neither doe I thinke a possession of 214 yeares is so lightly to be deliuered vp, and the ground forsaken: but rather that this troublesome intruder is in like manner to be himselfe trou∣bled, and with deadly skirmishes continually vexed: whom after we had by force of armes and vn∣daunted courage, maugre his head, held out fiue moneths, at length he brake into our citie, not by any valour in himselfe, but holpen by time, which tameth all things: and since his first entrance it is now almost fortie daies, in which time for all his hast, he hath scarcely got forward 130 paces, hindered by the blockes we haue laied in his way, and will not cease continually to lay if we be wise men, and mindfull of our former valour. Destroy me you heauenly powers, before I see with these eies these sacred knights to yeeld vp this famous citie of the RHODES, the antient bulwarke of Christian religion, vnto our mercilesse enemies, polluted with the infamous superstition of Mahomet: who besides the insatiable thirst they haue of our bloud, how faithlesse and mischeeuous they are by nature, if we know not, we need not make example of our selues, but wee may take example by the calamitie of CONSTANTI∣NOPLE, the late miserie of EVBoeA, and that which later was, of METHONE; as also by the Ma∣malukes at CAIRE, miserably slaine contrarie to the league, contrarie to the faith and promise by the Turkish emperour himselfe before giuen. What? doe you not remember how the death of the most noble captaines at BELGRADE was of late procured by the falshood, craft, and deceit of these same faithlesse miscreants? Let vs then, being men of wit and vnderstanding, trust these mad beasts, let vs giue our selues into their power, which haue no regard of right or reason, of religion, or any thing els; whose couetousnesse and crueltie it is hard to say which is greater; which for these many years haue plotted and laboured nothing more than how by policie or force they may vtterly root out the very name of the Rhodians, which they so deadly hate. They keepe vs shut vp and besieged now the sixt moneth, feeling together with vs extreame dangers and endlesse labours, slaine by heapes before our wals and fortresses, and cannot be remoued hence with thunder, lightening, stormes, tempests, and all the calamities of Winter, a time which giueth intermission to all warres both by sea and land; so desi∣rous they are of reuenge, and greedie of our bloud: and that not altogether without cause, for we haue also shed theirs, and gladly would still so doe, if it lay in our power. But seeing it seemeth good vnto God otherwise, and that we are surprised with ineuitable necessitie: yet let vs whilest we are at liber∣tie, and haue power ouer our selues, by honourable death amongst the Christian ensignes, eschew the torments and reproches which our cruell enemies hope to inflict vpon vs: so shall wee enioy eternall fame and glorie, prepared both in heauen and earth for such as honorably die in defence of their prince and countrey: Which honour it becommeth not them to enuie vnto thy most noble name and vertue, worthie Grand Master, which hauing for many yeares enioyed the commoditie and profit of peace, and greatly enriched by bountie of this sacred militarie Order, refuse now to beare this last burden of war.

At these words an antient Greeke, for his wisedome and discretion of great reputation both with the Greekes and Latines, perceiuing his countreymen wrongfully touched, and the despe∣rat holding out of the citie vainely persuaded, tooke hold, and interrupting this yong gallant, in answere of that he had said, spake as followeth:

That greefe of mind and desparation can make men rather eloquent than wise,* 8.48 as you haue many times heard before this, so you might this day perceiue also, most valiant gentlemen: for aduised mode∣stie neuer falleth into obloquie, neither confoundeth falshood with truth; it desireth not the slaughter of the citisens, it persuadeth not furie, nor exhorteth men to madnesse: but it is by nature so engrafted in many, that when they cannot by their owne wisdome and policie deliuer themselues from their trou∣bles, they yet seeke to draw others into the fellowship of the same danger: so greedie haue mallice▪ and miserie alwaies been of companie▪ But if you (worthie Commaunder) will giue me also leaue to speake,

a man amongst his countreymen not of meanest place or authoritie, which thing both the present cala∣mitie [ G] and vrgent necessitie might of you easily obtaine; I would alledge such reasons, and lay down such matter, as should not only refell the copious and glorious words of this sharp witted Orator, scrapt toge∣ther of purpose to flourish out the matter, but also such as might stir vp your mind to that which is ••o∣nest, profitable, and necessarie; expulsing hatred, feare, trouble, or despaire. This gentleman, whom we all know, not only to be a vehement Orator, but somtime a man most terrible, wheras for all his great words he is by nature mild, and so mild, that he neuer had the heart to kill, nay not so much as lightly to wound any one of them whom he calleth barbarous, mad, cruell, whose perfidious dealing he detesteth, whose cru∣elty he accuseth, whose maner of liuing he exclaimeth against, as altogether without law, without reason, without order, without regard: and now in time of truce, and whilest the showers of arrows, yro•• bullets, fire and stones doth cease, creeping out of his caue, maketh much adoe, and keepeth a great stir; and not [ H] knowing in what danger he is, doth now with glorious words call vpon death, whereof he hath hetherto shewed himselfe too much afraid, and all forsooth (as he saith) least he should be enforced to endure the mocking and scorning of the enemie. But this is meere pride, not Christian fortitude or humilitie. But our enemie neither threateneth nor purposeth any such matter, nothing so perfidious or cruell as he would make him, rubbing vp the slaughters at CAIRE, EV••oeA, METHONE, and CONSTANTI∣NOPLE, cities taken either by force or warlike policie, and not yeelded vp by composition, vpon faith gi∣uen betwixt the besieger and the besieged: who because he would spare vs, will not suffer vs to doe that wherby we should vndoubtedly perish. But wherof proceedeth this new found clemencie? this vnwonted fauor towards the people of the RHODES? I am not of the tyrants priuie counsell, neither euer curiou∣sly sought after the reason of another mans bountie, but am glad to receiue it when I need it. Yet for all [ I] that, I will not dissemble what I thinke in a matter so doubtfull: He is willing (as I suppose) in this siege and conquest of the RHODES, to shew vnto other nations whom he purposeth to inuade, both his power and his patience: least alwaies satisfying his cruell nature, he should make desolation in places he would raigne ouer, and so for euer alienating the minds of men, be enforced to fight with all men with fire and sword, by which rigour he hath not so much hurt his enemie as himselfe. For this cause (as I suppose) he leaueth vnto vs life & goods, least whilest he in going about to take them from vs by force, & we seeking to keep thē by desperatnes, we should both fall into great destruction, no lesse lamētable to the conqueror than to the vanquished. Besides that, if he should kill all here, truly he might then enter the breaches of the citie on the bodies of the dead, no man now left aliue to resist him. But LERVS is shut vp, ARAN∣GIA is strongly fortified, LINDVS is by situation impregnable: here he knoweth are weapons, armour, [ K] and men, here he must begin a new war, except he will haue the remainder of your war, the fatall plague of his empire, to prey still vpon his subiects: all which strong places he shall haue without slaughter, with∣out bloudshed (as reason is) if he shall let you and vs poore wretches depart in safetie with a little trash. Except these worldly considerations haue moued him to mercie and compassion: then out of doubt it is wrought by diuine power and the secret fauor of God towards vs, & of our Sauior Christ Iesus crucified. Whereunto if you be men well aduised, if religious, if mindfull of the dutie of Christians, it becommeth you not to oppose any obstacle, and with the ruin of your selues to destroy this miserable people, which for this halfe yeares siege hath scarcely had so much rest as might suffice the necessitie of nature, ••tanding for you in battell, enduring both wounds and death for your honour and victorie: by whose faithfull la∣bour and diligence you haue beene alwaies holpen both at home and abroad; whether you inuaded the [ L] Turke by land in MYTILENE, NAVPACTVS, METHONE, PATRAS, or other parts of P••LOPO∣NESVS, or els by sea thrust him out of the possession of the Ionian or Egeum: whereby it may appeare euen vnto a blind man, how iniurious it is & far from truth, to obiect vnto vs, That enioying the fruits of peace, we refuse the charges of wars: nay we neuer refused wars. But now it is come to that point, that if we would neuer so faine make wars, we are not able so to do, the flower of our youth being slaine: and the small remainder that is left, not only weakened in bodie with wounds, sicknesse, watching, and rest∣lesse labour; but also in mind discouraged, whilest all things fall out prosperously to our enemies, and to vs aduerse: the greatest and best part of our great artillerie being broken with continuall vse, which if it were whole, we could haue thereof small vse or profit, for want of pouder, which not only this citie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wanteth, but also your strong holds, LERVS, LINDVS, HALICARNASVS, ARANGIA. I was neuer [ M] desirous or curious to looke into other mens doings, much lesse into your manner of wars: but yet (Great Master) you cannot denie but it is so, who haue caused soldiors to be brought from thence hither openly, and gunpouder secretly: by which prouident foresight you haue withstood your forraine enemie these six months, and deceiued the trecherie of one or two domesticall traitors. But I gladly admit we haue all these

things, I stand not vpon the truth, I say not what most men say, but I speake to please a few: and sup∣pose we wanted neither armour nor courage, I would then aske you this, whether they would aduise you to vse them to your defence, or to your destruction? for vnto both it cannot be, no more than at once to be a freeman and a slaue. To vse them to your destruction, that were madnesse and sencelesse pride, hatefull to God and man: you should therefore vse them to defence: But how shall we defend a citie (I doe not say, as the truth is) alreadie lost and possessed by the enemie, wherein he raigneth, rangeth, and turneth all vpside down? but hauing the wals battered down, a great breach in the Spanish station, and another not like but euen now as good as made in the Italian station, how shall we be able to keepe this vnfortunat towne, battered and rent at the French, English, and Auergne stations, and the tower of S. Nicholas? Which if it were not so battered and bared of all warlike prouision, but sound and tho∣rowly furnished with munition and victuall, yet necessitie enforcing, and reason persuading, you ought to forsake it, for so much as all power of further resistance is taken from you. Doe you not see how ea∣sily and almost without any trouble the enemie (by means of the castle he hath new built vpon the mount PHILERMO, not past two miles distant) can take from you all manner of prouision both by sea and land, and restraine you from going out or in? Truly notable gentlemen, honourable for your martiall prowesse, you see and haue long agoe foreseene these things better than I, altogether ignorant in mar∣tiall affaires, altogether busied in the trade of merchandise, and caring for my familie: yet suffer me to say the truth, All the powers wherby this kingdome stood, are departed and gone; against the force of our enemies no policie or force of man remaineth; and to expect armies of angels or soldiours from heauen, and other such like miracles, is in my iudgement more and more to prouoke God to anger, al∣though in his anger he be vnto vs mercifull: Wherefore being destitute of all worldly helpe, let vs as we may, prouide for our safetie. I beseech thee (worthie Great Master) by these my aged teares, by the naturall pitie ingrafted in thy noble nature, expose not this miserable citie to the spoile of the enemie, our old and middle aged men to the sword, our wiues and daughters to be rauished, our boies and youths to the vnnaturall filthinesse of our barbarous enemies, and to be corrupted with the mad and grosse opinion of the vngodly Mahometane superstition. I would (noble knights) you had seene with what teares, with what mourning our heauie families and children crying about their mothers, sent vs hi∣ther, and what prayers they made for vs at our departing: I would you knew with what mind and how great hope they expect their safetie from your clemencie and aduised resolution.

This speech of the aged Greeke might haue moued a heart of flint:* 8.49 but the Great master, who in his countenance shewed a greater courage than his present state required, commaunding eue∣rie man to his charge: after the matter had beene thus most part of the night discoursed, gaue them no other answere, but, That he would be carefull of all their well doing. The next morning he sent for Preianes, Martiningus, and a few other of greatest judgement and experience; by whom he was fully resolued, that the citie in so many places by the enemie laid open and sha∣ken, was not possible to be long defended. Whereupon he caused a common counsell to bee called, of all the knights of the Order togither with the Burgesses of the citie: where after long debating, Whether they should fight it out to the last man, or yeeld vpon such conditions as was to be obtained? it was by generall consent concluded, That the citie should be yeelded, and ther∣upon a decree made,* 8.50 which was by the Great master pronounced. Whilest these things were thus in doing, a truce was taken with the enemie for foure daies, but full of feare and danger. Du∣ring which time, diuers of the Turks presuming vpon the truce, came by great companies to be∣hold the wals and rampiers of the citie: wherewith Fornouius the Frenchman (of whom men∣tion is before made) being sore moued, in his choller without further commaund discharged a tire of great ordinance amongst the thickest of them, contrarie to the truce taken. At which time also, the Rhodians receiued into the citie secretly by night a ship loaded with wines out of CRETE, and in her Alphonsus a Spaniard, chiefe pilot of the Rhodian gallies, and with him one hundred voluntarie souldiours all Latines, all which went out of CRETE without the know∣ledge of the Venetian Senat: for at that time the Venetians were in league with Solyman. The Turkes justly offended with the breach of the truce, and the taking in of new supplies, which they supposed to haue beene farre greater than in truth they were; without commaund of any captaine or ensigne displaied, in great numbers thrust in thorow the ruines of the breaches into the citie as farre as the rampiers and baricadoes new made, and furiously assailed the defendants: in which conflict many were slaine and wounded on both sides. But after the Turkes had to

their cost againe made proofe of the courage of their enemies, as without commandement they [ G] began that skirmish,* 8.51 so of themselues they brake it off and retired. After the truce was thus bro∣ken, the captaine of the Turkes fencers, a bloudie cruell fellow, hauing taken three Christians prisoners, cut off their hands, eares, and noses, and sent them so dismembred into the citie with letters to the Great master, charging him with the vnjust breach of the truce, barbarously threat∣ning within three or foure daies to make like example of him to all posteritie. Amongst other none was more troubled with this sudden and vnexpected breach of the truce, than Robertus Perusinus, Raymundus Marchet, and Raymundus Lupus, three knights of the Order, men of sin∣gular wisedome and grauitie, embassadours at that time in the Turks campe: whom the barba∣rous people in their furie had vndoubtedly slaine or put to torture, if they had not feared the like measure to haue beene shewed to their hostages in the citie. But after that Nicholaus Vergot••s, [ H] and Georgius Sandriticus, two of the Burgesses of the citie, were come into the campe with arti∣cles containing the conditions whereupon the Rhodians were contented to deliuer vp the citie, all their furie and rage was quickly appeased. Solyman for his greater majestie and the more ter∣ror of these messengers, beset round about with his great armie, and guarded about with his Iani∣zaries in their richest attire and glistring armour, gaue them audience: who admitted to his pre∣sence, with great humilitie offered vnto him in writing the conditions whereupon the Rhodi∣ans would yeeld vp vnto him the citie. The chiefe points whereof were, That the churches should remaine vnto the Christians inuiolated: that no children should be taken from their pa∣rents: that no Christian should be enforced to forsake his religion and turne Turke: that such Christians as would tarrie still in the citie, might so doe at libertie, without paying any tribute for [ I] the space of fiue yeares: that all they which would depart might go with bag and baggage, furni∣shed with conuenient shipping and prouision as farre as CRETE, and to carrie with them so much great ordinance as they pleased; and that the Christians should appoint a reasonable day for the time of their departure. All which articles Solyman condescended vnto, and solemnly swore faithfully to performe the same. But how they were indeed performed, the writers of that age doe much varrie: it should seeme they were neither altogither kept, nor broken, but so performed as pleased the conquerour: certaine it is, that many great outrages were through militarie inso∣lencie committed by the proud Turkes vpon the poore Christians, contrarie to the mind of So∣lyman. Iaco••us Fontanus a Ciuilian, and at that time one of the judges of the citie (out of whose writings this historie is for most part collected) reporteth, That the Turks not expecting the de∣parture [ K] of the Christians, brake into the citie vpon Christenmas day, by the gate called COS∣QVINIVM, polluted the temples, shamefully abused the Christians, and made hauocke of all things: and that he himselfe falling into their hands, after he had with such money as he had, re∣deemed himselfe, hauing not sufficient to content all their greedie desires, was by them hardly en∣treated and grieuously beaten. The Great master by the counsell of Achimetes, putting on such simple attire as best beseemed a vanquished man that was to humble himselfe before the con∣querour, went out of the citie into the campe, attended vpon with a few knights of the Order: where after he had waited in the raine most part of the day, before Solymans tent, at last he had a rich gowne cast vpon him, and so brought into the proud tyrants presence. Where after they had a while at the first, with piercing eies one earnestly beholden the other; the Great master [ L] humbling himselfe before him, was in token of grace admitted to kisse his hand, and welcomed by Solyman in this sort.

* 8.52Although (said he) I might worthely and iustly infringe the articles I haue prescribed concer∣ning the yeelding of the citie, with thy most wicked crossed compieres, the people of the RHODES, and thee especially such a capitall enemie, from whose deserued punishment, neither faith nor oath ought to stay a most iust conquerour: yet I haue determined to be not onely gratious and mercifull vnto thee so great an offender, deseruing exemplarie punishment, but also liberall and bountifull: who if thou wilt by well doing amend the grieuous transgressions of thy former life, I promise vnto thee most honourable entertainment, great preferment, and the highest places in my empire, in my armie i•• [ M] time of warre, and in counsell in time of peace. Not to refuse this my offer, both thy present estate persuadeth thee, and the Christians (whose quarrell thou tookest vpon thee to defend against me, with better beginning than successe) deserue at thy hands no better: for what should let thee, forsaken of all thy friends, a man as it were betraied and vanquished, to cast thy selfe into the perpetuall faith

[ A] and protection of a most mightie and mercifull conquerour, of himselfe offering thee this vndeser∣ued grace and fauour.

Whereunto the Great master presently answered:

Most mightie and gratious emperour, your offered fauours before your other worthie captaines, I deserue not;* 8.53 neither is my present estate and desert towards you such, as that I dare or ought to re∣fell the same: yet I will speake freely in the middest of your victorious armie, a man vanquished in presence of the conquerour, whose great mercie I neuer dispaired of, and whose faith I neuer doubted: I had rather now I haue lost my soueraigntie, forthwith to lose my priuat and vnfortunat life; or else for euer hereafter to liue in obscuritie, than of my people to be accounted a fugitiue rather than a vanquished man: For to be vanquished is but chance of warre, and of so great a conquerour no shame to him that is conquered: but afterwards to forsake his owne people and to turne to the enemie, I ac∣count it shamefull cowardise and treacherie.

Solyman maruelling at the courage and majestie of the hoarie old prince, in his so great ex∣tremitie, dismissed him, and sent him againe into the citie, guarded with his owne guard, vntill he was come into his pallace: and vnto euery one of the knights attending vpon the Great Ma∣ster, was giuen a rich garment,* 8.54 in token of Solymans fauour. Within a few daies after Solyman comming into the citie, went to visit the Great Master also: whom he found busie in packing vp his things against his departure. Here when the Great master falling downe vpon his knees would haue worshipped him, he would in no case suffer him so to doe: but with his hand put∣ting aside his vaile of majestie (which manner of reuerence the Turkish emperours giue onely to God, and their great prophet Mahomet) tooke him vp, and saluted him by the name of Father. To whom the Great master for his wisedome and discretion now to him no lesse admirable, than he was before in time of warre for his valour and courage, spake in this sort.

If my fortune and successe had been answerable to my heart and courage,* 8.55 I should here be in this citie, rather as a victorious conquerour than a man conquered. But sithence the fatall destinies would needs ouerthrow the Rhodian estate, I am glad that you are the man before all other by fortune assig∣ned, of whom I should receiue both force and grace. And vnto you, amongst many other your rare and worthie praises, this shall not be the least, That you vanquished the RHODES, and shewed mer∣cie. By this meanes you haue ioyned vnto your dreadfull power, the fame of clemencie and curtesie; an honour not of the highest to be despised, by which alone we come neerest vnto God. Wherefore I doubt not but you will keepe the conuentions of the late peace inuiolate, which your owne clemencie per∣suaded you to grant, and necessitie enforced vs to take. I shall now be an eternall example of the Turkish emperours clemencie and vertue, more than if I had by and by at the first yeelded my selfe▪ my obstinat wilfulnesse hath made thy glorie and mercie now famous thorow the whole world, and vnto the worlds end.

Whereunto Solyman by his interpreter, answered:

It is to me a great pleasure,* 8.56 that God at length hath put into thy mind to make choise of peace be∣fore warre, which I would thou couldest haue liked of from the beginning: then truely thou shouldest at this time haue receiued of my great and mightie maiestie, more good than thou hast endured harme. Which that I haue done vnto thee, not for any hatred, but onely for desire of soueraigntie, thou maiest gather by this, That I suffer thee and thine to depart hence at libertie with all your wealth and substance: For I make not warre, thereby to heape vp wealth and riches; but for honour, fame, immortalitie, and enlarging of mine empire. For it is the propertie of a king royally descended, by strong hand to take from others, and to inuade others; not vpon a greedie and couetous mind, but for the honourable desire of rule and soueraigntie: which whilest my neighbour withstandeth, I count it enough by force of armes to remoue him.

But the Tyrant (as many supposed) spake all this by way of dissimulation, hauing as it was commonly bruted, giuen order for the rigging vp of a great ship and certaine gallies, for the sud∣den

transporting of the Great master and the knights of the Order to CONSTANTINOPLE; [ G] which report seemeth to haue beene but faigned either of malice, or else by such as least knew Solymans mind: for if he had so purposed, who should haue let him, hauing them all in his pow∣er. Iouius in his little treatise rerum Turcicarum dedicated to Charles the fift, reporteth that hee himselfe heard Lilladamus the Great master say, That when Solyman entered into the RHODES attended vpon with thirtie thousand men, there was not any man heard to speake a word, but that the souldiours went as if they had beene obseruant friers: and that when he came to aske leaue of Solyman that he might depart, he was so courteously vsed of him, that turning himselfe to Abraim the Bassa, whom he aboue all men loued, said, Truely I cannot but grieue to see this vnfortunat old man, driuen out of his owne dwelling, to depart hence so heauily.

The Great master embarking himselfe with his knights and such other as were willing to de∣part, [ H] in vessels and gallies prepared for that purpose, departed out of the island on Newyeares day at night: and after long and dangerous trauell by sea in that Winter weather, landed at last at MESSANA in SICILIA, from whence he afterwards sailed into ITALIE, and so trauelled to ROME where he was honourably receiued by Adrian the sixt of that name then bishop there, a Hollander borne, sometime schoolemaster to Charles the fift, and his Vicegerent in Spaine; who if he had been as forward in the short time of his Papacie to haue relieued the RHODES, as he was to maintaine Charles his quarrell against the French king, it is not vnlike but that famous ci∣tie had beene relieued, and the island in possession of the Christians at this day. Thus Solyman, whilest the Christian princes were at discord amongst themselues, to his great glorie and no lesse griefe of all good Christians, entred the RHODES the fiue and twentith day of December, a day [ I] dedicated vnto the natiuitie of our Sauiour Christ,* 8.57 in the yeare 1522, after it had beene by the knights of the Order valiantly kept and defended against the infidels by the space of 214 yeares, since the time they by force tooke it from the infidels in the yeare 1308: and now being so long holden as was possible, against all the power of the Turkes, was yeelded vp when it had been six moneths besieged. At this siege Solyman lost a great part of his army; for besides them that were slaine at the assaults, which were many, thirtie thousand died of the flix.

* 8.58Whilest Solyman thus lay at the siege of the RHODES, Ferhates Bassa Gouernour of the Marches of the Turkish empire, alongst the riuer of Euphrates, by the commaundement of Soly∣man went with a great armie against Alis-beg, whom the Turkes called Schach, Suar-ogli, that is to say, king Suar his sonne: which P. Iouius corrupting, calleth him by the name of Saxouar∣oglis. [ K] This Alis, after he had betraied his vncle Aladeules the mountaine king, vnto Sinan Bassa, was by Selymus left chiefe gouernour of that large and wild countrey alongst the borders of ARMENIA and CAPADOCIA, wanting nothing of the honour of a king but the name onely, as is before declared in the life of Selymus. Solyman jealous of his honor, and fearing least he should take vpon him the absolute gouernment of that countrey (which indeed of right belonged vn∣to him, the children of Aladeules the late king being now all dead) and so to make himselfe king, especially if he should joyne in friendship with the Persian king: after the manner of ambitious men, purposed by any meanes to haue him taken out of the way: and had therefore sent Fer∣hates to ease him of that care. The Bassa without making any shew of hostilitie, marching with his armie along the confines of his countrey, as if it had been but to looke to his charge, when [ L] he was come as neere as he could to Alis, without mistrust, thought good to assay if he could by pollicie bring that to passe which he was otherwise with great danger to attempt by force. Wherefore faining himselfe to be extreame sicke, he sent embassadours to Alis, requesting him as a friend to vouchsafe to come vnto him being at the point of death, vnto whom he had many things of importance from the great emperour to impart, and would if he should die, leaue with him all his charge vntill Solyman should otherwise dispose thereof.

* 8.59Alis, who from his youth had alwaies honoured the Turkish emperours and faithfully serued them, mistrusting no harme came to the Bassa, accompanied with his foure sonnes; whom the faithlesse Bassa without regard of infamie, caused presently to be put to death with their father: and so reducing all that countrey into the manner of a prouince vnder Solymans obeisance, came [ M] to him with twentie thousand men, about the time that the citie of the RHODES was yeelded vp. This is the faithlesse dealing of the Turks, not with the Christians onely, but with them of their owne superstition also: vsing it as no small pollicie, vtterly to extinguish the nobilitie in all coun∣tries subject to their seruile tyrannie.

[ A] Solyman after he had thus subdued the RHODES,* 8.60 and disposed of the Island as he liked best, returning to CONSTANTINOPLE, brake vp his armie, and for the space of three yeares after followed his pleasure, not doing any thing worthie of remembrance. During which time and many yeares after, the rich and flourishing countrey of ITALIE, sometime mistres of the world, was miserably afflicted and rent in peeces by Charles the fift, (then emperour) and Francis the French king, the one enuying vnto the other the glorie of the empire••punc; and he not content ther∣with, seeking with immoderat ambition to make himselfe lord of all ITALIE: most of the other Christian princes and states being at the same time either by the one or by the other, drawn into the fellowship of that warre, to the great trouble and sore weakening of the Christian common∣weale. Whereupon Solyman waiting all occasions that might serue for the enlarging of his em∣pire,* 8.61 [ B] and annoying of the Christians, thought it now a fit time for him to set his foot into HVN∣GARIE, whereinto he had alreadie laied open a way by the taking of BELGRADE. He knew right well that Lewes then king of HVNGARIE was but yong, altogether vnacquainted with the warres, commaunding ouer his headstrong subjects (especially his rich prelates and nobili∣tie) no otherwise than pleased themselues, being himselfe rather by them altogether ouerruled▪ Besides that, he was in good hope, that the other Christian princes neere vnto him, either carried away with regard of their owne estate, would not, or els before vnto himselfe by league fast bound, could not affoord vnto him any great aid or succour: The Germanes hee knew would make small hast vnto such warres as should yeeld them much danger, and but small pay: As for the princes of the house of AVSTRIA, Charles the emperour, and Ferdinand his brother, al∣though [ C] they were joined vnto the young king with the neerest bonds of alliance (Lewes hauing married Marie their youngest sister, and Ferdinand, Anne, king Lewes his sister) yet was there as he thought small helpe to be expected from them; Charles hauing his hands full in ITALIE, and Ferdinand altogether carefull of himselfe: And that Sigismund king of POLONIA would for the young kings sake breake the antient league he had with the Turkish emperors, he could hardly be persuaded:* 8.62 As for other Christian princes farther off, he stood not in any great doubt. Thus hauing with himselfe singled out this young prince the Hungarian king,* 8.63 whom he had in his greedie mind alreadie deuoured, he set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE, and was come on his way as far as SOPHIA in SERVIA with a mightie armie of two hundred thousand men, before that the Hungarians had any knowledge of his comming (so blind & sencelesse was that [ D] state, which now sleeping in securitie, had long before lost those eyes which euer watcht, and ne∣uer spared cost or paines to keepe the same in safetie) in stead of whom were others come in place, sharpe of sight and too too prouident for that concerned their owne aduancement; but blind as beetils in foreseeing this great and common danger (wherewith they were shortly after all quite ouerwhelmed) vntill it was now brought home vnto their owne dores. The yong king of himselfe but weake, by reason of his youthfull yeares, and nothing strengthened by them for whom he had most done, and should haue beene his greatest stay; was wonderfully dismayed with the fame of the approch of so mightie an enemie: yet the better to withstand him, he sent embassadors with all speed vnto the Christian princes his neighbors, requesting their aid against the common enemie: but all in vaine. In the meane time, after the auntient manner of his coun∣trey, [ E] he gaue out generall summons for the assembly of his counsell for the warres: whether his great stipendarie prelates (of dutie bound to appeare) came with their troupes of euill appoin∣ted horsemen, and not halfe full; who also deliuered in lesse summes of money by farre, than of right they should haue done, towards the maintenance of the charge of that common war. And the temporall nobilitie, forgetting the warlike discipline of their famous ancestors, as fresh water souldiors which had neuer seene the Turkish emperour in his strength, and but little acquainted with some light skirmishes or small inuasions, in their vaine brauerie made light account of the Turkes, proudly vaunting, That although they were in number but few, yet they would easily ouerthrow the great numbers of them, if euer they came to hand••e strokes. But aboue all the rest one Paulus Tomoreus,* 8.64 archbishop of COLOSSA, sometimes a Minorite, who had before been in [ F] diuers light skirmishes against the Turks, with great insolencie did so confidently brag and boast of the victorie he vainely dreamed of, that in his sermons vnto the souldiours, and in open talke with the nobilitie (if he could haue done so much as he vaunted of) it should seeme that he him∣selfe had been ynough to haue ouerthrowne the Turks whole armie.

But when all the kings armie was assembled, and a generall moster taken, there was hardly

found fiue and twentie thousand men in all, horse and foot. So that the foolish hardinesse of To∣moreus, [ G] and others so forwards to giue the Turks battell, was of most wise men disliked. The old souldiors and men of great experience said plainely, That it was meere follie and madnesse with such a handfull of men to giue battell vnto the enemie, who would bring eight times so many moe into the field as they were. Wherefore some wished, that the young king should be with∣drawne from the imminent danger: amongst whom Stephanus Verbetius, a noble captaine, of all the rest best acquainted with the Turkish warres,* 8.65 gaue counsell, that the person of the yong king should for the safetie of the common state, whatsoeuer should happen, be kept out of danger in the strong castle of BVDA. But the vnruly soldiors with open mouth impugned his wholesome counsell, and said plainely, That except the king himselfe did lead them, they would not at all fight. Of which opinion was also the rash prelate Tomoreus, persuading them with all speed to [ H] giue the enemie battell, and that the noble young king vnder the protection of Almightie God, should in person himselfe goe and giue the signall of battell against his enemies. The king ouer∣ruled by this vnluckie counsell, vpon a brauerie without reason set forward with his armie, and came to a place called MOHATCHZ or MVGACE, which is a little countrey village not farre from Danubius, almost in the middle betweene BVDA and BELGRADE. And now Balybeus with twentie thousand horsemen (the forerunners of the Turkish armie) was at hand, at which time the commaunders and captaines of the kings armie, entred into counsell, Whether it were better to encampe their armie within their wagons alongst the riuer of Danubius, and so to ex∣pect the comming of Ioannes Sepusius, countie of CILIA, and Vayuod of TRANSILVANIA; (who was then said to be comming towards the king with his Transiluanian horsemen, of all [ I] other fittest to haue encountered the Turkes) or els to march on forward, and presently to giue them battell? But Tomoreus, who now commaunded all, knowing that vpon the comming of the Vayuod, he was to giue place, and himselfe to be commaunded (which vnto so proud a man was no small greefe) for the maintenance of his credit and reputation, and to carrie away the glo∣rie of the victorie he so vainely hoped for, could not abide to heare of any delay; but hasting headlong to his owne destruction, did with such vehemencie impugne the wholesome counsell of others, who would haue expected the comming of the Vayuod, that he by his franticke per∣suasions drew on the vnaduised young king into most apparent and manifest danger. For Bali∣beus deuided his horsemen into foure battels, which by turnes skirmished with the kings armie without intermission,* 8.66 and gaue the Hungarians no leisure to rest either day or night, but conti∣nually [ K] wheeling about, kept them in so straight, that no man could without great danger goe to water his horse at the side of Danubius, which was fast by, or once to stirre out of the campe, but were enforced to dig pits for water in places where they lay: with which necessitie Tomoreus was enforced to put the armie in order of battell, and there was now no remedie, but he must of necessitie fight for the honour of his prince and countrey. His battell was raunged all in length, and his horsemen not altogether (as it was thought) vnfitly placed here and there by troupes a∣mongst his footmen; least the Turks (being in number eight to one) should with their multitude compasse them round, and so enforce them to fight as it were in a ring: for now was Solyman come also with all his huge armie. The Hungarian tents defended with a small garrison, were left a little from the armie on the right hand, enclosed round about with waggons, one chained [ L] to another: neere vnto the which, Tomoreus Generall of this vnluckie battell, had not altogether vndiscreetly placed a troupe of chosen horsemen for defence of the kings person against all vn∣certaine euents of the battell. But this day (vnluckie to the Hungarian name, but vnto the king himselfe most fatall and vnfortunat) ouerthrew that his purpose, deuised too late for the safetie of the kings person: for at the first encounter the Hungarians, although they had receiued no harme by the Turkish artillerie (being mounted too high, of purpose as it was thought, the gun∣ners being for most part Christians) were easily beaten downe and ouerthrowne,* 8.67 oppressed by the multitude of their enemies, especially Tomoreus with the rest of the prelates and nobilitie be∣ing almost all slaine together, and the Hungarian horsemen also either slaine or put to flight. All things going thus to wracke, a companie of Turks assailed the campe, which was hardly defen∣ded [ M] by the weake garrison. Which thing the troupe of the chosen horsemen appointed for de∣fence of the kings person, beholding, could not be stayed, but that they would needs helpe them which defended the campe. The young king seeing all his armie discomfited, and himselfe forsa∣ken of the horsemen which he was in hope should haue guarded him, betooke himselfe to flight.

[ A] But as he was making shift for himselfe,* 8.68 thinking to haue passed ouer a fennie ditch, his horse in plunging out, fell backwards vpon him into the ditch; where being heauie loded with armour not able to helpe himselfe, he was in the middest of that filthie ditch in the mud most miserably drowned. Some few horsemen escaped out of the battell, the rest were either slaine or taken pri∣soners. This wofull battell neuer sufficiently to be lamented, as the ground of the miseries of that worthy kingdome, was fought the 29. day of October in the yeare 1526.

Solyman hauing obtained this victorie, marched on directly to BVDA the regall seat of the Hungarian kings, which was deliuered vnto him with the castle; vpon condition, that he should not violate any man either in person or goods, and at his departure to leaue the same againe vn∣to the Hungarians: all which things he (according vnto their request) faithfully performed. Be∣ing [ B] entred into the castle, hee wonderfully commended the same, but lodged not therein, be∣cause it is by their auntient law forbidden the Turkish emperour to lodge within any walled place which is not his owne. Wherefore he returned and lodged in his campe alongst the riuer of Danubius.

Whilest Solyman lay thus at BVDA,* 8.69 seauen bloudie heads of the bishops and greatest of the nobilitie (slaine in the late battell at MOHATCHZ) were presented to him, all set in order vpon a woodden step: whereat he smiled, to see his courtiers laying their right hands vpon their brests▪ and bending their bodies as if they had done them great obeisance, to salute them by name, and in derision to welcome them by the names of valiant popes. But afterwards, when he had more particulerly enquired what euerie one of them was, it is reported that he most of all detested La∣dislaus [ C] Salcanius the great bishop of STRIGONIVM, for his miserable couetousnesse, that being a man of infinit wealth, refused to spare part thereof vnto his soueraigne, requesting the same at his great need: Tomoreus he blamed of inconsiderat rashnesse, for that he being a cleargie man, would busie himselfe so farre in matters not belonging to his vocation:* 8.70 On the contrarie part, he commended Franciscus Perenus bishop of VERADIVM, a man honourably descended, for his wise counsell (though it was not followed) for that he had heard it reported, that he as a true prophet foretelling the common slaughter ensuing, had sharpely said in the counsell at such time as Tomoreus would needs fight with the Turks, and was not by any meanes to be remoued from that his fatall opinion, That he did foresee what that their frierlike Generall would the next day doe; and that he would with so great an enterprise effect no more, but to make one holiday the [ D] more in the Christian kalenders, in remembrance of thirtie thousand Hungarian martyrs, most miserably slaine of the Turks in vnequall battell, for defence of the Christian faith and religion (for at that time, they which willingly exposed themselues to death in defence of the Christian faith, were all accounted for Martyrs:) Georgius Sepusius and the others he called rash fooles, that would aduenture with so small strength to encounter so strong an enemie. At such time as the counterfeits of king Lewes and Marie his wife were shewed vnto him, he honourably said, That he was sorie for the young king, that it was his euill hap to haue so vnaduised counsellors in a matter of so great importance, as to persuade him against all reason to fight at so great disaduan∣tage: And that he came not into HVNGARIE to take his kingdome from him,* 8.71 but only to re∣uenge the wrongs done vnto him by the Hungarians: And that if he had escaped the danger of [ E] the battell, he would assuredly haue againe restored vnto him the kingdome of HVNGARIE, contenting himselfe with some small tribute: And that it should haue beene vnto him honour enough to haue saued the nephew of Sigismund king of POLONIA his confederat, so strongly allied with the honorable house of Austria. All which he commaunded to be told to Marie the queene, who was for feare fled from BVDA to POSSONIVM. Which might perhaps all seeme to haue been either dissemblingly spoken, or falsely reported of the equitie and courtesie of the barbarous king, if he had not shortly afterwards to the ample declaration of his bountie and li∣beralitie, without any desert, giuen the same kingdome of HVNGARIE to Ioannes Sepusius, not borne of any royall bloud, and then retaining the mind of a verie enemie. After that, he tooke away three goodly images of brasse of antient workmanship, which were placed in the entrance [ F] into the kings pallace, by that renowned king Mathias Coruinus the great fauourer of rare quali∣ties and vertues: these images represented the formes of Hercules with his club, of Apollo with his harpe, and Diana with her bow and quiuer: all which he placed in the tiltyard at CONSTAN∣TINOPLE, as a trophie of the Hungarian victorie. Howbeit these images were since taken downe by the persuasion of the Mufti, & molten (as contrarie to their superstition) and great or∣dinance

made of them. He carried also away with him three pieces of artillerie of most excellent [ G] and curious workmanship; and certaine brasen pillars of chamfred worke, which supported the Chapiters of the gates. He tarried at BVDA about twentie daies: In which time to satisfie the cruell nature and greedie desires of his souldiours, he sent out diuers troups of horsemen into the countrey thereabout, by whom all the countrey betwixt RAB and the riuer of Tibyscus was by that sudden and vnexpected incursion so destroied, that it is reported that aboue an hun∣dreth and fiftie thousand people of all sorts were either slaine or led away into most mise∣rable captiuitie. All which done, he returned againe by the same way he came, to CONSTAN∣TINOPLE.

* 8.72About the same time Ioannes Sepusius Vayuod of TRANSILVANIA, with a great power came now too late into HVNGARIE to haue aided the king: but glad, as was thought, of his [ H] death, as tending to his owne aduancement; for as much as he was now (the king being dead without issue) a man of greatest account amongst the nobilitie of HVNGARIE. Wherefore as one of a deepe and reaching wit, and in great hope to obtaine the kingdome, he began cun∣ningly to labour diuers of the noble men one by one, and instantly to request them, that at the next parliament they would not betray the honour of their countrey, in suffering the royall dig∣nitie of that auntient kingdome to be transferred vnto a stranger, of such a nation as happily lo∣ued them not: for why, the Hungarians ought well to remember what great calamities they had receiued in former times, in chusing forraine kings and strangers to raigne ouer them, and in following their vnfortunat ensignes against the Turkes; which thing the wofull miseries of times past might notably proue: which either Sigismundus of BOHEMIA, or Ladislaus the first [ I] of POLONIA, by their vnfortunat battels, once at NICOPOLIS, againe at CVLVMBARIVM, and last of all at VARNA had brought vnto the Hungarians. But to speake, nay once to remem∣ber the harmes receiued by the long cowardise of Ladislaus, or this late rashnesse of his sonne king Lewes, would make any noble mind to blush and be ashamed: vnder whose gouernment all militarie discipline, and the glorie of HVNGARIE might well be thought to be vtterly lost. And yet he said there remained of the nobilitie of HVNGARIE, men honourably discended of most auntient houses, worthie of the kingdome, which bare noble minds, and were of sufficient courage, discretion, and power, in this time of common heauinesse to restore the honour of the estate, and worthily to defend the kingdome: Amongst whom (said he) I would not bee ac∣counted so base minded, or heauie headed (although there be many which for the honour of [ K] their houses and wealth may seeme to go before me) that I will therefore confesse, that any of them is for valour, prowesse, or fortune better than my selfe, either for conducting of an armie, or gouernment of a kingdome: for I shall be a king of courage and valour sufficient, if by your fauourable good will I shall be thought worthie of your consent and suffrages. The Vayuod taking this course, by his earnest sute and labour had woon the good wils of many; and so much the easier, for that Stephanus Bator (a man of greatest nobilitie among the Hungarians) was a little before gone into BOHEMIA vnto king Ferdinand, who was then greatly busied (by rea∣son of a parliament there summoned) in procuring the fauour of the nobilitie and commons of that realme against the time of the parliament, wherein he was in good hope to be chosen king; as he was in short time after. [ L]

At that same time the Hungarians were with great solemnitie celebrating the funerall of their late king:* 8.73 whose dead bodie after the departure of Solyman from BVDA, was found whole, by the demonstration of one Cotriscus one of the squires of his bodie, who was present when he was drowned; and so was brought out of the fens of MOHATCHZ to ALBA REGALIS, where it was with great pompe buried amongst the sepulchres of the other kings of HVNGARIE his pre∣decessours. Which solemne funerall once ended, the generall militarie parliament (by the au∣thoritie and voice whereof the kings of HVNGARIE were by their auntient lawes and customes to be chosen) was called: in the shutting vp wherof, Iohn the Vayuod hauing in that common heauinesse no competitour, nor any of the greatest nobilitie which durst stand against him, was with the great applause and consent of all there present chosen king. To whom forthwith Pe∣trus [ M] Perenus came and presented the auntient crowne of the kingdome of HVNGARIE, which was in his keeping, made after an homely fashion of pure gold; with which the lawfull kings of HVNGARIE vsed alwaies to be solemnly crowned. It is reported, that it was the crowne of Stephanus first king of HVNGARIE, and was by an auntient custome alwaies kept in the castle

[ A] of VICEGRADE.* 8.74 And so Iohn the Vayuod was orderly crowned, and consecrated by the hands of Paulus bishop of STRIGONIVM, lately chosen in steed of Ladislaus Salcanius, slaine in the bat∣tell at MVGACE, and by the hands of Stephanus Brodaricus bishop of VACIA, whom he chose for his secretarie. And vnto Americus Cibachus he gaue the honor of the Vayuod of TRANSIL∣VANIA, being but a little before chosen bishop of VERADIVM. In his preferment, he was great∣ly holpen vnto the kingdome by the nobilitie which followed him out of TRANSILVANIA, men of great account both in peace and warre; amongst whom descended of the Hungarian bloud, were chiefe, Stephanus Verbetius, Paulus Antandrus, Gregorius Peschenius, Nicolaus Glessa, and Ianus Docia. But whilest this new king is in this sort busied in rewarding his friends and strengthening himselfe in his kingdome, he was aduertised, That Ferdinand his competitor of the [ B] Hungarian kingdome was chosen king of BOHEMIA:* 8.75 who out of the old controuersie betwixt Mathias Coruinus and Fredericus the emperours great grandfather, alleadged great claime vnto that kingdome, deriued from the time of Ladislaus, who was reported to haue beene poiso∣ned at the time of the solemnization of his marriage, through the ambition and malice of Geor∣gius Pogibracius; who affecting the kingdome of BOHEMIA, shortly after obtained the same. And now it seemed that the time was come, wherein Ferdinand made greater with the king∣dome of BOHEMIA, and strengthened with the power of his brother Charles the emperour, not forgetting his right, might vpon good ground lay claime vnto the kingdome of HVNGARIE, vnto him (as he pretended) of right belonging euer since the time of Albertus the emperour. Neither did Ferdinand beside the strength of AVSTRIA & BOHEMIA, want the furtherance of [ C] diuers of the princes of HVNGARIE; hauing in his court many of vnquiet spirit, halfe fugi∣tiues, desirous of change, which enuied at the Vayuods royall preferment (as if it had been ta∣ken from themselues, more worthie thereof than he) by the rash and tumultuous fauour of the vulgar people. For besides Bator, who in most mens judgement might most worthely haue required and obtained the kingdome, there were others also almost of like nobilitie and va∣lour, as Valentinus Turaccus, Stephanus Maylatus, Ianus Scala, Gasper Seredius, Baltasar Pam∣philus, and Ferentius Gnarius; to whom also was joyned Paulus Bachitius borne in SERVIA, a valiant gentleman, who being entered into the Mahometane religion, to auoid the Turkish slauerie got away vnto the Christians, and hardly escaped from the battell of MOHATCHZ. By the persuasion of these noble men, Ferdinand of his owne disposition readie ynough to [ D] claime his right, especially a kingdome, and trusting vnto his strength in AVSTRIA, BOHEMIA, RHETIA, STIRIA, and CARYNTHIA, marched directly towards BVDA. With whose com∣ming, Iohn the new king being wonderfully troubled, as a man beset with want of all things, ha∣uing neither sufficient strength whereupon to rest in his new got kingdome, neither any great as∣surance of the fidelitie of his subjects, like ynough either for feare, or of their naturall inconstan∣cie to fall from him, determined not to abide the comming of his enemie to BVDA: but exhor∣ting his captaines to follow him, although he were glad to depart and giue place to his euill for∣tune for a time, with such power as he had brought with him out of TRANSILVANIA, & such other as he could otherwise leuie, he passed ouer the riuer to PESTVM: and not daring any where thereabouts to rest, by long marches passed ouer the riuer Tibiscus, and there encamped [ E] at TOCAI, which was a strong castle vpon the further side of the riuer. His departure being knowne,* 8.76 Ferdinand marching on, obtained BVDA without resistance: where he staied a while, and consulted with his captaines, Whether he should pursue his flying enemie, or not? But it was quickly resolued, That the discouraged enemy was to be speedily pursued, before he should gather greater strength, or enter into greater policies. Wherefore Ferdinand committed all his armie vnto the nobilitie of HVNGARIE, his friends, whom we haue before named; who marching with all speed possible, came to the riuer Tibiscus: where passing ouer vpon a bridge made of boats, which they brought with them in waggons for that purpose, they came with ensignes displayed vnto the castle of TOCAI, where the king lay with his armie in order of battell. But terrified with the suddaine comming of his enemies, and debating with his captaines of the [ F] greatnesse of the danger, took a course vnto himselfe rather safe than honorable: For his captains desiring nothing more than to joine battell, and in manner contemning their enemies, persua∣ded him to withdraw himselfe a little out of the battell, and to keepe him out of danger; and if things fell out otherwise than well, to reserue himselfe vnto his better fortunes: as for themselues they would most resolutely fight against those traiterous fugitiues, for as much as it were great

dishonour for them, being Hungarians, a warlike people by nature, to refuse battell being offered [ G] by the enemie. Amongst the cheefetaines in the kings armie, Ferentius Bodo, an old captaine of great experience and courage was cheefe, to whom the king deliuered his ensigne with his owne hands, and he with great skill ordered his battell, for the number of his souldiours: he himselfe stood in the maine battell with the Hungarians, placing the Transiluanians in the wings. In Fer∣dinands armie, Valentinus Turaccus led the maine battell with the Hungarians vnder Ferdinands ensigne, strengthened on the one side with troupes of horsemen out of STIRIA, and on the o∣ther with the horsemen of AVSTRIA. But Paulus Bachitius according to the manner of the Turkish warres (wherewith he was well acquainted) with a companie of light horsemen lay close in ambush in a conuenient place for that purpose, a good distance off, against the left wing of the enemies armie, readie as occasion should serue to take his most aduantage. It was not [ H] greatly needfull for the captaines to vse any persuasions to encourage their souldiours, readie ynough of themselues to fight.* 8.77 The great ordinance once discharged, the armies came fast on and joyned battell, where the wings of both battels fought with diuers fortune. The Stirian hors∣men were not able to endure the force of the Transiluanians, but were put to the worse: and on the other side, the left wing of Bodo his armie, consisting for most part of raw and vnexpert soul∣diors, was by the horsemen of AVSTRIA ouerthrowne. At the same time both the maine bat∣tels (being almost all Hungarians) fought with equall courage, and that so eagerly, as seldome had been seene a more fierce or cruell battell. But by a fresh charge giuen by Ferdinands horse∣men, who had now put to flight the right wing of Bodo his battell, all Bodo his armie fighting most valiantly, was disordered and put to flight: Bodo the Generall labouring to restore the bat∣tell, [ I] and to saue the ensigne to him before by the king deliuered, was by the comming in of Pau∣lus Bachitius with his light horsemen, taken. The other captaines seeing all lost, and past hope of recouerie, betooke themselues to flight: all the kings artillerie and ensignes were taken by the enemie.* 8.78 The king seeing the ouerthrow of his armie, for safegard of his life fled into POLONIA. Ferdinand his captaines following the course of the victorie, entered into TRANSILVANIA, where the people yeelding themselues at the first, all the whole prouince submitted it selfe vnto the authoritie of Ferdinand. Bodo and the rest of the noble men that were taken prisoners, with the ensignes taken from the enemies, were sent to Ferdinand. But when Bodo hauing his libertie promised, could not be persuaded to renounce his oath giuen to king Iohn, and to beare armes a∣gainst him, he was by Ferdinand his commaundement cast into a darke dungeon, where shortly [ K] after, consumed with sorrow and greefe, he miserably ended his life.

* 8.79Shortly after Ferdinand (the Hungarians generally submitting themselues vnto him) was by their common consent saluted king, and crowned with the same old crowne wherwith king Iohn had been crowned, which the same Perenus (a man of little constancie) brought vnto him; and with him was also crowned Anne his wife, the only sister of the late king Lewes: all which so∣lemne ceremonies were celebrated at ALBA REGALIS, the vsuall place for the coronation of the Hungarian kings. Ferdinand by rare felicitie thus possessed of two kingdomes, whereunto he was not borne, returned into BOHEMIA, and left his deputies for the gouernment of the kingdome of HVNGARIE. These were Stephanus Bator, whom hee appointed viceroy, with whom he joyned Paulus bishop of STRIGONIVM, who had also reuolted from king Iohn: and [ L] made Berethsaxius secretarie, and Alexius Tursonus a Morauian, treasurer.

King Iohn thus miserably distressed, and thrust out of his kingdome▪ by Ferdinand, fled to Hieronimus Lascus, a man for his honourable discent and learned vertue, of great fame and re∣putation amongst the Polonians: who glad of so honourable a guest, was more carefull of no∣thing, than with all possible kindnesse and courtesie how to comfort him, wrapt vp in so many calamities with the losse of his kingdome▪ he frankely promised vnto him all his owne wealth (which was not small) for the recouerie of his former estate: and that which more was, for the reuiuing of his former felicitie, the vttermost of his wit and deuise, which in the compassing of all great matters was accounted wonderfull. That bountifull entertainement of this poore king by Lascus, was not altogether vnpleasant to Sigismund king of POLONIA, although because [ M] he would not offend Ferdinand, with whom he was joyned in friendship and aliance, he seemed to most men plainly to forget himselfe in shewing so small kindnesse vnto king Iohn, whose sister Barbara he had sometime married: which was the cause that Lascus forgot no point of courtesie in entertaining his guest, and yet the credit of Sigismund with king Ferdinand not toucht. But

[ A] when they had spent almost a month in consultation and debating of matters too and fro,* 8.80 Las∣cus accustomed with his deepe wit sharply to reason and aduisedly to determine of most weigh∣tie causes, at last rested vpon this one point, That readie helpe in so hard and desperat a case, was onely to be hoped for of the Turkish emperour Solyman: being of opinion, that he being a most mightie prince, and of an honourable disposition, answereable to his greatnesse, would not re∣ject the humble prayers of an oppressed and exiled king; especially, if that being by his mercie and power restored, he could be content for so great a benefi•• to hold his kingdome, as of the bountie of the Othoman kings. For Lascus saw, that Solyman (so great and proud an emperour) was not so desirous of kingdomes (whereof he had so many as could not easily bee reckoned, then commaunding ouer a great part of the world) as of glorie and renowne, wherewith he vn∣derstood [ B] him to be wonderfully delighted aboue all other kings of the East, naturally carried away with that windie vanitie. This counsell (as in effect it prooued) was vnto king Iohn whole∣some and reasonable, if a man doe but respect the poore estate of a king, so greatly wronged, li∣uing in exile; but respecting the Christian commonweale, it was vndoubtedly most dangerous and lamentable for one mans particular profit to bring the whole state into most dreadfull and horrible danger: but the sicke minds of worldly men, liuing in small hope of doing well, and at the point of desperation, refuse no worldly remedies, be they neuer so doubtfull or dangerous. And not long after,* 8.81 vpon this resolution with the king, Lascus desirous by noble actions to en∣crease the honour of his name, tooke the matter vpon him, and went as embassadour from the exiled king to Solyman to CONSTANTINOPLE. The report was, that Sigismund did not only [ C] not stay him, but secretly gaue him his safe conduct with letters of credence, wherein he com∣mended him vnto the Bassaes and other great men in Solymans court, descended of the Polonian bloud, as his faithfull and louing subject sent thither vpon an extraordinarie and speciall embas∣sage. Lascus as soone as he was come to CONSTANTINOPLE, with wonderfull dexteritie had in short time woon the fauour, not of the Bassaes only, but of the other courtiers also; presenting them with such gifts as might for the finenesse and rarenesse thereof, rather than for the value (as he thought) be most acceptable and pleasing to their wiues: for amongst that barbarous and corrupted people nothing is better welcome than gifts, whether they proceed of simple good will, or other respect, is no great difference. Amongst the great Bassaes at that time of greatest power and authoritie,* 8.82 was Luftebeius, or rather Lutzis, who had married Solymans sister; and [ D] Abraham borne at PARGA, a base village in ACARNANIA, brought vp in the court from his childhood with Solyman: he was then visier or cheefe of the Bassaes, and keeper of the emperors seale, and was by his office to subscribe all such graunts or letters as passed from the emperour: by which his great place, and the speciall fauour he had with Solyman, he in magnificence power and authoritie farre exceeded all the rest of the Bassaes, doing whatsoeuer pleased himselfe; and that with such soueraignetie and the good liking of Solyman, that it was commonly said, he was the commaunder of his thoughts. Lascus thus insinuated into the court, and oftentimes talking with the Bassaes without an interpretour, for that hee could well speake the Sclauonian tongue, (the familiar speech of the Turkish courtiers) earnestly solicited the kings cause, wonderfully com∣mending him: for at his first comming after he had saluted Solyman, and was about to haue de∣clared [ E] the cause of his comming, he was after the manner of the Turkish court turned ouer to the Bassaes: for Solyman vsed not to admit any Christian to talke with him in his court. Lascus requested of Solyman,* 8.83 by the Bassaes, That king Iohn wrongfully thrust out of his kingdome by Ferdinand duke of AVSTRIA, and the treason of certaine of the Hungarians, might by the Tur∣kish power be againe restored vnto the kingdome of HVNGARIE, which he would hold by ho∣mage of the Turkish emperour, as of right belonging vnto him, since the time that Solyman with victorious hand reuenging his wrongs and subduing his enemies, had by law of armes (fortune so judging) gained the same. Promising that king Iohn, who for his worthinesse was by the ge∣nerall good liking of the Hungarians lawfully chosen to be their king, and so after the auntient manner of that kingdome crowned; if he were now receiued into Solymans protection and by [ F] him restored, should neuer forget so great a benefit, but alwaies most faithfully and thankfully to honour the majestie of Solyman, paying him such yearly tribute as it should please him to im∣pose, and to make it knowne to all men that he was his vassaile. Which thing if it would please him to grant, it should be no lesse honour and glorie to Solyman himselfe, than profitable and comfortable vnto the distressed king. For beside that heroicall kings are compared vnto gods,

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

rather for giuing than receiuing: it was easie to be seene, how greatly it did concerne the profit of [ G] the Othoman kings to be neighboured with a weake and tributarie king, rather than with Ferdi∣nand, a prince of great power, lately chosen king of BOHEMIA, supported by the strength of his brother Charles the emperour, commaunding ouer the warlike nation of the Germanes; which was as much difference as was betwixt the maintenance of a continuall heauie warre vpon his borders, and the safe enjoying of a most assured peace. Beside that, it concerned the Turks to be∣ware, that such things as they had got by the sword, they should also by the sword defend; and not to suffer any one to grow greater than the rest in riches and power. For it might so fall out, that Charles, growne to be a prince of mightie power, might draw the rest of the Christian prin∣ces to joyne with him in the common cause of the Christian religion, and in that quarrell, as the Christian kings of EVROPE had in former time done, with vnited forces to seeke to recouer a∣gaine [ H] what they had before lost: whose force it would be hard to withstand. These things being sharpely deliuered, and by the Bassaes againe reported to Solyman, who standing at a secret win∣dow, had before heard them as they were by Lascus vnto the Bassaes declared; it was no great la∣bour to persuade the Turkish emperour, of himselfe desirous of glorie and soueraignetie, againe to vndertake the Hungarian warre,* 8.84 and to graunt king Iohn his request, promising according to the successe of the victorie, to giue him that he desired, so that he would faithfully performe what he had promised, and not shew himselfe therefore vnthankfull.

In the meane time, Ferdinand vpon great reason thinking it necessarie by all meanes possible to confirme himselfe in possession of the kingdome of HVNGARIE▪ and fearing no force but the Turks, determined to proue Solymans disposition, and to seeke for his friendship; hoping by [ I] reasonable meanes to compasse it, by shewing vnto the barbarous prince (not altogether abhor∣ring from the commendation of justice) his antient title and claime, and that he was by the anti∣ent lawes of the countrey right heire thereof:* 8.85 thinking that Solyman hauing obtained so many victories, and ruling ouer so many kingdomes, would now at length giue himselfe to peace, as a man contented with his glorie alreadie gotten. His desire was, to be receiued into his friendship, and to joine with him in league vpon the same conditions which Ladislaus and his son Lewes had for certaine yeares before obtained of the Othoman kings, and Sigismund king of POLONIA then also with like quietnesse enjoyed. Wherefore hauing found out a fit man, whom he might send vpon this embassage to CONSTANTINOPLE, one Ioannes Oberdanscus, a Hungarian, he furnished him accordingly, and gaue him gifts, such as hee thought good to bestow vpon the [ K] great Bassaes. But when Oberdanscus was come vnto CONSTANTINOPLE, he found Solyman harder to be entreated than he had before hoped, and the Bassaes altogether vnwilling to heare of any league: for although he was courteously receiued of Solyman, and most patiently heard, whilest he both eloquently and discreetly before the great Bassaes, deliuered his embassage; yet in the shutting vp of all, he receiued no more but a proud and insolent answere: for Solyman said, it was farre from the manner of his auncestors, to receiue them into grace and fauour which had done injurie vnto the Othoman name:* 8.86 wherefore that Ferdinand had done impudently to in∣uade another mans kingdome, and to thinke to hold it to himselfe: for as much as his old title and claime which he stood so much vpon, was altogether extinguished and lost by law of arms, by his late victorie against king Lewes: for which causes hee adjudged him vnworthie of his [ L] friendship and fauour, purposing sharpely to reuenge the wrong he had receiued, and proclai∣ming warre to come againe into HVNGARIE with such a power as should be sufficient to in∣uade Ferdinand either in AVSTRIA or GERMANIE. Wherefore in stead of friendship and league, he denounced vnto him all the calamities of warre: and so commaunded the embassa∣dour with speed to depart from CONSTANTINOPLE. But Oberdanscus when hee was come backe againe as farre as VIENNA, and had there told the kings lieutenants, of the threatening words of Solyman, and that he would shortly come thither with his armie, he was not of any of them beleeued, but reputed for a vaine man. Wherefore to shun the hatred of them which mi∣stooke truth for falshood, he made hast to come vnto Ferdinand, who was then at SPIRES, la∣bouring for voices to further his sute, for that at the next assemblie of the states of the empire, [ M] which was then at hand for the coronation of his brother Charles, he himselfe as he well hoped was to be chosen king of the Romanes. The newes brought by Oberdanscus, did not a little trouble king Ferdinand, foreseeing as it were what would happen: for that the Turkish tyrant vsed not lightly to breake such promises, but to performe them to the vttermost: and that more

[ A] increased his care, he knew he should come in euill time to craue helpe of the Germaines, for the defence of his kingdome in HVNGARIE against so mightie an enemie, especially his brother Charles the emperour being busied in his warres in ITALIE, and he himselfe wanting money, the only meanes to raise an armie to withstand the Turke.* 8.87 The Spring now come, and all things fresh and greene;* 8.88 Solyman altering nothing of his former determination, hauing leuied an armie of an hundred and fiftie thousand men, set forward from HADRIANOPLE, his Europeian horse∣men going before him conducted by Abraham the great Bassa and Achomates, Michael-ogli Generall of the Acanzij or voluntarie horsemen: and his Asian souldiours led by Becrambeus Bassa following after him: he himselfe with his Ianizaries and souldiours of the court keeping in the middle.* 8.89 And marching on this sort came in fifteene daies to BELGRADE, where king Iohn [ B] accompanied with Lascus and such of the Hungarian nobilitie as tooke his part, came vnto him, of purpose to make himselfe knowne vnto him which was to protect him; and doing him all the honour he possibly could, to request him to proceed to reuenge his quarrell. Solyman with graue and yet friendly countenance, raising himselfe a little from the cushion wheron he sat, gaue him his right hand, protesting, That nothing could happen vnto him better, or that he more de∣sired of God, than to be able to relieue distressed princes, especially such as were wrongfully op∣pressed by his enemies: wherefore he willed him to be of good comfort, promising of his bountie frankly to bestow vpon him whatsoeuer he should in that warre win with the sword from the enemie. King Iohn obtained this rare fauour of Solyman by the earnest mediation of Abraham the commaunding Bassa; whom he had before at CONSTANTINOPLE by his em∣bassadour [ C] Lascus so woon with gifts and requests, that he thorowly tooke vpon him the defence of the kings cause: wherein Lascus was especially holpen by Aloysius Grittus the Duke of VE∣NICE his sonne, who then followed the Turkes campe, and was for his fathers sake and the great sufficiencie he held himselfe, had in great reputation amongst the Turkes; and in such fauor with Abraham who did all in all with Solyman, that he could persuade him to any thing he would. For this Aloysius Grittus, borne and brought vp in CONSTANTINOPLE, and wonderfull elo∣quent in the Turkish tongue, had by the honourable carriage of himselfe, and the great port he kept in his house, so thorowly possessed Abraham (that all commanded) that he would ma∣nie times bring Solyman himselfe ouer the hauen to PERA, to solace himselfe in Grittus his pleasant gardens and banquetting houses, which he had there most sumptuously made after the [ D] Italian manner: whereby to his great profit he obtained to be the chiefe man in receiuing of the Turkes customes.

The fame of Solymans comming directly from BELGRADE to BVDA, so terrified the citisens of BVDA, that they almost all forsooke the citie and fled vnto other places further off, some to STRIGONIVM,* 8.90 some to ALBA REGALIS, some to POSSONIVM: so that at his first com∣ming he entred the citie (almost desolate) without any resistance: the castle holden by a garrison of Germains, he commaunded to be besieged. The captaine of the castle was one Thomas Na∣dastus, a man of great account among the Hungarians, both for the honour of his house and his qualities answerable to the same, graced with singular learning: He perceiuing his souldiors dis∣maied with the sight of so great an armie and willing to surrender vp the castle, (as beseemed a [ E] valiant captaine) forbad his souldiours to haue any talke with the enemie, commanded the great artillerie to be bent and discharged vpon the Turkes: and seeing his souldiours slacke and timo∣rous, reproued them of cowardise and treason, threatning them with shamefull death if they did not hold out the siege to the vttermost, and shew themselues valiant men, both for the honour of their countrey, and of king Ferdinand whose pay they receiued, and of whose bountie they were to expect rewards and preferments answerable to their deserts. But they misdoubting by the run∣ning too and fro of the Turks, that the castle was vndermined; and smelling, or at least wise ima∣gining themselues to smell the sent of the gunpouder, which they supposed to be in the mine, and doubting to be presently blowne vp; were strucke with such a sudden feare, that neither the feare of future punishment, neither the shame of so foule a fact, nor the reuerence of so worthie [ F] a captaine could stay them, but that they would needs without further delay deliuer vp the castle: which when they could by no meanes persuade the resolute captaine to consent vnto, but that he still with sterne countenance exclaimed against their cowardise and treason, they laid hands vp∣on him, and bound him hand and foot, and so presently concluded with the enemie to yeeld vn∣to him the castle, so that they might in safetie depart thence with bag and baggage: which their

request Solyman granted. But when the garrison souldiours (in number about seauen hundred) [ G] were about to depart with their baggage towards POSSONIVM, as was before agreed; and the Ianizaries comming into the castle, hauing loosed the captaine, were about to let him go also: Solyman aduertised of the treacherie of the garrison souldiours, and of the fidelitie of the captain, changing his mind, judged such villanous minded men vnworthie of his mercie, and in detesta∣tion of their perfidious dealing with their captaine, gaue them all to his Ianizaries to be slaine: but to the captaine himselfe he offered honourable entertainment,* 8.91 which when he refused, Soly∣man courteously sent him away; holpen therein by the commendation of king Iohn, although his sister was married to Stephanus Maylat his deadly enemie. Which bloudie execution done by the commaundement of the cruell tyrant, the Turkes said was not onely lawfully done, but also to the immortall glorie of his name in the execution of justice: which might peraduenture [ H] seeme reasonable, if the perpetuall hatred of that most barbarous nation against the Christians gaue not just occasion of suspect, that it proceeded rather of their auntient malice than of any re∣gard of justice. For why should the Germans, who had offended to his great good, and there∣fore obtained his safe conduct, be thought worthie of so cruell death? when as Solyman himselfe in punishing the perjurie of another, ran into wilfull perjurie himselfe; peruerting the commen∣dation of justice which he so much desired, by his most bloudie and vnjust sentence.

BVDA the chiefe citie of HVNGARIE thus taken by Solyman, he resolued forthwith to be∣siege VIENNA the chiefe citie of AVSTRIA: in good hope, that by the carriage away of that, the other cities of lesse strength both of HVNGARIE and AVSTRIA would without any resi∣stance be yeelded vnto him. Wherefore he sent before him Achomates with the voluntarie [ I] horsemen, who according to the manner of the Turkish warres, running thorow the heart of HVNGARIE, and entring with fire and sword into AVSTRIA, passed by VIENNA, miserably burning and destroying the countrey before him as farre as LYNTZ.* 8.92 The poore people not knowing where to hide themselues from the furie of their enemies, nor of whom to craue helpe, fled as men and women dismaied, carrying with them their beloued children, the vnfortunat pledges of their loue, and what else they could, as things saued out of the middest of the fire. For whatsoeuer fell into the enemies hand, was lost without recure: the old men were slaine, the young men led away into captiuitie, women rauished before their husbands faces, and afterwards slaine with their children, young infants were ript out of their mothers wombs, and others ta∣ken from their breasts were cut in pieces, or else thrust vpon sharpe stakes, yeelding vp againe [ K] that breath which they had but a little before receiued; with many other incredible cruelties, which were then by the mercilesse enemie committed. Solyman himselfe shortly after followed these forerunners, and setting forward with all his armie from BVDA towards VIENNA, by the way tooke the castle of ALTENBVRGE,* 8.93 whether by force or composition, is diuersly reported: of the garrison souldiors there placed by king Ferdinand, he reserued three hundred Bohemians, whom he commaunded to follow his campe. He also assaulted the little citie of NEAPOLIS seauen times in one day, and was as often repulsed: but being loath to spend any longer time about a towne of so small importance,* 8.94 he forsooke that, and held on his way to VIENNA▪ whi∣ther he came about the six and twentith day of September, and encamped in fiue places found about the citie, with such a world of people, that vnto them which viewed his campe from the [ L] highest tower in VIENNA, it seemed that the ground was for the space of eight miles all coue∣red with the multitude of his tents and people. King Ferdinand, who from the time that he had by his embassador Oberdanscus receiued the hard answere from Solyman, alwaies stood in doubt of his comming; had beside his owne forces (which were not great to oppose against so mightie an enemie) craued aid of the Christian princes his neighbours, especially of the princes of the empire: who graunting him aid against the common enemie, appointed Fredericke countie Palatine of RHENE and duke of BAVARIA, Generall of their forces. But whilest the Germans after their manner, slowly set forward, and made lesse hast than the greatnesse of the present dan∣ger required; Solyman comming in the meane time, had so belaied the citie, that it was not pos∣sible for the duke Frederick by any meanes to get into it, but was glad to stay with his army at [ M] CHREMSE about twelue miles from VIENNA. A few daies before by good hap, vpon the re∣port of the losse of BVDA, twentie thousand souldiors horsemen and foot out of diuers coun∣tries, were in good time come to VIENNA: amongst these, the cheefe commaunders was Phi∣lip the Paulsgraue, duke Fredericks nephew (a young gentleman of great courage and hope,

[ A] sent thither but a little before with a few companies of horsemen and footmen by Fredericke his vncle, who was comming after with a greater power himselfe, but was now shut out of the citie by Solyman) Nicholaus countie of SALMA, the L. William Rogendorff, steward of the kings houshold, Ioannes Cazzianer, a noble man of CROATIA, and afterwards gouernour of VIEN∣NA: and next vnto them Nicholaus Turrianus, Ioannes Hardecus, Leonardus Velsius, Hector Ram∣sack, men both for their birth and valour of great account amongst the Germanes.* 8.95 The citie of VIENNA as it was of some good strength toward the North, by reason of Danubius, so in other places it was at that time neither by art nor nature strong. The ditches, such as they were, were altogether drie, and easie to be passed ouer: the wals of bricke, built round without any flankers, and neither high nor thicke, but after the antient simple manner of fortification of ci∣ties: [ B] for before that time neither had king Ferdinand, fearing no enemie, neither they of VIENNA who had not of many yeares seene an enemie, had any care to fortifie the citie: but as men alto∣gether buried in securitie, and nothing fearing the comming of so mightie an enemie (although they were thereof before admonished by Oberdanscus) had not so much as cast vp any rampier or bulwarke, more than at the gate of CARINTHIA, whereon they might conueniently place their great Ordinance: so that of a hundred great peeces, and three hundred others of lesse charge, which might haue wonderfully annoyed the enemie, a great part serued to no vse, for want of conuenient place to mount them vpon. Yet as the suddain comming of the enemie and the shortnesse of the time gaue leaue, such bulwarkes as they could vpon the suddaine, they cast vp, and planted their ordinance thereon. The citie was deuided into diuers quarters, and to euery [ C] part a strong garrison appointed for defence thereof, all the gates of the citie were mured vp, ex∣cept such as were of purpose reserued to sallie out at. Now had Abraham the great Bassa en∣camped himselfe vpon a high hill, where stood a ruinous castle, from whence he might ouer∣looke all the citie, yet so, as that he lay out of the danger of gunshot. Becrambeius, Solymans great commaunder in ASIA, lay at the gate called PVRGATORIA, neere the church of S. Vlderich. In the third campe towards the rising of the hils, lay Michael Ogli, towards the church of S. Vitus. At the Scottish gate towards Danubius, lay the Asapi, with diuers companies of the Ianizaries: which with shot out of their trenches, suffered no man to appeare vpon the wals in that quarter without most manifest danger, and powred such showers of arrowes ouer the wals into the citie, as if they had fallen out of the clouds; that hardly could any man stirre in the citie [ D] vnarmed, but he was forthwith wounded. Solyman himselfe lay neere vnto S. Markes church, compassed about with the Ianizaries and other souldiours of the court, defended also with the bricke wals of the gardens thereabouts. Whilest the Turkes were thus encamping themselues, the Christian defendants oftentimes fortunatly sallied out vpon them, and slew many of them. In one of which sallies Wolfgangus Hagen a valiant captaine, with certaine old souldiours of the Spaniards was slaine, fighting most valiantly at the gates of the castle: and in another skirmish Christophorus Zetlitz a man of great courage, sallying out of the citie with fiue hundred horse∣men, euen vnto the enemies trenches, was intercepted and taken with six others of his compa∣nie; who were all compelled by the Turkes to carrie so many heads of their slaine fellowes vpon poles, and so presented vnto Solyman: of whom he enquired many things as well concerning [ E] Ferdinand himselfe, and where he was, as concerning the princes which had the charge of the citie, whether they were in hope to defend the same against his mightie power or not. Where∣unto Christopherus aptly and wisely answered, although not altogether so truly, That king Fer∣dinand lay not farre off at the citie of LINTZ, expecting the assembly of a great armie: and that the princes of GERMANIE, BOHEMIA, MORAVIA, and of diuers other places were comming vnto him, with great aid; so that if he would but stay a little vntill his forces were come together, he should then see whether of them were of greater strength and power: for as much as it would not be long before the king would come and giue him battell: As for the princes in the citie, he said he knew no more of their minds, but that both they and all the souldiours from the highest to the lowest, had solemnely sworne to defend the citie, and not to giue it ouer vnto the [ F] last man, reposing their hope not in the wals and fortresses thereof, but in their weapons and va∣lour, being men of great resolution, and not easily to be vanquished or discouraged. With which answere although Solyman was a little moued, yet dissembling his present heat, said, he had he∣therto made warre against diuers nations, and alwaies had the victorie, whereof he doubted not now also: But as for him, and the others taken with him, they knew they were in his power to

saue or kill at his pleasure:* 8.96 Yet to make them know that he could shew mercie vnto his vanqui∣shed [ G] enemies, he frankely graunted them their liues and libertie: charging them, that after they were againe returned into the citie, they should in his name wish the defendants of themselues to yeeld vp the citie, which it was impossible for them long to defend against his mightie power, which neither the strong citie of BELGRADE, nor the famous citie of the RHODES were able to withstand; and to accept of such reasonable conditions as he should graunt vnto them, pro∣mising, that amongst other things proceeding of his infinit bountie, hee would take order, that they should in safetie depart thence with bag and baggage: in which doing they should well prouide for the safetie of themselues and of their goods by flying vnto his mercie in time, before the furie of the warre was growne to further extremitie: all which it would be too late to expect after the victorie, when nothing was to be hoped for but cruell death, murder, and miserable de∣struction. [ H] Wherefore it were good for them well to consider of the matter; and not foolishly to refuse that was now frankely offered them of mercie, which they should not afterwards ob∣taine with any prayers or teares: for why, he was resolutely set downe (as he said) not to depart thence before he had taken the citie. When he had thus schooled them, he gaue vnto euery one of them three Hungarian duckats, and so sent them away. They being receiued into the citie with great joy, made relation vnto the princes and great captaines of all the threatning and proud speeches of the Turkish tyrant: which they tooke in such disdaine, that they would not vouchsafe to returne him any answere. Solyman not a little displeased, that his great words were so lightly regarded, by way of derision sent word vnto the citie, That if they wanted helpe, he would send them the three hundred Bohemians, whom he tooke in the castle of ALTENBVRGE: to whom [ I] answere was returned by them of the citie, That they needed no helpe from him, wherefore he might dispose of his prisoners as he thought good. By this, Solyman perceiued, that VIENNA was not to be woon with words, nor the defendants to be discouraged with great lookes: wher∣fore he begun to vse his force, and with such ordinance as he had brought with him, to batter the wals: which because it was not great, but fitter for seruice in field than for batterie, did not much more harme than to beat downe the battlements and such little standings, made of timber and bourds in manner of galleries, hanging here and there ouer the wall, for the small shot to play out of, a simple deuise in stead of flankers. His great artillerie prouided for batterie was comming vp the riuer of Danubius, which he daily looked for: but by good hap, Wolfgangus Hoder, a forward captaine, hearing of the Turks comming vp the riuer, went out of POSSONIVM with certaine [ K] small vessels well appointed: and meeting with the Turkes, set vpon them with such courage and resolution that he slew many of them, and suncke diuers of their boats and pinnaces, amongst whom were they which were bringing vp Solymans great peeces for batterie to VIENNA: which was there all suncke in the riuer, with the boats that brought it. By this good seruice, Solyman was disappointed of his great artillerie, and the citie deliuered of a great danger. So Wolfgangus hauing made great spoile amongst the Turkes, and lost some few men, returned with victorie to POSSONIVM. Yet another part of the Turkes fleet comming vp to VIENNA, at the first com∣ming brake downe all the bridges: for a little aboue the citie, the riuer of Danubius deuiding his channell, maketh diuers Islands, which by sundrie bridges are joyned together, ouer which lieth the way from AVSTRIA vnto the citie. This fleet so kept the passage, that no man could with∣out [ L] danger either by water or by land goe in or out of the citie. Solyman hauing lost all his pee∣ces for batterie, and seeing how little he preuailed with his field peeces, fell to vndermining of the citie, hoping by that meanes to ouerthrow the wals, and to make a way for his men to enter. This worke, as the Turkes cheefe hope, was with wonderfull labour and diligence attempted in fifteene sundrie places: which was not so secretly done, but that it was by drums laied vpon the ground, by basons filled with water, & sounds made into the earth, perceiued by the defendants; and so with countermines met withall, that most part of those works were vtterly frustrated, and in them eight thousand of his Turkes either slaine or buried quicke.* 8.97

Solyman to busie the defendants that they should not so perfectly discouer his mines, diuided his armie into foure parts, appointing thē orderly to succeed one after another in giuing alaroms [ M] to the towne, that filling their eares with continuall noise, he might keepe them alwaies occu∣pied. In the middest of which hurly burly his workes in the mines went forward with all speed possible,* 8.98 neither was he in that his expectation deceiued: for one of the mines brought to per∣fection vnperceiued by the defendants, and suddenly blowne vp, shooke and ouerthrew a great

[ A] part of the wall neere vnto the gate which leadeth towards CARINTHIA; whereat the Turkes gaue a great shout as if the citie had now been taken, and withall couragiously stepping forward pressed in on all sides, by the ruines of the wall to haue entered the breach, charging the defen∣dants with their small shot and Turkie arrowes as thicke as haile. Who on the contrarie part like resolute men stood in the face of the breach,* 8.99 with more assurance than the wall it selfe, recei∣uing them with deadly shot and push of pike, in such furious manner, that the Turks for all their multitude, vnable longer to maintaine the assault, began to retire. Which thing Solyman per∣ceiuing, sent in new supplies, and so renewed the assault before giuen ouer, but with no better successe than before: for hauing receiued a great ouerthrow, as men forgetting both duetie and martiall discipline, they retired, not expecting any signe of retrait. At this assault so many of the [ B] Turkes were slaine, that the ground neere vnto the towne lay coue••ed, and the ditches filled with their dead bodies. Not long after, the wall was blowne vp in two places more oueragainst S. Clares church; by which breach being not verie great, the Turks seeking to haue entred, made a bloudie fight with the Germains which defended that place, which they sought so desperatly to haue entred, that without regard they thrust one another vpon the points of their enemies weapons: who glistering in good armor, readily receiued them being for most part naked men, and slew them without number,* 8.100 and so enforced them againe disorderly to retire, hauing before filled both the breaches with their dead carkases. Three daies after ensued a most cruell fight, when as another part of the wall (neere vnto the gate of CARINTHIA, and not farre from the first breach) was so suddenly ouerthrowne, that the Turkes thorow the new made breach see∣ing [ C] the Christians as they stood readie to come to the defence therof; and likewise the Christi∣ans them, now approching; for eagernesse and hast on both sides, threw away their pieces and bowes, and came to handie blowes in the middle of the breach; the Turkes with their scimiters, and the Germaines with their long swords. At which times, as the Christian captaines encoura∣ged their souldiours with cheerfull persuasions: so the Turkish Commaunders enforced forward their Turkes both with words and wounds. The assault began so terrible, that it was thought a more fierce and deadly fight was neuer seene from the beginning of the world: which was with greater resolution maintained by the Turkes, for that many of their most valiant horsemen for∣saking their horses, thrust in with their targets and scimiters, or else with their launces amongst the Ianizaries and other footmen, and there fought most desperatly. At last, after this furious [ D] fight had endured by the space of three houres,* 8.101 and many of the Turkes best captaines and soul∣diours lay dead vpon the ground by heapes; the Turkes seeing no hope to preuaile, gaue ouer the assault, and retired to their campe.

Long and tedious it were to recount euerie assault giuen during the time of that dreadfull siege, with euerie particuler accident not vnworthie the remembrance, which for breuitie I wit∣tingly passe ouer. Yet amongst the rest (the most valiant leader, though afterwards vnfortunat) the Lo. William Rogendorffe is not to be forgotten,* 8.102 who oftentimes perceiuing many of the Turkes stragling disorderly abroad in the countrey, one day vpon the sudden sallied out vpon them with certaine troupes of horsemen, with such violence, that at the first onset he ouerthrew them; and hauing them in chase, did such speedie execution, that of 5300, scarcely 140 escaped [ E] his hands: after which time his name became terrible vnto the Turks. Solyman was exceedingly grieued with the often and bloudie assaults by him in vaine giuen to the citie, but purposing now to proue the last and vttermost of all his forces, he called vnto him the chiefe commaunders of his armie, whom at the first he sharply reproued as men of no courage, which being many times as good as in possession of the victorie, had most cowardly contrarie to the manner of that vi∣ctorious nation, turned their backes vpon their enemies, in the breaches alreadie halfe woon▪ Wherefore he willed them to plucke vp their hearts, and to make all things readie for a new as∣sault, wherein hee expected that they should with couragious forwardnesse and resolution, re∣compence their late cowardise: for why he accounted it a great dishonour to forsake the siege begun; wherefore they should resolue the next day as victorious conquerors to take the citie, [ F] or else there as faint-hearted cowards to end their daies.* 8.103 The next day after this heauie charge gi∣uen, which was the fifteenth of October, the great Commaunders of the Turkes armie with all their forces assailed the citie, thrusting their men into the breaches by heapes, as if they would, if no way else, yet with verie multitude (if it had beene possible) haue discouraged or ouerborne the Christians: they were come to handie blowes, and the fight was in euerie place most terri∣ble,

the Christian defendants stil repulsing thē with greater courage than they were able to assaile [ G] them. Be••••des that, to the great aduantage of the defendants, many pieces of their great ordi∣nance skilfully mounted in places most conuenient, and continually discharged amongst the thickest of their enemies as they pressed on, made such slaughter amongst them, and so cut them off, that being thorowly discouraged, they shrunke backe, and could not by any threats or com∣maund of their captaines be thrust forward, chusing rather to be slaine of their owne captaines (as some of them were) than to be rent in sunder with the murthering shot of the Christians.* 8.104 So that the captaines seeing now no other remedie, gaue ouer the assault and retired, leauing behind them many thousands of their dead Turkes in the towne ditches.

The next day after this assault, Solyman despairing to win the citie, and fearing the comming of king Ferdinand and the countie Palatine with a strong armie, as it had been to him reported, [ H] considering also that Winter was now comming fast on, determined to raise his siege: and to colour the dishonour thereof, he sent certaine of the chiefe prisoners which he had taken, richly apparelled with their purses full of money into the citie, to tell the captaines that he came not with purpose either to besiege or take the citie, but to reuenge the wrongs done vnto him by his enemie king Ferdinand, and to haue fought a battell with him for the kingdome of HVNGARIE: whom for as much as he could not draw vnto VIENNA, he would remoue thence to seeke for him, as his capitall enemie: Wherefore they should doe well to yeeld themselues, which if they would, he promised not to enter their citie, but to receiue both the citisens and souldiours into his protection, reseruing vnto them their liues and goods with perpetuall freedome. Which his offer the defendants scornfully refused as proceeding of meere desperation. The next night fol∣lowing [ I] Solyman with more than barbarous crueltie, caused all the prisoners in his armie to bee slaine, which pitifull outcries was of the souldiours heard into the citie, not knowing what the matter should be, vntill that the next day after the departure of the enemie they found the dead bodies of men, women, and children in all places of the campe wallowed in their one bloud, a most lamentable spectacle to behold.* 8.105 Solyman purposing to forsake the siege, caused Abraham the great Bassa to shew himselfe in order of battell, as if he would haue giuen a fresh assault: in the meane time he himselfe rose vpon the sudden with the rest of his armie, and returned to∣wards BVDA in such hast, that he neither put any garrison into such places as he had taken, nei∣ther demaunded of them any tribute. After whom the Bassa followed, keeping himselfe a daies journey behind him: and so in fiue daies he arriued with all his armie at BVDA, 32 Germaine [ K] miles from VIENNA.

* 8.106This siege was giuen ouer by Solyman about the sixteenth of October, wherein he is repor∣ted to haue lost eightie thousand men, amongst whom was his great lieutenant of ASIA, with many other of his forward captaines and best souldiours. Of the defendants few or none of name were lost, but of the countrey people it is supposed that there was aboue sixtie thousand slaine, and carried away into captiuitie: all the ••ountrey about VIENNA was miserably spoiled, all their trees and vines being by the Turkes cut downe to the ground. Solyman according to his promise,* 8.107 restored BVDA vnto king Iohn, who by solemne writing acknowledged himselfe his vassaile, and to hold the kingdome of HVNGARIE of him as his lord and soueraigne. Vnto him Solyman joyned Aloysius Grittus as his legat, to helpe him to prouide such things as should [ L] be needfull for the defence of that kingdome.

It happened one day whilest Solyman lay at BVDA, and had giuen king Iohn with diuers of the nobilitie of HVNGARIE accesse into his pauilion, that he fell earnestly in hand with king Iohn to pardon Paulus bishop of STRIGONIVM, and Petrus Perenus, who had taken part with king Ferdinand, and to receiue them into his former fauour: which men king Iohn could in no case like of, because that they as traitors vnto their prince and countrey, forgetting their faith and oath, had performed the like duetie vnto Ferdinand, as they had but a little before done vnto him at the time of his coronation: wherein he shewing himselfe vnwilling to be entreated, said▪ That their mutable minds fraught with infidelitie, would neuer containe themselues within the bounds of loyaltie, but find occasion to commit some fowler treason than they had before: whereunto [ M] Solyman straining his voice a little as one somewhat moued, most honourably replied: Can any thing (said he) happen vnto thee in this life better or more honourable,* 8.108 than if by thy kindnesse thine enemies shall be of all men accounted ingratefull; that is to say, men noted with eternall infamie: when as in thy selfe the commendation of a good and courteous prince shall for euer remaine? And so not

[ A] long after fearing the cold of Winter then approching, dangerous for his beasts for carriage, es∣pecially his camels bred and brought vp in the hoat countries of ASIA, he set forward to BEL∣GRADE, and so trauelling through THRACIA returned to CONSTANTINOPLE.

All this while that Solyman thus raged in HVNGARIE and AVSTRIA, Charles the emperour lately reconciled to Clement the seauenth of that name, then bishop of ROME, with a strong ar∣mie besieged FLORENCE, by his lieutenant Daualus (who might haue done much against the Turkes, if he had been so well imploied) labouring by all meanes to represse the libertie of the citisens, whereunto they had but a little before aspired▪ and to bring them againe vnder the subje∣ction of the family of Medices, wherof Clement was the chiefe. Which thing with much adoe he brought to passe, inuesting Alexander the bishops nephew in the dukedome of FLORENCE, and [ B] afterward giuing him his base daughter in marriage; forgetting his brother Ferdinand in the meane time, thrust out of the kingdome of HVNGARIE by Solyman, and the dukedome of AV∣STRIA wasted by the Turkes, with the citie of VIENNA in danger to haue been lost. Which common calamities might well haue moued both the emperour and the bishop, to haue had more regard of, than by oppressing the libertie of one free citie to seeke how to serue their owne priuat respects.

The yeare following,* 8.109 which was 1530, Solyman with great solemnitie and triumph, after the Turkish manner,* 8.110 circumcised three of his sonnes, Mustapha, Muhamet, and Selymus, at CONSTANTINOPLE.

Solyman hardly disgesting the dishonour he had before receiued at VIENNA, and oftentimes [ C] solicited by king Iohn for aid against Ferdinand, who with greater stomacke than power ceased not continually to molest him: but most of all prickt forward with the insatiable desire of enlar∣ging his empire, after the manner of the Othoman kings, accounting his neighbour princes al∣waies his enemies, and their dominions the objects of his victories, and spoile for his souldiors; raised such an armie as for the greatnesse thereof might worthely haue beene a terrour vnto the world: Not so much purposing the protection of king Iohn, which he in shew most pretended; neither the siege of VIENNA, as was commonly bruted; as the conquering of AVSTRIA, CA∣RINTHIA, CROATIA, STIRIA and the rest of king Ferdinands dominions, and so afterwards of all GERMANIE. For the accomplishment whereof, he had in his immoderat desires prefined vnto himselfe the space of three yeares, which the great monarchs of ROME could not performe [ D] in more than so many hundreds. It was commonly reported that the proud tyrant would ma∣nie times say, That whatsoeuer belonged vnto the empire of ROME, was of right his, for as much as he was rightfully possessed both of the imperiall seat & scepter of Constantine the great Commaunder of the world, which his great grandfather Mahomet had by law of armes woon from Constantine the late Christian emperour, whom he slew at CONSTANTINOPLE. And therefore both in his common talke and writings, as oft as hee had occasion to make any men∣tion of Charles the emperour, he would proudly and as it were in disdaine tearme him by the name of the king of Spaine, but neuer by the name of emperour.

The discord of the Christian princes, and the great troubles euen then arising in GERMANIE about matters of religion, did not a little encourage the barbarous tyrant to take in hand this [ E] great expedition.* 8.111 King Ferdinand certainly aduertised that Solyman was in person himselfe set∣ting forward with his huge armie, sent vnto him three embassadours; whereof Leonardus Ne∣garola a noble gentleman, well learned, and skilfull in diuers languages, was chiefe, with rich presents and reasonable offers to intreat with him for peace. Who meeting him vpon the bor∣ders of SERVIA, were by him courteously receiued, and patiently heard: yet obtained of him no other answere, but that they should follow his campe, and attend his further pleasure. The report wherof, brought a generall feare vpon all GERMANIE, but especially them of AVSTRIA, in whose fresh remembrance as yet remained the bleeding wounds of their countrey, their bre∣thren and friends slaine, their wiues and children led away into captiuitie, their goods and cattell lost, their houses and fields burnt, and thousands of other grieuous calamities which they had [ F] endured in the late inuasion of the Turkes. Charles the emperour had in verie good time (a lit∣tle before) for a while well appeased the discention then arising in GERMANIE about matters of religion, putting them in hope of a free and generall Counsell to be holden for the deciding of all such matters: and in a great assembly of the states of the empire holden at RATISBONE, shew∣ing the greatnesse of the imminent danger, so puissant an enemie threatning vnto them all the

calamities of warre, with the manifold mischeefes like to ensue, if they should in so vnfit time [ G] fall at variance amongst themselues: offering with great resolution to goe in person himselfe with all his old expert souldiours in defence of the common Christian cause, so much preuailed with the princes of the empire, and the embassadours of the free estates, that they highly com∣mended his forwardnesse; and all other matters for that time set apart, agreed all with one con∣sent at a prefixed day to send vnto VIENNA such warlike forces as they had in any time before set forth, for the defence of the Christian religion, and the majestie of the empire. Whereupon he wrot vnto Alphonsus Vastius (his lieutenant Generall in ITALIE, and one of the greatest captaines of that age) that he should without delay call together the old captaines, and to leuie so many companies of harquebusiers as they possibly could;* 8.112 and with them and the Spanish souldiors to repaire forthwith vnto him into AVSTRIA. He also enjoyned Andreas Auria, [ H] his admirall, that hee should with like diligence rig vp a strong fleet of gallies and marchants ships, and to goe against the Turkes nauie into GRaeCIA. At the same time he sent for his choise horsemen out of BVRGVNDIE and the low countries, and many noble gentlemen and old sol∣diours out of SPAINE: for the guard of his owne person he entertained twelue thousand Ger∣manes, such as had longest serued in his warres in ITALIE, ouer whom commaunded Maxi∣milian Herbersthene, and Tamisius, both famous captaines. At the same time Clement the se∣uenth then bishop of ROME, although his cofers were greatly emptied by the late Florentine warres, which had cost him ten hundred thousand duckats; yet to make some shew of his deuo∣tion in so dangerous a time, with the great good will he bare vnto the emperor, after he had with greeuous exaction extorted from the cleargie a great masse of money (whereunto his rich car∣dinals [ I] contributed nothing, as if it had been a thing vtterly vnlawfull for them in so good a cause to haue abated any jot of their pontificall shew in the court of ROME,) sent the young cardinall Hyppolytus Medices his nephew, being then about twentie yeares of age, a man indeed fitter for the warres than for the church, as his legate vnto the emperour, accompanied with mo good captaines than cleargie men, and his cofers well stuffed with treasure: whose comming to RA∣TISBONE was vnto the emperour and the Germanes very welcome, for besides that hee was a young gentleman of very comely personage and exceeding bountifull, he entertained for those warres (besides the companie he brought with him) eight ••housand Hungarian horsemen, of all others best acquainted with the Turkish warres.

King Iohn vnderstanding, that the formost of Solymans great armie were come as farre as SA∣MANDRIA [ K] in SERVIA,* 8.113 thought it now a fit time to wring from king Ferdinand such townes as he yet held in HVNGARIE, wherefore he sent Aloisius Grittus (whom Solyman had left as a hel∣per for his estate) to besiege STRIGONIVM; which is a citie of HVNGARIE, situat vpon the side of Danubius, about thirtie miles from BVDA, the castle whereof was at that time holden with a strong garrison of king Ferdinands: whereunto for all that Grittus laid such hard siege both by the riuer and by land, that the defendants doubting how they should bee able to hold out, especially if Solyman should take that in his way, as it was most like he would; sent for releefe to Cazzianer, a warlike captaine, then gouernour of VIENNA, and generall of all king Ferdinand his forces: by whose appointment certaine small frigots, were sent downe the riuer of Danubius from POSSONIVM, well manned: who suddainely setting vpon the Turkes fleet (which so kept [ L] the riuer that nothing could that way be possibly conueyed either in or out of the castle) should by their vnexpected comming open that way: but Grittus hauing intelligence thereof by cer∣taine Hungarians, which though they serued king Ferdinand, made no great account to flie sometime to the one part, sometime to the other, as best fitted their purpose; presently resolued to send his fleet vp the riuer, and by his sudden comming to oppresse his enemies, in like sort as they had thought to haue done him. And the more to encourage his souldiours, hee promised great rewards to all such as should performe any extraordinarie peece of seruice in that action: and so hauing thorowly furnished all his fleet with good souldiours, but especially with Turkish archers, sent them vp the riuer to seeke their enemies: who fearing no such matter, as men sur∣prised with the same mischeefe they had prepared for others, were at the first exceedingly dis∣mayed, [ M] yet considering that they were reasonably well prouided for their comming (although they yet wanted such helpe as Cazzianer had appointed to send them) they thought it a great shame to flie, and therefore putting themselues in order of battell, came downe the riuer, and with great courage encountred their enemies. There began a sharpe and cruell fight, many being slaine

[ A] and wounded on both sides: but at last they of POSSONIVM, not able longer to endure the deadly shot of their enemies, and especially of the Turkish archers, who with their arrowes sore gauled both the souldiours and the marriners, they turned their backes and fled: in which fight of sixtie frigots which came from POSSONIVM, onely thirteene escaped, with Corporanus the Generall, all the rest being either sunke in the fight, or els taken by the enemie, being run ashore and forsaken by the Possonians, trusting more vnto their legs by land than their oares by wa∣ter. Besides this losse of the frigots, there was slaine of the Possonians almost fiue hundred. Af∣ter this victorie, Grittus hoping that they in the castle of STRIGONIVM, despairing now of re∣leefe, and fearing the comming of Solyman, would not long hold out; left off to batter or vn∣dermine the castle, wherewith he perceiued he little preuailed, purposing by lying still and kee∣ping [ B] them in the castle from all releefe, to enforce them in time to forsake the place. Thus whilst the deuided Hungarians with their owne hands inconsideratly sought one anothers destruction, with the ruine of their countrey; Solyman the great enemie of all Christians was readie at their backes to deuour both the one and the other, as in few yeares after he did.

Much about this time the old Spanish souldiors in ITALIE, drawne together by Vastius, as the emperour had before commaunded, were come to the Alpes. In this campe, of one sort of men and other, was aboue twentie thousand, whereof almost the third part was not seruiceable: for the old souldiors, enriched with the long warres in ITALIE, and the spoile of the rich coun∣trey of LVMBARDIE, wherein they had of late beene billited, brought with them all their old gotten spoiles and substance, not forgetting so much as their women, and whatsoeuer els serued [ C] their pleasure: for carriage whereof they drew after them a great multitude of carriages and vn∣necessarie people, all which serued for no other vse but for the soldiors pleasure, and to consume victuals. Which their licentious wantonnesse Vastius desiring to reforme, gaue straight com∣maundement thorow all the campe, That they should leaue behind them all such vnnecessarie baggage,* 8.114 and appointed what carriages should suffice for euery companie: whereat the souldiors began at the first to murmure, and presently after to arise vp in mutinie: for many of the captains being rich, and disliking of that long and dangerous expedition, couertly incited the common souldiors to crie out vpon Vastius the Generall for their pay, alreadie due. Which thing once put into their heads, and the matter set on foot, quickly grew to that heat, that they all with one voice said flatly, That they would goe no foot further, before they had receiued their pay. Vastius [ D] although he well perceiued that tumult to be raised by some of his enemies, which sought there∣by to lighten his credit, was glad for all that for the present to dissemble the matter, and yeelding to the necessitie of the time, to content the mutinous souldiors with one months pay, promising them their full contentment, at such time as they should come vnto the emperour: and so when he had with much adoe appeased that tumult, he set forward into GERMANIE.

Immediatly after the Spaniards followed the Italians, who with such cheerefulnesse offered themselues to that seruice, that euery captaine brought with him twice so many in his companie as was expected: so that Vastius (who before doubtfull of their forwardnesse in so dangerous a warre, especially in the aid of the Germanes, of whom they had in the late warres receiued great harmes, had by great and earnest persuasions induced diuers of the nobilitie, and others of the [ E] better sort, to enter into that honourable action, in hope that they would draw after them great numbers of their friends and tennants, as indeed they did) was now glad to send backe again ma∣ny of the common souldiors, by reason of the multitude; and also to his great discredit, and the offence of many, full sore against his will to displace most part of those forward gentlemen whom he had but a little before made captaines, who to their no small charge had gallantly fur∣nished themselues, according to their degrees and places: for the emperour had then appointed what number of Italians he should bring, and also giuen commaundement, That rejecting the rest, he should commit the leading of them onely to those old expert captaines of whose valour and discretion he had before had good experience. These were Martius Columna, Petrus Ma∣ria, Rubeus, Philippus Torniellus, Ioannes Baptista Castalius, Fabritius Maramaldus, Pyrrhus [ F] Stipicianus, and Camillus Columna, being all men of great worth and approoued faith towards the emperour.

In these Italian companies were fourteene thousand select footmen, beside many other braue men who voluntarily resorted from diuers places to VIENNA. After these footmen followed Ferdinand Gonzaga with two thousand horsemen, and certaine troupes of Grecians and Spani∣ards,

and with them came many noble gentlemen out of all parts of ITALIE, who had before [ G] beene great commaunders, but now serued as priuat gentlemen voluntarily without charge or pay; accounting it a great shame to tarrie at home as cowards, and not to be present in that re∣ligious warre.

The emperour also about the same time, hauing taken view of his horsemen come out of the low countries most excellently appointed, and shipping his great ordinance whereof hee had bought great store at NVRVMBERGE, departed downe the riuer from RATISBONE to LINTZ. The riuer of Danubius neuer carried so many vessels and souldiours since the time of the great Romane emperours, as it did at that present. And yet besides them which went downe the riuer by shipping, the pleasant bankes on both sides were filled with great companies of horsemen and footmen, passing all alongst the riuer vnder their colours, with their drums and trum∣pets [ H] sounding, which altogither made the most glorious shew that a man could well behold vpon earth.

* 8.115In the meane while Solyman in six and fiftie daies march come to BELGRADE, thrust ouer the great riuer Sauus by bridges made in diuers places,* 8.116 an infinit number of his horsemen into HVN∣GARIE: and leauing Danubius on the right hand, turning a little vpon the left, marched directly towards the rich countrey of STIRIA (called in auntient time VALERIA, and now STIER∣MARKE.) By the way as he went, he came to the little towne of GVNZA, which one Nicholas Iu∣reschitz (a man of an inuincible courage) kept with a small garrison of his own. This towne stan∣deth in a plaine, not farre from the citie of SABARIA, built square, and but of a small compasse, not verie strongly walled, a poore obscure thing, neuer famous till now by the great dishonour [ I] that the great Turkish emperour Solyman there receiued. Abraham the chiefe Bassa (who so ab∣solutly commaunded amongst the Turkes, as if Solyman had receiued him into the fellowship of the empire with himselfe) was verie desirous to saue this captaine Nicholas, for that he knew him to be a man of great courage, and was familiarly acquainted with him at such time as he lay em∣bassadour at CONSTANTINOPLE: wherefore he attempted first by gentle persuasions and large offers, and afterwards by most terrible threats, to induce him to yeeld the towne vnto Soly∣man. But finding him so resolutly set downe, that he was neither by faire nor foule meanes, but onely by force to be remoued out of his towne;* 8.117 he enclosed the same round about with the hu∣gie armie of the Turks, and by mines ouerthrew the wals in three places. Which sudden breach, whilest the garrison souldiours most valiantly defended against the furious assault of the Ianiza∣ries, [ K] on the South side of the town; the Bassa planting his field pieces vpon the hils on the North side, did from thence grieuously annoy the defendants: who fiercely assailed by their enemies before, and beaten with the great ordinance behind, were grieuously distressed. Wherewith the worthie Gouernour somewhat troubled, though not much discouraged, suddenly of timber and boords raised vp a curtaine twelue foot high, at the backs of his souldiours: wherwith they were so couered from the sight of their enemies, that they could not make any certaine shot at them, but onely shot at that curtaine at all aduentures, not doing any thing so great harme as be∣fore: and with desperat and restlesse labour (in despight of all the Turkes great power) repai∣red the breaches, in as strong manner as at the first. In the meane time two hundred of the Turks horsemen, stragling from the campe, and seeking after bootie into the country as farre as NEO∣STAT, [ L] were by the Hungarian horsemen intercepted and all slaine or taken, whose heads the Hungarians brought to VIENNA; and the more to encourage the souldiours which daily repai∣red thither,* 8.118 in token of good lucke set them vp vpon stakes vpon the wals of the citie. Then was it certainly knowne of the prisoners, that Solyman had in his campe fiue hundred thousand men, and three hundred field pieces, which were not of greater bignesse but that a camell might well carrie one of them, being taken from the carriage: for why, Solyman purposing by destroying the countrey before him, to draw the emperour vnto battell; had (as they said) brought no grea∣ter pieces of batterie with him. Which report of the prisoners was also confirmed by the em∣bassadours of king Ferdinand, whom Solyman gaue leaue to depart at GVNZA, giuing to euerie one of them a gowne of veluet and a piece of plate, with letters vnto the emperour and king Fer∣dinand [ M] his brother; wherein proudly vsurping the titles of many kingdomes, he most insolently writ himselfe lord and soueraigne of almost all countries and nations.* 8.119 But the effect therof was, That he was come into HVNGARIE, to reuenge the wrongs which they had don vnto king Iohn his friend and vassall; and would with fire and sword enter their countries, and by the power of

[ A] God and his great prophet Mahomet, the fauourers of just quarrels, giue them battell, if they durst meet him: Wherefore if they would as valiant and couragious princes meet him in the field, he would in one battell end quarrell with them, and in reward of the victorie either win or lose the empire of the world. When Solyman had thus a great while laine at the siege of GVN∣ZA, and thereto giuen diuers sharpe assaults, being still with great losse and dishonour repulsed, he in the space of foure daies cast vp neere vnto the towne ditch two great mounts of faggots and earth, as if they had beene two great mountaines, of such height, that they ouertopped not the wals onely, but euen the highest towers in the towne (by which wonderfull worke the great∣nesse of the Turkes armie might easily be conjectured:) one of these great mounts he cast vp di∣rectly against the face of the towne, and the other at a corner of the same, to flanker alongst the [ B] wall; from whence he did with his shot not onely beat them which appeared vpon the wals for the defence thereof, but them also which vpon occasion went too and fro in the streets. These mounts being with incredible celeritie brought to perfection, the towne ditch filled vp, and ma∣ny of the defendants either slaine or wounded vpon the wals, the Turkes gaue a most furious assault at that place which was before shaken with the mine: against whom the valiant captaine as need was in that extreame danger, opposed all the strength he had left. But the Turks still pres∣sing on with their infinit multitude, were got vp to the top of the wals with eight ensignes, from whence they had repulsed the defendants: which being all either wounded or wearied, shrowded themselues vnder the defence of their penthouses, being neither able nor of courage to make further resistance, so that the wals were now abandoned, and the towne there left without de∣fendants: [ C] when suddenly such a great clamour was made by the loud outcries and lamentation of the women and children and other fearefull people, that the Turkes which had recouered the top of the wals, strucken with a sudden feare, thinking the towne to haue been full of souldiors, stood as men astonied and dismayed, whereupon the defendants began againe to take courage, and to shew themselues: at whose sight the Turkes possessed with a needlesse feare, forsooke the wals, and could not by any persuasions or threats of their captaines be brought on againe to the assault. The towne was that day in all mens judgements defended by the mightie power of God and not by the strength of man. It greeued the proud tyrant aboue measure, that so base a towne should so long hold out against all his power, so that oftentimes in his rage he would threaten to rase it downe to the ground, and not to leaue any signe thereof remaining: which he would vn∣doubtedly [ D] haue in time performed,* 8.120 had not Abraham the great Bassa (by whose counsell he was altogether directed) otherwise persuaded him: who waiting a fit time, when his choller was past, told him that it was not worth his name and greatnesse, to spend his time and forces vpon so small a towne of no importance, by rasing whereof he should neither get honour nor profit: for why, no man would meruaile, if he with so puissant an armie should take so small a thing, especi∣ally by long siege, whereby the strongest places are enforced to yeeld; and when he had so ta∣ken it, yet it would bee accounted a greater honour for so little a towne to haue holden out so long, than for him to haue with so great forces in long time constrained it: but if it should other∣wise fall out, as the chances of warre are vncertaine, that he should by any occasion bee constrai∣ned to leaue it, hee should thereby get no small dishonour: wherefore it were more wisedome to [ E] spare his souldiors labour in so small a matter, whereof he was not to expect either honour or profit, and forto reserue them for his greater designes, and not vainely to spend his forces & time in the besieging of so base a village, from whence he might now depart with lesse dishonor than hee could afterwards, when hee had proued the vttermost of his forces, and yet in the end glad peraduenture to forsake it: wherefore it were more for his honour to raise his siege, and calling the Gouernour of the towne vnto him, to giue him the towne as it were of bountie, than to spend so many good men as he must needs cast away in the winning of it by force. With these and like reasons the Bassa preuailed so much with Solyman, that Nicholas the worthie gouernor of the towne was by a herault at armes sent for to come vnto the great Bassa, Solyman disdaining (as it should seeme) to speake with him himselfe. The Gouernour being sent for, although he was [ F] greeuously wounded, and in small hope of life, yet stoutly refused to come to any parley, except he were first well assured both by safe conduct and good hostages for the safetie of his person, and that nothing should be exacted of him, not beseeming his religion and honor. Which stout answere caused Solyman and the Bassa to thinke, that his strength was not yet so weakened but that he was still able to hold out the siege: and thereupon, that he required for his safetie was

forthwith graunted, and two men of great account sent for hostages for him into the citie with [ G] Solymans safe conduct.* 8.121 Which being receiued, the Gouernour went forth, and was by Abra∣ham the great Bassa honourably receiued into the campe, and commanded to sit downe by him in his tent: where he was by him first by the way of courtesie demaunded, whether hee had re∣couered his old infirmitie wherewith he was troubled at such time as he was sent embassadour vnto Solyman at CONSTANTINOPLE? After that, whether the wounds he had receiued in the last assault, were dangerous or not? but last of all, and that which most concerned the matter, vp∣on what hope he alone had so long and so obstinately withstood the mightie Sultan Solyman; when as all his neighbours round about him had so willingly submitted themselues? saying fur∣ther, That he maruelled much why he reposed any confidence in the lingering king Ferdinand. Whereunto the Gouernor modestly answered,* 8.122 That he was (thankes be to God) well deliuered [ H] of his old disease: and that his wounds were without danger: but as concerning his holding out, he said, that he for his great wisedome knew, that it was the dutie of a good souldior valiantly to withstand his enemies, & not to be troubled with any euill hap, or discouraged with any chance of warre: as for himselfe, he said, when mans helpe failed, he had reposed his full trust in God, by whose power he had beene hetherto preserued, which as he well hoped, should neuer faile him at his need: and that king Ferdinand was not so farre off, but that he would before it were long be there present with a great armie: wherefore hee did not greatly maruell, that he was not releeued before that time, for as much as many lets and occasions might chance which might hinder the kings purpose, considering that fortune alwaies by nature vnconstant, was in nothing more like vnto her selfe in her vnconstancie than in martiall affaires. The Bassa wondering at the inuinci∣ble [ I] courage of the Gouernour, said, That although the great emperour Solyman might now at his pleasure vtterly destroy the towne, with all that therein was; yet being by nature of a most honourable and mild disposition, and a great louer of valiant and courageous men, had com∣maunded him in his name to giue him that towne, and the liues of all them that were in it, as a reward of his valour shewed in the defence thereof: yet so, that he should sweare obedience vn∣to him, and receiue some few Turkes into the towne, in token that he had yeelded the same. The politicke Gouernour knowing that of eight hundred valiant souldiours he had scarcely a third part left, and them also sore weakened with wounds and want of rest, thought it necessarie to make his peace in best sort he could: For what could haue happened vnto him more wishedly, than with his great honour to keepe the towne still, and with the losse of a few pleasing words [ K] to deliuer himselfe, with so many of his friends, from extreame feare and perill? and so in all his talke shewing no signe of feare, and with great words setting forth the strength of his garrison (which was indeed brought to an etreame weaknesse) said he was readie at the first to haue yeel∣ded vp the towne, for the old acquaintance he had with him at CONSTANTINOPLE, but was alwayes letted by the Germanes and Spaniards which were there in garrison, fierce and cruell souldiors, whose hard hearts were (as he said) hardly entreated to suffer him at that time to come out of the citie into the campe: Wherefore he could promise to be a friend to all such Turkes as should passe that way, and to releeue them with such things as his wasted country could affoord; and further, in token of his submission, to set vp one of Solymans ensignes in the cheefe tower of the citie: but as for receiuing any Turkes into garrison, in token that hee had yeelded vp the [ L] towne, he was willing so to doe, but that he was greatly afraid they should be euill entreated by the Germanes and Spaniards, who deadly hated the Turks: whereof it was to be thought, that new warres would eftsoones arise. In conclusion, he so cunningly vsed the matter, that the great Bassa was contented with this small token of submission, That he should receiue in at one of the gates of the citie, one of Solymans captaines with ten Ianizaries: which being done according∣ly, and they courteously for a while entertained and againe dismissed, the great Bassa held him∣selfe with that simple submission well contented: when as the Gouernour had neither Germane nor Spaniard as then in garrison.* 8.123 So when Solyman had with his great armie lien at the siege of GVNZA by the space of eight and twentie dayes, and in that time to his great losse assaulted the same thirteene times, he rise with his armie, glad of a little fained submission for the safegard of [ M] his honour: and leauing VIENNA on the right hand, whither most part of the Christian armie was assembled, tooke the way on the left into CARINTHIA, and so came to the riuer Mura, and from thence to the citie GRATIA. This turning of Solymans out of the way from VIENNA, where he knew his enemies lay, put all feare out of the minds of the Christians, which they had

[ A] before not without cause conceaued, in so much, that he but a little before feared as a prince of great pride and power, shamefully repulsed at the little towne of GVNZA, and now shunning his enemies at VIENNA, began to grow into contempt as if he had been running away for feare. Which disgrace the Turkes sought by diuers excuses to couer, as that the strong citie of NEO∣STAT lay betwixt him and VIENNA, which could neither without much difficultie be taken, nor danger left enemie behind him: Besides that, Winter began to approch, which caused him (as the Turks gaue it out) to content himselfe with the spoile of the rich countries betwixt the riuers Sauus and Dranus, and so in good time to returne againe to BELGRADE. But they which seemed to see farther into the matter, were of opinion, That Solyman vnderstanding by his espials, and secret aduertisement from his friends, that the princes of GERMANIE had with one consent [ B] joyned their forces with the emperours, brought out of ITALIE, SPAINE, and the low coun∣tries, which at his setting foorth he least feared; and that the Christian armie in number great, consisted not of raw souldiours, but for the most part of such as had beene trained vp in warres, men both for courage and skill nothing inferiour to his Ianizaries and best men of war; chose ra∣ther to take the spoile of the countrey, as he might with safetie, than to aduenture his person and state to the hazard of a most doubtfull and dangerous battell.

Whilest these things were in doing,* 8.124 Michael-ogli by the commaundement of Solyman sent Cason with fifteene thousand of his voluntarie horsemen (who in Solymans expedition against VIENNA, had run thorow the countrey of AVSTRIA as farre as LINTZ) charging him with∣out stay to spoile all the countrey farre and neere which lieth between Danubius and the Alpes, [ C] thereby to learne what he could of the state and strength of the emperours campe; and by doing all the harmes he could possibly, to leaue a most lamentable remembrance of the Turkes being in AVSTRIA. Cason was of himselfe forward enough, and desirous of the spoile; but so much the more, for that he was by the former road into that countrey become both famous and rich: Wherefore diuiding his horsemen into three companies not farre distant one from another, he suddenly oppressed an infinit multitude of all sorts of people in the fields and countrey villages as he went; all which hee either slew without mercie, or carried away as miserable prisoners. Thousands of men and women tied togither in chaines and roapes, were by the cruell Turkes enforced to run as fast as their horses, the countrey villages were burnt downe to the ground and in them the poore children of the Christians, whose parents were either slaine or carried away [ D] captiues: so that all the countrey euerie way for the space almost of an hundred and fiftie miles, was couered with smoke and fire, within three miles of LINTZ; where king Ferdinand then ly∣ing, was glad to get himselfe farther off to STRADINGA, where his brother Charles the emperor lay. This cruell Turke, according to his charge hauing with fire and sword without compassion wrought all the wo he could possible vpon the poore Christians, and now loded with the spoile of the coun••rey and multitude of prisoners, began to returne the same way he came, thinking to find Solyman either at the siege of GVNZA where he left him, or neerer hand at NEOSTAT com∣ming towards VIENNA. But he as is before said, rising with small honour from GVNZA, and fearing the power of the Christians, was gone quite another way as farre as GRATIA, the metro∣politicall citie of STIRIA, standing vpon the riuer of Mura; which turned to the vtter destructi∣on [ E] of Cason and all his followers. For as soone as it was perceiued by the burning of the coun∣trey all about, that the Turkes were come neere vnto LINTZ, the Christian captaines with their companies went out of the campe, some one way, some another, as was thought most conue∣nient for the meeting with of these mischieuous Turks, which neuer rested in one place: wherin they vsed such diligence in taking the passages, that it was not possible they should escape vn∣fought withall. Foure companies of Spanish and Italian horsemen vnder the leading of Lewes Coue a valiant captaine, first lighting vpon them in a valley neere vnto NEOSTAT, and desperatly charging them,* 8.125 were by the Turkes for most part slaine: But Cason perceiuing how he was on euerie side laid for by the Christians in the vallies betwixt NEOSTAT, SABARIA, and VESPRI∣NIVM, the night following with more than barbarous crueltie slew foure thousand of the Chri∣stians [ F] he had before taken prisoners, because he should not be hindred by them in his flight; and diuiding his armie into two parts, about midnight began to set forward, vsing the benefit of the night to haue escaped from his enemies out of these vallies wherein he was enclosed. One part of this armie led by Ferises taking the way Southward, did with incredible labour cut a way tho∣row the thicke and ouergrowen woods (a thing thought altogither impossible) and so with lit∣tle

or no losse came to Solyman into S••••RIA. Cason with the other part of the armie breaking [ G] out of the valley of STORAMBERG, chanced vpon the Palatine (Generall of the forces sent from the Germain princes) who with ten thousand footmen and two thousand horsmen, and certaine field pieces brake the battell of the Turkes, and slew of them a great number: in which conflict Cason his chiefe ensigne was taken.* 8.126 He fighting most valiantly in the rearward to giue others time to escape, was himselfe there slaine; whose gallant headpiece presented afterwards to the emperour, confirmed the report of his death. They which escaped from the Palatine, in their flight fell into the hands of Lewes and the Marquesse of BRANDENEVRG, by whom they were slaine like beasts. The Hungarian horsmen led by Valentinus Turacus, lighting vpon them which fled from Lewes and the Marquesse, had the killing of them for the space of seauen miles; and of all others did vpon them the cruellest execution, following them hard at the heeles with their [ H] fresh horses, and fiercely insulting vpon them in their owne language. Those few dispersed Turkes which escaped the furie of the Hungarians, fell into the hands of the countrey people about VESPRINIVM and the lake of Balaton,* 8.127 which came out on euerie side in hope of spoile, who shewed them small fauour: so that of 8000 Turks which were with Cason, it was thought not one returned to Solyman.

The emperour vnderstanding that Solyman was gone as farre as GRATIA in STIRIA, called his chiefe captaines togither into the castle of LINTZ, to know their opinions, whether it were best to follow the enemie into STIRIA or not. The cities of LINTZ, GRATIA, and VIENNA are scituat almost in forme of a triangle: but from LINTZ to GRATIA is three good daies jour∣ney of bad rough way by horse. Some said it was best to fight with the Turkes in that vneuen [ I] mountaine countrey, where the Turkes chiefe strength consisting in the multitude of his horse∣men, should stand him in small steed, but should be enforced to trie the battell with his footmen, wherein he was inferiour to the Christians. This counsell although it had in it many difficulties, yet for that it proceeded from the most approued captaines, so moued the emperour, that he pre∣sently sent Apontius a Spaniard (the most famous captaine Antonius Leua his lieutenant) to take view of that passage: who shortly after returned againe to LINTZ, bringing word that all the countrey as hee went was desolat and for feare forsaken of the inhabitants: but concerning the place of the enemies abode, he could learne no certaintie. Whereupon it was by generall con∣sent concluded, that they should all go to VIENNA, whither all the strength of the Germains was alreadie assembled, there to take a generall view of the armie, and to giue the enemie battell if he [ K] should againe returne. Some there were of great courage which openly disliked of that going to VIENNA, saying, That the emperour should rather in that distresse of the prouinces of STI∣RIA and CARINTHIA pursue his enemie, than turne out of the way to VIENNA. But others of greater judgement, whose opinion preuailed, said, It was one thing to inuade, and another thing to defend: so that the emperour might with honour enough encampe himselfe in the fields of VIENNA, and from thence to expect & deride the base expedition and vaine brags of his proud enemie, who a farre off chalenged him into the field, and then like a coward durst not come neere him.

* 8.128The emperour comming to VIENNA, and taking a generall view of the armie, found therin two hundred and sixtie thousand men, whereof nintie thousand footmen, and thirtie thousand [ L] horsemen were accounted old expert soldiors, and of them many whole companies and bands, of such as had before ben generals, captains, lieutenants, antients, or other officers & men of marke in other armies, and now were content to serue as priuat men. It was thought that so many wor∣thie captaines and valiant souldiours, were neuer before in the memorie of man assembled togi∣ther into one campe: for the princes and free cities had not sent thither common souldiours, but their chosen and approued men; striuing as it were amongst themselues, who should send the best. All the flowre and strength of GERMANIE from the riuer of Vistula to the Rhene, and from the Ocean to the Alpes, was by the princes of the empire and free cities either sent thither, or of themselues voluntarily came thither. A thing neuer before heard of, that all GERMANIE should as it were with one consent, be glad to take vp armes for their common safetie, in defence [ M] of their honour and libertie; especially against people brought out of the furthest parts of ASIA, SYRIA, and AEGYPT. Beside the great number of Spaniards, Italians, and Burgundians; the Bohemian campe lay not farre off, strengthened with them of SILESIA and MORAVIA. There were also some troupes of Polonian horsemen, not sent thither by publike authoritie▪ but seruing

[ A] as voluntarie men: king Sigismund winking thereat, who as he was carefull not rashly to breake the league he had made with Solyman; so least he should seeme carelesse of the Christian com∣mon cause, by notable dissimulation left place for such of his subjects as would (as if it had beene without his knowledge) to shew their valour in the most honourable warre.

The Christian armie readie to receiue the enemie,* 8.129 lay in a great field neere vnto VIENNA in this order: Three great squadrons of pikemen, standing one squadron a great way distant from another, were so placed against the enemie with like and equall front, that all the horsemen diui∣ded into two parts, might well be receiued into the great spaces betwixt the three squadrons: for it was not thought conuenient to oppose so small a number of horsemen in open field without the footmen, against almost three hundred thousand of the Turks horsemen. The right wing of [ B] the horsemen was led by the emperour himselfe, and the left by king Ferdinand. Before and be∣hind, and on euerie side of the three squadrons of pikes, sauing in those places which were left open for the horsemen, about thirtie paces off, were placed twentie thousand nimble harquebu∣siers ranged in length, and but fiue in a ranke; so that whilest the first discharged, the second, and after them the third, and so the rest readily and orderly comming on, might without let deliuer their bullets vpon their enemies: neither was it thought any disaduantage to place them so thin, for that if they found themselues by the enemies oppressed, they might easily retire amongst the pikes, standing fast at hand. Before the harquebusiers was planted the great ordinance, whereof the emperor had such store and so well placed, that he could therwith (as with a most sure trench) haue compassed in his whole armie. Only the Hungarians, men well acquainted with the man∣ner [ C] of the Turks fight, chose to lie in the open field in two great wings, vnder the leading of their two valiant captaines Valentinus and Paulus. Many noble gentlemen beholding this goodly ar∣mie, wept for joy, conceiuing a most assured hope of victorie, if the proud enemie durst with all his forces joyne in battell.* 8.130 But Solyman, who by all meanes sought with his great number of horsemen to keepe the wide and open fields, certainly aduertised both of the emperors strength and the manner of his lying, got him ouer the riuer of Mura, and at MARPVRGE by bridges which he made on the sudden, passed ouer the great riuer Dranus. And so he which that Sommer held almost all the world in suspence, with the doubtfull expectation of the successe of that war; hauing with all that his huge power wherwith he threatned the world, done nothing at all worth the remembrance, but was in euerie place either ouercome or else shamefully repulsed; left STI∣RIA [ D] & returned the same way he came, directly betwixt the riuers of Sauus and Dranus to BEL∣GRADE, and so to CONSTANTINOPLE, leauing here and there some remembrance of his bar∣barous crueltie, and still looking behind him if the emperour were not at his heeles: at such time as a few Dalmatian and Croatian horsemen did still pursue the taile of his armie. It is reported that he carried away with him thirtie thousand Christians into captiuitie, besides many thou∣sands of poore countrey people slaine by the mercilesse Turkes; but especially by Cason and his followers: and so to his eternall infamie was twise in the space of a few years driuen out of GER∣MANIE. The emperour vnderstanding of Solymans departure, determined with all speed to re∣turne into ITALIE, although king Ferdinand his brother most earnestly entreated him before his departure, in so fit a time to employ those great forces against king Iohn, who now as it were [ E] forsaken of Solyman, might easily with so puissant an armie haue beene thrust not onely out of BVDA, but also quite out of the kingdome of HVNGARIE, wherein he was by Solyman as his vassall placed. But the emperour, for that Winter began now to approach, and the plague was got into the campe, yea euen into his court, continued in his former purpose of departing into ITALIE: yet yeelding so farre vnto his brothers request, as to leaue behind him all the Italians, who joyned with king Ferdinands owne forces were thought sufficient for the accomplishment of the Hungarian warre.

Ouer these Italians, one Fabritius Maramaldus was by the meanes of Alphonsus Victius ap∣pointed Generall: but no order taken for the paiment of their wages, whereby the souldiours might be the more encouraged to take in hand that warre, and also kept in obedience. Which [ F] thing at the first much offended the minds of the other captaines, thinking themselues disgraced by the preferment of Maramaldus, a man of no greater account than themselues: but as soone as it was knowne abroad,* 8.131 the vnder captaines and officers of the bands, led with the credit and fa∣uour of their old captaines, said plainly, That they would not go into HVNGARIE, except ei∣ther king Ferdinand would in person himselfe go, or else one of the great Commanders, Vastius

or Le••a were appointed for their Generall: and the common souldiours said flatly, that they [ G] would aske leaue to depart, except they had three moneths pay, which they knew well they should neuer get of that poore king, alreadie brought vnto great wants. Vastius to appease this mutinie, trauelled greatly with his souldiours, persuading them to remember the faith of soul∣diours, and by their constant perseuerance to maintaine the honour they had got by their cheer∣full comming: telling them, That valiant souldiours neuer wanted pay, furnishing themselues by their victories with all things necessarie from the enemie. And as for Maramaldus their Ge∣nerall, they had no just cause to mislike him being an old captaine of great experience, for cou∣rage and pollicie not inferiour to any of the greatest Commanders, and placed by the emperor his owne appointment as a man most sufficient, whose judgement they ought not in any case to dislike. When Vastius had with these and such like reasons well appeased the tumultuous soul∣diours, [ H] and was gone out of the campe into VIENNA to take further order for the remedying of all difficulties; night, the nurse of sedition came on, whose darkenesse excluding all modestie and feare, gaue further scope and place vnto the mutinous souldiors insolencie. By chance there was at that time brought out of the citie into the campe verie course, hoarie, moulded bread, which some of the souldiours hauing bought, and thrusting it vpon the points of their speares, shewed it vnto their fellowes in great choller, railing against king Ferdinand, which in his owne kingdome in the beginning of the warre had made no better prouision, but with such corrupt and pestilent bread to feed them being strangers, which were onely for his defence and quarrell to aduenture their liues. And but a little before, a certaine Spaniard being but a common souldiour comming into the Generals tent, and casting the like bread down at the feet of Vastius, bitterly cursing the [ I] emperour and king Ferdinand, had raised a wonderfull tumult: wherefore the Italian souldiours flocking togither out of their tents, gaue many hard speeches concerning their pay, their victu∣als, and the difficulties of the Hungarian warre. There one Titus Marconius of VOLATERRA a man of a troublesome spirit, but reasonably well spoken, was by the other souldiours set vp vpon a great heape of saddles, that he might be the better heard, and by diuers seditious cap∣taines requested frankly to speake his mind, so farre as he thought concerned the safetie and wel∣fare of them all. Where it is reported that he spake vnto them in this seditious manner as followeth:

* 8.132And shall the Spaniards (said he) beloued companions and fellowes in armes, as you haue heard, [ K] go into ITALIE? and to our great hurt againe returne into their old Wintering places? and that which I am ashamed to say, as notable guests lie with our wiues? and we Italians as banished men fight this Winter with ice and snow in HVNGARIE? and that forsooth for a most beggarly king, and him also to the Hungarians a foreuer and meere stranger, against a naturall borne prince, of his subiects well beloued, and strongly backt with the power and wealth of the Turkish emperour? And that which might iustly grieue any couragious mind, vnder the conduct of Maramaldus, who oftentimes blinded with anger and hastie crueltie, hath so furiously thrust vs thorow with his sword, that he see∣meth not more to desire the name of a captaine for any thing, than for the killing and murthering of vs now his souldiours. Neither can I beleeue that you, who haue oftentimes beene captaines and aun∣tients your selues, will be so mad, as to serue vnder a common captaine, without hope of any pay, of any [ L] prouision, of victorie or returne. Truely it delighteth me not so much to haue come hither for the ho∣nour of the Italian name (no more reckoned of than a rush) although I haue eleuen times serued; as it doth this day ashame me to see this shamefull end of the warre, ended before it was well begun. But in Regall dignitie is no shame, nor equitie in rewarding the souldiour: for kings now adaies make ac∣count of souldiours onely according to their necessitie; this is it alone that giueth vs pay, this is that getteth vs loue, this is it maintaineth our reputation; all which, peace once by victorie obtained, leese their grace. So fareth it with vs at this present (fellow souldiours) the emperour and his brother king Ferdinand, deliuered from the feare of a most dangerous warre, to ease themselues of this multitude of vs, seeke to thrust vs into HVNGARIE as beasts to the slaughter, by the spending of our bloud ho∣ping to purchase vnto themselues victorie; and by the losse of vs to take no harme themselues, though [ M] the Turkes and Hungarians should with sword and famine vtterly destroy vs, shut vp with the ice of Danubius and the snow of the Alpes. But peraduenture you vnderstand not these deuises, no more than you vnderstand what this terrible and bloudie * 8.133 comet, shooting his beames towards ITALY, pre∣tendeth. Verily it is not fatall either to Solyman or Caesar, but rather threatneth vnto vs death and

[ A] destruction: for they with like counsell, full of safetie and discretion, would not open any way vnto their owne destinies, but warely withdrew themselues one from the other, and shunned all the dangers of the field: Wherefore if it were lawfull for them without any blemish of their Maiesties, so notably to prouide to keepe themselues out of danger, when as on each side halfe the world lay as a reward of the victorie; shall not we looke to our selues that we he not thrust thither from whence appeareth no hope of returne, but with vtter destruction? when as we may doe it without offence and by good right, especially seeing no pay is offered vs. Thus you see what a goodly end is made of this notable warre, wherein onely we the Italians in stead of commendation and reward reape iniurie and disgrace: and are peraduenture of purpose exiled into HVNGARIE, that this floure of chiualrie being drawne out of ITALIE and sent farre out of the way, colonies of Spaniards and Germanes may be placed in our [ B] steads. Truly it seemeth hard dealing to be sent out of the way into a barbarous countrey, where wee shall find all hostilitie, and no place of refuge to receiue vs, being distressed. Beside this, we shall also whether we will or no feele how heauie and intollerable it will be both to our bodies and minds to en∣dure the miseries of this Winter and dangerous warre: and in the meane time with no small hearts greefe imagine what things our children, our brethren, our kinsmen, yea and our wiues, suffer at home of the Spaniards and Germanes. Wherefore worthie companions, it concerneth vs more at this time to haue a good foresight, than valiantly to fight. The occasion presented vnto vs far our safetie and welfare, standeth vpon a tickle point, it must be done without delay, and we must hie vs hence before that the Spaniards trusse vp their baggage; and so preuenting the emperours formost companies, come first our selues into ITALIE: for if we shall stay but a little to consult vpon the matter, Vastius [ C] and our other proud commaunders will presently be here, the very betrayers of the Italian bloud, who for their owne gaine and our mischeefe haue brought vs into these straits; who I know will most ear∣nestly intreat vs, and with many subtilties seeke to seduce vs, by offering vs great pay and whatsoeuer els we shall require: which will all proue but words. But you, if you be men, refuse to talke with them as with your common enemies, or rather in reuenge of their old iniuries kill them. Here wanteth not in this assembly valiant men, for courage and integritie of life their betters farre, which can lead you forth, order your battell, and fortunately vse this your courage and forwardnesse. Wherefore if you be wise; set forward resolutely, and good fortune no doubt will attend you in your hast, for the full accomplishment of your desire consisteth in your hast onely.

[ D] Marconius had no sooner made an end of this mutinous speech, but the tumultuous souldi∣ors in euery band began highly to commend and approue the same,* 8.134 and by and by such a confu∣sed noise was heard thorow all the assemblie, as vseth to rise amongst the discontented vulgar people, readie to rise in armes: but the drums presently striking vp a march, they made no lon∣ger stay, but without delay pluckt vp their ensignes, and forward they go directly towards NEO∣STAT. In this tumult, in stead of their old captaines which either were not then present, or refu∣sed to goe with them, they chose others to bee their leaders: who once named by the seditious multitude, might in no case without danger refuse to take the charge vpon them, were they ne∣uer so vnwilling. These were Montebellius, Nerius, Melcarius, Sanctius, and the two twins of MILLANE, called Glussani: who drew after them eight thousand souldiours, the rest partly for [ E] shame, and partly for feare, staied still with Maramaldus their new appointed Generall. When they were thus gone, Vastius and diuers other great captaines hearing thereof in the citie, posted after them six miles, and at length ouertaking them, requested them to stay, and not to dishonor themselues with so foule a fact, telling them, that their pay was readie for them, and omitting no∣thing wherwith they might haue ben moued to stay, mingled their praiers with grieuous threats: but they resolutely set downe, would neither heare, nor stay; but as men enraged with furie, and their own guiltie conscience, with sterne lookes discharged some small shot vpon them. Whilest Vastius would there haue staied the companie, and did what hee possibly could by threatening and otherwise to haue terrified their leaders, and to haue brought them backe, he was oftentimes in danger to haue been slaine. In the end he was glad to forsake them, and to returne as he came. [ F] King Ferdinand by this sudden departure of the Italians, for that time disappointed of all his hope of recouering the kingdome of HVNGARIE from king Iohn, in great choller writ vnto his subjects of STIRIA and CARINTHIA, whereby the Italians were to passe, that they should shew them no manner of courtesie in their passage: whereupon ensued great hurt on both sides. Yet for all that these Italians in despight of what could bee done, at length recouered TILIA∣VENTVM

in the borders of ITALIE, where they disbanded themselues, and returned euery man [ G] to his owne dwelling,* 8.135 leauing king Ferdinand vnto his owne forces. The emperour also brea∣king vp his armie at VIENNA, and purposing now as before to returne into ITALIE, appointed Ferdinand Gonzaga to goe formost with the light horsemen, with whom also he went himselfe: after him followed Vastius with the Spaniards; two dayes after came the cardinall, whose traine was of all the greatest; last of all followed the mercinarie Germanes: in which order he retur∣ned in safetie into ITALIE.

This was the end of those wonderfull preparations made by the two great monarchs Solyman and Charles the fift, in the yeare 1532, which held the world in great suspence with the fearefull expectation of some maruellous alteration, and so much the more, for that at the same time ap∣peared a great blasing starre by the space of fifteene daies. All which for all that, God so appoin∣ting, [ H] sorted to farre lesse harme than was of most men feared.

* 8.136Now whilest Charles the emperour was thus in Armes against Solyman in AVSTRIA, An∣dreas Auria by his appointment with a fleet of 35 tall ships and 48 gallies, wherein he had em∣barked 25000 good souldiours well appointed, did in the meane time wonderfully annoy the Turkes in PELOPONESVS. With this fleet Auria departing from MESSANA in SICILIA: and passing alongst the coast of ITALIE into the Ionian, neere vnto the Isle of ZACYNTHVS, met with Vincentius Capellius the Venetian admirall with a fleet of sixtie gallies, set forth by the Venetians for defence of their territories; who offered vnto Auria all possible kindnesse▪ but ex∣cused himselfe, that he could not joine with him in that warre against the common enemie, by reason of an old league betwixt the Turkes and the Venetians, which Solyman had but a little [ I] before renewed. So that at that time the Venetians stood as men indifferent betwixt Charles the emperour and Solyman, offering like kindnesse to both, but taking part with neither, yet in readi∣nesse to fall out with either, if they should by sea or land offer any injurie to their state: wherein they bare themselues so indifferent, that it was thought, that they at one and the selfesame instant aduertised Auria, That Himerales the Turks admirall lay with his fleet of sixtie gallies, euill ap∣pointed in the bay of AMBRACIA, where he might easily be surprised: and gaue likewise war∣ning to him of the comming of Auria with a strong fleet, wishing him in time to prouide for his better safetie, by retiring his fleet into some other place of more assurance, which he presently did: for knowing himselfe too weak, he departed from AMBRACIA to the strong hauen of CAL∣CIDE. Which thing with other like well considered, might giue just cause to any Christian heart [ K] to bewaile the state of that time, wherein the Christian princes being either in mortall warres among themselues, or entangled by Solyman with leagues of no assurance, omitted the fairest oportunitie that could haue beene wished for the abating of the Turkes greatnesse: for if the Venetians joyning their forces with Auria, had in time pursued the Turkish admirall, it was like, that not onely all Solymans power at sea had beene vtterly discomfited: but also most part of GRaeCIA, mindfull of their antient empire and libertie, and then readie to haue rebelled, and joyned hands with the Christians, might haue been recouered out of the Turkish thraldome; yea and the imperiall citie of CONSTANTINOPLE greatly endangered, few or none being left for the defence thereof, beside yong Ianizaries, and effeminat eunuchs, the heartlesse keepers of the Turks concubines, Solyman himselfe being then far off in HVNGARIE, and hauing drawne [ L] with him the greatest strength of his empire.

Auria taking his leaue of the Venetian admirall, with much honour done at sea on both sides, was shortly after aduer••ised; that the Turkes admirall was fled to CALCIDE. Wherefore now out of hope to doe any good against him, he directed his course to CORONE, which is a strong citie vpon the coast of PELOPONESVS,* 8.137 about twelue miles distant from MODON, with purpose to besiege it: which when hee had well viewed, and considered of the strength thereof, he laid siege thereto both by sea and land, battering it most terribly, at one time with foureteene great peeces of artillerie by land, and a hundred and fiftie by sea, so that a more terri∣ble batterie had not been lightly heard of: for all that, the Turks valiantly stood vpon their de∣fence, and manfully repulsed the Italians, which vnder the leading of the countie of SARNE as∣saulted [ M] the citie by land. The Turkish garrisons lying about in the country of PELOPONESVS, did what they might to haue releeued the citie, who by the valour of the said countie were dis∣comfited, and Zadares their cheefe leader slaine, whose head with others of the slaine Turks was set vp vpon stakes to the terrour of the defendants.

[ A] At length the Turkes wearied with assaults, and terrified with the thundering shot which neuer ceased, and driuen also from their greatest strength towards sea by the desperate assault of certaine resolute Christians, whom they had now full sore against their wils receiued as it were into their bosomes,* 8.138 fearing also to want victuall and pouder▪ if they should longer hold out without any hope of releefe; yeelded the citie & castle to Auria, vpon condition, that they might in safetie depart thence with bag and baggage. CORONE thus taken, and a strong garrison of Spaniards there placed, and the Christian Greekes which dwelt in the citie sworne vnto them, Auria put to sea with his fleet, and sayling againe by ZACINTHVS, came to PATRAS, another antient citie of PELOPONESVS,* 8.139 which he easily tooke and ransacked: for the Turks distrusting the strength of the citie had strongly entrenched themselues neere vnto the castle, which place [ B] also together with the castle they in short time yeelded to Auria; couenanting, that they and es∣pecially their wiues might with their garments onely depart in safetie into AETOLIA: which was by Auria so precisely performed, that when three thousand of them passed along thorow the ar∣mie of the Christians raunged on both sides, and some of the souldiours began rudely to handle some of the women, and to take from them some of their jewels, he caused them presently to the terrour of others to be hanged. Auria leauing his armie at PATRAS, with commaundement to follow him by land, sailed alongst the coast of PELOPONESVS, vntill he came to the strait of NAVPACTVM, now called LEPANTO, which is the entrance into the gulfe of CORINTH, par∣ting PELOPONESVS from AETOLIA with a strait somewhat narrower than the strait of HELLESPONT: Vpon this strait stood two castles, the one called RHIVM vpon the coast of [ C] PELOPONESVS, and the other MOLYCREVM in AETOLIA, which Baiazet had wonderfully fortified and stored with ordinance for the keeping of that strait. Auria threatening all extre∣mitie vnto the captaine of the castle on PELOPONESVS side, if he did enforce him to plant his batterie, so terrified him, that he without delay yeelded to him the castle, couenanting only, That he and his souldiours might in safetie depart thence: which graunted, and the Turkes departed▪ Auria gaue the spoile of the castle vnto his souldiors which came with him by sea; whereby he so offended the minds of the other souldiors which came by land from PATRAS, that they were about to haue forsaken him. The other castle vpon AETOLIA side was not so easily taken, be∣ing valiantly defended by a garrison of old Ianizaries, appointed for the keeping thereof. Yet in the end by furie of the ordinance a breach was made, wherby the Christians forcibly entring, [ D] slew three hundred of the old garrison souldiours, not taking any to mercie: the rest fled into a strong tower in the middest of the castle, where seeing no remedie but that they must needs fall into the hands of their enemies, they desperatly blew vp themselues and the tower with a great part of the castle with gunpouder, in such sort, that it seemed all the sea coast to haue been shaken with an earthquake, and the gallies which lay a bow shoot off were almost ouerwhelmed with stones blowne out so farre off. The great Ordinance taken in this castle, was valued at seuentie thousand duckats; whereof certaine peeces of a wonderfull greatnesse, with Arabian letters written vpon them, were afterwards by Auria brought to GENVA, and in remembrance of the victorie mounted vpon the bulwarke at the mouth of the hauen. All these things thus happely a••chieued, Auria strongly fortified the citie of CORONE, storing it both with munition and [ E] plentie of victuall, committing the defence therof to Mendoza, a valiant Spaniard, with a strong garrison of Spaniards, promising of his owne charge to relieue him whensoeuer he should need, if the emperour should deferre to doe it. The strait of NAVPACTVM laid open, Salu••atus with the gallies of MALTA, scoured all alongst the gulfe of CORINTH, doing great harme vnto the Turkes which dwelt on both sides of the gulfe, spoyling and terrifying them euen as farre as CORINTH. Not long after Winter now approching, Auria receiuing letters from the empe∣rour, of Solymans departure out of HVNGARIE,* 8.140 returned with his fleet loaded with the spoile of the Turkes to NAPLES, and so from thence home to GENVA.

In the beginning of the Spring following (which was in the yeare 1533) it was rifely repor∣ted,* 8.141 that the Turks were comming with a great fleet towards PELOPONESVS: and not long af∣ter,* 8.142 [ F] Mendoza Gouernour of CORONE by letters aduertised Peter of TOLEDO viceroy of NA∣PLES, that he was both by sea and land hardly besieged by the Turkes; and that he would to the vttermost of his power valiantly defend the citie, so long as he had any prouision of victuall: Wherefore he most earnestly requested, that if the emperour would haue the towne kept, hee should in time send him reliefe, wherupon the oppressed Grecians taking heart were like enough

to rebell, and to helpe to expulse the Turks quite out of PELOPONESVS. But aboue all things [ G] he forgot not to craue speedie helpe of Auria,* 8.143 and to put him in mind of the faithfull promise he had made to relieue him at his need. Vpon this newes, Charles the emperour commaunded Auria his Admirall to rig vp a conuenient fleet for that seruice, promising forthwith to send vn∣to him twelue gallies, which hee had new built in SPAINE. He also requested the knights of MALTA to aid him with their gallies against that common enemie. Wherefore Auria hauing with wonderfull celeritie rigged vp thirtie tall ships, and as many gallies, came to NAPLES to take in his souldiours: there the old garrisons of the Spaniards which for want of pay were ri∣sen in mutinie against the great Commaunder Vastius and the viceroy, and had rifeled the citie of AVERSA, and done no little harme all about in the countrey of CAMPANIA, were againe pa∣cified by a pay giuen vnto them, and presently embarked for CORONE, vnder the commaund [ H] of Rodericus Macicaus their Generall; at which time also Frederick of TOLEDO the viceroy his sonne, with a companie of braue gentlement went aboord, vowing vnto the sacred warre that their first seruice. The knights of MALTA came thither also with their gallies. But whilest these things were a doing, Auria to encourage them of CORONE, for feare least they dispairing of helpe should fall to some hard composition with the Turkes, sent Christopher Palauicine a reso∣lute young gentleman of an inuincible courage, with a most swift gallie to CORONE; who by daylight passing thorow the middest of the Turkes fleet, safely recouered the hauen, to the great joy of the besieged Christians: and shortly after, when he had well viewed all things he was sent for, with the strength and manner of the enemies lying, and filled the mindes of the defendants with assured hope of speedie rescue; about noone time of the day he suddenly brake out againe [ I] thorow the middest of his enemies, and as it were miraculously escaped in safetie for all that they could doe, although they ceased not to giue him chase so long as they were in any hope to haue ouertaken him. Auria departing from NAPLES came to MESSANA, where he certainly en∣formed of the enemies force both by sea and land, with the number of their gallies, and seeing that the chiefe hope of relieuing of the citie consisted in celeritie, staied not for the gallies he ex∣pected out of SPAINE, but held on his course towards GRaeCIA: for it was told him that the enemies fleet daily encreased by the cōming in of the Turkish pirats; and that Assem-beg other∣wise called the Moore of ALEXANDRIA (an arch pirat) was still looked for, in whose good dire∣ctions the Turkish captaines reposed the greatest hope of their victorie. When he was come as farre as ZACYNTHVS, he was enformed by the Venetians, That Luftibeius Bassa (or rather Lut∣zis [ K] Bassa, the Turks great Admirall and Solyman his brother in law) with Solyman of ACARNA∣NIA, and the Moore (men for their skill at sea of great fame and reputation) lay before CORONE with eightie gallies, manned with diuers companies of the old Ianizaries; so that it was thought a matter of exceeding perill for him to aduenture to relieue the town, except he tooke the aduan∣tage of some prosperous gale of wind. Wherfore Auria to haue yet more certaine knowledge of the enemies fleet, sent before him Christopher Palauicine with one gallie, againe to view the manner of the enemies lying: who passing the promontorie of ACRITES, saw all the Turkes great fleet lying in verie good order before the citie: and so returned to AVRIA, confirming that the Venetians had before reported, and that the Turkes fleet was greatly encreased, and lay rea∣die as it should seeme to giue him battell as soone as he should approach the citie. For all that, [ L] Auria nothing dismaied with the greatnesse of the Turkes fleet, made no stay but still kept on his course, and with a faire gale of wind passing the promontorie of ACRITES, came directly towards CORONE. Two great Gallions, of all the fleet the most wa••like ships, came formost; whereof the one was Auria his owne which hee had built with a wonderfull charge, and the other was of SICILIA:* 8.144 These two great ships were appointed by Auria to turne a little vpon the left hand, and at such time as the enemie should set forward from the shoare to cast anchor betwixt both the fleets; that as occasion should serue, they might as out of two strong castles beat the Turkes gallies with their great ordinance, wherewith they were for that purpose wonderful∣ly stored. Next vnto these great Gallions followed the other warlike ships with full sailes: after whom came the gallies in three squadrons, whereof Saluiatus had the leading of the right wing, [ M] which consisted of the bishop of ROMES gallies, and them of MALTA: in the left wing and neere vnto the enemie commaunded Antonius Auria: and in the middle was Auria himselfe. At the first sight of the Hungarian fleet the Turkes moued not from the shoare, but discharged their ordinance at them a farre off, and then begun to set forward and to draw neerer; especially

[ A] the Moore, who with greater courage than the rest, assailed the side and reareward of the fleet: for the Christians keeping on their course right forth to CORONE,* 8.145 and turning nothing to the left hand as was before appointed, seemed as if they had fled; and so much the more, for that the gallies in the right wing, for feare of the Turkes great ordinance did fet a great compasse farther off into the sea, and many of the middle squadron and of the left wing also, had disorderly thrust themselues in amongst the ships, although they had receiued little or no harme of the enemies great shot.

In this confusion of the Christian Nauie, the Moore requested Lutzis the Admirall not to let slip so faire an occasion, wherein the Christian fleet might easily haue beene ouerthrowne: but whilest Lutzis doth slowly and consideratly set forward,* 8.146 Auria in the meane time had put [ B] his fleet againe in order, and with a faire wind was come to CORONE. Two of the ships by the way falling foule one on another, staied behind, being not able to keepe way with the rest: about which all the Turks gallies presently flockt, and tooke the lesser of them, killing all the Spani∣ards they found therein. Out of this they boorded the greater, and with a bloudie fight had woon the forecastle and waste of the ship: when Auria accounting it no small dishonour to haue his ships so surprised at his heeles, caused all his gallies to turne againe vpon the enemie to rescue those ships. The Turks seeing that, and with the Westernly wind by little and little fallen down so farre with the ships,* 8.147 that they were come within the danger of the shot of the towne, began with great stir to forsake the ships, and to betake themselues to their oares, and so in manner of flight withdrew themselues. Whom Auria pursued a good way to MODON, thundring in [ C] their poupes with his great shot, which hee liberally bestowed amongst them: whilest in the meane time Antonius Auria came to rescue the two distressed ships. There the Spaniards which but a little before had hardly maintained their close fights, began now as men reuiued to shew themselues, and couragiously to make resistance: and they which came with Antonius Auria to their rescue, entring with wonderfull celeritie on euerie side, slew and tooke three hundred Ia∣nizaries, which with great courage had entred those ships, and were there left by the sudden de∣parture of their fellowes. Amongst whom was taken one Iosuphius and old captaine of a thou∣sand Ianizaries, to whom Auria after he was come to CORONE, gaue a faire sute of apparell and a chaine of gold, and so set him at libertie without any raunsome, thereby to prouoke the Turkes to the like kind of courteous dealing with the Christians. Assam-beg the pirat, and the [ D] other captaines of the Turkes fleet wonderfully blamed Lutzis the Admirall, for that he would not then fight with the Christians, when as he was thereto most earnestly requested both by the captaines and souldiours in generall, and had a faire opportunitie of victorie offered at such time as the Christian fleet was disordered: but he excused himselfe, saying, That it was giuen him in speciall charge from Solyman the emperour, that he should in any case respect the safetie of his nauie, and not to come to the hazard of a battell. The Turks which besieged the citie by land, vpon the approach of the Christian fleet forsooke their trenches & fled:* 8.148 at which time Mendoza the Gouernor sallying out, tooke great store of victuall and warlike prouision which the Turks had for hast left behind them. So Aurea to his great honour, hauing driuen the Turkes from CORONE both by sea and land, furnished the citie with store of corne, wine, victuall, pouder, [ E] and shot: and committed the defence thereof to Macicaus, and the companies of the mutinous Spaniards which he had brought from NAPLES: comforting the Greekes, and exhorting them patiently for a while to endure those calamities of warre, telling them that the emperour would the next Spring make warre against the Turkes both by sea and land in PELOPONESVS, and free them from the Turkish bondage. And so embarking the old garrison of Spaniards, depar∣ted from CORONE and came before METHON,* 8.149 where he lay as it were brauing the Turks Ad∣mirall, hoping thereby to draw him out of that strong harbour to battell. But when he saw that the enemie could by no meanes be allured out of his strength, or assailed as he lay, he departed thence to CORCYRA, and so backe againe to MESSANA in SICILIA.

Within a few dayes after Assam-beg the Moore of ALEXANDRIA and most famous py∣rat, [ F] lying in wait for the marchants ships of VENICE comming out of SIRIA with marchan∣dise,* 8.150 by chance met with Hieronimus Canalis vpon the coast of CRETE: where in the night time was fought betwixt them a fierce and cruell battell, wherein of the Moores thirteene gallies foure were sunke, three taken, and the rest hauing lost most part of their rowers, fled to ALEX∣ANDRIA. In this fight was slaine three hundred Ianizaries which were going to CAIRE, and a

thousand other Turks: of all them that were taken there was scarcely one saued, but the Moore [ G] himselfe, who greeuously wounded in the face, for safegard of his life was glad to discouer him∣selfe: for the Venetians maintaining their state by trade and trafficke, doe of all other shew least fauour vnto pyrats. When the Moore had made himselfe known vnto Canallis, there was great care taken for the curing of his wounds, and either of them began with notable dissimulation to excuse the matter to other, saying, that they were both deceiued by the likenesse of the gallies, and mistaking of their friends for enemies: when as for all that they knew one another right well. For the Moore said, that he tooke those Venetian gallies for to haue beene part of Auria his fleet: and Canalis excused himselfe, by saying, that he mistooke him for Barbarussa, who a few yeares before had surprised three of the Venetian gallies. Yet the Venetians doubting how So∣lyman would take the matter, by their embassadour sought to excuse that was done, as a thing [ H] happening by errour and mischance: of which excuse Solyman excepted, and said moreouer, that Canalis had done well and soldior like, to repulse by force the wrong that was offered him. Three of the emperors gallies staying behind the rest of the fleet, were neere vnto the promon∣torie PALINVRVS, vpon the coast of APVLIA, intercepted and carried away by Sinam, sur∣named the Iew, a notable pyrat of that time also.

The Winter following, the Spaniards and Greekes in CORONE began to want victuals, especially wine and flesh: for the Turkes had so blocked vp the citie, that nothing was to be had out of the countrey; wherefore the souldiors requested Macicaus their Gouernour and Gene∣rall to lead them forth to some peece of seruice against the enemie, for so much as they were not to hope for any releefe elsewhere before Aprill,* 8.151 wishing rather valiantly to die like men in [ I] fight against the Turkes, than to languish within those dead wals for want of victuall. But Ma∣cicaus mindfull of his charge, sought by many reasons to dissuade them from such purpose, shew∣ing them what an offence it were rashly to depart out of the citie committed to their custodie, which might be vnto them dangerous, although they should speed neuer so well; and that those wants which they rather feared than felt, would well enough be ouercome by sparing and pati∣ence: and therefore told them plainely, that hee was resolutely set downe to keepe the citie for the emperor, and to endure all hardnesse, rather than to incurre the infamie, That he had forsaken the citie, and betrayed his garrison. Yet for all this, the matter was so vrged by Didacus Touarres and Hermosilla, both great captaines, and by the generall importunitie of the souldiours, that Macicaus was enforced to yeeld to their desire, and to promise them to goe: yet earnestly pro∣testing, [ K] that he did it altogether against his will, rather enforced than persuaded vnto that, wher∣of he had no great hope of successe. Amongst other that were so forward in this action, was one Barbatius, a most valiant Greeke, who could perfectly speake the Turkes language, and of all others best knew the bywayes and secret passages of the countrey:* 8.152 he vndertooke to be their guide, and by vnknowne wayes to bring them vnto the enemies vndiscouered in the dead time of the night, when as they feared no such matter. So Macicaus commending the custodie of the citie to Liscanius and Mendesius, with charge that they should suffer no man to goe out of the ci∣tie after his departure, for feare of giuing any knowledge vnto the enemie, set forward about ten a clocke in the night towards ANDRVSSA, Barbatius being his guide, who shunning the com∣mon beaten wayes, brought them by secret and vncouth pathes that night halfe the way to AN∣DRVSSA: [ L] but vpon the rising of the Sunne he brought them into a secret woodie valley, where they rested and refreshed themselues all that day, and setting forward againe at night, came to ANDRVSSA before day. In this towne, which was of no great strength, lay one Caranus, a war∣like captaine, with three thousand footmen, whereof the one halfe was of the Ianizaries, and in the suburbes lay Acomates with a thousand chosen horsemen, with which garrison the Turkes kept all that side of PELOPONESVS in awe. Macicaus brought by his guide vnto the place where his enemies lay, went directly to the towne to haue surprised it: Hermosilla in the meane time standing still with certaine companies of Spaniards oueragainst the place where the horse∣men lay. But this could not be done with so great silence, but that some of the horse boyes be∣ing awake, discouered them by the fire in their matches; who first awaked the negligent watch∣men, [ M] and afterwards raised an alarum in the suburbes: whereupon Hermosilla couragiously set vpon the horsemen, being altogether vnreadie, and slew many of them before they could arme themselues, and set fire also vpon the stables wherein the Turkes horses stood, with the rage whereof many of the Turkes perished, with their horses and armour. Great and terrible was the

[ A] noise raised vpon the sudden in the suburbes, but especially of the horses, which burnt as they stood fast tied in the stables, or by chance breaking lose, ran vp and downe with their tailes and maines on a light fire: by occasion whereof, an alarum was raised in the towne, and the Turkes got to the wals before the Spaniards could enter. Macicaus himselfe labouring to breake in at a posterne,* 8.153 was shot in the head with a small shot, and slaine: diuers others neere vnto him were there slaine also. The Turkes perceiuing the small number of their enemies, sallied out vpon them, and enforced them to retire to Hermosilla, who had alreadie made great spoile amongst the horsemen, by whose skilfull direction the Spaniards retired in so good order, making many stands, with their harquebusiers all drawne into the reward, that such of the Turkes as were most forward to pursue them, did by their death cause the rest to make lesse hast. Acomates with such [ B] of his horsemen as had escaped the fire, hasted thither also, bringing with him two hundred har∣quebusiers, which he had caused his horsemen for hast to take vp behind them vpon their horses: but whilest he sought eagerly to be reuenged vpon his enemies, and with too much heat pressed on with the formost, he was shot into the bodie with a bullet and slain. So the horsemen which had before receiued a great losse as they lay in their lodgings, accounting it in their good haps that they were not there all slaine, and hauing now lost their captaine, ceased any further to pur∣sue their enemies, but returned. The Spaniards and Greekes, although they were wearied both with their long march and euill successe, retired still as resolute men readie to fight, and so retur∣ned to CORONE. Presently after, the Turkish garrison remoued from ANDRVSSA to MEGA∣LOPOLIS, now called LONDARIVM: after whose departure the Christian souldiours of CO∣RONE [ C] came thither, and buried the dead bodies of their slaine fellowes (which till then lay vn∣buried) and brought backe with them the head of Macicaus their late Generall, which the Turks had there set vp vpon a long pole, which they honourably buried at CORONE. Not long after the plague began to grow hot in CORONE,* 8.154 so much the more grieuous, for that it came accom∣panied with many other hard difficulties. For which causes, the Spaniards as men at once enfor∣ced with many extremities, embarked themselues with all the great ordinance and such Greekes as would goe with them, in certaine ships which came with corne out of SICILIA, and so depar∣ted, leauing the towne emptie for the Turkes to come vnto.

It was commonly reported, that the Spaniards left CORONE not without the secret consent of the emperour, which was the rather thought to be so, because that they which forsooke the [ D] place, receiued thereby no disgrace, and the emperour himselfe had offered to giue the towne to Clement bishop of ROME: the Venetians and the knights of MALTA, who all refused to re∣ceiue it, as loath to be at so great a charge in keeping a place seruing for no greater purpose; the verie cause why the emperour was so willing to depart with it. Now Clement the great bishop had by meanes of Aloysius Grittus made a motion of a peace, to haue beene concluded for ten yeares betwixt Solyman and the Christian princes, and therupon the towne to haue been againe deliuered vnto the Turkes: which peace Solyman was not altogither vnwilling to grant, being then wholy bent to inuade the Persian king. Ferdinand was also in good hope that his brother Charles the emperor, would for the yeelding vp of that towne haue couenanted with the Turke some great matter for his benefit in HVNGARIE, which as was thought would also haue beene [ E] easily obtained. But whilest the emperour drawne diuersly with the consideration of his honor in keeping it, and of his profit in giuing it vp, stood too long in resoluing; the towne in the meane time was by the Spaniards (their necessitie daily increasing) abandoned, and so left to the Turkes for nothing.

Solyman now purposing to returne his forces against the Persians,* 8.155 of whom hee had in the frontiers of his dominions receiued great hurt, especially in COMAGENE; renewed the league he had with the Venetians, and some other Christian princes: but of all other his affaires with the Christians, he was most carefull of the interest he had alreadie gotten in HVNGARIE. For it was reported, that king Iohn his vassale induced by the continuall solicitations of his subjects, was desirous of peace with king Ferdinand, vpon condition that hee might quietly enjoy the [ F] kingdome during his life: and after his decease it to remaine to king Ferdinand and his heires. Wherefore Solyman,* 8.156 that nothing should be there done in his absense without his knowledge, sent Aloysius Grittus the Duke of VENICE his sonne (of whom we haue before spoken) a man both for the honour of his house, the good carriage of himselfe, and the speciall commendation of Abraham the chiefe Bassa, in great credit with him: with commission as his Lieutenant to be

assistant vnto king Iohn, in such magnificall sort, as that without him the king might conclude [ G] nothing in matters of state, concerning either peace or warres, with any other the Christian prin∣ces. With this proud commission from the Graund seignior, Grittus entred into TRANSIL∣VANIA, then a part of the kingdome of HVNGARIE (much about the same time that Solyman set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE against the Persian) attended vpon with seauen thou∣sand persons of one sort and other, amongst whom were Vrbanus Batianus, and Ianus Docia, two famous Hungarian captaines with their companies, and many of the Turkes Ianizaries also. At his first comming, to make his authoritie the more knowne, he sent out his proud commaund vnto the great men and Gouernours of the cities of that warlike prouince, charging them forth∣with to repaire vnto him as great Solymans deputie, authorised by him to heare and determine all the controuersies and matters of state concerning the kingdome of HVNGARIE. At that [ H] time Americus Cihachus bishop of VERADIVM,* 8.157 a man of great nobilitie and power, withall sin∣gularly well qualitied, was Vayuod or gouernour of TRANSILVANIA, an honour next vnto the king: he vnderstanding that Grittus was come into his prouince, and making small hast to welcome him, as one not greatly moued with his comming, or much regarding the comman∣dement of Solyman; wonderfully offended Grittus, who desired nothing more than at his first entrance to haue confirmed the opinion of his authoritie in the minds of the vulgar people by the prest and readie attendance of the Vayuod. But it was commonly bruted, that the stout bishop vpon a Christian zeale detested the friendship of the Turkes, and could not well brooke that they should be too much acquainted in his prouince, for feare least that fruitfull countrey abounding with men and horses, should by one meanes or other fall into their hands. Grittus [ I] was come to BAXOVIA when he vnderstood by many messengers, that the Vayuod was com∣ming with a great traine, and lay about ten miles off, encamped with diuers gallant troupes of horsemen in warlike manner appointed: for the bishops of HVNGARIE being wonderfull rich, were by old custome bound to keep great nūbers of horsmen, which as occasion serued they vsed to bring into the fields against the Turke; accounting it great honour with their religious hands to defend the cause of religion. But then especially the nobilitie of the countrey well appointed, resorted on euerie side, of courtesie to honour and countenance their great bishop and Gouer∣nour, at whose commaundement they were: in so much as the bishops retinue made shew of a good armie. Which thing moued Grittus exceedingly, that he should be enforced contrarie ••o his expectation to parley with the bishop in the open fields, as with an enemie in sight of all [ K] their followers. Hereof rise enuie, a deadly mischiefe alwaies repining at another mans honor; when as the one swelling with Turkish pride could not then abide any equall, and the other jea∣lous of his honour could by no meanes endure any superiour, in such place as he had the soue∣raigntie of. When these two great men had met togither in the open fields, and there dined more like enemies than friends, without any shew of friendship or good will: Grittus inwardly chafed at his bare entertainment, couertly threatened to bee reuenged vpon all such as should make so light account of his authoritie: and immediatly as he departed from the banket, taking his cap from his head (which was after the Turkish manner made of a high fashion, of rich ••ables) and opening it with both his hands, said, This cap will not hold two heads, and therefore it must be fitted to one, and so put it on againe. Ianus Docia one of the Hungarian captaines, his follow∣ers, [ L] who deadly hated the Vayuod (for that he had long time before, for his malapert speech in a great assembly, giuen him a blow with his fist) tooke hold of that speech of Grittus, as a fit occa∣sion for him to worke his reuenge:* 8.158 and said, Your honour maketh a fit comparison, neither can this prouince containe two equall gouernours or commaunders, nor you euer enioy your power and authori∣tie, except you doe this day with speedie and manly resolution defend both Solymans credit and your owne. You know not this proud beast Americus, whose pride and insolencie if you but say the word, I will quickly put downe: for he hateth Solyman, he regardeth not the king, and of you he maketh no account at all, for why he aspireth vnto the maiestie of a king, and saith that the Vayuodship of TRAN∣SILVANIA well beesemeth a king, for that in this countrey Decebaldus the Dacian sometime raig∣ned, whom the warlike emperour Traian with all the force of the Roman empire hardly subdued. No [ M] man can more proudly or arrogantly set himselfe forth than he, neither more craftely or cunningly dissemble to serue his turne. Indeed he hath for fashion sake presented your honour with a few simple presents, and giuen you his hand also, better knowne for his falshood than his faith; to the intent that when you are once past his countrey, he may scoffe and ieast at your decrees: verely he deadly enuieth at

[ A] your honour and felicitie, and grudgeth in his heart, that you should set downe the lawes of peace and warre in HVNGARIE: and whereas he doth manifestly aspire vnto a kingdome, he feareth you aboue all others, least you should trouble his designes, abate his credit, and chastise his insolencie. Verely, he that thus maligneth your happinesse, and contemneth your authoritie, is not to be suffered, but by good reason to be taken away: thereby at this your first entrance to defend the credit of your commission and honour of your name. For nothing is more dangerous than a faithlesse companion and a secret enemy, especially when you shall leaue him at your backe behind you: for when he shall as occasion serues shew forth his hidden malice, he shall so much the more slily and desperatly indanger your person. Grittus enraged with his speech more than before, thought it best to make hast, & to vse his authoritie to the full; he commended Docia, and promised him in short time to requite his good will towards [ B] him, especially if he would by some notable attempt abate the bishops pride. It is reported, that Grittus gaue him no other charge but to take the bishop, that so he might after the Turkish maner haue sent him in chaines to CONSTANTINOPLE, & bestowed the honor of the Vayuod vpon Hieronimus Lascus the Polonian, who in hope of that honourable preferment vnto him promi∣sed by king Iohn, had done him great and faithfull seruice, as his embassadour both vnto Solyman and also to the French king.* 8.159 But when king Iohn perceiued that he could not conueniently with∣out manifest danger place him, being a Polonian (who could scarcely speake the Hungarian lan∣guage) gouernour ouer such a warlike people; he as it were enforced by necessitie, preferred this Americus the bishop of VERADIVM, a man of them both reuerenced and feared: Which so grieued Lascus, a man of great stomacke and experience, and thereunto excellently learned, that [ C] he would neuer admit any excuse of the kings, but alwaies after complained that he was by the king deluded. Yet for all that, he kept himselfe within the bounds of loyaltie, and enjoyed cer∣taine lands and townes which the king had giuen him in the borders of POLONIA; and estran∣ged neuerthelesse from him in mind, was now become one of Grittus his followers, hoping of his better preferment by his meanes vnto Solyman; and for that cause was not so forward to doe the king such seruice as he had in times past. Now by the commandement of Grittus, a strong companie of Turkish horsemen, and certaine troupes of Hungarians, were deliuered to Docia; who secretly departing that night from BAXOVIA, came suddenly to the Vayuods campe, ha∣uing a little before by his Hungarian spies learned that he lay in the open fields in his tent, by reason of the great heat, without any watch or guard, attended on only with his pages and hous∣hold [ D] hold seruants, as a man without feare; and that all the rest of his retinue lay dispersed in the coun∣trey villages round about. All which serued so well for Docia his purpose, that the Vayuod ig∣norant of his death so nigh at hand, who rather contemned than feared his enemies, was sud∣denly oppressed by Docia his souldiours:* 8.160 so that whilest he was yet lying in his bed, and scarcely well awaked by his chamberlaines and the noise of the enemie; Docia breaking into his tent, cut off his head as he lay. All they which lay neere, amazed with the suddennesse of the matter, fled away for feare, and left their horses and other things for a prey to the Turkes, and other of Docia his followers. Docia hauing done so great an outrage, returned to Grittus presenting vnto him the Vaiuods head, which he brought in his hand by the eare. Lascus was then present, but alto∣gither ignorant of the murther, who as a man moued with a naturall compassion in so sudden [ E] and horrible a fact, and forgetting all former grudge (as in like case it oftentimes chanceth) stood as one dismaied, nothing rejoycing at the vnworthie death of his enemie. To whom Grittus turning himselfe said, Lascus, Doest thou not know this shauen pate, truely it is a great mans head, but of such a one as was verie ambitious, rebellious, and proud. To whom Lascus re∣plied, Truely though I loued him not, yet I thought it not so whilest it stood vpon his shoul∣ders: disallowing therein the crueltie of the fact. Which thing Grittus perceiuing, began to repent him of that was done, and said openly, That although he was worthily slaine, yet he could haue wished rather to haue had him taken prisoner.* 8.161 The report of this horrible murther once bruted abroad, the bishops kinsmen and friends, yea almost all the people of that prouince rise vp in armes against Grittus, to reuenge the death of the reuerend bishop, whom liuing they had [ F] both loued and feared. Neuer did any people in reuenge of a common wrong, enter into armes with greater desire, more heat, or quicker speed: so that in a few daies there were assembled to∣gither fortie thousand horse and foot, vnder the leading of Stephanus Maylat a noble gentleman, who of all other most honored the bishop, and in that common griefe tooke vpon him as chiefe, the persecuting of the authors of such inhumane crueltie. Grittus perceiuing how grieuously the

matter was taken, with the danger he was in, began to doubt with himselfe what course were [ G] best for him to take. To go forward, and to fall into the hands of the furious people, the same was present death; and to returne and leaue the honourable deputation he had with so great expecta∣tion of all men taken vpon him, was vnto his aspiring mind no lesse torment than death it selfe. Thus perplexed, he with al speed got himselfe with his followers to the strong town of MEGE, in hope to shroud himselfe vntill such time as the rage of the countrey people were either of it selfe appeased (as it oftentimes falleth out in such sudden tumults) or else he might be relieued by king Iohn, or the Turkes Sanzacks which had the charge of the frontiers of the Turkish empire. The townesmen of MEGE seeing Grittus accompanied with so many Turkes, shut the gates against him: yet at length by the persuasion of the two Hungarian captaines Docia and Batianus, they gaue him leaue to enter into the base towne, hauing before retired themselues with all their sub∣stance [ H] vnto the higher towne, which in manner of a strong castle commanded the lower. Here whilest Grittus with all carefulnesse fortifieth the place, and dispatcheth the messengers vnto his friends abroad for aid; his enemies with hideous noise & outcries approching the town, at their first comming attempted to haue scaled the wals and rampiers thereof: which thing whilest they disorderly did, with greater furie than discretion, they were easily repulsed and many of them slaine by the Turkes Ianizaries and harquebusiers.* 8.162 After which losse, by the direction of Maylat their Generall, they withdrew themselues out of the danger of the shot, and encamped on eue∣rie side of the towne, hoping as the truth was, that their enemies vnprouided of victuall could not long hold the place, but must of necessitie either starue with famine or yeeld it vp. In the meane time Grittus resolutely enduring all the calamities of a man besieged, fell sicke, and so [ I] much the more for that he could heare nothing of any aid which he expected frō his friends: For king Iohn glad in his mind of the distresse of the ouerseer, or rather competitor of his kingdome; and also knowing that he could not without great discontentment of his subjects oppose him∣selfe against such a multitude risen vpon so just a cause, yet for fashion sake sent certaine troupes of horsemen to his reliefe: who not altogither ignorant of the kings mind, made such hast, as men that purposed not to come in time to doe him good. As for the Turks Sanzacks of BELGRADE and SAMANDRIA, they enuying at his homage, flatly refused to depard from their charge to relieue him, without expresse commaund from Solyman himselfe: and Lascus (before one of Grittus his chiefe followers, but now a beholder of his distresse) when he had a little before de∣parted from him to procure him some reliefe as he promised, did now in this extremitie forsake [ K] him also. The citisens in the vpper towne, who a great while had stood looking on from aboue as men indifferent; perceiuing the full resolution of their countrie men to be reuenged, and the difficulties wherewith the Turkes were inclosed, assailed them also from the high towne. Grittus thus beset on euerie side, offered vnto the Transiluanians a great masse of money, to suffer him to passe forward into HVNGARIE: but their furious minds more desirous of reuenge than mo∣ney, were not to be moued with any gold. In fine hee sent rich jewels vnto the Gouernour of MOLDAVIA his friend, to be readie at a certain houre when he would sallie out of the towne, to receiue him with certaine troupes of horsemen; so if it were possible to saue himselfe and his children. Grittus (whether it were vpon a doubtfull hope, or vrged by ineuitable destinie) sally∣ing out of the towne at the appointed time, with Solymans commission in his hand, and missing [ L] of the Moldauian,* 8.163 fell vpon Francis Schenden the late bishops nigh kinsman, and Maylat his fa∣miliar friend, who furiously running in vpon him with tumultuous speech, violently ••aught from his head his rich cap of Sables, and with his horsemen tooke him, being weake with sick∣nesse and making no resistance. His followers, especially the Turkes, enclosed on euerie side, were either slaine or taken. But Grittus himselfe being brought to the Generals tent, beset round with his armed enemies, and there examined, Why he had commaunded the Vayuod to be slaine? earnestly protested, That he neuer commaunded any such thing, and that it was done without his knowledge. Which his answere serued not his turne, all the people crying out against him with one voice, that he should as a sacrifice be offered vnto the Vayuods ghost. Whereupon he was by Maylat deliuered againe to Francis Schenden to be executed,* 8.164 who with∣out [ M] delay caused his head to be strucke off. The nobilitie and the Vayuods kinsmen (after the manner of that people) dipped some part of their garments in his bloud, the longer to keepe in mind the remembrance of the reuenge. This was the shamefull end of Aloysius Grittus the duke of VENICE his sonne, Solymans deputie in HVNGARIE, with whom he was in such credit as ne∣uer

[ A] was any Christian, abounding in wealth and world••y felicitie: but climing too fast vp the euill sta••ed ladder of ambition, suddenly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and neuer rise more. The executioner stripping his dead bodie,* 8.165 found about him so many pretious stones and ••ewels as were valued at fortie milli∣ons of duckats. And not long after, La••cus sent for by the king to BVDA, was straightly exami∣ned vpon torture concerning Grittus h••s commission and purposes, and was in great danger of his life: but at last by the intercession of Sigismund king of POLONIA, he was set at libertie, and so fled out of HVNGARIE vnto Sigismund his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in POLONIA: after hee had long time wearied himselfe and aduentured his life in the Hungarian state▪ Docia the author of this Trage∣die, was by the furious people afterwards rent in peeces, and so perished.

The same time that Grittus went from CONSTANTINOPLE into HVNGARIE, Solyman [ B] the Turkish emperour dreading no danger out of EVROPE,* 8.166 tooke in hand two great expediti∣ons both at one time, the one by land into ASIA against the Persians, and the other by sea into AFFRICKE against the Moores: promising vnto himselfe in his inordinate desires the monar∣chie of the whole world in short time, if he might subdue those two great nations whom he had alreadie in hope deuoured. But for as much as all cannot be told at once, which was at one time in diuers places so farre distant done; omitting for a while the expedition made in person him∣selfe against the Persians, we will first declare what he did by his lieutenants against the Moores. Hariadenus surnamed of the Christians Barbarussa, who succeeding his elder brother Horruccius in the kingdome of ALGIERS in AFFRICKE, had by many victori••s so enlarged the kingdome before gotten by his brother, that his name and power was now become terrible both to the [ C] Christians and wild Moores, and his fame growne great in the Turkish court, was the cheefe author and persuader of Solyman to inuade AFFRICKE. But it shall not (as I thinke) be far from our purpose here breefely to rehearse by what meanes those two MYTILENE brethren, basely borne, crept out of a small galliot vnto the majestie of great kings, that herein they which come afterwards may also admire the wonderfull changes and chances of these worldly things, now vp, now downe, as if the life of man were not of much more certainetie than a stage play.

These two brethren, Horru••cius and Hariadenus,* 8.167 borne at MYTILENE in the Island of LES∣••O, wearie of the poore and base estate they led at home with their father, a renegate Grecian: stealing a little galliot, committed themselues and all the hope of their good fortune to sea, where by chance they consorted themselues with Camales, a most famous pyrat of that time, vn∣der [ D] whom Horruccius the elder brother for his forwardnesse became a captain: and growing rich by many purchases, and also strong with gallies and slaues which he had at sundrie times taken, and at last consorting himselfe with Haidin, Sinam the Iew, Salec, and other lesse pyrates, which afterwards became men of great fame and account, ouer whom he commaunded as an arch py∣rat, came seeking after purchase as far as MAVRITANIA. At which time Selymes king of IVLIA CaeSARIA, which now we call ALGIERS, was in armes against his brother Mechemetes, com∣petitour of the kingdome: who aided by the Numidians, now commonly called Arabians, put his brother in great doubt of his estate. Selymus glad of the comming of Horruccius & the other pyrats his followers, with a great masse of money paid before hand, induced Horruccius and the rest to take vpon them the defence of him and his kingdome against his brother: Which thing [ E] Horruccius so happily performed, especially by the meanes of his harquebusiers, as then no small terrour to the wild Moores and Numidians, that in short time he repulsed that sauage people, and set Selymes at peace in his kingdome. Horruccius being a man of a sharpe wit, and by nature ambitious, noting in the time of his seruice the kings mild and simple disposition, void of all di∣strust; and that the naked Moores were no souldiors, but a light and vnconstant people, alwayes at variance among themselues; and that the wandering Numidians liuing barely, deuided into many factions, were easily by reward to be woon, or by force constrained: suddenly falsified his faith, and villanously slew Selymes the king, as he was bathing himselfe, mistrusting nothing lesse than the falshood of the pyrat; and in the same hurle murthering such as he thought would with∣stand his desire, and with bountie and crueltie ouercomming the rest, so wrought the matter, [ F] that he was by generall consent chosen king of ALGIERS. Thus of a pirat become a king, he shortly after by policie surprised CIRCELLO, a famous citie (about sixtie miles distant from AL∣G••ERS) by his souldiors sent thither in the habite of marchants.* 8.168 After that, he by his brother Ha∣riadenus (no lesse valiant than himselfe) troubled all the Medeterranian sea from ALGIERS with his gallies, & all his neighbors: himselfe by land with daily incursions, leauing nothing vntoucht

which might by force or policie be had▪ so that his power dayly encreased, men of seruice conti∣nually [ G] resorting vnto him, as the cheefe man in all those parts. Not thus contented, he to enlarge his kingdome, draue the Spaniards out of BVOEA, a citie famous both for the great trade thither, and for the Mahometane schoole sometime there kept: at the taking whereof he lost his right hand with a shot, and in stead thereof euer after vsed a hand of yron, wherewith hee obtained many worthie victories against his enemies: for neere to ALGIE••S he ouerthrew an armie of the Spaniards, with Diego de Vara their generall. And shortly after, at such time as Hugo Moncada returning out of ITALIE with the old Spanish souldiours, landed in his countrey, hee enforced him againe to sea; where he with all his expert souldiours either perished by shipwracke, or dri∣uen on shore, were slaine or taken prisoners by Horruccius, and thrust into his gallies. At last ha∣uing in sundrie battels ouercome the king of TREMIS••A, Charles the emperour his confederat, [ H] and thrust him out of his kingdome, he stirred vp both the Christians and Numidians against him: so that comming to take ORA and PORTVS, two strong holds kept by ga••risons of Spa∣niards sent thither to aid the king of TREMISSA,* 8.169 he was by them and the Moores at the first repulsed, and afterwards quite ouerthrowne: where most part of his armie being slaine or taken prisoners, he with a few of his friends sought to saue themselues by flight ouer the desart sands; and seeing himselfe hardly pursued by his enemies, scattered many peeces of gold ••pon the sands as he fled, thereby to haue staied their hastie pursute: but they more desirous of him than of his gold, followed so fast, that at the last they ouertooke him, and without further delay strucke off his head, which was afterwards sent into SPAINE, and carried vpon a launce thorow all the townes and cities alongst the sea coast, to the wonderfull rejoycing of the people, vnto whom [ I] he had in former time done great harme.

* 8.170After the death of Horruccius, Hariadenus inferiour to his brother neither in courage nor martiall prowesse, by the generall consent of the souldiours tooke vpon him the kingdome of ALGIERS. He, made he••re not onely of his brothers kingdome, but of his vertues and hautie thoughts, and of the surname also of Barbarussa, began forthwith to aspire vnto the empire of all that part of AFFRICKE, accounting what he had alreadie gotten, too little and too base to an∣swere his desires. Wherefore he entred into armes, and became a terrour both to the Moores and Numidians, holding peace with some, and warres with others, as best serued his purpose: and with his gallies robbed and spoiled the coasts of SPAINE, SARDINIA, and the Islands BALE∣ARES; fortune so fauouring him in all his enterprises, that he became both famous and fearefull [ K] vnto his enemies.* 8.171 He slew Hamet, a great commander among the Numidians, & chased Bencha∣des and Amida, two of their greatest princes, out of the country: and with like fortune at sea ouer∣came Hugo Moncada, a famous Spaniard, who sore wounded, had much adoe to saue himselfe by flight, when he had lost diuers of his gallies. He also in battell at sea ouerthrew Rodericus Por∣tundus, admirall of SPAINE: in which fight the admirall with his sonne were both slaine, and seuen of his gallies taken: In token of which victorie, he sent part of the rich spoile there taken with the admirals ensigne, as a present vnto Solyman, whereby he became famous in the Turkes court; but much more after he had repulsed Auria from CERCENNA, and taken two great Ge∣noway ships which were comming to Auria loaded with men and munition, the losse where∣of filled the citie of GENVA with much sorrow. All things sorting thus according to his desire, [ L] and his name become no lesse terrible in SPAINE, ITALIE, SICILIE, and the Islands of the Mediterranean, than it was in the greatest part of AFFRICKE; Solyman grieued with the losse of CORONE, PATRAS, and the castles vpon the straits of LEPANTO, taken from him by Au∣ria, Himerales his admirall being shamefully put to flight: by the counsell of his Bassaes, but espe∣cially of Abraham the cheefe Bassa,* 8.172 sent embassadours vnto him to ALGIERS, offering him the greatest honours of his court, and to make him admirall of all his fleet, if hee would forthwith repaire vnto CONSTANTINOPLE: for why he was the onely man in all mens judgements, who for his yeares and great experience at sea, as well as for his inuincible courage and glorie of his late atchieued kingdome, was to be compared with Auria, and to bee opposed against the Christian fleet. Sinas a great man in Solymans court, was with this embassage sent, and speedily [ M] transported to ALGIERS by Mangalis, a famous pyrat, then gouernour of the RHODES: who at his landing was honourably receiued by Barbarussa, and audience giuen him. Barbarussa vn∣derstanding the cause of his comming, was exceeding glad thereof, presently conceiuing no small hope of obtaining the Monarchie of AFFRICK, if he might once come to Solymans presence,

[ A] and at large shew vnto him the state of AFFRICKE, and power of the Christians, with their continuall discord amongst themselues. Wherefore without further delay committing the pro∣tection of his sonne Asanes (then about eighteene yeares old) and the gouernment of his new gotten kingdome to Ramada and Agis, two of his nigh kinsmen and assured friends, of whose fidelitie he doubted not: he with fortie of his owne gallies, in most warlike manner appointed, set forward with Solymans embassadour towards CONSTANTINOPLE; where by the way hee met with a fleet of Genoway ships bound for SICILIE for corne, which after a sharpe and cru∣ell fight he tooke and burnt. After that, landing by night in the Island of EL••A, not farre from NAPLES, he suddenly surprised RHIVM, a rich citie; where loading his gallies with the wealth thereof, and carying away with him all the inhabitants into captiuitie, he arriued at CONSTAN∣TINOPLE [ B] in the yeare 1533,* 8.173 where he was by the great courtiers brought to Solyman▪ of whom he was joyfully receiued, if it were but for the presents which he gaue him: which were fair boyes and young maidens sumptuously apparrelled, eunuchs, and wild beasts of LYBIA, as Lyons, Leopards, and such like. But after he had certaine daies discoursed at large with the great Bassaes of the state of AFFRICKE, the strength of the Christians, and how the warres were to be mana∣ged, he was afterwards by them seldomer sent for,* 8.174 and offering himselfe into their companie, was hardly admitted: for enuie (the inseparable companion of growing honour) had quickly ouer, taken him in the court, so that many men letted not openly to say, That it had not beene the fa∣shion of the Othoman kings to preferre pyrats (the worst kind of theeues) to the honour of their great Admirall; and that there wanted not, neither euer would want men both vertuous and va∣liant [ C] in the Turkes court, which could with great honour maintaine and augment the glorie of the Turkish empire both by sea and land, whereas he had against all right and conscience, by shamefull treacherie intruded himselfe into another mans kingdome in AFFRICKE, and there persecuted the Mahometane princes and people, being of no religion himselfe, as one that was borne of a renegat Greeke, and had from his youth liued as a mercilesse pyrat, and common ene∣mie of mankind. By which speeches, Barbarussa well perceiued in how euill time Abraham Bassa his best friend, and by whose meanes he was sent for, was absent from the court: who at that time was gone into COMAGENA, and wintered at ALEPPO, with purpose (as Solymans fore∣runner) with the first of the Spring to passe ouer Euphrates against the Persian. After long sute and much expectation,* 8.175 Solyman answered Barbarussa by A••ax and Cassimes, two of the great [ D] Bassaes, That all the matter concerning him should be referred to the discretion of Abraham the cheefe Bassa, for that hee was by his counsell especially sent for into AFFRICKE: wherefore if he did expect any thing, he should repaire vnto him into SIRIA, that according to his graue judgement all things might be ordered.* 8.176 Barbarussa thus rejected into SIRIA, although he well perceiued that it tended to his no small disgrace; yet in hope by sufferance to obtaine another kingdome, seemed contented with the answere, and resolued forthwith to take vpon him that long and painefull journey, which the old king lustily performed: and so posting by land thorow ASIA the lesse, and trauelling ouer the mountaine AMANVS, then couered with deepe snowe, came in the dead time of Winter to ALEPPO in SIRIA, where hee was honourably receiued of the great Bassa, and heard at large, to his so good contentation and liking, that he deemed him [ E] of all others the fittest to commaund the Turks power at sea, and to that purpose writ commen∣datorie letters in his behalfe to Solyman; wishing him for his sufficiencie to place him as the fourth with the other three Bassaes of his counsell.* 8.177 After Barbarussa was againe arriued at CONSTAN∣TINOPLE with these letters, and that it was once knowne how effectually the cheefe Bassa had commended him to Solyman, it was a world to see, how vpon the sudden the face of the court was changed vpon him, euery man either for friendship or flatterie begun now to speake of his praises, and to extoll his worthinesse: who was now in all mens mouths but Barbarussa? so great was the power & authoritie of the cheefe Bassa, that being absent, yet was his approbation of all men accounted sufficient to preferre whom he pleased; & his letters lawes to the rest of the court, Barbarussa had brought with him from ALGIERS one Roscetes,* 8.178 the elder brother of Muleasses, [ F] king of TVNES, who wrongfully driuen into exile by his younger brother, had liued certaine yeares at ALGIERS▪ but now by the persuasion of Barbarussa was come with him to CON∣STANTINOPLE to craue aid of Solyman against the oppression of his brother. Him Barbarussa oftentimes shewed vnto the great Bassaes▪ and in his discourses with them concerning the con∣quest of AFFRICK, set him out as a most fit instrument for subduing of the kingdome of TVN••S,

as a man whom the people more affected than they did Muleasses the vsurper. After long deli∣beration [ G] and consultation had with the Bassaes, concerning the inuasion of AFFRICRE, Barba∣russa now admitted vnto the presence of Solyman, in these or like words persuaded him to that warre, for the entrance whereinto we haue thus farre digressed.

* 8.179What thing the priests with lowd voice vse to pray for, at such time as the Othoman emperours enter into the temple to pray, the same thing doe I also wish vnto thee most mightie Solyman, which is, That thou shouldest remember, thy progenitors by iustice and religion to haue got for thee this em∣pire, than which, more magnificent or richer the gods haue not giuen to any: for fortune hath neuer deceiued them that tread that way, and thou hetherto hast so traced their steps, that thou hast easily surmounted their fame and glorie, administring iustice to thy subiects; and inflamed with the hope [ H] of eternall praise, making continuall warre against the enemies of our religion, the true office of a zealous prince. By this meanes is BELGRADE taken, RHODES woon, the king of HVNGARIE slaine in battell, GERMANIE twice harried and burnt: so that Charles, whom the Christians would make equall to thy selfe in power and valour, with the great aid almost of all the Christian nations, ter∣rified with the noise of thy armie, shunned battell. But for as much as empires be they neuer so large, or victories be they neuer so glorious, can either satisfie the greatnesse of an heroicall mind, or glut the same with glorie: thou hast therefore sent before thee thy victorious ensigns against the Persians and Parthians, that those nations who haue wickedly fallen from our rites, purified as it were by thy sacred armes, may be againe reclaimed to the auntient rites of our religion. But be this vnto thy greatnesse most honourable to attempt, and glorious to performe: let it only be lawfull for me now growne an old [ I] man in the middest of armes and dangers, to declare what is expedient, and briefly to open such things as I haue by long experience learned to concerne the augmenting of thy fame and empire elsewhere. Neither would I haue you to take this as presumptuously spoken of me: for fortune hath enough, yea and more than enough fauoured my designes, whom from a poore cottage and bare hope, she hath pro∣moted to glorious victories, great riches, yea vnto the title and maiestie of a king. But vnto these things the gods could giue me nothing better than to be called for of thee, and sent for, in counsell to discourse of matters of greatest importance: wherefore my aduise shall bee vnto thee faithfull, and with experience confirmed; which although it be all that it seemeth old men can doe, yet in my sound bodie remaineth such strength, that I dare both promise and performe vnto thee my good seruice at all assaies both by sea and land. For vnto this onely course haue I bent my selfe day and night from my [ K] youth (following the purpose & counsell of my valiant brother Horruccius, who to extend the bounds of our religion, persecuted the Christians both by sea and land) desiring nothing more, than that thy fleet and power might once be ioined with my forces and direction, and so vnder thy good hap to be ei∣ther a commaunder, or els commaunded: for as much as it grieueth me not to be commaunded by my betters: of which my desires if the gods shall make me partaker, the Spaniards shall shortly be driuen quite out of AFFRICKE, thou shalt heare that the Moores are gone ouer into SPAINE to repossesse the kingdome of GRANADO, that TVNES and NVMIDIA are at thy commaund, and not to speak of SARDINIA and CORSICA, that SICILIA is ours: which once taken, we shall starue vp ITA∣LIE, and on euery side distresse it with our fleet, being now weake and brought low by the discord of the princes, and that part thereof both towards SICILIA and MACEDONIA readie to submit it selfe [ L] vpon any condition, so it might cast off the Spanish yoke. Thinke not that either that strength or vni∣tie is now in ITALIE, which was when thy great grandfather Mahomet hauing taken HYDRVN∣TVM, brought a great feare not vpon ITALIE onely, but vpon other the Christian nations also: For by the good successe of that warre, which all the Christian princes could hardly withstand, he had vn∣doubtedly taken the citie of ROME, and so according to right and reason againe vnited the empire of the East and of the West, as they were before in their auntient glorie: But hee suddainely left the world, rapt to heauen, that he might leaue to thee (according to the appointment of the fatall destinies and reuolutions of the heauens) this worke of absolute perfection. And yet my purpose is not by put∣ting thee in hope of so great and rare a triumph, to interrupt or hinder thee for turning thy power into the East against thy old and irreligious enemies, deseruing all extremities: for thy nauie shall be [ M] sufficient for me, whereof thou shalt haue no need in thy warres so farre within land, that whilest thou art conquering ASIA, AFRICA the third part of the world may in the meane time be brought vn∣der thy subiection also. Where before all other things, Muleasses is to be driuen out of TVNES, a man of insatiable couetousnesse, vnstayed lust, horrible crueltie, hated both of God and man: who hauing

[ A] by treacherie slaine eighteene of his brethren, or that which worse is, cruelly burnt out their eyes, doth so raigne alone, that he hath left him neither kinsman nor friend: For being as vnthankfull as perfi∣dious, he hath murthered all his fathers friends, who with great trauell had preferred him to the kingdome, so to make short paiment for so great desert. With this beast we must haue to doe, whom whilest no man loueth, all men easily wish to perish. The Numidians trouble him with daily inuasi∣ons, whose iniuries the infamous coward endureth with such shame and reproach, that it should seeme he had rather to suffer them than reuenge them. And yet this effeminat distard holdeth in chaines many valiant Turkes, and acknowledgeth not your imperiall name, whereunto all men on euerie side sue for grace: and which is not to be suffered, exceedingly fauoureth the Spaniards at TRIPOLIS, to the intent that Agis and Moses, two valiant Turkish captaines, may be driuen out of the citie. [ B] This wild beast disarmed of his clawes and teeth, we shall easily destroy, if it be but for that we haue with vs Roscetes his brother, whom the Numidians wish and long for: him must we vse, if it be but for a shew, so shall the thing we desire be without bloud effected, as soone as we shall but present our selues before the gates of TVNES. Then shall it be at your pleasure to appoint whom you will haue to gouerne the Numidian kingdome: it shall be vnto me glorie enough, when the greatest part of AF∣FRICKE conquered, shall be peaceably deliuered into your hands at your returne with the triumphs of PERSIA. But by the way as I returne, I assure you vpon mine owne priuat so to vse the matter, that the Christians shall also haue good cause to bewaile their calamities: and if I hap to meet with Auria, he shall haue smal cause to reioyce of the mischiefe he hath done: for him alone I challenge to persecute as my proper and peculiar enemie, both for the remembrance of the harmes we haue receiued at his [ C] hands, and for the despight I haue at his fame; who once taken out of the way, the seas shall be open onely to you and your fleets. And beleeue me, he that shall be able to commaund the seas, shall easily also subdue the kingdomes by land.

But Solyman, who after the manner of wise princes vsed well to consider, and afterward with ripe judgement to resolue of such matters as he had with attentiue eare hearkened vnto; com∣mending Barbarussa for his forwardnesse in his seruice, for that time brake vp the counsell. Not long after a decree was made, according to Abraham the great Bassa his aduise, That Barbarussa should be joyned as fourth with the other three chiefe Bassaes of Solymans counsell, and be made great Admirall: so that all the islands, ports, and people all alongst the sea coast thorow out So∣lymans [ D] empire,* 8.180 should be at his commaund, and that it should be lawfull for him to take vp such marriners and souldiours for seruice at sea, as pleased him in what place soeuer. This being so∣lemnly proclaimed, Solyman with his owne hand deliuered him a scepter and a sword, willing him by worthie deeds to performe what he had promised. After which Aiax and Cassimes the two great Bassaes, with the captaine of the Ianizaries, brought him with exceeding pompe from the court to the Nauie: at which time was carried before him all the tokens of his new obtained honour. And toward the maintenance of that warre at sea, he had deliuered vnto him out of So∣lymans treasures eight hundred thousand duckets, and eight hundred Ianizaries.

But for as much, as much it was that he did in the seruice of Solyman, and more is of him hereafter to be spoken; it shall not be amisse here to present vnto the view of the world the sterne, [ E] but liuely countenance of this so famous a man (who liuing kept all the Mediterranean in feare) as it is by Boisardus expressed, togither with the Elogium following.

[illustration]

BARBARVSSA.

Littora te Hesperiae timuere vtrius{que}, Lybes{que} Oppressi dextra succubuere tua. Nunquam te Lypare Corcyraue diliget, harum Cum sis immeritos depopulatus agros.

The coasts of ITALY and SPAINE, of thee were sore afraid, And so the Moores did stoupe to thee, by thy right hand dismaid. [ L] LYPPAROS will thee neuer loue, ne yet CORCYRA strong: For that thou causelesse didst to them so great and open wrong.

Barbarussa sped of that he desired, staied not long after at CONSTANTINOPLE, but depar∣ting out of HELESPONTVS with eightie gallies and certaine galliots, shaped his course towards ITALIE; leauing Amurathes (a sea captaine) with twelue gallies to transport Solyman and his ar∣mie, readie to set forward against the Persian, ouer that narrow sea into ASIA. Who after hee had so done, ouertooke Barbarussa at METHONE, who holding on his course to AFFRICK, and sodainly passing the strait betwixt ITALIE and SICILIE,* 8.181 brought a great feare vpon both the [ M] countries; but passing by the bay of HIPPONA alongst the coast of the lower CALABRIA, he set vpon the towne of S. Lucidius called in auntient time TEMPSA: which although it stood vp∣on a rocke, and was reasonable well walled; yet such was the violence of the Turkes assault, that it could not be defended but was taken, with so much more hurt to the inhabitants, for that the

[ A] Maior of the towne to keepe the people from flying away, had lockt vp the gates on the other side of the citie from the enemie. From thence he with rich spoile and many prisoners went to CITRARIVM, where he had learned of his prisoners, a fleet of gallies was in building. This towne forsaken of the inhabitants for feare, he tooke without resistance, ransaked and burnt it, where he also fired seauen gallies not yet altogither finished. But after he was come with his fleet as farre as the island CAPRI within the sight of NAPLES, such a terrour was strucke into the minds of all that dwelt alongst that coast, that it was thought if he had landed and gone directly to NAPLES, the Neapolitanes would for feare haue abandoned the citie. But holding on his course, he came to PROCHITA, which he tooke and rifled: so passing by the port of CAIETA, which he might easily haue taken, he came to SPELVNCA, a towne in the hithermost part of [ B] the kingdome of NAPLES. They of the towne dismaied with the sudden arriuall of so great a fleet, yeelded the same without resistance. The enemie entring the towne, tooke twelue hun∣dred prisoners. Pelegrinus a chiefe man amongst them of SPELVNCA was fled into the castle; him Barbarussa commaunded to yeeld, which if he would presently doe, he promised to let him go free; but if he should stand vpon his defence, he threatned in short time to make him repent his foolish hardinesse with the vtter destruction both of himselfe and the towne. The fearefull gentleman without delay, came out of the castle, and fell downe at his feet; who according to his promise gaue him his libertie, and with rare courtesie restored to him his wife▪ his sonne, and niece, whom hee had taken prisoners, who receiued them with many teares falling from their eyes for joye.

[ C] The same night also two thousand Turkes came from the fleet thorow the rough and bushie mountaines to the citie FVNDI, ten miles distant from SPELVNCA, in the vttermost borders of the kingdome of NAPLES, conducted as was thought by certaine Italians of that countrey; who a few yeares before taken at sea, and ouerwearied with the heauie burthen of the Turkish slauerie,* 8.182 had reuolted to the Mahometane religion. But such was the suddennesse of their com∣ming, and their celeritie in entring the citie, that Iulia Gonzaga the paragon of ITALIE, and the chiefe prise which they sought after, had scarce time to get to horse halfe naked, and so with much difficultie to escape into the mountaines. It is reported, that Barbarussa (which thing he himselfe afterwards seemed not to denie) moued with the same of her incomparable beautie and won∣derfull perfection, desired exceedingly to haue taken her as a present for Solyman. The citisens [ D] were for most part either slaine or taken prisoners by the Turkes; who loded with the spoile of the citie, returned againe to the fleet. Another part of Barbarussa his fleet came to TARRACI∣NA, which the Turks tooke forsaken of the inhabitants, who for feare were all fled into the moun∣taines, except some which for age or sicknesse could not shift for themselues, whom the Turkes slew and spoiled the churches.* 8.183 Barbarussa thus scouring alongst the coast of ITALIE, and newes thereof daily brought to the citie of ROME, strucke such an exceeding terrour into the minds of the citisens, that it was verily thought if he had come but a little farther to OSTIA, they would generally haue forsaken the citie. But he hauing well performed his promise made to Solyman for vexing the Christians, and before resolued of a greater matter he had to doe; when he had watered at PONTIA, passed ouer into AFFRICK with such celeritie, that he was arriued there [ E] before it was thought that he was departed from the coast of ITALY. For Barbarussa to deceiue Muleasses king of TVNES, and to take him vnprouided, had giuen it out that he would burne and spoile the coasts of the Christian countries, especially of ITALY, LIGVRIA, and SPAINE, in reuenge of the harme done by Auria at CORONE and PATRAS. Which thing Muleasses the rather beleeued, vnderstanding his proceedings vpon the coast of ITALY. The Venetians hauing also at the same time at great charges prepared a great fleet, did in some part lessen Mu∣leasses feare, that Barbarussa would employ his forces for AFFRICKE: for then what should the Venetians haue needed to haue made so great and chargeable a preparation. But that which aboue all other things brought him into securitie, was for that he had by secret espials certainly learned, that his brother Roscetes was kept at CONSTANTINOPLE, as a prisoner at large, vnder [ F] safe keeping: which made him to thinke that Barbarussa his forces were not prepared against him, for he knew that he could not be impugned, or his state more endangered by any other meanes than by producing the competitour of his kingdome, to whom his guiltie conscience doubted, that both the citisens of TVNES and the Numidians were for most part well affected.

This Muleasses of whom we now speake, and whom hereafter we shall by occasion often re∣member,

was lineally discended of the auncient kings of Tunes;* 8.184 who without interruption of [ G] discent or mixture of forraine bloud, had by the space of nine hundred fiftie and foure yeares mightily ruled the great kingdome of TVNES, from TRIPOLIS to BVGIA, almost eight hun∣dred miles alongst the Mediterranean, and into the maine as farre as the mount ATLAS: and for the long continuance of their state, and largenesse of their kingdome, were worthely accoun∣ted the most reuerend and mightie amongst the Mahometane kings of AFFRICKE. His father Mahometes, when he had with much glorie and more pleasure raigned two and thirtie yeares, perceiuing the end of his life to approach, had purposed to haue appointed Maimo his eldest sonne (whom for his hastie aspiring he then held in durance) to succeed him in his kingdome. But ouercome with the importunitie of Lentigesia his wife, a woman of hautie spirit, who had by reward made a strong faction in the court for her sonne Muleasses, he altered his former pur∣pose, [ H] and appointed him his successour: by whom (as it was thought) the small remainder of his owne old yeares was shortened; Maimo the right heire of the kingdome in prison, presently murdred; seuenteene of his other brethren vnmercifully executed; and three other, Barcha, Be∣leth, and Saeth, with more than barbarous crueltie, with a hoat yron of their sight depriued: on∣ly Roscetes the second brother, and Abdemelech, escaping the hands of their vnnaturall brother, fled to Morhabitus a great prince amongst the Numidians; whither also their brothers malice persecuted them, seeking sometime by practise, sometime by poison to haue taken them away, and at last for a great summe of money to haue had them deliuered into his hands: Which mo∣ney they Numidian receiued, but suffered the distressed princes as if they had escaped against his will, to flie further to another Numidian prince a friend of his, called Bentieses: where Mule∣asses [ I] by like practises as before sought to haue destroied them, or to haue got them into his owne power. Thus chased by their brothers endlesse malice from prince to prince, and place to place, they for their more safetie fled at last to the citie of BISCARIS farre into the maine land: where Abdemelech as one wearie of the world, gaue ouer all and betooke himselfe to a solitarie life, and became a melancholy Mahometane monke. But Roscetes courteously entertained by Abdalla prince of that citie, found such fauour in his sight, that he gaue him his daughter in marriage, and long time honourably maintained him as his sonne in law, with such carefulnesse, that for feare of Muleasses practises, he was seldome permitted to eat any other meat but such as the prince or his wife had before tasted of. Muleasses thus raigning and raging, and yet not contented with the death of so many of his brethren, proceeded further, and murthered diuers of their children [ K] also.* 8.185 He caused also the Manifet and Mesuar, men of greatest authoritie in all the kingdome, his fathers graue counsellors and his cheefe friends, by whose meanes especially he had aspired vnto the kingdome, to be cruelly tortured to death▪ fearing their greatnesse, or rather as some thought greeuing to see them liue to whom he was so much beholden, and therefore rewarded them with such sharpe payment. And by the instigation of Lentigesia his mother, caused diuers of his fathers other wiues and concubines to be shamefully murthered, inueighing oftentimes against his father, that as an effeminate prince with infinit charges had for his pleasure maintained two hundred wiues and concubines in his houses of delight, by whom he had begot so many sonnes competitours of the kingdome, that he had left him (as he said) a laborious and enuious peece of worke,* 8.186 to destroy so great a brood. Roscetes aided by his father in law and the other Numi∣dian [ L] princes, to whom the name of Muleasses both for his crueltie against his owne bloud, and injurious dealing against his neighbours, was become odious, passing ouer the riuer Bragada, with a great armie, neere vnto TVNES met with Muleasses his armie, conducted by Dorax, a valiant captaine, brother to Lentigesia: where in a sharpe conflict he ouerthrew his brothers ar∣mie, and enforced Dorax with them that were escaped out of the battell for safegard of their liues to flie into TVNES. Roscetes pursuing the victorie, came and presented his armie before the gates of the citie, in hope that the citisens (whom he knew for the most part to hate the vsurping ty∣rant) would vpon the sight of him, in right their king, with so great an armie, raise some tumult in the citie, and let him in. There he lay by the space of twentie daies, still expecting some innoua∣tion; in which time the more to alienate the minds of the people from Muleasses, and to shew [ M] how vnable he was to protect them, he burnt and destroyed all the oliue and fruit trees, which grew most plentifully and pleasantly all alongst the country, from the ruines of old CARTHAGE to the wals of TVNES: which was vnto the citisens, whose greatest possessions lay there, a most heauie and lamentable spectacle. But Muleasses had so attempered their minds with faire spee∣ches

[ A] and large promises of recompensing euery man to the full, for all such harme as they should sustaine by his brothers furie in the countrey: and beside that had the citie in such strong posses∣sion by reason of his souldiors, that the citisens either would not or could not reuolt to Roscetes. The Numidian princes wearie of that long and vaine expectation,* 8.187 according to the leuitie of that nation, accounting it no shame after victorie once gotten to depart, began one after another to shrinke away to their owne dwellings, persuading Roscetes also to prouide for himselfe whilest he had time, and to attend his better fortune. Wherefore he fearing to be betrayed by the Nu∣midians, or circumuented by his cruell brother, fled to Barbarussa, then raigning at ALGIERS in great glorie, where he was honourably entertained; and there remained vntill such time as by his persuasion he went with him as is aforesaid to CONSTANTINOPLE, to craue helpe of Soly∣man, [ B] by whom he was detained in safe custodie: although it was in policie giuen out by Barba∣russa, that he was in the fleet, and that he should by Solymans power be restored to his fathers kingdome at TVNES.

This was the state of the kingdome of TVNES,* 8.188 at such time as Barbarussa with Solymans great fleet, contrarie to all mens expectation, suddenly departing from the coast of ITALIE, lan∣ded in AFFRICKE at BISERTA,* 8.189 a famous port of the kingdome of TVNES. They of BISER∣TA wearie of the gouernment of Muleasses, and of themselues desirous of change▪ as soone as they heard the name of Roscetes, forthwith draue out their Gouernour, and receiued the Turkes into the towne. For Barbarussa had before sent certaine of Roscetes his familiar friends ashore, which bare the people in hand, that he was in the fleet, but not able yet to come on shore, for [ C] that he was (as they said) seasicke and troubled with an ague. BISERTA thus possessed by Barba∣russa, he presently departed thence: and sayling by VTICA, thirtie miles distant from BISERTA, and so keeping alongst the coast,* 8.190 and passing the promontorie of CARTHAGE, came before GVLETTA, a strong castle within the bay of TVNES, so placed vpon a strait, that it commaun∣deth all the passage by sea vnto the citie of TVNES. Before this castle, Barbarussa in token of friendship, discharged all his great ordinance, which they of the castle answered with like: but being required to deliuer it vp to Roscetes, they said it should be alwayes at his commaund that ruled in the citie of TVNES. The newes of Roscetes his supposed comming, flying swiftly by land from BISERTA to TVNES, and the great fleet once discouered, set all the citie on an vprore: for the citisens were in great expectation of their new king, both for the loue of Roscetes, who had [ D] alwayes shewed himselfe to be of a mild and bountifull nature; and also for the hatred of Mu∣leasses, whose tyrannous and couetous gouernment they thought they had too long endured. Neither was he ignorant what report ran of himselfe, and how he had lost the hearts of his sub∣jects, which was euidently to be seene in the eyes and countenances of the cheefe men of the ci∣tie. And that which more encreased their hatred, was for that he had not according to his pro∣mise to them in time of his distresse, made them any recompence for their goodly houses and oliue gardens, destroyed in the countrey by Roscetes in the former warres: wherefore at such time as he came now out of the castle, and in the greatest assemblie of his people, began to per∣suade them to play the men, and to continue constant in their obedience, promising vnto them such reward as they knew he was neuer able to performe, they all departed, and left him alone: [ E] yea some of them vnder the colour of friendship, and amongst them Abdahar, then Mesuar, (which was cheefe officer next vnto the king) persuaded him to giue place to his hard fortune, & forthwith to flie,* 8.191 for by chance at the same instant it was in euery mans mouth, that the Turks were euen at hand: which thing caused Muleasses, forsaken of his subjects, of himselfe fearefull, and worthily doubting to be betrayed, to flie in such hast out of the citie, that he left behind him both his treasure and jewels, which afterwards came into the hands of his enemies. The first that reuolted was Abezes, a man of great authoritie; and Fetuches, captaine of the castle; both rene∣gate Spaniards. Fetuches presently after the flight of Muleasses, brought out Roscetes wife and children, whom Muleasses had long time kept in prison, & to welcome their father, placed them in the kings royall seat. Abezes also forthwith aduertised Barbarussa of the departure of Mu∣leasses, [ F] and with what longing the people expected their desired king, wishing him without delay to repaire vnto the citie: and for a present sent him a goodly Barbarian horse, richly furnished, and diuers others for his other cheefe captaines. Hereupon Barbarussa without longer stay set forward with fiue thousand Turks,* 8.192 which he had alreadie landed, and comming to the citie, was of the citisens joyfully receiued. But after long looking, when they could no where descrie Ros∣cetes

their supposed king, and heard nothing but the name of Solyman and Barbarussa, doubled [ G] and redoubled by the Turkes in their militarie acclamations, as they marched thorow the ci∣tie towards the castle; they began to distrust, as the truth was, that in stead of their new king whom they so much desired, they had receiued the Turkish gouernement, which they vtterly detested. Which suspition once confirmed by certaine of Roscetes friends (whom Barbarussa had brought with him of purpose to delude the people) who grieued to see the ruine of their natiue countrey, spared not for feare of the present danger to tell their friends and acquain∣tance as they went, That they did in vaine looke for Roscetes, whom they had left in bonds at CONSTANTINOPLE:* 8.193 it was a wonder to see, how suddainely the minds of the people were changed, how speedily they ran to their weapons, and how furiously they assailed the Turkes, now fearing no such matter, and were not as yet all got into the castle. The cheefe leader of the [ H] citisens in this tumult, was Abdahar the Mesuar, who but a little before vpon the comming of the Turkes, by augmenting the danger, and the vnfaithfulnesse of his subjects, had persuaded Muleasses to flie; but now perceiuing himselfe deceiued of his expectation for the comming of Roscetes, and repenting of that he had done, sought by all meanes to driue out the Turkes, and to recall Muleasses. And the more to animate the people, as he stood on high, from whence he might best be heard, he cried vnto them with a loud voice:

We are most villanously betrayed (worthie citizens) for Roscetes, whom we expected for our lawfull king, lamenteth his miserie in chaines, in prison at CONSTANTINOPLE: and we, except we presently play the men, and valiantly fight for our libertie, shall for euer serue as slaues to these forraine and mercilesse pyrats. The present danger of our estate telleth vs, that we must presently [ I] and without delay take the occasion offered. Wherefore let all men that meane not to serue as slaues, and to be bought and sold as beasts, take vp armes against the faithlesse Turkes. I my selfe will be your leader: let vs therefore all with one consent with heart and hand reuenge this shamefull trecherie, defend our countrey and libertie with the antient honour of the Numidians.

There was now no time to stay, euery man had betaken himselfe to his weapons; Muleasses was againe sent for, who yet staied in the suburbes, expecting what should happen; many of the Turkes were slaine before they were aware, or feared any thing; all the citie was filled with outcries and clattering of weapons: the number of the citisens was such, as might easily haue expulsed the Turkes, had they beene but reasonably armed or well conducted, which in a mat∣ter so sudden, and with men altogether ignorant of seruice, was not possible. Yet they armed [ K] with furie, and encouraged with the multitude of themselues, swarmed vp as thicke as was pos∣sible one of the bulwarkes of the castle, which they knew was easiest to bee gained, where the Turkes had set vp one of their ensignes; and with the multitude of their darts and arrowes so ouerwhelmed the Turkes, that they were glad to forsake the place, and to retire farther into the castle to a place of more strength: from whence and all alongst the curtaine of the wall, they without intermission discharged their great artillerie and small shot amongst the thickest of the naked Moores, making of them a wonderfull slaughter. Barbarussa although he was a man of an inuincible courage & great experience, all his life time well acquainted with desperat dangers (the dreadfull steps of aspiring minds) yet surprised with the suddennesse of the assault, shut vp in a place whereof he yet knew not the strength, and not prouided of victuall for three dayes, was [ L] with the due consideration of these difficulties, not a little troubled: which his care was by the disordered furie of his enemies, and knowne valour of his owne souldiours greatly deminished; especially when hee saw his owne men still fighting, as men full of hope and courage, and the Moores as men halfe dismayed with the wounds and slaughter of their friends, readie to retire. Howbeit,* 8.194 by the comming in of Muleasses and Dorax, the assault twice before giuen ouer, was againe at both times renewed, with no lesse desperat furie than at the first, and the Turkes hardly charged. In this dangerous assault Halis of MALIGA, a renegate Spaniard, but a most expert souldior, turning himselfe to Barbarussa, said:

If thou wilt saue thine honour, and hold this fort, we must sallie out vpon this enemie, which ha∣uing neuer seene a set battell, but onely acquainted with light skirmishes, will not be able to endure [ M] our charge at hand, but shall in a moment know the price of their foolish hardinesse: who as braine∣sicke men could neither endure the gouernment of their cruell king, ne yet thankefully receiue the authors of their deliuerance and libertie.

This motion of the Spaniard, confirmed by the generall approbation of the cheefest cap∣taines,

[ A] Barbarussa commaunded Halis the author of that counsell, with certaine other captaines and their companions, at one instant to sallie out at two ports of the castle: which they so reso∣lutely performed, that in short time a wonderfull number of the naked Moores lay dead vpon the ground.

Abdahar the Mesuar himselfe, was there shot thorow with a bullet and slaine: whereupon the assault was quite giuen ouer, the Moores retyring by companies backe into the citie, and the Turkes still pursuing them:* 8.195 where, in the streets for certaine houres, was fought a most cruell and bloudie battell. At last the citisens ouercome, forsooke the open streets, and betooke them to the refuge of their houses; not so carefull of their king, as of themselues, their wiues and chil∣dren. And Holis with the rest, wearied with the slaughter of his enemies, and ouercome with [ B] labour, heat, and thirst, returned with victorie vnto the castle. It is reported that there was aboue three thousand of the citisens slaine that day,* 8.196 and thrise as many hurt. Muleasses thus discouraged, and vtterly despairing to recouer the citie; hardly escaped his enemies hands, by the good helpe of his vncle Dorax, with whom he fled ouer the riuer Bagrada, and came in safetie to CONSTAN∣TINA (called of old time CYRTHA) the antient seat of the Numidian kings, but then a part of Dorax his dominion; where he was honorably maintained and protected vntill the comming of Charles the emperour into AFFRICKE. The night ensuing this battell, and the flight of the king▪ was restlesse both to the citisens and the Turkes, each of them for feare of other standing vpon their strongest guard.

The next day the citisens discouraged with the losse of so many of their kinsmen and friends, [ C] and hauing no king now for whom they should fight, craued pardon of Barbarussa for their rash attempt,* 8.197 excusing it by the name of loyaltie to their antient kings; offering to submit themselues vnto him with all faithfulnesse. Which their offer he willingly accepted, knowing that he was not able to keepe that place with his souldiors three daies, for lacke of victuall: so that all his hope and victorie gotten, might easily be ouerthrowne and brought to nought, if the citisens moued either with desperation or desire of reuenge, should joyne with the other Numidian princes, and besiege him in the castle. Whereupon a generall peace was granted, and by solemne oath on both sides confirmed, whereby the citisens expresly bound themselues to the obedience of Soly∣man, and to Barbarussa as his lieutenant. All things thus set in order in the citie of TVNES, & new magistrates and officers by him made, he laboured by all meanes to win vnto him the Numidi∣an [ D] princes: which when he had easily brought to passe by gifts and rewards with those needie princes, of themselues prone enough vpon light occasions to make or breake the bonds of friend∣ship, he sent Asan-aga an eunuch, and Halis the Spaniard with the Ianizaries, & certaine pieces of great ordinance, to take in the other cities of the kingdome of TVNES: which they in short time performed, being in all places peaceably receiued, onely the citie of CARVENNA held out a while, yet afterwards for feare of further harme receiued the Turkes garrison. But to leaue Bar∣barussa king of ALGIERS and Solymans great Admirall, thus possessed of the kingdome of TVNES; and Muleasses in exile at CONSTANTINA, vntill he be againe restored vnto his king∣dome by Charles the emperour, as shall be hereafter declared: let vs againe returne to the wars at the selfesame time vndertaken by Solyman in person himselfe in PERSIA, persuaded therunto [ E] as we haue before said by Abraham the great Bassa. Of whom a few words, that they which shall hereafter liue, may in him as in others, see in what slipperie place they stand, and what small assu∣rance they haue, which forsaking God, run headlong after these worldly vanities, and swelling with the fauours of great princes, are in a moment when they least feare any such fall, sudden∣ly ouerthrowne, and become the miserable spectacles of mans fragilitie in the height of their supposed blisse.

This great Bassa called of the Turkes Ibrahim,* 8.198 of vs Abraham, was borne in a poore coun∣trey village neere vnto PERGA, a towne in that part of EPIRVS which was called BVTHRO∣TIA: who in his childhood was taken from his Christian parents, by such as by authoritie did take vp the tribute children of the Christians for the Turkish emperour. A tribute of all tri∣butes [ F] most grieuous. He was of countenance amiable, of feature comely, actiue of bodie, well spoken, pleasantly conceited, and sharpe of wit: so that he in shorter time than was thought possible, to the admiration of many, learned both to speake and write the Arabian tongue, and other languages vsed in the Turkes court, and could skilfully play vpon sundrie kinds of instru∣ments. And being yet a boy, serued Scanderbassa, a man of great authoritie and power, in the

time of Selymus the emperour, in whose seruice he was instructed in the Mahometane religion; [ G] but giuing himselfe to all manner of curiositie and neatnesse, he was wonderfully fauoured by the great ladie his mistresse, and by her commended to her husband Scanderbassa, as a fit page to attemper his melancholy and wayward disposition, with his pleasant conceits and deuises. Wherein the Tetricall Bassa finding him to excell, gaue him as a rare gift to Solyman the sonne of Selymus, his grandfather Baiazet yet liuing: who tooke in him such pleasure, that the old em∣perour caused him to be brought vp in the court,* 8.199 in all princely qualities with Solyman (who was of like yeares vnto him) as his companion and playfellow. Where he so framed himselfe vnto the young prince his disposition in all points, that he was of him alwaies exceedingly belo∣ued, and afterwards promoted to all the honours of the court, and made one of the Bassaes; gi∣uing vnto him in marriage the onely daughter and heire of Scanderbassa, his master then dead, [ H] with an exceeding great dowrie. And after that, made him Gouernour of CAIRE: where hee had not long remained, but he was againe sent for to the court, as the man which gaue there∣unto life, without whose companie Solyman was as one halfe dead. At length he made him Ve∣sier, which is the chiefe of all the Bassaes, and president of his counsell, the greatest honour in the Turkish empire next vnto the emperour himselfe. And to honour him yet more, he deli∣uered him his priuat signet, wherwith the Turkish emperour•• neuer vsed to trust any but them∣selues: he might at his pleasure, grace, and disgrace whom 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would, in court or elsewhere. What he commaunded, was done: and whatsoeuer he did, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••aken for well done. He might without the emperours knowledge giue any office,* 8.200 yea the ••••••ernment of whole countries and prouinces, vnto his fauourites: his credit with the empero•••• ••as so great, that hee did what [ I] he list, and no man durst presume to aske any reason why. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 say all at once, he wanted no∣thing of the majestie of an emperour, but the name onely; in steed whereof he was commonly called the Great Commander of all the emperours forces. His house in CONSTANTINOPLE was of all other most stately, wherein was daily to be seene such a multitude of his gallant fol∣lowers, and such a world of wealth and royall furniture, as that it might be worthely compared with the pallace of a great prince. Neither was he partaker of Solymans counsailes in his waigh∣tie matters of state onely, but of his secret delights and pleasures also; if he were present all was well, if he were away nothing pleased: to be short, he so possessed this great emperour, that men commonly said, The soule of Solyman liued in Abraham. Whereat many of the great men of the court secretly repined; but especially Solymans mother, and Roxalana his faire concubine, [ K] whom of all women hee held dearest. His liuely and majesticall countenance thou maiest here behold.

[illustration]

ABRAHAM.

Magnus es & Getici tibi gratia prona tynanni Seruit, at ex alto magna ruina venit: Te proceres odere, Parens{que}, & regia coniux Horum ne pereas proditione caue.

Right great thou art, and doest commaund the fauour of thy king: [ E] But such great fauours oftentimes, a greater fall doe bring. The great kings mother, wife, and all the nobles hate thee sore: Beware that by their wily drifts thou perish not therefore.

This great Commaunder,* 8.201 which might at all times be bolde to speake what he thought vn∣to Solyman, sought many times in his priuat discourses betwixt them two, to persuade him to forbeare to vse his forces any farther against the Christians, ouer whom he had sufficiently alrea∣die triumphed, and to turne them vpon the Persians by whom he was daily injured. Alleadging vnto him, that the Germans were a strong and warlike people; who as they both in language [ F] and manners differed from the Hungarians, so were they alwaies at variance with them, and therefore much cared not though they were by him subdued: but if he should begin to inuade any part of their countrey, he should then soone see that inuincible nation with their vnited for∣ces, vp in armes readie to make strong resistance. And to prouoke Charles the emperour (of all the Christian princes the mightiest) were not good, who of himselfe was able to bring into the

field most puissant armies of valiant souldiours out of his owne dominions: beside the wonder∣full [ G] concourse of most resolute men out of all parts of Christendome, which would not spare to lay downe their liues at his feet in that warre, which was of them accounted most religious. Yea what strength both of horse and foot might be raised and brought to the battell by the two bre∣thren Charles and Ferdinand, onely might (as he said) euen then be plainely perceiued, when as they valiantly defended VIENNA, besieged by vs with great power. Neither did Charles afterward, as it seemed, and as the Christians commonly vaunt, feare to haue aduentured the fortune of a maine battell with you: who although I doubt not but he should haue beene ouercome by you so great a mo∣narch with so puissant an armie, a thing peculiar to your good fortune; yet I cannot denie, but that that victorie against such expert and resolute soldiors, so strongly armed as their manner is must haue been bought with a great deale of our bloud. These things in my opinion may reasonably persuade you [ H] to let the Christians alone, by ciuile warres to weaken one another, that so afterwards they may become a prey vnto vs without any danger of ours. So that in my iudgement the Persian warre is to be taken in hand, rather than the warres in GERMANIE, and especially for that you haue sufficiently enlarged the bounds of your empire Westward: which you haue extended euen vnto nations very far distant. So that it is now a great matter to defend so much as you haue alreadie gotten, and therefore partly for the difficultie of the defending thereof, and partly vpon an honourable contempt, according to the in∣finit bountie of your heroicall inclination, haue thought good to bestow whole kingdomes vpon stran∣gers, yea halfe your enemies. Wherefore how much more glorious shall it be now vpon iust occasion to seeke for that which ioyneth vnto your owne confines; and may therefore easily be vnited vnto your owne empire: if you according to the example of your grandfather and father shall force your selfe to [ I] driue that accursed and abhominable race of Ismaell out of ASIA. For it shall be a great glorie vn∣to the name of the Othoman kings for euer, if you shall after your wonted manner zealously respect the cause of religion; a worke of an incomparable fame, if the authors of a most detestable superstiti∣on shall by you be chased quite out of ASIA. For what more iust or honourable cause can there be to make warre, than to professe your selfe the defendor of the deuine precepts of our great prophet Ma∣homet, against the wicked and irreligious impugners thereof? And by the way to reuenge and vt∣terly to destroy the capitall enemies of your auncestours: which was the last prayer of your father Se∣lymus. Can you endure them which rule so insolently, that they account euery one that is neere them their enemies and prey, and dare also with their pilfering inuasions prouoke your selfe, liuing conten∣ted within the bounds of your owne empire in peace both in EVROPE and ASIA? and they (for∣sooth) [ K] such as haue by most horrible wrong crept into the royall seat of the most lawfull and noble kings descended of the bloud of Vsun-Cassanes? who after their wonted manner still liue by rapine and robberie? Beleeue me noble emperour, if you shall vpon a zeale to your religion with your victorious hand take away this staine and plague of ASIA, there shall vndoubtedly be erected vnto you so glori∣ous and magnificent a trophie in the middest of PERSIA, as may be compared, yea preferred before the triumphs of your victorious father Selymus. For it is not so much to haue destroyed the Mama∣lukes (by condition slaues) and the proud Sultans of AEGIPT and SIRIA, as to haue subdued the Persians, famous in antient time for their martiall prowesse, who so oftentimes vanquished by Alex∣ander of MACEDOM gaue vnto him the name of Great. Solyman prickt forward with many such discourses, dayly sounded in his eares by the Bassa, began to yeeld to his persuasion. Whereof [ L] Abraham in himselfe greatly rejoiced: for it was thought of many, that he did neuer in heart re∣nounce the Christian religion, but was onely in outward shew a Turke, and in heart a Christian. Which was the rather conjectured, for that he maruellously fauoured and protected the Chri∣stian marchants, furthered by all meanes the leagues of the Christian princes with Solyman, and laboured alwaies to turne his forces from them vpon the Persians. And the more to whet him forward, the Bassa had cunningly insinuated into his acquaintance one Mulearabe of DAMAS∣CO, a man at that time famous in CONSTANTINOPLE, for the opinion the people had gene∣rally conceiued of his holinesse and profound knowledge in the secret causes of things, and the art of Magicke; vsing him as a prophet to fill the ambitious mind of Solyman, with assured hope of prosperous successe: which thing the hypocriticall wisard, after the manner of such deceiuers, [ M] slily performed, prophesieng vnto him all happinesse in so religious a warre, and so much (as he said) pleasing God. This the Bassaes purpose was much furthered also by Vlemas, a noble and valiant Persian, who hauing married the great Persian king Tamas his sister, was reuolted from him to Solyman, fearing to be called to account for the extorsion wherewith he had grieuously

[ A] oppressed the countries whereof he had the gouernment and being wonderfully countenan∣ced in Solymans court by the great Bassa, did after the manner of disloyall fugitiues persuade So∣lyman by all means he could to take that war in hand, discouering vnto him the power, strength, and state of the Persian kingdome (which he could well doe) and plotting vnto him the easiest way for the conquering thereof,* 8.202 offering also vnto him the vttermost of his deuoire. So Solyman filled with the vaine hope of the conquest of PERSIA, yeelded fully vnto the persuasions of the great Bassa, and ga••e out his commissions into all parts of his empire for the raising of a mightie armie for the performance of so great an enterprise, commaunding all his captaines and men of warre to be readie at the citie of NICE in BYTHINIA at a certaine day appointed▪ Which his purpose, although it was mightily impugned by his mother, and faire Roxalana his best beloued, [ B] as that which altogether proceeded from the Bassa:* 8.203 the one alleadging with what euill successe his grandfather and father had before him attempted that same war; the other assailing him with her passionat affections▪ but both of them indeed repining at the credit of the Bassa and in their hearts disdaining that so great a monarch should at the pleasure of his seruant be led vp and down the world so farre from their companie: for which cause they did what in them lay to haue ouer∣throwne the purpose of Abraham, and to haue altered Solymans former determination. But so strong was the Bassaes credit with his great lord and master, that all these great ladies deuises and prayers were as womens affectionat passions rejected, and the Bassaes counsell (to their no small greefe) in all things regarded.

The time appointed being come,* 8.204 and all things in readinesse, Solyman sent Abraham the [ C] Bassa, and Vlemas the Persian before him into SYRIA with a strong armie, to be readie with the first of the Spring to inuade the Persian king. Which thing the Bassa gladly tooke vpon him, and comming into SIRIA, wintered with his armie at AL••PPO: whither Barbarussa came vn∣to him for his letters of credence to Solyman, as is before declared. The Spring now approching, Abraham sent Vlemas the fugitiue Persian prince before him with the light horsemen, the fore∣runners of his armie, into MESOPOTAMIA as his guide, because the countrey was vnto him best knowne; following not farre after himselfe with all his armie. And marching still forward in that manner, came at length without resistance vnto the famous citie of TAVRIS in ARME∣NIA the greater; called in auntient time ECBATHANA, as is probably by some conjectured: a great and rich citie, but vnwalled and of no strength▪ where the Persian kings (for the pleasant∣nesse [ D] of the place, and freshnesse of the ayre) vsed commonly to be resiant in the heat of the yeare. From whence Tamas the Persian king was as then absent, busied in warres with Kezien-bassa, a prince of the Corasine Hircanians:* 8.205 so that the citisens of TAVRIS destitute of all helpe, yeelded themselues and the citie vnto the Bassa at his first comming. Tamas the Persian king vnderstan∣ding what was happened at TAVRIS, drew neere with his power, warily expecting to haue ta∣ken the Turkes at some aduantage, and so by pollicie to haue defeated his enemies, whom hee was too weake to meet with in plaine battell. Which thing the warie Bassa well perceiuing, for more assurance, by speedie courrors aduertised Solyman of the taking of TAVRIS, and of the enemies purpose, requesting him with all speed to repaire with his armie to TAVRIS. Solyman was then come farre on his way with a strong armie, not by the way of ANCYRA, SEBASTIA, [ E] AMASIA, the borders of TRAPEZONDE, and so ouer Euphrates at ARSEN••A into ARME∣NIA, as his father Selymus had done before him, because that way was thought longer and more troublesome: but quite another way, on the right hand from NICE in BYTHINIA to ICONI∣VM, and by CaeSARIA to MALATHIA, where is the notable passage ouer the riuer Euphrates, bursting out by the vallies of the mountaine ANTITAVRVS, from whence the plaines of ME∣SOPOTAMIA, then part of the Persian kingdome, begin to open themselues; thorow which countrey Solyman marched peaceably with his armie, paying the poore countrey people for whatsoeuer he tooke and so in foure and fiftie dayes march came from NICE in BYTHINIA to the citie of COIM in ARMENIA the greater, which is supposed to be built in the ruines of the famous and antient citie ARTAXATA.* 8.206 But hearing such news as is aforesaid from the Bassa, [ F] he doubled his march, and so in short time after came and joyned his forces with the Bassa at TAVRIS. Tamas who yet dayly expected the comming of the Georgian light horsemen, vn∣derstanding that Solyman was comming against him with a world of men, thought it not good to abide the comming of so puissant an enemie, but with delay to wearie him out that drew such a multitude of people after him; and by taking of him at all aduantages, to cut off his people

spent with long trauell, wanting victuall, and falling into diuerse diseases; as it commonly chan∣ceth [ G] to populous armies in strange countries, where the change of the aire, with the ineuitable necessities alwaies attending vpon a great armie, most times causeth grieuous and contagious di∣seases. Wherefore Tamas to shun the comming of Solyman, retired further off into SVL••ANIA, about six daies journey from TAVRIS.* 8.207 Wherof Solyman hauing knowledge, departed from that rich citie without doing any harme therin, following after Tamas into SVLTANIA to joine battell with him if he could possible: leauing behind him for hast, a great part of his carriages and baggage, with fiue hundred Ianizaries, and three of his Sanzackes with their companies. The citie of SVLTANIA was in auntient time one of the royall seats of the Persian kings, but rui∣nated by the Scythian Tamerlane, retained no shew of the auntient majestie, but onely in the churches by him spared. Neere vnto this citie Solyman lay encamped many daies, expecting that [ H] the Persian king (in reuenge of the injurie to him done, and for the safegard of his honor) should at length come out of the mountaines, and shew himselfe in plaine field, and giue him battell: Which was a thing so farre from Tamas his resolution, vpon the due comparing of his owne strength with his enemies, that he retired in such sort, that Solyman could by no meanes learne what was become of him, or which way to follow him.

The countrey neere vnto the citie of SVLTANIA wherein Solyman lay encamped at large, is on euerie side enuironed with hugie mountaines, whose tops are to be seene a farre off, alwaies couered with deepe snow: these mountaines were in auntient time called NYPHATES, CAS∣PIVS, COATHRAS and ZAGRVS, taking their beginning no doubt of CAVCASVS the father of mountaines; and joyning one to another, some one way, some another, doe diuide most [ I] large and wide countries. Whilest Solyman in those plaine fields most fit to fight a battell in, expected the comming of Tamas, such a horrible and cruell tempest (as the like wherof the Per∣sians had neuer before seene at that time of the yeare) fell downe from those mountaines; which was so much the more strange, for that it fell in the beginning of September: with such abun∣dance of raine, which frose so eagerly as it fell, that it seemed the depth of Winter had euen then of a sudden been come in: for such was the rage of the blustring winds, striuing with themselues as if it h••d beene for victorie, that they swept the snow from off the tops of those high moun∣taines, and cast it downe into the plaines in such abundance, that the Turkes lay as men buried aliue in the deepe snow, most part of their tents being ouerthrowne and beaten downe to the ground with the violence of the tempest and waight of the snow,* 8.208 wherein a wonderfull number [ K] of sicke souldiours and others of the baser sort which followed the campe perished, and many others were so benummed, some their hands, some their feet, that they lost the vse of them for euer: most part of their beasts which they vsed for carriage, but especially their camels, were frozen to death. Yea Solyman himselfe was in great danger to haue beene ouerwhelmed in his tent, all the tents round about him being ouerthrowne with the violence of the tempest. Nei∣ther was there any remedie to be found for so great mischiefes, by reason of the hellish darknesse of that tempestuous night, most of their fires being put out by the extremitie of the storme: which did not a little terrifie the superstitious Turkes as a thing accounted of them ominous. And that which troubled them no lesse than the miseries of the tempest, was the fear of the enemie, whose sudden comming they deadly feared: vntill that after so tedious a night, the Sunne breaking out [ L] the next morning, with his cheerfull beames reuiued many before readie to giue vp the ghost for cold, and gaue comfort to them all in generall, by discouering the open fields cleare of their fea∣red enemies. It was a dreadfull thing to haue seene what miserie that one night had brought in∣to the Turkes campe: the ground lay almost couered with bodies of the dead; and many liued, but so, as that they accounted the dead more happie than themselues. Many of the Turks vain∣ly thought, that horrible tempest was brought vpon them by the charmes and enchantments of the Persian Magicians; whereas it was vndoubtedly, by the hand of him which bringeth the proud deuises of princes to naught.

Solyman troubled as well with the strangenesse of the accident, as the losse he had receiued, after he had a little refreshed his discouraged soldiors, rise with his armie and tooke his way on the left [ M] hand into ASSIRIA: Vlemas the Persian persuading him therunto for many causes, but especi∣ally by putting him in hope of the taking of BABYLON; for that Mahometes a friend of his, was gouernour thereof. But he when the matter came to proofe, was not to be woon either by pro∣mise or reward to betray the citie. Wherefore Solyman resolued to take it by force, neither did

[ A] his fortune faile him therein: for as soone as Mahometes vnderstood that Vlemas was at hand with the forerunners of the Turkes armie, and that Solyman with all his power was comming af∣ter, who as he thought would neuer haue come so farre; he not prouided to withstand so migh∣tie an enemie,* 8.209 and not beloued of the citisens, fled out of the citie. Solyman comming, in short time after was of the Babylonians receiued without resistance. This citie of BABYLON com∣monly called BAGDAT, rise out of the ruines of the old citie of BABYLON, so much spoken of in holy writ: from whence it is not farre distant, standing vpon the riuer Tygris, which not farre be∣neath falleth into the riuer Euphrates. In this famous city is the seat of the great Caliph, the chiefe Mahometane priest, whom all the Mahometane princes haue in great reuerence, & hath an old prerogatiue in the choise and confirmation of the kings of ASSIRIA▪ and the Sultans of AEGYPT: [ B] of which Caliph, Solyman according to the old superstitious manner, receiued at his hands the ensignes and ornaments of the Assyrian kings, and with great bountie woon the hearts of the people: and thereupon resolued to spend that Winter there, billi••ing his armie in diuers pla∣ces of that fertill countrey. The other cities of ASSIRIA and MESOPOTAMIA also, namely CARAEMIDA, MEREDINVM, ORSA, and ASANCESA, hearing that Solyman had without re∣sistance taken BABYLON, yeelded themselues and receiued his garrisons. Yea the fame thereof was so great, that embassadours came vnto him as farre as ORMVS, a citie in the mouth of Eu∣phrates, where it falleth into the Persian gulfe, famous for the great traffique out of INDIA thi∣ther, suing vnto him for peace.* 8.210 Thus the auntient citie of BABYLON with the great countries of ASSIRIA and MESOPOTAMIA, sometimes famous kingdomes of themselues▪ and lately [ C] part of the Persian kingdome, fell into the hands of the Turkes, and became prouinces of the Turkish empire in the yeare 1534. Where Solyman after he had spent that Winter in great joy and triumph, according to the manner of the Turkish gouernment, placed a great Commander, which they by a proud name call the Beglerbeg (which is as much as to say, the lord of lords) and vnder him diuers others for the gouernment of these countries, by parts, which they call San∣zacks, who are euer at the commaund of the Beglerbeg. Whilest he thus wintered at BABY∣LON, he caused Ashender Zelibi (which is to say▪ Alexander the noble) his great treasurer for the warres, to be hanged, for that he had vnfaithfully dealt in his office; and confiscated all his goods.

Tamas hearing that Solyman was gone to BABYLON,* 8.211 returned to TAVRIS: of whose speedy [ D] comming, the Ianizaries and other captaines there left by Solyman vnderstanding, fled in hast out of the citie, leauing all such things as were committed to their custodie, for a prey vnto the Per∣sian souldiors.

Solymans armie being mightily increased by the comming vnto him of the great Bassa of CAIRE,* 8.212 with the Sanzacks of ALEXANDRIA, IVDEA, SYRIA, and COMAGENE; by the per∣suasion of Abraham, and Vlemas, the Spring now well come on, departed from BABYLON againe towards TAVRIS, with purpose either to draw Tamas to battell, or else to his eternall in∣famie before his face to sacke that his regall citie.* 8.213 But Tamas aduertised of his comming, and knowing himselfe too weake to giue him battell, forsooke the citie, and fled into the mountains of HIRCANIA: destroying all the countrey before him as he went, and carrying away the in∣habitants, [ E] leauing nothing to relieue the Turkes, if they should pursue him. Solyman vnderstan∣ding that Tamas was againe fled, sent Vlemas with all the choise horsemen of his armie to ouer∣take him if it were possible, and to fight with him. But when he had followed him two or three daies journey, and still found the countrey desolat as he went, yeelding neither forrage for his horses, nor reliefe for his men, and saw no hope to ouertake the king; he began as a prouident Generall to forecast the extremities like to befall in his returne thorow those desolat countries, with the enemie at his heeles: and thereupon in time retired backe againe to Solyman, declaring vnto him what had happened. Who fretting in his mind, that the Persian king was not to b•• drawne to battell, marched forthwith to TAVRIS, entred it without resistance, the citisens sub∣mitting themselues vnto him: whose liues spared, he gaue that rich citie for a prey vnto his sol∣diors, [ F] who left neither house nor corner thereof vnransacked, abusing the poore citisens with all manner of insolencie▪ euerie common souldiour without controlment, fitting himselfe with whatsoeuer best pleased his greedie desire or filthie lust. Tamas had in this citie a most stately and royall pallace▪* 8.214 so had also most part of the nobilitie, their sumptuous and rich houses, which by the commaundement of Solyman were all rased downe to the ground, and the greatest part of

the best citisens and beautifull personages of all sort and condition, at his departure thence carried [ G] away captiues. Solyman contenting himselfe to haue done the Persian king this disgrace in spoi∣ling this his rich and royall citie, returned againe towards MESOPOTAMIA, destroying the countries all the way as he went, killing the verie beasts and cattell, thereby the more to impo∣uerish the Persians, wishing to leaue nothing vnto them but penurie and miserie. He was scarcely past COIM and the Calderan fields, famous for his fathers victorie against Hysmaell, but that certaine troupes of the Persian horsemen were in the taile of his armie, and had taken away some of his baggage, and slaine diuers of the sicke and stragling souldiours; and with their often skir∣mishes did not a little trouble his whole armie. Besides that, it was noised thorow all his campe, That Tamas himselfe was comming after him with a great power of horsemen, taken vp in HI∣BERIA, ALBANIA, PARTHIA, MEDIA, and ARMENIA, and would be at their backes be∣fore [ H] they could get out of ARMENIA: for which cause, hee appointed the two great Bassaes of CAIRE and SYRIA (for so they were called) and Vlemas the Persian with eighteene thousand good souldiours to follow him in the rearward of his armie, to receiue and represse the sudden assaults of the Persians, if need should require: and so still kept on his march, vntill he was come to AMIDA, now called CARAEMIDA, an antient citie of MESOPOTAMIA. In the meane time, Tamas the Persian king was returned to TAVRIS with a mightie armie, in hope there to haue suddenly surprised his enemie, surcharged with the pleasures of so rich a citie: but finding him gone, and beholding the miserable spoile and desolation he had made in the citie; moued with indignation, he resolued to pursue him whither soeuer he were gone, and was now on his way as farre as COIM. Where vnderstanding that Solyman was gone so farre before, that he was [ I] hardly to be ouertaken; and finding the noble gentlemen in his armie, vnwilling in their heauie armour to vndertake such a pursuit, as could not be performed without the wonderfull toile of themselues, and most assured losse of their goodly horses, alleadging that they were prouided to fight a battell, and not to trauell so long a journey (all which Tamas now that his choller was ouer, knew to stand with good reason) he changed his former determination, thinking it best there to stay, and not to follow the pursuit of his enemies any further: vntill that Delimenthes one of his noble men,* 8.215 alwaies more forward than the rest, offered with fiue thousand chosen horsemen to ouertake some part of the Turkes armie, and to doe on them some good seruice. Which his offer Tamas gladly accepted, commending him greatly for the same, promising him most honourable reward: and so in hast sent him away. [ K]

He forthwith taking the well knowne and neerest way, vsed such expedition, that he was in hope to ouertake the rearward of the Turkes armie (marching not farre now before him) about the foot of the mountaine TAVRVS, as in deed it fell out, at a place called BETHLIS. This BETHLIS is a famous towne in the confines of the Persian kingdome, where it bordereth vpon MESOPOTAMIA, standing in a pleasant valley, by which runneth a little riuer falling out of the mountaine ANTITAVRVS; and had a castle kept with a garrison of PERSIANS. In this val∣ley, the two Bassaes of CAIRE and SYRIA conducted by Vlemas, thinking they had now beene past all danger of the enemies pursuit, staied with the rearward of the armie to refresh their wea∣ried souldiours, vpon certaine knowledge, that Solyman with the rest of his armie was alreadie come in safetie to AMIDA in MESOPOTAMIA; and therefore lay as men secure without any [ L] suspition of the comming of the Persians, whom they had not so much as heard any thing of in long time before. But Delimenthes vsing most faithfull and diligent espials of that countrey people, by that time he was come within one daies journey of BETHLIS, vnderstood certainly where the Turkes lay, wearie of their long trauell, as men without feare, keeping little or no watch in their campe: Whereupon he determined in the dead time of the night following, to assaile them in their campe: and by secret messengers gaue knowledge both of his comming, and of this his purpose to the captaine of the castle of BETHLIS, requesting him at an appointed houre vpon signe giuen, to be readie to sallie out with his garrison vpon that side of the Turkes campe which was towards the castle. Which his venturous designment was so furthered both by the darkenesse of the night,* 8.216 and the abundance of raine which fell at the fame time, as if it had [ M] beene wished for; that he was got with all his resolute followers within the Turkes campe, be∣fore they were aware of his comming: where the Persian souldiors, as wolues amongst sheepe, did such speedie execution amongst the sleepie Turkes, that the two great Bassaes and Vlemas, had much adoe to get to horse and saue themselues by flight. And such was the furie of the Per∣sians,

[ A] and the greatnesse of the sudden feare encreased by the darkenesse of the night, that the Turkes not knowing which way to turne themselues, or what to doe, were slaine by thousands, some sleeping, some halfe waking, some making themselues readie to fight, and some to flie, few of all that great armie escaped the sword of the Persians. Of the fiue great Sanzackes which were in the armie, three were slaine, and one taken. Eight hundred Ianizaries seeing themselues forsaken of their cheefetaines, laid downe their harquebusiers and other weapons, and yeelded themselues vpon Delimenthes his word. The fierce mountaine people also, who in former time had suffered great injuries of the Turkes, after the death of Aladeules their king, had now joy∣ned themselues to the Persians, and notably reuenged their wrongs; to whose share all the baggage of the Turkes campe fell for a prey. It might then well haue beene said of the Turkes [ B] which the Poet speaketh of the night wherein TROY was sackt:

Quis cladem illius noctis qui funera fando explicet? —

The slaughter of that night was such, as that it is of the Turkes vntill this day accounted amongst their greatest losses; and the victorie so welcome to the Persians, that in memoriall thereof they kept that day (which was the thireenth of October) as one of their solemne holi∣daies for many yeares after. Delymenthes returning all bloudie with the slaughter of the Turks, and loaded with their spoiles,* 8.217 was of Tamas joyfully receiued and honouraly rewarded.

This ouerthrow reported to Solyman by the two great Bassaes and Vlemas, as men that had hardly escaped shipwracke, so daunted his proud conceits, that he resolued in himselfe to returne [ C] home, and no further to prosecute that vnfortunat warre: the euill euent whereof his mother (as hee said) had more truly presaged, than had the cold prophet Mulearabe; but secretly in mind displeased with Abraham the great Bassa, by whose persuasion he had taken in hand that dan∣gerous expedition. By the way as he went he was met at ICONIVM by Barbarussa and Sinan Bassa, surnamed the Iew, a man for his skill at sea in reputation next vnto Barbarussa. These two great personages lately come from ALGIERS to CONSTANTINOPLE with the remainder of his fleet, met him so farre by land, to shew their joyfulnesse for the conquest hee had made of MESOPOTAMIA and ASSIRIA, and to excuse themselues for the losse of the kingdome of TVNES; which woon by Barbarussa in the beginning of the Persian warre, was before the en∣ding thereof againe wrong out of his hands by Charles the emperour, and restored to Muleasses, [ D] as shall be hereafter declared. They with great humilitie declared vnto him the whole processe of that warre, and with what successe they had endured the force of Charles the emperour himselfe in person: shewing plainely vnto him, that there wanted neither valour in the souldiors, nor di∣rection in them the commaunders, but onely fortune, which as it mightily raigneth in all mens; actions, so especially in matters of warre. Solyman gratiously accepted of their excuse, and cour∣teously tooke them vp, prostrate at his feet, commending them for their valour in their euill haps, in a plot so well by them laid▪ more than he did the victorie of others, got by good fortune, not grounded vpon any good reason: willing them to be of good cheare, saying, That he would in short time find occasion for them to recompence that disgrace, & againe to shew their appro∣ued valour. After long trauell he came to the strait of Bosphorus, where Abraham the Bassa go∣ing [ E] before him, had in signe of triumph caused the shore all alongst the place where he should go abourd the gallie prouided for his transportatiō, to be couered with Persian silke for him to tread vpon: from whence he passed with much triumph ouer to his pallace at CONSTANTINOPLE.

Enuie, the fatall and cruell companion of princes immoderat fauours, had with her prying eyes quickly discouered in court Solymans changed countenance vpon the great Bassa, and began now to shew her gastly face. They which before were most readie to doe him all the honor pos∣sible, yea to haue laied their hands vnder his feet, sought now by all secret meanes to worke his disgrace and confusion. But of all others, the two great ladies, Solymans mother, and the faire Roxolana ceased not by dayly complaints to incense Solyman against him: the mother, for that he had by his persuasion, contrarie to her mind and her superstitious obseruations drawne her [ F] sonne into the dangers of the Persian war:* 8.218 and Roxolana, for that he most honoured and sought the preferment of Mustapha, Solymans eldest sonne by another woman; whereas shee aboue all things laboured by all subtill meanes to preferre Baiazet her owne sonne to the empire, after the death of Solyman his father: Which her designement she perceiued to be much crossed by the credit which the Bassa had with her Solyman, and therefore did what shee might both to bring

him out of fauour, and to worke his destruction. But that which most empaired his credit with [ G] Solyman, was the common report raised of him by his enemies, That he being in heart a Chri∣stian, did in all things fauour the Christians (a thing most odious amongst the Turkes) and had for that cause craftely persuaded Solyman to take in hand the vnfortunat Persian warre. And that which more encreased the suspition, was, That he about that time had caused one Marke Nicho∣las, a Venetian marchant (who had not without the suspition of some oftentimes come vnto him with letters and secret messages whilest he lay at BABYLON) to be taken in the night, and murdered at CONSTANTINOPLE, and cast into the sea, because hee should not discouer any thing that might be hurtfull vnto him. Abraham thus brought in disgrace with Solyman, was (after the manner of the Turkish tyrannie) bid to a solemne supper in the court about the foure∣teenth of March, after which time he was neuer more seene. It is reported, that after supper So∣lyman [ H] fell into a great rage with him, charging him bitterly, That he had misgouerned the state, inuerted his treasures to his owne priuat, and as a traitor, had secret intelligence with the Christi∣an princes his enemies: for proofe whereof, Solyman with sterne countenance shewed him his owne letters, which had by chance been intercepted, oftentimes asking him in furious manner, If he knew not that hand, if he knew not that seale. All which the Bassa lying prostrate at his feet, humbly confessed, and with many teares craued of him pardon. But his hard heart was not by any prayers to be mooued:* 8.219 for the same night as he was slumbring vpon a pallet in the court, ouercome with heauinesse, an eunuch cut his throat with a crooked knife, which Solyman for that purpose had deliuered vnto him with his owne hand. He was murdered sleeping, because Solyman had in former time of his fauour solemnely sworne vnto him, That he would neuer kill [ I] him whilest he liued. By which oath the great Mahometane priest said, he was not so bound, but that he might kill him sleeping, for as much as men by sleepe depriued of sence, are for that time not to be accounted as liuing but as dead, mans life consisting altogether (as he said) in liuely acti∣ons. It is reported, that after Solyman had looked vpon the dead bodie, and bitterly cursed the same, he caused a great weight to be tied vnto it, and so cast into the sea. His treasure and goods, which were almost infinit, were the next day all ceised vpon for the emperour, and a small porti∣on thereof appointed for his poore wife to liue vpon. His death was no sooner known, but that the vulgar people deuised of him infamous songs and slaunderous reports, as of a traitour most justly condemned: and in further despight, with stones and mire defaced the trophies of the Hungarian victorie, which hee had in most stately manner erected before his sumptuous house [ K] in CONSTANTINOPLE. This was the wofull end of Abraham the great Bassa, who whilest he stood in fauour with his prince, was of all others accounted most fortunat, wanting nothing but the name of the great Sultan: but after falling into disgrace, became the scorne of fortune, and the lamentable spectacle of mans fragilitie. He was murthered the 15 day of March in the yeare 1536.

How the kingdome of TVNES was by Barbarussa (the Turkes great admirall) taken from Muleasses, we haue alreadie told: but how the same was againe taken from him by Charles the emperour a little before the returne of Solyman out of PERSIA, remaineth now to be declared. It was commonly reported,* 8.220 and not without just cause feared, that Barbarussa, possessed of the kingdome of TVNES, and supported by the power of Solyman, would the next Summer, not [ L] content himselfe with the spoile of the coasts of SPAINE, SARDINIA, and ITALIE, as he had in former time, but with all his forces inuade SICILIA, the garnerie and storehouse of ITALIE: and from thence attempt the conquest of the kingdome of NAPLES, which it was thought he in his immoderat desires had longed much after. To represse this his barbarous insolencie, and to worke the safetie of the frontiers of the Christian kingdomes (much subject to the rapines of the Turkish pyrats) Charles the emperour resolued in person himselfe with a puissant armie to passe ouer into AF••RICKE, whilest Solyman was yet busied in the Persian wars, and by force of armes to dispossesse the pyrat of his new gotten kingdome in TVNES. For the accomplishment wher∣of, he caused souldiours to be leuied in all parts of SPAINE, and came downe to BARCELONA with eight thousand footmen and seuen hundred horsemen, farre sooner than was by any man [ M] expected:* 8.221 amongst whom were many of the nobilitie of SPAINE, with their followers most gallantly appointed: but especially Ferdinand of TOLEDO, duke of ALBA, whose forwardnesse in that honorable action, with the desire he had to reuenge the death of his father Garzias, slaine before by the Moores at GIRAPOLIS, gaue great hope euen thē vnto his countrymen, That he

[ A] would in time prooue a worthie chiefetaine, as indeed he afterward did.

In the meane time Andrew Auria the great Admirall,* 8.222 vnto whom onely for his approoued fidelitie and long experience the emperour had fully communicated what he had with himselfe before purposed, had with wonderfull diligence and celeritie rigged vp a great fleet of ships and gallies, so furnished with all manner of warlike prouision, as might well haue suffised a great armie: whereunto he joyned also his owne fleet of seuenteene gallies and three galeasses, wherein he had embarked the flower of GENVA and LIGVRIA, who with exceeding cheerfulnesse had voluntarily offered themselues to follow him their old Generall in that sacred expedition. With this great preparation Auria came to the emperour at BARCELONA: Thether came also Lewes the king of Portingals brother (whose sister Isabell, Charles the emperour had married) with [ B] fiue and twentie Carauels, ships which the Portingals vsed in their Indian voyages, amongst whom was also one huge Galeon; all ships well appointed and fit for seruice, wherein were em∣barked two thousand Portingals, beside marriners: There also arriued sixtie saile of tall ships sent out of FLANDERS and the low countries, wherein were a great number of condemned persons, whose liues was spared that they might serue in the gallies: Vnto this warre Paulus the third of that name, then bishop of ROME, sent ten gallies vnder the conduct of Virginius Visi∣nus: the Great Master of MALTA sent thither his fleet also. At the same time that all this pre∣paration was in making in other places, that worthie chiefetaine Alphonsus Daualus Vastius, whom the emperour had appointed Generall of all his forces at land, had by the emperours commaundement taken vp fiue thousand new souldiors in ITALIE, which were led by Hiero∣nymus [ C] Tutauilla, countie of SARNE, Federicke, Caracte, and Augustina Spinula, all famous cap∣taines. The old Spanish garrisons which lay in LOMBARDIE, the emperour commaunded to be straightly looked vnto, that none of them should leaue their places to goe in this new expe∣dition, but to remaine there still vnder their Generall Antonius Leua: which worthie captaine although he would faine haue had him with him, as of all his greatest commaunders the best; yet he thought it good to spare him, both for that he was much troubled with the gout, and al∣so for that it was necessarie, as he thought, to leaue such a valiant captaine with his garrisons in that countrey, so neere vnto the French and Swissers, whom he durst not so well trust as to dis∣furnish that countrey either of so great a commaunder,* 8.223 or of the wonted garrisons. At the same time Maximilian Eberstein, an old commaunder, came to Vastius with eight thousand Germans, [ D] ouer the Tridentine Alpes to MILLAINE, and so to GENVA; amongst whom were diuers noble gentlemen, who then as voluntarie men serued of their owne charges. With these Ger∣manes and the fiue thousand Italians, Vastius embarked himselfe at the port called PORTVS VE∣NERIS, in LIGVRIA: hauing before persuaded them with patience to endure the tediousnesse of the sea, and to comfort themselues with the hope of the victorie in AFFRICKE; where they should fight in the quarrell of God, and for the emperour, who did neuer forget his religious and valiant souldiors. So sailing alongst the coast of ITALIE, he came to NAPLES, where the vice∣roy and diuers other of the nobilitie had of their owne charges, euery man according to his de∣uotion or abilitie, built or furnished some one gallie, some moe, for that seruice. It was a wonder to see with what cheerefulnesse the gallants and lustie youths of NAPLES, and all that part of [ E] ITALIE, came and offered themselues vnto Vastius, so that it seemed there was none left behind in NAPLES: for he had with singular courtesie so woon the hearts of the old soldiors and lustie youths of that kingdome, that both the one and the other thought it a most honourable thing to adorne, the one their before deserued pensions, and the other their first entrance into martiall affaires, with the participation of so notable a victorie. But whilest euery man was thus busied in setting forward, certaine mutinous souldiours (wearie of the sea, and fearing the dangers of so long a voyage) began to cast many perils, to find fault with their small wages, and to discourage the multitude, persuading them with seditious speeches to forsake their colours, & to run away: for redresse whereof, Vastius caused the authors of that mutinie to be taken and thrust into sacks, and in the sight of the whole fleet to be cast into the sea. So Vastius departing with his fleet from [ F] NAPLES, came in few dayes to PALERMO in SICILIE. The emperor also loosing from BAR∣CELONA, came to the port of MAGO in the Island of MINORICA, and from thence to CA∣RALIS in SARDINIA, whether Alphonsus Vastius was a little before come with all his fleet out of SICILIE. No•• long after the emperour, now that all his forces were come together, pas∣sed ouer from SARDINIA into AFFRICKE, and with a faire Westerly wind put into the port

of VTICA,* 8.224 which is of the seafaring men called FARINA. In the entring whereof the admirall [ G] gallie, wherein the emperour himselfe was, by great mischance strake vpon a sand, and there stucke fast: which so much more troubled the emperour, for that his father Philip had by like mi∣shap beene like to haue beene cast away vpon the coast of ENGLAND, as he was sayling out of the low countries into SPAINE: howbeit by the good direction of Auria she was quickly got off the sand againe, and entred with the rest, to the great rejoycing of the whole fleet. So present∣ly departing againe from VTICA, and sayling alongst the coast, he doubled the promontorie of CARTHAGE, yet famous for the ruines of that proud citie, and came to anker before a castle, which of a well beneath it, is called by the name of AQVARIA, or the Water castle. The Moores,* 8.225 who from the hils of VTICA and their watch towers had taken view of the Christian fleet and of the course it held, aduertised Barbarussa, That the Christians were comming against [ H] him with an innumerable fleet: for there was of one sort and other almost seuen hundred saile, whereof 82 were great gallies, which gallantly garnished with flags and streamers, made a shew of moe than indeed they were and wonderfully terrified the enemie. But that troubled Barba∣russa most, that he was by messenger vpon messenger certainely enformed, That the most migh∣tie Christian emperour Charles was in person himselfe in the fleet, with such a world of people that it should seeme he had left none in SPAINE and ITALIE that were able to beare armes. Which newes was brought by certaine Mahometane slaues, who getting loose in the gallies, had in the night swum ashore, and reported the certainetie of the emperours comming: for the proud Turke, a great contemner of the Christian forces, neuer thought that the emperor would haue aduentured his person vnto the dangers of the sea, and chaunces of warre, especially in an [ I] vnknowne barren and scorching countrey, but would rather haue attempted to doe something by his lieutenants; or els by Auria his admirall seeke to surprise some base places alongst the sea coast, but not to come directly for the regall citie of TVNES: in which opinion he was chie∣fly confirmed by Aloysius Praesenda,* 8.226 a gentleman of GENVA, who tooken at sea, was kept as prisoner at large in TVNES: of whom Barbarussa had learned many things concerning the state of ITALIE, the manner of the Christians, and strength of the emperour; craftily feeding him with the hope of libertie, if he would truly declare vnto him such things as he desired to know. Wherefore now in his rage he caused him to be brought before him, charging him bitterly, that he had craftily and perfidiously told him lies for truth, concerning the emperour, and therefore commaunded him to be forthwith executed. When he had thus with the vnworthie death of a [ K] guiltlesse Christian, somewhat mitigated the greefe of his light beleefe, hee forthwith began to cast with himselfe how he might best withstand his puissant enemie. And first of all calling to counsell his sea captaines, in whom for their approued valour he reposed most confidence, hee showed vnto them, that they as valiant men, acquainted with the dangers attending vpon hono∣rable actions, were not to doubt of the victorie, for so much as he saw it as good as alreadie gai∣ned; for the same reasons for which he had before persuaded himselfe, that the emperour (if he had not beene halfe mad) would not haue vndertaken so desperat and doubtfull a warre.

* 8.227For who is there (said he) that knoweth this countrey (not to speake of our owne forces) which would not reasonably thinke our enemies should in short time know the price of their ambitious desire [ L] and rash attempt? which in a most vnseasonable time of the yeare, the dayes being now at the longest, and the Sunne in his greatest strength, are come to ••ight in a countrey scorched with heat, and altoge∣ther without water; where the very sand which riseth with euery blast of wind, flying into their eyes and faces, shall no lesse trouble them than their enemies? Shall we thinke that they, which as I heare for most part are fresh water souldiours, and surcharged with heauie armour, can easily march for∣ward, or retire, or yet keepe their ground, as the diuers occasions of battell shall require: when as the deepe and hollow burning sand vp to the middle leg, will not suffer them to keepe any order of array? How shall they be able by any meanes to abide the force of our Turkish footmen, or the often charging of the nimble Numidian horsemen? And if they be so many of them as they say there is, where can they get victuall to feed such a multitude, if we doe but protract the warre? Assuredly (most vali∣ant [ M] and courageous cheefetaines) we shall erect a most rare and incomparable trophie in this countrie of AFFRICKE: when as Charles the rich and great emperour of the Christians shall either here be slaine in battell, or els fall into our hands as a most rich prey. For mine owne part, I will notably pro∣uide, that you shall want neither weapons, victuall, nor aid, during the time of this warre: I will open

[ A] the old armories, br••ach my store, and bring foorth my treasures. The Numidian princes now our•• friends, I will without delay entertaine with great pay, and such presents as shall be to them most wel∣come. As for the citisens of TVNES, you know how easily they are to be kept in obedience, and brought on against the enemie for a small pay, and hope of reward. But this one thing is it that I most earnestly require of your approoued valor, That you most valiantly defend the strong castle of GVLETTA, as the most assured defence, not of this citie onely, but of the whole kingdome; and especially of our nauie which there lieth in safe harbour: for that piece will our enemies with all their forces first assaile▪ Wherefore, as worthie men neuer to be vanquished, keepe that for Solyman and me: so that it being vainly attempted by our enemies, and resolutely defended by you, the Christian emperour there failing of his purpose, and shamefully foiled, shall now begin to despaire, not of the taking of the citie of [ B] TVNES, but of his owne returne and safetie.

When he had thus said, the sea captaines answered with one consent, That they would most willingly and cheerefully performe whatsoeuer it should please him to commaund: and in con∣firmation thereof, promised him not to doe any thing which beseemed not most valiant and re∣solute men.* 8.228 Amongst these sea captaines, Sinan of SMIRNA, a Iew, who had lost his right eie, was both for his age and long experience in militarie affaires, of greatest account: next vnto him was Haidinus of CILICIA, for his furiousnesse in fight surnamed of the Italians Cacciadiabolo, and Salec of IONIA; which two had before in a great battell at sea, slaine Rodericus Portendus great Admirall of SPAINE, and taken his sonne Iohn prisoner, and seuen great gallies: after [ C] these was Tabacches of LAODICIA, and Giaffer a valiant captaine of the Ianizaries: all which were notable pirats and then men of great fame. The strong castle of GVLETTA standeth in the bottome of the bay of CARTHAGE,* 8.229 vpon a point of the land, where the sea by a narrow strait runneth on the East side of the castle into the lake of TVNES, which being in a manner round, is about twelue Italian miles ouer. But now that castle is parted from the maine on the West side also, by the sea that way let in; which chargeable worke was by Barbarussa begun, but giuen ouer againe by him; persuaded by some, That the sea comming in that way, would in short time fill vp the lake with sand: but was afterwards for all that, perfected by others. So that now it standeth in manner of an island, in the mouth of the lake, deuided from the firme land by two narrow straight passages, the one on the East, and the other on the West, yet so, that it com∣maundeth [ D] both. This castle Barbarussa had before strongly fortified both with men and muni∣tion, as the key of that kingdome: but now vpon the comming of the emperour, he put into it his most expert and resolute captaines before named: well foreseeing that in the defence therof, rested the safetie of his nauie which then lay within the lake, as in a most sure harbour; and also the greatest hope he had for the holding of the citie of TVNES, whereon depended the whole state of that kingdome. The emperour lying at anchor with all his fleet neere vnto the shoare, gaue generell commaundement, that his soldiours should with as much speed as was possible be landed with the long boats: which was so orderly done, that the Moores terrified with the hi∣deous crie of the souldiours, making toward land, and not able to abide the showres of small shot,* 8.230 were easily beaten from the shoare, whither they were come downe in great multitudes, [ E] and so suffered the Christian souldiours to land quietly. The first that landed were the Spanish companies, after them the Italians, and last of all the Germans, whom Vastius Generall of the armie caused presently to encampe themselues; straightly commaunding, that no man should straggle from the campe farther into the land, vntill the horsemen and great artillerie were all landed. The emperour himselfe bearing victorie in the cheerfulnesse of his countenance, landed also. In the meane time certaine companies were sent out by the Generall, to view the places nigh hand, and to seeke out the cesterns and fountaines of fresh waters thereabout, which some∣time serued the famous citie of CARTHAGE; with whom the Moores, but especially the Nu∣midian horsemen, a swift, subtill, and painfull kind of souldiours, oftentimes and in many places suddenly skirmished: and though they were but naked men, yet taking all the aduantages they [ F] could of the places to them well knowne, with their arrowes and darts furiously assailed them vnawares, and ouerloaded with armour; sparing no mans life that fell into their hands. Amongst whom was Hieronimus Spinula a Ligurian captaine, who ouerthrowne by a Numidian horse∣man, had his head cut off, and carried away by the same nimble horseman, before he could be rescued. The like mishap befell Federicus Carectus a noble gentleman, who going with Vastius,

to view the places thereabouts, was fast by his side suddenly slaine with a small shot. All which [ G] nimblenesse and fiercenesse of the enemie, could not for all that stay the emperour: but that hee would needs with a small troupe of horsemen, in person himselfe take view of the places there∣abouts, euen in the sight of the Numidian horsemen, which were in euerie place to be seene pricking vp and downe the countrie in troupes; although he was many times requested by his graue counsellors, to leaue that seruice for his inferiour captaines, and not to expose himselfe to so great danger both of his person and of the common safetie. Vastius had now brought on the armie neere vnto the castle of GVLETTA, still casting vp a rolling trench as he came neerer thereunto, thereby to keepe his men out of the danger of the enemies shot: which worke was not done only by the pioners and gally slaues, but by souldiors of all sorts; yea many of the cap∣taines themselues laid their hands to the spade and mattocke: for why, the emperour was there [ H] a continuall beholder, and cheerfull commender of euerie mans labour and forwardnesse, and the busie enemie was euer readie to take the aduantage, if any thing were by negligence omitted, oftentimes sallying out euen vnto the verie trenches of the Christians, there giuing vnto them proud words of defiance. When the armie was to be martialed, and euerie commaunder to be appointed to the place of his charge in this siege of GVLETTA: the countie of SARNE, a man fa∣mous both for the honour of his house, and for the good seruice he had lately done against the Turkes at CORONA, requested of Vastius the Generall, to haue the charge of the mount nee∣rest vnto the castle; which as it was a place of most danger, so was it also of greatest honour. Whereat the old Spaniards (after the manner of their proud nature) much repined. Vpon the top of this mount, the countie set vp his rich tent in the eye of the enemie, and there lay with the [ I] Italian companies, ouer whom he commaunded. He had not lien there long, but Salec one of the Turks famous pirats, with certaine companies of the garrison souldiors, sallied out of the ca∣stle directly vpon the mount whereon the countie lay; and by making shew as if hee would des∣peratly haue assailed the same,* 8.231 raised a great alarum amongst the Italians: yet so, as after certaine vollies of shot discharged on both sides, he began to retire as if he had been thereto constrained. Which thing the countie perceiuing, being a man of greater courage than direction, in great rage with bitter words reproued certaine of the captaines, whom he perceiued not so forward in pursuit of the enemie as he would haue had them: and in his furie ran downe from the mount, the rest for shame following him, and ouertaking the enemies slew diuers of them. The craftie pirat now seeing the countie drawne out of his strength into the plaine ground, and perceiuing [ K] himselfe strong enough to encounter him, suddenly turning himselfe about, said vnto his souldi∣ors: The aduantage you wished to haue of your enemies is now offered, they are now in your danger; wherefore now shew your selues valiant men, and suffer not one of these proud fresh water souldiors to escape aliue or vnwounded. Which he had no sooner said, but they presently made a stand, and so hardly charged them whom they but euen now seemed to flie, that the Italians not able longer to endure the fight, betooke themselues to flight. The countie himselfe with Belinge∣rius his kinsman, fighting valiantly in the formost of his companies, was slaine: many others endured the same fortune: others flying backe againe to the mount, were there slaine by the Turkes, who resolutely entred into the trenches with them so farre, that they carried away with them the plate and riches of the counties tent. Neither was there any of the Spaniards which [ L] lay neerest vnto them, and might easily haue rescued them, that would once stir out of their pla∣ces to helpe them: for it is reported, that they were nothing sorie for the ouerthrow of the Ita∣lians, for as much as the countie had so arrogantly craued of the Generall the most honoura∣ble place, which he so euill held. His head and right hand was cut off▪ and sent by Salec to Barba∣russa. This ouerthrow much grieued the Italians whom Vastius comforted with cheerfull spee∣ches,* 8.232 imputing all that losse, neither to the valour of the enemie, or cowardise of the Italians; but only to the rashnesse of the countie, whom he said worthily to haue paid the price of his incon∣siderat forwardnesse. But the Spaniards he sharply reproued as mercilesse men, which vpon so light an occasion had giuen cause for the Italians to haue them in distrust. The Turkes in the meane time by the often shooting off of their great ordinance, shewed the joy they conceiued [ M] of this victorie.* 8.233

It oftentimes so falleth out▪ that whilest men laugh at their neighbours harmes, their owne is not farre off; and so it chanced with the Spaniards: for Tabacches another of the piraticall cap∣taines, shortly after sallying suddenly out of the castle in the dawning of the day, was got vp to

[ A] the top of the trenches wherein the Spaniards lay, before they were aware of his comming, and there slew some as they were a sleepe, some idlie sitting fearing no harme, others as they were arming themselues; and with their sudden crie, caused the rest which lay neere vnto that place shamefully for feare to flie out of their trenches: where the Turks taking such trash as they there found, and hauing slaine and wounded many, amongst whom was one Mendosa a captaine, and carrying away with them the ensigne of Sarmentus which stood vpon the top of the trench, re∣turned with victorie. The alarum raised in the armie was such, as that the emperour himselfe came running to the place in his armour, seuerely reprouing them of cowardise which had forsa∣ken the place, and grieuously offended with them which had kept such negligent watch, against such an enemie, as was not for wilinesse agilitie and courage, to be slightly regarded of the best [ B] and most expert souldiours. This disgrace of the Spaniards well comforted the Italians, to see the old souldiours no lesse ouertaken in their negligence, than they had been in their vnaduised forwardnesse.

This tumult appeased, Vastius called into his tent the Colonels and chiefe captaines of the Spaniards, and spake vnto them in this manner:

Friends (said he) elsewhere alwaies valiant,* 8.234 who togither with me, haue by your inuincible prowesse gained vnto our emperour many most glorius victories. You seeme vnto me at this time to haue need to be called vpon, and to be put in remembrance of your wonted and approued valour: for as farre as I can see, the remembrance of your auntient fame, is in you growne altogither cold; your hands are be∣come [ C] faint for feare; and that which I am sorie and ashamed to say, you are growne I know not how, altogither out of order and heartlesse, shewing no courage for the subduing of these naked pirats. Ye∣sterday (as many say) you smiled at the vnskilfull and vnfortunate forwardnesse of your friends, which they bought deere; but to day they worthely laugh at your degenerat carelesse negligence: so that it concerneth you in honour, to blot out this so foule and publike a disgrace, by some notable and worthie exploit. Wherefore I exhort you, and I straightly charge and commaund you, that with all speed you prepare both your minds and weapons for the atchieuement of some new honour: so that if the proud enemie shall againe presume to come foorth and assaile your trenches, you shall forthwith breake out vpon him, and beat him backe againe euen to the gates of GVLETTA. Perhaps good for∣tune will so attend your valiant and resolute pursuit, that you may togither with their disordred men, [ D] enter some of their rampiers, wherein we see their whole hope consisteth: which if it shall otherwise fall out than is to be hoped for, yet shall you by this your notable deuoire wonderfully content the em∣perour your soueraigne, and me your Generall, and withall couer your late dishonour.

Whereunto they all answered, That they would so beare themselues against the enemie, as that he should not desire greater courage or contempt of danger in men desirous of honour and commendation.

It was not long, but that the Turks encouraged with their former successe, after their won∣ted manner sallied out againe,* 8.235 conducted by Giaffer captaine of the Ianizaries, a man of excee∣ding courage and strength of bodie: who with the Ianizaries and certaine companies of Moorish [ E] archers, about the noone time of the day issuing out of the castle, assailed the vttermost trenches, hoping in that broiling heat to find the Christians in their stations negligent and vnprepared. Wherein he was nothing deceiued, for the Spaniards that burning hoat time of the day, kept such negligent watch, that Giaffer with his Ianizaries and archers, was got vp to the top of the rampiers, and there discharged their shot and arrowes vpon the Christians in their trenches, be∣fore they were well aware of his comming. But vpon the striking vp of the drum, certaine com∣panies of harquebusiers brake out vpon them in two places at one instant, as Vastius had before commaunded, whom he seconded with a companie of halbardiers, keeping in readinesse his squadrons to rescue his harquebusiers, if they should be enforced by the enemie to retire: and in that order expected the euent of the skirmish, which was most valiantly maintained on both [ F] sides. For the Ianizaries, although they were enforced to giue ground, yet (as men not vsed to flie, and standing vpon the honour of their order) withstood the Christians with no lesse re∣solution than they were by them charged;* 8.236 vntill that Giaffer their leader desperatly fighting amongst the formost of the Ianizaries, was at once shot in with two bullets, and slaine: whose dead bodie the Ianizaries labouring to carie away, endured a most cruell fight, many being on

both sides slaine vpon his dead carkasse: yet at length they were enforced to flie, and so f••••rcely [ G] followed by the Spaniards, that they of GVLETTA, when they had receiued in the formost, shut out almost a fourth part of their owne men, for feare the Christians should together with them haue entred the castle. Didacus Abila, one of the Spanish ensigne bearers, aduanced his ensigne vnto the top of one of the enemies rampiers, and was there slaine, but his ensigne saued by one of the souldiors of the same band. The Christians receiued more losse in their retreat than they had in all the fight, for the Turkes from their rampiers then discharged their shot as fast as they could vpon them, which they could not before doe, without the like danger to their owne men min∣gled amongst them. This dayes worke well abated the pride of the Turkes, and gaue good hope to the Christians, that the castle would without any great losse be gained: for being neere vn∣to it, they perceiued it not to be so strong as they had supposed. [ H]

The emperour hauing spent a few dayes in consultation about his farther proceeding, and preparing of things for the siege, resolued without further delay with all his forces to assault the castle, persuaded thereunto by many reasons: first by the cheerefulnesse of his owne souldiours, and the courage of his enemies sore daunted in the last skirmish, which he was loth they should againe recouer by the comming of new supplies; besides that, he was informed, that diuers com∣panies of the Numidians were comming to TVNES, entertained by Barbarussa, whose strength was like dayly to encrease: but that which mooued him most to hasten the matter, was, for that his men began to grow sickly in his campe, being all the day time scorched as it were with the feruent heat of the Sunne, and well neere starued in the night with cold and exceeding dewes wherewith they were commonly wet to the skin; neither was there either good water or fresh [ I] victuall by any meanes to be had in that sandie and barren soile for the releefe of the sicke, other than that was brought out of the fleet: for all the water thereabout was most vnpleasant and ex∣ceeding brackish, so that both sicke and whole were glad when they could get a crab to quench the extremitie of their thirst: although the emperour did what he might to remedie these extre∣mities, and much releefe was in good time sent both from SICILIA and NAPLES: the bisket also in the ships, especially in the Spanish gallies, was growne hoarie and vnwholesome. Wher∣fore he began to place his batterie about the fifteenth of Iuly, which was defended all alongst with Gabions, and caske filled with sand, for that the countrey soile in that place yeelded neither earth nor turfe to doe it. Auria appointed to batter the castle by sea, deuided his gallies into three squadrons, which orderly succeeding one another, should by turns beat the same: his great [ K] ships rid at anker, and out of their forecastles thundered with their great ordinance. And Vastius at land had deuided the armie into three battels, Spaniards, Italians, and Germans, euery nation by themselues, in such sort, as that they might indifferently be partakers both of the danger of the assault,* 8.237 and of the glorie of the victorie. There was neuer strong place in the memorie of man, since guns, that fatall engine were first inuented for the destruction of mankind, assailed with greater force, greater preparation, or greater industrie. The great ordinance in manner of a great earthquake so terribly roared and thundered, that the earth seemed not onely to tremble and quake vnder mens feet, but euen by and by to rent in sunder and swallow them vp: and the sea which was euen now quiet and calme, began to rise aloft, and to rage and ••ome as if it had been in a great storme: at which time the aire became thicke, and the skie darkened with the smoke of [ L] the great artillerie: from the breake of the day vntill noone the roaring cannon and culuering ne∣uer ceased: so that the Vamures were beaten downe, the castle made saultable, and the wals so shaken, that in many places the Turkes cannoniers, together with their cannons, lay buried in the ruines thereof.* 8.238 Which thing perceiued, they which were before appointed to giue the first assault, vpon signall giuen by the emperour, presently vpon the ceasing of the great artillerie assai∣led the breach, and others with their scaling ladders scaled the wals: which was done with such courage and resolution, that the Turkes when they had done what they possibly could for the defence of the place, by casting downe darts, wild fire, and such like things vpon the Christians as they were climing vp: at length as men despairing longer to hold the place, and ouercome with a greater fortune, turned their backes and fled. Sinan and the rest of the captaines by a [ M] woodden bridge, fled out at the farther side of the castle into the maine, and so alongst the left side of the lake by land to TVNES, not looking behind them for hast: which way most part of his men followed him also. The rest were either slaine or driuen into the lake, where seeking to saue their liues by swimming, they were either slaine in comming to land by the Spanish horse∣men,

[ A] or else in their swimming shot at pleasure by the harquebusiers, so that all the lake was as it were couered with the dead bodies of the Turkes and Moores. The emperour with small losse thus gained the castle of GVLETTA, with all the warlike prouision therin, and with it all Barba∣russa his great fleet & strength at sea, which he for the more safetie had before put into the lake: which as it was vnto the emperour a thing most pleasing,* 8.239 so was it vnto Barbarussa and his py∣rats the greatest greefe and losse possible, hauing at once lost all their power at sea, which but a little before was no small terrour to all the frontiers of the Christian countries and Islands in the Meditterranean.

Barbarussa troubled and terrified with so great a losse,* 8.240 with a sterne and scornefull counte∣nance receiued the Iew and the rest of the captains fled from GVLETTA, reuiling them bitterly [ B] in his rage, and calling them faint hearted cowards, which had in so short a time giuen ouer so strong a place. Whereunto Sinan answered for them all in this sort:

Hairadin (said he) so long as we were to fight with armed men,* 8.241 we did as thou well knowest, and our enemies cannot denie, what well be seemed vs and thy magnificent fortune. But when we were to withstand the deuill and his infernall furies, which came against vs with flames of fire, and earth∣quakes, things of extreame terrour and danger: it ought not to seeme strange vnto thee if we sought to escape the vncouth furie of the immortall enemies of mankind, to doe thee seruice in thy better fortune, in defence of this thy citie and kingdome. Neither doe we account it any disgrace to haue es∣caped that danger, as men that mind againe to fight: out of which thou, a most antient and expert [ C] Commaunder (if I may frankely speake vnto thee the truth) if thou haddest beene there present, wouldest haue accounted it no dishonour, but very good discretion to haue escaped in safetie.

Barbarussa repressing his furie, began in a more temperat manner to request them euery one particularly, as valiant and courageous men to stand fast vnto him in that warre against their enemies the Christians: telling them, that he well hoped, that after the great supplie of the Moo∣rish footmen and Numidian horsemen were once come, which were now at hand, the enemie should not long rejoice of the taking of GVLETTA. After that, he forthwith conuerted all his studie and endeuour, to prepare such things as were needfull for the warre, bringing forth his treasures, and bountifully bestowing the same amongst the Moores and Numidians, thereby to [ D] confirme the friendship of such as well affected him, and with this new bountie to win the hearts of such as yet stood doubtfull.

In the meane time Muleasses the exiled king,* 8.242 with a small retinue of his friends and follow∣ers came from the farthest part of NVMIDIA into the emperours campe: the emperour sit∣ting in a royall seat in the middest of his pauillion, whereinto Muleasses was admitted, with a myter vpon his head, in a garment of greene and blew changeable silke: he was of a tall & manly stature, of colour tawnie, but so squint-eyed that he seemed spitefully to looke vpon them whom he beheld: who after he had kissed the emperours right hand, and had set himselfe downe, with his legs gathered close vnder him, vpon a carpet spread vpon the bare ground, after the manner of his countrey, he by an interpreter spake vnto the emperour as followeth: [ E]

Thou art come in armes into this countrey,* 8.243 and art now almost conquerour of the same (thrice mightie Emperour) prouoked thereunto not by any desert of mine, for that our different religion so required: yet as I verely thinke, not without the appointment of the most high God, whom both thou and I doe with like deuotion worship, to take reuenge of the most perfidious and cruell tyrant and pyrat, the mortall enemie of mankind: whom I foresee as good as already vanquished, now that GVLETTA is taken, and his nauie surprised. So that I hope he shall in short time by thy reuenging hand, at once receiue the iust guerdon of all his former villanies: which shall be so much the more to my comfort, for that I hope the fruit of thy rare felicitie and glorious victorie will redound in great part to me, being restored by thee into my fathers kingdome: which I as a poore exiled prince most humbly request of [ F] thy iustice and bountie. For it shall be vnto thee a thing most honourable and profitable, if thou shalt receiue into thy protection me, a king royally descended, of a most auntient progenie, strengthened with the great alliance of the Numidians and Moores. Neither do I refuse either to pay thee tribute therefore, or to acknowledge my selfe vassale vnto thee the Christian emperour: Of which my fideli∣tie, there can be no greater assuance than the thankefull remembrance of so great a benefit receiued,

which shall for euer remaine vnforgotten of me and my posteritie, euen for that especially, that I de∣test [ G] and abhorre the name of an vnthankefull man, and doe well by experience find, how much my state may be confirmed, and the minds of my people to me assured, by thy garrisons so neare at hand in SICILIA and SARDINIA.

* 8.244Whereunto the emperour answered, That hee was come ouer into AFFRICKE to bee re∣uenged of the injuries which Barbarussa had many times done vpon the frontiers of his domi∣nions, and to root out the pyrats, of all others most mischieuous: which his good purpose had by the goodnesse of Christ his Sauiour taken so good effect, that he doubted not in short time by the taking of TVNES to obtaine a perfect victorie; which once gained, hee would then kindly graunt him all things which should stand with the conuenience of his affaires, and the vse of his [ H] victorie: so that he would not falsifie his faith, which he might justly suspect, if he reposed not a speciall trust, that the remembrance of such a benefit would for euer remaine in his heroicall mind; and was further assured, that the same power which should restore to him his kingdome of courtesie, could also take it from him againe, if his vnthankfulnesse should so deserue.

* 8.245Muleasses in presence of the emperour vsed such a grauitie and grace in his speech and ge∣sture, as well declared, that he had nothing forgotten his former estate: but towards the Gene∣rall and the other great captaines hee vsed all manner of courtesie, so that hee rid vp and downe with them gallantly mounted, managing his horse, and charging and discharging his launce with such agilitie and skill, as shewed him to be a very good horseman, and of great actiuitie. At other vacant times he would subtilly reason with the learned men, after the manner of Auerrois, of the [ I] nature of things, of the motion of heauen, and power of the stars. By the emperors commaun∣dement he had a tent appointed for him, and honourable allowance for his diet. Vastius and the rest of the cheefe commaunders of the armie vsed him with all honor, and at such time as he was desirous to see the campe, courteously brought him into all places of it, that he might himselfe see what mounts they had in short time cast, what abundance there was of great artillerie, what strong watch and ward was kept, what a number there was of braue and warlike souldiours of diuers nations, differing much one from another in language, countenance, and manner of furni∣ture: and further demaunded, Whether that puissant armie which the emperour had brought ouer to his great good, were in his judgement sufficient to subdue the enemie? Where aboue all things Muleasses wondered at the number and order of the great ordinance: and next vnto that, [ K] at the wonderfull plentie of things to be bought and sold in the market place, and at the modest quietnesse of the souldiors in buying the same. Not long after, the expert captaines by diligent inquirie learned of him many things well seruing for their better proceeding in that warre, especi∣ally of the disposition and strength of them of TVNES, of the situation of the citie, of the nature of the wals, and fortification of the castle, of the wels and cesternes in the suburbes, and what strength the Moores and Numidians were of,* 8.246 which Barbarussa had entertained. In conclusion he assured them (as afterwards it fell out) that Barbarussa would neuer trust to the strength of the wals, which would easily be ouerthrowne with the great artillerie, but would in a great brauerie with ensignes displaied bring all his forces into the field, of purpose to terrifie the Christians with the sight of the multitude of his rascall souldiours, and to breake their array with his Numidian [ L] horsemen; who with hideous and terrible cries, after the manner of that nation, would not faile to assaile them: and yet for all that would neuer bring into the battell his Turkish footmen, in whom he reposed his greatest confidence, and whom hee desired most to spare, but would as a craftie and subtill Turke, by opposing of the Moores, whom he held in small regard, trie by their bloud what might be done without the danger of his owne men. But as he told them, no∣thing could be more strange vnto the Moores his countreymen, or that they were more afraid of, than in a set battell to fight with that enemie whose squadrons comming orderly on in gliste∣ring armour with long pikes, might scorne & easily ouerthrow the naked archers of the Moores, and the vnarmed Numidian horsemen: and that our men should find nothing more grieuous or troublesome than the scorching heat of the Sunne, and the thirst rising thereof; which might [ M] easily be remedied by plentie of water, which by slaues and small boats might easily be brought in caskes and bottels from the fleet alongst the lake, and so distributed amongst the armie: al∣though not farre from the wals of the citie, were certaine old conduit heads, which would yeeld them great plentie of water, if the malicious enemie did not to his owne hurt and others poyson

[ A] the same. These things orderly reported to the emperour, confirmed the hope hee had before conceiued of the desired victorie: So that wholly bent thereupon, and carefully forecasting all things, hee resolued forthwith to depart from GVLETTA, and with all his power to besiege TVNES.

But whilest he was preparing things necessarie, ordering his souldiours, and discouering the enemies purposes, his souldiors had daily diuers skirmishes with the Numidians; so that once the skirmish was like to haue come to a just battell, which began in this sort. The Moores had plan∣ted certaine field pieces amongst the oliue gardens, wherewith they shot continually into the campe: for remouing whereof, the emperour leauing the Italians, with certaine companies of the old Germane and Spanish souldiours, for the keeping of his campe and trenches, went forth [ B] with his horsemen and the rest of his armie: sending before him Montegius, Generall of the Spanish horsemen, who for most part were but raw souldiors, such as were of the noblemens or∣dinarie seruants and followers,* 8.247 not before acquainted with the wars. These light hor••••men with diuers fortune skirmished a while with the enemie, but when they saw themselues to be hardly charged, and Montegius their Generall grieuously wounded, they turned their backs, and in the sight of the emperour shamefully fled to the men at armes which were comming after them. The manner of the enemies fight was, to giue at the first a fierce and desperat charge, and vpon the encounter giuen, of purpose to retire, auoiding thereby the sudden force of their enemies, and by and by to turne againe vpon them with a fresh charge. The emperour seeing the flight of his light horsemen, came on courageously with his men at armes, by whose comming in and vali∣ant [ C] encounter the Turkes and Moores were put to flight, and their fieldpieces wherewith they had before annoyed the campe, taken. In this skirmish the emperour in person as hee stood for∣most in his armed troupes, gaue the signall of battell himselfe by crying with a loud voice, Saint Iames, Saint Iames, whom the Spaniards take for their patrone; and so charging the enemie, performed the part not onely of a courageous cheefetaine, but of a resolute and valiant souldior also:* 8.248 rescuing with his owne hand Andreas Pontius, a noble gentleman of GRANADO, whom vnhorsed and sore wounded, the enemie was readie presently to haue slaine, had not the empe∣rour by his comming in saued him; deseruing thereby the Oken garland, which the Romans by the name of Ciuica Corona gaue as an honour to such as had in battell saued a citisen.

About the same time it fortuned, that thirtie thousand Moores came vpon the suddaine to [ D] haue surprised a little tower, standing vpon a hill neere vnto the ruines of old CARTHAGE: wherein the emperour had placed certaine soldiors for the keeping thereof, because it was neere vnto his campe. Before these Moores went a Numidian priest, who bellowing out certaine su∣perstitious charmes, cast diuers scrols of paper on each side the way, wherein he cursed and ban∣ned the Christians: and now they had with fire and smoake brought the Christians in that tower to great extremitie, when the emperour himselfe comming to their rescue with certaine compa∣nies of horsemen and footmen, slew the conjuring priest, with others, and put the rest to flight. The discomfiture of the Spanish horsemen caused many men to thinke, that if the emperour should come to a set battell with the enemie, he should find his horsemen too weak, both for that they were but few in number,* 8.249 and not to bee compared with the Numidians. For which cause [ E] and diuers others, certaine of the emperours graue counsellors, but none of the best souldiours, wished him not to proceed further in that dangerous warre, but with speed to returne out of AFFRICKE, for as much as he had woon honour enough by the taking of GVLETTA, and the surprising of the enemies fleet: whereby he had to his immortall praise, and the common good of Christendome, deliuered all the frontiers of the Christian countries in the Mediterranean from the danger and feare of those most cruell pyrats: besides that, the flix began to rage in his campe, whereof many of his souldiors fell sicke, and died dayly: whereas on the contrarie part, the mightie Numidian princes, such as were Muleasses old enemies, were reported to come in dayly to the aid of Barbarussa. These vnseasonable speeches the emperour thought good to re∣presse betime▪ reasoning against the authors thereof with great grauitie, as against men, who [ F] with more feare doubted of the successe of things, and the euent of the victorie, than beseemed them, whom for their constant resolution and good opinion conceiued of their discretion, hee had chosen to be of his most secret counsell.

Saying▪* 8.250 that he desired not of them, that their needlesse and dishonourable labour, wherein they

should shew themselues more carefull of his person than of his honour: for as much as those things [ G] which he now alleadged, should haue been said before the warre was taken in hand, now by good hap halfe ended; before hee euer passed ouer into AFFRICKE. For he might (as he said) haue rested quietly in SPAINE, and haue easily neglected and reiected the iniuries done vpon the sea coasts, and the complaints of his subiects; but he was (as they well knew) for most vrgent causes come thither: whereas hee was resolued to satisfie the expectation of the world with a notable victorie, or if God should otherwise appoint, there to end his daies with honour. Wherefore he willed them to cease far∣ther to flatter him that was no way dismaid, or to possesse the minds of his valiant souldiours with a vaine forboding feare; and with resolute minds, togither with him their chieftaine, against the next day, to expect what the fortune of the field should appoint for the full accomplishment of that war. For he was (as he said) set downe to giue the enemie battell, or if he refused the same, to batter the wals of [ H] TVNES, not doubting but that God would stand on his side in so good and so godly a quarrell.

The emperour leauing a sufficient garrison in the castle of GVLETTA, commanded the brea∣ches to be repaired, and the great ordinance there taken to be laid vpon carriages; which before, after the old rude sea fashion, lay bound in great vnweldie pieces of timber, with yron rings fast∣ned thereto, and could not handsomely be handled or remoued too or fro. After that, when he had caused the countrey to be well viewed all about, which betwixt the Oliue groues and the right side of the lake, giueth a direct passage vnto the citie of TVNES; he set forward with his armie in so good order, that he still marched as readie to fight, for feare of the pollicies and sud∣den assaults of the enemie. On the left hand marched the Italians next vnto the lake, on the [ I] right hand the Spaniards neere vnto the Oliue groues,* 8.251 which in the manner of a great wood ran all alongst the countrey, from the ruines of CARTHAGE almost to the wals of TVNES: in the middest betwixt both marched the Germans; next vnto them followed the great ordinance; and after it, the carriages of all the armie. In the vauntgard was Vastius, whom the emperour had made Generall of the armie, and especially for that day: in the rearward was the duke of AL••A, with certaine troupes of chosen horsemen: in the middle of the maine battell was the emperour, and by his side Lewes his brother in law the king of PORTINGALES brother. The Italians were conducted by the prince of SALERN, the Spaniards by Alarco an auntient captaine, and the Germans by Maximilian Eberstein. But the emperour in his armour ceased not to ride from squadron to squadron, with cheerfull countenance and full of hope, recounting vnto them the [ K] former victories which they had gotten for him: and telling them, that he did that day expect of them a most honourable daies seruice, for as much as they were to fight against the naked ene∣mies of the Christian religion: wherefore they should with resolute minds, set downe them∣selues to endure the waight of their armour, the painfulnesse of the march, the heat of the Sunne and sand, and the tediousnesse of the thirst arising therof; vntill they might joine battell with their enemies, where they should vndoubtedly by the goodnesse of God (in whose quarrell they fought) obtaine the victorie: in the meane time they should with patience ouercome all diffi∣culties, comforting themselues with the vndoubted hope of a most rich prey, which they were to expect of the spoile of a rich citie. Whereunto euerie squadron answered with a great shout, that he should not trouble himselfe with those matters which he had before rehearsed, but to as∣sure [ L] himselfe that they his souldiours would most patiently endure all extremities, and not de∣ceiue the expectation he had conceiued of their wonted valour, but by valiant fight to make him emperour, not of AFFRICKE, but of ASIA also.

Now Vastius had withdrawne two companies of harquebusiers out of the Spanish squadron to skirmish with the Moores, who continually followed in the taile of the army; whom by those harquebusiers and certaine troupes of horsemen deputed to that purpose, the duke of ALBA no∣tably repulsed in the rearward.

The armie was now come vnto the cesternes of fresh water, which Muleasses and others which well knew the countrey had before told them of; which as soone as the soldiours almost fainting vnder the waight of their armour, with the scorching heat of the sunne and extremitie of [ M] thirst,* 8.252 descried a far off: they for desire they had to quench their thirst, forthwith forsooke their colours, and disorderly ran as fast as they could to those cesternes: Vastius the Generall, to the vttermost of his power labouring in vaine both by faire meanes and foule to haue staied them; who saw by that disorderednesse of the soldiors, a great aduantage offred vnto the enemie, which

[ A] then was not farre off. But when the Generall could neither with words or blowes preuaile any thing with them, the emperour himselfe was glad to hast thither, with his presence and authori∣tie to haue kept them in order: yet such was the force of their intollerable thirst, that neither the sight of the emperour, nor all that he could doe, could remedie the disorder; some fainting in the sand for lacke of drinke, and some other for greedinesse readie to burst their bellies at the fountaines; so that the emperour was faine with his truncheon to beat them away. Amongst the rest one Tullius Cicero of ARPINAS a famous captaine, died at the cesterne side with drin∣king too much. This extremitie for want of water seemed justly to haue happened vnto them, for as much as Vastius the day before, had by generall proclamation thorow the campe, com∣maunded that euerie souldiour should carrie with him a bottle of wine or water at his girdle: al∣though [ B] he caused so much water as he conueniently could, to be carried in great caskes, for the common reliefe of the armie;* 8.253 whereof the Germans had the greatest part. Some almost readie to giue ouer for thirst, were glad to get a draught of cold water of their fellowes which had it, for two duckats.

This disorder being with as much speed as was possible reformed, and the armie againe brought into order, the emperour held on his march toward the enemie: for Barbarussa with a wonderfull multitude of horsemen and footmen, and a number of ensignes (the instruments of vaine feare and foolish brauerie) gallantly displaied after the manner of the Moores,* 8.254 was come about three miles from the citie, and with certaine field pieces (as Muleasses had foretold) went about to haue broken the battell of the Christians: which pieces although they were oftentimes [ C] discharged, yet did they little or no harme, by reason of the vnskilfulnesse of the canoniers. Va∣stius in like manner and for like purpose, had commaunded the great ordinance to be brought into the front of the battell: but perceiuing what toile and time it required to haue it done, for that it was drawne but by strength of men, and the wheeles of the carriages sunke deepe in the deuouring sand, and the shot and pouder which the marriners and gallyslaues carried altogither vpon their shoulders, came but softly on; he suddenly changed his purpose, and told the empe∣rour, That he thought it not best to stay for the great artillerie in that cheerfulnesse of his armie, when euerie man desired battell, but to commit all to the valour of his resolute men and his own good fortune, which euer fauoured his honourable attempts: least whilest we stay (said he) too long vpon our great ordinance, which doth not alwaies serue to great purpose in sudden battels, [ D] our enemies gather courage in the time of this our vnnecessarie delay; and this exceeding cheer∣fulnesse of our souldiours, the most sure token of an vndoubted victorie, by deferring of time grow cold. Whereunto the emperour desirous of battell, and filled with good hope, cheere∣fully answered: Vastius if thou so thinke it good, which I also like well of, in Gods name giue the signall. That shall I by and by doe (said he) but first it is reason, that you which sway and com∣maund a great part of the world, learne at this time to obey him, whom to his great charge and shame, you laying aside the imperiall majestie of your selfe, haue for this day made Generall and Commaunder of so mightie an armie:* 8.255 Wherefore said Vastius, I will now vse mine authoritie, and commaund you (sith I may not so request you) to depart from this place, and to get you in∣to the middle of the battell neere vnto the ensignes; least by some vnluckie shot, the whole estate [ E] of the armie be brought into extreame perill by the danger of one mans life. Whereat the em∣perour smiling, willed him to feare no such thing, saying moreouer, That neuer emperour was yet slaine with a gun. For all that he departed out of the place as he was commaunded, and went into the middle of the battell. Whereupon the signall of battell was by the sounding of the trumpet and striking vp of the drum, presently giuen, and the enemie (with more hast than the extreame heat of the day required) furiously charged by the emperours horsemen, who to auoid the danger of the great artillerie, made all the hast they could to come to handie blowes. In the formost of these horsemen was Ferdinand Gonzaga, a most valiant noble man, who then serued the emperour without charge: he being somewhat before the rest at the first onset, slew with his launce a notable captaine of the Moores, and presently with his sword so troubled them that [ F] were next, that he opened a way for them that followed him, to breake into the enemies battell. The harquebusiers also discharged so fast vpon the enemie, that three hundred of them lay dead vpon the ground before the joyning of the battell: which the rest of the footmen seeing, forsook their great ordinance, and fled backe to Barbarussa. Who long endured not the force or sight of the Christians; but grinding his teeth for sorrow and griefe of mind, turned his horse, and with

his Turkes retired into TVNES. For now that his designes had in the beginning taken so euill [ G] successe,* 8.256 he thought it not best to aduenture all in one battell; knowing right well that the empe∣rours armie could not long endure the inconueniences of the intollerable heat, and want of ma∣nie things, especially of fresh water: which fed him with hope, that hee should out of these his enemies distresses picke some fit occasion of aduantage, if he could but a while defend the citie of TVNES. The Numidians and Moores, who in great troupes and companies had alwaies ho∣uered about the emperours armie, without doing any thing worth reporting, retired themselues also into the suburbs, gardens, and other places neere vnto the citie.

The emperour glad of the flight of his enemies which were thought to haue been in number an hundred thousand, encamped with his armie that night in the same place where they before lay; determining the next day to batter the wals of TVNES. In the meane time, Barbarussa sur∣prised [ H] with an exceeding feare,* 8.257 and distracted with many cares, and now become more cruell than himselfe, had in his mind purposed a fact full of exceeding and inhumane crueltie; which was at once to haue killed all the Christian captiues in the castle of TVNES: fully resolued to haue put the same in execution, had not Sinan the Iew dissuaded him from that most execrable fact, protesting such a practise to be vnseemely for a man of his valour, famous for his many vi∣ctories, and carrying with him the majestie of a king: whereas he would shortly after wonder∣fully repent him for doing so shamefull a fact: The doing whereof, what was it else (as the Iew said) but a manifest demonstration of his extreame feare, and desperation? which two things were most dangerous to him, that was to maintaine so doubtfull a warre, and would much de∣face the glorie of his former life; wherefore he should doe well to beware, that by the fame of [ I] such a most horrible fact, he did not prouoke Solymans heauie displeasure against him: who de∣uoid of all humane crueltie, had vsed both to detest and reuenge such outrages. Wherefore he should suffer the Christian captiues to liue bound in their fatall chaines, so long as it were their fortunes; who being well kept and vnarmed, might shortly after serue him to good purpose, and could no way without most certaine danger moue themselues, if they should vnaduisedly lust af∣ter their vnluckie libertie: for by them, the expected victorie could neither be giuen to the ene∣mie, nor taken from him, or yet so much as hindred. At which speech the tyrant was ashamed, and so sparing the liues of the poore wretches, went out of the castle into the greatest church of TVNES, whither he had caused to be assembled all the chiefe men of the citie, to tell them what he would haue done for the defence of the citie, and now by persuasion to encourage them to [ K] fight: from whom as men by him holden in distrust, he had but a little before the comming of the Christians, taken all manner of armour and weapon.

Whilest Barbarussa was thus busied, the most joyfull and happie day appeared to those mi∣serable captiues; by fortunes change no lesse black and dismall vnto the Turks and Moores. For that hainous purpose of the cruell tyrant, could not long be couered or kept secret: so that a con∣stant report of a danger so imminent, was run thorow the whole castle, euen into the deepe dun∣geons; by the compassion of certaine manumised slaues, who detesting the sauage crueltie of Barbarussa their master, and touched with deuotion, had in heart returned to their old and true Christian religion; encouraging by secret speeches the chiefe of the captiues with whom they were acquainted, to lay hand now vpon their libertie. Amongst these well minded men was [ L] one Francis a Spaniard, whom Barbarussa had from his youth brought vp as his minion, hauing him alwaies in great esteeme by the name of Memis; and another called Vincentius Catareus of DALMATIA an eunuch: These two aduenturing a most memorable and godly attempt, set open the prison doores,* 8.258 and gaue instruments vnto the poore prisoners, readie to take the occa∣sion offred; who boldly starting vp, breake off their chaines and giues, and so by the great good∣nesse and mercie of God, about six thousand poore naked Christians, armed with that came first to hand, but especially with stones, brake forth suddenly vpon the Turkes that were in the castle. Ramadas a renegate Spaniard captaine of the castle, stirred vp with the vnexpected and terrible noise of so many prisoners breaking their irons, with a few souldiours whom he had suddenly called vnto him, ran to the castle gate, where one of the prisoners (a lustie young man [ M] of SICILIA) had with one of the bars of the gate strucke downe one or two of the warders, and hauing bolted the gate, was become master thereof: him Ramadas slew, and opening the gate, made way for himselfe and his few followers, with whom he went to Barbarussa to carrie him newes of that his hard mischance. But the Christians now losed from their bands, and hauing

[ A] suddenly slaine diuers of the Turks, possessed themselues of all the castle, brake open the armo∣rie, and so seizing vpon the kings treasure, armour, and prouision, from a high turret gaue signes of victorie to the Christian armie by smoake and false fires made with gunpouder; and lastly, by displaying of Sarmentus his ensigne, which (as we haue before declared) was by Tabacches ta∣ken from the top of the trenches at the siege of GVLETTA. These signes, although the Christi∣ans in the armie could not well perceiue, as being too farre off: yet by the fugitiues which came oftentimes out of TVNES to the emperour and Muleasses, they were both persuaded, that some great tumult was risen amongst the enemies. Wherefore the emperour sent two of his captaines with their companies, who going as neere as they could to the citie and the castle, should disco∣uer what the matter was. In the meane time, Barbarussa almost mad for anger, in his furie blas∣pheming [ B] his vaine gods, and bitterly cursing and banning the Iew, for dissuading him from kil∣ling the captiues, came to the castle gate, and with teares standing in his eyes pitifully requested the late Christian captiues (which then stood vpon the top of the wals and the gate with wea∣pons in their hands) That they would forthwith let him in, faithfully promising them their liber∣tie, with a generall and free pardon for all that they had done. But they mindfull both of their former and present fortune, and mooued with just hatred, cast stones at him, and with many op∣probrious words rejected his request: so that hee enraged with sorrow and madnesse, shot at them with his owne hand, and seeing all past remedie, and the citie not possible now to bee kept, shamefully betooke himselfe to flight. After him followed the Turks, in number seuen thousand, with purpose to flie to the citie HIPPONA, now called BONA, famous with the bishopricke of [ C] that reuerend Father and great Diuine Augustine. For there (as in a most sure harbour) had Barbarussa left foureteene gallies in the lake neere vnto the citie, to serue his turne whatsoeuer mischance should happen: but the tacklings, sailes, oares, and ordinance, he had laid vp in the ca∣stle fast by, which was kept with a garrison of his owne.

The emperour vnderstanding that Barbarussa with his Turkes was fled,* 8.259 came with all his ar∣mie vnto the gates of TVNES, where the magistrates of the citie were readie to submit them∣selues vnto him, and to deliuer him the keyes of the citie, only requesting of him that he would keepe his souldiors encamped without the citie, and not to seeke the vtter spoile and ruine there∣of, promising that the souldiours should want nothing that was there to be had. Muleasses also carefull of the safetie thereof, earnestly intreated the emperour in the citisens behalfe. But he, al∣though [ D] he was of his owne honourable disposition readie ynough to haue graunted what they requested; Yet for that he did not without cause doubt of the Moores fidelitie, and that the pai∣ment of the money which they of TVNES had by Muleasses promised for the payment of the soldiors wages, was by them craftily delayed, expecting still the vttermost deuoire of Barbarussa, he could not by any meanes be persuaded to promise them any certainetie of their safetie: moo∣ued also so to doe by the discontented speeches of his soldiors, who spared not to say, That they should bee hardly and vnkindly dealt withall, if after so long trauell and so much paines taken both by sea and land, they should be defrauded of the reward of the victorie, sith nothing but on∣ly the hope of the present spoile did relieue and feed them, being poore and miserable, hauing scarce clothes to couer their nakednesse, and their bodies spent with long labour and thirst; so [ E] that the Moores of TVNES, enemies of the Christian religion, and the perpetuall receiuers of most horrible pyrats, might worthily rejoice of the Christian victorie, and the conquerours themselues for euer bewaile their owne calamities and miseries. Whilest the emperour stood thus in doubt what to resolue vpon, Vastius with a small companie came to the castle gate, and was with wonderfull joy receiued in by the Christian captiues. But as he was viewing the wealth and prouision laid vp in the castle, a Ligurian captiue discouered vnto him where certaine trea∣sure lay hidden: for Barbarussa had there cast into a well thirtie thousand duckats sowed vp in bags, which Vastius getting easily out, obtained them of the emperour of gift, as he whose good seruice had well deserued them. The castle thus woon by a most rare chance, and the captiues ta∣king the spoile thereof, the souldiors could no longer be stayed, but that they entred into the ci∣tie [ F] by heapes,* 8.260 running after the spoile into euery part thereof, the citisens fearing no such matter, and calling in vaine vpon the faith of Muleasses. The souldiors at their first entrance slew many. The Spaniards and Italians sought most after the spoile. But the Germanes desiring more to glut themselues with the Mahometane bloud, filled all places with dead bodies, without regard of sex or age; so that the prophane temples of their vaine prophet, swam with the bloud of them

that were fled into them. Which furious execution continued vntill such time as the emperour [ G] moued with the pitifull request of Muleasses, caused proclamation to bee made, That no man should vpon paine of death hurt any citisen, or take any prisoners: yet for all that, it could not otherwise be, but that many yong men and women were by the marriners (which were come to the spoile of the citie) carried away to the fleet.

Muleasses for a little money redeemed diuers which he knew, out of the hands of such as had them prisoners: amongst others, one of his wiues, whom he sometime held dearest, was ranso∣med for two duckats. The emperour entering into the castle, commended the captiues, who were the occasion of that speedie victorie: and giuing to euery one of them money, set them at libertie, promising vnto them shipping and prouision to bring them home euery man into his owne countrey. Vnto the two manumised seruants of Barbarussa, which were the authours of [ H] breaking the prison, he gaue money and apparrell, and afterward learned of them many things concerning Barbarussa his purposes and secret disposition. In the spoile of the castle, Muleasses la∣mented the losse of three things especially:* 8.261 first the antient Arabian bookes, containing the in∣terpretation of the Mahometane law, and the acts of the kings his predecessors; the losse where∣of Muleasses (in the hearing of P. Iouius, out of whom this hystorie is taken) said (as he repor∣teth) that he would most gladly, if it had been possible, haue redeemed with the price of a citie: Then the precious oyntments and perfumes, with the wonderfull store of ambergrize, muske, and ciuet, worth much gold: all which Barbarussa as a rude and rough man had made no recko∣ning of: And last of all, the rare and rich colours for painting, which lying by heapes, were by the ignorant souldiors, seeking for that might yeeld them present money, foolishly neglected and [ I] troden vnderfoot, seruing no man to good. In this castle were found diuers headpieces & other armor of the Christians, namely of the French, who with Lewes their king had about three hun∣dred yeares before besieged that castle: which armour had beene vntill that time there kept by the Moores, in remembrance of that victorie against the Christians.

Barbarussa in the meane time was come to the riuer of Bagrada, which the Moores call Maiordech, which he easily passed ouer, though he was pursued by certain Numidian horsemen, whom Muleasses had raised of his old friends, and of the followers of his vncle Dorax, and sent them to pursue the Turks: but Barbarussa so marched with his harquebusiers and archers placed in the rereward, that the Numidian horsemen durst not come neere him, and so in safetie came to HIPPONA, as he had before purposed. Yet in passing the riuer Bagrada, he lost Haydin of [ K] SMIRNA, that famous pyrat: who being a fat man, and wearied with the heat of the Sunne and painefulnesse of the journey, dranke so much, that he presently died vpon the banke of the riuer. When Barbarussa was come to HIPPONA,* 8.262 he rested his men two dayes: then calling them together againe, he comforted them with good words, persuading them, that whatsoeuer mis∣chance had happened, they should impute it not to the valour of the enemie, but to the treche∣rie of the slaues; exhorting them as valiant m••n patiently to endure that frowne of fortune, and by some notable exploit to win againe her fauour: for he was determined to put to sea with the fleet he had, and to goe presently from thence to ALGIERS, where after he had with new sup∣plies increased his power, and augmented his fleet, and better aduised himselfe, he would take an attempt in hand answereable to their desires, and not vnbeseeming his owne credit and estima∣tion. [ L] It is reported, that neuer vanquished and beaten captaine was with a more cheerefull accla∣mation answered by his souldiors, than hee was at that present; they all with one consent most willingly requesting him to commaund whatsoeuer pleased him, which they would neuer refuse to vndertake, were it neuer so heauie or dangerous, so that they might be brought to some nota∣ble exploit. Barbarussa vsing this exceeding cheerefulnesse and forwardnesse of his souldiors, did with wonderfull celeritie weigh vp the foureteene gallies which he had sunke in the lake, and forthwith rigged them vp, and furnished them for all assayes: and vpon the very brinke of the lake cast vp a mount of earth, whereon he placed certaine pieces of artillerie for defence of the harbour; not vainely conjecturing, that the Christian fleet would in short time come thither to impeach his going out: pointing therein as it were at the purpose of the emperour and Auria [ M] his Admirall,* 8.263 who were of opinion, That by sending part of the fleet thither, those gallies might be drowned in the harbour with the great ordinance, before they could be rigged and made rea∣die. Vnto this peece of seruice Auria appointed one Adam, a captaine of GENVA, a man of no great skill in matters at sea, but yet of great wealth & credit, and the Admirals nigh kinsman:

[ A] he with certaine galiots and fourteene gallies, set forward towards HIPPONA, promising vnto himselfe a most certaine and easie victorie, hoping to purchase vnto himselfe great honour of the vnprouided enemie: for that he thought to haue taken Barbarussa busie in setting forth of his fleet. But after he was past BISERTA and come neere to HIPPONA, he was certainly ad∣uertised, that Barbarussa had with incredible celeritie rigged vp his gallies, and fortified the har∣bour, by planting great ordinance vpon the mount he had there raised. With which newes he wonderfully troubled, changed his purpose, persuaded by the other captaines of the gallies, in no case to aduenture to fight with him, because the Spanish, Sicilian, and Neapolitan gallies were but weakly manned, many of the souldiors being for greedinesse of the spoile gone ashoare without leaue at TVNES: so that he should at great disaduantage fight with the Turkes, being [ B] mo in number and desperatly bent. Wherefore he vpon good aduise presently changed his for∣mer course, and returned to the fleet for more aid. Barbarussa (as it was afterwards known) stood a good while in doubt, whether he should in hope of victorie pursue those gallies, for as much as they were in number no more than his owne; or else to persist in his former purpose of going to ALGIERS. Vnto which opinion all the vnder captaines enclined, being altogither ignorant of the weaknesse of the Christians:* 8.264 and so letting slip a faire occasion, leauing a small garrison of Turkes in the castle, he departed from HIPPONA and sailed alongst the coast to ALGIERS. When Adam was returned againe to the fleet, and had done nothing, many of the Christian princes were wonderfully offended, that by the negligence of some who were hardly to be com∣maunded, and by the vnrulinesse of others who without leaue were gone ashoare, so faire an oc∣casion [ C] of the desired victorie, was neglected. For this thing onely wanted vnto the emperours rare felicitie in that warre: for if those few gallies had been taken from the cruell enemie, or sunke in the sea, there had been no meanes for him to haue escaped; being verily thought, that the Numidians in number infinit and deadly enemies vnto the Turks, would with often skirmishes out of their knowne places of aduantage, haue so cut him off in his long and painfull trauell by land, that they would altogither haue made an end both of him and his followers before hee could haue come to ALGIERS. Auria angrie both with himselfe and those whom he had put in trust, and yet not out of hope to ouertake his enemie; with his own gallies and some other of the best ships went to HIPPONA: but finding Barbarussa gone, he tooke the citie and ouerthrew the wals thereof: but in the castle which he by force tooke from the Turks, he placed Aluarus Gome∣tius [ D] with a sufficient garrison, and so returned vnto the emperour. This Gometius, although he was a most valiant captaine, yet became so infamous for his auaritious dealing both with the enemie and his friends, that for feare how to answere such things as he knew would be laid to his charge, he became the infamous executioner of himselfe. The castle was afterwards by the com∣maundement of the emperour, rased downe to the ground, for that it was not without a mar∣uellous charge to be kept.* 8.265 After that, a counsell was holden concerning Muleasses, whom the emperour placed againe in the kingdome of TVNES, there to raigne as his auncestors had done before him; paying him yeerly by the name of a tribute, two faulcons and two Numidian cour∣sers: With condition, that he should for euer honour the emperour, and be a friend vnto all Christians, and an vtter enemie vnto the Turkes: Besides that, that he should from time to time [ E] defray the charges of a thousand Spaniards and more, to be left in garrison in the castle of GV∣LETTA; by holding whereof, the emperour kept as it were the keies of that kingdome at his gir∣dle. The emperour hauing thus honourably driuen Barbarussa and the Turks, pirats, out of TVNES, taken from them their gallies, deliuered the Christians countries all alongst the sea coast in the Mediterranean of a great feare, and restored Muleasses againe to his kingdome▪ say∣led into SICILIA,* 8.266 where he was in great triumph receiued at PANORMVS and MES••ANA, from whence he passed ouer to RHEGIVM into ITALIE, & from thence by land to NAPLES. Thus was the kingdome of TVNES taken by Barbarussa and the Turkes; and by Charles the emperor recouered againe out of their hands the selfesame time that Solyman was in person him∣selfe in wars against the Persian: whom Barbarussa accompanied with Sinan the Iew▪ after this [ F] ouerthow met at ICONIVM in his returne out of PERSIA, well accepting of their excuse, as is before declared.

Solyman as well of his owne ambitious disposition; as following the manner of the Othoman kings,* 8.267 desirous by all meanes to increase the glorie of his name, and to enlarge his empire; de∣termined with himselfe to take away from the Portingales all their traffique into the East Indies.

It grieued him to heare, that the Christian religion should begin to take root amongst those Pa∣gan [ G] kings, which had not long before receiued the Mahometane religion: Besides that, he was credibly enformed, that the Portingales in these late wars he had against the Persians, had aided them with certaine harquebusiers, and also had sent them workmen to shew them both the ma∣king and vse of great artillerie: But that which moued him most of all, was for that the Portin∣gales by their traffique into the Indies, had cut off all the trade of merchandise into the gulfe of ARABIA, whereby the riches of the East were woont to be transported vnto CAIRE, and so to ALEXANDRIA, from whence they were afterwards by the Venetian merchants and others dispersed into all parts of of EVROPE: but now were carried by the great Ocean into PORTIN∣GALL, and from thence conuaied into all parts of Christendome, to the great hinderance of his tributes and customes of AEGYPT. For these causes, and at the instance of Solyman Bassa an eu∣nuch [ H] borne in EPIRVS, and then Gouernour of AEGYPT, Solyman caused wonderfull prepa∣ration to be made, for the building of a great fleet in the Red sea to go against the Portingals▪ All the timber whereof, was cut downe in the mountaines of CILICIA, and shipped in the bay of ATTALIA in the bottome of the Mediterranian, from whence it was by sea transported to PE∣LVSIVM, and so vp the riuer of Nilus to CAIRE: where after it was framed and readie to be set togither, it was with infinit labour, and no lesse charge, carried by land with Camels thorow that hoat and sandie countrey, from CAIRE to SVETIA, a port of the Red sea, called in antient time ARSINOE.* 8.268 From which place eightie miles distant from CAIRE, the antient kings of AEGYPT seeking by vaine and wonderfull workes to eternise the memorie of themselues, had with incre∣dible charge cut thorow all that maine land, so that vessels of good burthen might come vp the [ I] same from ARSINOE to CAIRE: which great cut or ditch, Sesostris the rich king of AEGYPT, and long after him Ptolomeus Philadelphus, purposed to haue made a great deale wider and dee∣per, and therby to haue let in the Red sea into the Mediterranean, for the readier transportation of the Indian merchandise to CAIRE and ALEXANDRIA. Which mad worke Sesostris pre∣uented by death, could not performe: and Ptolomeus otherwise persuaded by skilfull men, in time gaue ouer; for feare least by letting in the great South sea into the Mediterranean, he should there∣by as it were with another generall deluge haue drowned the greatest part of GRaeCIA, and many other goodly countries in ASIA, and with exceeding charge, in steed of honour haue pur∣chased himselfe eternall infamie. Yet by the singular industrie of Solyman the eunuch, who with seuere commaundement enforced all the people of the countries therabouts to the furtherance [ K] of the building of that fleet; he had with wonderfull celeritie in short time new built eightie tall ships and gallies at ARSINOE, and furnished them with men, and all things else needfull for so long a voiage. At which time, he vpon a quarrell pickt without cause, but not without the good liking of Solyman, most injuriously confiscated the goods of the Venetian merchants at ALEX∣ANDRIA and CAIRE, and thrust the marriners into his gallies as slaues. With which fleet in most warlike manner appointed, Solyman the Bassa accompanied with Assan-beg, commonly called the Moore of ALEXANDRIA, a most famous pirat and an excellent seaman, set forward against the Portingals: and sayling thorow the Red sea, and so Eastward by the gulfe of PER∣SIA, came at length as far as the great riuer Indus, where with all his power he assaulted DIVM a castle of the Portingals,* 8.269 scituate vpon the mouth of that great riuer: but in conclusion, after [ L] he had many daies besieged the castle both by sea & land, and tried the vttermost of his strength, he was so repulsed by the Portingals, that he was glad to forsake the siege, and leauing his great ordinance behind him for hast, returned backe againe to ADEN, a citie of great trade in ARABIA FELIX: Where discouraged with the euill successe he had against the Portingals, because he would be thought to haue done something, he allured the king of that rich citie to come vnto him, vpon his false faith before giuen for his safe returne: but as soone as he had him aboord, he like a perjured wretch hanged him vp at the yards arme of his Admirall galley, and so surprising the citie,* 8.270 enriched himselfe with the spoile thereof. The like barbarous crueltie he vsed at ZI∣••YTH, another famous port of ARABIA, where the pilgrims of the East doe commonly land when they after the manner of their superstition come to visit the temple of their false prophet [ M] at MECHA: The king of which place, togither with all his nobilitie he cruelly murthered, con∣trarie to his faith giuen: and so trauelling himselfe by land to MECHA, as if he had been some de∣uout pilgrim, sent backe his fleet by the Moore to SVETIA, hauing performed against the Por∣tingals nothing at all.

[ A] At the same time Solyman by the persuasion of Lutzis and Aiax (the Bassaes of greatest au∣thoritie about him, now that Abraham was dead) turned all his forces from the Persians, as men agreeing with him in the cheefe points of his Mahometane superstition, with purpose to conuert the same vpon ITALIE: wherunto he was earnestly sollicited by Iohn Forrest the French kings embassadour,* 8.271 then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE, of purpose to incite Solyman against Charles the emperour, assuring him, that he was not of such power, as at one time to defend APVLIA against him, and the dukedome of MILLAINE against the French king: who (as he said) was determined that Summer to inuade that part of ITALIE. And to further the matter, about the same time one Troil••s Pignatellus, a noble gentleman, sometime commaunder in Charles the emperours armie, but then exiled out of NAPLES, fled vnto Solyman; and for so much as hee [ B] was a man of name, and like to doe him great seruice in the inuasion of APVLIA, as one which knew the countrey well, and promised vnto him good successe in that warres, was by Solyman honourably entertained amongst his Mutfaracas: which is a certaine companie of horsemen for their approued valou••, chosen out of all nations, hauing the free exercise of their religion what∣soeuer without controulement, and are onely bound to attend vpon the person of the great Turke when he goeth to warres. The cause of his reuolt was, for that the viceroy of NAPLES had executed Andrew his brother, one of the knights of the RHODES. But being now grown into great fauour with Solyman and the Bassaes, and oftentimes called to counsell in the prepara∣tion of that warre, casting off all naturall loue of his countrey, ceased not by all meanes to per∣suade Solyman to inuade the same, assuring him, that the people of APVLIA and SALERNE op∣pressed [ C] with grieuous tribute and exactions by the emperours officers, would at the first reuolt, especially if they saw any of the French nation to cleaue vnto. And that which mooued him more than all the rest, the auntient Turkes told him into what a feare all ITALIE was strucken, at such time as Achmetes the Bassa hauing taken HYDRVNTVM, had vndoubtedly conquered not onely the kingdome of NAPLES, but the citie of ROME also, and all the rest of ITALIE, had not the vntimely death of Mahomet his great grandfather interrupted the course of that vi∣ctorie. Which persuasions wrought such effect in Solyman,* 8.272 that he once fully resolued for the in∣uasion of ITALIE, made such expedition both by sea and land, that he himselfe in person was come with two hundred thousand men vnto AVLONA, the most conuenient port of MACE∣DONIA for the transporting of his armie, before it was thought in ITALIE that he was set for∣ward [ D] from CONSTANTINOPLE: where he had not long stayed, but Lutzis Bassa his Admi∣rall, accompanied with Barbarussa, sayling alongst the coast of PELOPONESVS and EPIRVS, and so passing by CORCYRA, where Hieronimus Pisaurius, Admirall of the Venetian fleet lay with his gallies (after mutuall salutation done after the manner of sea, by shooting off their great pieces in token of friendship) put into the hauen of AVLONA also.* 8.273 Solyman not purposing to lose any time, and hauing ITALIE now in his sight, commaunded Lutzis and Barbarussa to passe ouer with the fleet vnto OTRANTO, and to prooue the minds of the people; that if the first en∣terprise fell out well, he might presently follow after with all his armie. With them went also Troilus Pignatellus, as forward to the destruction of his country, as any of the rest. He knowing that the great cities of HYDRVNTVM and BRVNDVSIVM were kept with strong garrisons of [ E] Charles the emperour, leauing HYDRVNTVM on the right hand, directed the Turks to a towne vpon the sea coast, eight miles off▪ called CASTRVM, neere vnto which standeth a castle vpon a hill then belonging to Mercurinus Catinarius▪ who being a man vnacquainted with warres, and terrified with the sudden comming of the Turkes, and persuaded by Troilus, yeelded vp his ca∣stle, vpon condition that the Turkes should offer no violence or injurie vnto him or his, either in bodie or goods.* 8.274 Vpon which condition the towne of CASTRVM was also deliuered vnto them. But the Turkes, especially the greedie marriners, being got into the castle and the towne, moued neither with the intreatie of Troilus, nor the commaundement of Lutzis and Barbarussa, rifled the towne and castle, and carried away with them Mercurinus himselfe, with all the floure of the people, to their gallies as prisoners. But Lutzis ashamed of such faithlesse dealing, presently [ F] set Mercurinus at libertie againe. At the same time also Solyman had by night sent ouer certaine troupes of light horsemen, in great palendars: which running all alongst the sea coast from TA∣RENTVM to BRVNDVSIVM, carried away with them both the people and cattell, and what∣soeuer els came in their way by the space of fortie miles. So that all that covntrey of SALENTI∣NVM, now called OTRANTO,* 8.275 was filled with feare and danger; and had not, there stayed, but

was like ynough to haue ouerwhelmed all ITALIE, by the comming ouer of Solyman w••••h his [ G] whole armie, had not the rashnesse of one Venetian captaine by vnexpected chance turned that tempest from the Italians vpon the Venetians themselues.

Alexander Contarenus, a valiant captaine of the Venetians, meeting with certaine of the Turkes gallies, which would neither vaile their top sailes, nor in token of reuerence and friend∣ship, discharge any of their great Ordinance, as of dutie they ought to haue done in those seas where the Venetians commaunded; offended with their proud insolencie, fie••c••ly assailed ••••em, and in fight sunke two of them: wherein Vstamenes Gouernour of CALIPOLIS, a man of no small reputation amongst the Turks, was reported to haue perished. Which outrage done by Contarenus in a most vnfit time (to the great hurt of the Venetian estate, as it appeared afterward) was imputed to his owne priuat grudge which he bare against the Turks, for that they had inter∣cepted [ H] a ship of his as she was comming out of the East countries laden with rich merchandise: so that it was thought, that he to please himselfe in reuenging of his owne priuat injurie, regarded not what might in that dangerous time ensue thereof to the common state.

A little before the comming ouer of the Turks into ITALIE, Andreas Auria the emperors Admirall lying at MESSANA in SICILIA, vnderstanding that Solyman was come with his ar∣mie to AVLONA, and that his fleet was arriued there also, put to sea, directing his course towards the Islands of CEPHALENIA and ZACYNTHVS, hoping (as indeed it fell out) to meet with the taile of the Turkes fleet: for there according to his expectation he chanced vpon diuers of the Turks victuallers, whom he easily tooke. The marriners he chained in his owne gallies for slaues, and furnishing his fleet with the victuall which was not for him prouided, fired the ships. [ I] Whilest Auria was thus beating too and fro in the Ionian sea,* 8.276 it fortuned that Solyman sent Iunusbeius his cheefe interpreter, a man whom he made no small account of, with two gallies on a message to Lutzis his Admirall. This proud Turke comming neere CORCYRA, where the Venetian Admirall lay with his fleet, offered scornefully to passe by, without vailing: which his pride tending to the disgrace of the Venetians, certaine of the Venetian captaines not endu∣ring, set vpon him with such furie, that the Turkes were enforced to run both their gallies on shore vpon the coast of EPIRVS, neere vnto the mountaines called ACROCERAVNII, where hauing escaped the danger at sea, they fell almost all into the hands of the cruell mountaine peo∣ple, liuing for the most part by theft, and waiting for wrackes, as hawkes for their prey: by these shauers the Turkes were stript of all they had, and Iunusbeius with much adoe redeeming him∣selfe [ K] out of their hands, returned to Solyman. Auria sayling alongst the sea coast, chanced vpon these gallies, and finding them sore brused, set fire on them.

For these vnkind parts, the Turks were wonderfully offended with the Venetians, and gree∣uously complained of them to Solyman: although the Venetian Admirall laboured by all means he could to appease Iunusbeius, and to excuse the matter, as a thing done by great ouersight on both sides. Vpon these small occasions, the Turkes sought to breake off the league with the Ve∣netians; which fell out so much the sooner, for that about the same time Auria sayling vp and downe in the Ionian sea, and diligently looking into euery harbour to intercept such as stragled from the Turkes fleet, happened by night to light vpon twelue of Solymans great gallies neere vnto CORCYRA, all filled with his Ianizaries and choice horsemen of the court, the best souldi∣ors [ L] of the Turkes,* 8.277 who had by land sent their horses to the campe by their lackies, and were com∣ming themselues with the Ianizaries by sea. Auria falling vpon these gallies, had with them a cru∣ell and deadly fight: For they as resolute men, wishing rather to die than to yeeld vnto their ene∣mies, with inuincible courage maintained a most bloudie fight against Auria with his thirtie gallies excellently appointed, vntill such time as most part of them were slaine, and the rest sore wounded; who seeing no remedie, but that they must needs come into the hands of their ene∣mies, threw their scimitars ouerbourd, because those choice weapons should not come into the hands of the Christians. In this conflict Auria lost also many of his best souldiors: yet hauing got the victorie, and possessed of the gallies, he ankered neere vnto CORCYRA, there to take view of his owne harmes and the enemies: but whilest he rid there at anker, he was aduertised, [ M] that Barbarussa was comming against him with fourescore gallies. Wherefore knowing himselfe too weake to encounter so strong an enemie, he departed thence, and returned againe to M••S∣SANA to repaire his fleet. Solyman thorowly chafed with the losse of his gallies and best souldi∣ors, and with the double injurie done vnto him by the Venetians, fell into such a rage, that he

[ A] cursed Barbarussa, as one who in those warres had done him no good seruice; and thundered out greeuous threats against the Venetians, saying he was vnder the colour of an auntient league by them deceiued and greatly abused, and that they were secretly confederated with Charles his ene∣mie, and had for that cause (as they had alwaies) holpen Auria with intelligence; and all things necessarie,* 8.278 receiuing him into their harbours, and by their espials giuing him knowledge of the order of his fleet, that so he might at his most aduantage surprise his gallies, as he had alreadie done: vnto which fire, Iunusbeius his interpreter, Barbarussa and Aiax laid new coales, more and more incensing the tyrant, who was of himselfe sufficiently enflamed, persuading him by all meanes they could to breake the league with the Venetians: Wherein Iunusbeius sought to re∣uenge his owne priuate injuries; and the other two after their greater profit and credit▪ gaping af∣ter [ B] the spoile of the Islands neere hand, especially of CORCYRA (now called CORFV) ZACYN∣THVS, and CEPHALENIA, all subject to the Venetian siegnorie, finding the warres in ITALIE more dangerous and difficult than they had before imagined. For the French king came not then into ITALIE, as was by them expected: and it was commonly reported, That Petrus Tole∣tanus, viceroy of NAPLES, hauing put strong garrisons into the townes all alongst the sea coast, was comming himselfe with a great armie: beside that, the horsemen sent ouer from AVLONA, raunging about in the countrey of SALENTVM for spoile, were many times cut off by Scipio Sommeius, a noble gentleman, there Gouernour for the emperour. Wherefore Solyman chan∣ging his purpose for the inuasion of ITALIE,* 8.279 in his mad mood proclaimed warre against the Venetians: and so rising with his armie from AVLONA, and marching alongst the sea coast vn∣till [ C] he came oueragainst CORCYRA, he encamped neere vnto the mountaines called ACROCE∣RAVNII, where the fierce and wild people inhabiting the high and rough mountaine of CHI∣MERA (a part of the Acroceraunian mountaines) by the instigation of one Damianus, a notable theefe, and very perfit in the blind and difficult passages amongst the rockes and woods in those desolate mountaines, conspired to attempt a most strange and desperat exploit, which was, by night to spoile Solyman in his owne pauilion.* 8.280 These beggerly wild rogues liuing most part by murther and robberie, altogether without law or any manner of religion, in hope of so great a prey, and to become famous by killing one of the greatest monarchs of the world in the middest of his strength, guarded with so many thousands of his souldiors, were not afraid of any danger how great soeuer, hoping in the dead time of the night to steale into the campe vndiscouered, [ D] and there so to oppresse Solyman sleeping in his tent: Which (as was by many afterwards sup∣posed) they were like ynough to haue performed, to the astonishment of the world, had it not been by chance discouered: for when they had put all things in readinesse for their purpose, Da∣mianus ringleader of these desperat sauage people, by secret wayes stealing downe the broken rockes of those huge mountaines, and comming very neere vnto the campe, to view the stan∣ding of Solymans pauilion, with the order of the Turkes watch, was by the cracking of a bough espied by the Ianizaries, where he stood in a tree prying all ouer the campe: and being there ta∣ken, and afterwards put to torture, and confessing what he had intended, was by the commaun∣dement of Solyman torne in pieces. Whereupon he forthwith sent a great part of his armie vp into the mountaines, which hunting after these wild people, as if they had been wild beasts, slew [ E] many of them, and by Solymans appointment did what they possibly could to haue quite de∣stroyed them, as an infamous people, enemie to all men.

When Solyman had thus fully reuenged himselfe vpon this barbarous nation, he purposed to inuade the Island of CORCYRA,* 8.281 now called CORFV, part of the Venetian sieginorie: sending before Barbarussa with his great artillerie, whom he had but a little before called out of ITALIE with his forces. Pisaurius the Venetian Admirall in good time foreseeing the tyrants purpose, strengthened the garrisons in both the castles of CORFV, with new supplies of good souldiors sent out of the gallies: and knowing himselfe vnable to encounter with the Turkes great fleet at sea, withdrew himselfe farther off from the island into the gulfe of the Adriatique, to the entent to joyne his power with Ioannes Veturius, who kept that sea with another fleet of the Venetian [ F] gallies, and so with joyned forces to defend the Venetian coasts against the Turkes: whom he thought himselfe strong ynough for, with the helpe of Veturius and of Auria, whose comming was dayly expected. Solyman sending a great part of his armie out of the maine into the island, burnt and destroyed the countrey villages, leading away a wonderfull number of poore coun∣trey people into most miserable captiuitie. Aiax the Bassa, and Barbarussa in two small pinnaces

came as neere vnto the citie of CORFV as they possibly could, to see which way they might [ G] most conueniently lay siege vnto it: but perceiuing the great strength thereof, being wonder∣fully fortified, and thorowly manned, they aduertised Solyman, that it was a place inpregnable. Aloysius Ripa, and Symon Leonius, two Senators of VENICE were then gouernors of CORFV, who not without cause standing in doubt of the great strength of the Turkes both by sea and land, caused the suburbs of the citie (which were verie great and sumptuously built) to be pluckt downe, for feare that the Turkes shrowding themselues in them, should with more case besiege the towne. This was a wofull and lamentable thing to behold, when as at the same time a man might haue seene the magnificent houses of the Venetian merchants, built in time of long peace, both for profit and for pleasure in euerie place of the island, all set on fire by the Turkes: But the regard of the publike state in so great a danger, made all those goodly things which went [ H] so to wracke, to be lightly accounted of in comparison of their liues and libertie; for as much as those lost things might with new charge be againe in short time recouered.

The two Venetian gouernours aforesaid, fearing a long siege, and not prouided of victuall to suffice such a multitude as were got into the citie, for any long time; vsed a heauie and sharpe remedie, by turning a great number of weake people and children vnable for seruice, out of the citie; of whom many, especially children, died in the towne ditches in their mothers armes vn∣der the wals of the citie, not daring to go any further for feare of the enemie, who had fast by in places conuenient cast vp great mounts, and planted his ordinance against the citie: onely the ca∣stle called S. Augelo standing in the middle of the island, about fifteene miles from the citie of CORFV, being valiantly defended by the inhabitants against the assaults of the Turkes, happily [ I] saued aboue three thousand poore people which fled thither from the furie of the Turkes, who in all other places of the island had made all desolate. The Turkes the more to terrifie them of CORFV, taking a hill not farre from the citie, couered the same with their tents, and from the rocke called MARIPETRVS, shot with their great ordinance into the towne: some of them in the meane time standing close in the ruines of the suburbs, did with their harquebusiers kill or wound them which appeared vpon the wals. The gallies also did oftentimes out of their prows discharge their great pieces against the citie, to the greater terrour than hurt of the defen∣dants. Solyman perceiuing that he did but lose his labour in besieging the citie, as he was told at the first by his great captaines, Lutzis, Aiax, and Barbarussa; determined now to raise his siege, and to returne to CONSTANTINOPLE, greatly ashamed that he had no better sped neither in [ K] ITALIE, nor at the siege of CORFV. But when he was about to haue departed, it was told him how vnfaithfully some of his soldiors had dealt with them of CASTRVM in ITALIE; who yeel∣ding themselues vpon the Turks faith to them giuen for the safegard of their libertie and goods, were neuerthelesse most injuriously spoiled of all that they had, and caried away into bondage. Which fact as tending to the dishonour of his name, and the deterring of others from yeelding, Solyman tooke in so euill part,* 8.282 that for amending thereof, he caused the authors of that fact to be put to death, and the captiues of CASTRVM to be diligently sought out, and sent home againe into their countrey: well deseruing therein the commendation of a most just prince. The Turks left the siege of CORFV and departed out of the island about the twelfth of September,* 8.283 in the yeare 1537: carrying away with them aboue sixteene thousand of the island people into perpe∣tuall [ L] captiuitie. So Solyman rising with his armie, marching thorow ACARNANIA and AETO∣LIA, returned thorow MACEDONIA to CONSTANTINOPE: hauing in this his expedition done great harme both in ITALIE and CORCYRA, but yet nothing encreased his empire or honour.

Before his departure, calling vnto him Lutzis his Admirall, he commaunded him also to re∣turne with his fleet to HELESPONTVS: who passing by ZAZINTHVS, and landing some of his men in the night, tooke diuers of the countrey people prisoners. But vnderstanding that the citie it selfe was both strong and well manned, he departed thence to CYTHERA, where vnfor∣tunatly attempting to haue taken the castle, and disappointed of his purpose, he made what spoile he could vpon that island, and with eight hundred prisoners returned into AEGEVM to AEGINA, [ M] a rich and famous island, and well peopled both with marriners and other inhabitants. Appro∣ching the island, he by his messengers sent before vnto the Gouernour of the citie, attempted first by faire meanes, and afterwards by threats to haue had the citie yeelded vnto him: and not so preuailing, but perceiuing them to stand vpon their defence, he landed his men and gaue the sig∣nall

[ A] of battell. Which they of the island refused not, but manfully met him, and at the first en∣counter slew many of his men: wherewith the Admirall grieuously offended; and still landing fresh men, euen with his multitude oppressed them of the island▪ being but in number few, and wearie of long fight; and so enforced them them to retire into the citie.

To be reuenged of this injurie,* 8.284 the Bassa caused certaine pieces of great ordinance to be lan∣ded, and a batterie planted against the citie: by force whereof, he had in short time in diuers pla∣ces opened the wals, and then with all his power assaulting the breaches, forthwith tooke the ci∣tie: which after he had rifled, he burnt it downe to the ground, rased the wals, and put the men euerie mothers sonne to the sword. As for the women, he gaue them without respect vnto the lust of his souldiors and marriners, whom afterwards togither with the boies and young chil∣dren [ B] he shipped into the countrey neere vnto ATHENS, to be from thence conuaied to CON∣STANTINOPLE into most miserable seruitude.

AEGINA thus vtterly rased, he with much like force and crueltie raged vpon them of PAROS, and the other islands thereabouts, killing the old men and such as made resistance, and thrusting the rest into his gallies. Shortly after he came to the island of NAXOS, where all the island peo∣ple were for feare of his comming, fled out of the country into the citie: there landing his men, he made hauocke of whatsoeuer came to his hand. And in the meane time sent a messenger vnto the duke, to will him to yeeld himselfe and his citie to the obedience of the Turkish emperour Soly∣man. Which messenger admitted into the citie, and brought before the duke, in blunt and plaine tearmes, without farther circumstance, deliuered his message as followeth: [ C]

If thou wilt without more adoe,* 8.285 yeeld thy selfe, thy citie and territorie to the Constantinopolitane emperour, thou shalt deserue his fauour, and so saue thy selfe with that thou hast. But if thou other∣wise aduised, shalt now refuse this grace, thou shalt neuer hereafter haue the like offer: but for euer vndoe thy selfe, thy wife and children, thy citisens and subiects in generall. Here is present a most mightie fleet with most valiant and victorious souldiours, furnished with all the habiliments of war requisite for battell or siege. Be warned by them of AEGINA, PAROS, and other thy neighbours, princes of the islands. Thy hap is good, if thou be not misaduised; and warned by other mens harmes wilfully refuse to remedie thine owne▪ and when thou mightest be safe, wilfully cast away thy selfe.

[ D] This said, he was commaunded by the duke to stand aside, and a while to expect his an∣swere: who with the chiefe of his subjects there present, but much troubled, and all full of hea∣uinesse and sorrow, consulted what answere to make. But after they had according to the waigh∣tinesse of the cause and necessitie of the time fully debated the matter, it was with generall con∣sent agreed, That for as much as they were not themselues of power to withstand so furious an enemie, neither to expect for helpe from others, they should therfore yeeld vnto the present ne∣cessitie, which otherwise threatned vnto them vtter destruction, and reserue themselues vnto better times. Whereupon answere was giuen vnto the messenger by the duke, That he was rea∣die to yeeld himselfe vnto Solyman as his vassaile, and of him as of his soueraigne to hold his seignorie for the yearely tribute of fiue thousand duckats. Of which offer the Bassa accepted, [ E] receiuing in hand one yeares tribute. So was that notable island yeelded vnto the Turkish obei∣sance the 11 of Nouember this yeare 1537:* 8.286 from whence Lutzis the proud Bassa laded with the rich spoile of the countries and islands he had passed by, returned to CONSTANTINOPLE with his fleet. Not long after, this great Bassa then in credit and authoritie next vnto Solyman himselfe, fell at ods with his wife, Solymans sister: for that he after the vnnaturall manner of those barbarous people kept in his house a most delicat youth, in whom he took more pleasure than in his wife. Which she being a woman of great spirit not able to endure, and knowing her husband by marrying of her to haue been from base degree aduanced vnto the highest honours that the emperour her brother could heape vpon him, in great rage reproued him with most bitter words, saying, That she had married him to be of him beloued, and vsed as his wife, and not [ F] contemptuously abused by his minions. Wherewith the Bassa moued, gaue her a blow on the eare, and caused her as a foolish and vnquiet woman to be shut vp in her chamber. But she not brooking such abuse, came weeping to Solyman her brother, and complaining of her husband, requested to be diuorsed from him, who made no better reckoning of her: And with her com∣plaint so incensed Solyman, that he tooke from him his seale, and thrust him out of all his hono∣rable

promotions,* 8.287 and had vndoubtedly put him to death, had not the remembrance of his old [ G] loue and friendship staied his furie: Yet hauing vtterly disgraced him; he banished him the court into MACEDONIA, where he spent the remainder of his loathed like as a poore priuat man: of whom Boisardus thus writeth.

Quae tibi cum molli res est pollute Cynaedo: Cum cubet in Thalamis regia nympha tuis? Ex humili fortuna loco te euexit in altum Ex alto maior saepe ruina venit.

On daintie boies, thou filthie man, why doest thou fix thine eye: [ H] Whilest princely dame of roiall bloud, doth in thy chamber lie? From base estate to honours height, blind fortune did thee call, And set thee vp with princes great, to worke thy greater fall.

Solyman thus fallen out with the Venetians, as is aforesaid, to entangle them at once with war•• in diuers places, commanded his lieutenants in euerie place bordering vpon any part of the Ve∣netian seignorie,* 8.288 to vex and molest them with all hostilitie, which they did accordingly: In PE∣LOPONESVS, Cassimes besieged NAVPLIVM and EPIDAVRVS, two strong cities of the Ve∣netians: Barbarussa landing his men in DALMATIA, surprised the antient citie of BOTROTVS, belonging to the Venetians, carried away the citisens & rased the citie: OBROATIVM another [ I] citie of the Venetians in DALMATIA, called in auntient time ARGIRVTVM, with the castle of NADIN, were taken by Vstref, Solymans lieutenant in ILLYRIA. The Venetians thus inuaded on euerie side, requited them againe with the like: Pisaurius and Veturius (the Venetian Admirals) landing their men, besieged SCARDONA, a citie of the Turkes in the borders of DALMATIA, which they tooke by force, put the Turks to the sword, and ouerthrew the wals of the citie, be∣cause it should be no more a refuge vnto the Turks: They sent also one of their captaines called Gabriel Ribeus to besiege OBROATIVM; who vpon the comming of Amurathes, one of Vstref his captaines, cowardly fled, and in flight lost most of his men; for which his cowardise, Pisa••∣rius caused his head to be strucke off aboord the Admirall gally: And Camillus Vrsinus appointed by the Venetian state Gouernour of IADERA, a strong towne vpon the frontiers of their terri∣torie [ K] in DALMATIA, tooke from the Turkes the towne of OSTROVIZZA, which he burnt downe to the ground: He recouered also OBROATIVM, which was a little before lost; which by the commaundement of the Senat he vtterly rased, as a place not well to be kept against the enemie.

The same Autumne that Solyman hauing wasted CORCYRA was returned to CONSTAN∣TINOPLE, and the Venetians held warres with the Turkes for the townes and castles in DAL∣MATIA: king Ferdinand receiued such an ouerthrow at EZEK by the Turkes, as a greater or more shamefull vnto the name of the Christians was hardly in that age seene; if the losse of the choise souldiors and captaines of foure great nations, with the shamefull flight of the Generall be well considered. After the battell of MOHAHZ wherein king Lewes was lost▪ the Turks hauing [ L] gotten the victorie, kept vnto themselues that part of HVNGARIE which is called POSS••GA, because thereby they had a fit passage from BELGRADE further into HVNGARIE. The two great riuers of Sauus and Dranus, running almost with equall distance from the West, taking with them diuers other smaller riuers, before they fall into the great riuer of Danubius Eastward, doe on both sides inclose this countrey of POSSEGA, being a rich and plentifull countrey, and wonderfull well peopled: It bordereth vpon the prouinces of CROATIA and COR••ANIA, which in times past were at continuall warres with the Turkes garrisons thereby in I••••YRIA and BOSNA.

* 8.289At that time one Mahometes a most valiant captaine of the Turks was Gouernour of BEL∣GRADE, to whom for his approued valour and wisedome Solyman had committed the kee∣ping [ M] of those frontiers, and the protection of the kingdome of HVNGARIE in the behalfe of king Iohn. He the yeare before had so vsed the matter, that what by force, what by pollicie, he had taken from the Christians aboue thirtie small castles in that country (which was sometime part of the patrimonie of the Despot of RASCIA) and had joyned them to the regiment of BOSNA▪

[ A] One of these castles amongst the rest called EXEK, for the commodious situation thereof hee strongly fortified, as that which might giue him passage ouer the riuer Dranus into HVNGARIE: from whence he fet in infinit preyes out of king Ferdinands countrey neere vnto him. Yet was there at that time a certaine league betwixt Solyman and Ferdinand,* 8.290 which notwithstanding after the old custome of those countries for the exercise of the garrison souldiors, did beare with the taking of bootie, and light skirmishes without any breach thereof; so that it were done without any great power or field pieces: which wrong named peace, Mathias and the auntient kings of HVNGARIE had of long time vsed with the Turks, doing them with their nimble light horse∣men no lesse harme than they teceiued. But the Germans now vsing no such light horsemen, but seruing vpon great horses, and charged with heauie armour, receiued great hurt by those [ B] light skirmishes; the Turkes with their light horses easily shunning their charge, and againe at their pleasure charging them afresh, when they saw the heauie German horses almost wearie and spent: by which meanes the German horsemen were oftentimes by the Turkes light horsemen ouerthrowne, and so either slaine or taken. King Ferdinand not well brooking these continuall injuries,* 8.291 and grieued in mind with the league which Solyman had to his profit made with him at his going into PERSIA, finding the same both vnprofitable and hurtfull to himselfe; determi∣ned to take vp armes, with purpose, that if he could driue the Turks out of the countrey of POS∣SEGA, then forthwith to passe ouer Dranus, and to go directly to BVDA against king Iohn. It still stucke in his mind how that kingdome was taken from him by Solyman, and that more was▪ as it were in disgrace of him and the house of AVSTRIA, bestowed vpon a stranger, which had [ C] neither right therto, nor was any way roially descended. Yet were there some which wished him not rashly to enter into armes against so mightie an enemie, as was not to be vanquished but by the vnited forces of all the Christian princes of EVROPE: For they foresaw that Solyman so pro∣uoked, would not put it vp, but for the hatred he bare against the Christians, and for his owne honour seeke more cruell reuenge: as he had of late done against the Venetians, with whom vpon a light occasion he had broken a most auntient league, for sincking one or two of his gal∣lies; for which he would admit no excuse or satisfaction. All this Ferdinand knew to be true, yet all the people of his dominions lay so earnestly vpon him to take that warre in hand, that they said plainly, they would neuer beare armes more against the Turks, if he omitted that occasion. For they of CARINTHIA, STIRIA, CROATIA, and NORICVM, subject to the inuasion of the [ D] Turks, and daily receiuing great harmes, thought the Turks might easily be driuen out of POS∣SEGA, for as much as Mahometes had no great power nor like to haue any greater, Autumne being now almost spent.

So, king Ferdinand with the wonderfull rejoycing of his subjects, caused souldiors to be taken vp in all parts of his kingdome, sending for most of his nobilitie and best captaines, as to a reli∣gious warre: and in a verie short space had raised a good armie; yet supposed of greater strength than number, as consisting most of select men. The footmen were for most part Germans, to whom were ioyned as wings certaine companies of Italians, harquebusiers, whom Lewes Lodro∣nius a valiant captaine and generall of the footmen had raised in RHETIA, and those parts of ITA∣LIE which lie neere vnto the Alpes. The horsemen were of BOHEMIA, SILESIA, MORAVIA, [ E] STIRIA, CARINTHIA, and some also out of HVNGARIE, all conducted by their seuerall cap∣taines: all these horsemen were in number eight thousand, but the footmen were sixteene thou∣sand strong: with great store of artillerie of all sorts. This armie for the expertnesse and valour of the souldiours, was thought sufficient to haue met the greatest armie of the Turkes in field, if it had been conducted by a politick Generall, and (as he had at other times been) fortunat: which was one Iohn Cazzianer a noble man of CROATIA, whom as one of great experience and fa∣mous for the late defence of VIENNA, king Ferdinand had made Generall of his armie. For Ferdinand by the aduise of his best friends,* 8.292 neuer vsed to aduenture his person vnto the danger of any battell, especially against the Turkes, by whom many Christian kings had in former time been vanquished and slaine, but performed all his wars by his lieutenants: which he was thought [ F] to doe, not so much for want of courage, as moued with the fatall mishap of so many Christian kings Mahometes Gouernour of BELGRADE,* 8.293 vnderstanding of this preparation made against him, sent for diuers companies of the garrison souldiors, which lay vpon the borders neere hand; he required aid of the gouernours of the Turkes prouince thereabouts; and was especially hol∣pen by Vsterf Gouernour of BOSNA, who of all Solymans lieutenants in EVROPE, was able to

bring into the field most good horsemen: he sent him Amurathes a famous captain with a great [ G] companie of gallant horsemen, vnto whom were joyned certaine companies of footmen of the wild and mountaine people of DALMATIA, entertained for pay; which rough and rude kind of people were gouerned and kept in order by certaine companies of Ianizaries, drawne out of the garrison townes as far as BELGRADE and SAMANDRIA: after them followed many out of SERVIA & RASCIA, some for pay, some for prey. The Turks receiuers liberally paying to such as were willing to serue, two months pay beforehand. Neither wanted he aid of the Hun∣garians from BVDA: so that the Turkish gouernours on euery side putting to their helping hands, Mahometes had in short time gathered such an armie, as for number and strength was not much inferior to king Ferdinands, and resolued to expect the comming of his enemies at EXEK. Cazzianer was now come as farre on his way as CAPRVNZA, a towne vpon the riuer Dranus; [ H] hauing before well and conueniently prouided for the victualling of his armie, if they whom he put in trust and had taken the matter vpon them, had with like speed and diligence performed their charge: for they were the cheefe men of all the countrey, who all followed the direction of Simon, bishop of ZAGRABIA: who enflamed with zeale aboue measure, or els for want of judgement deceiued, had promised to serue the whole campe with plentie of victuals at a very low rare. Which thing the countrey people which were to bring in the victuall, some by wag∣gon, some by boats alongst the riuers, many difficulties now arising, were not able to performe: which was not to be remedied, by reason of the neerenesse of the enemie, and also for that Ma∣hometes with small gallies in both riuers, and his troupes of horsemen pricking vp and downe the countrey, did either stay the countrey people from bringing of victuall, or els allured them [ I] for a greater price to bring it to his owne campe: where they receiued for it readie money▪ Caz∣zianer setting forward from CAPRVNZA, hardly came in ten daies to the castle of VERVCZA, which is about fortie miles distant from CAPRVNZA, being enforced to make short marches, by reason of the troublesome carriage of seuen great peeces of artillerie for batterie.* 8.294 The wiser sort began euen then to misdoubt the want of victuall both for the reasons before alledged, and for that such victuall as was looked for, came not, although they had marched very softly; so that they were then enforced to spend such victuall as they had prouided, not for the beginning, but for the difficulties of a long protracted warre. Wherefore Cazzianer writ sharpely to the bi∣shop, and the other which had taken vpon them the charge of prouiding victuall for the armie, commaunding them to vse all possible diligence and speed, and not to let the hope of a notable [ K] victorie to be lost through their negligence, for want of victuall rather than the valor of the ene∣mie. In the meane time Cazzianer thought good there to stay, and to expect the comming of the victuall, sending before him Paulus Bachitius with a thousand Hungarian light horsemen, and certaine companies of Italian harquebusiers, as farre as the castle of ZOPIA, to the intent, that he might of such prisoners as he could take, learne something of the enemies purpose. The Turkes in the castle of ZOPIA descrying the comming of Bachitius, and thinking the whole ar∣mie of the Christians had beene there at hand, set fire on the castle, which they thought they could not keepe, and by boats fled downe the riuer Dranus. Yet for all their hast Bachitius took some of them in their flight: of whom Cazzianer learned that which hee before knew by his owne espials, how that Mahometes and the Turkes lay encamped at EXEK, with a full resolution [ L] to giue him battell. Cazzianer setting forward againe, still keeping alongst the riuer Dranus, came in eight dayes to the castle of WALPO:* 8.295 where by the way he was glad to stay seuen dayes at the riuer Crassus, which falleth into Dranus, vntill such time as a bridge was made for the trans∣porting of his armie, for that the riuer was not to be waded ouer: in which time Cazzianer en∣tred oftentimes into counsell with the other captaines, what course to hold for the better pro∣ceeding in that warre. Where diuers men were of diuers opinions, some said it were best to leaue▪ EXEK, and to besiege a castle of the enemies thereby, called VILLACH: others more wearie than the rest, were of opinion, That it were better there to stay, vntill the rest of the aid and the victuall which they dayly expected, were come. But the greater number, which also pre∣uailed, vrged the first determination of going directly to the enemie at EXEK, for that longer [ M] delay would but breed further danger: and there was in the campe (as they said) both strength and victuall sufficient for the obtaining of the victorie, if they would make an end of their need∣lesse consultations, and not protract the warre vntill Winter were come on; whereby they did nothing els, but cause the souldiors to thinke that they were afraid to meet the enemie, and se∣cretly

[ A] to steale away backe againe into their countries: Whereas if they would like resolute men march on forward against the enemie, who at other times trusting most vnto his multitudes, and now hauing no great power, would neuer abide the sight of the Christian armie, bringing with it so much artillerie, but would forthwith forsake the place, and neuer shew his face: for as much as the Christian men at arms would (as they said) easily breake thorow and ouerthrow the naked Turkish horsemen, if they durst abide the field. The young soldiors, who as yet had neuer made proofe of the Turks manner of fight, did with such cheerefulnesse like of this resolution, that they thought two dayes staying a long delay of so readie and easie a victorie. Wherefore it was resolued vpon presently to set forward, and therupon the armie was mustered: where, vpon view taken, there was found to be ten thousand horsemen (for diuers troupes of Germans were come [ B] to the campe, after the time of the first setting forward of the armie:) a more gallant companie of horsemen, both for the strength of their horses, and goodly furniture of the men, had seldome been seene in an armie so suddenly raised. But the footmen, selected out of all the prouinces, was greatly deminished, being now in number scarce eight thousand strong: for many were sicke in the campe, others wearie of the long journy, lingering behind, were stolne away; and generally all they which were left, moyled with dirt and myre, by reason of the deepenesse of the rotten way, wet thorow with raine, and almost statued with cold, and therto pincht with hunger, were thought scarce able to endure the hardnesse of the present war. After that, commaundement was giuen, That euery souldior should carrie with him three dayes victuall: and proclamation made▪ That no man should vpon pain of death take any Turke prisoner, although he yeelded himselfe, [ C] or charge himselfe with any spoile before the battell were fully ended; for as much as the cap∣taines would afterwards deuide the spoile of the enemie amongst the souldiors. This proclama∣tion thus made thorow the campe, they set forward towards EXEK: & the third day they came to a certaine valley, about three miles from EXEK, where they encamped. The next day a com∣panie of Turkes shewed themselues,* 8.296 which was by the great ordinance repulsed. The day fol∣lowing the enemie sallied out of the towne and skirmished oftentimes with the Christians: in which skirmishes many were slaine on both sides, but moe wounded of the Christians, for that the Turkes had pollitickely mingled certaine Ianizaries harquebus••ers, and archers, with their horsemen; who vsed to that manner of fight, sore gauled the Christian horsemen. For which cause the Generall forbad all such light skirmishes, as purposing to keepe his strength whole a∣gainst [ D] the generall day of battell: commaunding his cannoniers so to place the great ordinance, as might most annoy the enemie, if he should shew himselfe by troupes within the danger of the shot: which was so well performed, that the Turkes sallying forth, receiued thereby great hurt, the deadly shot flying thorow the middest of their companies. The same day Symon bishop of ZA∣GRA••IA came into the campe with his horsemen, and a certaine prouision of victuall, whereby the feare of the want before conceiued, was well eased. Mahometes perceiuing that the Christi∣ans were not longer to be drawne to those harmefull skirmishes, but that he must bring his men in danger of the great shot: to annoy them by another meanes, sent many small boats, manned with harquebusiers and small pieces of ordinance, into the lake neere vnto the campe, so to keepe the Christians from watering there, and with those small pieces shot oftentimes into the campe. [ E] Neere vnto the valley where the Christians lay, was a hill, whereupon stood a village, wherein were placed certaine companies of Turks, to skirmish as occasion should serue with the Christi∣ans: for displacing of whom the whole armie was put in order of battell, and the great artillerie bent vpon them, that they should not with their light skirmishes, after the manner of the Turkish fight, trouble the order of the armie. Which thing the Turks perceiuing, and that they were not able to hold the place,* 8.297 set fire on the towne, and so retired to EXEK. The Christians keeping on their march, came to the top of the hill, from whence they might see EXEK stand about two miles off in a faire plaine, neere vnto the banke of Dranus: all which low ground betwixt the hill and EXEK, was so subject to the castle, that it was thought a matter too full of danger to at∣tempt that way to batter the castle, and to expose the armie to the ineuitable furie of the enemies [ F] shot. Wherefore descrying a rising ground on the further side of the citie, equall with the top of the wals, they thought it best to remoue their campe thither, and on that side to plant their bat∣terie against the citie. But to come to that place, was thought a matter of no small trouble▪ for they must set a compasse three miles on the right hand thorow a forrest by a foule and trouble∣some way, before they could come to the place they desired: for the armie was not so great, as

to besiege the citie round; wherein were not (as is reported) aboue sixteen thousand men: neither [ G] was there such store of victuals in the campe, but that the armie was like soone to feele the want thereof, without a continuall supplie, whch would hardly be had, the enemie still besetting euery passage, and with their light horsemen scouring about all the countrey, of purpose to keepe them from victuall. For which cause, some were of opinion, That it were best for them there to stay where they were, vntill such time as both more aid and better store of victuals were come vnto them: but others of contrary mind, said the enemie was but barely stored with victuall himselfe, and therefore could not long hold out, which they said they vnderstood by certaine Christian fugitiues; and that Mahometes had put his cheefe substance into certaine boats, to be conueyed downe the riuer, as purposing to flie, and would not hold out the siege aboue three dayes: As for the forrest, they thought it would well ynough be passed thorow, if they would couragiously [ H] set forward: Beside that, the time of the yeare suffered no delay, Winter comming so fast on, that except some notable thing were done quickly, they should be enforced by the very time of the yeare to returne with shame, without doing any thing. This opinion was best liked of, as more honourable and better beseeming men of valour, than to lie still in one place: whereupon the next day the armie remoued, and in good order marched thorow the forrest. Which thing Mahometes quickly perceiuing, presently sent forth a thousand light horsemen, and certaine companies of the Ianizaries, harquebusiers, to trouble the Christians in their passage: who by a neerer and well knowne way ouertaking the armie,* 8.298 suddenly charged the rereward, wherein the Italians and Bohemians marched. The Bohemians quickly fled, and the Italians with much adoe endured the charge: but being relieued by the Carinthian men at armes, they [ I] notably repulsed the Turks, and put them to flight. So the armie with small losse passed the for∣rest, and came to the place they desired: where after they had encamped themselues, and in good order placed all things needfull for the siege, they in seemely order offered vnto the enemie bat∣tell. But he keeping himselfe within the towne, shot at the Christians with his great ordinance: and they to requite him, with two great pieces which they had placed vpon the rising of a hill, shot thorow both the wals of the towne and the bulwarke also, to the great terrour of the defen∣dants. The Christians in the meane time hauing stood almost all the day in order of battell in the sight of the enemie, vainely expecting when he should come forth to giue them battell, re∣turned at night into their campe:* 8.299 For Mahometes vpon great consideration kept in his soldiors, although they were most desirous to fight, vnderstanding right well of the want of victuall in [ K] the Christian campe; and beside that (as the fugitiues reported) being straightly commanded by letters from Solyman, that he should not vpon paine of a most shamefull death forsake the place, but to defend it to the last. Now the Christians desirous of battell, being thus delaied and decei∣ued of their expectation, had in a few dayes spent the small store of victuals they had, and began to feele a generall want: neither was there any apparent meanes how they should be releeued, so that euery man began to feare some generall mischeefe to ensue. When Balthasar Pamphi∣lus, a noble Hungarian, and a captaine of great experience, sitting in counsell with the rest, en∣tred into this speech.

* 8.300Captaines (said he) we doe all that we doe, vnaduisedly: for whilest we consult at large how wee may ouercome our enemies, the strength of our armie is in the meane time so weakened for want of [ L] victuall, that the souldiors are neither well able to stand on their legs, nor to hold their weapons in their feeble hands: and generally, euen they which are of greatest courage begin now to quaile, and despairing of battell, see that they must miserably and shamefully perish for want. Wherefore in my opinion, we ought first and aboue all things most speedily to prouide for this want, which so greeuously pincheth vs: and presently to remooue hence vnto the castle of HERMANDE, that with the prouision thereof, which is not like to be little, we may refresh our whole armie; and so releeued, to proceed further as occasion shall require.

This castle was about ten miles distant from EXEK, whereinto many of the Turks had con∣ueyed their wiues and children, and cheefest substance, being kept with a small garrison of twentie Turks. Fast by the castle was a pretie little walled towne, without flankers, after the manner of [ M] the old fortifying: which towne and castle Balthazer said would easily be taken. This his coun∣sell was well liked of all men, and he himselfe sent with certaine companies of souldiors to take the towne.* 8.301 Wherein fortune so fauoured him, that it was at his first comming surrendered vnto him: but when he had it, he ••ound not therin any such store of corne or victuall as he had hoped

[ A] for: yet he tooke there certaine vessels of wine, to the great reliefe of the weake souldiors. Vp∣on the newes of the taking of this towne, the campe remoued from EXEK about ten a clocke in the night, but so disorderly, that the souldiors scarce knowing their owne ensignes; seemed ra∣ther to haue fled for feare than marched for spoile: yet the Turkes for all that moued not out of EXEK, misdoubting some deceit, and loath to attempt any thing rashly in the night. When the armie was come to the towne, the captains tooke order, that the victuall there found, was equal∣ly deuided amongst the souldiors, and the next morning batterie laid against the castle; which those few Turkes valiantly defended halfe a day,* 8.302 and then by composition yeelded it. But when the castle was taken, there was found in it but two barrels of meale, and other two of millet. Then might a man haue seene the captains themselues hanging their heads as men strucken with [ B] a sudden feare, who in steed of a great prey & victuall to haue serued many daies, found nothing but a few women and children, and scarce so much victuall both in the towne and castle, as would serue the army two daies. Yet they dissembled the matter, and fed the souldiors with hope of bet∣ter store, after the bridge were once repaired, that they might passe the riuer of Bodrog, which ran by the town: which bridge the Turks had before (for defence of themselues) broken, by plucking vp of certaine piles, and taking away of the planks: wherefore the Carpenters being set on worke and euerie man putting to his helping hand, the bridge was with continuall labour in three daies repaired. The fourth day, the wagons and smaller pieces of ordinance passed ouer the bridge, and after them six of the great pieces for batterie: but the bridge ouercharged with the seuenth, which was of a wonderfull waight, and much greater than the rest, began to breake: so that the cap∣taines [ C] were enforced to breake that faire piece of ordinance, and so by pieces to carrie it away, that the enemie should not get so great a spoile. All things being thus well passed ouer, the piles were againe cut downe, and the plancks strucke off, to the intent the enemie should not that way pursue them: and other way was there none, but to fetch a compasse about the great lake which was many miles about. Here the captaines began to consult, whether it were best to breake the great pieces of ordinance, that so they might more speedily march away, or not. Of which opi∣nion was Cazzianer himselfe,* 8.303 promising of his owne charge to new cast them. As for the sca∣ling ladders, and such other like things prouided for the siege, they burnt, because they should not come into the enemies hand, or trouble themselues in their march. But most of the captaines were opinion, that it was not best so dishonourably to breake those goodly pieces, the greatest [ D] ornament and defence of their countrey; but to hold on their march thorow POSSEGA, vntill they came to IUVANCHA, where they should find great store both of corne and wine: which towne, with the castle of GARA fast by it, stored with all kind of prouision, they said would ea∣sily be taken before the Turkes could possibly come so far about the lake from EXEK: and that it were a great shame, so to returne without doing any thing. Cazzianer thus persuaded, set for∣ward, and with great toile (by reason of the deepnesse of the way and heauinesse of the great ordi∣nance) came by night to IUVANCHA, which was but three miles off: where the Turkes hauing with incredible celeritie passed a long journey, arriued at the same time also. Neere vnto this castle was a little towne, out of which all the Turkes were fled: the townesmen being Christi∣ans, opened the gates and receiued in the souldiors; who there filled themselues abundantly with [ E] wine, and could hardly be driuen out thence by their captaines to the campe. The same night the Turkes burnt the same towne, and whatsoeuer the Christians had therein left. And euerie man betooke him to his armour in the campe, for the enemie was now at hand: and in the daw∣ning of the day began hoatly to skirmish in diuers places with the Christians, but especially in that quarter of the campe where the Bohemians lay. Wherewith Petrus Raschinius Generall of the Bohemians being grieued, set vpon them with a troupe of his best horsemen, and enforced them to flie: But the Turkes after the manner of their fight, quickly returning againe, and relie∣ued by the comming in of their fellowes, beset the Bohemians on euerie side, and slew many of them. Raschinius the Generall fighting most valiantly, was there slaine with his followers. The Christian captaines purposing to retire home, placed on each side of the armie foure rankes of [ F] wagons for defence on both sides: in the vauward were placed the weake and sicke men, yet so, that in the front of the armie were certaine companies of lustie tall souldiors: but in the rearward was placed the greatest strength both of horse and foot. The armie thus marching as it were on both sides intrenched, as it oftentimes met with wooddie hils which hindred their way, so did the same fitly serue the Christians, that the Turkes could not conueniently assaile them in their

march,* 8.304 both before and behind. Which thing Mahometes perceiuing, sent before certaine com∣panies [ G] of Ianizaries and nimble footmen, which knew the countrey and the passages well, with certaine faulconets and other small pieces to take the straits whereby the armie was to passe, and so to gaul them in their passage; and when they could keepe the place no longer, to flie backe to another, and so from place to place: and in the open places he had his troupes of light horse∣men, which were euer busie in one place or another of the armie. By which meanes the Christi∣ans in their march receiued much harme, which grieued them the more, for that no great power of the Turkes was any where to be seene togither, but stragling companies; which as they were commaunded, sometime would come on with a fierce charge, and by and by retire againe, and with their arrowes and faulcon shot, from places of aduantage assaile them. At one of these straits somewhat bigger than the rest, Paulus Bachitius one of the Hungarian captaines, in whom [ H] the souldiors generally reposed their greatest trust, was slaine with a faulcon shot, with diuers other of the valiant Hungarians; who seeing there a greater number of the Turks than they had seene in other places, thought to haue done some good seruice vpon them: His death brought a generall feare vpon the whole armie, for as much as both then and at other times, without him they neuer had any good successe against the Turkes. Yet in that skirmish, the Hungarians to reuenge the death of their captaine, did with such force repulse the enemie, that they caused him after he had lost many of his men, to run away and leaue his small field pieces behind him. But such was the weaknesse or cowardise of the Christian footmen, and the agilitie of the Turks, es∣pecially the Ianizaries, that they with their shot out of the woods, staied the Hungarian horse∣men from the pursuit of their fellowes, and recouered their small field pieces before they could [ I] be carried away by the Christian footmen: wherewith they did againe forerun the armie, and still trouble it as before.* 8.305 The Chistians beset with these dangers, and almost spent for want of victuall, seeing no meanes to relieue their weake bodies, nor any small hope to comfort their fainting spirits, did generally feare some extreame calamitie to ensue: and so much the more, for that it was reported, that Mahometes still expected fresh supplies from BELGRADE, SAMAN∣DRIA and NICOPOLIS: and many of the Hungarian light horsemen stole away from them, as carefull of their owne safetie: neither did they see any comfort in the dismaied captaines, who at other times were woont with cheerfull and couragious words to relieue the souldiors, if they saw them any thing discouraged. But when they were come into a faire open field neere vnto a towne called GARA, they were aduertised, That the enemie had in the woods before them [ K] whereby they were to passe, cut downe great trees crosse the waies, so that neither their great ordinance nor wagons, nor yet their horsemen could possibly passe that way but that they must needs breake their order.

This once bruted thorow the armie, filled them all with heauinesse and desperation: and so much the more, for that Ladislaus Morcus, and others which knew the countrey well, said there was but two waies to escape: the one thorow the woods about ten miles space to WALPO, which by reason of the trees cut downe crosse the waies by the Turkes was not to be passed, but they must needs leaue behind them their great ordinance and carriages: the other towards the castle of ZENTHVERZEBETH, which was in Ladislaus Moreus his countrey, certaine miles di∣stant from GARA: by taking of which way, the enemie by reason of the straightnesse of the [ L] passage, must of necessitie be enforced to giue ouer his pursuit. Yet for all that, it was in counsell resolued vpon, to take the way thorow the woods to WALPO, for that there was there victuall enough, and in the castle of WALPO was kept money sent from king Ferdinand, sufficient to pay the souldiors for all that Winter. And so leauing the great ordinance behind them, and bur∣ning the pouder and whatsoeuer else could not well be carried on horseback, to set forward with all speed:* 8.306 As for the trees, they said, they would be well enough remoued, and the way opened by the pioners and wagoners: wherefore euery captain was commanded to haue his soldiors in rea∣dinesse to set forward vpon the signe giuen; which was by the sound of a shalme or hoboy, which when it should be giuen, was referred to the discretion of the Generall. There were many which wonderfully disliked of this resolution, and said openly, that the enemie was fewer in number [ M] than their horsemen, and pinched almost with like want of victuall: besides that, that the Turks durst neuer in just fight encounter with the Christian men at armes, but like theeues assaile them vpon a sudden at some aduantage, and by and by be gone againe: and that the towne of GARA where the enemie lay encamped, was not so strong but that it might be woon: wherefore all

[ A] things were to be proued, and some great matter to be attempted of valiant men, p••••ched with wants: for that to run away, would be not onely a dishonour vnto the captaines themselues, who ought alwaies to preferre their honor before their liues; but also dangerous to them, which respected nothing but life. And if they should set forward in the night, many would be lost in the woods; and valour in the darke could not be knowne from cowardise: besides that, the Turkes (as they said) lay so nigh, that it was not possible to depart without their knowledge, es∣pecially if they should burne the powder, or breake the great ordinance. For which causes, they thought it better to fight a battell with them, and not to beleeue the false reports of new supplies come vnto them; and that God would vndoubtedly giue them aid, which were readie to lay downe their liues for their religion and glorie of the Christian name. After all this, they began [ B] to consult what was now to be done with the sicke and wounded souldiors, which were before carried in wagons or amongst the other baggage of the armie: for it was like, that so great a multitude of sicke and wounded men, vnderstanding what was decreed concerning the depar∣ture of the armie, would as miserable forsaken men, fill the campe with lamentation and mour∣ning; which it was thought would be also increased by the weeping and wailing of them, which should neuer afterwards see their brethren, kinsmen, fellowes or friends, so miserably and shame∣fully left behind and forsaken: the noise whereof, must needs come to the eares of the Turkes, which lay within a small gun shot. Wherefore it was determined, that these sicke and wounded souldiors should be carried vpon the wagon and cart-horses; and that such as were not able to stay themselues, should be holden vp by other of more strength riding behind them vpon the [ C] buttocks of the horse. In fiue to colour the matter, they which were so desirous to go, said that this their manner of departure grounded vpon good reason, was not to be accounted a shamefull flight (as some would tearme it) but a right honest and necessarie manner of retiring: for as much as they were stronger than their enemies in horsemen, and equall also (if not stronger) in foot∣men, although they were sore weakned with sicknesse. Whilest these things were in counsell diuersly discoursed, and the resolution set downe as is before said, the matter was brought to this passe, that euerie captaine with troubled judgement conceiued in himselfe secret cogitations, far from the common good, and without regard of shame and dishonour, bethought himselfe how he might betake himselfe to flight,* 8.307 the vncertaine hope of desired life. On the contrarie part, Mahometes▪ vsing most certaine spies, and aduertised euerie houre of all the distresses of the [ D] Christians, and thereby presaging his future victorie; did by most diligent watch and troupes of horsemen, besetting the passages farre and neere, most vigilantly attend euerie motion in the Christian campe: of purpose, that when the armie should rise and set forward, he after his won∣ted manner might in the straits (fit for his purpose) set vpon them being deuided and dispersed one from another, as they must needs in those troublesome passages: for he had so placed his horsemen and footmen in the knowne tracts of those woods, that he had shut vp the Christians as it were in a toile▪ It was now almost midnight, and the armie taking no rest, so carefully ex∣pected the signe of setting forward, that euerie little delay seemed to most men both tedious and dangerous:* 8.308 so that many great captaines vpon a cowardly conceit would stay no longer, but hasted to depart, and to go before the rest, without any leaue of the Generall. The beginning of [ E] this mischieuous departure, is reported to haue been begun by the common Hungarian horsmen, which knowing the passages and waies thorow the woods, made most hast to WALPO. La∣dislaus M••rcus dishonourably following their example, went the other way to his castle ZEN∣THVERZEBETH. After them followed in great hast the Stirian horsemen, without regard of shame, led by Iohn Hanganot their Generall, who was appointed to haue guarded the rearward. Symon bishop of ZA••HA••IA fled in like manner, knowne by his great lanterne wandring in the wood: yet with lesse shame than the rest, because he being a clergie man, thought it not to be∣long to his vocation to put on armes, or to go into battell. In the meane time it was fearefully told to Cazzian••r, That the Hungarian horsemen were fled, and that Ladislaus and Hunganot, with the S••irian troupes were gone also, and that all the rest of the armie not expecting the ap∣pointed [ F] signall, were in like manner vpon flying▪ With which report, the cowardly and dis∣maied Generall wa•• so ••••rrified, that he presently got to horse, quite forgetting the signall▪ he should haue giuen (for that he thought all the rest,* 8.309 as he afterwards said, to haue been gone be∣fore) and as he was, vnarmed, betooke himselfe to flight, leauing behind him for hast his tent sto∣red with plate and other rich furniture. In this tumult of them which so disorderly fled, Lodro∣nius

that famous captaine was called vp, and told by his seruants, that the Generall was fled and [ G] gone▪ to whom he answered againe, without doubt it cannot be so, that I should be so shame∣fully and perfidiously betraied of him: and so as a man megred with long watching & painfull la∣bour, laid himselfe downe againe to sleepe. Not long after, Mahometes hearing the stir that was in the campe, rise with his Turks to assaile his enemies: yet to be better assured what the enemie did, he thought it good to stay for day light, causing his men to stand still in order of battell, and with wonderfull silence to expect the signe of setting forward, which was giuen by the soft sound of a horsemans drum passing thorow euerie companie. For the old captaine acquainted with many battels against the Christians, doubting of their faigned flight, would not vnaduisedly be drawne into battell, but in a place commodious for his souldiours; as one before ••ully set downe (after his wonted manner) to performe that seruice, not by the hazard of one set battell, but by [ H] dallying off the time with often skirmishes, when he could take the enemie at aduantage. The day appearing, Lodronius againe awaking, heard a certaine confused noise of the Turkes, and withall,* 8.310 saw himselfe forsaken of the greatest part of the horsemen: whereupon he complained in vaine, that he was betraied: yet for all that he was nothing discouraged, but cheered vp the footmen, exhorting them to remember their former valour, and to resolue with themselues on∣ly with courage to ouercome the danger, which hard fortune had at that time brought them in∣to; for that valiant men were rather to thinke of an honourable death than shamefull flight, whereby whether they should escape with life or not, was vncertaine: As for himselfe, who had been their happie Generall in many battels, he said he was resolutely set downe by repulsing the enemie to bring them into place of safetie, or else valiantly fighting togither with them to end [ I] his daies. As Lodronius was yet thus encouraging the footmen, the horsemen of CARINTHIA, SAXONIE, AVSTRIA and BOHEMIA, who mindfull of their duetie, had in vaine expected the appointed signall from the Generall, came to Lodronius as vnto the most valiant captaine, be∣seeching him, in steed of their treacherous Generall, to take vpon him the place: promising to doe whatsoeuer he commaunded, and to fight as men against those infidels for their religion and king, so long as they were able to hold vp their weapons. Lodronius would in no case accept of that honour so franckly offered, modestly protesting himselfe vnworthie thereof: Yet as a man of courage, and moued with the hard estate of such an armie, he with a solemne protesta∣tion promised to execute the place in the best manner he could, and so did as long as his fortune gaue him leaue. [ K]

It is reported, that as Lodronius was encouraging the footmen, and earnestly inuaying against shamefull flight, an old German souldior was so bold, as bluntly, yet sharpely to say vnto him: Worthy Lodronius,* 8.311 thou canst neuer be thought to flie shamefully, with a horse of such a price vnder thee. Lodronius perceiuing the old souldiors meaning, alighted, and with his sword hoxed his horse: saying alowd, This day valiant souldiors, shall you haue me both your Generall and fel∣low souldior, fighting on foot as one of your selues: see now that you deceiue no•• my expe∣ctation, but let vs either with glorious victorie or honourable death end this warre togither, yet so, as that we die not vnreuenged. All his other horses he gaue away vnto such sicke and woun∣ded souldiors as he best knew, amongst whom was one Picenard of CREMONA, a captaine who was then in an extreame fit of an ague, and had hardly escaped the hands of the enemie. The first [ L] troupes of horsemen and bands of footmen, were scarcely out of the campe with their ensignes, but the Turkes comming on with a hideous crie, assailed them on euerie side, and many sharpe skirmishes were giuen vnto the horsemen as they marched, with such euent, that the Christians sometime valiantly receiuing the enemies charge; and sometime charging them againe▪ repulsed the proud enemie still busie with them.* 8.312 In these continuall skirmishes, Antius Mace•• F••••hstat, Generall of the Carinthian horsemen, fighting valiantly was slaine, being for his braue (armou•• supposed by the Turkes to haue beene the Generall of the field. And by like mishap ••oure and twentie horsemen of great name were slaine also, and their guidon taken; amongst these were three noblemen, Andreas Reschius, Christophorus Hernaus, and Georgius Himelberg••••. In ano∣ther place was made a most cruell skirmish with the Saxon horsemen, and them of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, [ M] THVRINGIA and FRANCONIA, who followed the Saxons ensigne: of these, fighting most va∣liantly, was slaine aboue 36 worthie captaines, lieutenants, or ancients; and Chuenri•••••• a princi∣pall captaine of the Saxons taken, who afterwards died in bonds ••mongst the Turks. Amongst them which were slaine, Sebastianus Methes••us, and Iacobus Scullemburgh were of greatest nobi∣litie.

[ A] In like manner the horsemen of AVSTRIA couragiously resisting the enemie for a space, were in the end ouerthrowne: where amongst them was slaine two valiant noblemen, Fettaius and Hofchirchius, with diuers other men of great place and reputation both in their own coun∣trey and abroad. But the greatest slaughter was made amongst the Bohemian horsemen, vpon whom (being disordered by the Ianizaries harquebusiers) the Turkish troupes of the old garri∣son souldiors breaking in with their scimitars and heauie yron mases, made a most bloudie exe∣cution. The battell of footmen being sore gauled,* 8.313 and almost disordered in their march by cer∣taine companies of Ianizaries and archers of the Asapi, who from a woodie banke of a marrish discharged their shot and arrowes continually vpon them, yet neuer comming to handy blows, was on the other side so hardly charged by Amurathes with his troupes of horsemen of BOS∣NA, [ B] that being not able longer to keepe order, it was at last by him broken and cut in peeces: where the Turks with their swords and hatchets slew the poore Christians without mercie. Lo∣dronius himselfe carried away with the breaking in and force of the horsemen, was driuen into a marrish: where after that he being sore wounded, and almost fast in the deepe mud, had done the vttermost of that his last endeuour; he by the faire entreatie of the Turks persuading him rather to yeeld, than there to be slaine, so yeelded himselfe, that he with three companies which were with him, after they had laid downe their weapons, were all saued as valiant souldiors: for now the mercilesse Turkes embrued with the Christian bloud, were wearie of slaughter, and began greedily to seeke after the spoile, hunting after them, who flying dispersedly, thought themselues to haue escaped the enemies hands; with such successe, that a great number of them was taken and [ C] led away for slaues: few of the footmen escaped, and almost all the rest which were not fled be∣fore the battell, were to be seene dead vpon the ground.

This shamefull ouerthrow at EXEK was reported to haue exceeded the most grieuous ouer∣throwes that the Christians had receiued in any former time: for the flower both of horse and foot there lost by the rashnesse and fault of an vnluckie Generall, rather than by the valor of the enemie, ruthfully perished; so that many prouinces were filled with heauinesse and mourning. For it neuer chanced before, as was to be seene by the vnfortunat battels of Sigismund the em∣perour, and king Ladislaus, that the Turks got such a victorie without some losse: so that they which fell almost vnreuenged at EXEK, may seeme to haue augmented that losse by the great infamie thereof. Mahometes hauing thus almost without the bloud of his souldiors obtained so [ D] great a victorie, and taken the spoile of the Christian campe, pitched his tents in a little meddow, being cleansed of the dead bodies, and after he had merrily feasted with his captaines, comman∣ded the cheefe prisoners, the goodly spoiles, and fairest ensignes to be brought vnto him: and openly commending the captaines who had that day done any good seruice, commaunding di∣uers bags of money to be brought vnto him by the receiuers, he with his owne hand rewarded the souldiors, some with gold, some with siluer, according to their deserts: And causing all the prisoners which were not common souldiors to be brought forth, he diligently viewed them, and presently caused euery one of their names, and the office they bare, to be enrolled by his clarkes: and vnto such as brought in the heads, eares, or hands of the Christians with rings vp∣on them, he forthwith caused one reward or other to be giuen. Lodronius, when as by reason [ E] of his deadly wounds he was thought vnable to endure trauell,* 8.314 or to be brought aliue with the other prisoners to CONSTANTINOPLE, was slaine by his keepers, and his head afterwards sent thither. For as many noble gentlemen, and amongst others Laurentius Streiperg and Dietma∣rus Losenstaine haue reported (who raunsomed afterwards, returned home againe to their wiues and children) amongst the prisoners which were together with the faire ensignes and other gal∣lant warlike furniture (especially gilt amour and headpeeces) presented by Mahometes his mes∣sengers to Solyman, three of the greatest captaines heads were in a siluer bason there seene and knowne,* 8.315 which were the heads of Paulus Bachitius the valiant Hungarian captaine, Antius Ma∣cer Generall of the Carinthian horsemen, and Lodronius Generall of the footmen: which after the tyrant had looked asquint vpon, as abhorring that loathsome sight, hee with sterne counte∣nance [ F] commaunded all the prisoners to be slaine. But vpon the intercession of the Ianizaries, who intreated for them, as valiant men, to whom they had at the time of their taking giuen their faith, and might afterwards doe him good seruice, he chaunged his countenance, and saued many of them.* 8.316 But Cazzianer flying to his owne castle, was of all men accused, as a wicked forsaker of his owne campe and ensignes, and commonly railed vpon, as the eternall infamie of his coun∣trey,

and author of the publike calamitie: so that it was reported, that he durst neither go abroad [ G] nor shew his face for shame. He was so generally hated, that infamous libels, made against him and the other captaines which had shamefully fled as he did, were commonly sung in the streets by boyes in all the cities of GERMANIE. Wherewith he was so much grieued, that he reque∣sted of king Ferdinand, that he might safely come to the court, to answere whatsoeuer could be laid against him: which his request the king easily graunted, and when he came to the court receiued him with doubtfull countenance. But when the hearing of his cause was by the king somewhat longer protracted than he would haue had it, and he in the meane time kept vnder safe custodie; impatient of such delay, and halfe doubtfull whether he should be quitted or con∣demned, thought it better to flie than to abide the triall.* 8.317 So faigning himselfe sicke, and scraping vp by little and little with his knife a bricke pauement vnder his bed, and so in the night getting [ H] out first one bricke, and after that another, at length brake thorow the vault, and with his sheets letting himselfe downe, escaped, hauing post horses readie for him without the castle. Not long after, as he was a man of a hastie and vnconstant nature, despairing of his estate, he fled to the Turkes, Mahometes gladly receiuing him, and beside his great entertainement, promising him the gouernment of all CROATIA, in manner of a tributarie king, if he would faithfully serue Solyman, and helpe him in the subduing of the cities of AVSTRIA. After he had agreed vpon all the conditions of his reuolt, that he might returne to Mahometes with some more credit, he be∣gan boldly to deale with Nicholaus Sirenus, a noble man of CROATIA, and his deere friend as he supposed, to reuolt with him; assuring him, that Solyman would deale as kindly with them both; as he had before with king Iohn in the kingdome of HVNGARIE. Sirenus promised him [ I] he would, or at least made as if he promised to do what he desired, and so agreed as it were vpon the matter, promising to goe ouer with him to the Turke with a troupe of his best and most tru∣stie horsemen. But Sirenus considering with himselfe the heinousnesse and impietie of so great an offence, changing his purpose, chose rather to deale trecherously with his old friend, fearing no such thing in his house, than to offend both against God and his prince. Wherefore after he had well feasted Cazzianer at his house,* 8.318 he as a most cruell hoast, caused him to be slaine, and sent his head to king Ferdinand: in reward whereof he receiued of the kings gift Cazzianer his castle, with all his substance.

In the meane time the Venetians, prouoked by the Turks with diuers injuries both by sea and land (when as Solyman but a little before hardly besieging CORCYRA, and with most barbarous [ K] crueltie wasting the island, had broken the league, and euen then by his lieutenant Cassimes Bassa besieged EPIDAVRVS and NAVPLIVM, two of their cities in PELOPONESVS) resolued with∣out delay to make warres likewise vpon him, who for a small trespas would admit no excuse or recompence. Wherunto they were also animated both by Charles the emperour, and Paulus the great Bishop: who warned by the late and dangerous attempts of Solyman and Barbarussa, thought it more for the safetie of their estates, by giuing aid to the Venetians to keepe the Turks busied farther off, than to suffer them to acquaint themselues too much with the ports of ITA∣LIE or SICILIA. Wherefore all the Winter following they laboured by their embassadours to set downe what number and what manner of ships, what souldiours, what money, was to be prouided, and how to be according to their estates apportioned for the setting forth of a strong [ L] fleet,* 8.319 against the next Summer to be sent into GRaeCIA against the Turks. At last it was agreed amongst these confederat princes by their embassadours at ROME, That the emperour should furnish and set forth fourescore and two gallies, the Venetians the like number, and the bishop six and thirtie, to make vp the number of two hundred gallies; that the Venetians should lend vnto the bishop so many gallies readie rigged as he should desire to be furnished by him with marriners and souldiors; and that the emperour and the state of GENVA should find sufficient shipping for the transportation of the land forces and victuall. The Generals also of this great fleet to be set forth, were at the same time appointed. Andreas Auria for the emperour, Vin∣centius Capellus for the Venetians, and Marcus Grimmanus patriarch of AQVILBA, for the Bi∣shop; to whom was joyned Paulus Iustinianus, one of the cheefe Senators, a man of great expe∣rience [ M] in sea matters. It was also agreed, that Ferdinand Gonzaga viceroy of SICILIE should haue the commaunding of the land forces, and that whatsoeuer was got from the Turks in that expedition in GRaeCIA, the Islands, or DALMATIA, should be all faithfully deliuered to the Venetians, who had receiued so many injuries from the Turks. The emperour also of his libera∣litie

[ A] promised vnto the other confederats, that they should for reasonable price haue as much wheat as they would out of SICILIA, without paying any custome.

Solyman vnderstanding of this confederation and preparation made against him by these Christian princes,* 8.320 commaunded Barbarussa his Admirall to make readie his fleet to goe against these enemies,* 8.321 and to doe all the harme he could vpon the Islands subject to the Venetian state. Which thing Barbarussa with great care and diligence in short time performed▪ and so with a hundred and thirtie gallies in most warlike manner appointed, with the first of the Spring in the yeare 1538 departed from HELLESPONTVS directly to CRETE,* 8.322 where hauing passed the promontorie of GYAMVS, which at this day is called SPARTA, he vnaduisedly landed most part of his men, to haue surprised the citie CANEA, which was in auntient time called SYDO∣NIA: [ B] For Grittus one of the Venetian Senatours then kept the citie with a strong garrison, who from the wals and bulwarkes thereof so plagued the Turkes with great and small shot, and the sallying out of two companies of Italians, that Barbarussa hauing lost many of his men, was faine to retire againe to his fleet in such hast, that he left behind him a thousand of his Turkes, which were gone further into the Island after bootie, who were afterwards all slain by them of CRETE. After that, he attempted to haue taken diuers places in the Island, and was euery where notably repulsed. With the citie of CANDIA, whereof the Island now taketh name, and was in anti••nt time called CYTHEVM, he durst not meddle: but sayling almost round about the Island, tooke onely CECILIA, a little towne before forsaken of the inhabitants, which he set on fire, and so departed from CRETE: for he was aduertised, that Vincentius Capellius the Venetian admirall, [ C] who was now come to CORCYRA, would in short time come to releeue them of CRETE. Au∣ria Admirall of the emperours fleet, passing the strait of MESSANA, came to CORCYRA also, and there joyned with the Venetians.* 8.323 The Christian fleet was then so great, that it was thought the Turkes durst not meet it at sea, but by all meanes shun to giue battell. For Barbarussa then lay with the Turkes fleet in the bay of AMBRACIA, expecting when the Christians should en∣ter the straight entrance thereof, where he had on both sides placed diuers peeces of great Or∣dinance, to haue sunke them in their comming in: for Grimanus the Patriarch a little before de∣parting from CORCYRA, had with the great Bishops gallies begun to besiege PREVESA, a towne vpon the promontorie of ACTIVM fast by that strait; and landing some of his soldiors, with three great peeces of artillerie, so battered the castle of PREVESA, that he was like ynough [ D] to haue taken it, had not the Turks from AETOLIA come to relieue it with a strong power both of horse and foot. Wherefore the Patriarch shipping againe his men and ordinance, returned to the fleet at CORCYRA, not repenting him of his journey, for that he had well viewed the straits of that bay, and all the enemies fleet riding at anker within it. Vpon the returne of the Patriarch, and relation made what he had both done and seene, the great commaunders of the Christian fleet entred into counsell, what course were best to take for their better proceeding in that great act on.* 8.324 Gonzaga the viceroy, Generall of the land forces, was of opinion, That it was best to land the souldiors and great ordinance, and with all their force to assault the castle of PREVESA: which once taken, and their ordinance there placed, the enemies fleet might in the bay be vtterly defeated, for that all pas••••g•• to sea might easily be taken from them, by sinking of one of their [ E] great ships in the mouth of the strait, and by moaring there of three great galleons full of artil∣lerie: so that if Barbarussa would desperatly aduenture to come out, he must needs bee sunke in the mouth of the bay.* 8.325 Whereunto Auria replied, That Gonzaga his counsell was in words and shew glorious, but to be put in execution most dangerous: for that first to land the souldiors and great artillerie, hee said was a thing too too full of hazard and perill: for it was to bee thought, that the Turks in AETOLIA would as they had before done, come with speed with their horse∣men to relieue the besieged in the castle, whose force the Christian footmen could hardly abide: Besides that if the fleet should by force of weather be constrained to forsake that coast, as it well might, Autumne now comming fast on, after the souldiors were landed; from whence should they then get any victuall in the enemies countrey, or what releefe should they hope for, if they [ F] should hap to be distressed, being on euery side beset with their enemies, and their friends by tempest driuen from them. Wherefore he thought it best, if the enemie could not be drawn out of the bay to battell, to goe directly into the bay of NAVPACTVM, & to take that towne which was not greatly fortified, and so to ransacke and spoile all the townes euen to the bottome of the bay of CORINTH▪ which the Graecians in the fleet said might easily be done: By taking of which

course it might so fall out, that Barbarussa moued with the danger of his friends, would for shame [ G] come out and joyne with them in battell. This counsell of Auria was best liked both of Ca∣pellius and the Patriarch, being farre more desirous to fight with their enemies at sea, than at land.

* 8.326Auria hauing put in order his fleet, came to PREVESA, and so to the strait of the bay of AM••RACIA, where he so placed the whole fleet, which was in number two hundred and fiftie saile, that it might easily of the enemie be numbred. Which sight (as it was reported) wonder∣fully troubled Barbarussa, who although he was of a courageous disposition, and such a man as greatly feared not either the valor or martiall discipline of the Christians, yet was he exceedingly moued with the sight of so great a fleet, so well appointed; for a greater had not of long time been seene in the Ionian sea.* 8.327 So that an eunuch of Solymans court, sent by him as Barbarussa his [ H] companion, seeing him to delay the time, as a man halfe discouraged, did with most vnciuile and proud words take him vp, because he would not forthwith goe out of the bay and fight with the Christians which lay at the mouth thereof daring of them; wherein he was not (as he said) to regard his owne safetie, who as a coward could not endure the sight of the enemie, but the ho∣nour of Solyman his soueraigne, who would not take it well, to haue the glorie of his name stai∣ned with so shamefull a delay: for if he were a valiant and martiall man, as he professed himselfe to be, he ought neuer to despaire of victorie: And if it should so fall out, that fortune should frowne vpon them, and not answere to their desires, yet should not Solyman therefore want cap∣taines and souldiors better than they, if they were ouercome, & the woods of PONTVS would affoord him timber ynough to build twice so great and strong a fleet. And for a conclusion, the [ I] insolent Eunuch willed Barbarussa to beware, that whilest he feared a most honourable death, (which was vncertaine, though the battell were lost) he drew not vpon himselfe the certaine dan∣ger of a most shamefull death by the displeasure of Solyman.

* 8.328At which speech Barbarussa turning himselfe about to Salec, one of the arch pyrats, a famous sea man, said vnto him: Wee must for ought that I can see, most valiant and faithfull captaine, aduenture this battell, although it be at too much disaduantage, least happily we perish by the complaints of this barking demie man. And so presently commaunded all his fleet to weigh an∣ker, at the same time that Auria had hoysed saile and was on his way toward the bay of NAV∣PACTVS, thinking that the enemie durst not for feare haue come out of the bay of AMBRACIA. Auria keeping on his course,* 8.329 was come to LEVCADE, when the enemies fleet was descried [ K] out of the top of Bondelmerius great Galleon to be come out of the bay, and to make towards them, keeping close by the shore: which manner of course the craftie Turke misdoubting his owne strength, held of purpose, that if he should chance to be ouermatched by the Christians, hee might turne the prow of his gallies vpon them, and running the poupes aground, so to land his men and great ordinance, and from land as he might to defend his fleet: accounting it a lesse losse (if the worst should chance) to lose the gallies than the men.

* 8.330Auria somewhat troubled with this sudden comming out of the enemie, as with a thing which he then least expected, yet notably staied himselfe, and commaunded all the fleet to pre∣pare themselues to battell, and to follow his Admirall gallie. Now all the Turks fleet was come into the open sea in such order, that Barbarussa himselfe was in the middle battell, where his Ad∣mirall [ L] galley was to be seene with many purple flags and streamers flying gallantly in the wind: on his right hand was Tabaches, and Salec on the left, both men of great fame, euery one of them hauing almost like number of gallies, which were in all a hundred and fiftie: Vnto the middle bat∣tell were joyned the two wings, in such order, that which way soeuer the Admirall turned, they turning also, still represented the forme of a flying Eagle: so that (as Auria himselfe afterwards confessed) a more firme or orderly fleet could not haue been brought out by any expert captaine. Before the fleet, came about twentie nimble gallies, conducted by Drogut (or Dragut) an arch py∣rat, famous afterwards for the great harme he did vnto the Christians. Capellius the Venetian Admirall came in his long boat to Auria, requesting him, That he with his gallies might giue the first charge vpon the enemie: to whom Auria gaue great thankes, and praising his forward∣nesse, [ M] requested him to follow him, to whom he would in good time giue a sign what he would haue done. The formost of the Turks light gallies was now come to the great Galleon of Bon∣delmerius, which was the formost of the Christian fleet, whereunto were sent also certaine gal∣lies from Salec, to helpe to assaile that tall ship; which shooting a farre off, did no harme, neither

[ A] Bondelmerius them: who would not suffer one peece to be discharged, for he being an expert sea man, and loth to shoot in vaine, expected that they should come neerer vnto him, and then vpon the sudden to discharge all his great ordinance vpon them. Neither was he deceiued in that his expectation, for the Turkes comming neere vnto him, were so ouerwhelmed with the great and small shot out of the Galleon, that they were glad to stay their course, and to retire. In the meane time Auria called backe againe the ships which were gone before, and caused his Galleon to be towed out; and by boats of purpose sent out, charged the captaines of the gallies to make them∣selues readie to fight, vpon signall giuen by the sound of the trumpet and the displaying of the Admirals ensigne: yet was not Auria of mind to fight with his gallies, without his ships: which thing the craftie enemie well perceiued, and sought by all means to joyne battell with the gallies [ B] before the comming in of the tall ships, which were as castles in respect of the gallies: for it was then such a calme, that the ships were not able to keepe way with the gallies, and the smooth wa∣ter seemed to offer a fit oportunitie for battell; which so well pleased the Patriarch, that many heard him crying aloud to Auria, to giue the signall, and maruelled much why he deferred to giue battell. For he fetching a great compasse, and houering about his ships, with his gallies kept such a course, that many thought he would vpon the sudden haue done some strange and vnex∣pected exploit vpon the enemie:* 8.331 but Auria held that strange course, of purpose to haue drawne the enemies gallies within the danger of his great ships, who thundring amongst them with their great ordinance, might haue easily sore beaten and disordered them, and opened a way vnto his gallies to haue gotten a most certaine victorie. But the craftie old Turk doubting by the strange∣nesse [ C] of Auria his course, to be circumuented with some finenesse, stayed his course, and lay still with his owne squadron of gallies, warily expecting to what purpose that strange course of the enemie tended. In the meane time, both the wings of his fleet had a little before the going down of the Sunne begun in diuers places to encounter with the Christians: Some were in vaine still assailing Bondelmerius his great Galleon; others with their great ordinance had so sore beaten two tall ships, wherein Buccanigra and Mongaia, two Spanish captaines, were imbarked with their companies, that they were giuen for lost, many of the souldiors and marriners being slaine: Two other ships loded with victuall, the one of VENICE, the other of DALMATIA, were burnt by the Turkes, and some few of the men saued by their ship boats, and by swimming to the ships neerest vnto them. In the shutting in of the euening, Sale•• tooke two gallies stragling behind the [ D] rest of the fleet, whereof Mozenicus a Venetian, and Bebiena a Florentine, were captaines. After these gallies, was taken also the ship of Aloysius Figaroa a Spaniard, although his souldiours had for a time fought most valiantly. In this ship with Figaroa the father, was taken his sonne, a yong gentleman, and beautified with all the good gifts of nature; who afterwards presented to Soly∣man, turned Turke: and growing in credit in Solymans chamber, after three yeares miserable im∣prisonment, obtained his poore fathers libertie, and sent him well rewarded home againe into SPAINE. Whilest both the fleets were thus expecting how they might to their most aduan∣tage joyne battell, suddenly arose a great tempest of thunder, lightening, and raine, with a fresh gale of Easterly wind:* 8.332 whereupon the Christians seeing the Turks hoysing vp their small sailes, without delay hoysed vp both small and great to cleare themselues of the enemie; and with that [ E] faire wind returned againe to CORCYRA; so disorderedly and in such hast, sparing neither saile nor oate, that it seemed rather a shamefull flight than an orderly retreat. So that Auria, a man of so great fame at sea, as that he was called a second Neptune, was that day accounted no captaine. It is reported, that Barbarussa with the same wind pursued the Christians a while, and being not able longer to see what course they held, by reason of the darkenesse of the night, to haue stayed his course: for the Admirals had caused their lights, which they vsed to carrie in the poupes of their gallies, to be then put out. Whereat Barbarussa heartily laughing, said oftentimes in the Spanish tongue:* 8.333 Auria hath therefore put out his light, the better in the darke to hide his flight: noting in him such a feare, as that hee without regard of honour sought onely how by flight to escape. When they were come to CORCYRA, they were all generally of opinion, That by the [ F] benefit of that sudden storme they had auoided a great danger. The emperials, especially the Genowayes, to excuse Auria, imputed the cause of so shamefull a flight vnto the Venetians, who would not from the beginning receiue any Spanish souldiors into their gallies, the better to haue withstood the enemie; and that Auria therefore doubting of the Venetians, refrained from joy∣ning battell, and the rather, because that vpon the comming forth of the Turkes fleet, they had

hoysed vp their sailes tied vp to the yardes with small lines, which they might at their pleasure ea∣sily [ G] cut,* 8.334 and set saile to flie which way they would. Shortly after came Barbarussa with all his fleet to the island of PAXVS, about foure leagues from CORCYRA Eastward, brauing the Chri∣stians as if he would haue fought with them, if they durst come out. Whereat Gonzaga the Viceroy fretting, went to euerie one of the three great commanders, requesting them for the ho∣nour of the Christians, to represse that prowd Turks insolencie. At last the matter was brought to that passe, that the Venetians hauing taken in certaine companies of Spaniards, the fleet should be deuided into foure squadrons, and so to giue battell: But this consultation was so long protracted, that Barbarussa fearing the tempestuous Autumn weather, hoysed saile, and about the seuenth of October returned againe into the bay of AMERACIA. After the departing of Barba∣russa, the Generals of the Christian fleet directed their course into the bay called SINVS RIZO∣NICVS, [ H] to besiege CASTRONOVUM or new Castle, a strong town of the Turks standing in that bay,* 8.335 and bordering vpon the Venetian seigniorie: the inhabitants were part Dalmatians, part Epirots, which had renounced the Christian religion, and some Turks, liuing most part by mer∣chandise: Vnto this towne the Christians laid siege, and in short time woon it, where they had a great prey, and a wonderfull number of captiues of all sorts. Three daies after the taking of the towne, the castle was also yeelded by the Turks garrison, couenanting in vaine to depart with life and libertie.

This towne taken by common force, ought of right by the couenants of the league to haue been deliuered to the Venetians; yet was it for all that by Auria and Gonzaga reserued for the emperour, and Franciscus Sarmentus with foure thousand Spaniards all old souldiors, left there [ I] in garrison: Capellius the Venetian Admirall vrging in vaine the right of the Venetians. Which thing so much grieued the Senat, who euer had the ambitious Spaniard in suspect, and now as∣sured of him as an euill neighbour to their towne of CATARVM▪ that repenting themselues of the league with the emperour, they decreed to sue to Solyman for peace: which they afterwards easily obtained, for a short space, by Laurentius Grittus their dukes sonne, and by the helpe of An∣tonius Rincus the French kings embassadour; who then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE, in good time told the great Bassaes, that the league the Venetians had made with the emperour, was made without the consent of the greatest part of the Senat, and that warre taken in hand against most of their wils.

Whilest these things were in doing, Barbarussa put to sea againe to haue relieued CASTRO∣NOVUM; [ K] but being at sea, many of his gallies were by the violence of a sudden tempest driuen vpon the ACROCERAVNIAN rocks, and there cast away. It is reported, that he lost there twen∣tie thousand men, which with the broken pieces of his gallies were found almost all alongst the coast of DALMATIA. This shipwracke being certainly known, Capellius would haue persuaded Auria to haue presently pursued Barbarussa so distressed: which motion Gonzaga well liked, as a man desirous by some notable exploit to recompence the disgrace before receiued at LEVCADE. But Auria for diuers causes not liking of the matter,* 8.336 was so set downe vpon his returne to ITA∣LIE, that he presently hoised saile: leauing the Venetian Admirall in such a rage, that he dete∣sted himselfe for submitting himselfe to another mans power; and wished the captaines there present, neuer to subject themselues to the commaund of a stranger, for as much as that Geno∣way, [ L] either vpon cowardise or malitious mind, as an old enemy to the Venetian state, would not prosecute so manifest a victorie, but put vp so shamefull a disgrace as he had before receiued. But of all this Auria made small reckoning, referring all that he both said and did, so far vnto the em∣perors commoditie, that Valerius Vrsinus a noble gentleman, then seruing in the Venetian pay, merily said, That Auria had done nothing but wisely and politickly, in setting the Venetians togi∣ther by the eares with the Turks, & opening a gate for a long war, whether the Venetians would or not, so as the emperour himselfe could not haue better wished, and that without the losse of one gallie. For it was thought by many, that the long wars betwixt the Turks and the Veneti∣ans, would sort to the great good of the emperour; when as the Venetians worne out and spent with those long and chargeable warres against so mightie an enemie, should be stripped of their [ M] lands and territories, either by force, or some hard composition wrung from them by necessitie.

CASTRONOVUM thus taken, and Sarmentus with a garrison of foure thousand Spaniards there placed as is aforesaid, and the Christian fleet dissolued, Solyman tooke the matter so grie∣uously, that hee determined to besiege it againe both by sea and land: and in his furie, caused

[ A] NAVPLIVM and EPIDAVRVS, two of the Venetian cities in the country of PELOPON••SVS, to be straightly besieged.* 8.337 Yet tooke he singuler pleasure, that Barbarussa his Admirall▪ in all re∣spects worse furnished, had driuen out of the Sea the great fleet of the Christians, which he before that time had made too great account of.* 8.338 Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring, which was in the yeere 1539, Barbarussa by his commaundement repaired againe his fleet, and notably furnished it with all manner of warlike prouision; manning his gallies for the most part with Ia∣nizaries and other such select souldiors. With this fleet Barbarussa (Sommer now well come on) departed out of the HELESPONTVS, and came to the bay RIZONICVS; at which time also Vlames the Persian, then Gouernour of BOSNA, shewed himselfe with his forces vpon the mountaines as he had in charge from Solyman▪ Barbarussa before he entred the straits of the bay; [ B] sent before him Dragut and Corsetus, two notable pirats, with thirtie galliots, who landing their men neere vnto CASTRONOVUM (as they were commaunded) were valiantly encountred by Sarmentus with his Spaniards, and forced againe to their galliots, many of the Turks being slaine and taken prisoners. After that came Barbarussa, with ninetie gallies, and three tall ships which carried the artillerie for batterie and other necessarie prouision for the campe; where he spent three daies in landing his great ordinance and casting vp trenches, which could not be done but by night, by reason of the continuall shot out of the towne: wherewith the Spaniards had in that three daies space slaine aboue a thousand Turkes; amonst whom was Agis Hariadenus, who had made himselfe as it were a king at TAIOR••A, a citie neere TRIPOLIS in AFRICA; whose death much grieued Barbarussa,* 8.339 as one of his most antient and best friends. At length Barba∣russa [ C] hauing cast vp his trenches, landed foure and fiftie great pieces of artillerie for batterie; wher∣of he gaue a fourth part to Vlames to batter the towne on the North side, whilest he in the mean time, in three diuers places battered the East side; and Salec from Sea with ten gallies, did mor∣ning and euening batter another part of the wall. Whilest Sarmentus was thus in so many pla∣ces assailed, and did what was possible to haue repaired the breaches; the Turks by force tooke one of the towers, where after they had displaied their ensignes, they from thence with their shot sore troubled the Spaniards. At the same time also, Vlames had made a breach, and was readie on the other side of the citie to enter. In which extremities, Sarmentus seeing no meanes longer to defend the citie, commanded the hurt souldiors to get them into the castle below, and the rest with him to take the market place, there to die togither like men: where the Turks straightway [ D] breaking in on euerie side vpon them,* 8.340 made a most bloudie and cruell fight, wherein the Spani∣ards ouerwhelmed with shot, and the multitude of their enemies, were slaine almost euerie man. Sarmentus wounded in the face with three arrowes, and wearied with long fight, seeing Sancius Fria a captaine readie to flie,* 8.341 sharpely reproued him, and catching him by the hand, made him there to tarrie by it, vntill they were there both togither slaine. Many valiant captaines were there lost, whose names for breuitie I omit. Aloysius Arius, and certaine other captaines, who togither with the wounded souldiors were got into the castle, seeing no meanes to defend the place, yeelded themselues: whom Barbarussa according to his promise, took to mercie in sparing their liues, yet carried them away into captiuitie to CONSTANTINOPLE. The dead bodie of Sarmentus could not be knowne amongst so many heapes of the dead, although Barbarussa had [ E] caused most diligent search to be made for it, and offered great sums of money and libertie also, to who soeuer could discouer it; being desirous to haue sent his head for a present to Solyman. Barbarussa proud of this victorie, began forthwith to gape after CATTARVS a citie of the Vene∣tians in the bottome of the same bay: and thereupon writ threatning letters to Ioannes Bembus one of the Venetian Senators then Gouernour of the citie, presently to deliuer the citie; which he would (as he said) otherwise assault by force. Whereunto Bembus answered againe by let∣ters, That in so doing, he should violate the league lately made with Solyman, and that he should find him readie by force to repell his forces. Wherewith Barbadussa displeased, sent certaine gal∣lies into the bottome of the bay; who discharging certaine great pieces at the citie, made shew as if they had come to besiege it. At whom Bembus as a man of good courage, caused as many [ F] mo like pieces to be discharged, and shewed his men vpon the wals: Which thing Bar∣barussa perceiuing, staied his course, and calling backe his gallies, returned to CASTRONO∣VUM, from whence (better appeased with presents afterwards sent from Bembus) he departed out of that bay.

The long warres betwixt Charles the emperour and Francis the French king, were now well

pacified, and such friendship (at leastwise in show) now growne betwixt these two great princes, [ G] that most men thought that all other quarrels laid aside, they would now at length with vnited forces go against the great and dangerous enemie of Christendome: Which opinion no•• alto∣gether of the wiser sort beleeued,* 8.342 was yet at this time wonderfully confirmed by many extraor∣dinarie and rare courtesies then passing betwixt them, which concerne not this historie; as also, in that two of their most famous captaines, Alphonsus Vastius, and Hanibald, were as it were with one consent by them both sent embassadours to VENICE, to haue drawne the Venetians into the confederation of that warre against the Turke. Which two renowned captaines comming to VENICE, most gallantly accompanied, were by Landus the duke, and the whole State, with great magnificence receiued, the people after their wonted manner flocking together in euery place to behold them so noble captaines sent from such mightie princes; but especially Vastius, [ H] whose fame hauing many times before filled their eares, made them now the more desirous to satisfie their eyes also with the beholding of his tall and comely person. Which two famous cap∣taines admitted into the Senat, for that purpose fully assembled, and audience giuen: Vastius ari∣sing from the dukes side, in these or like words deliuered their embassage.

* 8.343It is come to passe (as I suppose) by the great prouidence of Almightie God, and of all the diuine powers (most noble duke and honourable Senators) that two of the most mightie kings of EVROPE, who of late had of long time made mortall wars one vpon another; touched with the zeale of religion, are become great friends: Vndoubtedly to that purpose onely, that hauing made a firme peace, they may bring such a generall quietnesse to the long troubled and afflicted state of Christendome, as best [ I] beseemeth their greatnesse; and taking in hand a sacred warre, to reuenge so many calamities recei∣ued from the Infidell. That this might be made knowne vnto you (most noble Venetians) these migh∣tie Monarchs haue sent vs hether in good time to kindle in you the like zeale, wherewith it is well knowne you haue alwayes for the honour of your State been enflamed: for you of all others, which are of such power and valour at sea, they wish for, as their fellowes and confederates in this sacred wore and hoped victorie, and thinke you worthie, which should enioy the especiall fruit of all that labour. For as much as the Christian forces once renewed, & so great and strong a fleet once assembled, euery man seeth that the Turkes must needs be too weake: although they brag, that they carried away the victo∣rie of late at ACTIVM, when as they then escaped the victorious ••ands of our men, not by their own valour, but by the vnexpected hap of a sudden storme. For all the powers of heauen and earth, and of [ K] the sea also, will be propitious vnto vs, vniting so great forces, in the regard of our sacred religion; and will so take away the hearts of the Infidels, that they shall learne to be ouercome. As for our land forces, we are to hope nothing but well, for as much as vnto those which the emperour of late brought into the field at VIENNA, and caused the Turkish emperour to flie, shall be ioyned not onely all the horsemen and infanterie of FRAVNCE, a wonderfull strength, but Sigismund also king of POLO∣NIA will without delay bring forth his armies, wherewith he hath beene vsed in the quarrell of the Christian religion happily to fight against the Infidels: so that it is not to be doubted of a most certain and assured victorie. Wherefore the victorious emperour and most Christian king Francis most in∣stantly request you to enter into the like godly cogitations, conceiued for the generall good of the Chri∣stian name, and religiously to embrace the hope of a most true & glorious victorie: and further exhort [ L] you, by a wholesome decree to auert your religious and courageous hearts from the friendship of the In∣fidels. For it may worthely seeme vnto your most honourable minds, a most foule and shamefull thing, to haue renewed your league, and to haue preferred an infamous and vncertaine peace be∣fore a most religious and iust warre. Neither doth it beseeme this most wealthie State to be terri∣fied from that which is good and right, with any charges of war, ••e they neuer so great: for if we shall once ouercome, which is incident to this present and long wished occasion, we shall by the profit of one victorie, either by sea or land, to your incomparable praise recompence all the losses by vs in former times receiued.

* 8.344Whereunto the duke in the name of the whole State answered, That there neuer happened [ M] any thing at any time vnto the Venetian Senat more honourable, for the manner of the embas∣sage, or for the publicke securitie of their estate, more to be desired than the hope of such a peace: after that two most mightie kings by two such famous captaines their embassadours, did certifie them of their attonement and assured peace, most glorious to themselues, to their eternall praise,

[ A] wholesome also to the Venetian state, beset with so many dangers, and wonderfully to be wished for of all the other princes of Christendome, if they would sincerely & religiously with their for∣ces by common consent vnited, resolue vpon that sacred war: for then would not the Venetians be wanting to themselues or the Christian commonweale, but end the league they had with the Turke, not with a dishonourable peace but with armes and victorie. Wherefore it was to be re∣quested of Almightie God by prayer, That those puissant kings would with religious and hap∣pie euent speedily and seriously fulfill all that hope of peace, which they had by their mutuall dis∣courses and embracings in shew promised vnto the world.

In few dayes after certaine of the select Senatours sitting in counsell, after the manner of that State, called the embassadors vnto them and asked them, Whether they knew any thing of the [ B] articles and capitulations wherein that league and confederation was to be concluded? and by the way, whether they thought the emperor in regard of that peace would giue vnto the French kings sonne the dukedome of MILLAN,* 8.345 as was reported? Whereunto Hanebald the French embassador answering nothing, Vastius said, That he knew nothing more, but that the two great princes had agreed thereof betwixt themselues, and that the emperour had desired the peace, as one willing to helpe the afflicted and declining state of the Christian commonweale: which thing any man might see could not be effected or brought to passe, but that the emperour must in many things yeeld to the requests of the French king, and redeeme his good will: For the no∣ble mind (said he) worthie Senatours, can easily make light of the greatest losse of his owne things, when it foreseeth a large way opened thereby to eternall fame and glorie. These words [ C] were very glorious and gracious to the hearers: but they, as men of great experience, could not let it sinke in their minds, that the emperour whom they had often deepely sounded, would euer depart with the dukedome of MILLAN, which only thing the French king required, and had for the recouering thereof vnfortunatly striuen almost twentie yeares, to the trouble and disquiet of a great part of the world. The nobilitie and authoritie of this embassage more mooued the Senat than did the other former embassadours, Didaco Mendoza, a Spaniard, and Guilielmus Pel∣licerius, a Frenchman, then both present: yet was it much suspected by the Venetians, because it contained no certaine resolution, but onely the bare hope of a future peace; so that it was by ma∣ny men supposed to be but a matter deuised to deceiue others and to serue the emperours turne to his greater profit. Yet all the cunning seemed to rest in this point, That the Venetians led on [ D] with the hope of this league, should neglect the renewing of the league they had the yeare be∣fore taken with Solyman, which was now almost expired. Vpon which vncertainetie of other mens resolutions, the graue Senatours thought too dangerous a matter to depend.

Vpon this question of this new league and confederation to be made with these Christian princes against the Turke,* 8.346 the Senat was wonderfully deuided: some fauouring the emperours request, inueighed against the renewing of that shamefull league with the infidels, which they said was nothing els, but as much as in them lay to betray vnto them the other parts of Christen∣dome, and especially ITALIE, destitute of their helpe, and yet not to be obtained without great charge; and with many reasons vrged the honourable confederation with these Christian prin∣ces: others of a deeper reach, considering what infinit harmes they had from time to time recei∣ued [ E] by falling out with the Turks, and suspecting also the emperours drift, and joyning thereunto the consideration of the great dearth then raigning in the citie, which was not to be relieued but out of MACEDONIA and GRaeCIA, the Turks countries; the emperour hauing at that time as it were of purpose imposed so great a custome vpon all corne to be transported out of SICI∣LIE, that the very custome came to as much as both the price of the corne and the fraight toge∣ther: all which mischeefes they said were to be preuented by renewing the league with Solyman. This matter was with great heat debated in the Senat too and fro, either part hauing great faul∣tours: so that the Senatours spent almost whole Winter nights in the court in discoursing and consulting what were best to be done. But whatsoeuer was there said or decreed, was forthwith by one of the factions or other made knowne, not onely to the embassadours present in the ci∣tie, [ F] but by letters also discouered into prouinces far off: a thing neuer before in that state knowne, which had euer vsed as it were with a religious silence to keepe secret whatsoeuer was there de∣creed. Which thing Marcus Foscarus,* 8.347 an old Senator and a man of great wisdome, perceiuing, said openly, That the state was betrayed by the multitude and corruption of voices, and must needs shortly perish, if it were not speedily committed to the graue and faithfull judgement of

some few: for there was almost two hundred of them which gaue voices, reducing that multi∣tude [ G] to the number of fiftie, who for their experience and loue toward their countrey, were hol∣den for men of greatest grauitie and secrecie: so was the madnesse of many stayed by the discre∣tion of a few.* 8.348 But Foscarus shortly after fell into such hatred of the multitude, grieued to be as light headed men without discretion, so excluded out of the counsell, that he was by the voices of the multitude first thrust out of the counsell himselfe, and by them kept a great while after from all the preferments and honours of the citie: being indeed one of the grauest Senatours, and a man of deepest judgement. Which disgrace turned afterward to his great honour and cre∣dit, as one that had foreseene much, after they were once found out and condemned which had traiterously reuealed the secrets of the State.

* 8.349But this long consultation concerning the confederation, came to this end, That the Sena∣tours [ H] doubting the vnion of those two great princes, and yet willing to expect the euent▪ decreed forthwith to send three embassadours; whereof two should be sent to the emperour and the French king to discouer their designes, and the third, which was Aloysius Badoerius, a wise and well spoken man, was with all speed dispatched away to Solyman, to preuent the fame of the di∣strust to be conceiued of the agreement of those great Christian princes, and if he could by any meanes, to spare for no cost, to saue vnto the Venetians their cities of NAVPLIVM and EPI∣DAVRVS, which Solyman required of them before he would graunt them peace. Which if it could not be obtained of the proud and craftie tyrant, than to yeeld vnto necessitie, and to con∣clude a peace with him vpon any conditions: which course the Decemviri thought to be most expedient for the State: yet concerning the yeelding vp of the cities, they gaue him secret instru∣ctions [ I] and warrant, fearing forsooth the force and tumult of the headstrong multitude, who if they had knowne any such thing, would vndoubtedly thereupon haue taken occasion to haue crossed and ouerthrowne that most wholesome decree: for there was no doubt, that if they had delayed the matter, and sought for peace too late, but that Solyman would vpon another mans weakenesse and necessitie haue encreased his insatiable desire, and not graunted them peace, be∣ing brought low & forsaken, except they would deliuer vnto him the islands of CEPHALENIA, ZACINTHVS, and CORCYRA, a matter no lesse grieuous than the destruction of the very citie of VENICE it selfe. So that the great embassadours Vastius and Hanebald, who came of purpose to haue hindered the league with the Turke; by their great diligence wrought nothing more ef∣fectually, than that the Venetians the better foreseeing the danger of their estate, should as they [ K] did, make hast to conclude the same: for it falleth out in mens purposes and actions, That a good and happie successe otherwise well hoped for, is oftentimes marred with too much diligence and ca••e. Neither was it any doubt, but that Hanebald was sent by the French king but for fashion sake, and secretly vnderhand by Pelliterius the old embassadour persuaded the Venetians to ha∣sten the conclusion of peace with Solyman. Which as Badoerius their embassadour was carefully solliciting the matter at CONSTANTINOPLE, and being loth to yeeld the strong cities which Solyman required, offering vnto him in stead of them a great summe of money: Solyman tooke him vp with threatening words as a shamelesse dissembler,* 8.350 earnestly protesting▪ That he would neuer graunt him peace, without the yeelding of those cities; rehearsing vnto him the most secre∣test points of his embassage, and how that he was authorised from the Decemviri to yeeld them [ L] vnto him: which thing the embassadour little thought Solyman had knowne. Wherefore Badoe∣rius so shamefully reprooued,* 8.351 and standing in doubt of his life, seeing the greatest secrets of his embassage reuealed to Solyman and his Bassaes,* 8.352 was glad to accept of peace, by yeelding vnto him NAVPLIVM and EPIDAVRVS, two cities in PELOPONESVS, and with them NADI∣NVM and LABRANA, two castles of DALMATIA, to the great greefe of the whole Senate: for g••aunting whereof the common people ignorant of the secret decree of the Decemvi••i, and sup∣posing that Badoerius had giuen away that which he had no authoritie to giue, were so enraged against him at his returne, that it was much adoe to saue the guiltlesse man from exile, and his goods from confiscation, although the traitors were then knowne which had discouered the se∣crets of the state vnto the Turkes.* 8.353 These were Mapheus Leonius a Senatour, and Constantinus Co∣batius, [ M] secretarie to the colledge of the Decemviri, and Franciscus Valerius, one of the Senators base sonnes; the traiterous disperser of the Turks money for the corruption of others: who with other his complices were for the same fact hanged in the market place, when as Leonius and Co∣batius were a little before fled into FRAVNCE.

[ A] About the same time which was in the yeare of our Lord 1540, died Ioannes Sepusius king of HVNGARIE, Solymans tributarie; after whose death ensued great warres in HVNGARIE, and the lamentable subuersion of that flourishing kingdome: for the better conceiuing whereof, it shall not be amisse with as much breuitie as the plainnesse of the historie will permit, to open the causes and grounds of the endlesse calamities which afterwards ensued, and neuer tooke end, vntill that warlike kingdome was to the great weakning of Christendome vtterly subuerted.

King Ferdinand and this tributarie king Iohn, had with like desire of peace and quietnesse, made betweene them a league; profitable to them both as their estates then stood, rather than honourable: yet most welcome to the Hungarians, who deuided into factions, and hauing fol∣lowed some the one king and some the other, enjoyed neuerthelesse their lands and goods by [ B] the benefit of this peace; the townes and castles being still kept by them in whose possession they then were at the making of the peace. In the capitulations of which peace, it was comprised, That Ferdinand should from thenceforth call Iohn by the name of a king, whereas before he had both in his common talke and letters called him by the name of the Vayuod onely: It was also expressely set downe in the same articles of peace, and subscribed with the hands of diuers of the nobilitie of HVNGARIE, That if king Iohn should die, king Ferdinand should succeed him in the whole kingdome of HVNGARIE: Which condition was suppressed and kept verie secret for feare of Solyman, who accounted of that kingdome as of his owne, gotten by law of armes, and bestowed vpon king Iohn as vpon his vassaile: neither was it to haue been thought, that if he should haue knowne thereof (being of a hautie mind by nature, and not able to endure any inju∣rie) [ C] he would haue suffered that kingdome, got and defended with so great danger and cost, to be by the will of an vnthankfull man, transferred vnto his enemies.

This matter of so great importance,* 8.354 was (as it is reported) by Hieronymus Lascus embassa∣dour for king Ferdinand to CONSTANTINOPLE, reuealed vnto Solyman and the Bassaes, to bring king Iohn into hatred. So much did this noble gentleman, for his rare vertues otherwise greatly to haue been commended, yeeld vnto his griefe, and desire of reuenge: when after the death of Aloysius Grittus, he fell from the friendship of king Iohn, being (as is before declared) by him committed to prison, and hardly afterwards enlarged, at the request of king Sigismund. Whereupon Solyman being exceedingly angrie with king Iohn, called him vnthankfull churle, and turning himselfe about to Lutzis bassa his brother in law, said, How vnworthely doe these [ D] two Christian kings weare their crownes vpon their faithlesse heads; who as shamefull deceiuers are not afraid, either for worldly shame or feare of God, for their profit to falsifie their faith! But king Iohn vnderstanding thereof, and wonderfully fearing his owne estate, did by good friends and rich presents, pacifie Solyman againe, laying all the blame vpon king Ferdinand, as better able to beare it.* 8.355 Not long after, king Iohn hauing set his kingdome in good order, and strongly fortified the citie of BVDA: being now farre stricken in yeares, at the earnest request of most of the nobilitie of HVNGARIE and other his best friends, married Isabella the daughter of Sigis∣mund king of POLONIA, a gratious ladie, and of great spirit: which king Sigismund had long before married Barbara king Iohn his sister, after whose death he married the ladie Bona Sfortia, the daughter of Ioannes Galeacius duke of MILLAIN, by whom he had this ladie Isabella whom [ E] king Iohn now married. Which marriage Solyman liked well of, hauing many times by way of talke before condemned the single life of the king: but king Ferdinand liked thereof nothing at all, plainly foreseeing, that the Hungarians (if the king should chance to haue a sonne) would forthwith looke vpon him as their naturall king, and reject himselfe as but a stranger.

This young queene in short time (as he had feared) conceiued with child,* 8.356 and was now verie big: when king Iohn was enforced to make an expedition in person himselfe against Maylat (fa∣mous for the death of Aloysius Grittus) and Bala••, both Gouernours of TRANSILVANIA: whereof Maylat not contented with the name of Vayuod or Gouernour, sought to make him∣selfe king. But Solyman detesting the impudent arrogancie of the faithlesse man, and hating him for the death of Grittus, and the Turks slaine with him, aduertised king Iohn of all the matter, wi∣shing [ F] him to be more circumspect whom he trusted with the gouernment of so great and rich a countrey. So Maylat shamefully rejected of Solyman, and out of hope of a kingdome, fearing also to be thrust quite out of his gouernment by king Iohn, thought it best for his owne safetie, to raise vp all the prouince into rebellion, and to take part with king Ferdinand: which thing Ferdinand by his diuers agents secretly furthered to the vttermost. For these two kings, al∣though

they were at peace the one with the other, and in words and shew made semblance of [ G] friendship; yet in heart they enuied and hated each other, as if they should presently haue waged warre. At that same time king Iohn exacted of his subjects, and especially of them of TRAN∣SILVANIA, a great summe of money, to pay the Turke his tribute, then two yeares behind: which thing serued Maylat and his complices, as a fit occasion to raise the people into rebellion; persuading them, that there was no reason to pay vnto the Turke such a tribute, as would serue well to wage ten yeares honourable warre against him: so that by that and such like persuasion, all the prouince was in an vprore, little differing from manifest rebellion. To appease these dan∣gerous troubles thus arising, king Iohn sent certaine of his chiefe nobilitie and best captaines with a great power into TRANSILVANIA, following after himselfe in his chariot, not yet well reco∣uered of his late sicknesse: These noble men entring in two places into TRANSILVANIA, and [ H] scouring vp and downe the countrey, had in short time so vsed the matter, that what by force what by policie, the tumult was well pacified, and diuers of the chiefe offenders worthely exe∣cuted. Maylat the ambitious author of this sedition, not able to hold the field against the king, and seeing himselfe beset on euerie side with his enemies, retired himselfe with all his wealth into a towne called FOGARAS, a place of great strength, which the kings power shortly after hardly besieged: the king himselfe then lying at SIBYNIVM, the chiefe citie of TRANSILVANIA, about a mile distant from FOGARAS, sicke of an ague, whereinto he was againe fallen through too much care and paines taken in trauelling in that hoat time of the yeare, the daies being then at the longest.* 8.357 Whilest he thus lay sicke at SIBYNIVM, and his armie fast by at the sige of FO∣GARAS, newes was brought vnto him from the court, That the queene his wife was deliuered of [ I] a faire young sonne: which was no sooner bruted abroad, but the Hungarians as men ouerjoyed, came flocking to the court where the king lay, discharging their pieces in triumph, with all other signes of joy and mirth they could possible deuise: the noble men came from the campe to re∣joice with the king, and all the armie was filled with gladnesse. And for the greater solemnitie of this so common a joy, a royall feast was prepared, which the noble men would needs haue the king to honour with his presence, though he were thereto vnwilling, being as yet but a little re∣couered: Howbeit yeelding to their importunitie, hee suffered himselfe to be ouerruled and brought to the feast by them, which was vnto him the merriest and the last that euer he made: for willing to shew his inward joy, and to content his nobilitie there present, he forgot himselfe, and eat and dranke more liberally than was for the health of his weake bodie: whereby the fea∣uer [ K] which had but a little before left him, was againe renewed, in such sort, as that he well percei∣ued he could not long endure. Wherefore feeling his end to draw fast on, he made his will, ap∣pointing his young sonne to be his heire,* 8.358 whom he committed to the tuition of George bishop of VERADIVM, and Peter Vicche a noble gentleman and his neere kinsman, vntill he came to age; requesting the rest of the noble men to preferre his sonne in the succession of the kingdome, before a stranger, telling them, That Solyman would vndoubtedly take vpon him the protection both of the kingdome and of his sonne, if they would in time send embassadours vnto him with presents, and promise for his sonne, that he should raigne as his tributarie as he had done before: and so presently after died.

This king was of a courteous and gentle nature, bountifull, and in all his doings just, of no [ L] fierce and rough disposition, as the Hungarians commonly are, but of a most ciuile behauiour, garnished with good letters, and thorowly schooled in the diuers chances of both fortunes, not measuring his actions by the strength of his power, but by the exact rule of discretion; for in time of businesse no man was more circumspect or vigilant than he, nor in time of recreation any man more courteous or pleasant.* 8.359 He vsed oftentimes to say▪ That the fauour and loue of valiant men gotten by bountie and courtesie, was the best treasures of a prince; for that courteous and thankfull men, did oftentimes in some one worthie piece of seruice, plentifully repay whatsoeuer had been bestowed vpon them: as for such as were vnthankfull, they did to their shame beare the testimonie of another mans vertue.

The kings death was kept secret vntill such time as the noble men had agreed with Maylat, [ M] that he should take an oath of his faithfull alleagance to the king▪ and his sonne his lawfull heire, and so still to enjoy his former place and gouernment: which offer Maylat gladly accepted. Then calling togither the counsell, it was decreed to send the same embassage to Solyman, which was appointed the old king yet liuing. So were presently dispatched away two most honoura∣ble

[ A] embassadours,* 8.360 Ioannes Exechius bishop of QVINQVE ECLESIE, and Stephanus Verbe∣tius the Chancelor, a man of great yeares, carrying with them ten boles of pure gold curiously wrought, six hundred of siluer, gilt and engrauen; fortie pieces of purple silke and cloth of gold for Turkes gownes, and fiftie pound of coined gold, to be paid in the name of two yeares tri∣bute. Which embassadours passing directly from SIBYNIVM ouer Danubius into SERVIA, and so trauelling thorow THRACIA, came to CONSTANTINOPLE. In the meane time, the dead body of the king was with much heauinesse carried from SIBYNIVM to ALBA REGALIS, most part of the armie following it, and there with great solemnitie buried. After this the young child was christened and called Stephen, and there presently crowned with the antient crowne of king Stephen,* 8.361 who first erected that kingdome, & without which the Hungarians neuer accoun∣ted [ B] their kings lawfully crowned. Yet the royall dignitie was by the common consent of the no∣bilitie giuen vnto the queene, with condition, that in all publike writings the names of the sonne and of the mother should be joyned, and the kings money coined with the same inscription: but the chiefest authoritie rested in George the bishop, for he was treasurer, and had at his com∣maund the castles and strong holds: yet were the souldiors with their ensignes and furniture, at the deuotion of Valentinus Thuracus: In the middle between these two was placed Peter Vicche the kings kinsman, and by the old king appointed for one of the tutors to his young sonne, sus∣pected of neither part, honoured with the name of high Constable. But because the name of this George the bishop was most famous in this wofull warre which we are about to write, I thought it worth the labour to speake something of his nature and disposition, that it may be knowne to [ C] all posteritie by what pollicie this war was managed, and how this flourishing kingdome by the madnesse of the Hungarians came into the hands of the Turkes.

This George was borne in CROATIA, and brought vp from his youth in the house of king Iohn, where vertue and industrie neuer wanted reliefe; when as he vnaduisedly before, had en∣tred into the orders of a monasticall life, and wearie too late of the straightnesse thereof, had for∣saken his profession.* 8.362 Wherefore being of a wonderfull pleasing nature, and still following king Iohn, driuen out of his kingdome and long liuing in exile, he woon such credit and commenda∣tion for his fidelitie, integritie, and readie counsell in the kings most doubtfull and dangerous af∣faires, that after Sibacchus that worthie bishop, was by the treacherie of Aloysius Grittus slaine at BAXOVIA, he obtained the great bishopricke of VERADIVM. After that, when he had streng∣thened [ D] his credit with great wealth, he alwaies as a faithfull counsellor swaied and happily ruled both the court and kingdome, to the profit of the king. But he was of such a diuers and pliant nature, that performing in all actions all the parts of a most readie and excellent man, he seemed to be made of contrarie qualities, and borne to doe any thing: For in saying of his princely ser∣uice, and performing the other ceremonies of the Christian religion, he shewed, or at leastwise counterfeited such a contrition in his deuout countenance and speech, that a man would not haue thought it could possibly be the same man, who in the most waightie affaires both of warre and peace, did most stoutly shew the wonderfull force of a most pregnant and couragious wit: For he vsed to keepe whole companies of most excellent and ready horsemen, and would oftentimes come forth into the battell armed: he would with often banquets and rewards win the hearts of [ E] the souldiors; and after the manner of great chieftaines, maintaine the honour and credit of his name, both with punishment and reward, as occasion required. Besides that, no man looked in∣to the wealth of the kingdome more diligently than he, no man did to more profit let to farme the customes, gold mines, feedings, and saltpits; no man could deuise finer meanes to raise mo∣ney, of all others the readiest way to credit: insomuch, that king Iohn would confesse himselfe to raign by the especially industrie of that man: and king Ferdinand would many times say, That he enuied at K. Iohn for nothing he had, but for one hooded fellow which was better for the defence of a kingdome, than 10000 with helmets on their heads. Wherfore this bishop hauing taken vp∣on him the tuition of the young king, was still busied in all the waightie causes of the kingdome, both ciuile & martiall: he laboured with great care, that the Hungarians should agree togither in [ F] loue and vnitie, and did what he might, prouidently to foresee that no tumult or rebellion should any where arise, wherby the beginning of the kingdome, yet but weake, might any way be trou∣bled. But king Ferdinand hearing of the death of king Iohn, thought it now a fit time for him to recouer againe the kingdome of HVNGARIE, which he had so long desired. Whereunto he was also the more prickt forward by the persuasion of Alexius Torso, Ferentius Gnarus, Petrus

Bachit,* 8.363 Balthazar Pamphilus, Erancus Capoln••tes, Ianus Castellamphus, and Casparus Seredus; all [ G] noblemen or gentlemen of great account in HVNGARIE, who in the former troubles follow∣ing the part of king Perdinand against king Iohn, liued now in exile: these all with one consent told king Ferdinand, That now or neuer was the time when they might be againe restored vn∣to their countrey with honor; and that the warre might that Autumn be dispatched, if he would make hast: for as much as Winter comming fast on would stay the comming of the Turks, and such noble men of HVNGARIE as tooke part with the queene, did not verie well agree togither, being vnwilling to be commaunded by George the Apostata monke, who (as they said) with great cunning and dissimulation seducing the queene, and possessing the treasure, enjoyed all alone the power of a king: and that they, which for taking part with the right had long liued as banished men, might now safely returne into their countrey, and be honourably preferred by [ H] the queene; the Bishop (which all commaunded) assuring them thereof, if they would returne vnto the young kings court▪ vnto their friends and auntient houses. But they had as they said, be∣fore giuen their faith vnto him as to a vertuous and faithfull prince, whom they had preferred before one that was an Hungarian borne: wherefore he should doe both vnaduisedly and vn∣kindly, if letting slip the occasion presented▪ he should deferre to make warre. For what could be more dishonour to him so great a king, and also emperour elect, than by shamefull delay to for∣sake them, being noble and valiant gentlemen, which had followed his part, and were then rea∣die with strong troupes of horsemen to doe him the best seruice they could?

The German captaines in like manner persuaded him to take the matter in hand, who as martiall men, expecting some one preferment, some another, in the armie, were desirous of ho∣nour, [ I] pay, and prey, the chiefe comforts of their trauell and perill.

* 8.364But Laschus the Polonian, who in matters concerning peace and warre saw more than all they (as he that knew the disposition of many princes, and had seene the manners and fashions of diuers nations, hauing trauelled thorow a great part of the world, and oftentimes beene embassa∣dour in the courts of the greatest princes) was of a contrarie opinion, and told king Ferdinand plainly, That the kingdome of HVNGARIE was to be obtained rather by pollicie than by force, by crauing it at Solymans hand, to hold it of him by tribute as king Iohn did.

For (said he) that may by petition and faire entreatance be easily obtained of that heroicall prince (who in his vaine humor oftentimes fondly seeketh after honour) which will neuer be got from him [ K] by force of armes. I thorowly know (said he) Solymans hautie mind, and the proud disposition of his Bassaes: he contemneth wealth, and is cloied with so many kingdomes: but they vpon their insatiable couetousnesse and exceeding pride, desire nothing, nor persuade him to nothing more than warre. Wherefore it is good to beware, that with the noise of this sudden warre you stir not vp the Turkes, which lie readie as it were expecting such an occasion, which cannot be withstood, but by the vnited forces of the Christian princes; which might by their generall consent be done, but that their eyes blinded with fatall darknesse cannot see it, and the vnitie of the Christians now desperate, seemeth by God reserued to some better time: seeing that of late the Christian kings are fallen off, and cannot agree vpon the long expected peace. Is not (said he) the French king deceiued of his hope? and as he would haue it thought, greatly dishonored with this late vnkindnesse? which renewing his old wound, [ L] will reuiue in him an endlesse hatred. Away with all dissimulations, enemie vnto graue counsels, and let plaine truth, although vnpleasant vnto princes eares, preuent flatterie▪ Vndoubtedly, he be∣ing a prince of no base courage (as it oftentimes falleth out with men thorowly grieued) will in his an∣ger as an enemie powre forth his gold, whereof he hath good store, to crosse the emperours dessignes, to trouble the assemblies of the states of GERMANIE, to withdraw the minds of the princes, and with bountie to gaine them to himselfe: who mightily enuying the imperiall dignitie, woont to be indiffe∣rently giuen to them that best deserued the same, to be as it were inuested in the house of AVSTRIA; which in this perpetuall succession of so many emperours, hath as it were got a right by long custome. Wherefore they will secretly conspire togither, and as notable lingerers by nature, will either giue no helpe at all, or else too late: at such time as the Turkes garrisons shall come flying to the succour of the [ M] young king. Neither is there any cause why any man should thinke that the gouernours of the Turks countries neere at hand, will for the approach of Winter be slacke in this cause: for they vndoubtedly making an honest and honourable shew will take vpon them the defence of the fatherlesse child and widdow; of purpose, to make an entrance to the secret desire they haue to gaine the kingdome to them∣selues:

[ A] for if you shall once ioyne with them in battell, if the best happen, and fortune fauour our first attempts, truly you shall haue war without end, with such an enemie, which will bring with him wealth that will neuer be spent, power not to be ouercome, and courageous souldiors sworne to our destruction: So will it come to passe, and I pray God I be a false prophet, that in seeking for the kingdome of HVN∣GARIE by warre, you shall at length be glad to fight for AVSTRIA it selfe and your owne king∣dome also.

This speech so moued king Ferdinand, that although he purposed to goe on with the warre, yet he thought it good by an honourable embassage to proue Solymans mind and purpose also;* 8.365 which to doe no man was thought fitter than Laschus himselfe, author of that counsell, being [ B] vnto him very well knowne, and familiarly acquainted with all the great Bassaes of the court: which seruice Lascus refused not, but being furnished with all things needfull for such an embas∣sage, departed from VIENNA towards CONSTANTINOPLE.

Yet for all that, king Ferdinand persisting in his former purpose, made withall preparation for warres, trusting vpon the aid of the emperour his brother, and the comming ouer of the Hun∣garians, who euer thought it cause honest ynough for them to reuolt, if it so stood with their present profit.* 8.366 But before he would enter into open warres; he sent Nicholas countie of SALMA to the queene, to shew her the instruments of the last league betwixt the king her late husband and him, & to exhort her to yeeld vp the kingdome, which by the late league was another mans right; and not by delaying of the matter, to hurt both herselfe and her sonne: for king Ferdinand [ C] offered to giue vnto the child the prouince of SEPVSIA, as was before agreed betwixt the two kings expressely in the league, and to the queene a great reuenew, and whatsoeuer else she had in dowrie. But if she would forget that lawfull league, he threatened, that neither the emperour Charles his brother nor he wanted force wherewith to recouer by strong hand the kingdome, annexed to the house of AVSTRIA both by auntient right and the new consent of most of the Hungarian nobilitie. The countie SALMA being receiued at BVDA, hardly obtained to be ad∣mitted to the presence of the queene: for George the Bishop, and Vicche, mistrusting her woman∣like courage, said, she was not to be spoken withall, by reason she was so full of heauinesse and sorrow; and that they were of authoritie, as the kings tutors, and readie to giue him both audi∣ence and answere. Which opinion of her weakenesse, and want of judgement, the queene being [ D] a woman of an heroicall and royall spirit, tooke, as tending so much to her disgrace, that she said she would kill her selfe, if the embassadors were not permitted to come into her chamber (which was a darke roome hanged with blacke, as the manner is:) and she sitting vpon a low pallet negli∣gently attired, as one that had no care of her selfe, wan and pale coloured, but as then shedding no teares, yet with voice and countenance so heauie, as might shew her teares to be rather dried vp with long mourning, than that her sorrow was any thing abated: for the desire of bearing rule had now so possessed her mind, that she contemned all the dangers of imminent warre, and for defence of her soueraignetie resolued with her selfe to call in the Turks. After the countie admit∣ted to her presence, had with due reuerence and great protestation deliuered his message, she de∣murely answered,* 8.367 That such was the fortune of her sex and yeares, that being bereft of the king [ E] her husband, and perplexed with the dayly greefes both of bodie and mind, she could neither take nor giue counsell, but purposed in so weightie a cause to vse the aduice of Sigismund her fa∣ther, whose integritie and justice was such, as king Ferdinand needed no other judge or arbitrator to end that controuersie: Wherefore she requested a conuenient time and space, wherein she might aske counsell of her father; to whose just judgement she said she would stand, as she thought the nobilitie of HVNGARIE would also. Which small time of delay if it should be de∣nied, and that they would needs forthwith make warre vpon her; she said, that the emperor and king Ferdinand his brother should surely win no great honour, if they should come to oppugne her a widdow consumed with teares, and a young child yet crying in his cradle. The countie so sent away, when he was returned to king Ferdinand, told him, That the queene was altogether [ F] in the power of the Bishop, and could neither say nor doe any thing, but what she had before re∣ceiued from him: for he only (as he said) commaunded all: as for the rest of the nobilitie, they shared amongst them the honours and preferments of the realme, and as men desirous of credit and gaine, had rather be the gouernours of the young prince, than the seruants and waiters of a great and mightie forraine king: all which he said he had both heard and seene. Wherefore all

the hope was in warre, wherein such speed was to be vsed, as that the queene with her sonne vn∣prouided, [ G] and expecting the euent of their embassage from CONSTANTINOPLE, might be dri∣uen out of BVDA before they could take vp armes or well aduise themselues what to doe; and that the queene sought delay but to make her selfe the stronger, and in the meane time to call in the Turke, and so to make a more dangerous warre. Wherefore if euer he purposed to reigne in HVNGARIE, he should forthwith cast off all other cogitations, and make readie his forces with all speed possible.

* 8.368Hereupon king Ferdinand furnished with money from Charles the emperour, without delay raised a great armie, which he sent downe the riuer Danubius to STRIGONIVM, which citie had all the reigne of king Iohn continued faithfull to king Ferdinand. The Generall of this armie was Leonardus Velsius, a nobleman of RHETIA: who for many causes thought it expedient first [ H] to open the way to BVDA, for almost in the middle of the way stood VICEGRADE, with a goodly castle vpon the top of an hill by the riuer side; which towne (but not the castle) Velsius after nine dayes siege tooke,* 8.369 with the losse of about two hundred of his men, all the garrison souldiors therein being either slaine or taken prisoners, with Valentinus Litteratus their captaine. From VICEGRADE he passed ouer the riuer Danubius to PESTH,* 8.370 which he tooke, being for∣saken of the enemie. With like successe he tooke the citie of VACIA, without losse: and remoo∣uing thence,* 8.371 and crossing againe the riuer with his fleet, came and encamped before BVDA, so to terrifie the citisens, and to discouer as farre as he could the purpose of the queene. Where Pere∣nus, Stephanus Rascaius, and Franciscus Francopanes bishop of AGRIA, all men of great nobilitie amongst the Hungarians, reuolted from the queene to king Ferdinand: the Bishop was reputed [ I] for a man of great integritie, and vpon meere conscience to haue gone ouer to Ferdinand; yet was he by letters from George the kings tutor challenged to haue reuolted, in hope by meanes of Charles the emperour to be made a Cardinall. Velsius lay with his armie at the hot bathes about a mile and a halfe from the citie, as if he would rather besiege it, than assault it. The Germanes ly∣ing there, did fetch in bootie round about the country, which was taken in euill part by the Hun∣garians on their side; who seeing their owne cattell or their friends driuen away, the villages burnt, and the poore husbandmen bound and taken prisoners, fell together by the eates often∣times with the Germanes. On the other side they of BVDA sending out their troupes of horse∣men, skirmished with the Germanes, if they did but stirre out of the campe, and well defended the villages from the injurie of the enemie: for Valentinus Thuraccus, Generall of the queenes [ K] power, had taken into the citie a wonderfull number of light horsemen. Whilest the armie lay thus encamped, it fortuned that Balthasar Pamphilus, a noble Hungarian, straying out of the campe euen to the gates of BVDA, desired the warders at the gate to giue him leaue to talke with Valentinus their Generall, for that he desired to see his old friend, and to conferre with him of cer∣taine matters concerning the good of the common state. Which thing being graunted by the Generall, he was immediatly receiued into the citie with his troupe of horsemen. Shortly after returning againe into the campe, he reported how he had beene entertained by his old acquain∣tance in the citie: where viewing the garrison, the great artillerie and fortification of the citie, he perceiued it was not to be taken without a greater power, and in a more seasonable time of the yeare. Which thing so moued Velsius, by nature suspitious, and doubtfull of the fidelitie of a [ L] stranger, that he commaunded him in anger to void the campe, because he had without his leaue gone into the citie,* 8.372 and vpon his owne priuat insolencie had conference with the enemie, and by amplifying their strength, to haue discouraged the armie, by putting them out of hope of vi∣ctorie. Wherefore Velsius neuer attempting to assault the citie, returned againe to VICEGRADE to besiege the higher castle (wherein the auntient crowne of king Stephen, wherewith the Hun∣garian kings were euer after him crowned, was kept) which castle he also tooke with something lesse losse than he had done the lower towne. Not long after he marched with his armie to AL∣BA REGALIS,* 8.373 the citie where the Hungarian kings were vsually crowned and buried, which by the meanes of Perenus was deliuered vnto him, and a garrison put into it for king Ferdinand. These things thus done, Velsius retired againe to STRIGONIVM, which he did the rather, be∣cause [ M] the Germanes and Hungarians, two rough nations, could by no meanes agree together, in∣somuch, as that Velsius the Generall in parting them was wounded in the thigh, and Perenus hurt with a stone; besides that Winter was now come farre on, and the souldiors cried out for pay. For which causes Velsius (being also sicke of the stone) billitted his souldiours for that Winter

[ A] about in the countrey. Yet before that he new fortified PESTH, and left therein a garrison, be∣cause it was reported, that the Turkes vpon their frontiers were making preparation to come to aid them of BVDA.

At such time as king Ferdinand was leuying his forces for the inuasion of HVNGARIE▪ the queene by the counsell of the Bishop, had in good time craued aid of the Turkes lieutenants in the countries bordering vpon HVNGARIE, especially of Vstref, gouernour of BOSNA (a very aged man, and of great honour, who had married one of the daughters of Baiazet the old em∣perour) as also of Mahomethes gouernour of BELGRADE, and Amurathes who had the charge of the frontiers of DALMATIA: from whom she receiued one answere, That they might in no case without expresse commaundement from Solyman depart from the places of their charge. Be∣sides [ B] that,* 8.374 Mahometes was by rewards ouercome by Laschus, as he passed by BELGRADE to CONSTANTINOPLE, not to stirre or aid the queene. Wherefore she rejected by these great captaines, certified Solyman by her embassadours what danger her selfe, her sonne, and the king∣dome was in, crauing his speedie aid. Laschus was not yet come to CONSTANTINOPLE, being fallen sicke by the way, but had sent before Ptolomeus his physition to the great Bassaes, and espe∣cially to Lutzis his old acquaintance, vpon whom he had bestowed great gifts, and was in hope by him to haue obtained what he desired: but all in vaine, for Solyman who thought it much for his honour to defend his owne right, and that he had before giuen vnto king Iohn; thought also, that it would redound both to his great profit and glorie, if he should as it were vpon cha∣ritie take vpon him the protection of the widdow and fatherlesse child, in their so great distresse [ C] and danger. Wherefore calling vnto him the embassadours, the three great Bassaes standing by, he said, That he had of his meere bountie before giuen the kingdome of HVNGARIE vnto king Iohn,* 8.375 to descend to his posteritie, so long as they should retaine the kind remembrance of so great a benefit; wherefore to declare his constancie, inseparable from his bountie, he said he would take such a course in the matter, as that the Germans his enemies should not long rejoice of the warres they had begun. And in token of friendship, and that he had taken vpon him the protection of the young king, he caused to be deliuered vnto the embassadours a royall robe of purple and gold, a buckler with the bosse most curiously wrought, a horsemans mase with a handle of gold, and a scimitar with the scabberd richly set with stones: and afterwards writ effe∣ctually to Vstref and Mahometes, his lieutenants, that they should without delay aid the queene, [ D] and not to make excuse, because it was Winter, threatening them, that if she tooke any harme through their default or negligence, it should cost them their heads. The queenes embassadours glad of their good dispatch, were scarce departed from the Turks court, when Laschus came to CONSTANTINOPLE; and vnderstanding by his physition the successe of the Hungarian embas∣sadours, proceeded for all that in his businesse, and deliuered his message, and vpon many reaso∣nable conditions requested the kingdome for king Ferdinand. But when he in speaking had of∣tentimes made mention of Charles the emperour,* 8.376 as if he would with all the power of GERMA∣NIE aid his brother; Solyman was so mooued therewith, that he was presently taken away and committed to prison: the great Bassaes, but especially Rustan, Solymans sonne in law, a proud and furious young man, chiding him and shaking him vp as worthie of death, for offending with his [ E] liberall speech the majestie of so courteous a prince, and as it were mocking the king of kings, requiring friendship, when in the meane time his master most impudently made warres in HVNGARIE.

Vstref and Mahometes, the Bassaes aforesaid, hauing receiued such straight commaundement from Solyman, assembled their dispersed souldiors, and by shipping brought them downe the ri∣uers Sauus and Dranus into Danubius, (for it is a hard matter to performe any great thing by warres in HVNGARIE, without the helpe of a great fleet, for conueying of the great ordinance, victuall, and other such necessaries of the armie, from one side of the great riuers to the other, as occasion requireth) but as then being the middest of Winter, and the North wind blowing hard, Danubius was so frozen on both sides, that the middle of the riuer was scarce open: so that [ F] the Turkes not able to passe for the extremitie of the weather, nor daring to returne for the straight command of Solyman, were enforced in their tents there to abide the hardnesse of Win∣ter, to shew their readinesse. It is almost incredible to be spoken, with what patience and resolu∣tion the souldiors endured all the extremities of the time, in so bare a place, their horses which of all other things they hold most deare, staruing for cold and want of meat.

The Spring at length comming on, right welcome both to the Turkes and the queene; Ma∣hometes [ G] with his Turks and wild Illyrians,* 8.377 and Vstref with his souldiors of BOSNA, entred in∣to HVNGARIE, with whom Valentinus Generall of the queens forces joyned also, with a strong power of Hungarians brought from BVDA.* 8.378 And the queene to further the matter, sent presents to the Turks Generals, victualed the campe, and furnished them with great ordinance, for the be∣sieging of such cities as were holden by king Ferdinand her enemie. They passing ouer Danu∣bius tooke the citie of VACIA, being but badly defended for king Ferdinand, and putting many to the sword (after the manner of their barbarous crueltie) burnt the citie. From thence they re∣moued to PESTH,* 8.379 which was so valiantly defended by Barcocius and Fotiscus, the one a Hun∣garian captaine, the other a German, that the Turkes despairing of the winning of the citie, and not well relieued with victuall by the queene, then fearing future want, passed againe ouer Da∣nubius, [ H] and faithfully restoring the great ordinance without any more doing, returned againe into their owne countries: but in their retiring, the Hungarians by the leading of Ferentius Gnarus slew many of them, amongst whom was one Achomates, one of their best and valian∣test captaines.

King Ferdinand aduertised of the Turks departure, returned again to his old hope of recouering the kingdome: persuading the emperor his brother, not to giue ouer the war so fortunatly begun, especially now that the Turkes hauing forsaken the queene, were departed and gone. Where∣fore the new forces lately before raised in AVSTRIA, BOHEMIA, SILESIA, and MORAVIA, for the supply of Velsius his armie,* 8.380 were presently sent into HVNGARIE vnder the leading of the Lo. William Rogendorff steward of the kings house, who was then gone as farre as POSSONI∣VM [ I] to haue relieued them of PESTH, vnto whom as a more auntient and honourable Generall Velsius gaue place. He, furnished with these new supplies, three moneths victuall, and great ar∣tillerie from VIENNA, joyning with the old armie, marched directly to BVDA, and laid siege vnto it.* 8.381 Ouer against the stately castle of BVDA wherein the queene lay, was a great hill called S. Gerrards mount, so high, that the middle thereof was equall with the highest place of the ca∣stle, and from the top thereof they might looke into the streets of the citie, betwixt which hill and the castle was a great valley and a deepe ditch: vpon this hill, Rogendorff to beat the castle and to terrifie the queene, planted his batterie, and so shooke a new built tower thereof, that it was thought it would haue suddenly fallen; which if it had, yet was it supposed a dangerous mat∣ter to assault it, because it was walled about with a treble wall. But the sumptuous turrets and [ K] princely galleries of the kings pallace in the castle, which euerie man saw Rogendorff might haue beaten downe with his great ordinance, he spared: but whether of himselfe, or else commaun∣ded by the king (as loath to destroy so goodly buildings, as could not without great charges be in long time againe repaired) was vncertaine.* 8.382 Wherfore by diuers heraulds sent vnto the queen, he wished her to breake in sunder those giues and fetters wherein the bishop vnder the colour of protection had fast bound her sonne and her, and to accept of king Ferdinands offer, who was readie to bestow vpon her a goodly seignorie, wherein she might most honourably liue at quiet, and bring vp her sonne in safetie: Which thing, if she as a simple woman, and ignorant of her owne danger, should refuse and obstinately contemne the perill wherein she stood, he would forthwith in most terrible manner beat downe the pallace about her eares. Whereunto the bi∣shop [ L] in the queenes behalfe answered, That she was not such a foole as to exchange the king∣dome of HVNGARIE for the principalitie of SEPVSIA:* 8.383 and that she thought Rogendorff a verie doting and mad old man, who being once before well beaten in those ditches, came now again like a foole to receiue his vtter destruction in full guerdon of his rash folly: Wherfore he should cease to terrifie valiant men, fighting with discretion for their naturall king and countrey against his drunken companie, for that they were nothing troubled with the noise of his great shot: But yet he said, that he would aboue all the rest by way of priuat courtesie, gently request Rogendorff to discharge his pieces with a little lesse noise, because he had a sow at home great with pigs, which terrified with the thundring of his guns, would farrow he doubted before her time, to the griefe of his guests. For the bishop was of a sharpe and taunting spirit, and such a contemner of [ M] the Germans, that when two of them were taken in the kings orchards burning certaine houses, he in derision caused two hogs to be hanged vpon the same gallowes with them. Not long af∣ter, Rogendorff remoued his campe from the mount of S. Gerrard to a more conuenient place for the battering of the citie, called the Iewes graues, neere vnto the gate called the Iewes gate.

[ A] Which thing the bishop seeing, after his quipping manner requested of Rogendorff to pardon him, in that he had of late wrongfully called him a doting old man; for that in remouing his campe into a more commodious place, he seemed to be a proper wise man and of good discreti∣on, now that he had pitched his tents in a most fit place amongst the dead, both for himselfe be∣ing an old man and almost worne with vaine labour, and for his armie there condemned to die with him. Rogendorff thus encamped, begun in two places to batter the wals: Perenus and the Hungarians with the Bohemians neere vnto the gate called SABATINA in one place, and hee himselfe with the Germans betwixt the Iewes gate and the castle in another: which was done with such violence, that a great part of the wall was beaten downe, & another part therof ouer∣charged with earth, which the defendants had cast vp on the inner side for the strengthning ther∣of, [ B] was at the same time born quite out and so fell downe,* 8.384 to the wonderfull dismaying of all that were in the citie. Which faire opportunitie to haue taken the citie Rogendorff let slip, either not well aware thereof by reason of the great smoke of the artillerie on both sides, and the dust ari∣sing with the fall of the wall which couered all; or else according to his naturall disposition, do∣ing all things leasurely and suspitiously; so that a little delay bereft him of the present apprehen∣sion of so sudden a resolution: and the Germans, vsed more to standing battels than to assault, were not to be so easily brought on to assault the breach vpon the sudden, as were the Spaniards, Italians, or French. The wall was opened in that place almost two hundred paces in length, yet standing almost the height of a man, which might easily haue been scaled with short ladders; but night was now comming fast on, wherein the Germans would not willingly attempt any dan∣gerous [ C] matter: so that the assault was deferred vntill the next morning. Whereas they of BV∣DA in the meane time taking the aduantage of the enemies delay, with incredible diligence and labour in that night raised vp a new rampier in steed of the wall that was fallen, euerie man with∣out exception putting his hand to the worke. In the morning the Germans comming to the breach, gaue such a fierce assault vnto the new made rampier, that Otho Fotiscus desperatly ente∣red into a shattered house which joyned vnto the wall; and certaine other companies, one soul∣diour helping vp another, had almost recouered the top of the rampier, and were there readie to haue set vp their ensignes.* 8.385 When they of BVDA with wonderfull constancie and resolution withstood the assailants, George the bishop encouraging them and fighting amongst them; who hauing laid aside his hood, was now to be seene with his helmet on his head, running too and [ D] fro as need required all alongst the rampier. At length the Germans seeing themselues to striue in vaine against resolute men, were enforced to retire. In this assault Rogendorff lost aboue 800. men. Perenus was also in like manner, but with lesse losse, repulsed at the other breach he had made at the gate SABATINA. After that Rogendorff attempted by vndermining to haue taken the citie, but was by countermines disappointed of his purpose. Yet for all this, they in the citie began to feele the want of many things, so that it seemed they were not able to endure any lon∣ger siege; the common people pinched with hunger crying openly out in mutinous sort, that it was time to yeeld and make an end of those common miseries: but such was the authoritie of the bishop with his prouident foresight of all vrgent euents, that once shewing himselfe in the market place as if he would haue preached, he could turne the peeuish minded people which [ E] way he pleased.

After all this, it missed but a little, but that this citie which could not by enemies force bee woon, had by shamefull treason beene lost: there was at that time in BVDA one Bornemissa a lawyer,* 8.386 who had in former time beene maior of the citie: this Bornemissa exceedingly ha∣ted the bishop for taking part with a banckerout Iew against him, and being full of malice, and desirous of reuenge, promised to Reualius (martiall in the enemies campe) to deliuer vn∣to him a blind posterne in S. Maries churchyard, whereby he might enter the citie: which ga••e serued the citisens in time of peace to go thorow to the riuer. Rogendorff the Generall made ac∣quainted with the matter, so liked thereof, that he in himselfe thought it not good, in a matter of so great importance, to vse at all the seruice of the Hungarians: Quite contrarie to that Borne∣missa [ F] had requested of Reualius, who desirous to haue the matter brought to passe without the slaughter of so many guiltlesse people as was by him to be betraied, would haue had it altogi∣ther performed by the Hungarians, who he was in good hope would shew mercie vnto their countrey men and kinsmen, and vse their victorie with more moderation than the Germans, who prouoked with many despights, and comming in by night, were like enough to make great

effusion of bloud. But Rogendorff after the manner of his nation, to be counted polliticke, vsing [ G] to keepe promise with no man, and hoping by excluding the Hungarians to haue all the glorie of the conceiued victorie wholy to himselfe; made as if he would haue vsed onely the Hunga∣ans, and glosed with Reualius, whose son for the more assurance he tooke as pledge; For against the appointed houre, which was about midnight, hauing before giuen straight charge that no man should stir in the campe, he sent foure select companies of Germans with great silence vnto the posterne; at which time his sonne Condi stood with a strong troupe of horsemen, readie to haue entred, at such time as the Germans (receiued into the citie) should breake open the great gate, as was before agreed. Neither did Bornemissa faile to performe what he had as a traitor pro∣mised: but opening the posterne wee spake of,* 8.387 had with great silence receiued in most part of those German companies. But when he still asked softly of them as they came in for Reualius, [ H] and heard them answere nothing but in the German language; although hee was otherwise a man of a bold spirit, yet then surprised with a sudden feare (as it oftentimes chanceth in such acti∣ons to men deceiued of their expectation) he stood as a man amazed that knew not what to doe, & forgot to conduct the Germans: who altogither vnacquainted with the citie, knew not which way first to go; and stealing on softly in the darke, went on with no great courage, for feare of treason, still asking of them that followed, for him that should direct them. The Germans could not go so closely, but that they were by the clattering of their armour and the light of their mat∣ches, descried by the watch; who asking for the word, and they not giuing it, presently raised an alarum: but now all too late, the citie being as good as halfe taken, had the Germans well con∣ducted resolutely gone on with the matter so well begun;* 8.388 but they ignorant of the way, and [ I] now descried and chased with their owne feare, ran backe againe to the posterne, in such hast, that one of them miserably wrong another, in striuing who should get out first; and their passage out much letted by the pikes and weapons which they which fled first had cast crosse the way to run the lighter into the campe. The first that set vpon the Germans was Bacianus, who had that night the charge of the watch; and after him Vicche, who kept the court of guard in the mar∣ket place, and hearing the alarum, came thither with a strong companie both of horsemen and footmen. Many of the most valiantest Germans, who comming in first, were in flight become last, were slaine or taken, and amongst them many of Bornemissa his familiars and friends (as for himselfe, he was got out amongst the formost) from whom the bishop by exquisite torture wrong out the whole plot of the treason, and afterwards caused them to be seuerally executed [ K] to the terrour of others. Reualius in the meane time complaining in the campe, That he was deceiued by the Generall: and Bornemissa wofully lamenting, That hauing worthely got the name of an infamous traitour, hee had thereby lost all his substance, and vndone his friends and kindred. The Generall Rogendorff (condemned euen of the common souldiors, for his foo∣lish arrogancie and pride) was hardly spoken of thorow all the campe, as he that by too much insolencie had ouerthrowne the fairest occasion of a most goodly victorie: wherefore from that time he attempted no great matter, but set himselfe downe by long siege to tame his enemies, and so to win the citie.

Solyman vnderstanding of the queenes distresse in HVNGARIE, and with what desire Ferdi∣nand (supported by the emperour his brother) thirsted after that kingdome; consulted with his [ L] Bassaes of the purposes and power of his enemies, both there and elsewhere: and politikely resol∣ued at one time, with his deuided forces, to withstand their attempts in diuers places, and those farre distant one from another, wherby the greatnesse of his power is well to be perceiued. First he sent Solyman Bassa an eunuch to BABYLON,* 8.389 to defend the countrey of MESOPOTAMIA, and the frontiers of his empire alongst the riuer Tygris, against Tamas the Persian king. Ma∣hometes another of his great Bassaes, he sent into HVNGARIE to relieue the besieged queene: And after him Vstref Bassa, which was the fourth of his chiefe Bassaes, with another army to stay at BELGRADE, in readinesse to aid the other Bassa sent before him as occasion should re∣quire, if he should find his enemies too strong. Vnto Barbarussa he committed his nauie, for the defence of GRECIA and EPYRVS against Auria, who but a little before aided by the gallies [ M] of SICILIA and NAPLES, had driuen the Turkes and Moores (which tooke part with the Turks) out of CLVPEA, NEAPOLIS, ADRVMENTVM, RVSPINA, TAPSVS, and all alongst that coast of AF••RICK which the Moores call MAHOMEDIA, except the citie of LEPTIS, and caused those cities to submit themselues to the gouernment of Muleasses king of TVNES.

[ A] These cities are at this day called CALIBIA, SVSA, MAHOMETA, MONASTERIVM, SFAXIA and AFRICA. And because Solyman vnderstood, that Maylat the Vayuod of TRANSILVANIA tooke part with king Ferdinand, he sent against him Achomates gouernour of NICOPOLIS, and commaunded Peter of MOLDAVIA, prince of VALACAIA, to aid him: who afterwards accor∣dingly came vnto him with thirtie thousand horsemen. He himselfe also doubting the purposes of the Christian princes, and especially of Charles the emperour, more than he had ••eed, came to HADRIANOPLE, and in the countries thereabouts raised a third armie, to aid the two Bas∣saes sent before into HVNGARIE; keeping with him his son in law Rustan, whom he had made one of the foure great Bassaes of his counsell, hauing thrust out Luftibeius, whom the Turkes call Lutzis, his brother in law, and exiled him into MACEDONIA for euill entreating and stri∣king [ B] his wife, which was Solymans sister, as is before said, but was at this time done.

Mahometes the Bassa desirous to doe his great Master the best seruice he could,* 8.390 entred into HVNGARIE with his armie about the middle of Iune in the yeare 1541, taking with him in his way the other Mahometes gouernour of BELGRADE, who gaue the shamefull ouerthrow vn∣to the Christians at EZEK; joyning also with him the power of BOSNA, now commaunded by Vl••mas the Persian, for that Vstref the old Bassa was lately dead. The captaines of the Christi∣an armie hearing of the comming of the Turks, entred into counsell, Whether they should con∣tinue the siege, or els goe and meet them by the way and giue them battell. But the period of the Hungarian kingdome drawing fast on, and the ineuitable destinie thereof so requiring, the opini∣on of Rogenderff preuailed against the rest for the continuing of the siege, he seeming more wil∣ling [ C] to die than to crosse ouer the riuer to PESTH, or to retire to VICEGRADE or STRIGONI∣VM, as diuers would haue persuaded him: wherefore he remoued from the place where he lay before,* 8.391 and encamped his armie on the further side of the citie at the foot of S. Gerards mount, where the hill lying betweene BVDA and the campe, and departing from the riuer leaueth a faire plaine toward the East; of purpose, that the Turks which he knew would not goe far from the riuer and their fleet, should be enforced dangerously to passe by the mouth of his great ordi∣nance, which he had aptly placed vpon the front of his trenches: for such was the nature of the place, that the campe lay defended on the right hand with the steepe hill, on the left hand with the riuer, and behind toward the citie with a strong bulwarke. Vpon the right hand, vpon a little rising ground he placed the lesser campe, wherein were the Hungarians which fauoured king [ D] Ferdinand, and then followed his ensignes. He made also a bridge from his campe into a little island which lay in the riuer, and with a fort well planted with ordinance commaunded both the riuer and the plaine, so to beat the enemies fleet comming vp the riuer, and themselues also as they should march alongst the plaine. He was about also to haue made a bridge of lighters and boats quite ouer the riuer, from his campe to PESTH, and in this order to expect the com∣ming of new supplies from king Ferdinand, and to repell the enemie who was comming, and with long siege to wearie them in BVDA: for there was such store both of victuall and all other warlike prouision in PESTH, as would well haue sufficed his armie vntill Winter had beene spent. As soone as the Turks were come nigh the citie, Valentinus as an embassadour from the queene met them with two thousand horse,* 8.392 and fully instructed both the Mahomets what the [ E] Christians did, what strength they were of, and how they might most conueniently encampe their armie. Wherefore the Bassa marching on boldly forward, came within halfe a mile of the Christian campe, where he quickly entrenched himselfe round with a strong trench, filling a great part of the plaine with his tents. But the other Mahometes, gouernour of BELGRADE, a most polliticke captaine, tooke the higher ground towards the rising of the hill, neerer vnto the tents of the Hungarians than of the Germanes. Vnto these two armies thus encamped, belon∣ged also two fleets, the Christian fleet consisted of foure and twentie galleots, about fourescore small pinnaces, and little lesse than a hundred ships of burden and other great boats: whereas the Turks fleet was not thought to be past halfe so great. Neere vnto the little island, joyned as we haue before said by a bridge to the Christian campe, beneath in the riuer had the Turkes taken [ F] another island called CEPELLIA, oueragainst their owne campe; where casting vp a great bul∣warke in the vppermost end thereof, and planting it with great ordinance, they from thence shot at the fort which the Christians held in the little island, and at their vessels passing too and fro in the riuer; as the Christians did at them likewise. This island of CEPELLIA lieth somewhat more than fortie miles in length in the riuer Danubius, full of countrey villages, so commodiou∣sly,

that if Rogendorff had at the first taken it and fortified it, before the comming of the Turkes, [ G] as the Hungarians persuaded him to haue done, the Turks could by no means haue encamped in the plaine, but must needs haue forsaken their fleet, fetching a great compasse about more to∣ward the West, further off from the riuer: which would haue turned to the Turks great disad∣uantage. But no man is so wise as to foresee all things, when as the very euill successe, be the plot ne∣uer so well laid, shall of it selfe, beside the losse, leaue vnto the vnfortunate man the note of the want of prouident foresight and discretion. But Rogendorff was not willing to deuide his forces, vntill he had some new supplie from king Ferdinand. Whilest the armies lay thus neere one to the other, there were some light skirmishes made euery day, either by the horsemen or the footmen, and sometime one braue man challenging forth another hand to hand, whom he thought by his ar∣mour or some other signe of his worth,* 8.393 to be like to himselfe: which was so pleasant a sight to [ H] behold, that both the armies vpon a militarie courtesie, as if it had been so agreed, would many times for certaine houres forbeare to shoot any shot, of purpose to see those gallants, with true prowesse to prooue their valour and manhood one vpon another with their speares and swords only. In which light skirmishes the Germane horsemen were oftentimes put to the worst; who mounted vpon great heauie horses, fitter for a set battell, could neither so readily charge the ene∣mie, nor pursue him in his flight; as could the Turks with their nimble and readie light horses, so well acquainted with that manner of flying fight, that they would with wheeling about easily frustrate the first charge of the heauie horsemen, and by and by come vpon them againe with a fresh charge, & so often retire and come on again, vntill they had either wearied or ouerthrowne them. But the Hungarians acquainted with that manner of fight as well as they, and also better [ I] armed, did easily encounter the Turks, and foile them, although they were in number moe.

* 8.394There was amongst the Germane captaines a noble man called Eckius Rayschachius, whose son (a valiant yong gentleman) being got out of the armie without his fathers knowledge, bare himselfe so gallantly in fight against the enemie in the sight of his father and of the armie, that he was highly commended of all men, and especially of his father, who knew him not at all: yet be∣fore he could cleare himselfe, he was compassed in with the enemie, and valiantly fighting slaine. Rayschachius exceedingly mooued with the death of so braue a man, ignorant how neere it tou∣ched himselfe, turning about to the other captaines, said, This worthie gentleman, whatsoeuer he be, is worthie of eternall commendation, and to be most honourably buried by the whole ar∣mie. As the rest of the captaines were with like compassion approuing his speech, the dead bo∣die [ K] of the vnfortunat sonne rescued, was presented to the most miserable father; which caused all them that were there present to shed teares: but such a suddaine and inward greefe surprised the aged father, and strucke so to his heart, that after he had stood a while speechlesse, with his eyes set in his head, he suddenly fell downe dead. From that time the Generall commaunded, That no man should vpon paine of death go out of the armie to skirmish with the enemie without leaue, wherein he was so seuere, that he hanged vp one or two which presumed to transgresse his com∣maundement: which thing much discouraged his own men, and so encouraged the enemie, that they would sometime braue the Christians vpon the top of their owne trenches.

Many dayes had now passed since the comming of the Bassa, the Turkes and they of BVDA dayly encreasing both in strength and courage: when on the other side, faint courage, weake [ L] strength, troubled counsell, vncertain resolution, the ominous signs of an vndoubted ouerthrow, were easie to be seene; and hope it selfe, the stay of all human actions, especially of martiall affairs, almost lost: the onely things that held their fainting hearts, was the often letters from king Fer∣dinand, and the firme opinion they had conceiued, That Charles the emperour would not in so great a danger faile to aid his brother, both with men and mony: and last of all, the firme resolu∣tion of the Generall, which farre passed all reason, the sooner to draw him to his end. The armies lying in this order, the Turkes from the higher ground, and out of CEPELLIA, perceiuing the Germanes in the little island as carelesse men to keepe but negligent watch, agreed amongst themselues at one instant out of both their campes, to assaile diuers of their forts: and so in the breake of the day landed with their fleet so closely and suddenly to the Island,* 8.395 that they had [ M] slaine almost six hundred of the Germanes, before they were thorowly awake or could well arme themselues: wherewith the rest were put in such a feare, that they fled to the campe in such hast, that many of them fell beside the bridge and were drowned in the riuer. All the campe was wonderfully troubled with the suddennesse of the matter, the Turks with their hideous cries rai∣sing

[ A] the alarum in diuers places at once: yet for all that, certaine German companies in one of the forts neerest vnto the riuer, and the souldiors in the fleet, well declared their present resoluti∣on and valiant courage, in recouering againe of the island. For Herbestulfus the campe-master, persuading them not to suffer the Christian ensignes and great ordinance to be so shamefully car∣ried away of the Turkes; and Marius the Admirall at the same time landing diuers companies in the island with his pinnaces and great boats: they so couragiously charged the Turkes, then bu∣sied in the spoiling of the dead bodies and drawing away of the great ordinance, that they draue them againe to their boats; leauing vnto them as victors, both the island and the ordi∣nance, hauing before their departure, receiued no lesse losse themselues than had the Ger∣mans before.

[ B] It was reported, that the Turkes fleet might that day haue beene quite ouerthrowne, if the Christians vsing the victorie, and holpen with the course of that swift riuer, had couragiously pursued them and landed with them. But many things after a matter is done are easily seene, which in the verie heat and hurle of the danger cannot well be foreseene; for as much as sudden accidents attended with great perill, doe oftentimes dazle the minds of right wise and valiant cap∣taines: yet foure of the Turks pinnaces were suncke, and thr•••• taken, and many of the Turkes slaine or drowned in the riuer. Shortly after, the Turkes more and more encouraged with the multitude of themselues, and the fearefulnesse they perceiued in their enemies, did at sundrie times so insolently trouble and assaile the campe of the Christians on euerie side, that they left them almost no time of rest, one company still succeeding another; so that they were almost in [ C] despaire, to be able long to defend their campe, the enemie still growing both in strength and cou∣rage. For the Bassa that lay at BELGRADE▪ still taking vnto him the sicke and wounded souldi∣ors, sent continually fresh men in their steed: and Valentinus taking vnto him a companie of the Turks Ianizaries harquebusiers, had driuen Perenus with the Hungarian horsemen out of the vp∣per campe. So that they in the nether campe were now hardly beset with their enemies on euerie side: yet were they well holpen by the great artillerie from PESTH, which much troubled Va∣lentinus and his horsemen in assailing the campe on that side.

Some report that Valentinus,* 8.396 not greatly angrie with the Hungarian banished men, but with the Germans, did by the way of priuat courtesie and friendship, by a faithfull souldior wish Pere∣nus speedily to prouide for the safetie of himselfe and the Hungarians with him; for that there [ D] was a great beast comming, which would at one morsell deuoure them all. For Solyman aduer∣tised of the doings of the emperour and king Ferdinand, thinking that they would haue come downe to BVDA with a puissant armie, was resolued to be present himselfe at so notable a battell, and was therefore comming thither with his armie in all hast. Wherefore Perenus thus fore∣warned, said plainly to Rogendorff and the other captaines, That except they would presently rise with the armie and depart, he would now whiles he had yet time, make shift for himselfe and his countrey men. Their opinions diuersly deliuered, at last they all agreed that it was best the next night to passe ouer the riuer to PESTH: only the Generall vpon a fatall obstinacie said, He would not without king Ferdinands commaundement depart from BVDA: and therfore sent countie Salma with a swift pinnace vp the riuer to VIENNA to know his pleasure therein. In the [ E] meane time vrged with feare, Perenus fretting at their long stay, it was resolued vpon, that they should the next night after the Moone was downe, passe ouer the riuer in foure conuoies to PESTH:* 8.397 In the first, were to passe ouer the Hungarians, with the great ordinance: in the second, the German and the Bohemian horsemen: and in the other two, the footmen and the baggage of the armie. For it was not so easie a matter to make a bridge ouer Danubius, as they had at first supposed: for after they had begun it, and almost planked it, there rise such a wind and tem∣pest, and the violent riuer became so rough, that the timber wherewith the bridge was fastened togither was broken, the joints vnlosed, and many of the boats whereof the bridge was framed, their cables being broken, were carried away with the force of the streame. The first and second conuoy fortune so well fauoured, that they passed well ouer: for although they of BVDA and [ F] the Turkes, seeing in the day time from their high places the fleet drawing togither into one place, might haue some suspition of the matter, some ghessing one thing and some another; yet could they foresee nothing of the sudden departure of the enemie: But that multitude of ships and boats now passing too and fro, could not long deceiue the attentiue and vigilant enemie; and so much the lesse, for that two fugitiue Hungarians euen then discouered vnto the bishop,

the flight of the Germans; who presently certified the Bassa and the other Mahometes thereof, [ G] which without farther delay came almost with all their power to assault the Christians in their camp: the great ordinance was brought forth, and after the Ianizaries & other footmen, follow∣ed the horsemen, dismounted frō their horses to do the better seruice, who all with a horrible crie assailed the trenches.* 8.398 Then began the Germans to quaile, their flight being now discouered; yet did they with the Bohemians for a while notably resist the enemie. All the campe was filled with tumult and confusion, and especially at the riuer side, euerie man in that great feare striuing to get aboord, without regard of order or shame: for the dead time of the night then couered with darke and thicke clouds, made all things more terrible, euen vnto them which were of best cou∣rage: the authoritie of Rogendorff the Generall (in the darknesse of the night, and so great da∣mour both of his owne people and of the enemie, and the thundring of the ordinance) was as no∣thing: [ H] He (besides that he was then sicke in mind) lay in his bed wounded, by a wonderfull and fatall chance: for as he was writing letters to the king, a faulcon shot out of the enemies campe falling in his tent, and striking in sunder a chest which stood there, wounded him grieuously in the left shoulder with a splinter of the same. The other captaines of the footmen, enuying that the horsemen were so well escaped, stood as men more carefull of themselues than of the com∣mon danger, faintly resisting the enemie. The vppermost tents wherein Perenus lay, were first taken by Mahometes of BELGRADE, and Valentinus; and the German footmen chased all ouer S. Gerrards mount. They of BVDA also sallied out, and entred the campe on that side which was next vnto the citie, and with wild fire burnt the tents a little before forsaken by the Germans. And the bishop at the same time caused a great stacke of straw standing by the kings stables neere [ I] vnto the riuers side,* 8.399 to be set on fire; which gaue such a light, that a man might haue seene all ouer Danubius vnto the wals of PESTH, as if it had been light day: whereby the great confusi∣sion of the Christian armie by land, as well as the shamefull flight by water, was of the Turkes plainly discouered. Then was the great artillerie from euerie place discharged vpon the flying fleet, as well from BVDA as the Turks campe. And to encrease the feare, Cason the Turkes Ad∣mirall rowing with his light boats against the streame, set vpon the ships crossing the riuer to PESTH, where he tooke certaine boats loded with souldiors, and with his great ordinance sunck diuers others:* 8.400 so that the riuer was filled with dead bodies, and the miserable companie of soul∣diors and mariners labouring to saue their liues by swimming: for at such time as the Ianizaries hauing slaine the first companies, were broken into the lower campe; and the rest of the Ger∣mans [ K] flying ouer the bridge into the little island, were there slaine without mercie, by the Turkes pursuing them, many of them leapt into the riuer, and there perished. Three hundred saile of one sort of ships and other, were so confused and mingled togither, that Danubius seemed that night to haue beene couered ouer, as if it had beene with a great bridge. But the Christian fleet seeing all lost, cleered themselues so soone as they could of the Turks; and so beating them backe with their great ordinance out of the poupes of their ships, got vp the riuer to COMO••A. The rest of the land forces endured the same fortune in the campe, of whom the Bohemians died most honourably, slaine by the enemie in fight. Many falling into the hands of them of BVDA were saued, or slaine, as was their fortune to fall into the power of a mercifull or mercilesse man. But the sunne rising, plainly discouered the slaughter of the Christians and the victorie of the [ L] Turkes, not so well before knowne. There was about 3000 men of one sort and oth•••• who in warlike manner had taken a little hill by Saint Gerrards church, and there stood vpon their guard, vntill such time as more than two thousand of them were slaine; the rest casting away their weapons yeelded in hope of life, and were reserued for a spectacle more grieuous than death it selfe.

At the same time Cason with his victorious fleet comming to the shoare of PESTH, brought such a feare vpon them that were escaped thither, and might easily haue defended the wals (only with the crie of his souldiors and the thundring of the artillerie) that the horsemen for hast to get out, were like to ouerrun one another. The Germans had at that time so much forgot their wonted valour, and so trembled at the name of the Turks, that as soone as they saw their white [ M] caps in their ships, they ran away as men dismaied, vnarmed, leauing behind them their plate, their carriages, and whatsoeuer good thing they had else. Yet some of the Hungarian horsmen, more desirous of the spoile than afraid of death, staied behind rifling the merchants shops: for PESTH was become a notable rich mart towne for all kind of merchandise, merchants resorting

[ A] thither from all other places of the troubled countrey, as to a strong and commodious citie, and of more safetie than the rest.* 8.401 But Cason now entering without resistance, slew some of those greedie Hungarians▪ and ran thorow the towne with such barbarous crueltie and thirst of the Christian bloud, that he spared neither man, woman, nor child▪ except some few such as either for their beautie or strength of bodie were reserued for the Turkes beastly lust or slauish labour: so that in this warre it is reported, more than twentie thousand Christians were one way and other by diuers chances slaine. There was taken at PESTH in the campe, and in the island, six and thirtie great pieces for batterie, of wonderfull beautie; and of lesser field pieces a hundred and fiftie. As for shot, pouder, armour, weapons, and victuall prouided for Winter, such sto••e was found,* 8.402 that the Turks accounted it for the greatest part of their victorie. Rogendorff the vnfortu∣nat [ B] Generall, at such time as the Turks hauing woon the trenches were fighting in the middest of the campe, desiring rather to be slaine in his tent, than to liue after so great an ouerthrow, was against his will by strong hand carried abourd a little pinnace by his physition and chamberlaine, which would not in any case forsake him as he lay, and was so conueied vp the riuer to the island of COMARA: where he shortly after, partly for the painefulnesse of his wound, but more for greefe of mind, died in a little countrey village called SAMARIVM, leauing vnto the Germans a wofull remembrance of his accursed obstinacie and pride. Solyman still doubting the comming of Charles the emperour and king Ferdinand to BVDA,* 8.403 was comming with his armie from HA∣DRIANOPLE in such hast, that he caused the Ianizaries his best footmen, contrarie to their man∣ner, to march as fast as his horsemen: but vnderstanding by the way of the late victorie obtained [ C] by his captaines, he tooke more leisure, and came with a great power to BVDA in August, and there encamped on the other side of the citie, to auoid the noisome sauour of the dead bodies, which lay yet vnburied. Where calling vnto him the other armie, and making one huge campe of both, he highly commended all his captaines, but especially the two Mahometes. And vnder∣standing that the victorie was especially gotten by the meanes of Mahometes gouernor of BEL∣GRADE, he made him generall of all his Europeian horsemen, one of the most honourable pre∣ferments of the Turkish empire: the other captaines he rewarded according as they had deser∣ued, and withall augmented their pay.

After that,* 8.404 he caused the prisoners, in number about eight hundred, to be brought out: who bound in long ropes, were in derision led all alongst the armie, raunged in order of battell, and af∣terward [ D] by his commaundement slaine by his young souldiors: saying with seuere countenance, that they were worthie of such death, which by embassadours dissemblingly entreating of peace, had in the meane time craftily waged warre. Amongst these prisoners was one souldior of BA∣VARIA, of an exceeding high stature, him in despight of the Germane nation he deliuered to a little dwarfe (whom his sonnes made great account of) to be slaine, whose head was scarce so high as the knees of the tall captiue, with that cruell despight to aggrauate the indignitie of his death: when as that goodly tall man, mangled about the legs a long time by that apish dwarfe with his little scimitar, as if it had beene in disport, fell downe, and was with many ••eeble blowes hardly at last slaine by that wretch, still heartened on by others, to satisfie the eyes of the princes, beholding it as their disport.

[ E] This barbarous and cruell execution done, Solyman sent his embassadours with presents to the young king, which were three beautifull horses, with their bridles of gold, and their trappings richly set with pretious stones,* 8.405 and three royall robes of cloth of gold, and vnto the cheefe of the nobilitie he sent rich gownes and chaines of gold. The embassadours which brought these pre∣sents, in courteous manner requested of the queene to send the young king her sonne, attended with his nobilitie, into the campe, and without all feare to hope that all should goe well both with her and her sonne▪ for that Solyman, who exceeded all other kings, not in power and for∣tune onely, but in vertue and vpright dealing also, was of such an heroicall disposition, that he would not onely defend the child, whom in the right of his father he had once thought worthie his protection and fauour, victorie confirming the same, but would also augment his estate, with [ F] the largest bounds of his auntient kingdome: Wherefore he was desirous to see the yong king, and to behold in him the representation of his father, and with his owne hand to deliuer him to be imbraced of his sonnes; that of his protection renewed, so happily begun, might be grounded a firme and perpetuall friendship with the Othoman kings: and that he would alwayes account of her as of his daughter. But the cause why he came not to see her, which he did in courtesie de∣sire,

was, for that by auntient custome the Othoman kings were forbidden that point of courtesie, [ G] to visit other mens wiues in their houses. Besides that, Solyman (they said) was not so forgetfull of his modestie and honour, as to receiue into his pauillion the daughter of a king his friend and allie, and she the late wife of a king his friend and tributarie, and the faire young mother of a son, growing in the hope of like regall dignitie; for feare he should draw into any suspition the inuio∣late name of her chastitie, which in queenes was to be guarded with an especiall and wonderfull care. Whereunto the queene (a manifest feare confounding the tender sences in her motherly af∣fection) answered very doubtfully:* 8.406 but the bishop persuading her, and instantly requesting her not to giue the Turks occasion to suspect that she had them in distrust, by her little and vnprofi∣table delay, sent her young sonne in princely swathing clothes, in a rich chariot, with his nurse and certaine great ladies in the campe, attended vpon with almost all the nobilitie to whom So∣lyman [ H] had sent presents. In his comming to the campe, he was for honours sake met vpon the way by certaine gallant troupes of the Turkes braue horsemen: and all the way as he passed in the campe, orderly stood the Ianizaries of Solymans guard. As soone as he was brought into the pauillion, Solyman courteously looked vpon him, and familiarly talked with the nurse, and com∣maunded his sonnes there present to take him in their armes,* 8.407 and to kisse him, in certaine token of the loue they would beare him, whom they were in time to haue their friend and tributarie, when he was growne to mans estate: these were Selymus and Baiazet, begotten of his faire con∣cubine Roxalana, bearing the names the one of his grandfather, the other of his great grandfa∣ther. As for Mustapha his eldest sonne by his Circassian wife, he then liued in MAGNESIA, a great way off: who though he was a prince of so great hope, as neuer any of the Turkish kings [ I] had a sonne of greater, and was therefore exceedingly beloued of the men of warre; yet was he not so well liked of his father, brought out of fauour with him by Roxalana, as if he had traite∣rously gone about to take the empire from him, yet liuing, as did Selymus his grandfather from Baiazet: for which cause Solyman secretly purposed to take him away, as afterwards he did, and to appoint Selymus for his successor, as hereafter shall appeare.

* 8.408But Solyman, at such time as the noblemen of HVNGARIE were dining merrily with the Bassaes, had commaunded certaine companies (to whom he had before giuen instructions what he would haue done) vnder the colour of seeing the citie, to take one of the gates called SABA∣TINA, and the cheefe streets: which was done so quietly and cunningly, that a warie watchman standing there, and beholding the manner of the Turks comming and going too and fro, could [ K] hardly haue perceiued how the gate was taken, vntill it was too late. For many of the Turkes walking faire and softly by great companies into the citie, as if it had beene but for pleasure, to haue seene it: and othersome to colour the matter, walking likewise backe againe, as if they had sufficiently viewed the citie; by that meanes they without any tumult or sturre quickly tooke the appointed gate, with the market place and cheefe streets of the citie. Which so finely done, the captaine of the Ianizaries caused proclamation to be made in all parts of the citie, That the citisens should without feare keepe themselues within their houses, and forthwith as they would haue their liues, libertie, and goods saued, to deliuer all their weapons: which they seeing no re∣medie, did: and hauing deliuered their armes, and taken the Turkes faith for their securitie, they receiued them into their houses, as their vnwelcome guests. But such was the quietnesse and mo∣destie [ L] of the Turks, by reason of the seueritie of their martiall discipline, that no citisen which tooke them into their houses, was by them wronged by word or deed. Solyman vnderstanding that the citie was thus quietly and without resistance taken, sent the child backe againe vnto the queene, although it was now almost night; but the cheefe noblemen he retained still with him: these was George the bishop and treasurer,* 8.409 Petrus Vi••che the yong kings nigh kinsman and one of his tutors, Valentinus Turaccus Generall of the queenes forces, Stephanus Verbetius chancel∣lor, and Bacianus Vrbanus gouernour of the citie of BVDA. This sudden and vnexpected change exceedingly troubled all their minds, and so much the more, for that the great Bassaes with chan∣ged countenances began to picke quarrels with them, and as it were straightly and impudently to examine them, and to call them to account for all that they had done. The queene seeing the [ M] citie so craftily surprised, and the nobilitie injuriously detained in the campe, troubled with feare and greefe, by humble letters requested Solyman not to forget the faith he had long before giuen vnto her, and euen of late confirmed by his embassadours; but mindfull both thereof and of his wonted clemencie, to send backe vnto her the noblemen, who for their fidelitie and valiant ser∣uice

[ A] had well deserued both of him and her: this she did by Rustemes Bassa, whom she had loded with gifts, and amongst other things of great price had sent him a faire coronet of her owne of orient pearle, and a goodly jewell set with rich stone to send vnto his wife (Solymans daughter) for a present.

After that,* 8.410 Solyman consulted with his Bassaes foure dayes what order to take concerning the kingdome of HVNGARIE. In discourse whereof his great Bassaes were of diuers opinions, Ma∣hometes aduised him to carrie away with him to CONSTANTINOPLE both the child and all the nobilitie, and to leaue such a gouernour in BVDA, as by his wise and moderat gouernment, rather than by rigour, might put the people out of feare of seruitude and bondage, by defending them from wrong, and yet by little & little lay vpon them the yoke of the Turkish gouernment. [ B] But Rustemes Bassa (before corrupted, and a man in greater fauour than the rest, because he was Solymans sonne in law, and therefore farther from all suspition of flatterie) stood altogether vpon tearmes of honour, saying, That nothing could be more dishonorable vnto so great and mightie a monarch, who neuer had at any time with any spot or staine blemished the glorie of his name, than after victorie against all right and reason to breake his faith at once with a weake woman and sillie infant, whom he had before taken vpon him to protect and defend. On the other side, Mahometes gouernour of BELGRADE (an old mortall enemie of the Christians, of all the rest best acquainted with the state of HVNGARIE, and for his great experience and approued valour then extraordinarily admitted by Solyman into counsell amongst the great Bassaes) disliked of both the former opinions, as too full of lenitie: and being asked his owne, deliuered it in mischie∣uous [ C] manner as followeth.

I know (said he) most mightie Solyman,* 8.411 that he which in consultation of matters of so great con∣sequence is to deliuer his opinion last, shall if he discent from the rest, be subiect to enuie and repre∣hension. And therefore it cannot be, but that I being of a quite contrarie opinion to them that haue before spoken, my speech must also be vnto your eares both vnpleasant and tedious. But I refuse not to be counted by my selfe, yea and presumptuous, if you will so haue it, rather than a smoother vp of other mens sayings, as one of no iudgement; whilest I recount those things, which as the present case stan∣deth, may wonderfully profit your designes & the imperiall state: for of right I may desire you to yeeld a little to my yeares, and (if I may by your good fauour so say) to that I haue alreadie done: when as I [ D] now growne an old man in warres against these Hungarians, haue by experience learned those things of the state and strength of this kingdome, and the disposition of the people; which being here laid downe, may much auaile for your better determination of this so waightie a cause as amitteth no re∣pentance, if you shall now be ouerseene therein. You haue now within the space of these twentie yeares come in armes your selfe in person fiue times into this countrey, when I as no obscure captaine or soul∣dior, was in all those warres and battels euer present, of purpose as I suppose to reuenge your iniuries, to enlarge your empire▪ and in breefe to assure you of a good peace, which could neuer be but by force of armes and victorie. And therefore you valiantly woon BELGRADE, the infamous dwelling place and receptacle of most outrageous theeues and robbers, and in former time famous for the vnfortunat attempts of your auncestors: when as from thence the Hungarians in time of peace had at their plea∣sure, [ E] whilest your father was then occupied in the Persian warre, spoiled the borders of SERVIA and ILLYRIA▪ The same Hungarians about fiue yeares after, for that they had in cruell manner slaine your embassadours, you ouerthrew in battell, and slew their king: and possessed of BVDA, to manifest and make knowne by a notable demonstration the magnificence of your heroicall mind, euen vnto the remotest enemies of our name, did chuse out of the reliques of that vanquished nation, one whom you might grace with the honour of the regall crowne; although not borne of royall bloud, or vnto you knowne for any other desert, than that he was a little before both your priuat and publike enemie, and comming against you with a strong power out of TRANSILVANIA, he had in the meane time lost his brother, a better man than himselfe, slaine with our sword. After that, rise vp the Austrian king, a new enemie, to expulse this Hungarian, raigning by your courtesie, & so you tooke in hand the third [ F] warre against the Germanes, which you so effectually prosecuted, that hauing forthwith restored the king, you carried the terror of your selfe not onely to the wals of VIENNA, but into the very heart of GERMANIE. But two yeares yet scarcely past, the same king (neuer long contented with peace or warres) supported by the power of his brother Charles, and in vaine besieging BVDA, defended by your garrisons, stirred you vp againe to reuenge the iniurie, slaughter, and spoile by his souldiours

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

done: for that you thought it to stand with your honour to protect him with your power, whom you had [ G] of your rare bountie made a king, and then desired aboue all things to fight a noble battell with the two brethren for the empire of the West. But they at such time as you with fire and sword ran thorow their auntient kingdomes, endured not the noise of your comming. After that ensued a peace between the Hungarian and the Germane, your Maiestie permitting and approouing it, at such time as you made hast to goe against the Persians: but the Germane king so broke that peace, that had not I in good time reuenged his trecherie by the ouerthrow of a great armie of his at EZEK, you must of necessitie haue beene sent for from BABILON your selfe, as but now you were glad to come in hast by long and painfull iournies from CONSTANTINOPLE, to aid vs in time, and as I verely hope, to make an end for all; that all things set in firme order in HVNGARIE, the inconueniences of so many labours and so great charge, fiue times vndertaken for another mans profit, might now at length take end: except [ H] (as I see some wish) you be in mind neuer to giue ouer the protection of the child & widdow, a matter full of infinit labor & perill, not to be counteruailed with that glorious shew of honor, which by these (in my opinion) too too wisemen is pretended to your haughtie mind, euer desirous of honor and fame. But I as a blunt man vnderstand not this high point of wisedome, abounding with glorie, which in the very course thereof cutteth in sunder the sinewes of victorie, and is neuer by polliticke Generals admitted into their campes. In which doing, as I wish you more fortunat than your auncestours, who haue vni∣ted eighteene kingdomes to this your empire, so would I not haue you more wise than they: for what can be a more vnwise part, than alwayes to play the vnwise man? that is to say, alwayes to be carefull of other mens affaires, and in meane time oftentimes to endanger his owne estate, his health, his wealth, his honour. You haue satisfied (and that in my opinion) plentifully the duties both of cha∣ritie, [ I] fidelitie, and if it must needs be so, of honour and glorie also; if it be to be gotten rather by cour∣tesie, clemencie, and lenitie, than by the inuincible strength of wise policie, and the constant resoluti∣on of a martiall mind: for by these instruments, and none other, hath worthie vertue alwayes pro∣moted and supported the Othoman kings. Wherefore let those vaine showes (as seemeth vnto me) of counterfeit honour delight the minds of idle and slouthfull kings: assuredly, they neuer pleased your armed auncestors, but after the enemie was quite ouerthrowne, the triumph made, and the tro∣phees of victorie erected. But let this be as best pleaseth your high wisedome and iudgement, where∣unto the greatest wits giue place. Truly I (if I well foresee the chances of war, and the assured euents of things) will not follow that manner of counsell which the pleasure of my mind persuadeth me vn∣to; when as necessitie, which ruleth all things, presently forceth me and sheweth me a farre better [ K] course. The Hungarians aboue all other things notably warne vs not to trust them, who infamous for their vnconstancie, often reuolt, and trecherie, are still at variance amongst themselues; and their banished men are continually setting on the Germanes to inuade the countrey; and the weake power of the queene and the child is not such as may withstand so neere and so mightie an enemie: so that another mans kingdome must of necessitie be defended by our helpe, which may not be lesse than a strong armie, without our great perill. To be breefe, euery yeere to take in hand so long an expedition of so great labour and trauell, with an armie furnished with horsemen, footmen, artillerie, and a fleet of ships for defence of another man, as commonly we doe, seemeth to me meere madnesse: Neither doe I thinke it to stand with the maiestie of the Othoman emperours, thus to be mooued euery yeare at the request of a puling woman, crying for helpe: except you thinke it more profitable and honou∣rable [ L] to maintaine a defensiue than an inuasiue warre.* 8.412 Wherefore (in my opinion) it is best to turne this kingdome (so often conquered and defended by law of Armes) after the manner of your aunce∣stors, into the forme of a Prouince: the queene I would haue sent to her father, and the boy her sonne brought vp in your Court at CONSTANTINOPLE, and there instructed in our religion: the nobi∣litie of the countrey I wish to be slaine, and their castles rased, and the notable families which bare the brauest minds, to be carried away out of all parts of the countrey into ASIA: as for the base multi∣tude, I would haue kept vnder with good garrisons, to till the ground, and inhabit the cities. By this onely meanes (mightie Solyman) shall both the Hungarians perceiue themselues conquered, and the Germanes glad to forbeare comming into HVNGARIE, vnlesse they will rashly and vnfortunately hazard both STYRIA and AVSTRIA. [ M]

* 8.413But Solyman thinking it good to doe sacrifice before he would resolutely determine of so great a matter, entred into BVDA with his two sons, Selymus and Baiazet, the thirtith day of Au∣gust in the yeare 1541: and there in the Cathedrall church dedicated to the virgin Marie (being

[ A] before by his priests purified after the manner of their superstition) sacrificed the first Mahome∣tane sacrifice in BVDA. Shortly after, he as it were moderating the opinions of his great coun∣sellors, prouided out of them all, both for his owne securitie and honour, and published a decree the fatall doome of that flourishing kingdome,* 8.414 where vnder it yet groneth at this day; That BVDA should from that day be kept with a garrison of Turks, and the kingdome conuerted into a prouince of the Turkish empire; and that the queene with her young sonne should presently depart the citie, and liue in LIPPA in a fertile and quiet countrey beyond the riuer of Tibiseus, which something to comfort her, was neere vnto the borders of her father Sigismund his king∣dome, to be safely conducted thither with all hir wealth and jewels by his Ianizaries. Where∣fore the queene and her sonne according to this decree,* 8.415 with teares and mourning; detesting in [ B] her heart the tyrants perfidious dealing (which necessitie enforced her then to dissemble) depar∣ted from BVDA, constrained by the Turkes to leaue behind her all the ordinance in the castle and citie, with all other the warlike prouision & store of victuall. The noblemen went with her also, who although they went sorrowfull for this wofull and vnexpected change of things, yet were they verie glad of their libertie and safetie, whereof they had for the space of three daies de∣spaired. Only Valentinus was kept in safe custodie in the campe, because he was a martiall man, of greatest power amongst the Hungarians; and besides that, much hated of the Turkes for the hard pursuit of Cason, and his horsemen, slaine at STORAMBERG in AVSTRIA. Thus the roiall citie of BVDA fell into the possession of the Turkes, whereupon not long after ensued the finall ruine of that great kingdome, sometime the strong bulwarke of Christendome, but lost to the [ C] great weakning of the Christian common-weale; which may justly be imputed to the pride, am∣bition, and discention of the Hungarians amongst themselues, and the calling in of the common enemie: the due consideration of whose onely comming, might well haue sufficed to haue set them agreed.

Whilest these things were doing at BVDA, king Ferdinand expecting the euent of this war at VIENNA, and hearing of the shamefull ouerthrow of his armie, and that the Generall deadly wounded was fled to COMARA, and that Solyman (fame encreasing the euill newes) was com∣ming towards VIENNA; sent Leonardus Velsius (who neuer liked of the siege of BVDA) to CO∣MARA to stay the further flight of the souldiors, and to gather togither so well as hee could the dispersed reliques of the scattered armie, and to comfort againe the discouraged men with the [ D] hope of new supplies,* 8.416 & of a pay. And somewhat to stay Solyman, who as it was thought would suddenly come to VIENNA, he sent countie Salma and Sigismund Lithestaine, a noble and graue counsellor, his embassadours, with presents and new conditions of peace to Solyman. The pre∣sents was a high standing cup of gold after the German fashion, curiously set with rich stones; and a wonderfull globe of siluer of most rare and curious deuise, daily expressing the hourely pas∣sing of the time, the motions of the planets, the change and full of the moone, the motion of the superiour orbes, euer mouing by certaine wheeles and waights curiously conuaied within the same, and exactly keeping due time and motion; liuely expressing the wonderfull motions and conuersions of the celestiall frame. A most curious and strange piece of worke, deuised and per∣fected by the most cunning Astronomers for Maximilian the emperour, whose noble mind ne∣uer [ E] spared for any cost to obtaine things of rare and strange deuise. These embassadours passing downe the riuer of Danubius, were at their landing, first receiued by Cason the Admirall of So∣lymans fleet, and by him brought into a rich tent, the ground vnder their feet being all couered with rich carpets: to whom Rustan Bassa sent such good cheere as the campe affoorded, but es∣pecially most excellent wine, no lesse forbidden the Turks by their law, than desired of the Ger∣mans. The next day after, the great Bassaes feasted the embassadours, Solyman himselfe dining not farre off in his pauilion: at which feast the Bassaes for the more courtesie, dined with the embassadors, not sitting with their legs gathered vnder them flat vpon the ground, as their man∣ner was, but sitting in chaires at a high table, after the manner of the Christians: only Maho∣metes Gouernour of BELGRADE, for his age and valour an extraordinarie guest, sat downe vp∣on [ F] a cushion beneath the Bassaes.* 8.417 Their cheere was onely rice and mutton, and that so plainely and sparingly dressed, as if they had thereby noted our gourmandise and excesse; who measure not our cheere by that which nature requireth, but that which greedie appetite desireth, as if therein consisted the greatest nobilitie: And the drinke for the great Bassaes themselues, right easie to be had, was faire water out of the riuer Danubius. After dinner the embassadours were

brought in vnto Solyman, each of them lead betwixt two Bassaes holding them fast by the armes, [ G] as if it had been for honour sake, and so brought to kisse his hand. For the Turks suffer no stran∣ger otherwise to come vnto the presence of their superstitious emperour, but first they search him that he haue no weapon about him, and so clasping him by the armes vnder the colour of doing him honour, dissemblingly bereaue him of the vse of his hands, least he should offer him any violence: yet hath he alwaies as he sitteth in his throane lying at hand readie by him; a tar∣guet, a scimiter, an yron mase, with bow and arrowes. The great globe was also brought in by twelue of the embassadours seruants, which with the strangenesse thereof filled the mind of So∣lyman, and the eyes of his Bassaes with admiration: for Solyman was of so sharpe a wit; that he was not learned onely in such books as contained the lawes and rites of the Mahometane su∣perstition, but had also curiously studied Astronomie, and especially Cosmographie; in which [ H] profitable and pleasant studies, he much recreated himselfe as his leisure serued. The embassa∣dours desired,* 8.418 that he would giue the kingdome of HVNGARIE to king Ferdinand, almost vp∣on the same conditions that Lascus had before required it for him at CONSTANTINOPLE, pay∣ing him such yearly tribute as king Iohn had vsually paid, and promising farther to draw Charles the emperour his brother into the same league; so that Solyman deliuered of all feare that way, might at his pleasure turne his forces vpon the Persian, which it was thought he most desired▪ Be∣sides that, they said he should deale neither honorably nor indifferently, if he should preferre the young child before king Ferdinand, who beside his auntient right vnto that kingdome (which they were not now to vrge, as oppressed by his happie victories, but might in time be reuiued) had also a late interest by a league betwixt him and king Iohn, wherein he had expressely coue∣nanted [ I] by the solemne consent of the greatest part of his nobilitie, that king Ferdinand should succeed him in the kingdome. Whereby they excused him of the late warre, as justly taken in hand against the queene and her sonne vsurping vpon his right; which king Iohn knowing to be good, and mooued with conscience, had by his solemne act acknowledged, though to the great offence and prejudice of Solyman his setter vp and defender, as also to the touching of him∣selfe in honour, to haue so vnthankfully and fraudulently dealt with his patrone, to whom hee was by the oath of obedience bound. Wherefore they requested, That sith he being a prince of all others most mightie and magnificent, standing vpon his vpright dealing both in peace and warre, had so lightly regarded the slie dealing of so ingratefull a man: he would rather accept of king Ferdinand so many waies injured, as his friend and tributarie, than to haue him his perpe∣tuall [ K] enemie. Concluding, that nothing could be vnto him for the good report of his justice more commendable, or for the assurance of a perpetuall peace more profitable, or to the im∣mortall praise of his bountie more honourable, than to call a king of a most auntient dissent, fa∣mous for his vertue and fidelitie, chosen for a king by the Bohemians, desired for a king by the Hungarians, emperour elect of the Roman empire by the Germans, and the naturall brother of the great emperour,* 8.419 his tributarie king of HVNGARIE. Solyman with cheerefull countenance accepting and commending of the presents, answered them two daies after by Rustan the Bassa his sonne in law, that this was his resolute condition of peace and friendship: If king Ferdinand would forthwith restore all the cities towns & castles which were before belonging to K. Lewes, and for euer after abstaine from HVNGARIE: and whereas he had beene so often prouoked by [ L] him to warre, and had therein bestowed so great charges, and taken so much trauell, he could for that be content with an easie paine (which should be for his greater honour) to impose an easie tribute vpon AVSTRIA: vpon which conditions he was content to enter into league with them: but if so be that those conditions seemed vnto them too heauie, and that they would ra∣ther make choise of warre than peace, hee would bring to passe by continuall warre, that such things as they had taken from the kingdome of HVNGARIE, should be requited with the de∣struction of AVSTRIA. But the embassadours, although they were much moued at the proud demaund of tribute for AVSTRIA, as that wherein the two brethren of mightie power, Charles the emperour and king Ferdinand were disdainfully abused: to keepe the best course of their ne∣gotiation, and to win some time in so hard estate of things; required a truce, vntill such time as [ M] king Ferdinand and the emperor his brother might be made acquainted with the matter. Which their request (the Turke perceiuing their drift and purpose) would in no case grant, for Winter was now fast comming on. It was lawfull for the embassadours, all the time they were in the Turks campe, to view euerie part thereof, Rustan Bassa conducting them from place to place:

[ A] where aboue all things,* 8.420 they most wondred at the perpetuall and dumbe silence of so great a mul∣titude, the souldiors being so readie and attentiue, that they were no otherwise commanded but by the beckning of the hand, or a nod of their commaunders: They maruelled also at the exqui∣site order and sweetnesse of the Turkes campe, finding therein nothing disordered or noisome; so that it seemed not the campe of such a rude and barbarous nation, but rather of them which were the authors of martiall discipline. The embassadours being rewarded and so sent away, So∣lyman commaunded the old Gouernour of BELGRADE to spoile the borders of AVSTRIA all alongst Danubius: Cason also Generall of the voluntarie horsemen, he sent into MORAVIA for like purpose; who neither of them did any great harme, by reason of the sudden rising of the great riuers, with the aboundance of raine then falling in Autumne. After that, Solyman appoin∣ted [ B] one Solyman an Hungarian (who taken prisoner in his youth by the Turkes, had from that time followed the Mahometane superstition) gouernour of BVDA: who by the vpright admi∣nistration of justice, and courteous vsing of the people, with Verbetius the old chancellor▪ should doe what was possible to put the people in hope of long peace and tranquilitie▪* 8.421 Which things done, after he had staied about twentie daies at BVDA, hee determined to returne againe into THRACIA, because the raine of Autumne, and the cold of Winter was now come in: and was also in doubt to be shut in with the rising of the great riuers, wherwith the countrey of HVN∣GARIE is in euerie place so watered, and on euerie side so compassed, that it is a hard matter to passe.* 8.422 By the way he set Lascus king Ferdinands embassadour againe at libertie, whom he had left in prison at BELGRADE: but he long enjoyed not that benefit, for shortly after returning in∣to [ C] POLONIA, he died of the flix; which caused many to suppose, that he was poisoned by the Turkes. A man for his vertue and learning famous, worthie of a longer life, whose death the king himselfe much lamented.

As Solyman was returning into THRACIA, and was come to the riuer Dranus, it was told him, that Stephen Maylat Vayuod of TRANSILVANIA, who tooke king Ferdinand his part, a professed enemie of the Turks, was taken, by the cunning of Peter of MOLDAVIA, and prince of VALACHIA; and that all the country of TRANSILVANIA was well pacified and yeelded to his obedience. Of which newes Solyman was passing glad, for he exceedingly hated Maylat: a mar∣tiall man of a froward nature, desirous of rule, and readie vpon any occasion to reuolt; forasmuch as he remembred Grittus his legat, and the Turks by him slaine; and knew also, that the Tran∣siluanians, [ D] an inuincible people, borne to trouble, and more delighting in vncertaine warre than assured peace, was by him stirred vp; whom he wished rather by gentlenesse to appease, than by force of armes and strong hand to subdue▪ But because we haue oftentimes before made men∣tion of this Maylat, of whose taking Solyman so much rejoyced, it shall not be amisse in few words to declare by what finenesse he fell into the hands of this treacherous and bloudie man, Peter of MOLDAVIA.

This Moldauian by the commaundement of Solyman (as is aforesaid) had joyned his forces with Achomates Gouernour of NICOPOLIS, against Maylat; which being vnited, were in number fiftie thousand horsemen, beside footmen, which after the manner of those countries were not many, euerie man almost in the countrey be he neuer so poore, keeping a horse to [ E] serue vpon.* 8.423 Maylat beset with the multitude of his enemies, and finding himselfe too weake to encounter them, despairing also of aid from king Ferdinand, whom he knew to be busied in a greater warre; forsooke the field, and fled againe into the strong towne of FOGARAS, as he had done the yeare before, when he was ouercharged by king Iohn his power: for there as in a most strong place both by nature and fortification, he had laid vp his greatest substance and prouision for the wars, but especially the rich spoile he had long before taken from Grittus. Achomates comming th••••her with his power, and perceiuing the place was not to be battered or taken by force, but with much labour and long time: thought it best, to assay if he could ouercome him by craft and deceit. Wherefore he sent a messenger vnto Maylat, to persuade him to yeeld him∣selfe vnto Solyman, and to make choise rather to be called of him his friend, than to be judged [ F] his enemie; of whom he might well hope of all goodnesse, which had giuen whole kingdomes vnto his enemies: promising, that he would vse the vttermost of his credit, which was not small, and labour for him as his friend, that he might feele the fruit of his clemencie and bountie▪ and still enjoy the gouernment of TRANSILVANIA, paying him some small yearely tribute, as he had before requested: for as much as he could take no course better, being beset with so many

enemies, than to make his peace vpon reasonable conditions, and that with as much speed as [ G] were possible: in which doing, besides that he should well prouide for his owne safetie, he should also saue both his wealth and honour; for Solyman was comming (as he said) with his victori∣ous armie, who would with assured death reuenge his vaine hope of holding out the siege, if he should vpon a stubborne and obstinate mind then refuse to obay his commaund. Whereunto Maylat, who foresaw that it was better for him to make a certaine peace, than to endure an vn∣certaine warre, answered, That he could be content to conclude a peace, so that it were not vpon any hard conditions; and would not greatly refuse Solymans commaund, which was wont to be both reasonable and just: wherefore vpon sufficient pledges he would come into the campe, in presence to agree vpon the conditions of the peace, and demaunded to haue Achomates his sonne, a valiant young gentleman, deliuered in hostage. Which thing Achomates denied, for [ H] that he had (as he said) before giuen him to Solyman, as the manner was, and therefore had ouer him no more power: but he promised for him, that was but one, to giue foure of his best cap∣taines. Which offer Maylat (misdoubting no deceit) accepted,* 8.424 and with a great and gallant reti∣nue attended vpon, came into the enemies campe, where he was courteously and honourably receiued. But the parley, as it could not be conueniently begun immediatly after their first salu∣tation, so could it by no meanes be then ended, but was deferred vntill the next day: to the in∣tent, that the treacherous Moldauian might take his well acquainted and well knowne guest, whom he had against that time inuited to a solemne banquet. By that meanes, the next day about the middest of dinner, fortune so fauouring the intended treacherie, Maylat who was of so proud and cholericke a nature that he could not well brooke the least indignitie, was by occasi∣on [ I] of some insolent speech of purpose ministred by the Moldauian guests, put into such a fret, that laying his hand vpon his sword, he in a rage flung from the table: at which time all the other guests starting vp also, laid hands vpon him and tooke him, fuming, and in vaine crying out, that he was shamefully betraied.* 8.425 His followers were all forthwith stript of all their brauerie by the needie Moldauians, and their horses and armour taken from them. Whilest Maylat was yet furiously exclaiming of this treason, in came Achomates, who to seeme guiltlesse of the mat∣ter, with deepe dissimulation sharpely reproued the false Moldauian, that he had in doing so foule a fact shamefully violated the lawes of hospitalitie, reuerenced of all nations, falsified the faith which he had giuen him for his safetie, and betraied the liues of such notable captaines as lay in hostage for him. Whereunto the Moldauian (as if it had been in contempt) scornfully [ K] answered, That he had vpon good cause taken Maylat prisoner, and so would in safetie keepe him for Solyman, vnto whom it onely belonged to judge, whether he had justly or vnjustly de∣tained him.

Not long after, the strong towne of FOGARIS was deliuered, with the hostages; but whe∣ther by feare or by corruption of Maylats lieutenant, is vncertaine. So Valentinus Turaccus, and Maylat, two of the greatest noble men of HVNGARIE, sufficient of themselues to haue restored the Hungarian kingdome (first rent in sunder with ciuile discord, and afterward with the inuasion of the Turkes) fell into the hands of the enemie, not vanquished in battell, but deceiued by trea∣son. The towne being thus surrendred,* 8.426 almost all the countrey of TRANSILVANIA, was by Solymans consent deliuered to the young king, vnto whom all the people most willingly sub∣mitted [ L] themselues, and tooke the oath of obedience, remembring that his father had almost for thirtie yeares space with great justice and quietnesse gouerned that prouince; and with ma∣nie presents honoured the young king lying in LIPPA, with the queene his mother, and his two tutors, the bishop, and Vicche.

At the same time, Charles the emperour at the importunat sute of his subjects of SPAINE, had prepared a great force both by sea and land for the conquering of ALGIERS: from whence the Turkish pirats did so infest all that coast of the countrey, from GADES to the mountaines PYRENEI, that the Spaniards (all trade of merchandise being set apart) were glad to keepe con∣tinuall watch and ward all alongst that coast for defence of the countrey. Wherefore although he well knew of the comming of the Turks to BVDA,* 8.427 and how hardly he was by the Lantgraue [ M] and others spoken of, for leauing his brother so hardly bestead, to go against a sort of pirats in AFFRICKE; yet persisting in his former determination, he departed out of GERMANIE in∣to ITALIE, where by the way hee was met by Octauius Farnesius his sonne in law, Alphon∣sus Vastius his lieutenant, by the Venetian embassadours, neere to VERONA, and so brought to

[ A] MILLAINE, where he was with great solemnitie joyfully receiued of the citisens, and vnder a canopie of gold brought vnto the pallace: he himselfe going in a plaine blacke cloake, and a homely cap in mourning wise; when as the women and vulgar people, vpon a curious simplici∣tie, expected to haue seene so great an emperour in his royall robes, glistering with gold and pre∣tious stone, and the imperiall crowne vpon his head. His heauie countenance answerable also to his attire was much noted, as presaging the wofull ouerthrow which was the day before r••∣receiued at BVDA, but not yet knowne in ITALIE. From MILLAINE he departed to GENVA, where he was aduertised by letters from his brother king Ferdinand, of the ouerthrow of the Germans, of the victorie of the Turkes, and the comming of Solyman. Vpon which newes, Va∣stius and Auria, his two chiefe commaunders, the one at land, the other at sea, would haue per∣suaded [ B] him to haue deferred his intended expedition for AFRICA vntill the next Spring: and with such power as he had alreadie raised in ITALIE, & brought with him out of GERMANIE, to stay still in ITALIE, so to make shew vnto the Turks as if he would haue returned and holpen his brother: and in the meane time to assure himselfe of his state in ITALIE against the French, who (as it was thought) would be readie to take all occasion of aduantage, if any mishap should befall him, either by the force of the enemie, or violence of tempest. But he constant in his for∣mer resolution, answered them as they sate in counsell, that they had persuaded him for great reasons to stay in ITALIE; but that he was for farre greater to passe into AFFRICKE: for if he should then stay in ITALIE, it would be thought, that he was for feare of the Turkes fled out of GERMANIE: which disgrace could no otherwise be preuented, but by the present prosecuting [ C] of his former determination for ALGIERS, and satisfying the expectation of his subjects of SPAINE; and so by sea valiantly to proue their better fortune, which had of late not so euill fa∣uoured them at land, in hope that ALGIERS might be woon before the seas should grow rough and dangerous with Winter tempests: which if it should fall out according to his mind, hee would not, as he said, greatly care what the French could doe. Yet was it thought, that the dis∣sembling friendship betwixt the French king and him, would not long endure: and the rather, for that there was a new grudge risen betwixt them about the death of Antonius Rinco, who for certaine yeares had lien embassadour for the French king at CONSTANTINOPLE to Solyman, and was a few moneths before sent backe againe by him into FRANCE to the king: but retur∣ning back againe with new instructions from his master, for the confirmation of a further league [ D] betwixt the Turkish Sultan and him,* 8.428 he was by certain Spaniards of the emperors old souldiors, who had knowledge of his comming, belaid vpon the riuer Padus as he was going down to VE∣NICE, so to haue passed into EPYRVS, and slaine, togither with Caesar Fregosius: or as the com∣mon report went, first taken and tortured, to get from him the secrets of his negotiation, and af∣terwards slaine. Which report so much touched Vastius in credit, that in purgation of him∣selfe, he offered the combat to any man of like qualitie to himselfe, that durst charge him with the truth thereof. But many were of opinion, that he was well and worthely taken away, for vndertaking so odious a charge, as to stirre vp the Turkes against the Christians, and to shew vn∣to them such opportunities as might best serue their purpose, by discouering vnto them the em∣perours desseigns, to the great hurt of the Christian commonweale. But were it well, or were [ E] it euill;* 8.429 as Paulus the third of that name then bishop of ROME, meeting the emperour at LVCA as he came from GENVA, could not, or would not determine; sure it serued as no small occasion to set those two great princes againe at ods, whereby the wished vnitie of the Christian state was sore shaken, and a way opened for the Turke. The emperour at his comming to LVCA, was honourably receiued by the cardinals and bishops, and lodged in the court: the great bishop was before placed in the bishops pallace, whither the emperour came thrise to talke with him, and the bishop to him once. But the bishop hauing nothing at all preuailed with the empe∣rour and the French embassadour, for the appeasing of the troubles euen then like to arise be∣twixt him and the French king: did what he might to persuade him to employ such forces as he was about to passe ouer with into AFFRICKE, against the Turkes in defence of his bro∣ther [ F] Ferdinand, and of the countrey of AVSTRIA, if Solyman should happely pursue his late obtained victorie at BVDA. But hee still resolute in that fatall determination of inuading of AFFRICKE, rejected that the bishops request also. So the great bishop hauing mooued much, and preuailed little, in the greatest matters which most concerned the common good, taking his leaue of the emperour, returned by easie journies to ROME.

The emperor in the meane time with certain bands of Italians, vnder the leading of Camillus [ G] Columna and Augustinus Spinula, and six thousand Germanes, came from LVCA to the po••t LVNE, and there embarking his souldiours in certaine marchant ships prouided for the purpose, and fiue and thirtie gallies, departed thence, commaunding the masters of the ships to direct their course to the islands of BALEARES: but after they had put to sea, they were by force of tempest suddenly arising, brought within sight of CORSICA: where after they had beene tossed too and fro two dayes in the rough seas, and put out of their course, the wind something falling, they put into the hauen of SYRACVSA, now called BONIFACIVM. The dispersed fleet once come toge∣ther into the port of SYRACVSA, and the rage of the sea well appeased, he put to sea againe for the islands BALEARES, now called MAIORCA and MINORCA: where in his course he met with a tempest from the West,* 8.430 more terrible and dreadfull than the first: wherein diuers of the [ H] gallies hauing lost their mastes and sailes, were glad with extreame labour and perill in striuing against the wrought sea to get into a harbor of the lesser island, taking name of Barchinus Mago the famous Carthaginensian, whose name it retaineth vntill this day. From hence the emperour with all his fleet passed ouer to the greater island, being wonderfull glad that Ferdinand Gonzaga his viceroy in SICILIA was in good time come with the Sicilian gallies and ships of ITA∣LIE, in number a hundred and fiftie saile, wherein he had brought such store of bisket and vi∣ctuall, as might haue sufficed for a long warre. Mendoza was also expected to haue come thi∣ther with his fleet from SPAINE, but he by reason of contrarie winds being not able to hold that course, altered his purpose according to the tempest, and so happily cut ouer directly to AL∣GIERS. So the emperour nothing misdoubting the carefull diligence of Mendoza, and thinking [ I] that which was indeed alreadie chanced, and the wind now seruing faire, by the persuasion of Auria his Admirall hoysed saile,* 8.431 and in two dayes came before ALGIERS, and there in goodly order came to anker before the citie in the sight of the enemie. Whilest the fleet thus lay, two of the pyrats which had beene abroad at sea seeking for prize, returning to ALGIERS, not know∣ing any thing of the fleet, fell into the bay amongst them before they were aware: the bigger whereof Viscontes Cicada stemmed with his gallie and sunke him, the other with wonderfull ce∣leritie got into the hauen. In the meane time Mendoza with his gallies had passed the promon∣torie of Apollo, now called the cape of CASSINEVS, and in token of honour saluting the em∣perour after the manner at sea, with all his great Ordinance, gaue him knowledge that the Spa∣nish fleet was not farre behind.* 8.432 In this fleet was aboue a hundred tall ships of BISCAY and the [ K] low countries, and of other smaller vessels a farre greater number. In these ships besides the foot∣men was embarked a great number of braue horsemen out of all parts of SPAINE: for many noble gentlemen had voluntarily of their own charge gallantly furnished themselues with braue armour and courageous horses, to serue their prince and countrey against the Infidels. Ouer these choice men commaunded Ferdinand of TOLEDO,* 8.433 duke of ALBA, for his approoued va∣lour then accounted a famous captaine. These ships going altogether with sailes, were not yet able to double the cape, as did Mendoza with his gallies, for now it was a dead calme: howbeit the billow of the sea went yet high, by reason of the rage of the late tempest, and did so beat a∣gainst the plaine shore, that it was not possible to land the souldiors, but that they must needs be washed vp to the middle: which thing the emperour thought it not good to put them vnto, and [ L] so to oppose them seasicke and thorow wet against the sudden and desperat assaults of their fierce enemies. He also stayed for the comming of the Spanish ships for two causes: first, that he might with his vnited power more strongly assault the citie, and terrifie the enemie; then, to communi∣cat the whole glorie of the action with the Spaniards, at whose request and forwardnesse and greatest charge he had vndertaken that warre.* 8.434 Which fatall delay of two dayes, although it was grounded vpon good reason, did not onely disturbe an assured victorie, but to the notable hurt of the whole armie, opened a way to all the calamities which afterwards ensued.

* 8.435In the meane while the emperour sent a conuenient messenger to Asanagas, otherwise and more truly called Assan-Aga, or Assan the eunuch; who with a little flag of truce in his hand making signe of parley, and answered by the Moores with like, as their manners is, went on [ M] shore, and was of them courteously receiued and brought to Assan. This Assan was an eunuch, borne in SARDINIA, brought vp from his youth in the Mahometane superstition by Barba∣russa, a man both politicke and valiant, and by him left for the keeping of his kingdome of AL∣GIERS in his absence with Solyman. This messenger brought into his presence, required him

[ A] forthwith to deliuer the citie (first surprised by force and trecherie by Horruccius, and afterwards to the destruction of mankind, fortified by Hariadenus Barbarussa his brother) to Charles the mightie emperour, come in person himselfe to be reuenged on those horrible pyrats: which if he would doe, it should be lawfull for the Turks to depart whether they would, and for the natu∣rall Moores to abide still, with their goods and religion wholly reserued vnto them vntouched, as in former time: and for himselfe, he should receiue of the emperour great rewards both in time of peace and warres, so that he would remember himselfe, that he was born in SARDINIA, and was once a Christian; and accept of the fairest occasion which could possibly be offered for him to returne againe to the worshipping of the true God, and to enjoy the fauour and bountie of the most mightie emperour, and withall to reuenge himselfe of the cruell tyrant Barbarussa, [ B] for the vnnaturall villanie done vnto his person. But if he would needs dallie on the time, and make proofe of the strength of so great a preparation, he should vndoubtedly with the rest of his followers receiue the same reward of his obstinacie, which they had to the example of others receiued at TVNES.* 8.436 Wherunto the vngratious eunuch answered, That he thought him altogether mad, that would follow his enemies counsell: and with a grinning countenance as∣ked him, Vpon what hope the emperour trusted to be able to win the citie? the messenger poin∣ting with his finger directly to the fleet, told him, That which you see, with his great artillerie, and valour of his souldiors, both horse and foot: Whereat the eunuch scornefully laughing, re∣plied, And we with like force and valour will defend this citie, and make this place, alreadie fa∣mous for your ouerthrowes here twice, now the third time of all others most famous by the [ C] emperours discomfiture. It is reported, that there was in ALGIERS an old witch, famous for her predictions, who had (as it was said) foretold the shipwrackes and miserie of Didaco Verra and Hugo Moncada to them of ALGIERS; and also prefixed a time when as the Christian em∣perour aduenturing to besiege that citie, should there receiue great losse both by sea and land: The fame of which blind prophecie seruing fitly to confirme the hope of good successe in the minds of the vulgar multitude, Assan so fed and augmented (although hee himselfe being a craftie wise fellow, beleeued no such vanitie) that he did therewith not only encourage his owne souldiors, but also strucke a terror into the minds of the weaker sort of his enemies, seeing them∣selues cast vpon so dangerous a coast vpon the approch of Winter. There was in garrison in the citie but eight hundred Turkes, and most of them horsemen, but such, as whose valour and reso∣lution [ D] farre exceeded their number. For Assan had lost many of his best men, some in fight against Mendoza; and othersome at sea, slaine or taken by Auria in CORSICA; and in other pla∣ces by the Rhodian, Neapolitane, and Sicilian gallies; but many moe were by his leaue gone to aid the Moores against the Portingals: the other multitude did scarce make vp the number of fiue thousand; which were partly naturall Moores borne in that countrey, and partly such as were born in GRANADO; to whom was joyned many fugitiues out of the islands of MAIOR∣CA and MINORCA, who in former time hauing entred into rebellion, and fearing condigne pu∣nishment, were fled to ALGIERS, and there reuolted to the Mahometane superstition. But the captaines of the wild Numidians made vp a great number both of horse and foot: which lying stragling without the citie in the open fields, should night and day vex and molest the Christi∣ans. [ E] This brutish people, naturally enemies vnto the Christians, had Assan with rewards and hope of a rich spoile, allured out of the countries thereabout to aid him: neither was it lawfull for any man to carrie his wife or children out of the citie into places of more safetie farther off, or to shew any small token of feare, paine of death being by the imperious eunuch proposed to whosoeuer should but looke heauily for feare of danger, or speake a word sauouring of cowar∣dise. The emperour by Auria making choise of a most conuenient place for landing his men,* 8.437 laid his gallies so close vnto his tall ships, that his armed souldiours might with ease come out of the high built ships into them, and so out of them into the long boats, to be forthwith set on shore. And such was the speedie diligence of them that had the charge of that matter, and the plentie of boats still readie to receiue the souldiours as fast as they could come out of the gallies, [ F] that the footmen were in a very short time all landed. The emperour hauing a little rested and refreshed his souldiors, deuided his armie into three equall battels, which was in number about twentie thousand footmen, besides horsemen, and others who of their owne voluntarie will then followed the emperours fortune. Vnto euery battell he appointed three field pieces, to terrifie the Numidian horsemen, which were still pricking vp and downe about them, readie to charge,

if they could take them at any aduantage. And so setting forward a few furlongs, encamped in [ G] a strong and conuenient place, neere vnto the citie betweene two deepe ditches, which the wa∣ter falling from the mountaines had naturally worne so deepe, that neither horseman no•• foot∣man could well passe ouer, but by bridge: and fast by vpon the left hand was a hill, from the top whereof it seemed the citie might with great ordinance well be battered.

* 8.438The citie of ALGIERS, sometime the royall seat of the great king Iuba, called of the Romans IVLIA CaeSAREA, is in forme of a triangle, scituat fast by the sea towards the North, hauing a hauen, but neither great, neither safe from the North wind. The houses farther off from the sea, stand in seemly order vpon the rising of a steepe hill, as it were vpon degrees, in such sort, that the windowes of one row still ouerlooke the tops of the next beneath it, into the sea, most beau∣tifull to behold. The emperour hauing deuided his campe into three parts, euerie nation by [ H] themselues, lying on the East side of the towne, was in great hope to win it; and the rather, for that whilest he assaulted it on that side, his ships and gallies from the North side, might in time of the assault with their great ordinance beat the enemie all alongst the wall: which still rising higher and higher according to the rising of the steepe hill, could not conueniently be defended with one bulwarke, as we see it may in plaine ground. Neerest vnto the rising of the hils, lay the Spaniards; in the middest, the Germans with the emperour; and in the plaine neerest vnto the sea,* 8.439 the Italians. In the meane time whilest the great ordinance was landing and the horses vn∣shipping, the Numidians with a hideous outcrie shewed themselues vpon the tops of the moun∣taines aboue the Spaniards, and from thence easily gauled them with their darts and shot: for they nimbly running too and fro in the knowne paths of the rough mountaines, would suddenly [ I] and fiercely assaile them, but after the manner of their nation skirmishing a far off, rather than neere at hand. In which manner of light skirmishes, all that day was spent vntill night with small danger, but much trouble to the Spaniards. And when night was come, these wild peo∣ple, one companie still succeeding another in the place they had before taken, neuer left shoo∣ting; for wheresoeuer they saw any fire in the Spanish campe, thither came arrowes, darts, and stones flying as thicke as haile: for remedie whereof, the Spaniards were glad to put out their fires,* 8.440 and with silence to expect the day, that they might come neerer vnto them. Wherefore as soone as the sunne was vp, the Spaniards by the persuasion of Aluares Sandes, master of the campe, valiantly climing vp the high mountaines, repulsed and put to flight the Numidians, and tooke the top of the hils, and there lay as it were incamped in the poore shepheards cotta∣ges. [ K] But the same day such a multitude of the wild people was flockt about them, that they were compassed in round, and glad to fight on euerie side in a ring. Yet this fiercenesse of this barba∣rous people, was by the valour of the Sicilian companies quickly repressed, whose pikemen gli∣stering in their bright armour, made small account of the Numidians arrowes and darts, but or∣derly stepping forwards with their pikes, and the harquebusiers close by their sides, easily repul∣sed their naked enemies.* 8.441 The Numidian footmen are for most part youths halfe naked, with long haire not vnlike the Irish, vsing no other weapons but darts: they fight mingled with their horsemen, trusting the one to the other, and are of a wonderfull swiftnesse and agilitie of bodie. Their horsemen vse long speares, armed at both ends, which they with a maruellous dexteritie vse to the endangering of their enemie pursuing them: they vse also long and light targuets made [ L] of leather, wherewith they so cunningly defend themselues and their horses, both in their charge and retrait, that for a small trifle, in respect of the danger, they will giue a man leaue to cast sea∣uen darts at one of them, which they will all most surely auoid, either with their speare, or re∣ceiue them without harme in their targuet. In the mean time, whilest this wild people thus skir∣mished all the day, at night a sudden mischance ouerthrew all the emperors hope: for as he stood beholding the vnshipping of his great ordinance, his horses, victuall, and other necessaries of the armie, a storme of wind and raine began about six a clocke in the afternoone, holding on all the night without intermission,* 8.442 with such rage, as if heauen and earth should haue gone togither: wherewith the whole armie at land was wonderfully troubled, and a great part of the fleet at sea by force of tempest driuen aground, perished. That night three companies of the Italians, by [ M] the appointment of their Generall, lay without the trenches against the sudden assault of so vn∣certaine an enemie, who when they had all the night endured the vehement raine and extreame cold, were so ouercome with the extreamitie of the weather, that neither was their minds able to relieue their weake bodies, neither their feeble bodies their discouraged minds: for they could

[ A] neither conueniently stand nor lie downe, all the ground being so mirie, that at euerie step they sunke vp to the calfe of the legge. Vpon these staruen companies, the Turkish horsemen and Moores footmen, who diligently obserued the watch of the Christians, perceiuing their distresse, suddenly sallied out in the dawning of the day; and so fiercely charged them, their match land pouder being now so wet that they could not vse their pieces, that they all fled, except a few pike∣men, who made a stand, and were all quickly slaine by the Turkes: who so desperatly pursued the rest in chase, that they followed them ouer the trench into the campe. This alarum being heard, Camillus Columna the Italian Generall came presently thither, being sent by the emperor, who with certaine companies issued out ouer the bridge against the enemy: who now in shew discouraged with the comming out of this new supply, did in deed, or at leastwise made as if they [ B] did disorderly retire for feare. At which time Ferdinand Gonzaga, viceroy of SICILIA, a man of greatest account in the armie next vnto the emperour, comming in also, and angrie with them which had before fled; persuaded them as valiant men, to recompence their shamefull flight with a fresh charge, by driuing the enemie home to his owne doore: which thing Columna said could not be done without great perill: But Gonzaga being a man of noble courage, desired to haue the disgrace which the Italians had receiued, salued some way, although it were with ne∣uer so great danger; thinking also that it might happely fall out, that the enemie being put to flight, and hastily pursued, they might togither with them enter the citie, without danger of the artillerie.* 8.443 So without farther delay, the rest of the Italian companies were fled forth of their trenches with great cheerefulnesse by Augustine Spinula, who so valiantly charged the enemies [ C] that they put them to flight, and pursued them so hard, that they came with them to the verie gates of the citie: where many shut out for feare of letting in the Italians togither with them, es∣caped by knowne waies, some to another gate, and some into the mountaines. But then these barbarous people, with darts and shot from the wals, began to ouerwhelme the Italians which were vnaduisedly come within their danger, and with terrible outcries to terrifie them: and they which before were fled without the wals,* 8.444 returned againe to fight. They also which had shut the gate, sallied out againe, and hardly charged the Italians, who alreadie galled with shot from the wals, and rent in sunder with the great ordinance, fled most disorderly; for why, they were but raw souldiors taken vp in hast, little or nothing acquainted with the wars. At which time Asan also sallying out, who was easily knowne by his countenance and rich attire, pursued the chase [ D] with his troups of Turks and Moores footmen. Only certaine knights of the RHODES fought valiantly, and retired orderly: and Spinula with some other gentlemen making a stand at a little woodden bridge, somewhat staied the enemie and saued the liues of many. So the Italians which first charged most valiantly, being in the flight become hindermost, the enemie striking them downe as they fled, couered the fields with their dead bodies by the space of halfe a mile, especially they which fled towards the sea: for there they were circumuented and slaine by the mercilesse Numidians, who beholding the shipwracke, were come downe to the sea side for prey. But the formost companies of the Italians which first fled into the campe, fled in so much hast and so great feare, that none of the leaders in so great and sudden a perplexitie, remembred either the common safetie, or performed the duetie of an aduised captaine; so that all s••••med at [ E] once lost, both by sea and land. Only the emperour, armed with an inuincible courage against all the chances of fortune, and not to be dismaied with any mishap, was both vnto himselfe and others that day the greatest captaine; for when as all was almost lost, he in good time staied the matter by comming on with the squadron of Germans, whereof he sent before three ensignes to stay the flight, and with them as a sure and fresh supply to guard his campe beyond the bridge which was ouer the ditch, seruing his armie for a trench as we haue before said. But such a feare had possessed the minds of the flying Italians, and such was the fierce pursuit of the enemie, that those Germans (not before woont to turne their backs) as if they had been afraid of the Turkes white caps, or not able to abide their sight, or to hold vp weapon against them; by and by tur∣ned their backs, and shamefully fled for companie with the Italians. Then the emperour gallo∣ping [ F] forth with his horse,* 8.445 and his sword in his hand drawne, reprouing them of cowardise that fled, set forward with the German squadron, and with a stout and manly courage spake to them these few words in their owne language: When will you (fellow souldiors) shew your faces to your proud enemies; if now when you should fight for the honour of the Christian name, for the glorie of the German nation, for the safegard of your owne liues, in the presence of your emperour, you feare a

few disordered and naked Barbarians? Immediatly when he had thus said, the Germans touched [ G] with shame, and disdaining that it should be thought they needed any exhortation to performe the parts of valiant souldiors, issued out against the enemie: who moued with their comming▪ and seeing the Italian battell againe restored by the valour and trauell of certaine valiant and ex∣pert captaines, stood still a while, and began to retire; whether it were because they feared the great artillerie & assault of the Germans, or that they thought they had done enough for that sal∣ly: when as for the full accōplishment of the victorie they saw the Christian fleet ouercome with a most horrible tempest, miserably to perish before their faces; and many of their men, especially the Moores hasted to the sea side in hope of a more certaine prey, whereas was no enemie to be feared. For the blustring winds blowing from diuers quarters, as if they had conspired to raise a most horrible tempest,* 8.446 had made such a wrought sea, and the hugie billowes went so high, that [ H] the ships by the violence of the weather, and rage of the sea, put from their anchors, fell foule one of another, and were so lost; or else driuen vpon the maine, were there beaten in pieces in the sight of the armie: so that all the sea coast Westward, from ALGIERS to CERCELLO, layfull of dead men and horses,* 8.447 and the ribs of broken ships. The Numidians beholding this miserable wracke, came downe by great companies from the mountaines, and without mercie slew all that came aliue to land. In the space of a few houres was lost about an hundred and fortie ships, and all the small boats and caruels, which were in number many. Some of the gallies, when they had from midnight to the next day at noone, by the painfull labour of the marriners and skilful∣nesse of the masters, rid it out; being no longer able to endure the rage of the tempest, and fea∣ring to be eaten vp with the sea, with sailes and oares ran a ground: but the souldiors and marri∣ners [ I] swimming to land in hope to saue their liues, and thinking that the greatest danger had been now past, were by the Numidian horsemen which ran vp and downe the sea side, slaine. There might a man haue seene free men of all sorts, with teares commending their liues and libertie to their owne gally-slaues; that by the speech and intreatie of them, which by the sudden change of fortune had but euen now shaken off their yrons, and with merrie hearts swam out to their li∣bertie, they might be saued from the cruelly of the fierce Numidians.* 8.448 It was a most grieuous and wofull sight for diuers hard extremities; when as euerie man according to the dispositi∣on of his mind and skill in swimming, standing doubtfull in most assured death, which to re∣ceiue or refuse, was by fatall destinie drawne to his end, and either drowned in the sea, or thrust thorow with the enemies launce: yet most made choise to abide the danger of the sea, and to ex∣pect [ K] the euent of the tempest, rather than to hasten their end by the enemies mercilesse hand. By that meanes it came to passe, that that barbarous crueltie of the enemie (as a thing most feared of the marriners and souldiors) saued many gallies, which by the appointment of the fearefull marriners and passengers should otherwise haue been run on ground. But after that, a notable gally wherein Iannettin Auria went, was seene to come neere vnto the shoare, and to be driuen vpon the sands by force of weather and the beating of other gallies.* 8.449 The emperour not endu∣ring to see so valiant a young gentleman, captaine of many gallies, slaine without helpe by the Moores in the sight of Auria his vncle; sent by and by one of his captaines called Antonius of ARAGON, with three bands of Italians to the sea side: by whose comming the Moores were put to flight, and he with the rest in the gally saued; but so, that the sauing of him was the losse of [ L] diuers other gallies. For many deliuered of the feare of the Numidians, and trusting to the rescue of the souldiors come downe to the sea side, desiring to saue themselues from the rage of the sea, ran their gallies on ground; and had not some bold captaines (grieued to see so great a losse) run vp and downe the bankes with their drawne swords in their hands, and by threatning death vnto the gally-slaues and marriners, staied their rowing, most part of the gallies had by the ex∣ample of the other perished. Auria, not so angrie at himselfe as at the emperour (who, con∣trarie to the obseruation of skilfull seamen, could not be dissuaded from taking in hand that great expedition in so suspitious a time of the yeare) with an inuincible courage striue against the vio∣lence of the tempest, and rage of the sea: insomuch, that being requested by some of his friends, to saue himselfe whatsoeuer became of the gally; he was so angrie thereat, that he commaunded [ M] them to be bestowed vnder the hatches. Foure gallies also of Virginius Vrsinus, earle of AN∣GVILLARIA, and as many of the Rhodians, after his example rid it out, the reputation of their honour exceeding the feare of death. Certaine gallies also of SICILIA, NAPLES, and SPAIN, happily endured all the rage of the tempest: yet was there fifteene great gallies cast away; with

[ A] the losse whereof, besides the losse of so many ships, the tempest still enduring, so great sorrow and desperation in the wofull expectation of the wracke of all, possessed the whole armie, that not onely the young souldiors regarding onely their owne liues, but euen the most valiant cap∣taines, carefull of the common estate, were vtterly discouraged: for neuer was armie in any me∣morie, ouerwhelmed with a greater concourse of calamities, when as all their victuals being lost in three daies, nothing was left to relieue them withall, and they wanted tents wherein to shroud and rest the souldiors spent with labour, hunger, cold, and wounds, in such perpetuall raine and so dutie a countrie.* 8.450 In which so great miseries, a wonderfull care heauier than the former fear excee∣dingly troubled the minds of all men, to thinke vpon that horrible wracke; when as hauing lost so many ships, & they poore men landed in AFFRICK, were in doubt how euer to return again into [ B] their natiue countries. Yet the notable courage of the emperour still kept the distressed men in hope, which neuer altogether forsaketh wretched men in the midst of their calamities: for he with a courageous heart & cheerfull countenance performed all the parts of a prouident & courteous Generall.* 8.451 For when he had againe made sure his campe against the assaults of the Barbarians, he commanded the wearied captains, especially the duke of ALBA (wonderfully wearied in the late skirmish) and dung wet, to spare themselues, and take their rest: he comforted the wounded men, and caused them to be carried and cherished in the tents which by chance yet stood (for the tem∣pestuous wind had almost ouerthrowne them all) and so not sparing himselfe for any paines, be∣ing in his armour and thorow wet, woon the hearts of all his souldiors the more. In this con∣flict he lost about three thousand men, amongst whom was fiue of his forward captaines, and [ C] three knights of the RHODES: but many moe were hurt. The greatest losse was thought to be in losse of the ships and of the marriners, which was also encreased by the losse of a wonderfull deale of great ordinance, reckoned so much the greater, for that it would come into the hands of the Moores, to the common harme of the Christians, so soone as the sea would giue them leaue to diue for it. Shortly after, Auria (as he was to foresee a tempest, a wonderfull obseruer of the sea, of the heauens, and of the clouds) mistrusting that place, departed with the remainder of the fleet to the cape called META••VSIVM; because it was a place of safer riding for his gallies, and better for the taking in of the souldiors: aduising the emperour to march thither by land. Which his counsell the emperour liking well of,* 8.452 to relieue the hunger of his souldiors, commanded first all the draught horses which were first vnshipped for the drawing of the great Ordinance, and [ D] after them the horses for seruice, to be killed, and deuided for meat amongst the souldiors: As for wood to make fire of, they had plentie of the plankes and ribs of the broken ships, fortune as it were with that one poore benefit recompensing so many calamities.* 8.453 The next day the emperor departed from ALGIERS, with his armie deuided into three battels, the sicke and wounded men being receiued into the middle: and when he had marched seuen miles (the enemies horsemen still houering about him) he came to a headie brooke, which the Moores call ALCARAZ: which was growne so high with the abundant raine and the checke of the wind and of the sea, that be∣ing but a shallow thing before, it was not now to be passed ouer by a good horseman. Where∣fore the emperour of necessitie there encamped, in such sort, that lying with his armie in forme of a triangle, two sides of his armie was defended with the sea and the brooke, and the other with [ E] a strong guard of armed men, for he thought it not good to depart from the sea, a sure defence for his armie on the left hand, to seeke a fourd further of: many aduenturing to swim ouer, were by the violence of the streame carried away and drowned. Wherefore the emperour caused a bridge to be made ouer it, of the masts and saile yards of the broken ships, which were by chance there taken vp, and so passed ouer the Italians and Germanes. The Spaniards marching higher vp the brooke, found a fourd whereby they passed ouer. After which time the Turkes pursued them no further, being called backe againe by Assan their gouernour: as for the Moores and Numidians which still followed at hand, alwayes readie to skirmish, they were easily repulsed by the harquebusiers, and field pieces appointed to euery nation: but vpon such sicke and wounded men as were not able to keepe way with the armie, they exercised all manner of crueltie: for [ F] there was none which in that small hope, possessed with feare of their owne safetie, was greatly moued with the compassion of their fellowes miserie. The next day passing ouer another little riuer, which the souldiors waded ouer vp to the breasts, they came in three dayes march to the rode where the fleet lay, and encamped in the ruines of the old citie TIPASA, neere vnto the sea side, which serued them in stead of a fortresse against the Barbarians. The sea was now calme, the

wind laied,* 8.454 and the weather so faire that all men thought the souldiours might now well be em∣barked [ G] and transported into EVROPE; wherefore the emperour to the great joy of the whole armie commaunded euery man to make himselfe readie to goe abourd, in such sort, that first the Italians, next the Germanes, and last of all the Spaniards should be embarked: but so many ships and gallies as is before said, being lost by shipwracke, it was thought that those which were left were not able to receiue the whole armie, although it were crouded together as close as were possible. Wherefore the emperour commanded the masters and owners of the ships to cast all the horses ouerbourd into the sea, reputing it an vnmercifull part to preferre the safegard of those horses, although they were of great worth, before the life of the basest common souldiour or horseboy in his campe; which thing much grieued the minds of the noblemen and owners of those goodly beasts,* 8.455 not only for that they were (not without extreame necessitie) for the present [ H] depriued of such an inestimable treasure, but should for euer, as they said, lose the most notable race of horses in SPAINE: there, with greefe and vaine compassion, was to be seene goodly horses of seruice, bearing high their proud heads, swimming all about the sea vnto the ships neerest vnto them for safegard, as if it had beene to the shore, and in the end wearied with long swimming to be there drowned. But scarce halfe the souldiors were yet embarked, when the East and North∣east wind, and straightwaies after, diuers contrarie winds almost as great as the first, rose: where∣upon the ships which had alreadie taken in the souldiours, not expecting any commaund, for feare of being driuen vpon the rockes, directed their course according as the wind carried them with full sailes alongst the coast: They were quickly out of sight and dispersed with the tempest, some into one countrey, some into another, carrying the fame of that shipwrack, and the report [ I] that all was lost, into all the Islands of the Mediteranean and ports of ITALIE. The force of this tempest was so great, and the billow went so high, that some of the ships were in the sight of their fellowes swallowed vp of the sea. But amongst the rest two Spanish ships full of souldiors were by wonderfull mishap by contrarie winds driuen againe to ALGIERS,* 8.456 and there set fast vpon that fatall shore, where the Numidian horsemen with a multitude of Moores following them, came running downe to the sea side, to kill them as they should come to shore: for the barbarous people thirsting after Christian bloud, would not receiue them to mercie, although they were readie to yeeld themselues, and couenanted nothing but the safegard of their liues. At which their crueltie the Spaniards disdaining, with their weapons in their hands got to shore, and standing close together as desperat men, withstood them who had with their multitude quickly [ K] compassed them in round: yet in despight of what that barbarous multitude (without regard of humanitie or law of armes) could doe, they made way thorow the midst of them, from the place where they were cast on shore, vnto the very gates of the citie. But seeing the Turkes sallie out, they called vnto them, offering to yeeld themselues prisoners to Assan, without further resistance, if they would assure them their liues, which they were in good hope of, for that he was borne of Christian parents in SARDINIA, and was attended vpon with many renegate Spaniards. So Assan comming forth of the citie,* 8.457 gaue them his faith for their safetie, and beating away the Moores and Numidians, courteously saued them all, wisely making great account of so great a gaine as would redound vnto him by so many prisoners, joined with no small commendation of his clemencie in sauing them. Of the Germans the third part neuer returned home, but were [ L] either lost with shipwracke, or els dead of the sicknesse ensuing so great miseries. The emperour persuaded (or rather ouerruled) by Auria to auoid the violence of the tempest, sailed alongst the coast of AFFRICKE Eastward to BVZIA, the castle whereof was kept with a small garrison of Spaniards: where the emperour landing, found some fresh victuall, though not much, yet such as did both him and the other noblemen no small pleasure.* 8.458 Whilest the emperour lay at BVZIA expecting fairer weather, a great ship of GENVA, laded with victuall, chanced to come into the bay, to the great rejoycing of the hungrie souldiours: but such was the violence of the tempest, that her ankers came home, and she driuen vpon the flats, was cast away; yet so, as that part of the victuall driuen to shore, and halfe spoiled with the salt water, well relieued the encreasing want. In the meane time the emperour when he had long looked for the assuaging of the tem∣pest, [ M] and was now out of hope of any new supplie of victuall, sent away Gonzaga with the Sici∣lian and Rhodian gallies: for the wind before at North was now come to Northwest, and put them in hope to aduenture againe to sea, rather than to stay there longer. So although with a troublesome yet a prosperous course they came in short time into the port of VTICA, now cal∣led

[ A] FAR••NAS: where Muleasses king of TVNES bountifully releeued Gonzaga and his fleet with all kind of victuall and other necessaries. From whence they afterward departed, and lan∣ded all in safetie at DREPANVM in SICILIA. The blustering winds were now at length wea∣rie of blowing, and the raging sea became calme, so that the skilfull sea men for feare of new dangers, and wearie of those that were past, thought it best to aduenture againe to sea. Almost euery houre they were reasoning in counsell, What course they were for most safetie best to take: when some were of opinion, that it was best to beare for SARDINIA or CORSICA: and othersome would haue had them to haue kept alongst the coast of AFFRICA, and so di∣rectly for SICILIA. But the wind comming faire at East, the emperour directed his course to the islands BALEARES,* 8.459 and from thence at length arriued at the port of new CARTHAGE in [ B] SPAINE, greatly commended euen of his enemies for his wonderfull courage and constancie in passing thorow so many extremities, in such sort, as if he had triūphed ouer the malice of fortune.

About this time the dissembled friendship betwixt Charles the emperour and Francis the French king brake out into open hatred.* 8.460 The king first thinking himselfe deluded by the empe∣rour, who had long time fed him with the vaine hope of the restitution of the dukedome of MILLAN, when as he meant nothing lesse; and of late abused by the death of Rinco his embassa∣dour, slaine by the Spaniards in passing downe the riuer Padus, as is before declared. In reuenge whereof he raised a great power in FRANCE, and at such time as most men thought he would haue inuaded ITALIE, sent Charles his sonne with the one part of his forces into the low coun∣tries, which were then gouerned by Marie queene of HVNGARIE, the emperours sister; and [ C] Henrie his other sonne with the other part of his forces to inuade SPAINE, both yong princes of great hope. And not so contented▪ but desirous by all meanes to trouble and molest the emperor, as he did in the low countries by setting on the duke of CLEVE: so by Antonius Polinus his em∣bassadour, a man of great discretion, he earnestly sollicited Solyman the great Turke, with whom he was then in league, to spoile the borders of SPAINE with his gallies, at the same that Henrie his sonne was besieging PERPENNA in SPAINE. For which practise he was of most men dis∣commended, as too much fauoring his owne greefe; and especially by such as affected the empe∣rour. But how this matter, which drew vpon the French king no small enuie, was carried in the Turks co••rt, shall not (as I hope) be vnto this historie impertinent to declare.

After the death of Rinco slain by the Spaniards▪ Francis the French king sent Antonius Polinus, [ D] a man of great dexteritie, his embassadour to Solyman: who passing by many by-wayes to VE∣NICE, and so ouer the gulfe to SIBINICVM, crossing ouer ILLYRIA, met with Solyman in MI∣SIA, as he was comming from BVDA: and there first offered vnto him the present sent from the king his master (for with emptie hands no man might presume to come to those barbarous kings of the East) which present was a cupbord of plate,* 8.461 curiously wrought, in weight 600 pounds; and 300 rich garments of all sorts of silke and scarlet to be bestowed vpon the Bassaes and other great courtiers. Solyman after he had read the French kings letters, and heard what he had further to say, seemed to be greatly moued with the death of Rinco, and promised Polinus not to be wanting vnto the French king, by sea or land to giue him aid in his just warres against Charles his enemie, for breaking of the league: but for as much as nothing could be well determined of such matters [ E] in his journey of so great hast, he told him, that as soon as he was come to CONSTANTINOPLE, he should then haue answer by his Bassaes of all his demaunds. The embassador aboue all things desired,* 8.462 That he would send Hariadenus Barbarussa with his fleet against the next Summer into PROVINCE, there to be receiued into the French harbors, & to be emploied against the emperor as occasion should require: and further, That he would request the Venetians, with whom he was able to doe much, to joine in league with the king his master against Charles the emperor, whose power began now to be dreadfull to their estate. Polinus was not slacke in his businesse, but all the way as he went ••ought to win the fauour of the Bassaes, still giuing them one present or other, & filling their minds with the hope of greater. But when they were come to CONSTAN∣TINOPLE, in the latter end of December, Solyman promising what he had before said, aduised [ F] Polinus to returne into FRANCE with his letters, & to bring him certaine word back againe from the king of the determinat time and full resolution of taking those wars in hand: & that he would in the mean•• time send I••nusbeius his embassador to VENICE, who had been there diuers times before, & would prouide to haue such a fleet in readinesse, as he desired. Polinus exceeding glad of that answer, with wonderfull speed returned back again to the king, bringing with him as presents

from Solyman two goodly Turkish horses,* 8.463 and a sword richly set with stones of great price. The [ G] French king hauing by his embassadour receiued Solymans letters and presents, and three dayes together discoursed with him at large of the manner of his proceeding in the Turkes court, in short time after sent him backe againe to Solyman with full instructions both of the time and pla∣ces, and other circumstances of the intended warre.* 8.464 Polinus comming to VENICE, found not Iunusbeius there, as he had well hoped: yet to lose no time in expecting his comming, he with Pellicerius embassadour Legier for the French king, and other of the French faction, laboured the Senatours in the behalfe of the king. For it was thought likely ynough, that the Vene∣tians still measuring all their counsels by their profit, would easily consent to that league, especi∣ally being requested thereunto by Solyman, and put in hope to haue the port towne MARANVS deliuered vnto them in reward thereof; which otherwise the French, in whose possession it was, [ H] threatened to deliuer to the Turkes, and to make them their euill neighbours, rather than to haue it taken from them by the Germanes. Wherefore Polinus hauing audience giuen him in the Senat, notably pleaded the French kings cause, grieuously lamented the death of the embas∣sadour slaine by the Spaniards, and bitterly enueighed against the ambition of the emperour, who as he said aspi••ed to the whole monarchie of all ITALIE, not by true vertue and valour, but by meere craft and deceit, encroching still vpon the liberties of the free states, and by little and little imposing vpon them the yoke of bondage: In confirmation whereof, hee produced many examples, to them well knowne, requesting them, as antient friends and confederats of the French, to joyne their forces with the kings, in which doing, they should assure themselues of such rewards of the vndoubted victorie, as they could not desire greater. Wheras if they should [ I] refuse so to doe, and would rather sit still and looke on as neuters, they should vndoubtedly, for∣tune hauing decided the quarrell, grieuously offend both, and might worthely expect of the vanquished, hatred; and of the conqueror, injurie: Besides that, in taking vp of armes they should highly gratifie Solyman, who prouoked with late injuries, had determined with a puissant armie to inuade HVNGARIE, and at the same time to send Barbarussa with a great fleet against the Spaniards their common enemies: for the imparting of which his designes, he would shortly send vnto them Iunusbeius his embassadour: As for the euent of the warre, they needed not to doubt, when as they of themselues were strong ynough quickly to thrust the emperour out of the dukedome of MILLAN, being generally hated of the people, feeding his souldiors with the spoile of the countrey, and on euery side beset both by sea and land by two of the greatest mo∣narchs [ K] of the world. Whereunto the Senat delaying the time for certaine dayes, that Iunusbeius might in the meane time come thither,* 8.465 grauely answered, That the amitie they held with king Francis, ought to be vnto them an ornament, but no burthen: the like also they held with the emperour, whom they would in no case seeme to cast off, although they had beene by him ouer-raught: Wherefore the Senators and all the citisens generally were of opinion to preserue their peace, as they which in the hard times of war had endured great extremities, which would hard∣ly be recouered with long peace: But if they did once see the ensignes displayed, and the wars be∣gun, they would then take further aduice, Whether it were good for them to thrust themselues into those warres or not, when as they were in league and friendship with three of the greatest princes of the world.* 8.466 In the meane time Iunusbeius arriued at VENICE, and was there honou∣rably [ L] receiued. He requested, that the league before made at CONSTANTINOPLE by Badoerius their embassador, might by the authoritie of the Senat be confirmed: & so cōmended the French kings cause to the Senat, that he requested no more, but that vnto that amitie which they alreadie held with the French, they would joine further courtesies, the rather for that Solyman had accoun∣ted him for his brother, and had vndertaken to aid him against Charles king of SPAINE: but as to joine in league with him, or in his quarrell to take vp armes, he requested nothing. Which was quite beside the expectation of Polinus and Pellicerius, who by vrging of the matter, and by tel∣ling of all, had thought easily to haue persuaded the Senat to haue graunted what they requested, and therefore thought the Turke who had so coldly spoken in the cause, to be some way corrup∣ted. But as it afterward appeared,* 8.467 there was such equitie and modestie in Solymans letters, who was [ M] otherwise of a proud and insolent nature, that he would not as then exact any thing of them, which should not stand with the good of their estate. Wherfore Polinus, hauing in vaine staied certaine daies at VENICE, was in one of their publike gallies transported to RAGVSIVM, and from thence trauelled by land to CONSTANTINOPLE, where he found all things more difficult

[ A] than euer he dreamed of. For the great Bassaes said, There could no fleet be set out that yeare, by reason that he was come too late to sue for such a matter, the Spring of the yeare being now past, of all other times most fit for to take in hand so long a voyage. So that Polinus was aboue measure vexed with care and griefe, that he had so euill sped, and was come so out of season both to VENICE and CONSTANTINOPLE. Dixius also, one of the masters of the Rhodian gallies, was come to CONSTANTINOPLE, to carie newes into FRANCE of the comming of the Turks fleet: who told Polinus, That the kings sonnes were with strong power far entred into the low countries, and had alreadie inuaded SPAINE, expecting nothing more than the comming of the Turks gallies. Wherefore Polinus (as it easily chanceth to men deceiued by trust reposed in any other mens promises, and bewailing the euill successe of their vaine trauell) wonderfully tor∣mented [ B] himselfe, cursed the froward and vnconstant manners of the Bassaes, called vpon the faith of Solyman; and besought the great Bassaes one by one, that they would not contrarie to their promise, forsake the king, who vpon the hope of the comming of the Turks fleet, had now inuaded both the low countries and the kingdome of SPAINE: for as much as by that delay, which was vnto them neither honourable nor profitable, was (as he said) betraied the majestie of his king, and a most assured victorie now as good as gotten, quite marred. In which his ob∣testations, he was so importunat and tedious, that he became vnto those proud Bassaes rather loathsome than gratious; insomuch that to end his sute, they thought it best sharply to take him vp, and so for that time to shake him off. And therefore sending for him and the other French gentlemen which followed him to the court, the great Bassaes then sitting in counsell, and Bar∣barussa [ C] with them for the honour of his place: as soone as they were come into the counsell chamber, Solyman Bassa the eunuch, turning himselfe about, spake vnto them in this sort.

Frenchmen (said he) this place for d••spatch of most waightie affaires,* 8.468 appointed by the graue iudg∣ment of our most mightie emperor to vs his faithfull seruants, doth (as it best beseemeth) receiue vs, daily comming vnto it, void of loue and hatred: and withall doth notably put vs in remembrance, to speake our minds freely. Neither would I, that this franknesse of speech (the messenger of truth, and therefore the faithfull keeper of friendship) should be vnto your eares vnpleasing or troublesome: for sithence your king hath beene called the friend and fellow of the Othoman name, we may not now ei∣ther forget the duties of loue, or loath your friendship: seeing that our emperour doth maruellously [ D] affect you, and is not a little desirous to strengthen you with his power, and by ouercomming your ene∣mies to increase your power and honour. But in your demaunds is no equitie, no modestie, so that wee tearme you vnmodest and importunat: and others which fauour you not so well, call you plainly by your right names, vnreasonable and shamelesse men; who as too too forgetfull of your dueties, doe most fondly trouble the lawes of amitie and friendship. For leagues are confirmed by like profit, by making euen the charge and mutuall dangers: but if neglecting your friends kindnesse and courtesie, you will make no requitall, they will quickly grow wearie of you. So happeneth it vnto you Frenchmen, who euer forgetfull and negligent in our dangers, but in your owne alwaies mindfull and diligent, haue shewed your selues friends vnto vs when need was, not in deeds and certaine aid, but onely in bare let∣••ers and embassages. Tell me I pray you, where euer you shewed any signe or token of your good will or [ E] aid? whereby the minds of our enemies might at the least wise haue but beene kept in suspence of some doubtfull feare, when as Charles with all the power of the West came into HVNGARIE; and CO∣RONE and PATRAS were in the meane time shaken in GRaeCE with the enemies fleet; and last of all TVNES taken with so great a fleet? But all this we pardon you: yet this it is which is hardly to be endured, that you did not so much as once grieue at our so great iniuries, as you ought to haue done; but sent your gratulatorie embassadours vnto the bloudie common enemie, who had but euen then slaine so many of our people. At length our emperour came to AVLONA to your great profit, about to passe ouer into ITALIE: but neither then in the arriuall of your fleet appeared the good wils of the Apuli∣ans towards you, which were of you so vainly promised, neither did you so much as once moue to inuade the vpper part of ITALIE: so neither seruing our turne, nor well fitting your owne, you haue alwaies [ F] lost the occasion of the good successe of your affaires. But neither then, neither at any time afterwards needed we your counsell or vnited forces: for the Venetians to their paine felt both our forces and our faith: as for the rest, warre, the notable reuenger of our wrongs, most happily brought to passe, at such time as you of your owne voluntarie made peace with the common enemie, to inuade vs; and did as vn∣kindly as impudently as it were blow wind in his sailes. But we, without your helpe, haue notably re∣pressed

so great assaults of our enemies: when as this same Hariaden Barbarussa put to flight their [ G] fleet at AMERACIA, and happily slew the spanish pirats of CASTRVM, and hauing againe recouered our owne cities, tooke also from them some of theirs: wherefore we are bound vnto you for no desert, but we had rather forget these vnkindnesses, than to faile you whom we haue once receiued into our friendship. For we performe our fidelitie in deeds: but it is his part to regard the time, to way the danger, to wait occasion; which will not rashly commit his actions to the hazard of fortune. You are come later than you should haue done for the setting forth of our fleet: for Sommer now well spent, fol∣loweth the pestilent time of Autumne, so that marriners cannot in conuenient time be taken vp, or safely thrust into the gallies: for in long sailing, who would not thinke, but that such a companie of saylers vsually sicke at the change of an vnacquainted ayre, would be in danger of their liues? who would not feare shipwracke in their returne, when as this same Hariaden so great a master at sea, [ H] driuen vpon the Acroceraunian rockes in the moneth of August, lost so many gallies? A fleet would be rigged in Winter, furnished and set forward in the Spring; in Sommer is safe sailing and making warre. Which that it may be so done, we will for the common wealth sake persuade the emperour: for the nauie once lost, cannot vpon the sudden be againe restored for much gold, whereof the Othoman emperour wanteth no store, heaped vp by many ages. If thou be wise take these things in good part as friendly spoken: but whether the emperor will pardon thy boldnesse or not, let himselfe consider, truly we haue satisfied both him and our selues in speaking to thee so plainly.

These things seuerely spoken by the eunuch Bassa, did so much the more trouble Polinus, for that they seemed to haue been sent from the mouth of Solyman himselfe, who was thought to [ I] haue heard all that was said. For behind the Bassaes as they sate in counsell, was a window with a brasen grate, and a curten drawne before it, that the emperour when he pleased, might vnper∣ceiued heare the complaints and sutes of all nations, and note the manners of his great counsel∣lors; whose care for the administration of justice was so much the greater, for feare of his pre∣sence. Yet did not Polinus for this repulse,* 8.469 detesting the double dealing of the Bassaes, so giue ouer his sute; but winning by gifts the fauour of the Capiaga or chiefe porter, a man euer of great authoritie in the Turks court, laboured by him to be brought to the speech of Solyman himselfe: who faithfully performed what he had vndertaken. So the French embassadour brought by him into the secretest place of the court, which few Christians had euer been, and so vnto the presence of Solyman, recounted vnto him how all matters had before passed, and most earnestly besought [ K] him not to faile the kings expectation of the fleet he had before promised, who at that present was inuading his enemies in three places. Whereunto Solyman courteously and expressely an∣swered, That the opportunitie of sending out of his fleet was past;* 8.470 not by his will, which was alwaies immutable and firme, but by his late comming, and the time of the yeare halfe spent: but promised, the next Spring without doubt to send vnto the king his friend and brother, twise so great a fleet as he had desired against Charles their enemie. With which answere, the embassadour dispatched away Dixius into FRANCE, vpon whose arriuall, king Francis cal∣led backe againe Henrie his eldest sonne with his armie, from the siege of PER••ENNA in SPAINE.

* 8.471The princes and States of GERMANIE, at the request of king Ferdinand and the nobilitie of [ L] HVNGARIE, about this time decreed with one consent, to take vp armes against the Turks, for the recouering againe of BVDA, and other the lost parts of HVNGARIE. For besides the disho∣nour done to their nation at EXEK vnder the leading of Cazzianer, and againe at BVDA vnder the leading of the Lo. Rogendorff; they well saw, that if they did not speedily relieue the Hunga∣rians ouerwhelmed with the calamities of the Turks forces, they shovld in short time be enfor∣ced to fight for their religion, children, wiues, and liues against the same mightie enemie, at their owne doores. For preuenting whereof▪ the princes and free cities of GERMANIE, set out thir∣tie thousand footmen, and seauen thousand horsemen▪ amongst whom was Mauritius, after∣wards duke of SAXONIE, then a young gentleman about twentie yeares old▪ But the Generall of these German forces, was Ioachimus Marquesse of BRANDENBVRG, a man more for the ho∣nour [ M] of his house than the valour of himselfe preferred to that place: yet so, that vnto him was joyned eight others, men of great yeares and experience; by whose counsell he was to be dire∣cted. When they were come to VIENNA, king Ferdinands power met them: where beside such as were taken vp in AVSTRIA, Huganot Gouernour of STIRJA came in with ten thousand

[ A] horsemen. Vnto these the noble men of HVNGARIE, Gasper Seredius, Andreas Bathor, and Petrus Perenus, a man of the greatest authoritie power and experience amongst the Hungari∣ans, joyned themselues, with fifteene thousand horsemen; whither also Paulus the third of that name then bishop of ROME, sent three thousand chosen footmen out of ITALIE, conducted to VIENNA by Alexander Vitellius, a most famous captaine. The Marquesse with this great army marched from VIENNA alongst the riuer Danubius, but so softly, that the Hungarian and Ita∣lian captaines said plainly, That the best part of the Sommer, and fittest time for warres, was pas∣sed ouer in loitering and dallying out the time to no purpose: especially Iacobus Medices, who had long before persuaded the king, to be readie to set forward his forces with the first of the Spring, before the Turks could either augment their garrisons, or put in any new forces; for that [ B] by such resolute and speedie inuasion, it was like enough hee might recouer both PESTH and BVDA. Which politike and wholsome counsell so well giuen, king Ferdinand too much credi∣ting the great men of his court (liking nothing but what proceeded of themselues) rejected, ex∣pecting the full assembly of all his forces, before the setting forth of his armie. At length the Marquesse was by soft marches come to STRIGONIVM (king Ferdinand himselfe staying be∣hind at VIENNA) where it was commonly reported, That Solyman fearing to lose BVDA, was either in person himselfe comming into HVNGARIE, or else sending downe the Generall of his Europeian horsemen, who might neuer set foot forward to warre without sixtie thousand horse∣men. Which newes so troubled the Germans, that they made no great hast forward, doubting how they should returne againe if they chanced not to get the victorie: Beside that, it was [ C] thought, that the Marquesse neuer purposed to fight a battell, or endanger himselfe or his armie for the kingdome of HVNGARIE, but only to defend the bounds of AVSTRIA, and by shewing the strength of GERMANIE, to terrifie (if he could) the Turks, if they not contented with HVN∣GARIE, should also prouoke the Germans. But after it was by certaine esp••als from SAMAN∣DRIA, knowne that all that report of the comming of the Turks great armie was but vaine, and that there was scarce a thousand Ianizaries and twise so many horsemen come to BVDA, and that the Turks fleet was both for number and strength farre inferiour to the kings, they set forward againe with more cheerfulnesse, much encouraged by the forwardnesse of the Hungarians, espe∣cially of Perenus; assuring them, that if they would without delay march on, and spend no more time in vaine, they should not find at BVDA any such number of Turks as was worth the name [ D] of an armie: for that Solyman vsing but euerie second yeare to make war, did that yeare take his rest, and was not like to vndertake any great expedition. For these reasons all men being readie cheerfully to set forward, the Marquesse appointed to passe ouer Danubius: which this Perenus, Huganot and Medices, all expert captaines, liked not of; wishing him rather to hold on his way directly still on that side the riuer to BVDA, the chiefe citie of the kingdome. But it was the mind of the Generall and all his counsellors, first to besiege PESTH, which might be done with lesse labour and danger, and there hauing made proofe of the enemies strength and purpose, to come to the siege of BVDA: for then would the souldiors with much more courage and cheerfulnesse endure the siege of BVDA, if they had by good fortune first beaten them out of PESTH: Which counsell was both best liked and followed, and the armie by two bridges with great and painfull [ E] labour made ouer Danubius (which was in that place deuided into two parts) transported. At the same time Medices an Italian captaine, Admirall of the kings fleet, came downe the riuer, and in despight of the Turks tooke the island of Saint Margaret, lying in the riuer a little aboue BVDA, and by force repulsed the Turkes fleet vnto the suburbs of the citie. The Marquesse to auoid the danger of the great shot from BVDA, after he was passed the riuer,* 8.472 fet a great compasse about, and so came to the North side of PESTH▪ for on the South it was defended with the ri∣uer Danubius, running betwixt it and BVDA▪ and on the East and West the great ordinance on the one side from the castle of BVDA, and on the other from mount S. Gerrard, did so scoure all alongst the wals, that no man could without most manifest danger there abide. For BVDA standing vpon the hill, and deuided from PESTH onely with the riuer, so ouerlooketh and com∣maundeth [ F] all the plaine countrey about PESTH, that without perill no man can stir on any side of the citie, but Northward towards AGRIA▪ couered by the citie from the shot out of BVDA. As the Marquesse was comming thither, he was told by certaine fugitiues, that Balis Gouernour of BVDA (who in that place succeeded Solyman the Hungarian renegate, lately before dead of the plague) had in garrison in BVDA two thousand horsemen: and that Vlames the Persian Go∣uernour

of BOSNA, was come vnto him with three thousand mo: whereunto Amurathes had [ G] also joyned another thousand which he brought out of DALMATIA: and that Segemenes was come thither also with a thousand Ianizaries from CONSTANTINOPLE: as for the rest of the footmen, that they were but wild countrey people, fitter for labour than for seruice in warres. They told him also, that the enemies fleet consisted of sixtie small pinnaces, ten gallies, and a few other great boates: and that Solyman had commaunded his captaines in any case to defend BV∣DA and PESTH to the last man, without regard of any other place. And had proposed vnto the valiant, great rewards; and to the cowardly, extreame punishment: charging them further, that if need were, they should in time send for Achomates the Generall of his Europeian horsemen to SOPHIA, to aid them. The Turks vpon the approach of the Christians, issued out at one of the gates of the citie, and skirmished with the Hungarians: but after they had sufficiently proued one [ H] anothers strength, and some few were on both sides slaine, they retired into the citie, and the Hungarians to the campe.* 8.473 The next day after, Vitellius going out of the campe neere the citie with fiue companies, to chuse a place for planting the batterie; the Turks at one instant sallying out at two gates of the citie, gaue him a hoat skirmish, where at the first, the fight was begun with like courage and force: but the Turkes still sending forth new supplies both of horse and foot, first the Christian footmen, and after that the horsemen, not able longer to endure the force of the Ianizaries, were constrained disorderly to retire, hauing lost in that retrait foure of their captaines and two ensignes: and had not Vitellius with one companie of horsemen serred togi∣ther, valiantly repulsed the insolent Ianizaries, the losse had beene much greater. Vitellius ex∣ceedingly grieued with this losse, and perceiuing the manner of the enemies fight, encouraged [ I] his souldiors, purposing if he could to be fully reuenged: and aboue all others, requested Pere∣nus to be readie to joine with him as occasion should require. Vitellius lay encamped in the kings orchards, walled about as it were a mile, equally distant both from the great campe and from the citie; out of these orchards he went with twelue companies vnder their ensignes, commaunding the rest to stand still within the wals, in readinesse at all assaies: and so fetching a great compasse about,* 8.474 marched alongst the riuer side towards the citie: Neither did the proud enemie (brag of the former daies victorie) make any delay, but brauely sallied out at the east side of the citie, and couragiously charged them. But Vitellius warned of his former harme, and seeing his enemies come on as he desired, couered his shot with his pikes, and standing close, receiued the enemies charge: his shot still playing vnder the pikes, oftentimes vpon their knees: many of the Turkes [ K] were there laid on ground, whilest they desperatly sought to haue broken the order of the Chri∣stians. In the meane time, when many of the Turks horsemen and Ianizaries comming out of the gates, and diuers others beholding the fight were come ouer the riuer from BVDA, to be par∣takers of the victorie, had filled the hithermost banke; Vitellius in good time, of purpose by little and little retired, as if he had been ouercharged: Then began the enemie to giue a great shout, and more fiercely to assaile the Christians: their horsemen also clapt behind them, to haue there charged them. Which thing Perenus diligently noting, and that the Turks in following of Vi∣tellius were drawne a great way from the gates, he suddenly with his light horsemen clapt in be∣twixt the citie and the Turks at their backs, after whom followed also Mauritius (afterwards duke of SAXONIE) with a strong troupe of German horsemen, of purpose to haue shut them in for [ L] retiring backe againe into the citie. But then the Turks perceiuing the danger, and finding them∣selues shut in, stood as men more than halfe dismaied, bethinking themselues which way to take, and so began to retire. When Vitellius comming on couragiously with his pikemen and his harquebusiers, deuided into two wings, charged them fiercely; and the Hungarian and German horsemen breaking in amongst them on the other side, made great slaughter of them, and strucke such a feare amongst the flying Turkes, that many of them in running to the gate, thrust one another thorow with their pikes: diuers other were also by the horsemen driuen in∣to the riuer, and there drowned. That day Segemenes lost aboue an hundred of his Ianiza∣ries, and foure hundred others. The chiefest commendation for this piece of seruice was gi∣uen to Vitellius, who had so well and so quickly reuenged himselfe of the Turkes: and next him [ M] to Perenus, who as a skilfull captaine had so well awaited the time to entrap the enemie: nei∣ther is Mauritius the young Saxon prince vnworthie his due praise,* 8.475 who valiantly charging the Turkes, and hauing his horse slaine vnder him, was in danger to haue beene there lost him∣selfe, had not Nicholas Ribische one of his followers, couered him with his owne bodie, vntill

[ A] such time as that hee was rescued by others, Ribische himselfe presently dying of his wounds. This little victorie so encouraged the Germanes, that the Marquesse commaunded the great or∣dinance to be presently brought forth, and the batterie planted, which was at the first placed so farre off, that it did little harme, although the wall were both old and thin, not aboue fiue foot thicke:* 8.476 and the ordinance laied either a little too low, or mounted too high, either shot short, or quite ouer the citie into BVDA: which fault once perceiued, the batterie was remooued neerer, and a faire breach soone made in the wall, with the continuall beating of fortie great pieces of ar∣tillerie. Vitellius was the first that offered to assault the breach, so that the Germanes would pre∣sently second him, which thing they all by holding vp of their hands promised courageously, but cowardly about by and by to breake that promise: for oftentimes it chanceth, That they which [ B] before the danger are readiest to promise their helpe, are in the very danger it selfe of all others most slacke. The Hungarians also for their parts promised not to be behind. The silence of the enemie at the breach and in the citie, was wonderfull, so that many thought he had beene fled backe ouer the riuer to BVDA: for Segemenes captaine of the Ianizaries, an old beaten souldior, ordered all things with as little stir as was possible: He had receiued new supplies from Vlamas, and had cast a deepe countermure within the wall against the breach, and on the inner side of the same had made a strong barricado, with gabions and wine vessels filled with sand and earth: be∣hind which stood the Ianizaries, & next vnto them the Turkish archers, and last of all the horse∣men who had left their horses to serue on foot.* 8.477 The signall for the assault once giuen, foure Itali∣an captaines ran desperatly with their companies by the ruines of the wall to the breach: but [ C] whilest they there set vp their ensignes, and wondering at the enemies fortification, were readie betwixt hope and feare to leape downe, they were suddenly ouerwhelmed with a shoure of ar∣rowes and bullets. Yet Vitellius still encouraging them, brought them still on, who did what they might to haue entred:* 8.478 but the Germane footmen with their Generall stood still vnder the wals, looking on, as men nothing moued either with the hope of victorie or danger of their friends: and the Hungarians not so much as once looking vpon the enemie, retired: two of the Italian captaines, Rufus and ••••olla were there slaine, and Carolus, Vitellius his nephew, shot in the shoul∣der. The Turks with shot and stones still repulsed and beat downe the Italians, whereof the Ger∣manes also standing still, felt part, and were more gauled than a man would haue thought men could haue beene, that did nothing: for there they still stood for shame, least if they should haue [ D] also first retired, they should haue incurred a second infamie as bad as the first. Which thing Vi∣tellius perceiuing, would in no case depart from the breach, but wished rather to lose his men by whole companies, than to leaue the least colour of excuse to the Germanes, or that they should say they stayed longest, of whom he with greater anger than greefe complained, that he was for∣saken and cowardly betrayed. In time of this assault one of the Turks was heard to speake aloud in the Italian tongue, Why doe not you valiant Italians spare your selues, and giue place to those lasie Germanes.* 8.479 We all wish to spare you, and to beat the drunkennesse out of their most cowardly heads, that they should no more hereafter prouoke vs. At length the Germanes wearie of their hot stan∣ding and nought doing, got them farther off, after whom the Italians forthwith retired: but so disorderly,* 8.480 to be quickly out of the danger of the enemies shot, that if the Turks had at the same [ E] time sallied out at all the gates, it was thought that the whole campe had beene greatly endange∣red. In this attempt rather than assault, seuen hundred Christians were slaine outright, and many moe hurt, who died afterwards of their wounds.

All this while the Marquesse and Hugonot the great commaunders of the armie, kept them∣selues so farre from gunshot, that they were no where to be seene, vntill that Torniellus and Fo∣tiscu, two valiant captaines, finding them out, wished them for shame to shew themselues for the comforting of the armie. A little before night they consulted with the other captaines, Whether they should forsake the siege, or continue it still: whereof most of the Germanes best liked to be gone, as the safest way: though Vitellius & some others spake earnestly to the contrarie. At which time a spie comming in, brought newes that Achomates, Solymans lieutenant of the Europeian [ F] horsemen, had passed ouer the riuer Sauus at BELGRADE, and was comming to Dranus: whose comming either cunningly fained, or vainly beleeued, caused the Germanes to make a short con∣clusion, and to resolue flatly to returne to VIENNA, fearing that if they should longer continue the siege, they should be stayed against their wils by Achomates. Which thing made many of the old Germane souldiors to hang their heads for shame, and the Hungarians to curse both the

Germanes and the hard fortune of their nation, vainely wishing for a Generall in courage an∣swerable [ G] to the strength of that great armie. Segemenes perceiuing how much the Christian ar∣mie was discouraged by the last dayes euill successe, early in the morning courageously sent out all the horsemen, and after them certaine companies of footmen, to relieue them in their retire; who in many places skirmished with the Hungarians, being nothing inferiour vnto them either in courage or skill: and the matter was brought to that passe, as if it had beene so agreed vpon, that many of the most notable and expert souldiours on either side encountered together hand to hand in the sight of the Italians and Germanes,* 8.481 the Hungarians mixt with the Turks, and the Turkes with the Hungarians, with such fidelitie, that they regarded no other enemie but him whom euery one had singled out for himselfe, as if it had beene in a triumph for exercise hand to hand. It happened, that a notable captaine of the Turks, desired to see Vitellius, who being shew∣ed [ H] vnto him (for he was easie to be knowne by his armour) the Turke ran vnto him to embrace him for his honour,* 8.482 and so departed. About fiue hundred horsemen so encountered one another hand to hand that day, of whom many were slaine or hurt. The night following the batterie was remoued, and the armie marched towards the riuer to the fleet. The Turks perceiuing the Chri∣stians to be departed, sallied out of the citie on all hands, and with a great crie vpbraiding them of cowardise, hardly pursued the rereward of the armie. Vlamas was come ouer himselfe from BV∣DA, and so eagerly followed the armie, that it could hardly haue escaped without great danger, had not Vitellius with his Italians made a stand, and requested the Hungarian & German horse∣men to turne backe vpon the enemie: which they at his request did, and not onely repulsed the enemie, but also put him to flight, and in the chase slew many. After which time the armie passed [ I] on quietly; yet seuen hundred Germanes which were sicke and stragled behind the armie, were by the Turks horsemen miserably slaine in the sight of their fellowes. The Germans thrice foiled by the Turks, first at EXEK, then at BVDA, and now at PESTH, returned full of heauinesse and greefe, as they which were now to forget the subduing of HVNGARIE, and to become carefull of GERMANIE it selfe.* 8.483 The armie comming to VIENNA, was there broken vp, and the Itali∣ans sent home into their countrey, who for most part died by the way, of infection taken in the campe in strange aire, and a most queasie time of the yeare.

But to couer the shame of this vnfortunat expedition, and to turne mens talke another way by some notable accident:* 8.484 Petrus Perenus the noble Hungarian was the man pickt out for the purpose to fill mens mouthes. He, belayed with the enuie of the court, was for suspition of aspi∣ring [ K] to the kingdome of HVNGARIE, by the commaundement of king Ferdinand apprehended by Liscanus, a Spanish captaine, in the castle of STRIGONIVM as a traitor, and presently deliue∣red to Medices the Admirall,* 8.485 to be conueyed vp the riuer to VIENNA. Liscanus at the time of his apprehension most couetously and vncourteously tooke from him his chaine, and a rich cloke lined with sables: which indignitie done to so noble a gentleman, so much offended the minds of the rest of the Hungarians, that aboue twelue thousand of them thereupon presently retur∣ned home to their owne dwellings, cursing the Germanes to the diuell. This Perenus was one of the greatest peeres of HVNGARIE, but of a most haughtie and magnificent mind, so that hee would sometime haue almost an hundred goodly spare horses fit for seruice led before him with∣out their riders; & would sometime speake too liberally against the barenesse of king Ferdinands [ L] court, who polled by his courtiers, hardly maintained his state: which his surpassing magnificence and princely port was cause ynough for the other great courtiers to enuie at his estate, and to seeke his ouerthrow; who as men ouercharged with the burthen of another mans vertue, wher∣of they neuer bore the least part, and alwayes gaining by the deprauing of other mens perfecti∣on, conspired together his ouerthrow, and oftentimes pointing at him with their fingers, would say, That he sauoured of a crowne. This notable man, as he had many worthie vertues, so was he not without cause noted of ambition and vnconstancie: For after that king Lewes was lost; he dis∣daining the preferment of Iohn the Vayuod to the kingdome of HVNGARIE, tooke part with king Ferdinand against him, in hope as it was thought to be next in honour vnto himselfe: but after he saw king Iohn againe restored, and his state strongly supported by Solyman, and that all [ M] things stood doubtfull and tickle with Ferdinand, he with like leuitie sought meanes by Abra∣ham the great Bassa to be reconciled to king Iohn; which was hardly obtained of him by the in∣tercession of Solyman himselfe (as is before declared) to whom he gaue his sonne as pledge of his fidelitie. After which time he liued in great honour and loyaltie all the raigne of king Iohn:

[ A] but after he was dead, and saw George the bishop the kings tutor, doing what he list to raigne like a king,* 8.486 he disdained his gouernment; and sollicited by king Ferdinand, reuolted again vnto him, and furthered him in what he could for the obtaining of the kingdome. But now falling into the enuie of the court, mallice found out matter ynough to worke his confusion. First it was giuen out, That his sonne, who had many yeares beene detained in Solymans court, as pledge of his fa∣thers faith, was euen then vnder the colour of a faigned escape come into TRANSILVANIA; when as he had secretly agreed with Solyman, that his father being a man much fauoured of the people, should by promising them all possible freedome, allure them to the Turkish subjection: in reward of which good seruice he should be made gouernor of the kingdome of HVNGARIE, and put in hope also to be made the tributarie king thereof, if it should fortune the yong king to [ B] die: Besides that, it was accounted a thing very suspitious, that hee had the Winter before vsed great kindnesse and friendship toward the Turkish captaines; by sending them great presents, and receiuing the like againe: And last of all, his letters directed to certaine Hungarian captaines were produced, wherein he seemed to promise them, as his friends and followers, greater enter∣tainment than agreed with his present estate: All which things king Ferdinand (of his owne dis∣position, not easily to be persuaded to conceiue euill of the Germanes his countreymen, were it neuer so apparant or true, but of strangers any thing) quickly beleeued, and therefore caused him (as is beforesaid) to be apprehended. But Perenus as he was brought by Medices the Admirall to VIENNA, when he was come neere vnto the gate of the citie, and heard that Phillippus Torni∣ellus, with certaine other braue captaines of his acquaintance, were come to meet the Admirall; [ C] he requested that the close coach wherein he rid might be opened, and that he might haue leaue to speake to those noble and valiant gentlemen. Which thing was easily graunted, for that the nobilitie and approoued valour of the man seemed vnto them which had the charge of him, vn∣worthie of such restraint of libertie or imprisonment, yea or of the least suspition thereof. So he turning himselfe towards them, spake vnto them in this sort.

Wretched I, noble gentlemen (said he) whom despightfull enuie hath circumuented guiltlesse: but much more miserable king Ferdinand,* 8.487 whom domesticall theeues bereaues of substance, friends, and honour all at once. For so it commeth to passe, that by this inconsider at wrong done vnto me, he shall vtterly lose the loue and fidelitie of the Hungarian nation, and may therefore for euer not without [ D] cause despaire for the obtaining of the kingdome of HVNGARIE, sithence that it is not lawfull for me (inferiour to none of my nation in birth, and hauing for my good and faithfull seruice well deser∣ued reward of a iust king) so much as to reioice for the deliuerance of my sonne from the captiuitie of the Turks, but that by my sinister fortune, dreadfull death in stead of incomparable ioy must be pre∣sented to mine eyes. For will these malicious pick-thanks, guiltie of their owne cowardise, the wicked contriuers and witnesses of my wrongfull accusation, spare me, being laid fast and in durance, which neuer spared the kings honour? For euerie man of what nobilitie soeuer, be he neuer so guiltlesse, when he is once in hold, must be content to endure, not what he hath deserued, but what his hard for∣tune assigneth. Yet my vpright mind and cleare cons••ience, which onely thing God the most iust iudge leaueth as a comfort to men in miserie wrongfully accused, deliuereth me of this care: and so will the [ E] Marquesse our Generall, to whom I before vpon a mistrust foretold, that such a danger would short∣ly befall me, and that I had rather be slaine guiltlesse▪ than to withdraw my selfe from triall▪ which thing I told him at such time as I was so guarded with mine owne strength, that I feared no mans force.* 8.488 I beseech you, doe me this honourable fauor, as to request king Ferdinand in my behalfe quick∣ly and honourably to proceed to the triall of my cause, and according to his owne princely disposition, and not the will of others, to discerne betwixt his faithfull friends and faigned flatterers. Truly wee are too too vnfortunat captaines, if for a little euill successe we shall be so adiudged as men that had ouerthrowne their fortune. Cazzianer peraduenture receiued the iust punishment hee had deserued for the shamefull forsaking and losing of the armie at EXEK, when as he possessed with an vncouth feare forgot the dutie of a Generall, more afraid of death than dishonour: for when he had volunta∣rily [ F] committed himselfe to safe custodie, be was so generally condemned of cowardise, that despairing to defend his cause, he brake prison, and as wickedly as vnfortunatly reuolted to the Turkes: But nei∣ther was I of late the Generall, neither were we vanquished, although we preuailed not, but honoura∣bly retiring, valiantly repressed the insolencie of the pursuing enemie. As for the kingdome of HVN∣GARIE, I might then well haue affected the same, and easily haue deserued it at Solymans hands,

when as king Ferdinand, after the death of king Iohn, was making his preparation for that warre: [ G] at which time my friends and followers at my deuotion, with the loue of the Hungarians towards me, seeming of no small importance for the obtaining of the victorie, might haue ministred no vnreasona∣ble or vnseasonable hope to haue drawne a man into courses not altogither beseeming a Christi∣an. Wherefore I haue, and will so long as I liue, fight against the Turkes, if king Ferdinand shall shew himselfe an indifferent iudge in this accusation, falsely surmised against me by the malice of mine enemies.

When he had made an end of speaking, the Admirall courteously persuaded him to haue good hope in the clemencie of the most just king; and shortly after performed his request: for he and Torniellus taking the king as he was hunting, entreated him to deale fauourably with Pe∣renus. [ H] For all that, Perenus could not obtaine that his cause might be openly heard; but was committed to safe keeping, there to remaine in perpetuall prison: but whether it was for the mis∣prission of new treason,* 8.489 or for reuenge of his old inconstancie, is vncertaine. Thus, three the on∣ly great princes left of the Hungarian bloud, equally worthie of the kingdome, Valentine, Maylat, and Perenus, snarled almost in like snares of enuie, cut off all hope of raising a king to their sediti∣ous and therefore miserable countreymen: when as Perenus lay too late bewailing his vncon∣stancie in perpetuall prison; and the other two fast in chaines neere vnto the Euxine sea, expe∣cted death the end of their miseries. This end had the wars, taken in hand against the Turks by the generall consent of the Germans in the yeare 1542; which many thought, might worthily be compared with the greatest losses of those times: When as king Ferdinand, hauing in vaine [ I] spent a great masse of treasure, the fittest stay for the imminent warre; and lost the opinion be∣fore conceiued of the strength of GERMANIE; had now as a weake prince, and subject to in∣jurie, prouoked against him the Turkes, bold enough otherwise, but as then insolent for their late victories.

* 8.490Polinus the French kings embassadour still following the Turkes court, ceased not by all meanes to solicite Solyman, with his gallies to aid the king his master in the inuasion of the do∣minions of Charles the emperour, in ITALIE, SICILIE, and SPAINE. In which sute, he was so crossed by Solyman the eunuch Bassa, then Vesier, that he was almost in despaire of speed: for the malitious eunuch, being himselfe a great sea man, and enuying the honor of Barbarussa (who was to be imploied in that seruice) sought by keeping him out of all honourable actions, to di∣minish [ K] his former glorie; and concerning the present, protested openly as he sat in counsell, that he saw no other cause why the Turkish emperour should to his great charge and the common danger, send out such a fleet, but to serue Barbarussa his own turne. But Solyman hauing diligent∣ly heard, and deeply considered of that the Bassaes had said; rejected their opinions, who would not he should haue giuen the French king aid▪ and honorably decreed, according to his promise, whatsoeuer should ensue thereof,* 8.491 to send his fleet vnto the king by Barbarussa. Two daies after, the French embassadour before in dispaire, but now reuiued with that decree, was solemnly fea∣sted by Rustan Bassa, Solymans sonne in law, and by Solyman the eunuch Bassa: for so it was their Great masters pleasure, both of them joying of him for the friendship confirmed betwixt the two princes by sending this fleet. After which, diuers gifts were bestowed vpon the embassadour [ L] and his chiefe followers; and at such time as he was to take his leaue, Solyman gaue him great charge of his nauie, that it might be safely kept, and so after the seruice done, againe returned: and withall, deliuered him letters vnto king Francis, wherin after the glorious rehearsall of his proud titles, he writ vnto him as followeth:

* 8.492We haue vpon a brotherly bountie, granted vnto Polinus your embassadour, such and so great a fleet as you haue desired, thorowly furnished for all assaies: whose direction we haue commaunded Hariaden our Admirall to follow, and by your appointment to proceed against the enemie. But you shall doe well and friendly, the wars once happily ended, to send backe againe my fleet to CONSTAN∣TINOPLE. All things shall vndoubtedly fall out according to your owne desire and mine, if you shall [ M] carefully take heed, that Charles the Spanish king, your perpetuall enemie, doe not againe deceiue you with the motion of a deceitfull peace. For then shall you bring him to a most indifferent peace, when you haue before brought vpon his countries all the calamities of warre.

[ A] Polinus taking his leaue of Solyman then lying at HADRIANOPLE, returned to CONSTAN∣TINOPLE, where he found Barbarussa with an hundred and ten gallies, and fortie galliots readie to put to sea, which he had with incredible celeritie rigged vp and furnished. And so setting for∣ward the eight and twentith of Aprill, in the yeare 1543, and passing the straits of HELESPON∣TVS, he arriued first at CARISTIVS in EV••oeA; and from thence to MALEA, where he was by contrarie winds cast into the bay of LACEDEMON, and there staied nine daies before he could double the cape of METAPANIVM, called in auntient time TENARVS: After that he came to METHON, and from thence crossing the Ionian, came to the strait of MESSANA; where the Turkish pirats being come with their galliots within the sight of RHEGIVM, began to land their men. They of RHEGIVM seeing so great a fleet, and the Turkes alreadie landing, fled out [ B] of the citie for feare: but the castle was still kept by Didacus Gaietanus a Spaniard, who refused to haue any parley with Polinus the French embassadour, and with shot out of the castle slew cer∣taine of the Turks: wherewith the rest being enraged, brake into the citie, and finding it desolat, set it on fire; sore against the will of Polinus and Barbarussa, who sought to haue found out the authors thereof, and to haue punished them accordingly.

After that, certaine pieces of great ordinance were landed and planted against the castle, which with a few shot so terrified the captaine, alreadie troubled with the crying out of his wife, that he without any more adoe yeelded himselfe and the castle with all therein, into the hands of the enemie: vnto whom with his wife and children, Barbarussa at the request of the French embas∣sadour, granted both life and libertie: the rest he shut vp in a church, and gaue the spoile of the [ C] castle to his souldiors. There was in the garrison of the castle about seauentie Spaniards, but ma∣ny mo citisens, which were all carried away prisoners. One of the captaines daughters, a young gentlewoman of exceeding beautie, had with her good grace so warmed the withered affection of the old pirat Barbarussa,* 8.493 that he now fitter for the graue than for marriage, became amorous of her person: so that taking her from her father, and entring her into the Mahometane supersti∣tion, he made of her as of his wife: Insomuch, that certaine moneths after, he welcomed and bountifully entertained the captaine as his father in law, comming to see his daughter at the port called PORTVS HERCVLIS in TVSCANIE, where the Turks fleet then lay. Barbarussa sayling alongst the coast of ITALIE, came to OSTIA, in the mouth of the riuer Tibur, and brought such a feare vpon the citie of ROME, that the citisens were readie generally to haue forsaken the [ D] citie; had not Polinus by his letters to Rodolphus the cardinall, then the great bishop Paulus his le∣gat in the citie, in part staied the sudden tumult. The bishop himselfe was then at BVXETVM, a towne betwixt CREMONA and PLACENTIA, trauelling (in shew) with the emperour, to haue made a peace betwixt him and the French king: but labouring in secret to haue bought of him the dukedome of MILLAN, for Octauius his kinsman, the emperours sonne in law. Polinus his letters written to the cardinall at ROME, and sent by the Gouernour of TARRACINA, were to this effect.

The fleet which is by Solyman sent for the defence of FRANCE by Barbarussa his Admirall,* 8.494 is by his ••ppointment at my commaund: so that it is not to hurt any but our enemies. Wherefore make [ E] it knowne to the Romans, and others dwelling alongst the coast of the Popes territorie, that they feare of vs no hostilitie. For the Turkes will neuer violat the faith of their emperour solemnly giuen vnto me: and you know most assuredly, that the French king desireth nothing more, than that the estate of ROME might not only be kept in safetie, but also flourish most gloriously, and be therefore preserued from all iniurie. Fare you well.

In like manner he also comforted vp them of NEPTVNIANVM and OSTIA, so that they brought vnto the Turks all manner of victuall; and sometimes for foure sheepe or a couple of oxen, redeemed a good prisoner taken in some place of the kingdome of NAPLES. Yet for all this, the Romans did not so much credit the embassadours promise in the behalfe of the Turkes [ F] good dealing, but that many of the weaker sort fled out of the citie into the countrey by night, although the chiefe magistrates did what they might to haue staied them. When Barbarussa had thus lie•• three daies in the mouth of the riuer of Tiber, and there watered, he passed alongst the coast of ETRVRIA and LIGVRIA, without doing any harme; and so sailed directly to MAR••••ILL••S. Where leauing him with his fleet for a while, expecting the French kings

farther pleasure; we will againe returne vnto Solyman, who at the same time that Barbarussa was [ G] spoiling the frontiers of the emperours dominions in ITALIE,* 8.495 came with a great armie into HVNGARIE, for the more assured possession of that kingdome, whereafter he saw king Ferdi∣nand so much longed. And because he would make all sure before him, he sent Amurathes Gouernour of DALMATIA, and Vlamas the Persian gouernour of BOSNA, to besiege WAL∣PO; a strong town scitua•• vpon the riuer Dranus, not far from EXEK, famous for the ouerthrow of the Christian armie vnder Cazzianer: after whom followed also Achomates the great com∣maunder of his Europeian horsemen. This towne (part of Perenus his possessions) was against all these forces kept and worthily defended by Perenus his wife (her husband then lying in prison at VIENNA) and her friends, by the space of three months: but was at last by the trecherous soul∣diors deliuered to the enemie, togither with their Generall; whom when they could by no means [ H] persuade to consent to the yeelding vp thereof, but that he would needs hold it out to the last, they tooke him perforce, and so deliuered him with the towne to the Turkes: who receiued him with all courtesie,* 8.496 and vsed him honourably: but those traiterous souldiors, whether it were in detestation of their treacherie, or for the spoile of them, were all put to the sword; the just re∣ward of their treason. The rest of the citisens were by the Turks taken to mercie, and well vsed. The bishop and chiefe men of QVINQVE ECLESIE, a famous citie not far off on the other side of Dranus, hearing of the losse of WALPO, and terrified with the greatnesse of the Turkes ar∣mie, fled for feare, leauing none but the meaner sort of the people in the citie, who willingly yeel∣ded the same vnto the Turks. The next towne of any strength was SOCTOSIA, belonging also to Perenus, which for a while held out against the Turks, for that diuers gentlemen of the coun∣trey [ I] which were fled into the citie, encouraged the citisens to stand vpon their defence. But after much harme done on both sides, when they were no longer able to hold out, they retired into the castle in hope to haue so saued their liues and libertie by yeelding: but Amurathes was so of∣fended with them, that he would come to no reasonable composition, or promise them any thing more than that they should at their pleasure come forth: and so as they came out at the gate, slew them euerie mothers sonne, thereby to terrifie others from making like resistance.

Solyman vnderstanding all these things, gaue those townes which were taken, to Amurathes the Generall:* 8.497 and hauing put all things in readinesse, departed from BVDA with all his armie to besiege STRIGONIVM; which was then kept by Liscanus and Salamanca, two proud couetous Spaniards, with a garrison of thirteene hundred souldiors, whereof some few were Spaniards [ K] and Italians, and the rest Germans. Paulus bishop of STRIGONIVM, got himselfe out of the citie betimes, despairing of all mercie if he should haue fallen into the power of Solyman, by whose intermission he had been once before reconciled to king Iohn, and had againe reuolte•• from him to king Ferdinand. The castle of STRIGONIVM was scituat vpon a high hill, ouer∣looking Danubius running vnderneath it, the wals were built euen without any flankers, after the old manner of building before the inuention of guns: For which cause, Vitellius and T••••ni∣ellus, two expert captaines (the yeare before sent from the king to view the place, and the manner of the fortification) were of opinion, that the citie could hardly be defended, if it were be sieged by any strong enemie: being subject also vnto a hill not far from the gates of the citie. ••gainst which inconueniences, the old garrison souldiors which wintered in STRIGONIVM, cast vp new [ L] bulwarks and fortifications, and after the manner of windie headed men, making great boast be∣fore the danger, what they would do, seemed to wish for the comming of Solyman. But after that the barbarous enemie had with his tents couered the fields and mountains round about the citie, and withall brought a gallant fleet vp the riuer, all those brags were laid in the dust, & euery man began to grow doubtfull of his owne safetie: for that they being but few (although men of good worth) were to withstand the infinit number of such enemies, as oftentimes vsed ••••ost desperatly to expose their liues to all maner of dangers. This their feare was also increased by the comming of certaine messengers from Solyman, who vnderstanding of what nations the garrison consisted, sent vnto the citie three of his owne guard, one a Spaniard, another an Italian, and the third a German, all renegate Christians; that euerie one of them might without an interpretor, speake [ M] vnto their countreymen in their owne language: These men admitted into the citie, offered great rewards and large entertainment in the name of Solyman, to such as would in time yeeld; denouncing all torture and extremities vnto them which should endure the summons of the cannon. Whereunto it was answered by the captaines, That those faithfull and valiant souldi∣ors,

[ A] who had reposed their last hope in their armes,* 8.498 were neither to be woon by gifts, nor terri∣fied with threats. With which answere the messenger returned, and the same day the Turkes great ordinance was planted vpon the hill before the gate of the citie, and the weakest parts of the wals round about the citie, so well pickt out by the Turks to be assaulted; as that they could not more skilfully or commodiously haue been chosen out of them which had within most dili∣gently viewed euerie thing: so that it is to be thought, that the Christians wanted not onely for∣tune against the Turks, but also faith amongst themselues. Salamanca distrusting the fortificati∣ons of the suburbs, retired into the citie, contrarie to that he had before vainly boasted. Acho∣mates Generall of the Europeian horsemen, laid siege to that part of the wall which was next to the bishops gardens: Vlamas the Persian besieged the towre neere vnto the gate towards BV∣DA: [ B] The Asapi or common souldiors were by their captaines brought on to dig trenches and cast vp mounts, as was thought most conuenient. It is incredible to be spoken with what furie the great ordinance was discharged, without ceasing; insomuch that the towre with a great part of the wall neere vnto it, shaken with continuall batterie, fell downe with such violence, as if all had been shaken with a most terrible earthquake: neither was any man able to stand vpon the wals, but that the Ianizaries with their harquebusiers out of their trenches and from their mounts,* 8.499 would most certainly fetch him off: and many which stood within farther off, were with the Turkes arrowes falling from high, as if it had beene out of the ayre, grieuously woun∣ded. But that which most troubled the defendants, and did them greatest harme, was the stones, which beaten in sunder with the great shot, and not to be auoided, did with their pieces kill or [ C] maime the souldiors neere hand: With which dangers they were enforced to forsake the vtter∣most wall, and to cast vp new fortifications within, that they might with lesse danger defend the place.* 8.500 Neither in the enemy wanted courage to assaile the breach: thrise they desperatly attemp∣ted to haue entered, and were alwaies with losse repulsed. In which assaults amongst others, Bul∣taces Sanzacke of SELYMBRIA, a man of great account among the Turkes, was lost. Whilest the defendants were thus busied, many of the souldiors and marriners which came vp the riuer, with all things necessarie for the armie from BVDA, went on shoare and lay in the suburbs of the citie, in such securitie, as if there had been no enemie nigh: which thing they in the citie per∣ceiuing, suddenly sallied out vpon them fearing no such matter, and slew many of them before they could arme themselues, and draue the rest to their fleet: so that betwixt fighting and flying [ D] there was about two hundred of them slaine. Zymar a Persian, Admirall of the fleet, in rescu∣ing of them which to saue their liues fled vnto the riuer, was shot thorow with a small shot, and slaine. Whilest these things were in doing, and the Turkes hauing in many places sore shaken the wall, did with greater force daily assaile the citie, and the defendants with their continuall losses and out of hope of all reliefe were more and more discouraged: an old Calabrian enginer, which had long time serued king Ferdinand,* 8.501 fled out of the citie to the Turkes, who being cour∣teously entertained by Solyman, and examined by the Bassaes of many things concerning the strength and state of the citie, satisfied them in all that they desired; and farther, directed them in planting their batteries in places most conuenient for the speedie taking of the towne. In the meane time, whilest the Turkes were with restlesse labour battering the wals, and working in [ E] their mines, it fortuned that a gilt brasen crosse which stood vpon the top of the steeple of the Cathedrall church, was by the continuall shooting of the Turkes thereat, at length bea∣ten downe: at the sight whereof, it is reported that Solyman after the superstitious manner of that nation, taking the chance as a token of his good lucke, cried out presently, STRIGONIVM is woon.

Liscanus and Salamanca fearefully consulting of the euent of the siege, and secretly conferring together, resolued to saue themselues, and to giue vp the towne. Liscanus was no great souldi∣or, and yet by continuall spoile growne exceeding rich, and therefore thought it but follie to buy the name of a resolute captaine at too deare a price, with the losse of his life and wealth. The like feeling was also in Salamanca, who preferred the safetie of himselfe and of that which he had got [ F] in long seruice, before all credit and honour, were it neuer so great. This their purpose was not kept so secret, but that it was noised abroad amongst the common souldiours, of whom almost the third part was now either slaine, or with wounds or sicknesse growne weake: yet were they all of opinion generally, That they were still strong ynough to defend the towne. But the vnder captaines and auntients vsing to flatter their Generals, liked well of the motion, to yeeld vnto

Solyman vpon reasonable conditions, rather than to expose themselues to most certaine death, [ G] which should nothing better king Ferdinands cause. Not long after, an Auntient was by night let downe ouer the wall: and hauing by an interpreter receiued the Turks faith, called forth Sa∣lamanca, that he might vpon better conditions goe thorow with them for the yeelding vp of the towne.* 8.502 Who without further delay comming out, went to Achomates; commaunding before he went them which defended the water tower next vnto the riuer side, a place of great danger, for safegard of their liues to get themselues into the citie: who terrified with that newes, and ha∣stily retiring, were by the vigilant Turks which lay at the siege thereof, perceiued, who suddenly breaking in, slew such as were not yet gone, & possessed the castle. But Salamanca being brought before the great Bassaes, when he had stood vpon many nice tearmes, and required many things to haue beene graunted him, obtained no more, but that they should without delay yeeld vp the [ H] citie, and put themselues wholly to the mercie of Solyman. So the Spaniard being there stayed, himselfe writ to Liscanus, how he had sped; willing him forthwith, if he loued his owne safetie, to yeeld the citie, without standing vpon further tearmes. Liscanus vpon receit of these letters comming forth to the souldiors, declared vnto them the necessitie of yeelding vp of the towne, and what hope there was to escape with life and libertie. But whilest the souldiors filled with in∣dignation, stood as men in doubt what to doe, Halis commaunder of the Ianizaries came vnto the gate, and with cheerefull rather than sterne countenance required to haue it opened vnto him according to the agreement made by Salamanca in the campe;* 8.503 which was forthwith opened by Liscanus, and the keyes deliuered vnto him: the Ianizaries entring peaceably into the citie, posses∣sed themselues of the wals and fortresses round about, commaunding the Christian souldiors to [ I] giue place, out of whom they chose all the beardlesse youths, and commaunded the rest to cast downe their harquebusiers and other weapons in a place appointed, which they all for feare did, expecting nothing but some cruell execution to be done vpon them by the barbarous enemie. Which their feare was the more encreased by a strange accident, then vnluckily chancing: For whilest the souldiors did as they were commaunded, with their harquebusiers cast their flask••s full of pouder also, one of them suddenly tooke fire of a match, which was by chance cast in a∣mongst them with fire in it, which firing the rest, blew abroad all that heape of weapons amongst the Turks, which so filled them with anger and feare of some sudden trecherie, that they fell vp∣on the Christians, & slew diuers of them: vntill such time as Halis persuaded that it was a thing happened rather by chance than mallice, commaunded his Ianizaries to stay their furie. This tu∣mult [ K] appeased, Halis caused proclamation to be made, That all such Christian soldiors as would serue Solyman in his warres, should haue such place in his armie as their qualitie required, with bountifull entertainement: yet of all the Christian souldiors were found onely seuentie, which carefull of their liues, accepted the offer; fearing that the Turkes would vpon such as refused ex∣ercise their wonted crueltie. Halis entertaining them courteously, sent them away with the other youths whom he had before culled out, downe the riuer to BVDA: the other souldiors he tooke into his protection, and vsed their labour to helpe the Turks to make cleane the castle. But Lis∣canus, who to saue his gold, had made shipwrack of his honour and reputation, was glad to giue vnto Halis the faire chaine of gold, which he had most couetously and insolently before taken from Perenus; when as Halis, who would otherwise haue taken it from him by force, by way of [ L] militarie courtesie, now craued it of him, as a strange kind of ornament amongst the Turks: with which gift he was in hope to haue saued the rest of his coine.* 8.504 But fortune fauoured not so much the couetous coward: For when he was about to depart away with his horses of seruice, which he kept very good, and had cunningly stuffed the saddles full of gold, thinking so slyly to haue con∣ueyed it; the Turke laughing at him, tooke from him his horses furnished as they were, saying, That he which was to goe by water, needed no horses. So was the couetous wretch at once quit of the great wealth which he had in long time euill gotten. The captaines, with the rest of the souldiors dispoiled of their armes, were conueyed ouer the riuer of Danubius, and so trauelled on foot to POSSONIVM: where the countie Salme by the commaundement of the king ap∣prehended Liscanus, Salamanca, and some other of the captaines for suspition of treason, and [ M] committed them to safe custodie, there to answere for their cowardly yeelding vp of the citie.

* 8.505Solyman entred into STRIGONIVM the tenth of August in the yeare 1543, and there con∣uerting the Christian churches into temples for the Mahometane superstition, first sacrificed for his victorie, as he had before done in BVDA: and after with all speed so strongly fortified the citie,

[ A] as if he would thereby for euer haue taken from the Christians all hope of recouering the same againe; deriding the slouthfull negligence of the Germans, who possessed of it foureteene years, had neglected all that time to fortifie it. Not long after, Solyman leauing Ossainus a valiant cap∣taine gouernour of STRIGONIVM, and sending his Tartarian horsemen to spoile the countrey on the left hand, as farre as ALBA REGALIS; went himselfe to besiege the castle of TATTA, called in auntient time THEODATA. The garrison souldiours terrified with the losse of STRI∣GONIVM, and the sight of the Turkes armie, vpon the first summons yeelded the castle without resistance, and were so suffered quietly to depart. That castle after the manner of the Turkish dis∣cipline (who with few and those very strong holds keepe their prouinces in subjection) was by Solymans commaundement presently rased downe to the ground. Torniellus Generall of the Ita∣lians, [ B] caused Hanniball,* 8.506 captaine of the castle, to haue his head strucke off for his cowardly yeel∣ding vp of the peece he had taken charge of: thereby to admonish others, which had the charge of strong places, not to refuse an honourable death in defence of their countrey, for feare of an ignominious death attending their cowardise.

TATTA thus layd in the dust,* 8.507 Solyman marched with his armie towards ALBA, surnamed RE∣GALIS, for that the kings of HVNGARIE by an auntient custome vsed to be there crowned, and also buried. BVDA, STRIGONIVM, and ALBA REGALIS, three principall cities of the king∣dome of HVNGARIE stand in manner of a triangle, almost equally distant one from another, about a hundred miles in compasse. BVDA and STRIGONIVM are si••••at vpon the riuer of Danubius: but ALBA standeth more into the land, strongly seated in the midst of a great lake, [ C] but not so wholesomely, especially in the Summer time, the Winter waters then decreasing, and grosse vapours arising with the heat of the Sunne.* 8.508 From the citie thorow the marrish or lake vnto the firme land, lie three broad and high causeyes (in manner of the strakes of a cart wheele) well built with faire houses and gardens on either side, and a broad way in the middle whereby men passe in and out of the citie. At the end of euery causey towards the land were cast vp strong bulwarkes, which the citisens vsed not to watch but in dangerous times of warre: so that by these bulwarkes, the houses of the suburbs standing vpon these causies, were safe from the danger of the enemie, the lake filling vp all the spaces betwixt the causies: which, what for the depth, what for mud, flaggs, and bulrushes growing in it, was not by horse or man to be passed tho∣row. And the citie it selfe standing in the middest of the lake, compassed round about with a [ D] strong wall, and a deepe ditch alwayes full of water, was hardly to be besieged: for which causes a great number of the countrey people vpon the comming of Solyman, fled into it with their cattell, as vnto a most sure hold. In the citie lay in garrison two companies of Germans, and two hundred horsemen, vnto whom were joyned fiue hundred Hungarian horsemen, such as in time of peace liued by robbing, and are by an infamous name called Vsarous: vnto these, the Italian countie Torniellus, who with his Italians was come as farre as IAVARINVM, or RAB, sent foure captaines with their companies, such as were most forward in that seruice: after whom followed Barcocius, captaine of the kings guard, with a companie of horsemen, appointed by the king for Generall. Who was no sooner come into the citie, but news was brought of Solymans approch. Whereupon he in hast called together the other captaines, with Birrous then maior of the citie, [ E] and other the cheefe citisens, to consult with them, What was best to be done for the defence of the citie, but especially, Whether the suburbes of the citie, standing vpon those three broad cau∣sies, were to be destroyed or not? that so the citie standing in the middest of the great marrish, might both with lesse labour and danger be defended. This question was seriously debated, and great reasons alleadged on both sides:* 8.509 at last the citisens cried out with one voice against the mat∣ter, and said, That they would neuer suffer those goodly suburbs, wherein were so many chur∣ches and faire buildings as might compare with the citie it selfe, to be so shamefully destroied, to the vtter vndoing of so many rich citisens: for what could be (said they) more dishonourable or lamentable, than to the encouraging of the barbarous enemie, to shew such a token of extreame feare; and with their owne hands to burne and destroy those stately buildings, which might by [ F] strong hand be well enough defended against the enemie, if they did not play the shamefull cow∣ards. Of which opinion with the citisens was also Octauianus Serosactus an Italian captaine, al∣leadging that both the citie and the suburbs might both with like danger be defended: forasmuch as they were equally fortified with the benefit of the marrish; and if the worst should happen, the defendants might yet safely enough retire into the citie. At last standing vp as one thrust for∣ward,

both with the publicke hard fortune and his owne, said, Valiant gentlemen, what shew will [ G] you giue of your valour, or what honour shall you haue of your seruice? If you shall defend so fa∣mous a citie, by deforming of it your selues, and cutting off the suburbes, as it were the armes thereof, before the danger, vpon too hastie desperation? Verily you shall doe nothing, either in the seruice of the king or the honour of your selues, except this citie (if God so please) be of you whole and sound va∣liantly defended. Vpon this speech they all arise, the wiser sort and of greatest experience giuing place to the importunitie of the ignorant and simple. Barcotius himselfe full of care, and ouer∣come with the vaine opinion of the greater part, yeelded also vnto that fatall resolution of sauing the suburbes. For it often falleth out, that they who wisely weighing dangers in the ballance of rea∣son, and doe therefore fearefully resolue of the euent of things, and doe thereupon oftentimes giue more hard and resolute iudgement of things than men of greater courage; yeeld neuerthelesse to be [ H] partakers of other mens follies, yea euen to most assured death, rather than by maintaining their fear∣full opinion to be deemed cowards. So fell it out with Barcotius the Generall, who setting a good countenance on the matter which nothing liked him, went out to the souldiours, declaring vnto them the reasons why the suburbes were to be defended: exhorting them with like valor on their parts to answere that honourable resolution, promising to prouide whatsoeuer should be neces∣sarie for the obtaining of the victorie; assuring them of great rewards and preferment, which should by their good seruice deserue the same. Hereupon the suburbes were by the common la∣bour of the souldiors and the citisens quickly fortified, the great ordinance in places conuenient orderly planted, and watch and ward kept by the captaines and their companies by their turnes day and night. But the Turks drawing neere to the citie, bent their forces onely against the sub∣urbes [ I] of the gate leading towards BVDA: for that they perceiued the marrish was in that place drier than in the other, and the sandie ground more vnfit for the making of bulwarkes and other fortifications for the safetie of the defendants, than in the other places where the ground yeelded better turfe. Barcotius perceiuing the enemies purpose, drew all the Italians and Germanes from the other gates into the suburbes of the gate of BVDA, leauing the countrey people which were fled into the citie, and the citisens, in their places. At the first comming of the Turkes, the Hunga∣rian and Germane horsemen, with the Italian footmen, sallied out of the suburbes, and after cer∣taine light skirmishes retired. Which manner of fight was continued by the space of three daies without any great harme done on either side: for the captaines had warily commaunded, That the souldiors should not aduenture out too farre. But after that Solyman himselfe was come, and [ K] had with the multitude of his tents beset the citie farre and neere, to the terrour of the beholders; the Christians shut vp all the gates, and sallied out no more. Which thing caused the wild Hun∣garian Vsarous, vsed to open skirmishes, to prouide for themselues in time, and not to suffer them∣selues to be coupt vp (as they tearmed) within the wals of the citie: So for fashion sake, asking leaue to be gone (who were not against their wils to be stayed) they by night departed, being not to bee entreated by the Generall or citisens to stay, and by knowne wayes escaped thorow the woods from the enemie. In the meane time the Turkes were come with their winding trenches within shot, and with their arrowes and small shot so scoured the top of the bulwarke, that no man could there possibly appeare but he was straight wounded: and such was the furie of the great artillerie, that it had in short time battered in sunder the plankes and timber which kept in [ L] the sandie mould, whereof the fortresse was made, more for shew than for strength; in such sort, that the great shot flying quite thorow all, slew and wounded many that were a far off: in which distresse of the defendants,* 8.510 the Turkes Asapi with small danger filled vp the ditches of the bul∣warke, and diuers places of the marrish with earth and wood, which they brought continually from a wood thereby with six hundred waggons, so that in the space of twelue dayes they had made a firme way for them to passe ouer vpon, both to the bulwarke and the suburbes; a worke before thought impossible to haue been performed. The ditches thus filled vp, the Turkes vali∣antly came on, seeking by plaine force to enter the bulwarke. First came on the Asapi, whom as men of least worth the Turks captaines vse to thrust to the first danger: After whom followed the horsemen, now on foot, with swords and targuets, or else their horsemens staues, couering the [ M] Ianizaries, who vpon their knees with their harquebusiers sore gauled the defendants. This hot fight endured aboue three houres with equall hope and courage: but the Turkes still relieued with fresh souldiors, repulsed the Christians, and gained the vttermost bulwarke: neuerthelesse, the Italian fort was that day valiantly defended, the very women and religious helping to defend

[ A] it:* 8.511 in which assault a tall Hungarian woman, whose courage farre exceeded the weakenesse of her sex, thrusting in amongst the souldiours vpon the top of the fort, with a great sythe in her hand, at one blow strucke off two of the Turks heads, as they were climing vp the rampier. This assault was giuen the nine and twentieth of August, on which day the Turkes had before taken B••LGRADE, and also slaine king Lewes at the battell of MOHACHZ; and were therefore after their superstitious manner in obseruation of their fortunat and vnfortunat dayes, in good hope to haue then taken the citie: wherein they were much deceiued, being not able at that time fur∣ther to enter, but enforced againe to retire. Wherewith Solyman offended, sent for Abraham, Achomates, and Halis (the cheefe captaines in that assault) into his tent, and reprooued them sharpely, for that the bulwarke being so valiantly and fortunatly woon, they had not with more [ B] courage prosecuted the victorie, but cowardly (as he thought) giuen it ouer, being in a manner alreadie woon: and therefore with sterne countenance commaunded them to prepare all things readie within three dayes for a fresh assault, and neuer to returne vnto him, except they did win the citie. Whereunto the captaines answered no more (for were they neuer so guiltlesse, they might not before him stand to excuse themselues) but that they would in short time accomplish his desire. Wherefore hauing made all readie, and encouraged the souldiors to this last assault, they terribly assailed the rampiers, and brought a great feare vpon the defendants: for taking the benefit of a thick mist (as it oftentimes chanceth in marrish grounds) they were with great silence (contrarie to their manner) got vp to the top of the rampiers,* 8.512 and come to handy blows, before they were well discouered. The fight was for the time fierce and terrible: but the Ianizaries pre∣uailing, [ C] at length put the Germanes to flight, and after them the Italians also, so that now well was he that could run fastest towards the citie. But that their hastie flight little auailed, when as they were to passe out by a little narrow gate in manner of a wicket: and they in the citie, with∣out regard of them that fled, had plucked vp the draw bridge ouer the ditch. For naturally it commeth oftentimes to passe, that the feare of the present danger, without blushing excuseth our foule dealing. So the barbarous and fierce enemie pursuing the flying Christians at the heeles all the length of those suburbes with most cruell execution, many notable men, some fighting, some flying, were there slaine: amongst whom was Octauianus Serosactus, author of the euill counsell whereof ensued that calamitie. Barcotius the Generall flying on horsebacke to the little gate▪ which was not to be passed thorow, and crying in vaine to them that fled, to haue the great [ D] gate opened, was by the comming in of Ianizaries slaine: whose head and right hand full of rich rings▪* 8.513 was by the barbarous enemie carried about in derision vpon a launce. The rest of the fly∣ing multitude finding the little gate shut vp with the bodies of the dead, and the bridge maliciou∣sly drawne vp, desperatly threw themselues into the deepe ditch; where some of them labouring to swim out, were caught by the legs and armes by other that could not swim, and both together drowned. Some hardly crauling ouer, were shot in the head or backe with the Turkes arrowes: othersome sticking fast in the mud, were as if it had beene in sport shot to death by the Turkes: some few there was which got ouer, and were saued.

There was yet left in the citie the Generall of the German horsemen, and Vscasades of CR••∣MONA, an Italian captaine; these two gathering the remainder of the souldiors which were left, [ E] placed them vpon the wals: but the citisens were strucke with such a feare, that they could not tell which way to turne themselues. For now Birrous the maior, with the aldermen and other chiefe citisens, seeing the slaughter of the Italians and Germans, were so ouercome with despaire, that they thought no hope of their well doing was to be reposed in making of any farther resi∣stance, but onely in the mercie of Solyman. Wherefore Birrous spake vnto the Turks from the wall,* 8.514 That he might safely send embassadours to Solyman, to intreat with him vpon reasonable conditions, for the yeelding vp of the citie: which thing Achomates easily granted. With these embassadours for the citisens, went also the generals of the German horsemen, and Carolus Ru∣fus an Italian captaine (who of all others had borne himselfe most valiantly in all the assaults, to the great admiration of the Turks) to intreat for the safetie and libertie of the souldiors. The em∣bassadours [ F] being brought before the great Bassaes, requested, That yeelding the citie, the citisens might enjoy their liues and libertie: whereunto they were so answered, as that it seemed they should not all be pardoned; yet was the generall feare well diminished, for that the punishment respected but some few. Rufus was courteously entertained▪ and easily obtained, that the Itali∣ans might in safetie depart with bag and baggage to VIENNA: the like grace also obtained the

Generall of the Germans for his soldiors. Solyman the eunuch Bassa, offered vnto Rufus honou∣rable [ G] entertainment, if he would haue serued Solyman: which when he refused as bound to king Ferdinand by oath, in honour of his valour he gaue him a rich cloake wrought with flowers of gold. The embassadours returning into the citie, and telling how they had sped, deliuered the citisens of a great feare. Shortly after the citie being yeelded, Achomates by open proclamation in the market place, commaunded the Italians and Germans to make themselues readie against the next day to depart, and to take good heed that no Hungarian went with them: hee also straightly charged the citisens to keepe their houses, vntill the strange souldiors were departed. At the time appointed, the Italians and Germans set forward, conducted by Homares with a companie of the Turks horsemen, who faithfully defended them against the Tartares, running vp and downe the countrey after spoile: neither was any thing taken from them but their dags, [ H] which the German horsemen after a new fashion carried at their saddle bowes; these the Turks greatly desired, delighted with the noueltie of the inuention, to see them shot off with a fire∣locke without a match. But after the departure of Homares, they were in their trauell set vpon by the Hungarians, with whom they had many hoat skirmishes, and had hardly escaped vnspoi∣led, had they not been rescued by the kings souldiors lying in garrison in the castles as they pas∣sed alongst the countrey. The few which remained, after many troubles came at last to VIEN∣NA, more like ghoasts than men.

Solyman entring quietly into the citie, first visited the sepulchers of the Hungarian kings, and gaue out proclamation,* 8.515 That the Hungarians should feare of him no harme; for that he was not come to conquer them, but to deliuer them from the bondage of the Germans, and so to restore [ I] againe that entire kingdome vnto Stephen the right heire of king Iohn.* 8.516 But within three or foure daies after, he called out the chiefe citisens into a field not farre off, wherein the bodies of con∣demned men were woont to be buried, as if he would haue there taken an oath of them for their fidelitie: whither, after they were all assembled in the best manner they could, as to some solemn feast, the cruell tyrant (without regard of his faith or promise) caused them all to be slaine. How∣beit some report, that he caused them onely to be put to death which bare office in the citie, at such time as they reuolted from the obedience of the queene and the infant king, vnto Ferdinand, and had then brought in German souldiors; and that he sent the rest into exile to BVDA and BELGRADE. So Solyman leauing Ba••ibeius gouernour of ALBA REGALIS; and Mahometes sometime gouernour of BELGRADE,* 8.517 his lieutenant generall for the whole gouernment of that [ K] kingdome, returned againe toward CONSTANTINOPLE, Winter now beginning to ap∣proach: after he had that Sommer woon S••IGONIVM and ALBA REGALIS, two of the chie∣fest cities of HVNGARIE. All this while king Ferdinand had raised no power worth the spea∣king of, to withstand so mightie an enemie; onely at VIENNA lay seauen thousand Germans and foure thousand Italians, at such time as Solyman departed from ALBA REGALIS, which were shortly after discharged.

Whilest Solyman thus lay at the siege of ALBA REGALIS, he sent his Tartarian horsemen which serued him to small purpose in the siege, to spoile the countrey round about: these sauage people doing much harme, were in diuers places circumuented by the Hungarians, and about three thousand of them slaine: one of them being taken prisoner, had found in his knapsacke [ L] halfe a child, of about two yeares old, the loathsome remainder of his barbarous feeding.

Barbarussa all this while lying with his fleet (as we haue before said) at MARSEIL••ES fret∣ted exceedingly, that he had to his dishonour vndertaken so long a voyage by sea, to pleasure him which was not able (as he said) to direct his owne dessignes to any certaine resolution▪ but shamefully suffered the best time of the yeare for seruice, negligently to passe away without any thing doing▪ the blame wherof would (as he said) be imputed to him at CONSTANTINOPLE: and that Solyman, who desired to aid the king his friend and confederat, and by all ••eanes to annoy his enemies, would take in euill part to haue it reported, that he had with so great charge set out so great a fleet, and so far off, to helpe his friend hardly beset with his enemies, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 done nothing: besides that, he tooke on like a Turke, that he, who in time of seruice, neuer vsed [ M] negligently to let slip the least opportunitie, should now blemish his former credit and esti••ati∣on, by lying still all that Sommer in the harbour of MARSEILLES, where his souldiors grew la∣zie with doing nothing. Wherefore Polinus going to the king, told him of the proud Turkes great discontentment for lacke of imploimen•• and returning to Barbarussa, brought o••der from

[ A] the king, that he should lay siege to NICE a citie of PROVINCE, then holden by the Duke of SAVOY. This citie standing vpon the sea, was by one of the French kings for a great sum of mo∣ney pawned vnto the duke: which money king Francis had many times offered to haue repaid, but could neuer get the citie out of the dukes hands. Vnto which seruice, the French king sent also his fleet of two and twentie gallies and eighteene ships, wherein were embarked eight thou∣sand footmen, and victuall for many daies. This fleet departing from MARSEILLIS, keeping close by the shoare, came to the port called MONOC; whither two daies after came Barbarussa also with an hundred and fiftie gallies. From thence Polinus by commandement from the king, writ vnto the State of GENVA, That they should not feare of that great fleet any hostilitie, which was not to hurt any but them of NICE, and not them neither if they would yeeld themselues. [ B] For more assurance whereof, he obtained of the Turks diuers GENVA captiues, which had long time been chained in their gallies, and courteously set them at libertie, and sent them home with∣out raunsome. After that, he friendly exhorted the citisens of NICE, to yeeld themselues againe vnto their auntient and lawfull prince, renowned for his bountie and power; rather than to ad∣uenture their state to all extremities for that poore and distressed duke, who betweene the empe∣ror and the French king, despoiled of the greatest part of his dominions, saw no other end of his miseries, but to leaue that little which yet remained, as a prey to the one or the other that should first lay hand thereon. Whereunto the magistrates of the towne answered, That they knew no other prince or soueraigne, but Charles their duke: wherefore he should desist farther to soli∣cite them by letters or messengers, whom they would make no other account of but as of their [ C] enemies.* 8.518 Wherefore the Frenchmen and Turks landing their forces, laid siege to the towne in three places. The citisens had but a little before newly fortified their wals, by the direction of Paulus Simeon, captaine of the castle, and one of the knights of the RHODES, a man of great experience; who long before taken at sea by pirats, had sometime serued Barbarussa, and there∣fore persuaded the citisens as resolute men to withstand the Turks. Which, that they should more constantly performe, he tooke their wiues and children, and weaker sort of the people into the castle; and from thence furnished the citisens with all things necessarie for their defence. The citie was at once in diuers places battered by the Turks and French, both by sea and land: so that at last the Turks had beaten downe one of the new built bulwarks, and made so faire a breach, that with their ensignes displaied, they attempted to haue entred: whose forwardnes Leo Strozza [ D] (then seruing the French king with a band of Italians) imitating, sought to haue entred also: but the citisens standing valiantly vpon their defence, manfully repulsed both the Turkes and Itali∣ans, and caused them with losse to retire. In this assault were slaine about an hundred Turkes; and of Strozza his souldiors two and twentie. Presently after, Barbarussa with all his force began a fresh batterie, in such terrible manner, that the citisens seeing their wals in diuers places opened, and the few souldiors they had, sore wounded, and no hope to be in conuenient time relieued; began to parley with the French Generall from the wall,* 8.519 concerning the yeelding vp of the citie; vpon condition, that they might in all respects liue vnder the French king as they had done vn∣der the duke: for performance whereof, the Generall gaue them his faith. But Polinus fearing least the Turks should violate this composition, and for greefe of the losse of their fellowes, or [ E] for hope of the spoile breake into the citie, entreated Barbarussa to recall his souldiours, and to cause them to goe abourd his gallies. For which cause not long after, the Ianizaries, as men decei∣ued of their hoped prey, were about to haue slaine both Polinus and Strozza, as they came from talking with Barbarussa.

The citie thus yeelded,* 8.520 they began to consult for the taking of the castle: the performance whereof consisted first in the assailing of the castle it selfe, and then in defending of the citie from the sudden sallies of them in the castle; and likewise in defending of them which besieged the ca∣stle, so that no enemie should come to raise the siege: of which two things, Barbarussa put the French to choice which they would take, shewing himselfe readie either to besiege the castle, or to keepe the field. The French standing in doubt of which to make choice, the proud old Turk [ F] scorning their slow resolution, and them also, as men vnfit for the readie accomplishment of any martiall exploit; caused seuen pieces of batterie, whereof two were of wonderfull greatnesse, to be placed in a trice in place most conuenient, and the same quickly entrenched and fortified, to the great admiration of the French: with which pieces he had quickly beaten downe the battle∣ments of the wals, and centenell houses, so that no man was able to shew himselfe vpon the wals.

The Frenchmen likewise on the other side did with their great ordinance continually batter the [ G] castle: but with long shooting they came to such want of shot and pouder, that Polinus was glad to request, that he might either borrow or buy some of Barbarussa: whereat the Turke fretted and fumed exceedingly, That they should in their owne countrey stand in need of his prouision, who at MARSEILLES had better fraughted their ships with wine, than with necessaries for the warres. For the rough and seuere old Turke could not forbeare to taunt them, and oftentimes complained, that he was deluded with the hope of great matters which Polinus had promised at CONSTANTINOPLE; and that in such a rage, that he would threaten to lay hands vpon Poli∣nus, who had brought him from CONSTANTINOPLE thither, whereas he must either lose his honour, or hauing spent his shot and pouder, expose himselfe and his fleet to all dangers. Wherefore being exceeding angrie with the French,* 8.521 he suddenly called a counsell of his cap∣taines [ H] & other cheefe officers, giuing it out, That he would presently return toward CONSTAN∣TINOPLE, seeing that among these cowardly and vnskilfull men (as it pleased him to tearme them) he found nothing readie or according to promise. Yet for all that, when he had chafed his fill, by the faire entreatance and large promises of the French Generall and Polinus together, the wayward old man was persuaded to change his mind, and to continue the siege. But he was yet scarcely well pacified, and his mind set againe vpon the siege, but letters were intercepted from the great captaine Alphon sus Vastius, to Paulus captaine of the castle, wherein he requested him to hold out a while against the enemie, vntill that he, who had alreadie sent before his light hors∣men, might come also himselfe with his men at armes, who were vpon the way alongst the Alps by the sea side, and would in two dayes with the slaughter of the Turkes put him and his castle [ I] out of all feare and danger. Which thing once bruted in the campe, such a great and sudden feare came vpon the Turks and Frenchmen, the night following (the more to terrifie them) pro∣uing by chance very rainie and tempestuous; that they all forsooke their trenches and great or∣dinance, and laying downe their weapons, by narrow pathes climing ouer the top of the high mountaine, came downe headlong to the sea side to the fleet. But the day appearing, and no ene∣mie to be seene, they were ashamed of that they had done, and came againe to the siege. Not long after,* 8.522 when as the castle in all mens judgement was hardly to be battered, and standing vp∣on a firme rocke, was not but in long time with hard labour and doubtfull successe to be vnder∣mined, it was generally thought good to raise the siege. The Turkes vpon their departure brake into the citie, and when they had taken the spoile thereof, set it on fire. [ K]

Barbarussa retiring with his fleet to ANTIPOLIS, came to anker at the Island L••RINA, cal∣led of the marriners MARGARITA; at which time Vastius and the duke of SAVOY, with Auria his fleet arriued at VILLA FRANCA: in the entrance of which hauen, the gallie wherein Va∣stius went, was like to haue beene lost. Foure other gallies by force of sudden tempest were dri∣uen vpon the rockes, and so suddenly beaten in peeces with the surge of the sea, that the gally-slaues had not leisure to strike off their yrons, but were there all drowned, and all the ordinance lost. Polinus vnderstanding this distresse of the enemie, sent one Petrus Angelus to Barbarussa, to shew him the occasion offered, and to persuade him with all speed to hast thither with his fleet, as to a most assured victorie. Barbarussa seemed to like well of the motion, and promised to goe, yet he mooued not, letted as it was thought with the contrarie wind, which then blew hard [ L] at East, and with the roughnesse of the sea. But the wind being fallen, and the sea become calme, and he contrarie to his wonted manner making no hast, set slowly forward, and being a little on his way, came againe to an anker, and went no further; the Sanzackes and other captaines first maruelling,* 8.523 and afterward laughing thereat, scoffingly said, That Barbarussa did but reason to deale kindly with Auria, as his brother and friend of his owne profession, for that he had some yeares before receiued the like friendship at his hands, in letting him escape at HIPPONA, which he now honestly paid him againe. Whereunto Barbarussa both then and afterwards at CON∣STANTINOPLE answered no otherwise,* 8.524 but, That he being an old commander, and halfe blind, saw more in the matter than all those greene captaines with their sharpe sight. Not long after, he returned againe towards MARSEILLES, and put into the hauen of TOLON, called in antient [ M] time TAVRENTA. Vastius and the duke comming to NICE, commended the captaine of the castle, and wondering at the cunning manner of the Turks fortifications, preferred them in that point before the Christians. Barbarussa lying with his fleet at TOLON, and by the kings officers entertained with all possible courtesie, deliuered fiue and twentie gallies to Salec the famous py∣rat,

[ A] and Assanes his nigh kinsman, who passing the bay of NAR••ONA, rifled certaine townes in SPAINE, standing vpon the sea coast, and about the promontorie of Venus, called of the marri∣ners CREVM, tooke great prize, and in the hauen of PALAMOS tooke one marchant ship and a gallie: with which prey they passed ouer to ALGIERS, as they were commaunded, there to winter, and with the first of the Spring to returne againe to Barbarussa in PROVINCE. That Winter Barbarussa repairing his fleet; was furnished with many necessaries by the Genowayes, and especially by Auria himselfe, who vnder the colour of redeeming of prisoners, willingly furnished the Turke with such things as he wanted: for although he professed himselfe one of the emperours captaines, yet would he not shew an enemies mind by the vnseasonable deniall of a little sea furniture, least in so doing he should haue hurt his natiue country of GENVA▪ which he [ B] saw then subject to the injurie of so great a fleet so nigh at hand. But leaue we now Barbarussa to Winter in PROVINCE, and with the course of time turne a little out of the way, to see in Mu∣leasses king of TVNES the small assurance the greatest haue in highest place of worldly honour.

This Mahometane king once before thrust out of his kingdome by Barbarussa, and restored againe by Charles the emperour (as is before declared) hearing of his comming with this great fleet, and imagining nothing lesse than that he should come to the aid of the most Christian king, doubted (not without cause) least it was prepared against himselfe. Besides that, diuers great cities of his kingdome, namely CONSTANTINA, MAHEMEDIA, and MAHOMETA (called in auntient time CYRTHA) LEPTIS, and ADRVMENTVM, were then holden by the Turkes; Barbarussa his fauourits:* 8.525 wherefore fearing the worst, about the same time that Barbarussa: was [ C] sayling alongst the coast of ITALIE, he passed ouer into SICILIE, to haue met the emperour at GENVA, and to haue obtained of him greater aid against the Turks. At his departure out of AFFRICK••, hee committed the tuition of his kingdome to such valiant men as hee supposed would haue beene vnto him most faithfull: First he appointed Mahometes, then Maniphaet, to gouerne the citie; and Corsus otherwise called Fares, his old seruant, to keepe the castle; leauing Mahometes his brother and Fares his sonne, with Touarres a Spaniard (captaine of the castle of GVLETTA) as pledges, the one of his brothers, the other of his fathers faith: but vnto Amida (his sonne) he committed the leading of his men of war for the defence of his kingdome against the Turks and Numidians. As hee was passing out of SICILIA to haue met the emperour at GENVA, he was by contrarie winds driuen first to CAIETA, and afterwards to NAPLES, where [ D] he was by the viceroy honourably entertained, and a house appointed for him richly furnished. The Neapolitanes wondering at the strange attire of the people, with the manner of their fee∣ding, and curious plentie of all manner of sweet perfumes: for into euery dish they put in odors of exceeding price; so that it was well knowne, that a peacocke and two feisants, dressed after the manner of the kings kitchin,* 8.526 cost aboue an hundred duckats: so that not onely the dining cham∣ber, when they were carued vp, but all the house was so filled with the strange and fragrant smell, that all they that dwelt neere thereabouts, were partakers of the pleasure of that vnusuall and de∣licat perfume. From NAPLES he was about to haue trauelled by land to the emperour, being then in conference with the Pope at BVXETVM (fearing to aduenture the sea, possessed by his enemies fleet) had not the emperour by his letters willed him to stay still where hee was▪ But [ E] whilest he made his abode at NAPLES, and carefully attended what course Barbarussa would take, who furnished with so great a fleet was departed from NICE, disappointed of his purpose, he was by certaine messengers aduertised out of AFFRICKE,* 8.527 That Amida his sonne was risen vp against him, and possessing himselfe of the kingdome, had slaine his captaines, polluted his wiues, and taken the castle of TVNES. With which newes he being exceedingly troubled, de∣termined without delay to passe ouer into AFFRICKE, and though late, yet as he might to re∣medie his domesticall troubles, in hope to oppresse that rebellion in the beginning, and his sonne also, before he could gather any strength to rest vpon. Wherefore he with all the hast hee could opened his cofers, and entertained souldiors, the viceroy giuing leaue to all such banished men as would to come and giue their names, to passe ouer as souldiors into AFFRICKE: vpon report [ F] whereof, such a number of malefactors & condemned persons came flocking to NAPLES, that it was thought a sufficient armie might haue beene made of such kind of men; euery one of them chusing rather to enter into pay, and blot out the infamie of banishment, and proue the fortune of warres, than to liue wandering vp and downe in the woods, and in danger euery houre to be hanged. Of these infamous men, one Ioannes Baptista Lofredius (a man well borne, but of a

fierce and couetous disposition) vndertooke the leading: he couenanting with Muleasses to [ G] haue three moneths pay before hand,* 8.528 leuied eighteene hundred men, which he presently ship∣ped; and keeping the greatest part of their pay to himselfe, passed ouer with the king into AF∣FRICKE, and landed at GVLETTA. But how Amida rise vp against his father, and what was the end of that bloudie rebellion, shall not be amisse briefely to rehearse. There were certaine noble men of great authoritie about Amida when Muleasses departed, which at their pleasure ruled the young prince, who easily harkened vnto their counsell, and followed the same: the chiefe of these was one Mahometes, sonne of Bohamer, who in the raigne of Mahometes, Mu∣leasses his father, was Maniphet, whom Muleasses (possessed of the kingdome) put shamefully to death by cutting off his priuities, because he had by hastie marriage deceiued him of Rhahamana, a maiden of incomparable beautie, the daughter of Abderomen captaine of the castle, whom he [ H] most passionatly loued: for which cruell fact, Mahometes his sonne had of long time conceiued a deadly hatred against Muleasses, which he had many yeares dissembled, that he might as oc∣casion serued be the more cruelly reuenged. Next vnto him was another Mahometes surnamed Adulzes, whom Muleasses was wont commonly to call his worst seruant. These two with a few others conspiring togither, gaue it out, that Muleasses was dead at NAPLES, and before his death had most irreligiously (as they accounted it) reuolted to the Christian religion. With which report they perceiuing Amida moued, came vnto him and persuaded him quickly to en∣ter into his fathers seat, least Mahometes his younger brother then lying in hostage with the Christians at GVLETTA, should by the fauour and helpe of Touarres, whose garrison was euer readie, be preferred before him. For Mahometes was eighteene yeares old, resembling his grand∣father [ I] in name, fauour, and disposition, and therefore of the citisens of TVNES best beloued: wherefore Amida came in post hast out of the campe to TVNES, to lay first hand vpon his fa∣thers kingdome. The people which as yet had heard nothing of the kings death, receiued him with doubtfull countenance: and as many stood maruelling that he was so rashly come into the citie without his fathers commaundement, Mahometes (appointed by Muleasses to gouerne the citie) came out and sharpely reproued him as guiltie of high treason, persuading him to returne againe vnto the campe:* 8.529 and seeing him stay, by force of the multitude thrust him out of the citie. Amida deceiued of his expectation, got him out of the way into the pleasant country of MAR∣TIA, betweene VTICA and the ruins of old CARTHAGE. But Mahometes Gouernour of the citie, after he had repulsed Amida, got him with all speed by water to Touarres at GVLETTA, to [ K] know of him more assuredly, if any such euill newes were brought from SICILIE of the death of the king; and to complaine of the rashnesse and intollerable presumption of Amida. Where staying somewhat long in discoursing with the captaine, and afterwards returning to the citie, he was suspected to haue practised with the captaine, to make Mahometes (the pledge in GV∣LETTA) king in his fathers steed; for so the common voice went. The Moores are by nature a faithlesse people, vnconstant, hastie, suspitious, desirous of newes, which true or false, they for the time interpret as serueth best their factions, whereunto they are exceedingly giuen: So at the first there rise in the citie a doubtfull rumour of the making of a new king; the suspition wherof more and more encreasing, set all the citie on an vprore. By occasion whereof, certaine of the citisens to whom the verie name of Muleasses was odious, speedily certified Amida (then in the [ L] gardens of MARTIA, sighing and grieuing at his hard fortune) how all stood, and that now was the time to doe himselfe good. He reuiued with that vnexpected newes, and encouraged by the persuasion of Bohamar and Adulzes, and other his followers; resolued to take hold vpon that good offer of fortune which would not alwaies frowne, and to follow his good hap. So in hast returning to TVNES,* 8.530 and entring in at the gate which he then found open, ran presently to the gouernours house; and finding him not at home, cruelly slew all his houshold, and with his bloudie companie went presently to the castle: where Fares the captaine seeking to haue kept him out, and boldly laying hands vpon his horses bridle to haue thrust him backe, was by a des∣perat Ethiopian, one of Amida his followers, thrust thorow with a sword and slaine: ouer whose bodie yet sprawling, Amida forcing his horse, brake into the castle with his friends; and [ M] finding Mahometes gouernour of the citie, presently slew him also. And so by this meanes Ami∣da in the space of an houre (a little before, a man in despaire) obtained the citie, the castle, and the kingdome togither. After that, he murthered his younger brethren; and embrued with bloud, without shame polluted his fathers concubines. Muleasses landed (as we haue before said) at GV∣LETTA,

[ A] with such forces as he had brought with him out of ITALIE, was aduised by Touarres the Spaniard, not to aduenture with such a handfull of men to go to TVNES, before he were well assured of the good disposition of the citisens towards him. And was the more earnest with Lofredius not to go, because the Viceroy had expressely written, that he should in no case go any further than GVLETTA, except the king according to his promise, had a good strength of Nu∣midians to joyne with him. But certaine of the noble men amongst the Moores, which vnder the colour of friendship were fled out of the citie, and had after the solemne manner of their na∣tion put their swords vnto their throats, and sworne to be faithfull vnto him; wonderfully prickt forward both the king and Lofredius, too hastie of themselues to their owne destinie, bearing them in hand, That Amida vpon the first sight of his father, would forsake the citie, and betake [ B] himselfe to flight: so without more staying, Muleasses with ensigne displaied set forward to∣wards TVNES, Lofredius cheerfully following him, Touarres requesting them in vaine to be∣ware of the Moores treacherie.* 8.531 Muleasses marching still forward, was come so nigh the citie, that they might from the wals descrie him: when suddenly a strong troupe of Moores sallied out of the gate with a terrible crie, and fiercely assailed him, whom the kings horsemen valiantly re∣ceiued: many falling on both sides. Muleasses in this hoat skirmish, fighting couragiously against his enemies, was wounded in the face and bled exceedingly; which discouraged them about him, that they doubting of his life, turned their backes and fled: when presently a won∣derfull number of horse and foot, suddenly issuing out of the oliue gardens, had beset Lofredius and his souldiors round: vpon whom the Italians discharged certaine field pieces, but after they [ C] had once discharged them, they had no leisure to charge againe; for the barbarous enemie came on so thicke and so fast, that the Italians seeing themselues too weake, and compassed in round, let fall their weapons as men discouraged, and cast themselues into the lake, so by swimming and taking hold of the little boats to saue themselues from the enemies sword: which boats stood those distressed men in great steed, for being furnished with small pieces, they did beat backe the Moores,* 8.532 who eagerly pursued them euen into the lake with their horses. Lofredius as a man amased with the sudden comming of the enemie, tooke the lake with his horse, and was there vnhorsed by the enemie and slaine, as were diuers with him. Some few there were that fought couragiously, chusing rather honourably to die in the middest of their enemies, than shameful∣ly to be strangled in the stincking lake. Muleasses soiled with his owne bloud and with the dust, [ D] flying amongst the rest,* 8.533 was knowne and taken: nothing more bewraying him than his odori∣ferous perfumes. In this conflict thirteene hundred Italians were lost; the rest which escaped Touarres relieued, and shortly after shipped them ouer into SICILIE, from whence they trauel∣led home to NAPLES, but so poore, as well shewed the miserie of their fortune. Amida ha∣uing thus obtained the victorie,* 8.534 was more carefull of nothing than to make his father vnfit for gouernment, which he did by cutting the sight of both his eyes with a hoat penknife: the like crueltie he vsed vpon Nahasar and Abdallas his brethren, then taken with his father. After that, he certified Touarres captaine of GVLETTA, That he had taken a few youths prisoners, which he would deliuer vnto him; and that he had bereft his father of his sight, who had deserued a worse punishment, as he that had long before done the like to his brethren; but had yet left him [ E] his life, as an example to other tirants, and to shew that he dealt not altogither vnmercifully with so perfidious a father: Last of all, he confirmed (vpon certaine conditions) the same league which his father had with him: which he well saw was to great purpose, especially in that newnesse of his kingdome. Neither did Touarres refuse the same, as standing with his present profit: for vpon this agreement, Amida was to giue him certaine money to pay his souldiors, and to deliuer him the prisoners he had taken, with the ensignes and bodie of Lofredius: For more assurance wher∣of, he gaue Sehites his sonne, then nine yeares old in hostage; yet vpon condition, that if an as∣sured peace could not be agreed vpon, but that they must needs enter into warre, then Touarres should forthwith restore him his sonne Schites in safetie. These capitulations, although they see∣med not vnreasonable, and were of them well liked; yet Touarres thought it not altogither [ F] agreeing with the honour of the emperour, that he should enjoy the kingdome who by most ho••rible treason and detestable villanie had thrust himselfe thereinto without the emperours leaue. Wherefore he entred into a new deuise, to call in the rightfull heire, who might at the emperours pleasure (offended with the injurie done by Amida) raigne in TVNES.

There was in exile amongst the Numidians one Abdamaelech, euer since the time that Ros∣cetes

fled to Barbarussa.* 8.535 Him, because he was Muleasses naturall brother, Touarres sent for, put∣ting [ G] him in hope of the kingdome, supported by Anemseha, a great prince amongst the Numi∣dians, who had all that long time courteously entertained him. Neither was Abdamaelech slow to accept the occasion presented, especially encouraged thereunto by the Numidian prince his good friend, and the predictions of the Astrologers, who had foretold him, That he should die king of TVNES. Which vaine kind of diuination hauing in it no manner of assurance, yet cau∣seth great minds oftentimes to vndertake great attempts beyond reason, which falling out with more hap than they were with reason foretold, giueth some credit to that vanitie, and causeth those cold prophets to be of some accounted as great wisards. And to worke this feat, such a time was offered, as a better could not be wished: for Amida hauing set all things in order as he plea∣sed in the citie, and casting no perill, was gone to BISERTA, to take order for his customes, which [ H] was there great vpon fishing. Wherefore▪ Touarres to keepe his promise, sent backe S••hites, Amida his sonne, in a boat to TVNES, and receiued Abdamaelech: who trauelling most part by night, was secretly come to GVLETTA, and there resting himselfe and his horses a few houres; to preuent the fame of his comming, posted in hast with a troupe of his Numidian followers to TVNES,* 8.536 and passing thorow the citie, went directly to the castle, which he entred without resi∣stance of the warders, supposing him to haue beene Amida come from BISERTA: for Abda∣maelech had after the manner of the Moores couered his face with a scarfe, as if it had beene to haue kept him from the Sunne and the dust, and by that happie sleight got into the castle, before it was knowne who he was. The warders perceiuing their ••rror, began as men amased now too late to betake themselues to their weapons, for in making resistance, they were quickly slaine by [ I] the Numidians which came in with Abdamaelech: who thus possessed of the castle (the cheefe strength of that kingdome) let in his friends, which were many in the citie, by whom he was pre∣sently saluted king, the rest of the citisens either well liking of the matter, or at least not daring for feare to stirre.* 8.537 But as in these worldly things, for which men so vainely toyle, is no assurance: so this new king shortly after fell sicke and died, when he had raigned but six and thirtie dayes, and was afterwards royally enterred. After whose death, his mightie friends, with the cheefe of the citisens (persuaded and encouraged by Touarres the Spaniard) chose Mahometes his son, a child scarse twelue yeares old, to reigne in his fathers place: appointing Abdalages Maniphaet (brother to him whom Amida slew) Abdelchirinus Mesuar, Schyriffus (a great man in their Mahometane superstition) & Perellus a Christian knight, to be his directers and gouernours: which foure sway∣ed [ K] all at their pleasure. But Abdelchirinus tendering the welfare of his countrey, and deuising out of season how to set vp one of the royall bloud, that were of himselfe able to gouerne the king∣dome, saying, That it was not for the common good to be ruled by a child: was for his labor by his other three fellowes suddenly slaine, with all his kindred and knowne friends. After whose death the other three erected a manner of Triumvirat gouernment, euery one of them laying hand vpon one part of the state or other, as liked him best. Amida thus shut out of TVNES, and hauing lost his kingdome, wandered vp and downe to LEPTIS, CYRAPOLIS, and many other places, crauing aid of euery man to recouer his kingdome, miserably rent in sunder (as he said) by most wicked men, who insolently triumphed ouer the boy king. Which they of TVNES knew well to be true, and daily complained of the death of Abdelchirinus, whom they called the faith∣full [ L] counsellor and father of his country. Whilest Amida is thus trudging vp and down, crauing helpe of this and that prince, proouing his friends, and sounding his subjects affection towards him; Muleasses growne miserable with long imprisonment and the calamitie of his disaster for∣tune, obtained of the young king his nephew so much fauour, as that hee might sometime goe out of the castle to the church: vnder colour whereof hee tooke sanctuarie, a place in TVNES holden in such reuerence amongst the Moores, as that it was a most inuiolate refuge to all such as fled thereunto. Not long after, at such time as Bernardinus Mendoza, the Admirall of SPAIN, came to GVLETTA with the Spanish fleet,* 8.538 Muleasses at the request of Touarres was conueyed out of the Sanctuarie to the lake, and so by water to GVLETTA, there to be present at the con∣sultation there holden for the vtter subuersion of Amida, and the driuing out of the Turks out of [ M] such cities as they yet held alongst the sea coast in AFFRICA. Muleasses had hardly before esca∣ped the hands of certaine of his enemies in TVNES, who sought after his life, preserued by an old woman, who mooued with pitie, hid him from their furie vnder a great heape of garlike: and had he not now in good time escaped to GVLETTA, he had againe fallen into the hands of his

[ A] mercilesse sonne Amida, who shortly after recouered againe his kingdome, and would not as he said himselfe haue spared him for the reuerence of any sanctuarie. For the citisens of TVNES, wearie of the euill gouernment of such as were in authoritie about the yong king, and not a lit∣tle offended with the king himselfe, for espousing Melucca his cousin, one of Muleasses his daughters, secretly encouraged Amida by letters to repaire to the citie, promising to aid him in recouering his kingdome. Whereupon he came in such hast, that the young king had scarce time to get out of the citie:* 8.539 and Amida entring without resistance, and holpen by his friends, ea∣sily obtained againe the kingdome, and exercised most exquisit crueltie vpon his enemies: of whom he caused some to be torne in peeces, and deuoured of fierce mastiues, kept hungrie for that purpose. Perellus he caused to be tortured, his secrets to be cut off, and himselfe afterwards [ B] burnt to ashes in the market place.

But Muleasses stayed not long at GVLETTA, offended with the couetousnesse of Touarres, who (as he said) had not faithfully restored such things as he had before put him in trust withall, but had auaritiously in his miserie deceiued him of part of his rich houshold stuffe, with certaine notable pretious stones, & some of his treasure: wherof the blind king so greeuously complained to Charles the emperour, that for deciding the matter, they were both commaunded to repaire vnto him into GERMANIE: where in conclusion to end the strife, Touarres was discharged of his gouernment, and Muleasses sent into SICILIE there to be kept of the common charge of that rich island. Muleasses by the way comming to ROME, was honourably feasted by Cardi∣nall Fernesius: at which time he shewed himselfe both in his apparrell and behauiour not for∣getfull [ C] of his better fortune: and being brought vnto the presence of Paulus the great bishop, would doe him no greater honour but to kisse his knee,* 8.540 accounting it too great an indignitie to haue kissed his foot. He was of stature tall, and of a princely disposition, vnworthie of so hard a fortune, had he not in like manner before vnmercifully dealt with his owne brethren.

Barbarussa wearie of his long lying to so small purpose in PROVINCE,* 8.541 requested the French king either thorowly to employ him, or els to giue him leaue to depart: offering if he so plea∣sed, to spoile all alongst the coast of SPAINE, from the mountain PYRaeNEI to CADIZ. But he not ignorant what hard speeches ran of him alreadie in all parts of Christendome, for bringing in the Turkes, was loth to leaue vnto the memorie of all posteritie the foule remembrance of so wofull a slaughter: besides that, he was aduised to disburden his countrey of such troublesome [ D] guests, who rouing about, did much harme in the prouince where they lay, and as it was repor∣ted, now and then snatcht vp one countrey peisant or other, and chained them for slaues in their gallies. Wherefore in supplie of the Turkes that were dead, the king gaue vnto Barbarussa all the Mahometane slaues in his gallies, to the number of about foure hundred, and furnishing him with all kind of prouision, and bestowing great gifts vpon him and his captaines, sent him away: and with him Strozza with certaine gallies, his embassadour to Solyman. So the Turkes depar∣ting out of PROVINCE, kept alongst the coast, vntill they came neere vnto SAVONA, whither the Germanes sent diuers presents and fresh victuals to Barbarussa, which he tooke so thankfully, that he protested not to hurt any of their territorie. From thence he kept a right course to the island of ELBA, belonging to the duke of FLORENCE, oueragainst POPVLONA; where vn∣derstanding [ E] that one of the sonnes of Sinan his old friend was there kept prisoner, he writ vnto Appianus gouernour of the island for his deliuerance to this effect.

I know,* 8.542 that a young man a Turke serueth thee, the sonne of Sinan surnamed the Iew, a famous captaine, taken of late at TVNES: him I would haue thee friendly to restore: which gift I will make thee vnderstand to be vnto me most acceptable; for this our great fleet in passing by you, shall faith∣fully forbeare to vse any hostilitie. But if thou shalt in this so small a matter refuse to gratifie me, ex∣pect vpon the coast of thy countrey all the harmes which an angrie enemie can doe.

Whereunto Appianus shewing his men vpon the wals, in token that he was not afraid, an∣swered, [ F] That the young man was become a Christian, and therefore might not in any case bee deliuered to the Turkes: but that he would in any other thing gratifie him in what he could, and for his sake vse the young man as his sonne. And to mollifie the vnkindnesse of his answere, he sent him fresh victuall with other presents. But Barbarussa offended with the answere, landed his men round about the island, and commanded them to make what spoile they could: which they

performed accordingly, hunting the island people vp and downe the rockes and mountains like [ G] Hares,* 8.543 vntill that Appianus not without cause doubting the vtter spoile of the island, redeemed his peace by deliuering the young man to Salec the pyrat, who brought him to Barbarussa gal∣lantly apparrelled after the Italian manner, of whom he was joyfully receiued, as the sonne of a most valiant captaine, his old friend: and thereupon Barbarussa stayed his souldiors from doing any further harme vpon the island, and gaue Appianus great thanks for him. This young man Barbarussa honoured with the commaund of seuen gallies, and afterwards sent him to his father then lying at SVETIA, a port of the red sea, Admirall for Solyman against the Portingals, who greatly troubled those seas. But the old Iew, ouerjoyed with the sudden and vnexpected returne of his sonne, whom he had for many yeares before giuen as lost, in embracing of him fainted, and so presently for joy died.* 8.544 [ H]

This man for valour was accounted little inferiour to Barbarussa, but for discretion and just dealing farre beyond him, nothing of so furious and wayward a disposition as was he. Barba∣russa departing from ELBA, came into the bay of TELAMON in TVSCVNIE, and in short time took the citie,* 8.545 which he spoiled and burnt, but especially the house of Bartholomeus Telamonius; whose dead bodie but a little before buried, he caused to be pluckt out of the graue, & his bones to be scattered abroad, because he being Admirall of the bishop of ROME his gallies, had in the island of LESBOS wasted Barbarussa his fathers poore possession: and marching by night eight miles further into the land, surprised MONTENVM, and carried almost all the inhabitants away with him into captiuitie. The like mischeefe he did at the port called PORTVS HERCVLIS, but purposing to haue taken ORHATELLO, and there to haue fortified, he was by Luna and Vitel∣lius [ I] (two valiant captaines before sent thither, the one by the State of SIENA, and the other by the duke of FLORENCE) repulsed. So though disappointed of his purpose, yet hauing done great harme, and put the whole countrey of TVSCANIE in exceeding feare, he departed thence and landed againe at IGILIVM, now called GIGIO, an island about twelue miles distant from PORTVS HERCVLIS, where he quickly battered the towne, and caried a wonderfull number of all sorts into miserable captiuitie: keeping on his course, he passing the cape LINAR, & comming oueragainst CANTVMCELLE, had burnt that citie for the same reason he did TELAMON, had he not been otherwise persuaded by Strozza the French embassador, fearing to draw the French king into further obliquie. From thence he came with a direct course to the island of ISCHIA; where landing in the night, he intercepted most part of the inhabitants of the island, as they were [ K] flying into the mountaines: and in reuenge of the hatred he had conceiued against Vastius at the siege of NICE, he burnt FORINO, PANSA, and VARRANIVM, three cheefe townes of that island: but PITHACVSA, the dwelling place of Vastius, standing vpon a broken rocke, some∣what distant from the sea, he durst not aduenture vpon. Then scraping along the island PRO∣CHITA with lesse hurt, because most part of the inhabitants were before fled to PITHACVSA, he put into the bay of PVTEOLI, and sent Salec the pyrat with part of his fleet to make proofe if the citie of PVTEOLI, might from sea be battered. Salec drawing neere the citie, shot into it with his great ordinance, and by chance slew one Saiauedra, a valiant Spaniard, vpon the wals, and put the citisens in a great feare least the whole fleet should haue landed, they themselues as then vn∣prouided: but the viceroy came presently with a power both of horse and foot from NAPLES, [ L] which Barbarussa discouering from sea as they came downe the mountaines, called backe Salec: and leauing the Island of CAPRI, and passing by the promontorie ATHENEVM, was about to haue seised vpon SALERNVM, when a tempest suddenly arising, dispersed his fleet, and driue him beyond the promontorie PALINVRVS vpon the coast of CALABRIA, where he did exceeding much harme, especially at CARREATO. From thence he departed to the island of LIPARI, betwixt ITALIE and SICILIE, which island he miserably spoyled, and with fortie great pieces so battered the citie, that the citisens were constrained for feare to yeeld, whom he carried away all prisoners about the number of seuen thousand, of one sort of people and other, and burnt the citie. So loaded with the rich spoile of ITALIE and the islands vpon the coast, he returned towards CONSTANTINOPLE with such a multitude of poore Christian captiues, shut vp so [ M] close vnder hatches amongst the excrements of Nature, that all the way as he went almost eue∣ry houre some of them were cast dead ouer boord: euery man detesting the endlesse hatred be∣twixt the emperour and the French king, the very ground of all this and many thousand other most wofull and vndeserued calamities of their poore subjects. With this rich prey and an in∣finit

[ A] number of captiues,* 8.546 Barbarussa arriued at CONSTANTINOPLE in the beginning of Au∣tumne, in the yeare 1544: where he was honourably receiued of Solyman, and highly commen∣ded for his good seruice both by sea and land.

Solyman triumphing at CONSTANTINOPLE of the good successe he had in HVNGARIE,* 8.547 in the middest of all his glorie, was aduertised of the death of Mahomet his eldest sonne, whom of all his children he held deerest: whose dead bodie was shortly after brought from MAGNE∣SIA, and with wonderfull solemnitie, and no lesse mourning, buried at CONSTANTINOPLE. How entirely Solyman loued this his sonne, well appeared by the great sorrow he conceiued of his death; and not contented to haue built him a stately tombe, erected also in memoriall of him a Mahometane church, called the church of Mahomet the lesser: for the difference of Mahomet [ B] the great, who woon CONSTANTINOPLE. Whereunto he also annexed a monasterie and a colledge, with many things mo after the grosse manner of their superstition, for the health of his soule, as he vainly supposed. After that, Solyman according to his wonted manner, which was but euery second or third yeare to take in hand some notable expedition, ceased from warres by the space of two yeares: in which time many of the great princes and worthie men of that age died; amongst whom was Francis the French king. Hariadenus Barbarussa that famous Turke of whom we haue so often spoken, who being of great yeares and no lesse fame, left this life in the yeare 1547, and was buried at a house of his owne called Besictas, neere vnto BOSPHORVS THRACIVS on EVROPE side,* 8.548 not farre from the mouth of Euxinum, about foure miles from PERA, where he had but few yeares before at one time sold about sixteene thousand Christian [ C] captiues, taken out of CORCYRA: and to make famous that place appointed for his buriall, he of his owne cost built there a Mahometane temple, there yet with his sepulchre to be seene: that place was in auntient time called IASONIVM. About which time also, died of conceit that fa∣mous captaine Alphonsus Daualus Vastius, taken away by vntimely death when he had liued but fortie fiue yeares.* 8.549 At which time, Charles the emperour by his embassadour Gerardus Veltunich, concluded a peace with Solyman for fiue years, wherein king Ferdinand was also included: which peace was afterwards before the expiration thereof,* 8.550 by Solyman (at the request of Henrie the French king) broken.

Solyman had now almost three yeares taken his rest,* 8.551 when it fortuned that Ercases Imirza king of SIRVAN, moued with the often injuries of Tamas his brother the great Persian king, [ D] fled to Solyman at CONSTANTINOPLE, to craue aid of him against his brother. Solyman glad of such an occasion to worke vpon, entertained him with all courtesie, and promised to take vp∣on him his quarrell, and to protect him against his vnnaturall brother. And when he had made all things readie for so great an expedition, passed ouer into ASIA; and after long and painefull trauell entred at last with a puissant armie into ARMENIA, and there in the borders of the Per∣sian kingdome, first besieged the citie of VAN, which after ten daies siege was yeelded vnto him, vpon condition, that the Persian souldiors there in garrison, might with life and libertie depart with their armes as souldiors: which was at the first by Solyman granted, and so the citie surren∣dred. From thence Solyman sent his chiefe commanders with a great part of his armie,* 8.552 to burne and spoile the enemies countrey, which they for a time cheerfully performed; and running farre [ E] into the countrey, striue as it were amongst themselues who should doe most harme: where Imirza amongst the rest, for whose sake Solyman had vndertaken this warre, was as forward as the best to wast and spoile his brothers kingdome, sparing nothing that came to hand; the best and richest things he got, he presented to Solyman, to draw him on still in that warre. But that serued not his turne to recouer againe his kingdome of SIRVAN: for Tamas, without shewing any power to withstand the Turks, had after his wonted manner, caused his people to withdraw themselues far into the mountaine country, leauing nothing behind them in that wast countrey to relieue them, but the bare ground: so that the farther the Turks went, the more they wanted, without hope of better successe than such as they had before to their losse made proofe of, in their former expeditions into that great kingdome. The conceit whereof so much pierced not [ F] the common souldiors onely, but euen the captaines themselues; that to make an end of that long and vnprofitable warre, taken in hand for another mans good, they consulted amongst themselues, either to kill Imirza, or else to disgrace him with Solyman: Which they so cunningly wrought; some suggesting false suspitions of his treacherous dealing in the proceeding of that warre; and others with like craft, vnder colour of friendship giuing him warning in secret of the

danger he was in: the one filling Solymans head with distrust, and the other Imirzas with feare: [ G] briefly to shut the matter vp in their owne tearmes, They persuaded the hare to flie, and the hounds to follow. Imirza doubting some sudden mischiefe, fled for succour to an old acquaintance of his, one of the princes of CHALDEA, who most treacherously sent him in bonds to Tamas his bro∣ther, his most cruell enemie, who glad to haue the author of all his troubles with the Turks, de∣liuered into his hands,* 8.553 cast him in prison: and that Solyman nor any other should in his behalfe further prosecute the warre, or by his meanes hope for victorie, caused him to be in prison mur∣thered. In this expedition against the Persian king, Solyman was occupied a yeare and nine mo∣neths; all which time the Turks endured great troubles, and were oftentimes hardly distressed by the Persians: vntill at last Solyman himselfe wearie of that tedious warre, wherein he had got neither honour nor profit,* 8.554 thought it best so to make an end; and thereupon returned againe to [ H] CONSTANTINOPLE in the yeare 1549.

* 8.555In the meane time it fortuned, that one Dragut Raises a notable pirat of the Turks, had craf∣tily surprised the citie of AFRICA in the kingdome of TVNES (called in auntient time APHRO∣DISEVM) and also LEPTIS PARVA (and now of the Moores called MAHAMEDIA) and there setling himselfe,* 8.556 as in a place both commodious and of good assurance, exceedingly troubled the Christians both by sea and land, especially such as traded in the Mediterranean. So that the emperour, moued as well with the manifold injuries done by that arch-pirat vpon the frontiers of his dominions, as by the daily complaint of his poore subjects, commaunded the Viceroy of SICILIE, and Auria his Admirall, to leauie a sufficient power in time to represse that pirat, be∣fore he grew to farther strength. Whereupon, they with a strong fleet well manned and tho∣rowly [ I] appointed for that purpose, and aided by the knights of MALTA, passed ouer into AF∣FRICKE; and landing their forces, by the space of three moneths besieged the citie before posses∣sed by the pirat, which with continuall batterie they had at length made saultable. And hearing that Dragut was comming with a new supply to relieue it, they with all sceleritie assailed it both by sea and land, and in the space of a few houres tooke it by force the tenth day of September in the yeare 1550: in which assault many of the enemies were slaine, and the rest taken. Auria ha∣uing thus dispossessed the pirat, and aduisedly considering that the citie was not without an infinit charge to be holden by the Christians, among so many of the infidels, rased it downe to the ground, carrying away with him seauen thousand captiues and all the spoile of the citie. And not so contented, did all the harme he could with fire and sword all alongst that coast of AFRI∣CA, [ K] to the intent that the Turks should there find no reliefe; and tooke 12 prisoners out of MO∣NASTERIVM, a towne not far from the citie of AFRICA: and so hauing done that he came for, returned againe into SICILIE. Dragut thus at once thrust out of all he had, with a few of his friends fled to Solyman at CONSTANTINOPLE, and so incensed him with the grieuous com∣plaint of the wrong done vnto him by the Christians; that in reuenge therof, he resolued to make warre both vpon the emperour and king Ferdinand, notwithstanding that the fiue yeares league he had before taken with him at his going into PERSIA, was not yet expired. So with cheer∣full words and courteous entertainment comforting vp the desperat pirat, the Spring following (which was in the yeare 1551) he furnished him with a great fleet in most warlike manner ap∣pointed,* 8.557 to reuenge the injurie done to him by Auria in AFFRICKE. With this fleet in num∣ber [ L] one hundred and fortie saile, Sinan one of the Turks great Bassaes, accompanied with Dra∣gut the pirat, by the appointment of Solyman, departed from CONSTANTINOPLE: and cutting thorow the seas, arriued at length in SICILIE, where they suddenly surprised the towne and ca∣stle of AVGVSTA, which they presently sacked. Departing thence, they came to the island of MALTA, and there landed their men in the port of MARZA, otherwise called MOXET, neere vnto the castle, which they battered with certaine pieces of great ordinance, but so as was to no great purpose. At which time diuers companies of the Turkes running farther into the island, made hauocke of whatsoeuer came in their way.* 8.558 After they had thus few daies in vaine battered the castle, and saw themselues both there valiantly repulsed, and in other places by ambushes and such like meanes cut off by the souldiors and inhabitants of the island, they remoued thence to [ M] the road of S. Paul, where they landed their ordinance, with purpose to haue besieged the citie: but perceiuing by a little, what small hope there was to preuaile, and seeing diuers of their men dying thorow the extreamitie of the heat, they forsooke the island and went to GAVLES now called GOZA, a little island about thirtie miles in compasse, fiue miles distant from MALTA

[ A] Westward, subject vnto the knights of the religion: and there landing their men, miserably spoiled the island and whatsoeuer they light vpon, and carried away with them of one sort of people and other six thousand and three hundred captiues into most wofull bondage. With which bootie they put againe to sea,* 8.559 and sailed directly to TRIPOLIS in BAR••A••IE, called of old LEPTIS MAGNA: which citie Charles the emperour had before giuen to the knights of MALTA, and was at that time by them kept. This citie was the marke whereat the Bassa and the pirat shot; for taking whereof they landed their forces, and by long and winding trenches approched as neere the same as they could: which they did not without great losse of their peo∣ple; for they of the castle hauing good store of great ordinance, and most expert canoniers did with continuall shot so annoy the Turks, that they were oftentimes enforced to retire; yet with [ B] much troublesome labour and no lesse perill they came at last within eight hundred paces of the wals: where the Bassa caused his gabions made of thicke plankes, to be placed in the night, and his batterie planted.* 8.560 And the next day (which was the eighth of August) the cannon began to play, which was againe answered from the castle with like, and euerie houre some of the Turks slaine, the great shot still flying into their trenches, so as that day foure of the best canoniers in the armie were slaine, with certaine other men of good account also: and the clearke generall of the armie, a man of great estimation and welbeloued of the Bassa, had his hand shot off, and many other of the Ianizaries and common souldiors either slaine or hurt▪ moreouer they brake one of their best pieces, and dismounted foure others, which for that day made them to leaue the batte∣rie. The next night the Turkes approached yet neerer vnto the castle, vpon whom the Christi∣ans [ C] in the breake of the day sallied out euen vnto their verie trenches, and afterwards retired. With the rising of the sunne (which the Turkes haue in great reuerence) they renued their bat∣terie with greater force than before; yet with such euill successe, that the Bassa was almost mad for anger: for about the euening the fire by mischance got into their pouder, wherewith thirtie of the Turkes were burnt, many hurt, and one piece broken. At length the Turks were come so neere, that they had planted their batterie within an hundred and fiftie paces of the wall; which they continued with such furie, that they had made a faire breach euen with the ditch: but what was beaten downe in the day time, the defendants repaired againe by night, in such sort, as that it was not to be assaulted. Yet in conclusion, a traiterous souldior of PROVINCE, before cor∣rupted by the Turkes, found meanes to flie out of the castle into the campe, where he declared [ D] vnto the Bassa the weakest places of the castle, by which it might be most conueniently battered and soonest taken: and especially one place aboue the rest which was against the gouernors lod∣ging, which standing towards the ditch, and hauing vnderneath it sellars to retire the munition into, could not if it were once battered well be repaired againe or fortified. Which the Bassa vnderstanding, caused the batterie there to be planted, laying the pieces so low, that they did ea∣sily beat the sellars and vaults in such sort, that in short time the wals were so shaken, that the rampiers aboue thorow the continuall batterie, began greatly to sinke: which so amased the sol∣diors, seeing no conuenient meanes to repaire the same, that setting all honour aside, they reque∣sted the Gouernour, That sithence the matter began now to grow desperat, and that the place was not longer to be holden, he would in time take some good order with the enemie for their [ E] safetie, before the wals were farther endamaged. With which motion, Vallter the Gouernour (an antient knight of DAVLPHINIE, and one of the order) was exceedingly troubled: which Peisieu another of the knights perceiuing, he as a man of great courage, and of all others there present most antient, in the name of the other knights declared vnto them, That the breach was neither so great nor so profitable for the enemie, but that it was defensible enough, if they would as men of courage repaire the same; saying, That it was more honourable for worthie knights and lustie souldiors, to die valiantly with their weapons in their hands, fighting against the infi∣dels for the maintenance of their law and Christian religion, than so cowardly to yeeld them∣selues to the mercie of those, at whose hands nothing was to be looked for but most miserable seruitude, with all kind of crueltie: and therefore persuaded the Gouernour to hold it out to the [ F] last. For all that, he ouercome with the importunitie of such as would needs yeeld, who with all vehemencie vrged the imminent danger wherewith they were all like to be ouerwhelmed, and finding himselfe bereft both of heart and fortune, and forsaken of his souldiors; without far∣ther consideration, consented that a white ensigne should be displaied vpon the wals, in token that they desired parley: when a Turke presenting himselfe, they requested him to vnderstand of

the Bassa, if he could be contented that some of them might come to intr••••t with him of some [ G] good order to be taken for the yeelding vp of the castle. Whereunto the Bassa willingly con∣senting, two of the knights were forthwith sent out, to offer vnto him the castle with the artille∣rie and munition, so as he would furnish them with ships to bring them with bag and baggage safely to MALTA. Wherunto the Bassa briefly answered, That (forasmuch as they had as yet deserued no grace, presuming to keepe so small a place against the army of the greatest prince on earth) if they would pay the whole charges of the armie,* 8.561 he would condiscend to their request; or if they would not thereunto consent, that for recompence all they within the castle should continue his slaues and prisoners: notwithstanding if they incontinently and without delay did surrender the place, he would exempt out of them two hundred. Whereupon the messengers returning in dispaire, were staied by Dragut and Salla Rais, with flattering words and faire promi∣ses, [ H] That they would so much as lay in them, persuade the Bassa to condiscend to a more gratious composition: fearing indeed that the besieged through dispaire would resolue (as their extreame refuge) to defend the place euen to the last man. Wherfore they went presently to the Bassa, to declare vnto him his ouersight in refusing them who voluntarily would haue put themselues into his hands, whom reason would he should with all courtesie haue receiued: for that after he had the castle and the men in his power, he might dispose of them as he should think good. The Bassa liking well of his counsell, caused the messengers to be called againe, and with fained and dissem∣bling words told them,* 8.562 That at the instance of Dragut and Salla Rais there present, he did dis∣charge them of all the costs and charges of the armie, swearing vnto them (the better to deceiue them) by the head of his lord and his owne, inuiolably to obserue all that he had promised vnto [ I] them: which they (too easily) beleeued, and forthwith went to declare the same vnto the Go∣uernour and others within the castle. The Bassa, the better to come to the effect of his desire, after these messengers sent a craftie Turke, whom he charged expressely to persuade the Gouer∣nour to come with him into the campe, for the full conclusion of the giuing vp of the castle, and for the appointing of such vessels as should be needfull for their safe conduct to MALTA; and that if he made any doubt to come, he should make shew as if he would there remain in hostage for him: but aboue all things, to consider of the strength and assurance of the besieged, and of the disposition of all things there. Which the subtile Turke so finely handled, that the Gouernour by the counsell of those who had persuaded him to yeeld, notwithstanding the reasons of warres and dutie of his office forbad him in such manner to abandon the place of his charge, resolued [ K] vpon so small an assurance of the Bassa, and gaue eare to the miserable end of his fortune. So taking with him a knight of his houshold (to send backe vnto those of the castle, to declare vnto them how he sped in the campe) vnder the conduct of the Turke that was come to fetch him, he went straight to the tent of the Bassa: who by the Turke that went first in, was aduertised of the small courage of the defendants, which he assured him to be no better, but that if he thought it good, he might bring them to such order and agreement as he would himselfe. Vpon whose persuasion calling in the Gouernour Vallter, after he had rigorously reproued his rashnesse, said vnto him, That forasmuch as he had once giuen his word, if he would pay the charges of the armie, he was content to let them go with bag and baggage, otherwise he would discharge but two hundred. Whereat the Gouernour greatly moued, answered, That that was not accor∣ding [ L] to his last promise vnto the knights before sent. But when he saw it would be no better, he requested him that he might againe returne to the castle to know the minds of the rest: which the false Bassa would by no meanes grant, but only permitted him to send backe the knight that he had brought with him, to make report of these hard newes to the besieged: as for the Gouer∣nour, he was sent to the gallies with yrons on his heeles. When they of the castle vnderstood what had passed betwixt the Bassa and the Gouernour, they began exceedingly to feare the mis∣chiefe then at hand: yet tooke no other resolution, but to returne the said knight to the Bassa, to know whether they should expect from him no better answere. Who as soone as he was come before him, the captaine of the castle was brought in, of whom the Bassa asked, Which of the two he would chuse, either to pay the expences of the armie, or else both he and all the rest to re∣maine [ M] his prisoners?* 8.563 Whereunto the Gouernour answered, That a slaue had no other autho∣ritie than that which by his master was giuen him; and that hauing lost (besides his libertie) the power to command, if any thing were yet reserued in him, could not counsell him to command others to agree vnto any thing, but that which was concluded with them which were before

[ A] sent. Which thing the Bassa hearing, for feare that such a resolute answere should come to the knowledge of the besieged, and cause them to become desperat; hauing taken counsell with his other captaines, hee tooke the Gouernour by the hand, and with a smiling and dissembling countenance told him,* 8.564 That he would without any doubt let them depart as he had promi∣sed; and that therefore without fearing any thing, hee should cause them all to come out of the castle. But the Gouernour, because he had beene before deceiued, would not trust to his word, but said vnto him, That he might commaund him that was come from the castle, for that he knew they would now doe neuer a whit the more for him. So the Bassa turning to∣wards the other knight, commaunded him forthwith to goe vnto them in the castle, and to cause them to come forth, swearing againe as before, by the head of his great lord, and his [ B] owne, That they should all be deliuered and set at libertie, according to the conuentions first agreed vpon. Which the knight beleeuing, went to report to them this good newes: which they receiued with such joy, that without further care or consideration of their mishap so neere, they ran in prease with their wiues children and best mooueables, striuing who should first get out. But they were no sooner issued, but they were by the enemies spoyled of all they had, and taken prisoners; part of the knights were sent to the gallies, and the rest to the Bassa. Who being by the Gouernour put in remembrance of his faith twice giuen, answered, That there was no faith to be kept with dogs, and that they had first violated their oath with his great lord, vnto whom at the giuing ouer of the RHODES, they had (as he said) sworne neuer more to beare armes against the Turkes. The castle was forthwith taken and spoiled, and about [ C] two hundred Moores of that countrey that had serued the knights, cut in peeces, and thereupon a great peale of ordinance discharged, with great cries and shouts in signe of their victorie. Thus the strong castle and auntient citie of TRIPOLIS in BARBARIE was deliuered to the Turkes the fifteenth day of August, in the yeare 1551. Whilst the Bassa lay at this siege, the lord of AR∣RAMONT, who had many yeares lien embassador from Francis the French king at CONSTAN∣TINOPLE, and was now sent againe by Henrie the second, came to the Turks campe, being re∣quested so to doe by the Great Master of the RHODES, to haue dissuaded the Bassa from that siege: wherein he nothing preuailed. Yet now greeued to see how the faithlesse Turke, contrarie to his oath, most villanously entreated the Gouernour and the other knights, lying at his feet as men halfe desperat, was so bold as to put him in mind of his promise, confirmed by his oath; [ D] which if he would not keepe,* 8.565 that yet at the least according to his own voluntarie offer, he would release two hundred of them: but he excused himselfe as before, saying, That no faith was to be kept with dogs, which had first broken their owne faith. Yet afterwards he condiscended, that two hundred of the eldest and such as were most vnfit for seruice (amongst whom was compre∣hended the Gouernour and certaine other old knights) should be set at libertie, who were forth∣with sent aboord the French embassadours gallies, and by him transported to MALTA: where they were but hardly welcome, for that they had so cowardly surrendered a place, which they might much longer haue defended. The next day after the castle was deliuered, which was the 16 of August, the proud Bassa for joy of this victorie made a solemne dinner, wherunto he inui∣ted the French embassadour, and Vallier the late Gouernour: which they refused not to come [ E] vnto, in hope to recouer some moe prisoners. This great feast for the more magnificence was kept in the castle ditch against the breach, where were set vp two stately pauillions, the one for the Bassa, and the other for the embassadour and his companie, where he was honourably fea∣sted with wonderfull plentie both of flesh and fish and good wines, which they had found in the castle; which seruice was done with musicke of diuers sorts, and officers in number aboue a hun∣dred, apparelled for most part in long gowns of fine cloth of gold, tuffed or fringed; and the other of velue•• or damaske.* 8.566 The Bassa was no sooner set downe, but all the ordinance of the fleet was discharged with such a noise and thundering, that it seemed the heauens and skies did shake. The table being taken vp, the embassadour and the late Gouernour Vallier, entred into the pauillion of the Bassa, and beside the two hundred men which he had promised, obtained twentie moe▪ [ F] vpon the embassadors promise, That he should for them cause to be released thirtie Turks taken at MALTA, at the landing of the armie there. The Turkes hauing in their hands an antient gun∣ner of the castle, called Iohn de Chabas borne in DAVLPHINE (to the end that this triumphant feast should not be vnfurnished of some cruell sacrifice of the Christian blood) for that he had in time of the siege shot off the hand of the clarke generall of the armie, brought him into the

towne,* 8.567 and when they had cut off his hands and his nose, put him quicke into the ground to the [ G] wast, and there for their pleasure shot at him with their arrowes, and afterward to make an end of him cut his throat. The Bassa shortly after departing out of BARBARIE, left Dragut the pyrat Gouernour of TRIPOLIS, honouring him with the title of the Sanzacke of that place: from whence he many yeares after grieuously molested the Moores neere vnto him by land, and the Christians by sea. The same yeare 1551, Solyman notwithstanding the fiue yeares peace before taken with king Ferdinand at his going into PERSIA, sent Achomates his lieutenant in EVROPE with a great power into HVNGARIE, who with Haly the Bassa of BVDA inuaded the vpper part of HVNGARIE,* 8.568 and first tooke the citie of TEMESVVARE, and contrarie to their faith giuen, slew the garrison souldiours: after that they tooke also the castle of ZOLNOK, forsaken by the Christians, and certaine other small castles. But laying siege to ERSAM, they were partly by the [ H] valiantnesse of the defendants, and partly by the comming on of Winter enforced to forsake the siege, and to get themselues into their wintering places.

Queene Isabell, king Iohn his widdow, seeing the Turkes dayly encroching vpon that little they had left her, and that she was not able by any meanes to defend TRANSILVANIA against them; by the aduise of George bishop of VERADIVM her old counsellor, agreed with king Fer∣dinand to deliuer vnto him the gouernment of the countrey, with all the royall dignitie of HVN∣GARIE, for which she was to haue of him CASSOVIA, and a yearely pension of an hundred thousand duckats. Which agreement made and thorowly concluded by Baptista Castallius (an Italian, whom Charles the emperour had but a little before sent to aid king Ferdinand) the queen returned into POLONIA, her natiue countrey: and so king Ferdinand by that meanes obtained [ I] almost all the prouince of TRANSILVANIA, and what els the queene had in HVNGARIE. But the bishop, a little before made a cardinall, being suspected by Baptista the Italian, that he fauou∣red the Turks faction more than king Ferdinand, and by that meanes sought to get the gouern∣ment to himselfe,* 8.569 was by the Italians deuice suddenly murthered in his owne house at VERADI∣VM: an end good ynough for so troublesome a prelat.

Haly the Bassa of BVDA proud of the good successe he had the yeare before, vnderstanding that diuers of the cheefe Hungarians had withdrawne themselues into the castle of AGRIA,* 8.570 pur∣posed in himselfe with all his power to besiege it, and there to take them. So aided by Achoma∣tes, Chasan, and other of the Turks Sanzackes and captaines by Solymans appointment readie at his call, he came with an armie of fiue and thirtie thousand Turkes, and the 10 of September in [ K] the yeare 1552,* 8.571 encamped round about the castle: where after he had placed his artillerie, he be∣gan a most furious batterie. But doubting to preuaile that way, he attempted also to vndermine the castle, omitting nothing that could be deuised for the taking thereof: but all in vaine, for the Hungarians by the good direction of Stephanus Dobus their captaine, couragiously endured the siege, and very manfully repulsed the enemie. At length, the nine and twentieth of September the enemie with eight and twentie ensignes of select souldiours gaue a fresh assault to the castle, and were by the defendants enforced shamefully to retire: at which time foure and twentie bar∣rels of gunpouder by mischance caught fire, and besides that it blew vp diuers captains and soul∣diours, did much harme in the castle, to the great dismaying of the defendants. After that, the Turkes with incredible pertinacie the twelfth of October fiercely assaulted the castle from mor∣ning [ L] vntill night, and for desire of reuenge and hope of spoile left nothing vnattempted for the gaining of the place; but were by the greater valour of the Hungarians beaten backe, and with great losse enforced at last to giue ouer the assault. Thus the Bassa nothing preuailing by force, attempted by great promises and large offers to haue bought them out: which he vnderstanding to be nothing regarded, and his letters scornefully burnt, brought on his souldiors again, and gaue vnto them in the castle a most furious assault,* 8.572 but with no better successe than before: for hauing lost many of his best souldiors, he was enforced to retire. So after he had in vaine six weekes be∣sieged the castle, he was glad to raise his siege, and to retire to PESTVM. After whose departure there was found twelue thousand great shot, wherewith he had battered the wall. In this siege six thousand Turkes were slaine, and of the Hungarians but three hundred. King Ferdinand glad of [ M] this victorie, made Stephanus the worthie captaine, Vayuod of TRANSILVANIA, and bounti∣fully rewarded the other captaines and souldiors as they had well deserued.

* 8.573Henrie the French king, who together with his kingdome had as it seemed receiued the here∣ditarie quarrels of Francis his father against Charles the emperour, had by his embassadour the

[ A] lord of ARAMONT so wrought the matter with Solyman, that the more to trouble the empe∣rour, he sent a great fleet into the Tyrrhenum or Tuscane sea, which in the yeare 1553 and the yeare following, did great harme vpon the coasts of CALA••RIA, SICILIA, SARDINIA, as also in the islands of ELBA, CORSICA, GERBE, and MAIORCA, and such like places on the fron∣tiers of the emperours dominions: yet were the Turkes in most places notably againe repulsed by the people of those countries. The same yeare Solyman seduced by Roxolana (sometime his faire concubine, but then his imperious wife) and Rustan Bassa his sonne in law, most vnnaturally murdered his eldest sonne Mustapha, the mirrour of the Othoman familie: Which tragicall fact, the like whereof both for the trecherous contriuing and in human execution hath seldome times beene heard of, I haue thought good here in due time to set downe, in such sort as it is by most [ B] credible writers of that time reported.

Solyman after the manner of the Othoman kings, who to auoid the participation of their so∣ueraignetie, vse not oftentimes to marrie (but otherwise to satisfie their pleasure with such beau∣tifull concubines as it pleaseth them to make choise of, out of the fairest captiues of all nations, most daintily brought vp for that purpose in the court) had by a Circassian bondwoman, a sonne called Mustapha;* 8.574 who for his wonderfull towardlinesse and rare perfection was amongst the Turks had in such expectation and admiration, as that they in nothing accounted themselues more happie, than in the hope laid vp in him: whose noble carriage was such, as that thereby he so possessed the minds of all men in generall, but especially of the men of warre, that he was reputed the glorie of the court, the floure of chiualrie, the hope of the souldiors, and joy of the [ C] people. Whilest he thus grew, encreasing both in yeares and fauour: it fortuned with Solyman as it doth with men delighting in change,* 8.575 that he became amorous of Roxolana, of some called Rosa (but more truly Hazathya) by condition a captiue, but so graced with beautie and courtly behauiour, that in short time she became mistresse of his thoughts, and commaundresse of him that all commaunded: And that which more established her in possession of his loue, she had in time made him father of foure faire sonnes, Mahomet, Selymus, Baiazet, and Tzihanger, and one daughter called Chameria married to Rustan or Rustemes the great Bassa. In this height of world∣ly blisse nothing troubled her more than the exceeding credit of Mustapha, Solymans eldest sonne by the Circassian woman; who honoured of the greatest, and beloued of the rest, stood onely in her light, embarring her and hers (as she thought) of the hope of the empire, which shee now [ D] aboue all things sought to bring to one of her owne sonnes: which the better to compasse, she vnder the colour of great good will and loue,* 8.576 procured that Mustapha the young prince and his mother should as it were for their greater honour and state with a princely allowance be sent in∣to CARAMANIA to gouerne that great country, far from the court. Which was no great matter for her to bring to passe: for that the Turkish emperors vsually send their sonnes after they come to any yeares of discretion vnto such prouinces as are farre from the court, attended vpon with one great Bassa and some graue doctor of their law, so to acquaint them with the manner of go∣uernment; the Bassa instructing them in matters of ciuile policie, and the doctor in matters con∣cerning their superstition: and yet by sending them a farre off, to keepe them from aspiring to the empire by the fauour of the court (a thing by the Turkish emperors not vnworthely feared, euen [ E] in their own and beloued children.) Roxolana hauing at once thus cunningly rid the court of the great competitours both of her loue and of the empire (things of all others enduring no par••e∣ners) rested not so,* 8.577 but began straightway to plot in her malitious head the vtter destruction of him, to whom all others wished all happinesse. This she saw was not to be brought to passe with∣out some complices: wherefore after she had in her secret conceit discarded many, of whom at first she had reasonable good liking; at last she made choice of Rustan Bassa her sonne in law, vp∣on whom she would set vp her rest. This Rustan was a man basely borne in EPIRVS, altogether composed of dissimulation and flatterie, euer seruing his owne turne, were it neuer so much to the hurt or greeuance of others; by which meanes he, although none of the best souldiors, was yet by many degrees growne vp to be the greatest man in the court, and Solymans sonne in law: [ F] him she probably thought to wish the succession of the empire to one of her owne sonnes, his wiues full brethren, rather than to Mustapha her halfe brother. Beside that, she was not ignorant how that Rustan as one carefull of the emperors profit, the readiest way to preferment, had abrid∣ged the pensions and fees of the officers and seruitours in court: which he perceiuing to please the emperour, proceeded so farre therein, that he attempted to haue cut off, if it had beene possi∣ble,

some part of Mustapha his princely allowance: for which doing, she knew how odious he [ G] was to all the courtiers (whereof he made small reckoning) but especially to Mustapha, insomuch that it was thought he would not forget so notorious an injurie,* 8.578 if euer he should obtaine the em∣pire. Hereupon she brake with Rustan vpon the matter, whom she found readie ynough of him∣selfe, to doe what in him lay to further her mischieuous desire.

To begin this intended tragedie, she vpon the sudden became very deuout, and being by the fauour of Solyman growne exceeding rich, pretended as if it had beene vpon a deuout zeale, for the health of her soule,* 8.579 after the manner of the Turkish superstition to build an Abbey with an Hospitall and a Church: which so godly a purpose she imparted to the Muphti or cheefe Maho∣metane priest, demaunding of him, If such workes of charitie were not acceptable vnto God, and auaileable for her soules health. Whereunto the Muphti answered, That those works were [ H] no doubt gracious in the sight of God, but nothing at all meritorious for her soules health, being a bondwoman; yet very profitable for the soule of the great emperour Solyman, vnto whom as vnto her lord both she and all she had appertained. With which answere of the great priest she seemed to be exceedingly troubled, and thereupon became wonderfull pensiue and melancholie, her cheerefull countenance was replete with sadnesse, and her faire eyes flowed with teares, her mirth was mourning, and her joy heauinesse. Which thing Solyman perceiuing, and sorrie to see his loue vpon conceit so to languish, sent her word to be of good cheere, and to comfort her selfe, promising in short time to take such a course as should ease her of all her greefes: which he forth∣with did,* 8.580 solemnely manumising her from her bond estate. So great a fauour obtained, Roxolana with great cheerefulnesse began those meritorious workes by her before intended, as if she had [ I] thought of nothing but heauen, whereas indeed her thoughts were in the depth of hell. When she had thus a good while busied her selfe in pauing the way to heauen, as was supposed, Solyman not able longer to forbeare the companie of her, in whom his soule liued, after his wonted man∣ner sent for her by one of his eunuchs,* 8.581 who should haue brought her to his bed chamber: to whom she with her eyes cast vp to heauen, demurely answered, That her life and whatsoeuer els she had,* 8.582 was at her dread soueraignes commaund, but againe to yeeld her bodie vnto his appe∣tite, she might not in any case do, without the great offence of the high God, and manifest breach of his sacred lawes, which permitted her not now voluntarily to yeeld him that, being free, which he before without offence might commaund of his bondwoman: and because she would not seeme to vse this as an excuse, she referred her selfe in all things to the graue judgement of the lear∣ned [ K] and reuerend Muphti, with whom she had before at full conferred. This she did, presuming of the soueraignetie she had ouer that great Monarch, whom she right well knew she had so fast bound in the pleasing fetters of his affection towards her, as that she was sure ynough of him without a keeper. Solyman rauished with her loue, and well the more for her deniall, sent for the Muphti, requiring his judgement in the matter; who before instructed in all points, agreed with that Roxolana had said, agrauating the heinousnesse of the fact, if he should proceed to enforce her as his slaue, whom being now free, he might not without great offence touch vnmarried. Whereupon Solyman more and more burning in his desires, became a fresh suter to her for ma∣riage, whom he had so often before commaunded:* 8.583 which his sute easily obtained (as the marke she had all this while aimed at) he with all speed to the great admiration of all men, and contrarie [ L] to the manner of the Mahometane emperors, solemnely married her; appointing for her yearly dowrie fiue thousand Sultanyns. But here before we proceed any farther, stay a while and take the view of that faire face whereon this great Monarch so much doted, as it is by the skilfull workemans hand most liuely expressed.

[illustration]

ROXOLANA, Solyman his best beloued wife.

[ M]

Frontis nulla fides, nulla est fiducia formae: Pectore dum saeuo dira venena latent. Philtra viro miscet fallax, miserum{que} coegit Sanguine natorum commaculare manus. RICH. KNOLLEVS.

To fairest lookes trust not too farre, nor yet to beautie braue: For hatefull thoughts so finely maskt, their deadly poisons haue. Loues charmed cups, the subtile dame doth to her husband fill: And causeth him with cruell hand, his childrens bloud to spill.

This woman of late a slaue,* 8.584 but now become the greatest empresse of the East, flowing in all worldly felicitie, attended vpon with all the pleasures her heart could desire, wanted nothing she could wish, but how to find means that the Turkish empire might after the death of Solyman, [ F] be brought to some one of her owne sons. This was it that had (as we haue before said) long troubled her aspiring mind; and in the middest of all her blisse, suffered her yet to take no rest. Noble Mustapha, Solymans eldest sonne, and heire apparant of the empire, although farre ab∣sent, was yet still before her eies present; his credit, his valour, his vertues, his perfections were all bars to her desires: he was the onely cloud that kept the sunne from shining on her; if 〈◊〉〈◊〉

any meanes might be taken away, then wanted nothing that she desired. Which to bring to [ G] passe, the wicked woman laboured cunningly by little and little to breed in Solymans head no small suspition of Mustapha, That he being a young man of a hautie spirit, desirous of soueraign∣tie, generally beloued, and swelling with the immoderat fauor of the men of warre, which were all at his deuotion, left nothing else to be expected of him, but when he should (as did his grand∣father Selymus) lay hand vpon the empire, and worke his aged fathers destruction. This mis∣chieuous plot by her deuised,* 8.585 was not a little furthered by Rustan the great Bassa, by whom pas∣sed all great matters: who nothing omitted, that could be slily deuised for the disgrace or con∣fusion of the young prince. For he, as a great secret, craftily told all them that were sent gouer∣nours into SYRIA, that Mustapha was secretly suspected by his father of aspiring to the king∣dome; and therefore charged them particularly, carefully to obserue all his actions, with the [ H] manner of his life and gouernment, and by their letters diligently to aduertise him of whatsoeuer they should see or heare; bearing them in hand, that the more suspitiously or odiously they should write of him, the more gratious and acceptable it would be vnto the great Sultan. Wher∣fore he by these men, oftentimes certified of the princely disposition, courage, wisedome, valour, and bountie of Mustapha, whereby he had woon all mens hearts; saw plainly, that he would at length be vndoubtedly preferred to the empire: yet durst he not for all that, aduenture to temper with Solyman about that detestable conspiracie against the inocent prince, but still deliuering the letters to the malitious woman, left the rest by her vngratious head to be wrought. And she still as occasion best serued her purpose, ceased not with pleasing allurements and flatterie (wherein she was most excellent) to infect Solymans mind, that whensoeuer he should chance to haue any [ I] speech of Mustapha, she might take the fitter occasion to bring forth those letters. Neither was she in her drift deceiued, but hauing found a fit opportunitie, with teares trickling downe her cheekes (which to serue their turns subtile women seldome want) she told the emperour in what danger he stood, recounting amongst other things, how Selymus his father had by such meanes depriued Baiazet his grandfather, both of his life and empire togither: and therefore most in∣stantly besought him, as if it had altogither proceeded of a carefull loue▪ by that example warned to looke to himselfe. But these light arguments of suspition, seemed as they were indeed vnto Solyman scarce probable; so that she little preuailed thereby. Which thing she well perceiuing, and inwardly grieued thereat, conuerted her cruell mind to other mischieuous deuises, and sought by all meanes how to poyson the young prince:* 8.586 neither wanted there wicked men (as it were [ K] vowed to all kind of mischiefe and villanie) readie to haue performed what she desired, had not Gods prouidence withstood so horrible a practise. For whereas certaine rich apparell was by her sent vnto him in his fathers name, he fearing the worst, would not touch it before he had caused it to be worne by one of his seruants; by which curious warinesse (as it was thought) he for that time preuented the treason of his wicked stepdame, and made her malitious practise ma∣nifest to the world. Yet rested she not so, but was still plotting new deuises tending all to one purpose: for being growen to that height of honour and power as neuer was woman in the Othoman court, and by the meanes of Trongilla a Iew (as it was thought) hauing bewitched the mind of the Turkish emperour, she still grew more and more in fauour, and obtained that her sonnes might by turnes be still present in the court: of purpose, that by their daily presence [ L] and continuall flatterie, they should more and more procure their fathers loue; and if by chance Mustapha should come thither, she might haue the better meanes to dispatch him: if not, to ex∣pect some other fit time, when she might by some one or other meane take him away. But Mu∣stapha neuer comming (for why, the emperors sons vse not without their fathers leaue to go out of the prouinces assigned vnto them, or to come to CONSTANTINOPLE, but after the death of their father to receiue the empire, attended vpon with a number of souldiors) she easily deuised another practise: that her sonnes should wait vpon their father, not in the citie only, but in the prouinces also; so that Tzihanger surnamed Cro••chbacke, alwaies followed his father in the campe. Certaine yeares thus spent, and she still hammering her mischieuous deuises▪ at length fortune fauouring her wicked desire, got from the Bassa which had the gouernment of Musta∣pha [ M] and the prouince of AMASIA (for as we haue said euerie one of the kings sons hath with him one Bassa, which is as it were his lieutenant in administration of justice and martiall affaires) cer∣taine suspitious letters; wherein was contained, that there was a speech of a marriage to be made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mustapha and the Persian kings daughter: which thing he thought good to giue know∣ledge

[ A] of to the Counsell, that if any harme should ensue thereof, he might be out of all suspition. These letters being brought to Rustan, he thought he had now as good as halfe brought to end the long desired ruine of Mustapha: so making no stay, he opened the matted to Roxolana, and afterwards both togither went to the court, and declared all the matter to the emperour; in do∣ing whereof, they forced both their vngratious wits to fill his head, yet doubtfull with sus∣pition, and to possesse his mind with the feare of his owne most dutifull sonne:* 8.587 saying, That he as a proud and ambitious young man, rauished with the desire of so glorious an empire, sought against the lawes both of God and nature, to take his father out of the way, that so he might with more speed satisfie his aspiring mind. And to giue the more credit to this their most false sugge∣stion, they warned him of the alliance by him purposed with the Persian king, the auntient ene∣mie [ B] of the Othoman emperours; wishing him to beware, least Mustapha supported by the strength of PERSIA, and the fauour of the Sanzacks and Ianizaries, whose loue he had by boun∣tie purchased, should in short time when he feared least, togither depriue him both of his life and empire. With these and such like accusations, they so preuailed with the aged man whom they neuer suffered to rest in quiet, that he at length resolued to worke his safetie (as he supposed) by the death of his owne sonne, in this sort.

In the yeare 1552 he caused proclamation to be made almost in all the prouinces of his em∣pire, That for as much as the Persians without resistance with a great armie inuaded SIRIA, bur∣ning and destroying the countrey before them,* 8.588 he to represse that their outragious insolence, was enforced to send thither Rustan Bassa with an armie: which according to his appointment [ C] was in short time raised. Now when all things were in readinesse, as if it had beene for such a warre as was pretended, he commaunded Rustan, with as much secrecie and as little tumult as was possible, to lay hands vpon Mustapha, and to bring him bound to CONSTANTINO∣PLE: which if hee could not conueniently effect, then, by any other meanes to take him out of the way.

With this wicked and cruell charge Rustan with a strong armie marched towards SIRIA. Mustapha vnderstanding of his comming, without delay with 7000 of the best horsemen in all Turkie made towards SIRIA also: whereof Rustan hearing, and perceiuing that he could not (as he desired) conueniently execute the cruell commaund of the vnnaturall father, forthwith turned his backe, and treading the same steps he came, returned with his armie to CONSTANTINOPLE [ D] with such speed, that he endured not to behold the very dust raised by Mustapha his horsemen, much lesse his presence: giuing it out, That he certainely vnderstood, that the prouince was in quiet (as indeed it was) and that he thereupon returned. But vnto Solyman he told another tale in secret,* 8.589 which he maliciously had deuised, That he by most apparent signes and manifest pre∣sumptions had perceiued the whole armie so enclined towards Mustapha, that if hee should haue attempted any thing against him by plaine force, hee should haue beene vtterly forsaken, and had therefore in so dangerous a case left the matter as it was to his graue further direction. This tale suspitiously told, raised in the wicked and vnnaturall father (nothing degenerating from the naturall crueltie of his auncestors) new and great suspitions, whereof to disburden his disquieted mind, he conceiued with himselfe a most horrible deuice. Wherefore the yeare fol∣lowing, [ E] which was the yeare 1553, he raised a great armie, giuing it out, That the Persians had with greater power than before inuaded SIRIA, and that therefore he for the loue of his coun∣trey and defence of his empire was determined to goe thither with his armie, and in person him∣selfe to represse the attempts of his enemies. Wherfore the armie being assembled, and all things necessarie orderly prouided,* 8.590 he commaunded to set forward, and in few dayes after followed himselfe: who comming at length into SIRIA, presently by trustie messengers commaunded Mustapha to come vnto him at ALEPPO, for there he lay encamped. And yet for all these shad∣dowes, the matter was not so closely by Solyman conueied (although he was exceeding carefull thereof) but that his mortall and deadly hatred against his sonne was perceiued by the Bassaes and other great men about him:* 8.591 insomuch, that Achmat Bassa by a secret and trustie messenger [ F] gaue him warning thereof, that so he might in time the better prouide for the safegard of his life. Neither could Mustapha himselfe but maruell, that his aged father without any apparent reason should come so far with so great an armie:* 8.592 yet trusting to his owne innocencie, though wonder∣fully troubled and perplexed in mind, he resolued (although it were with the extreame danger of his life) to obey and yeeld to his fathers commaund: for he thought it more commendable and

honourable to incurre the danger of death, than liuing, to fall into the foule suspition of disloy∣altie. [ G] In so great a perplexitie of mind,* 8.593 after he had with himselfe much discoursed too and fro what course hee were best to take, at length he boldly and resolutely asked the doctor whom (as we haue before said) he had alwaies with him in his court, Whether the empire of the world or a blessed life were of man more to be desired? to whom the doctor frankely answered, That the empire of the world, to him that would enter into the due consideration thereof, brought with it no felicitie, more than a vain shew and vtter apparance of good, nothing being more fraile or vncertaine than worldly honour, bringing with it feare, vexation of mind, tribulation, suspiti∣on, murder, wrong, wickednesse, spoile, ruine and captiuitie, with infinit mischeefes of like nature not to be desired of him that would attaine to true felicitie, by which meanes the blessed life was to be lost and not gained: But they vnto whom God had giuen the grace, rightly to consider and [ H] weigh the fragilitie and shortnesse of this our estate (which the common sort deemeth to be the onely life) and to striue against the vanities of this world, and to embrace and follow an vpright kind of life, had vndoubtedly a place assigned for them in heauen, and prepared by the great God where they should at length enjoy life and blisse eternall. This answere of the great doctor won∣derfully satisfied the troubled mind of the young prince, foreseeing as it were the approch of his owne end:* 8.594 and so staying not any longer discourse, forthwith set forward towards his father, and making great hast, came at length to his fathers campe, and not farre off pitched his tents in the open field. But this his so hastie comming the more encreased the suspition in the mind of his wicked father: neither spared Rustan in the meane time with his craftie and subtile deuices to aug∣ment the same: for by a signe giuen he caused the Ianizaries and cheefe men in the armie to goe [ I] as if it had beene for honours sake to meet Mustapha; which they all without delay presently did at his commaund, and so all together set forward. In the meane time, he the most craftie var∣let with troubled countenance (for he could notably dissemble) as a man halfe dismayed came in hast into Solymans pauillion,* 8.595 and falsely told him, That the Ianizaries and almost all the best souldiors of the armie were of themselues without leaue gone to meet Mustapha, and that he feared what would ensue thereof. Which newes so troubled the old tyrant, that he became pale for feare, and going out of his tent, and finding them gone, easily beleeued all to be true that the false Bassa had told him. Neither wanted Mustapha strange warning of his end so neere at hand, for the third day before his setting forwards towards his father,* 8.596 falling asleepe in the euening, he thought he saw his prophet Mahomet in bright apparrell to take him by the hand and lead him [ K] into a most pleasant place, beautified with most glorious and stately pallaces, and most delicate and pleasant gardens; and pointing to euery thing with his finger, to say thus vnto him, Here rest they for euer, which in this world haue led an vpright and godly life, following vertue and detesting vice: and after that turning his face to the other side, to haue shewed him two great and swift riuers, whereof the one boyled with water blacker than pitch, and in them appeared (as he thought) numbers of men wallowing and tumbling some vp, some downe, crying horribly for mercie; And there (said he) are punished all such as in this fraile life haue been the malicious wor∣kers of iniquitie, the cheefe of whom (as he said) were emperours, kings, princes, and other great men of the world. Mustapha awaking, and troubled with this melancholie dreame, called vnto him his doctor: and hauing told him all the matter, asked him what the same might signifie? who [ L] standing a great while in a muse (for the Mahometanes are exceeding superstitious, attributing much vnto dreames) full of sorrow and greefe, at length answered, That this vision (for so it plea∣sed him to tearme it) was vndoubtedly to be feared, as presaging vnto him the extreame perill of his life, and therefore requested him to haue great care both of his life and honour. But Mustapha as he was of a notable spirit and courage, regarding nothing that answer, stoutly replied: What, shall I suffer my selfe to be terrified and ouercome with childish and vaine feare? why rather hast I not courageously and resolutely to my father? and so much the more boldly, because I know assuredly I haue alwayes (as reason was) reuerenced his majestie, that against his will I neuer tur∣ned mine eyes or foot against his most royall seat, much lesse affected his empire, except the most high God had called him to a better life, neither then without the generall good liking & choise [ M] of the whole armie, that so I might at length without murder, without bloud, without tyrannie, well and justly reigne, and in loue and peace inuiolate liue with my brethren: for I haue set down with my selfe, and chosen, if it be my fathers pleasure so, rather to die in his obedience, than reigning many yeares, to be reputed of all men, especially my competitours, a rebell or traitor.

[ A] Hauing thus said, he came vnto his fathers campe, and pitching his tents (as we haue before said) suted himselfe all in white, in token of his innocencie, and writing certaine letters (which the Turkes when they are about to go to any place of danger, vse to write, and alwaies to carrie with them, for they are wonderfull foolish in their superstition) and putting them in his bosome, at∣tended vpon with a few of his most trustie followers, came with great reuerence towards the tent of his father,* 8.597 fully resoluing to haue kissed his hand, as their vsuall manner is. But when he was come to the entrance of the tent, remembring that he had yet his dagger girt to him, hee entered not vntill he had put it off; because he would not come into his fathers sight with any weapon, if happily so hee might cleere himselfe of his fathers needlesse suspition. So when he was come into the more inward roomes of the tent, he was with such honour as be∣longed [ B] to his state cheerfully receiued by his fathers eunuchs. But seeing nothing else prouided but one seat whereon to sit himselfe alone, he perplexed in mind stood still a while musing, at length asked where the emperour his father was? Whereunto they answered, That he should by and by see him: and with that casting his eye aside, he saw seauen Muts (these are strong men, bereft of their speech, whom the Turkish tyrants haue alwaies in readinesse, the more se∣cretly to execute their bloudie butcherie) comming from the other side of the tent towards him: at whose sight strucken with a sudden terrour, said no more, but Lo my death; and with that, ari∣sing, was about to haue fled:* 8.598 but in vaine, for he was caught hold on by the eunuch and Muts, and by force drawne to the place appointed for his death: where without further stay the Muts cast a bow string about his necke, he poore wretch still striuing, and requesting that he might [ C] speake but two words to his father before he died. All which the murtherer (for no addition is sufficient significantly to expresse his vnnaturall villanie) both heard and saw by a trauers from the other side of the tent: but was so farre from being moued with compassion, that thinking it long till he were dispatched, with a most terrible and cruell voice he rated the villaines enured to bloud, saying, Will you neuer dispatch that I bid you? will you neuer make an end of this traitor, for whom I haue not rested one night these ten yeares in quiet? Which horrible commaunding spee∣ches yet thundring in their eares, those butcherly Muts threw the poore innocent prince vpon the ground, and with the helpe of the eunuchs forcibly drawing the knotted bow string both waies, by the commaundement of a most wicked father strangled him. With like barba∣rous crueltie,* 8.599 he shortly after caused Mahomet his nephew (Mustapha his sonne) to bee stran∣gled [ D] also.

This vnnaturall and strange murther committed, he presently commaunded the Bassa of AMASIA Mustaphaes lieutenant to be apprehended, and his head in his owne presence to bee strucke off. Which done, he sent for Tzihanger the crooked, yet ignorant of all that was hap∣pened; and in sporting wise, as if he had done a thing worth commendations, bid him go meet his brother Mustapha: which thing Tzihanger with a merrie and cheerfull countenance hasted to doe, as one glad of his brothers comming. But as soone as he came vnto the place where he saw his brother lying dead vpon the ground strangled, it is not to be spoken how he was in mind tormented.* 8.600 He was scarcely come to the place where this detestable murther was committed, when his father sent vnto him certaine of his seruants to offer vnto him all Mustaphaes treasure, [ E] horses, seruants, jewels, tents, and withall the gouernment of the prouince of AMASIA: but Tzihanger filled with extreame heauinesse for the vnmercifull death of his welbeloued brother, spake vnto them in this sort. Ah wicked and vngodly Cain, traitor (I may not say father) take thou now the treasures, the horses, the seruants, the iewels and the prouince of Mustapha. How came it into thy wicked, cruell and sauage breast, so vngratiously and contrarie to all humanitie, I will not say the reuerence of thine owne bloud, to kill thy worthie, warlike and noble sonne, the mir∣ror of courtesie, and prince of greatest hope, the like of whom, the Othoman family neuer yet had, nor neuer shall? I will therefore my selfe prouide that thou, nor none for thee shall euer hereafter in such sort shamefully triumph ouer a poore crooked wretch. And hauing thus much said, stabd himselfe with his owne dagger into the bodie,* 8.601 whereof he in short time died: which so soone [ F] as it came to the old Tygers eares, it is hard to say how much he grieued. His dead bodie was by his fathers commaundement carried from ALEPPO in SYRIA to CONSTANTINO∣PLE, and afterwards honourably buried on the other side of the hauen at PERA. For all this bloudie tragedie, his couetous mind was not so troubled but that he could forthwith command all Mustaphaes treasures and riches to be brought to his tent: which his souldiors in hope to haue

the same giuen them for a prey, willingly hasted to performe. In the meane time, the soul∣diors [ G] which were in Mustaphaes campe, not knowing what was become of their master, see∣ing such a multitude of souldiors thrusting into their campe without all order; to represse their tumultuous insolencie, stept out in their armour, and notably repulsed them, not without much bloudshed.

At length, the noise of this stirre was heard by the rest of the kings souldiors, who seeing the tumult to increase more and more,* 8.602 ran in to helpe their fellowes; so that in short time there be∣gan a hoat skirmish and cruell fight on both sides, insomuch that two thousand were slaine and mo wounded: neither had the broile so ended, had not Achomat bassa a graue captaine, and for his long experience of no small authoritie amongst the souldiors, kept backe the Ianizaries and staied their furie; and turning likewise to Mustaphaes souldiors, by gentle and mild words and [ H] courteous persuasions,* 8.603 in this manner appeased their rage. What my brethren (said he) will you now (degenerating from your auntient loyaltie, for which you haue bin for so many ages commended) impugne the commaund of the great Sultan our dread soueraigne? Truely I cannot sufficiently mar∣uell what thing should moue you, whom I haue hitherto proued to haue been most worthy and valiant souldiors, in this ciuile conflict to draw those weapons against your fellowes and brethren, which you haue most fortunatly vsed against the enemies of the Othoman kings: except you meane thereby to make your selues a ioyfull spectacle vnto your enemies, who grieuing to see themselues ouercome by your victorious weapons, may yet reioice among themselues to see you turne the same one vpon ano∣ther. Wherefore my sonnes, for your auntient honours sake, be carefull that you doe not by this your insolencie lose the reputation of your wisedome loyaltie and valour, for which you haue hitherto been [ I] aboue all others commended: reserue these your weapons which you haue now too too much vsed amongst your fellowes, against your enemies, of whom you may get more praise and honour. This speech of the old Bassa, so mollified the stout souldiors, that they freely permitted all that was in Mustaphaes tents to be carried to Solymans: but as soone as the death of Mustapha was blowne into the eares of the Ianizaries and the rest of the armie in Solymans campe, another tumult rise among them worse than the first.* 8.604 They were quickly all vp in armes againe, and with a great noise confused with teares and lamentation, as they were in rage and furie, brake violently into Solymans pauillion with their drawne swords: which strucke the tyrant into such a feare, that destitute of all counsell in himselfe, he was about with the extreame perill of his life to haue fled: but being holden of his friends, and making a vertue of necessitie, vpon the sudden aduentured [ K] to doe that which at better leisure he would scarcely haue thought vpon: for going forth out of his tent, but with a pale and wan countenance he spake vnto the enraged souldiors thus. What broile is this?* 8.605 what sturre? what so great insolencie? what meane your inflamed, fierce and angrie lookes? know you not your soueraigne? and him that hath power▪ to commaund you? Haue you so re∣solued to s••aine the antient and inuincible honour of your selues and your ancestors, with the bloud of your lord and emperour?* 8.606 Whilest he was yet thus speaking, the souldiors boldly answered, That they denied not, but that he was the man whom they many yeares before had chosen for their emperour: but in that they had by their owne valour got for him a large and mightie empire, and in like manner preserued it; that was therefore of them done, that he should for the same gouerne them vertuously and justly, and not to lay his bloudie hands without discretion vpon [ L] euerie just man, and most wickedly embrue himselfe with innocent bloud: and that they came thither armed, they did it (as they said) moued with just cause, to reuenge the vnworthie death of guiltlesse Mustapha; and that for that matter, he had no just cause to be angrie with them. Wherefore they required, that they might publikely cleere themselues of the treason whereof they were accused by Mustaphaes enemies, and that the accuser might be brought forth to justi∣fie his accusation: protesting, that they would neuer lay downe their weapons, vntill the accuser made his appearance in judgement, and commenced his accusation judicially, vpon paine to en∣dure the like punishment if he failed in proofe. Whilest these things were in doing, the hai∣nousnesse of the late committed fact caused euerie man to shed teares,* 8.607 so that Solyman himselfe seemed to be sorie for the murther so lately by himselfe committed: wherfore he promised vn∣to [ M] the souldiors whatsoeuer they required, and did what he could to appease their angrie minds. For all that, they in the meane time, least he should craftily slip away and deceiue them of that he had promised, and of the expectation of such things as they had required, witha maruellous care and diligence all kept watch and ward.

[ A] Solyman to appease this furie of the Ianizaries,* 8.608 depriued Rustan Bassa of all his honours, and tooke from him his seale whereof he had the keeping, and deliuered it to Achomates bassa: But Rustan worthely strucken with feare and horrour, seeing himselfe now in no safetie in his owne tents, fled secretly to Achomates, asking his counsell what were best for him to doe, and what course to take in so doubtfull and dangerous a case? To whom the Bassa answered, That it were best for him to vse the great emperours aduise, and to doe what he commaunded. Which an∣swere well satisfied Rustan: and so he which of late gaue other men accesse vnto the emperour at his pleasure, was now glad by his old acquaintance and friends to preferre this poore sute, To know his pleasure what he would haue him to doe. From whom he receiued this answere, That he should incontinently without farther delay get him out of his sight, and out of the campe: [ B] which the Bassa said he could not conueniently doe, being by his displeasure and the souldiors rage disfurnished of all things necessarie for his departure. Whereunto Solyman sent him an∣swere againe, That he could giue him neither longer time nor delay, and that it were best for him without more adoe to be gone for feare of farther harme. Whereupon Rustan, guiltie in conscience of most horrible villanie & treacherie, accompanied but with eight of his most faith∣full friends in steed of his late world of followers; posted in hast to CONSTANTINOPLE, and there (not without danger of his head) with Roxolana and other the complices and contriuers of the treason against Mustapha, in great feare expected the euent of his fortune.

This young prince Mustapha thus shamefully murthered by his owne father, was for his rare vertues generally beloued of the Turkes; but of the souldiors most for his martiall disposition, [ C] and readinesse for the effusion of Christian bloud. The opinion they had conceiued of him was such, and their loue so great, that they neuer thought there was any in the Othoman family, of whom they expected so much for the enlarging of their empire: insomuch, that euer since, when in their priuat or publike actions they faile of any great hope, they vse this prouerb euen at this day taken frō him, Gietti Sultan Mustapha; Sultan Mustapha is dead: as who should say, our hope is all lost. Achomates bassa the great champion of the Turks, a man of exceeding courage, not ig∣norant of the small assurance of the great honors of that state,* 8.609 at such time as he receiued the seale from Solyman, boldly told him, That as he did then franckly bestow it vpon him, so he would at one time or other to his no lesse disgrace take it from him: to whom Solyman solemnly pro∣mised with an oath not to displace him so long as he liued. For all that, he had not long enjoy∣ed [ D] that honour, but that Solyman falling in dislike with him, and willing againe to promote Ru∣stan bassa to that great honour, greater than which there is none in the Turkes court, which by reason of his oath he could not doe so long as Achomates liued: To saue his oath, and to preferre his sonne in law (whom he had indeed displaced onely to please the tumultuous Ianizaries) re∣solued to haue Achomates put to death. Of which his purpose Achomates altogither ignorant, and one morning after his wonted manner comming into the Diuano in all his honour, vpon the sudden receiued word from Solyman, that he must presently die, and forthwith was the hang∣man readie to haue strangled him, as was giuen him in charge: whom the stout Bassa thrust from him with his hand, with countenance and cheere in shew no more troubled than if the matter had nothing concerned him. And looking a good while round about him, espied at last an ho∣nest [ E] man whom he had before many times pleasured, whom he most earnestly requested for all the kindnesse shewed vnto him, to do him that last fauour as to strangle him with his own hand, which should be vnto him the greatest good turne that he could possibly deuise, detesting no∣thing more than to die with the hand of the executioner. Which thing when he after much in∣treatie had vndertaken to performe, Achomates willed him, that he should not at one twitch stran∣gle him outright, but letting the bow string slake againe, giue him leaue once to breath, and then to dispatch him: which his request was by his friend accordingly performed, and he in that sort strangled: wherein it seemeth that he was desirous, first to tast of death, and not to die all at once. Immediatly after whose death, Rustan bas••a was againe restored to his place of chiefe Visier, and had the great seale deliuered vnto him: which honour he enjoyed about six years after, and so at [ F] last died of the dropsie. This was the end of these two great Bassaes Achomates and Rustan, who in that time swaied that great empire vnder Solyman, and of whom we haue so much spoken▪ It is reported, that Solyman hauing appointed Achomates to die, should say, It is better for his great heart once to die, than to die a thousand times, in seeing his honour taken from him and bestowed vpon another.

* 8.610The Turkes gallies by the sollicitation of the French before brought down into the Tuscane [ G] sea, did much harme vpon the coasts of CALABRIA and SICILIA in this yeare 1554, as they had the yeare before, and so did diuers yeares after. At which time also Pandulphus Contarenus the Venetian Admirall scouring alongst the seas, carefully looking to the frontiers of the Vene∣tian estate, chanced to meet with the Bassa of CALIPOLIS (who the yeare before had rifled cer∣taine Venetian marchants) in reuenge of which injurie he set vpon him, and after a great spoyle made both of the Turkes and their gallies, he ransacked DIRRACHIVM, then one of the Turks port townes in DALMATIA.

* 8.611The next yeare 1555 the same Bassa recouered his strength, but not daring to be too busie with the Venetians, surprised the Islands of PLVMBIS and ELBA, subject to the duke of FLO∣RENCE, and withall sent letters to Solyman, to persuade him to take vp armes against the Veneti∣ans, [ H] as they which had broken the league.

At the same time Haly the Bassa of BVDA by policie surprised the strong castle of BABOZA in HVNGARIE:* 8.612 and was in good hope by the like finenesse to haue taken the towne and castle of ZIGETH,* 8.613 a place of great importance: but failing of his purpose, he came the next yeare 1556 with a great armie, and the 13 day of Iune encamped before the towne, wherein was Go∣uernour Marcus Horwath a valiant captaine, with a garrison of notable souldiors. Shortly after he began a most terrible batterie: during which time the Christians sallying diuers times out, slew many of his men, who for all that vsed such diligence, that the twentieth of Iune they woon the vttermost wall, and after fiue hot assaults were in hope at the sixt to haue woon the castle also: but the Christians perceiuing the danger, resolutely sallied out, and hauing slaine eight hundred [ I] of them, draue the rest againe from the wall: yet the Turkes gaue it not so ouer, but with a great number of ca••ts laboured to haue filled vp the marrish and ditches about the towne: which their attempt was by the industrie of the defendants also defeated. The Bassa perceiuing how hardly the towne would be woon by force, attempted to haue persuaded them to haue yeelded it vp by composition:* 8.614 but fayling therein of his purpose, began againe the twelfth of Iulie to assault the citie, which assault he maintained fiue dayes together without intermission, still sending in fresh men in stead of them that were wearied or slaine: yet was the citie for all that by the valour of the Christians notably defended.* 8.615 So when he had in vaine proued the vttermost of his forces, he raised his siege the one and twentieth day of Iuly, and departed: but within six dayes after he re∣turned againe from the citie QVINQVE-ECLESIae, and assaulted the citie afresh, but was at [ K] length glad to giue ouer the siege and be gone, when he had lost of his best souldiors aboue two thousand, and of the defendants slaine but a hundred and twentie. After his departure there was ten thousand great shot found, wherewith he had battered the towne and the castle, which was for this time thus worthely defended. The Turks in the meane time after their wonted manner ceased not to doe what harme they could in the Tuscane sea, and had againe miserably spoyled the Island of CORSICA: for withstanding of whom, the bishop of ROME exacted of his peo∣pled a great subsidie, and finely stript the Iewes of their money, and seized vpon their rich mar∣chants goods in his territorie: at whose earnest sute Solyman in their behalfe writ vnto the bi∣shop as followeth.

[ L]

Sultan Solyman most mightie Emperour of Emperours, the sonne of Selym, Emperour of Emperours, to whom God giue eternall victorie: to Pope Paulus the fourth, greeting.

Most excellent and most mightie Lord of the professors of the Messias Iesu, and lord of ROME, the Almightie keepe thee.* 9.1 At such time as thou shalt receiue our ••eale, thou shalt vnderstand by our letters, that certaine Hebrewes haue come vnto vs, complaining that they are oppressed of thee with too greeuous exactions, when they come to trafficke at ANCONA▪ This burden I request thee to take from them, and to restore againe vnto them their goods, that thereby they may be able to pay vnto vs our tribute: which if thou (as I hope thou wilt) shall doe, thou shalt feele our fauour▪ Fare∣well [ M] from CONSTANTINOPLE the last of the blessed moneth * 9.2 Rambeluch, in the yeare of our great Prophet Mahomet nine hundred threescore and foure.

* 9.3Haly Bassa greeued with the late repulse he had receiued at ZIGETH, came againe the next

[ A] yeare, and besieged it, at which time king Ferdinand sent Nicholaus Polwiler and the countie Se∣rinus with a power raised in SVEVIA and AVSTRIA, to recouer BABOZA, a castle betwixt ZIGETH and STIRIA, before surprised by the Turks: of whose comming the Bassa hauing in∣telligence, rise with his armie and departed from ZIGETH, which he had for certaine moneths hardly besieged, and not farre from BABOZA met with Polwiler and Serinus; who joining bat∣tell with him,* 9.4 after a hard and sharpe fight ouerthrew him and put him to flight. This victorie with the comming downe of yong Ferdinand, king Ferdinands sonne, Archduke of AVSTRIA with new supplies, so terrified the Turkes in that part of HVNGARIE alongst the riuer Dranus, that they for feare forsooke BABOZA, SAMMARTIN, SAN-LAVRENCE, and diuers other small castles which they had before taken, and fled to QVINQVE ECLESIae.

[ B] The Gouernour of ZIGETH encouraged herewith, sallying out with his garrison, slew many of the Turkes in their flight towards QVINQVE ECLESIae, and meeting by chance with a troupe of horsemen which were bringing the Turkes pay, ouerthrew them, tooke the mony, and so with an exceeding rich prey returned to his castle. At which time also Adam the Gouernour of RAB, otherwise called FAVRINVM, hauing burnt the suburbes of ALBA REGALIS, and dri∣uen away many thousands of cattell, at a towne called SIAN ouerthrew fiue hundred Turkes, and as many fugitiue Christians, and so with a great prey and little or no losse at all of his men returned.

Henrie the French king at the same time in warres with Philip king of SPAINE,* 9.5 and troubled with the losse of his armie ouerthrowne not farre from S. QVINTAINS (at which time the [ C] duke Montmorencie constable of FRANCE and Generall of the armie with his sonne and diuers other of the nobilitie of FRANCE were taken prisoners) by his embassadour Michaell Condig∣nac sollicited Solyman to haue by sea inuaded NAPLES and SICILIA, so to haue withdrawne the Spanish forces out of FRANCE, to defend their owne frontiers. Which thing Solyman, offen∣ded with the insolencie of the embassadour, refused to doe: yet neuerthelesse commaunded his aduenturers all alongst the coast of AFFRICKE, to infest those seas, and to doe what harme they could vpon the coast of ITALIE and SICILIA; which they so diligently performed, that the viceroy of SICILIA was faine for defence of those countries to lie in readinesse with his gallies in the ports of CAIETA and NAPLES.

In the meane time the Guise,* 9.6 lord Grand Prior of the knights of S. Iohns in FRAVNCE (and [ D] brother of Francis the duke of Guise, Generall of the French kings armie in ITALIE, who vpon the ouerthrow receiued at S. QVINTINS, called out of ITALIE, shortly after tooke CALLIS) Admirall of the gallies of MALTA, went out toward the East with foure gallies well appointed to lie in wait for the Turkes, and by fortune met with two great ships laded with the Turks mar∣chandise, which he tooke; and by and by after light vpon foure of the Turks gallies, with whom he had a great fight: yet at length hauing sunke one of them and burnt another, he tooke the other two. After which victorie returning towards MALTA to haue repaired his gallies and cured his wounded men, he was met with foure other great gallies of the Turks: who desirous to reuenge the losse of their fellowes, set vpon him, and he seeing now no remedie, but that hee must needs fight courageously, encountered them. But for as much as he had in the two fights [ E] before lost some of his men, and 72 of the knights in the gallies lay sore wounded, hee by the counsell of the captaines retired towards MALTA: but by the way one of his gallies was taken by the Turks, with 52 knights of the Order: yet with the rest and the prizes before taken, he re∣couered the island of MALTA, where he stayed that Winter, and the next Spring sayled into FRAVNCE to be partaker of those troubles, which beginning shortly after, haue but of late ta∣ken end.

The immoderat fortune of the great Sultan Solyman,* 9.7 was not in any thing more contrarie to his desire, than in the proofe of those his children, of whom the world held the greatest expe∣ctation. Mustapha his eldest sonne, the mirrour of courtesie and rare hope of the whole Tur∣kish nation, the suspitious tyrant had most vnnaturally caused to be murdered in his owne pre∣sence, [ F] to the greefe of all his subjects in generall, as is before declared: poore Tzihanger was dead for sorrow: and Mahometes his eldest sonne by his best beloued the faire Roxolana, was de∣parted this life also. So that now remained vnto him onely Selymus, the vnworthie heire of so great an empire, and Baiazet his yonger brother, the liuely image of his father, both men grown, and the sonnes of the same Roxolana: but so farre differing the one from the other both in feature

of bodie and disposition of mind, as if they had not beene of the same kindred and line. Selymus [ G] the elder brother most like vnto his mother, was in the secret determination of the aged empe∣rour his father appointed heire of that most mightie empire.* 9.8 Baiazet much resembling his father, was on the other side strongly supported by the care and entire loue of his mother: which whe∣ther it proceeded of a secret commiseration of his ineuitable destinie, or that he had by loyaltie or other meanes so woon her fauour, is not knowne; but euery man saw, that if it had lien in her power, she would vndoubtedly haue preferred him before his elder brother Selymus, and haue placed him in the empire: but she must needs giue way to her old husbands will, firmely and ir∣remouably set downe, that the destinies so permitting, none should raigne after him but his eldest sonne Selymus. Of which his purpose and resolution Baiazet being not ignorant, began most cir∣cumspectly to looke about him, if he could by any meanes frustrate that forcible necessitie, and [ H] exchange his certaine destruction with an empire: in which his deepe and dangerous cogitati∣ons he was not a little comforted by the fauour and loue of Roxolana his mother, and of Rustan the great Bassa his brother in law, who together had in any other matter been able to haue ouer∣ruled the aged emperour. Whereupon he resolutely set downe himselfe, rather to end his dayes by making proofe of his good or bad fortune, than vpon the death of his father (which by course of nature could not now be farre off) to be as a sacrifice basely butchered by some vile hangman of his brothers. Baiazet so resolued, and now alreadie fallen out with his brother Selymus, tooke occasion vpon the generall discontentment of the people and others, for the vnworthie death of Mustapha their late joy to begin those stirres which he had before with himselfe plotted, and so to make a head, whereunto he might afterward joyne the bodie also: for why that worthie Mu∣stapha [ I] had left behind him so great a desire of himselfe, that now it wearied many to liue after him, they had so placed all the hope of their good fortune in him; vnto whom nothing was more desired than to reuenge the wrong done vnto him, or els to run the same hard fortune with him: Othersome guiltie of the immoderat affection they had borne vnto him yet liuing, and fearing to be called to giue an account thereof, thought any state better & more assured than that wher∣in they presently stood,* 9.9 and therefore sought all occasions of new stirres, and how to set all on a hurly burly: onely a captaine was wanting, Mustapha could not be againe reuiued, yet might he be strongly supposed to liue. This deuice pleased Baiazet, as best fitting his purpose, being not ig∣norant of this disposition of the people. Wherefore by certaine of his most faithfull and trustie followers he found out a certaine obscure fellow of a notable audacitie which should take vpon [ K] him the name and person of Mustapha, whose stature also and countenance and proportion of bodie differed not much from Mustapha himselfe: He, as if he had by chance escaped, first be∣gan to shew himselfe in that part of THRACIA which is aboue CONSTANTINOPLE, and lieth toward Danubius, not farre from the countries of MOLDAVIA and VALACHIA, and was for that cause both fittest for rebellion, and also best stored with horsemen, who of all others most honoured Mustapha.* 9.10 Hither he comes as if it had beene from a long journey, slenderly accom∣panied, and as if he had beene desirous at the first not to haue beene knowne: his followers be∣ing demaunded (as it chanced) who he was, did rather fearfully giue them that asked occasion to ghesse, than plainely to tell them, that it was Mustapha: neither did he himselfe much denie it: wherby the people became more and more desirous to know him. Which beginning thus layd, [ L] he afterward began to rejoice of his fortunate comming thither, and to giue God thanks for his safe arriuall there amongst his friends: he tels them, That at such time as hee was sent for by his father, he durst not come into his sight, or commit himselfe vnto him in his furie, but by the counsell of his friends to haue with great promises persuaded one that was maruellous like vnto himselfe, to goe in his stead; by whose danger hee might make proofe of his fathers mind towards him: who before he was admitted to the speech of his father, was without hea∣ring miserably strangled, and so cast out before his pauillion: at which time there was many (as he said) which perceiued the deceit, but the greater part remained in errour, deceiued with the lineaments and countenance of the miserable dead man, who was much altered with the terrible paines of death, and supposing it to haue beene him indeed that was slaine. Which [ M] thing as soone as he vnderstood, he thought it not good longer to stay, but presently to flie and to prouide for his owne safetie: and so flying with a few of his owne followers, thereby the more secretly and safely to escape; and hauing passed aboue PONTVS by the people of BOS∣PHORVS, was now come thither, where as he was in good hope to find much helpe and com∣fort

[ A] forth in the fidelitie of his friends, whom he requested not now to forsake him, or to make lesse ac∣count of him disgraced by the malice of his stepmother, than they had before in time of his prosperitie. For that he was aminded to reuenge the injurie done vnto him, and by force of armes to defend himselfe: for what else had he now left? being by no other means preserued but by the death of another man: that he had sufficiently proued how his father stood affected to∣wards him, and that he now liued by his mistaking, not by his kindnesse. The cause of all which his troubles was his stepdame, who (as he said) with her mischantments led the silly old man (now almost doating for age and mad for loue) whither she would at her pleasure, and by her agent Rustan bassa forced him forward headlong into all kind of mischiefe: but that God be thanked he wanted not his friends, by whose help he would find a way out of these miseries, and take reuenge [ B] of his enemies: for why, he had as yet couragious hearts, and the Ianizaries, with the greater part of his fathers family on his side, & that great multitudes of people would flock vnto him vpon the brute of his name: so that they which did now mourne for him as dead (in number many) would by heapes run to help him being aliue: so that they there present would only courteously receiue him as a guest, and protect him now distressed, vntill such time as his wel-willers & friends might repaire vnto him. And this at last he gaue out, not in secret, but openly vnto all men whersoeuer he came. The same things did they also report, whom he made the people to beleeue to haue been the companions of his flight: which was also confirmed by diuers of good account and au∣thoritie, whom Baiazet had before delt withall to that purpose. So a great number of men al∣together vnknowne to Baiazet, were by that meanes seduced: for this matter was so cunningly [ C] wrought, that many euen of them that had knowne Mustapha aliue, and seene him laid dead be∣fore his fathers pauillion; yet listed not greatly to beleeue that which they knew, but easily suffe∣red themselues to be persuaded, that this was the true Mustapha. But the companions and fol∣lowers of Mustapha, in whose minds the liuely countenance and remembrance of him was tho∣rowly engrauen, nothing could deceiue: yet blinded partly with feare, partly with griefe and de∣sire of reuenge, and wishing rather to aduenture any thing, than longer to liue without Mustapha, were the first men that came to offer their seruice to this counterfeit Mustapha: and would not suffer other men to doubt but that this was the verie Mustapha, which it was falsely reported to haue been slaine. As for the deceiuer himselfe, he either kept with him, or entertained them that came, some with faire promises, some with courteous speeches, and many also with money and [ D] rewards, which he made them to beleeue he had reserued of the reliques of his better fortune: for Baiazet had before notably prouided, that nothing should in this behalfe be wanting vnto him for the countenancing of his credit. So within the space of a few daies, such a multitude of men was resorted vnto him,* 9.11 as might almost haue made a whole armie. When Solyman vpon the sudden was aduertised by the fearfull messengers and letters of the Sanzacks thereabouts, what a danger was like to ensue by the concourse of so great a multitude of people vnto this counterfeit Mustapha: he presently suspecting (as the truth was) that this was not done without the priuitie of one of his sonnes, thought it not a thing to be neglected: and therefore by his letters reproued the Sanzacks there by, that they had suffered the matter to run so farre, and had not in the begin∣ning as their duetie was suppressed the same; grieuously threatning them, if they did not with all [ E] speed send vnto him in bonds that counterfeit companion with the rest of his complices. Which that it might be the easilier by them performed; he promised to send one of the chiefe Bassaes, namely Partau Bassa (who had married the widdow of Mahometes the eldest sonne of Roxolana of whom we haue before remembred) and with him a strong power of the soldiors of the court: but if they would haue themselues excused, that they should of themselues dispatch the matter before the comming of that aid. This Partau lead after him certaine squadrons of souldiors, not so many in number, as notable for their fidelitie: for Solyman had caused the most faithfull of his colonels, captaines, and corporals to be called out; wisely doubting least his souldiors, either led with affection, or corrupted with reward, might take part with him against whom they were sent. For the common sort of the Ianizaries, standing in suspence at the fame of Mustapha, and [ F] the expectation of some great noueltie, fauoured that broile, and wished all on a hurly burly: neither was the matter in deed without danger. The Sanzacks after they had receiued this straight charge from Solyman, considering how much it stood them vpon to make a speedie dis∣patch, began now now to encourage one another to bestirre themselues, to make all the speed possible, and with all their power on euerie side to oppose themselues against the attempts of this

new found Mustapha: labouring to stay such as were comming vnto him, and to disperse such as [ G] were readie come, by shewing vnto them the greatnesse of the danger, and threatning them with all extreamities. In the meane time Partan Bassa came on with his armie, and was not now far off: when (as in like case it oftentimes falleth out in things not yet sufficiently confirmed, and by celeritie pretended) the souldiors of the counterfeit Mustapha seeing themselues beset on euerie side, began to feare, and at first some few to slip away; but afterwards, all, without regard of shame or of their promise to forsake their captaine, and flie euerie man whither he thought best. The captaine seeking likewise to haue made shift for himselfe, was with the chiefe of his coun∣sellors and followers taken by the Sanzacks and deliuered to the Bassa, who with a strong guard sent them all in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE: where Solyman by most exquisite torments drew from them all the secret deuises of his young sonne Baiazet, and that he had purposed after [ H] such a head made by this supposed Mustapha as he thought conuenient, to haue vpon the sud∣den joyned himselfe with a great power, and so as should best serue for his purpose, to haue gone directly to CONSTANTINOPLE, or els against his brother Selymus. But whilest hee goeth somewhat too slowly about his businesse,* 9.12 his vnripe counsels were by his fathers celeritie op∣pressed. Of all which matter Solyman now thorowly assured, caused the supposed Mustapha and his companions at midnight to be drowned in the sea; thinking it not good to haue these things commonly knowne, and to haue his domesticall wounds yet bleeding, laid open to the view of his neighbour princes. Neuerthelesse being mightily offended with Baiazet for so great an inso∣lencie, he ceased not to cast in his mind how to be reuenged vpon him; which his wife Roxolana a woman of great wisedome was not ignorant of.* 9.13 Who after a few daies, at such time as the [ I] old mans furie was ouerpast, falling of purpose into talke with him about the matter, she laid to∣gither in her sons behalfe, and alleadged the vndiscreetnesse of youth, the necessitie of the fact, and the example of his auncestors in like case, that it was so prouided for by nature, that euerie man should be carefull of himselfe and his, and that all men did indifferently shun death, that young men were by euill counsell easily seduced and made to forget their dutie. That it were reason he should forgiue him this first fault; which if he amended, then was it a great gaine for the father to haue saued his sonne: but if he should againe fall into relapse, there would not want time to punish him sufficiently for both faults. And that if so be he would not pardon him for his owne sake: yet he would vouchsafe to pardon him for hers, entreating now for him for whom she had before groaned, and not to be cruell vpon him one of the pledges of their loue, [ K] in whom rested the bloud of them both: for in what wofull case should she be, if of those two sons (all that God had left her) the fathers seueritie should bereaue her of the one? Wherfore she requested him to moderat his anger, and to preferre his clemencie before his just indignation: forasmuch as God himselfe of all power and might, did not alwaies deale with sinners in seueri∣tie, but for most part in mercie; whereas otherwise all mankind would not suffice his wrath. And would mercie in any place be more fitting, than in the father towards his child? She promi∣sed further, that Baiazet should from thenceforth remaine in most dutifull obedience towards his majestie; and vpon his so great clemencie, to conuert the feare wherein he now liued into a world of dutie and deuotion. Honourable minds (she said) were retained with nothing more than with kindnesse and courtesie, that the remembrance of that his fatherly forgiuenesse, should [ L] be a stay vnto him for euer doing the like againe: at last that she would promise for him, and take vpon her, that he should euer afterwards satisfie his fatherly expectation in all kind of dutie and loyaltie. Which words mingled with teares and other womanly gestures, so wrought with Solyman, being otherwise too much in her power, that he resolued to forgiue the fault; yet so, that he should come and submit himselfe, and receiue from him his charge. This carefull mother foreslowes no time, but by letters secretly aduertised Baiazet, not to feare to come vnto his fa∣ther at such time as he should be sent for:* 9.14 assuring him that there was no danger, for that his fa∣ther was by her meanes appeased, and he againe brought into his father. With which good newes Baiazet well comforted, resolued to go at such time as he was sent for: yet full of feare, and oftentimes looking backe vnto his brother Mustapha, whose dreadfull example sufficiently war∣ned [ M] him what a danger he aduentured himselfe vnto. Yet he came to the place appointed for the parley, which was in a common Inne at a place called CARESTRAN, a few miles from CON∣STANTINOPLE: for such is the suspitious maner of the Turkish tyrants of these times, not to suf∣fer any of their sonnes that be men growne, to set their foot within the gates of CONSTANTI∣NOPLE,

[ A] as dangerous for soliciting the souldiors of the court, and so consequently for the alte∣ring of the state. Baiazet was no sooner lighted from his horse, but his fathers guard were pre∣sently readie to receiue him, commaunding him to lay aside his sword and dagger: which thing although it be an vsuall matter in others that are admitted to the presence of the Turkish empe∣rour; yet might it then in the mind of his guiltie sonne raise a great feare. But his kind mother (who had before foreseene in what feare and perplexitie he would come) had conuaied her selfe into a chamber fast by the entrie of the same house as Baiazet was to passe, where out at at a little casement couered with a thin linnen cloth▪ she called vnto him in passing by in these few words: Corcoma oglan Corcoma (which is as much as to say) feare not my sonne,* 9.15 feare not: with which short speech Baiazet was not a little both comforted and encouraged: But as soone as he was [ B] come into his fathers presence and had done his dutie, Solyman commaunded him to sit downe by him:* 9.16 then began the grim ••ire grieuously to reproue him of rashnesse and want of discretion in taking vp armes, which he could not otherwise conceiue of, but as taken vp against himselfe▪ And admit they were as he would haue it, and the best that he could make of it, taken vp against his elder brother; yet was it neuerthelesse a great presumption and most wicked fact. Neither was there any want in him, but that the whole state of the Mahometane religion (which at this day resteth vpon the Othoman family) had by his domesticall discord beene sore shaken, and brought in perill of vtter ruine, to the great injurie reproach and contempt of his majestie, a most destable and horrible crime, which could not with condigne punishment be reuenged. Yet for all that, he had determined to pardon him, and to shew himselfe rather a kind father than a [ C] seuere judge; so that he would from thenceforth leaue the care of future things to God: foras∣much as none of these things are done by our appointment, but that kingdomes and monarchies are bestowed as pleaseth him: So that if it were his destinie to enjoy the empire after his death, he should be most sure thereof as of a thing that would of it selfe come vnto him, and was not by any mans power to be kept from him, as that which was by God ordained for him: but if it were otherwise appointed by God, then were it a mad thing for him to labour in vaine to striue against the will of God, and as it were to fight with God. Wherefore he should now as one well warned, cease to rage and storme, and not to molest his quiet brother, or trouble him his aged father: for that if he should againe fall, and raise new stirs, it would assuredly fall vpon his owne head, neither would any place of mercie be found for his second offence, and that hee [ D] should then find him not as now his gentle father, but a most seuere and reuenging judge. Which when he had said, and Baiazet had thereunto briefly answered as the time would per∣mit, rather crauing pardon for his trespasse than excusing that was not to be excused, and pro∣mising from thenceforth to liue most loyally at his commaund: Solyman according to the man∣ner of that nation called for drinke, which he commaunded to be giuen to Baiazet, who not da∣ring to refuse it although he had rather haue so done, dranke thereof what he thought good, doubting least that should haue beene his last: of which feare his father forthwith deliuered him by drinking a good draught of the same cup.* 9.17 So Baiazet though guiltie, hauing with better successe spoken with his father than had his brother Mustapha, returned againe to the for∣mer place of his charge.

[ E] This happened in the yeare 1555, from which time Baiazet so long as Roxolana his mother liued, behaued himselfe with all dutifull and brotherly kindnesse both towards his father and his brother; and that rather for to keepe her fauour, and not to cut off the hope which he had only in her affection towards him, than for any confidence he had in his fathers kindnesse, or for any loue he bare to his brother; the regard of her being the onely thing that kept his fierce nature in quiet. But she dead about two yeares after, he as a man bereft of all hope of long life, and dischar∣ged of all bonds of dutie, fell to his former course, and began more grieuously than before to reuiue the old grudges betwixt him and his brother, sometime seeking by secret practises to haue him made away, and othersome times by open force entering into his prouince which was not farre off, there euill entreated such of his brothers followers as he light vpon, for their masters [ F] sake, omitting nothing which he thought might tend to the disgrace of him whom of all other he wished dead. He had also certaine of his fauourites at CONSTANTINOPLE, by whom he cunningly wrought by all meanes to gaine the loue of the soldiors of the court, and doubted not as occasion serued to passe ouer thither himselfe, and there to lu••ke in secret with such as were of his faction, and priuie to his designements. Of all which things Solyman had knowledge, but

especially by letters from Selymus, wherein he was also aduised to haue care of his owne safetie; [ G] for that he was farre deceiued, if he perceiued not, that these preambles of Baiazet his wicked in∣tentions, would at last turne vpon his head, who regarded neither God nor man, so that he might alone raigne: vnto whose vnruly desires his fathers welfare was no lesse a barre than was his brothers, and that therefore through his sides was his life shot at: which treason ••nd (as he said) beene of long time plotted, and now occasion sought to haue the same performed: wherefore he should take heed that he were not by such trecherie ouerwhelmed before he were aware ther∣of: That for himselfe he could easily beare with the injuries of his brother Baiazet, yet could not chuse but be moued with the greatnesse of his fathers dangers. By which meanes Solymans ha∣tred against Baiazet was still more and more encreased.* 9.18 Wherefore he by letters put him in re∣membrance of his dutie, how courteously he had vsed him, and againe what he had on his part [ H] promised; that there would not alwayes be place for forgiuenesse; that he should therefore cease to wrong his brother and trouble his father; that he had but a short time to liue; and that after his death God would assigne vnto each of them their fortunes. But all this was to no purpose with Baiazet, fully set downe to hazard whatsoeuer, rather than as a beast to haue his throat cut by his brother: which thing he as plainely saw would betide him in the raigne of Selymus, as if it had beene euen then in execution. Yet he answered to his fathers commaunds not impertinently, but his deeds agreed not with his sayings; neither did he alter any thing of his intended purpose. Which thing as soone as Solyman perceiued,* 9.19 he thought it best to take another course, and to remoue his sonnes both further from himselfe, and also further the one from the other. Where∣fore he gaue them to vnderstand, That it was his pleasure, that both of them within a certaine [ I] prefixed time should depart out of their gouernments (Baiazet being then Gouernour of CV∣TAI, and Selymus of MAGNESIA) and that now Baiazet should remoue to AMASIA, and Se∣lymus to ICONIVM. Selymus was without imputation and altogether in fauour with his father: yet because no occasion should be giuen Baiazet to fall into extremities, if he should haue beene remoued alone, Solyman to seeme indifferent, commaunded them both to remoue: vnto which commaund it was adjoyned, that the farther they were off one from another, they should be so much the neerer in mind and brotherly loue: for as much as neernesse of dwelling of the Great, did many times hinder their good agreement, whilest by frowardnesse of officers and seruants many things are on both sides done to the grieuing of their masters: and that they should in any case doe as they were commaunded, and that he which stayed longest, should not be free from [ K] the suspition of contempt. Selymus made no long stay, as he that knew a great part of all this to be done for his sake:* 9.20 but Baiazet hung backe, and being gone a little on his way, stayed, complai∣ning the vnluckie prouince of AMASIA, stained with the bloud of his late brother the noble Mustapha, to be assigned vnto him as ominous, and that he could be better contented with any prouince whatsoeuer than that, where the deadly remembrance of the miserable end of the neerest to him in bloud, should be euer before his eyes, to the wounding of his heart: Wherfore he requested, that he might at least Winter in those places, or els there from whence his brother was now departed: but Solyman would in no wise hearken vnto him. Now Selymus gone be∣fore certaine dayes journies with such troupes as his father had sent him beside his owne, for feare of Baiazet, who yet stayed loitering and trifling on the time, suddenly returning and fetching a [ L] compasse about, shewed himselfe at his brothers backe, marching towards PRVSA in BITHI∣NIA, the auntient seat of the Turkish kings; which he did not without the priuitie of his father, who liked not of the lingering of Baiazet: for what if he hauing gained the good will of the Ia∣nizaries, should haue gone either to PRVSA, or directly to CONSTANTINOPLE? what a dan∣ger might haue growne thereby to Selymus, yea vnto the whole state in generall? In this com∣mon feare Solyman thought it best for Selymus there to stay, from whence they might most con∣ueniently helpe one another, if Baiazet should (as was feared) turn himselfe vpon either of them. Yet was not Selymus so strong as to aduenture to joyne battell with his brother, whom he knew readie to put all to the hazard of one day. But whē Baiazet (contrarie to his expectation) saw Se∣lymus behind him, and that he had got nothing by his long delay, but that his brother should be [ M] the vndoubted heire of the empire, if his father should die, which was then by reason of his sick∣ly constitution of bodie daily more and more feared: he writ vnto his father, accusing his brother that he could not more manifestly in any thing declare how maliciously he was affected towards him, than by taking that indirect course, to no other purpose but to aspire vnto the empire, and to

[ A] haue a short cut ouer to CONSTANTINOPLE, if he should haue any newes of his fathers death, which he still gaped after: which his longing, if his fathers longer life should delay, then by the secret ministers of his treason to dispatch him, and by the murdering of him to possesse himselfe of the empire; and yet neuerthelesse, this man as a most dutifull and obedient sonne, to be of him much made of, and as it were put in his bosome: Wheras he on the contrarie part meaning well, into whose conceit neuer any such thought came; but was euer at commaund, was not had in any regard, but cast off and contemned, whose greatest request was but to shun an vnfortunat ominous prouince. After that, he conuerted his stile to prayers, requesting againe of his father to gratifie him with some other prouince, if it were but that from which his brother was depar∣ted, or with any other whatsoeuer, so that it were more luckie than that of AMASIA: for an∣swere [ B] whereof he said he would stay where he was, to the end that finding fauour in his request, he should not haue need further to retire: but if he should not obtaine his request, that then he was readie to goe whether soeuer his father should command. It was not altogether for nought that Baiazet found fault with AMASIA; being the manner of the Turks, of the smallest things of all to diuine vpon the greatest. But Solyman vnderstood the matter otherwise: who not ignorant of his sonnes teares, knew right well, that he in them sought for nothing els but a more commo∣dious place for him to raise new stirres in, than was AMASIA, so farre distant from CONSTAN∣TINOPLE. So Baiazet by many delayes did what he could to frustate his fathers appointment, ceasing not in the meane time to augment his strength with new souldiors, to prouide armour, money, and whatsoeuer els, seruing for defence of himselfe and the impugning of his brother. [ C] Which Solyman tooke in no other part, than as intended against his owne person: yet would he seeme as not to haue any such vnderstanding of the matter: for why the warie old sire would not by taking knowledge thereof, driue headlong his sonne, who was alreadie running too fast of himselfe. Besides that, he was not ignorant that the eyes of all nations were bent vpon this discord of his two sonnes: and therefore he desired by all meanes, that these grudges might bee with as little stirre as was possible appeased. Wherefore he answered Baiazet courteously, That concerning his gouernment of AMASIA, he could not alter it, as resolutely set downe as well for his brother as himselfe, and that therefore they should doe well to go•• both to their appointed places, as he had before commaunded. As for the rest, they should be of good comfort, for that he would take such order,* 9.21 as that neither of them should haue just cause to complaine. Partau [ D] Bassa the fourth of the great Bassaes of the court was appointed to goe with this message to Ba∣iazet, and Mehemet third of the same great Bassaes with like charge to Selymus, because the mat∣ter should seeme to be done with all indifferencie: and both of these great men commaunded not to depart from them they were sent vnto, before they were both come vnto the places of their gouernment, whereunto they were assigned. Which Solyman wisely did, to keepe them both within the compasse of dutie by the presence of such two graue counsellors. Which thing Selymus tooke in good part, but Baiazet not so: who hauing resolued with himselfe to set all on a hurly burly, thought nothing more vnfit for his designes, than to haue one of his fathers grea∣test counsellors still at his elbow as Censor of all his speeches and doings: wherefore hauing courteously entertained him & rewarded him according to his abilitie, he dismissed him (though [ E] vnwilling to depart) making this excuse,* 9.22 That he would vse him as his patrone and defendour with his father, for as much as he had no other in court to defend his cause, promising not to be vnto him an vnworthie or vnthankefull client: and to carrie word backe againe vnto his father, That he would aboue all things haue care of his commaund, if he might so doe for his brother Selymus, whose injuries and trecheries he had much adoe to brooke. Partau the great Bassa so sent away, assured Solyman what the very mind and purpose of his younger sonne was. And al∣beit, that Baiazet to make it seeme as if something had beene done by that embassage, made shew as if he would haue presently gone towards AMASIA:* 9.23 yet Solyman neuerthelesse fearing the worst, made all the preparation he could against him, commaunding the Beglerbeg of GREECE, although then sicke of the gout, to make hast and with his horsemen to passe ouer with all speed [ F] to aid Selymus: and Mehemet Bassa but lately returned, he sent forthwith backe againe for the same purpose to Selymus, with certaine of the most trustie companies of the Ianizaries: and the old man in readinesse made semblant as if he would himselfe in person haue gone ouer also.* 9.24 But the Ianizaries and other souldiors of the court came with euill will together, detesting that warre betweene the brethren, as altogether abhominable: for against whom should they draw their

swords? was it not against the emperours sonne, and happily the heire of the empire? Where∣fore [ G] this warre might (as they said) well ynough be let alone, as altogether vnnecessarie, and not they to be enforced to embrue their hands one in anothers bloud, and to pollute themselues with such impietie: as for that which Baiazet did, was to be holden excused, as proceeding from ne∣cessitie. Which speeches of the Ianizaries being brought to Solymans eares, he forthwith decla∣red them to the Muphti (whom in all matters of doubt they flie vnto, as vnto a most sacred Oracle) demaunding of him, How he was to be entreated who of himselfe presumed whiles he yet liued, to leuie souldiors, raise an armie, ransacke townes, and trouble the state of the whole empire? and what also he deemed of them that were his followers and tooke part with him? and last of all of them also that refused to beare armes against him, and said that he had in so doing nothing offended? Whereunto the Muphti answered, That both the man and his part-takers [ H] were all worthie of death; and that such as refused to take vp arms against him, were as prophane and irreligious men, to be accounted intestable. Which the great priests answere, was published vnto the people: and by the cheefe Chiaus sent to Baiazet, to see if he might be therewith mo∣ued. Within a few dayes after there came to CONSTANTINOPLE one of the Chiaus (whom Baiazet had intercepted,* 9.25 being sent from Solyman to Selymus) by whom Baiazet gaue his father to vnderstand, That he was in all dutie his, and that he had not taken vp armes against him, nei∣ther refused to be vnto him in all things obedient: but that he had onely to doe with his brother and with him to fight for his life, by whose sword he must needs die, or els he by his, for that a mischeefe was to be by one of them performed; which quarrell he was resolued to trie whiles he yet liued, and that therefore he should doe best not to meddle in their quarrell, or giue aid to [ I] either: But if so be he would needs (as the report was) passe ouer the sea to aid Selymus, he should not thinke easily to get him into his hands, for that he knew right well, if the worst came, how to escape and saue himselfe; and would (before he could get ouer into ASIA) make such spoile with fire and sword, as neuer had Tamerlane or other the cruellest enemie of the Turks that euer was. Which message did not a little trouble Solyman. And withall it was reported, that the towne of AXVAR, where one of Selymus his sonnes ruled as Sanzacke, was alreadie taken by Baiazet, and shamefully sacked.* 9.26 But Selymus hearing that his brother was gone toward AMASIA, and now on his way as farre as ANCYRA, being out of all suspition of danger which he feared vpon the way, so long as his brother was yet lingering in those quarters, hasted now towards ICONIVM, which was with a strong garrison kept for him: for amongst other cares wherewith Solyman was [ K] vexed, it was not the least, That Baiazet intercepting ICONIVM, should get into SIRIA, and from thence into AEGIPT, an open countrey, and not yet throughly established vnder the Turkish go∣uernment, neither forgetfull of the old gouernment of the Mamalukes, and therefore desirous of change; from whence it would haue beene an hard matter to haue driuen Baiazet, especially the Arabians being alwayes readie and at hand at euery light stirre, where any hope of prey was: out of which prouince also in case of extremitie he might easily transport himselfe into any of the Christian kingdomes. Solyman therefore tooke great care, that this passage, which might seeme the last refuge of Baiazet his deuices, might be stopped: and concerning the same had giuen commandement vnto most of his commanders in ASIA to be alwayes in readinesse to aid Selymus whensoeuer he should call. With them Selymus lay encamped vnder the wals of [ L] ICONIVM, attending euerie stirring of Baiazet, resolued there to expect farther aid from his fa∣ther, and not by vntimely fight to commit his safetie to the hazard of one doubtfull battell. But Baiazet on the other side, not vnmindfull what a matter he had taken in hand, slept not thereup∣on, but first entertained a valiant sort of horsemen which the Turks call Chiurts, and are suppo∣sed to be of that people which were sometimes called Gordij, men for their knowne valour fa∣mous. He yet lay in the plaine and open fields by ANCYRA,* 9.27 of the commodities of which citie (which were indeed great) he made great vse: In the castle thereof he bestowed his concubines and children; of the rich marchants he tooke vp money, to be repaid with the vse vpon the good successe of the warre; and from thence he tooke whatsoeuer was needfull for the arming and fur∣nishing of his men. Besides his owne familie, which was very great, and those Chiurts which we [ M] spoke of, many repaired vnto him, which had beene in former time beholden to his mother, his sister, and Rustan the great Bassa; many also of the reliques of the valiant Mustapha, and Acho∣mates the great Bassa, valiant men and expert souldiours, who desired to reuenge the vnworthie death of their lords and masters, euen with their owne. Neither was there wanting an exceeding

[ A] rablement of such as wearie of the present state, desired some new innouation and change. The commiseration also of the state of the vnfortunat Baiazet, easily drew many to take part with him, whose whole trust was in his valour: they fauoured the young prince, liuely resembling his father:* 9.28 when as in Selymus appeared no likenesse of himselfe, but the expresse lineaments of his mothers face and bodie, a woman whilest she liued generally hated of all the people: he went heauily as ouercharged with his greasie paunch, blub cheeked, and exceeding red faced; so that the souldiors in sport would say, he was fed with greene mault: he was altogither giuen to his ease, and spent his time in drunkennesse and sleepe, neither was he courteous of speech, nor wil∣ling to deserue well of any man; for he would not (as he said) offend his father by being popu∣lar, so was he onely of his father beloued, and of all other men hated: of all kind of men, he most [ B] misliked of them that set all their hope in a bountifull and couragious prince. The same souldi∣ors were also wont to call Baiazet,* 9.29 Softie (that is to say) a man giuen to quietnesse and studie: but after that they saw him take vp armes, and for the safegard of himselfe and his children readie to aduenture any thing, they began to admire him as a man of valour and courage: and to aske among themselues, Why his father should reject him of such worth, the expresse image of him∣selfe, and preferre before him that gorbellied sluggard in whom no sparke of his fathers valour was to be seene? That his entring into armes was no fault, being thereunto by necessitie enfor∣ced, for, had not Selymus their grandfather done the like? where of no better example could be found; whom the force of necessitie constrained not only to take vp armes against his brother, but also to hasten the death of his father; and by so doing, purchased vnto himselfe and his po∣steritie [ C] the empire: which so gotten, if Solyman did not vnjustly possesse, why might not his son vse the same course? why should he so rigorously reuenge that in his sonne, that was so lawfull in the grandfather? Although there was (as they said) great difference betweene that Selymus and this Baiazet; for that this man intended no harme against his father, but wished him long to liue; neither yet against his brother, if he might by his leaue but liue, if he would but once cease to doe him wrong: that it was alwaies accounted lawfull to repell force by force, and to shun present death,* 9.30 if the destinies would so permit. By such affections and motiues, Baiazet his power increased daily: which being now growne a••most to the greatnesse of a full armie, hee thought it not best to vse longer delay, but to march forthwith against his brother to fight with him one battell for his life, state, and empire: accounting it some commendation (although in [ D] vaine) to haue attempted so great an enterprise. His purpose was (as Solyman feared) to get in∣to SYRIA, which if he could bring to passe, he then doubted not of the rest. Selymus strengthe∣ned with his fathers power, lay waiting for his comming before ICONIVM, well appointed of all warlike prouision: his armie was exceeding strong, and in it many notable commaunders, martiall men of great experience, whom his father had joyned vnto him; who all lay couered with their great ordinance planted in places most conuenient.* 9.31 But Baiazet nothing terrified therewith, as soone as he came within sight of his brothers armie, exhorted his souldiors in few words to play the men, for that now was come the time they wished for, and place for them to shew their valour in: wherefore they should shew themselues couragious and valiant, and he would make them all rich and fortunat: He told them, that their fortune was now in their owne [ E] hands, to frame it euerie man as he would himselfe; so that if any of them were wearie of their present state, there was the field wherein they might exchange it with better, and therein lay downe the miseries of their former liues: that of him they should if they ouercame, expect ri∣ches, promotions, honours, and whatsoeuer else, the rewards of valiant men: That with the vi∣ctorie of one battell, all their desires should be satisfied, were they neuer so great: which victorie was by the valour which rested in them to be gotten, and his brothers armie, the heartlesse fol∣lowers of a heartlesse captaine, ouerthrowne; for as for his fathers souldiors that were with his brother, they were in bodie present, but in mind altogither on his side: That it was onely Sely∣mus that withstood his welfare and their felicitie, whom they should therefore valiantly seeke for in field as their common enemie; and not to be afraid of his multitude, forasmuch as victorie [ F] was to be gained, not by number but by valour: and the most mightie God of heauen and earth was still present, not with the most, but with the best: Besides that, he willed them to remember with what a cruell enemie they were to fight, who thirsted after nothing more than their bloud: And to conclude, he willed them all, not to looke vpon his words but his deeds; and said, If as you shall see me fighting for your profit, you shall likewise fight for mine honour, I dare then as∣sure

you of the victorie.* 9.32 Which said, he with great courage charged the enemie, and fighting [ G] himselfe long time amongst the formost, and there performing all the parts of a valiant souldior and worthy captaine, was for his notable valour no lesse commended of his enemies than of his owne souldiors. The battell was bloudie and terrible, and many fell on both sides. But after that they with wonderfull obstinacie had a great while fought with doubtfull victorie, so that for∣tie thousand Turkes lay there dead vpon the ground;* 9.33 at length the victorie began to encline to that side whereon stood the greater strength, the juster cause, and better counsell. Many of the enemies being slaine, and many of his owne people also lost, Baiazet was enforced to retire; which he did so leisurely, and without shew of any feare, that it seemed to the beholders, he had well neere as well gained as lost the field: neither durst Selymus pursue him, but stood still fast in the same place, neuer more glad of any thing than to see his brothers backe. But Baiazet after [ H] he had in contempt of his fathers commaund thus run his owne course, and satisfied his owne desire, though disappointed of his purpose, and not able to performe the journey by him inten∣ded into SYRIA;* 9.34 turned now his course, and began in good earnest to go to AMASIA his ap∣pointed prouince.

Solyman speedily aduertised of the euent of this battell, forthwith passed ouer into ASIA: for as the great Bassaes his counsellors thought it not conuenient for him to go ouer the strait before the victorie: so after it was certainly knowne, they thought it not good longer to stay, least the ouerthrow of Baiazet might giue occasion to such as secretly fauoured his quarrell to shew them∣selues and so to raise greater troubles. Besides that, the fame of his passage ouer, would (as they said) much auaile both to the discouragement of Baiazet, and the terrifying of his friends: and [ I] therefore it was by them thought good, hastely to pursue him, now ouerthrowne, and not to suffer him to gather courage by the example of his grandfather Selymus, Solymans father; who had been more terribly vanquished then when he stood in his whole strength, and might seeme by that meanes to haue especially preuailed, for that he was at first vnfortunatly ouerthrowne. Neither were these things without reason foreseene: for it is almost incredible what admiration and loue, this battell (although vnfortunat) did get to Baiazet; men wondred that he durst with so small a power, and as it were but a handfull of men, encounter with his brother farre better appointed, and also supported by his fathers strength: not fearing either the disaduantage of the place, or the furie of the great artillerie; and to haue behaued himselfe in the battell not like a young souldior, but like an old and expert commaunder. Selymus might at his pleasure boast [ K] of himselfe as they said (to his father) for the victorie: but Baiazet was the man that deserued to haue ouercome: and that Selymus might to any thing ascribe the victorie, rather than to his owne valour.

These and such like speeches, as they made Baiazet gratious amongst the people generally; so doubled they his fathers cares, and encreased his hatred, to wish him the rather dead. For why, he was resolutly set downe, not to leaue any other heire of his empire than Selymus his eldest son, al∣waies loyall and obedient vnto him: whereas the other he abhorred as stubborne and rebellious, gaping after the empire whilest he yet liued; of whom he was therfore so much the more to stand in dread, by how much he was reputed to be of more valour; and for the aid he had now so open∣ly giuen to Selymus. For these causes he passed ouer the strait into ASIA, with purpose not to go [ L] far from the sea coast, but as it were a far off with his fauourable aspect to countenance Selymus his proceedings: doubting by comming too neere with his armie, to endanger himselfe by the sudden reuolt of the Ianizaries, which he aboue all things feared.

* 9.35I my selfe (saith the author of this historie) saw him departing out of CONSTANTINOPLE the first of Iune in the yeare 1559, when as within a few dayes after I my selfe was also sent for thither: for the Bassaes thought it not amisse to haue me in the campe, and to vse me courteously as their friend, for which cause I was assigned to lodge in an Inne in a village neere vnto the campe, where I lay very well. The Turkes lay in the fields round about: but lying there three moneths, I had good leisure and opportunitie to see the manner of their campe, and in part to know the order of their martiall discipline. So I attiring my selfe in such apparrell as the Christi∣ans [ M] commonly vse in those places, went vp and downe with one or two companions at my plea∣sure vnknowne. First I saw the soldiors of all sorts most orderly placed, and that, which he would scarce beleeue that knoweth the manner of our warres,* 9.36 there was in euery place great silence, and as a man may say, dumbe quietnesse, no brawling, no insolencie, no not so much as a word or

[ A] laughter passing in sport or drunkennesse. Besides that wonderfull cleanelinesse, no dunghils, no excrements that might offend either the eyes or nose, for all such things the Turkes doe either burie or carrie them farre out of sight. They themselues so often as they are enforced to discharge the bu••then of nature, dig an hole with a spade and burie it, so is all their campe without filth. There was not to be seene any drinking or feasting, no dicing (the great shame of our wars) the losse of money or time at cards or dice, the Turks know not. I met onely with a rough Hunga∣rian and his companions, a souldior, who heauie himselfe, to the Lute rather houled than sung a dolefull dittie, containing the last words of a fellow of his, dying of his wounds vpon the greene banke of Danubius, wherein he requesteth the riuer, because it ran to the place where hee was borne, to carrie newes to his friends and countrymen, that he died an honourable death and not [ B] vnreuenged,* 9.37 for the encrease of his religion, and honour of his countrey: whereunto his fellows sighing bare a foot: O happie and thrice happie wight, would fortune with thee change wee might. For the Turks are of opinion, That no mens soules goe more speedily to heauen, than of such valiant men as die in battell, for whose welfare their maidens dayly make prayers and vowes. I would also needs goe through their butcherie, where their beasts were killed, to see what flesh was to be sold; where I saw but foure, or at most fiue weathers hanging readie dressed, and that was the butcherie for the Ianizaries, which I deemed to be in that campe not fewer than foure thousand. I maruelled that so little flesh should suffice so many men: but I was answered, That few of them did eat flesh,* 9.38 for that most part of them had their victuals transported from CONSTAN∣TINOPLE. Then I demaunding what it was, they shewed me a Ianizarie sitting by, who in an [ C] earthen dish had killed a turnep, an onion, a head of garlike, a parsenep, and a coucumber, all sau∣ced with salt and vineger, or more truly to say with hunger, whereon he fed as sauorly, as if they had beene feisants or partridges: his drinke was the common drinke of all liuing creatures, euen ••aire water. By which frugall kind of diet they prouide both for the health of their bodies, and the sparing of their purse: and that I maruelled the more at, it was the time that their great fast, or to speake after our fashion, their Lent was at hand: at which time with vs Christians, euen in well ordered cities, much more in campes, all rings with playing, dauncing, singing, crying, quaffing, carousing, and in breefe, with madding and phrensie. So that it is not vainely reported, That a Turke sent about that time embassadour into GERMANIE, comming home, reported, That the Christians on certaine dayes did riot and became mad, vntill they, besprinckled with a certaine [ D] kind of ashes in the church, came to themselues againe, and so recouered; and that it was a won∣derfull thing to see, how much they were changed by the efficacie of that remedie, that they see∣med not to be the same men: meaning indeed the disordered manners of the Christians at Shrouetide, and the ceremonies vsed on Ashwednesday: which thing they to whom it was told, so much the more maruelled at, for that the Turkes haue many medicines which cause madnesse, but few or none which presently easeth the same.* 9.39 And they vpon those dayes that goe before their great fasts, change nothing of their wonted manner of life to the worse: but rather contra∣riwise prepare themselues to abstinence, by taking somewhat from their vsuall fare, the better to endure the sudden change of their fast: which they so precisely obserue, that vpon their fasting dayes they will not so much as tast a cup of water, or wash their mouthes with water all the day [ E] long, before the starres appeare in the skie: which maketh their fasts, especially in Summer when the dayes be long and hot, to be vnto them very tedious.

Whiles I thus lay in the campe,* 9.40 there came vnto me one Albertus a learned man with cer∣taine presents from the emperour to Solyman, which were, certaine gilt plate; and a most curious clocke, which was carried vpon an Eliphant like a castle; and some crownes to be dispersed a∣among the Bassaes: which Solyman would needs haue presented vnto him in the campe in the sight of the whole armie, to make it the better knowne what friendship was betweene him and the emperour, and that he needed not to feare any danger from the Christian princes.

But to returne againe to Baiazet,* 9.41 from whom we haue a while digressed: he after the battell at ICONIVM had retired himselfe to AMASIA, the place of his gouernment, as though he would [ F] haue now there quietly liued, if his father would so giue him leaue. He had now satisfied his youthfull desires and greefe, and seemed willing from thenceforth to satisfie his fathers better expectation: and therefore ceased not by letters and fit men to proue his fathers mind. Neither did Solyman shew himselfe strange from such a reconciliation: at first he easily gaue the messen∣gers audience, read his sons letters, and courteously returned answere; so that it was commonly

reported in the campe, that the father and the sonne would agree, and that the old man would [ G] pardon the youthfull pranke alreadie past, so that he would from thenceforth remaine dutifull. But all this way by the counsell of the Bassaes nothing but deepe dissimulation in the craftie old sire,* 9.42 vntill he had shut vp Baiazet, and so got him aliue into his hand: for it was feared, least he despairing of pardon, should with such a power breake into the borders of PERSIA▪ (now the onely place left for his refuge) as might preuent the watchfull diligence of his lieutenan•••• vpon those frontiers: whom Solyman charged by continuall letters so to stop all the passages 〈◊〉〈◊〉 PER∣SIA, as that there should not be any cra••ie for Baiazet to flie out by. In the mean time, if any came within his reach that were suspected to haue taken part with Baiazet, or fauored his proceedings, those he caused to be tortured and secretly made away, and amongst them some whom Baiazet had of purpose sent to excuse themselues. For Solyman fearing least Tamas the Persian king [ H] (more mindfull of his old quarrels than of the late enforced peace) should hardly with much ado suffer his sonne to be got out of his hands if he should flie thither, and so againe raise along and dangerous warre; did therefore what he possibly might to oppresse him before he should come thither. Which his purpose although it was couered with all secrecie, yet was it not hidden from some of Baiazet his friends, by whom he was oftentimes warned not to trust his father, but to beware of treason, and in any case speedily to prouide for his owne safetie. But Solyman thinking he had now so prouided as that he could by no meanes escape, and happily the more to deceiue his sonne, appointed to returne with his armie to CONSTANTINOPLE the day after their Ea∣ster day. But Baiazet vpon the very feast day hauing performed the solemnities thereof, com∣maunded all his things to be trussed vp at AMASIA,* 9.43 and so set forward vpon his vnfortunat jour∣ney [ I] towards PERSIA, knowing right well, that he went to the auntient enemie of the Othoman familie, but yet fully resolued to make proofe of any mans mercie, rather than to fall into the hands of his angrie father. Now were they all set forward, except such weake soules as were not thought able to endure the labour of so long a journey, amongst whom was left Solyman, Baia∣zet his youngest sonne, but then newly borne: which guiltlesse babe, with his mother, Baiazet thought better to leaue vnto the mercie of his grandfather, than to take him with him, a poore companion of his wofull and miserable flight: whom Solyman as yet vncertaine of his fathers fortune, commaunded to be nursed at PRVSA. Baiazet so gone from AMASIA, vsed such cele∣ritie in his trauell, that almost in euery place he preuented the fame of his comming, and light vpon many that were appointed to haue stayed his passage, before they were readie or aware of [ K] his comming.* 9.44 The Bassa of SEBASTIA he thus deceiued: There was two wayes, whereof the one of them being intercepted, would greatly hinder his journey, and that the Bassa had alreadie taken: wherefore he sent certaine, as if they had beene fugitiues, to tell the Bassa that he was al∣readie gone the other way. Which the Bassa beleeuing, left the place he had before taken, and rising with all his power to pursue him the other way, whereby it was told him he was gone, left that way free and open for him to passe by.

* 9.45The Bassa of ERZIRVM he deceiued also by another not much vnlike shift: from whom when he was not farre distant, and knowing that in passing through his countrey, he was to endure great danger, he set vpon him with a wile, sending vnto him certaine of his followers with com∣mendations: who afterwards lamentably complaining of the young princes calamitie, to moue [ L] the Bassa to pitie, at last requested that he would giue him leaue to shoo his horses in his terri∣torie, telling him, That he came vnprouided of all things, and therefore desirous in that fruitfull countrey to refresh his horses a day or two, and to new shoo them. Whereunto the Bassa cour∣teously answered, That he would not let him to take whatsoeuer he needed. But whether it was for the compassion he had vpon the state of Baiazet, or for the secret loue he bare him, or that he thought by that meanes the easilier to entrap him, is doubtfull, and happily preuented by Baia∣zet his quicke speed, had not as yet sufficient time to draw together his souldiors. He sent also vn∣to Baiazet certaine small presents, seeming to be glad of his welfare and comming: who neuer∣thelesse kept on his way, resting no part of the day; and but a little of the night. The Bassa of ERZIRVM vnderstanding that Baiazet came still on, made what hast he could also, and joyned [ M] his power to the rest of the Bassaes which followed after: for many Bassaes and Sanzackes hea∣ring that Baiazet was fled from AMASIA, pursued fast after him, being charged by Solyman vp∣on paine of their heads to bring him backe either aliue or dead: but all in vaine, by reason of his speedie departure, and for that he made more hast to flie than they did to follow. Yet it cost no

[ A] man deerer than this Bassa of ERZIRVM, of whom we haue now spoken, whom Solyman for this cause displaced: and Selymus afterwards slew with two of his sonnes, young striplings whom hee had before in despight shamefully abused against nature. Yea Selymus himselfe and Me∣hemet the great Bassa, with the Berglerbeg of GRECIA, followed also after Baiazet, though it were a far off.* 9.46 This his departure grieued Solyman aboue measure, assuring himselfe (as the truth was) that he was fled into PERSIA: wherewith he was so much moued, that he could scarce∣ly containe himselfe, but would needs haue gone with all his power in all hast against the Persian, to haue terrified him at hand from relieuing his rebellious sonne. But these his raging fits his graue counsellors moderated, by declaring vnto him what danger he should aduenture himselfe vnto, by reason of the doubtfull faith of his best souldiors. And what if Baiazet (as he was a des∣perat [ B] and sudden man) should in the meane time turne about aboue PONTVS and the fens of MoeOTIS, and so fetching a compasse come to CONSTANTINOPLE, and proclaiming a gene∣rall libertie in his absence, possesse himselfe of the empire. By which wholsome persuasion So∣lyman staied his so hastie a journey: but Baiazet all the way as he went writ vpon the gates and doores, That he would giue double pay to all such as should follow him: which caused Solymans captaines to haue their owne souldiors in distrust, and the more for that they might oftentimes heare amongst them, speeches of great good will and loue towards Baiazet.

After long flying,* 9.47 he was at length come to the riuer Araxis, which separated the Turkes kingdome from the Persian; which hauing passed ouer, and yet not so in safetie, he left certaine of his followers vpon the banke of the riuer to keepe the Sanzacks, who still eagerly pursued him [ C] from passing ouer: whom the Sanzacks easily repulsed, & so passing the riuer, entred a great way into the Persian kingdome, vntill such time as that they were met withall by certaine of the no∣bilitie of PERSIA with great troupes of horsemen; who demanding of them what they meant, and what they sought for in another mans kingdome, were answered by the Turkes, That they pursued their kings fugitiue sonne. To whom the Persians replied, That they did not well, con∣trarie to the league with their lord and master, to come in armes beyond the bounds of their owne kingdome; and that there was a strong league betweene king Tamas and Solyman, which it behoued them to regard: as for Baiazet, their king would consider what was conuenient for him to doe, and not in that point forget himselfe: in the meane time they should doe well to get them out of that countrey wherein they had nothing to doe. Whereupon the Turks forthwith [ D] left this pursuit and retired.

But by and by came messengers from the Persian king to Baiazet to salute him, and to de∣maund the cause of his comming, and also to see what strength he brought with him; which as some account was about twentie thousand. To whom Baiazet declared, That he by his bro∣thers injurie and fathers hard dealing driuen out of his countrey, was fled vnto the sacred maje∣stie of the Persian king, as his most assured refuge; who as he well hoped, in compassion of mans instabilitie, would not reject him so distressed, and otherwise destitute of all helpe. Wherunto the Persian replied, That he had done verie vnwisely to come vnto him that was in league and amitie with his father, whereof one condition was, That they should account the enemies of the one the enemies of the other, and the friends of the one the friends of the other. Which law to [ E] breake,* 9.48 he accounted a thing vtterly vnlawfull: neuerthelesse seeing the matter was so fallen out, he was welcome as vnto his friend, who in his behalfe would leaue nothing vnattempted to re∣concile him to his father, which he despaired not to bring to passe. So Baiazet meeteth with the Persian king, but in an euill houre, although at their first meeting there was great welcome, friendly countenance, cheerfull lookes, mutuall kindnesse, often conference, and great feasting one of another; things whereby the secret thoughts of hollow hearts are best concealed: there was also a motion made of a straighter bond of alliance, and one of the Persian kings daughters promised to Orchanes one of Baiazet his sonnes; and he put in hope that the Persian king would neuer rest in quiet, vntill Solyman had made him Gouernour either of MESOPOTAMIA, BABY∣LON, or ERZIRVM (which gouernments were by the Persians greatly extolled) and that he [ F] might there liue without feare of his brother, farre from him and his father also; where if any thing should fall out otherwise than well, he might haue his brother the Persian king a sure re∣fuge to retire vnto, and so safe from all danger. Which speeches were happily giuen out, of pur∣puse to auert Baiazet his thought from the feeling of the present danger; who seemed vnto him∣selfe so assured of the loue and friendship of Tamas the Persian king, that at such time as he sent

his embassadours to CONSTANTINOPLE, for a reconciliation to be made betweene Solyman [ G] and him (as was commonly supposed) he willed the same embassadour to tell his father, that he had lost a father at CONSTANTINOPLE, and found another in PERSIA. But whether the Persian delt sincerely in this behalfe for Baiazet by his embassadours, which were many, may well be doubted. Like it is, that there was more faigned shew of double diligence, than of true meaning therein; and rather to feele the mind of Solyman, than to doe any good to the poore di∣stressed prince: and the rather, for that in the meane time all things were seriously plotted that might tend to his destruction. Which were no sooner growne to their full ripenesse, but there was of purpose a motion made, That such a multitude as followed this young prince lay too close togither, that there was not in one place victuall sufficient for them, and that it was therefore more conuenient to haue them billeted in the countrey thereabouts; which would be more [ H] commodious,* 9.49 as well for the better victualing of them, as for diuers other purposes also. Truth was, that Tamas the Persian king, farre vnlike his noble father Ismaell, stood in doubt least hee brought vp a Serpent in his bosome: Yet there were many which thought, that it was not the Persians mind at first to haue destroied Baiazet, but to haue beene thereunto enforced by the practise of some of his familiars and followers; who not regarding the courtesie of the Persi∣an king, nor the lawes of hospitalitie, persuaded Baiazet to thrust him out of his kingdome: whereof there was many euident tokens. And among other things it was told king Tamas, that one of Baiazets chiefe captaines should say, What meane we? why stay we to kill this hereticall king, and to possesse his kingdome? for we shall no doubt by his treacherie all come to destru∣ction. And that vpon such occasion the king was constrained to condiscend to a deuise more ne∣cessarie [ I] than honourable. Baiazet had no great power, but most of them were valiant men, and souldiors of great experience, readie to aduenture vpon any thing: of whom the Persian not without cause stood in some feare. He knew his kingdome to be neither auntient not yet well assured, as gotten by his father by the counterfeit show of a reformed religion: And who could assure him, but that amongst so many nations ouer whom he lorded, but that there were many wearie of the present state, and so desirous of nouelties? vnto whom nothing could chance more fitting, than the comming of Baiazet, a noble and valiant young gentleman; and that more was, desperatly set: that as yet he himselfe might of right rather seeme in the power of his guest, than he in his: And that therefore he was to alter the matter, and not longer to entertaine him as his guest, but to coupe him vp as a most dangerous wild beast. Which to doe, the easiest way was [ K] to disperse his power, and so to take him vnawares: for that he could not without much bloud∣shed be openly taken in the middest of his strength, especially by the daintie Persian of long time not vsed to warre, and as yet not come togither; against Baiazets souldiors, men of great actiuitie and experience. So was the matter cunningly imparted vnto him for the dispersing of his for∣ces, and all the commodities to ensue thereof alleadged:* 9.50 which Baiazet might not well gainsay, although many of his wise followers (men of great reach) did shrewdly suspect the sequell. But what could he refuse, vpon whom necessitie lay so heauie? where no other hope was left? where he liued as it pleased another man? and that againe to, where once to doubt of the fidelitie of his hoast, might be imputed to him for the greatest treacherie? So these most valiant souldiors, the poore princes faithfull followers, neuer againe to see one another, are dispersed into diuers coun∣trey [ L] villages, and bestowed where the Persians thought good. Not many daies after, at a time pickt out for the purpose, they in number few, and dispersed in a strange countrey, were inclosed by many and slaine: their horses, armour, apparell, and whatsoeuer else, became a prey vnto the murtherers.* 9.51 At the same instant was Baiazet and his sonnes cast in bonds also, and that to his greater griefe as many report, taken as he was sitting merrily at dinner at the kings table. The Persian king seemed to haue foreseene much in this his hard dealing with Baiazet: as if that he, being a valiant and couragious young prince, and much better souldior than his brother, should haue succeeded his father in his empire, much trouble and perill might haue growen thereby, both to himselfe and his kingdome: And that it stood farre better with the safetie of his estate, that Selymus (a man wholy giuen to voluptuousnesse and ease) should raigne ouer the Turkes; [ M] in whose time he might as it were promise vnto himselfe all peace and securitie: and therefore it was thought that he would neuer let Baiazet go aliue out of his hand, but rather make him away in prison, as if he had there died for melancholy and griefe. Well he was assured; that after he had slaine his followers, and imprisoned himselfe and his sonnes, hee would neuer be

[ A] friends with him that had so notably wronged him.

Baiazet thus shamefully imprisoned,* 9.52 messengers ran continually too and fro betwixt the two old princes, Solyman and Tamas. Amongst the rest, the Persian king sent a solemne embassa∣dour vnto the Turke with presents, namely curious tents, costly carpets, an Alcoran containing the mysteries of their superstition, and certaine strange beasts. The cause of his comming was pretended to be, for a reconciliation to be made betweene Solyman and his sonne; which embas∣sadour was honourably entertained and feasted by the great Bassaes. Now was poore Baiazet in small hope of life, his cruell father still crauing to haue him deliuered into his hands to bee slaine: and the Persian yet denying to deliuer him, and seeming to defend him, but not (as was thought) altogither faithfully. Solyman left no meanes vnattempted to haue wrung him from [ B] the Persian; sometimes he spake him faire, putting him in mind of his league, wherein it was agreed, That they should both haue the same friends and the same enemies; otherwhile he terri∣fied him with great words, and denouncing of warre, except he would deliuer him his sonne: he furnished with strong garrisons all the frontiers of his dominion towards PERSIA: he filled all MESOPOTAMIA and the bankes of the riuer Euphrates with souldiors, especially with them of his owne guard, and such as he had before vsed in the battell against Baiazet; ouer whom com∣maunded Mehemet Bassa the third of the Visier Bassaes, and the Beglerbeg of GRECE (for Sely∣mus was soone wearie of the field, and so betime returned home:) he also incited the Georgian people to take vp armes against the Persians, who wisely answered, That they had not such con∣fidence in their owne strength, as to prouoke king Tamas; but let Solyman himselfe come with [ C] his armie, and when they saw him present in the field, then they knew what they had to doe, and that he should then well see, that they wanted neither discretion nor valour. And because he would leaue nothing vnproued, he made shew as if he would in person himselfe haue gone to ALEPPO in SYRIA, and so haue on that side inuaded the Persian▪ neither was the Persian king altogither out of feare, hauing to his cost many times proued what Solyman was able to doe. But the vnwillingnesse of the souldiors, and their minds altogither estranged from that warre, easily staied the raging Turke: they detested that warre and forsboke their ensignes, a great number of whom (especially horsmen) without leaue of their captaines returned to CON∣STANTINOPLE; and being commanded againe to the campe, went indeed, but with such coun∣tenance and cheere, as well declared how they were affected, and what they would doe if occa∣sion [ D] serued for them to reuolt.

For which cause,* 9.53 after that Solyman perceiued that Baiazet could not aliue be got from the Persian (excusing himselfe by feare of reuenge by him whom he had so grieuously offended, if he should by any meanes escape:) he thought it best to follow that which was next, and to haue him there slaine, which he was in good hope to compasse; and the rather, for that the Persian had but lately written vnto him, That he could not but much maruell, to see him deale so slenderly in a matter of so great importance; That he on his part had sent him diuers embassadours, and that he on the other side had sent him nothing but common messengers with papers, which caused him to thinke that he made no great account of the matter: wherefore he should doe well, to send vnto him men of account and place, which whom he might conferre and conclude also ac∣cording [ E] to the waightinesse and exigence of the cause: besides that (he was as he said) not a little in his debt, for that Baiazet and his followers had beene vnto him no small charge, before hee could get him into his power: all which it were good reason that he should haue consideration of. Whereby Solyman perceiued, that money was the thing the Persian king sought after▪ and therefore rather than he would in an vnfit time of his life entangle himselfe in a dangerous and vnnecessarie wa••••e, he determined by the counsell of his Bassaes, rather with money than with the sword to fight with the Persian king. Hereupon was Hassan Aga (one of the chiefe gentle∣men of his chamber) appointed embassadour into PERSIA, with whom was joyned the Bassa of MARAS, a man both for his age and place, reuerend: who departing with a large commissi∣on almost in the depth of Winter, with great speed and wonderfull toile, by those long and dif∣ficult [ F] waies, arriued at last at CASBIN the seat of the Persian king, hauing by the way lost diuers of their seruants and followers. Being come to the court, the first thing they desired, was to see Baiazet;* 9.54 whom they found shut vp in a close prison, pale and wan•• as a man forlorne, with his haire and beard so long and ouergrowne, as that he was not to be knowne before he was new trimmed▪ which done, then appeared the liuely resemblance of his wonted countenance and fa∣uour,

so that Hassan verily knew it to be him: for he had been brought vp with him of a child in [ G] the court, and for that cause especially had Solyman sent him thither to be assured that it was he. At length after long discourse and conference betweene the king and the embassadours, it was agreed vpon,* 9.55 that the king should receiue from Solyman, full recompence of all the charges he had been at, and of the harmes by him sustained since the comming of Baiazet into PERSIA, with such farther reward as so great a good turne deserued: which things performed, that then it should be in Solymans power to haue Baiazet made away. With this newes Hassan posteth to his master at CONSTANTINOPLE, who forthwith caused the promised reward, togither with such charges as the Persian king demaunded, to be made readie, and with a safe conuoy to be sent vnto the borders of PERSIA, where they were of the Persians receiued. Presently after, re∣turneth Hassan the appointed executioner of the vnfortunat Baiazet: for so Solyman had straight∣ly [ H] charged him, to strangle him with his owne hands. Which thing this new made hangman accordingly performed, and with a bowstring strangled the vnfortunat prince; who is reported to haue requested of the executioner, but that he might see his children before he died, & take of them his last farewell:* 9.56 which poore request could not be granted, but he forthwith commanded to die. This was the wofull end of the vnluckie attempts of Baiazet, a prince of far more worth than was Selymus his brother, who in seeking to shun the death he feared, hasted the same before his time. Such as was the fathers end, was also the end of his foure sonnes, Omer, Amurat, Selym, and Muhamet: of whom the three eldest were strangled at CASBIN with their father, whose dead bodies togither with his, were solemnly brought to SEBASTIA and there buried. The youngest but new borne left at AMASIA, and sent by his grandfather to PRVSA (as is before [ I] said) to be there nursed; was now vpon the death of his father, commaunded by his said grand∣father to be strangled also. The eunuch sent by Solyman to haue done the deed, and loth to doe it himselfe, tooke with him one of the porters of the court, a desperat, and otherwise a hard hearted ruffian, a man thought fit to haue performed any villanie: he comming into the chamber where the child lay,* 9.57 and fitting the bowstring to the childs necke to haue strangled it, the innocent babe smiled vpon him, and lifting it selfe vp as well as it could, with open armes offered to haue embra∣ced the villaine about the necke and kissed him. Which guiltlesse simplicitie so wounded the stonie hearted man, that he was not able to performe the intended butcherie of the poore and simple child, but fell downe in a swo••ne, and there lay for dead. The eunuch standing without the doore, maruelling at his long stay, goes in, and finding the ruffian lying along vpon the [ K] ground, with cruell hand performed that the other could not find in his heart to do; and so stran∣gled the guiltlesse child as had been giuen him in charge. Whereby it euidently appeared, that it was not the mercie or compassion of Solyman, that so long caused the guiltlesse infant to be spared; but rather the opinion generally receiued amongst the Turks, who measuring all things by the good or bad successe, referre all things that fall out well vnto God as the authour thereof, be they neuer so vngratiously begun: and therefore so long as it was yet vncertaine what suc∣cesse the attempts of Baiazet would haue, Solyman spared the infant, least vpon his fathers good hap, he might seeme to haue striuen against the will of God. But now that his father was dead, and his quarrell by the euill successe thereof condemned as it were by the sentence of the Al∣mightie, he thought it not good longer to suffer him to liue, least of an euill bird might come an [ L] euill chicke. I had sometime (saith the reporter of this historie) great reasoning with my Chiaus about this matter: for falling into talke with him of Baiazet, he began bitterly to inuay against him for taking vp armes against his brother. Whereunto (saith this authour) I replied, That in mine opinion he was worthie both to be pitied and pardoned, forasmuch as he was of necessitie enforced either to take vp armes, or else shortly after to yeeld himselfe to the slaughter. But he still exclaiming against him, I said vnto him, You blame poore Baiazet of great wickednesse, for bearing armes against his brother: but Selymus Solymans father you blame not, who vpon like occasion tooke vp armes both against his father and his brethren; yet he therein did nothing amisse, nor in your judgement blame worthie. And rightly, saith the Chiaus, for the euent of the matter sheweth sufficiently, that that which he did, was done by the appointment of God, and [ M] that he was from heauen predestinate thereunto: whereas in Baiazet the euent sheweth the cleane contrarie. So that which falleth out well, be it by neuer so wicked meanes compassed or brought to passe, they take it as done according to the will of God; but if it fall out otherwise, they judge it as a thing condemned by God himselfe: depending wholy vpon the good or bad

[ A] euent of things, and thereby judging them to be well done or otherwise.

This yeare 1558 Charles the fift that noble emperour (of whom we haue in the course of this historie so often spoken) who wearie of the world had two yeares before deliuered all his here∣ditarie kingdomes and principalities to his sonne Philip,* 9.58 * 9.59 did now the 24 of Februarie, on which day he was borne, by his embassadours solemnely sent for that purpose, resigne the empire with all the honors and titles thereof vnto his brother king Ferdinand, requesting the princes electors to confirme the same vnto him, which they did the 13 of March next following. So liuing as a priuat gentleman in that solitarie life whereunto he had to the wonder of the world certain years before retired himselfe from all worldly affaires, the 21 day of September following died of a fea∣uer, when he had liued 58 yeares, and thereof reigned 39: a man no doubt to be worthily ac∣counted [ B] amongst the greatest Christian emperours that liued before him. About which time al∣so died his two sisters, Marie the queene of HVNGARIE, and Elenor the French queene, both ladies of great honour.

The knights of MALTA,* 9.60 who of long had been suters to the great Bishop and the king of SPAINE for the recouerie of TRIPOLIS in BARBARIE,* 9.61 about nine yeares before taken from them by the Turkes; at which time they also surprised the Island of ZER••I, vpon the coast of BARBARIE betwixt TRIPOLIS and TVNES, from whence they much troubled the Christi∣ans, trauelling by those seas: had now at length so much preuailed, that the king commaunded a great fleet to be now forthwith made readie in September in the yeare 1559 to meet together in SICILIA, and from thence to go directly against the enemie by MALTA: Vnto which fleet, the [ C] great bishop, the duke of FLORENCE, and the knights of MALTA, with many other valiant men out of diuers parts of Christendome, joyned their forces also; so that at length there was a hundred gallies and ships met together vnder the conduct of Andreas Gonzaga their Generall. But whilest this fleet from diuers places was long in comming thither, the duke of MEDINA CoeLI, came before with part of the fleet to MALTA, and in the hauen of MARZA MOX••T expected the comming of the rest, who about the end of the yeare came thither. But whilest they there wintered, expecting the Spring, many of the souldiours fell sicke and died. At length the time of the yeare fit for their setting forward, being come, the captaines consulted among themselues, Whether they should first set vpon TRIPOLIS, or the Island of ZER••I, otherwise called MENING. The knights of MALTA being of opinion, That it were better first to besiege [ D] TRIPOLIS, and that with all speed, before Dragut should come thither to furnish it with souldi∣ors and prouision. Others thought it better first to inuade the Island of ZERBI, where the armie might be relieued with plentie of all things necessarie, and from whence they might at all times of danger in safetie retire; and from thence afterwards as time should serue to go to TRIPOLIS. Which vnfortunat counsell was by the greater part agreed vpon. Wherefore in Februarie the yeare following they departed from MALTA,* 9.62 and sayled directly to ZERBI. In the meane time Dragut the most famous pyrat of that time amongst the Turks, and Gouernor of TRIPOLIS, was come thither with eight hundred of the Turks Ianizaries, and had notably strengthened the citie with men, victuall, and new fortifications; and presently sent messengers to Solyman at CON∣STANTINOPLE, to certifie him of the arriuall of the Christian fleet in AFFRICK. But the Chri∣stians [ E] comming to the Island of ZERBI,* 9.63 were at their first landing encountered by the Moores, whom they repulsed, and so at pleasure landed. This Island is not farre from the maine, here and there full of boggs and marishes, other riuer hath it none, and in the middest is somewhat hillie. It was inhabited with about thirtie thousand men, which dwelt in low cottages, simply apparrel∣led: yet is the island reasonable fertile, yeelding dates, oliues, barley, mill, and such like. When the Christians were there landed, they sent for Carauanus, a poore king amongst the Moores (from whom Dragut had before taken that Island) to vse his counsell for their better proceeding in that warre. In the meane time they agreed, with eight thousand men to besiege the strongest castle in the Island: in going whereunto the Spaniards went formost, the Germans next, and last of all the Italians. By the way as they went they light vpon ten thousand Moores, which lay in [ F] ambush in a wood to haue vpon the sudden set vpon them vnawares; but being discouered, and seuen hundred of them slaine in skirmish by the Spaniards, the rest fled. So comming to the ca∣stle, they planted their batterie,* 9.64 and laid hard siege vnto it. The captaine of the castle finding him∣selfe too weake long to hold out, fled secretly with his Turkes, leauing the castle for the Moores to defend; who vpon condition that they might in safetie depart, yeelded the castle to the Spani∣ards:

for keeping whereof, Varona and Cerda, two Spanish captaines, were there left with their [ G] companies. Whilest these things were in doing, Car••••••nus the Moore king came to the campe of the Christians and there talked with the Generall, in whose hoarie countenance rested a re∣uerend majestie, his apparrell was after the Moores fashion of white linnen, with him came also the king of TVNES his sonne. In talking with the Generall, his manner was to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon the ground, and wisely discoursed how the Turkes were to be remooued out of AFFRICKE. But in the middest of these discourses, when such a thing was least feared, suddenly a pinna••e brought newes from sea,* 9.65 That Piall Bassa the Turkes great Admirall was comming thither with a great fleet of 85 gallies, and that moe were dayly repairing vnto him on euery side, which was indeed true. For Solyman vnderstanding from Dragut the arch pyra••, that Island to be by the Christians now possessed and fortified, thought it not (in his so great power and flourishing estate) to stand [ H] with his honour to suffer, but rather to giue aid vnto the Moores of that Island, a people agreeing in religion with himselfe: and therefore commanded Piall Bassa his Admirall to take in hand that expedition. Who thereupon rigged vp a great fleet well appointed and strongly manned, with a number of the Turkes best and most approued soldiors; as well Ianizaries as others: yet all both doubtfull and fearefull of the long journey, as also of the fame of the enemies with whom they were to encounter: for why the Turks had conceiued a great opinion of the valour of the Spa∣niards, as knowing great warres both of auntient and later times to haue beene by that nation (to the immortall praise thereof) most happily performed: they remembred well Charles the fift, and dayly heard much of king Philip, the heire both of his fathers vertues and kingdomes▪ which made them so carefull, that many of them before their setting forth (as in time of greatest danger) [ I] made their wils, and so departed from CONSTANTINOPLE, taking their leaue of their friends▪ as if they should neuer haue thither returned againe. So that all the citie was in a confused feare: neither was there any man whether he went or stayed, that hung not in suspence with the doubt∣full expectation of the euent of that warre. Howbeit, Piall with this great fleet with long sayling and a prosperous wind was at length come well neere as farre as MALTA, and knowledge there∣of (as is aforesaid) giuen vnto the Christian fleet at ZERBI. With which vnexpected newes the Christians there were not a little troubled: neuerthelesse they fortified the castle with new forti∣fications and bulwarkes, and fell to agreement with the principall man amongst the Moores of the Island (who commaunded the rest, and had before pluckt downe the ensignes of Dragut, and set vp the king of SPAINES) That he should yearely pay vnto the king of SPAINE (as he had [ K] defore vnto Dragut) six thousand crownes, one cammell, foure ostriches, foure sparrow hawkes, and foure blew faulcons: a tribute fit for such an Island.

But shortly after, viz. the ninth of May, the Great Master of MALTA by another pinnace gaue the Christians at ZERBI againe to vnderstand, That the Turks fleet was euen now at hand, and alreadie departed from the Island of GOZO, well appointed and strongly manned: and that therefore he aduised them with speed to hoise saile, and to get them to some place of more safetie, or els to come to him to MALTA, for feare of being by so great a power of the Turks suddenly oppressed. Whereupon Iohn Andreas Auria the Admirall sent vnto the Generall, requesting him presently to come aboord, that so they might before the comming of the Turks fleet retire themselues to some place of more assurance. But he for all that stayed still at the castle, where the [ L] Christians had built foure strong bulwarkes: whereof they had named one Auriaes, another Gonzagaes, the third the Viceroyes, and the fourth the Knights, not yet all perfectly finished: as for the castle it selfe, they called it Philip-Alcazer, by the name of the king. But whilest the Ge∣nerall is thus busie, and vainely hopeth to keepe both the castle and his ships, he the next day des∣crying from farre the comming of the Turkes great fleet, hasted with the Admirall to be gone: and putting twice to sea, was both times by a contrary wind driuen againe into the hauen, so that he and the Admirall had much adoe in time to get themselues into the castle: for the wind was so fauourable for the Turks, and brought them so fast on, that the Christians dismayed with their suddaine comming, knew not now well what to doe or which way to turne themselues. But by good hap the greater part of the ships and foureteene gallies were got out and gone the night be∣fore,* 9.66 [ M] and the Great Master had in Aprill called home his gallies, wherewith and ten others of his owne he afterwards defended the frontiers of his Island. As for the rest of the fleet that stayed for the Generall and the Admirall, some few gallies escaped by flight, othersome ran themselues aground, ten of which were presently taken by the Turkes, as were the rest also that were left,

[ A] although they for a while did what they might to haue saued themselues. The night following the Viceroy and the Admirall secretly stole out of the castle, and so by good fortune in two small frigots fled to MALTA. Carauanus also the Moore king, with the prince of TVNES, got them away into the maine. Gonzaga the Viceroy departing from MALTA into SICILIA, prouided as he might for the safetie of that countrey. Auria in the meane time gathered together the re∣mainder of the dispersed fleet, hauing lost in this vnfortunat expedition seuenteene gallies, with a great part of the ships.

Now in the castle was left as Generall Don Aluarus de Sandes, a valiant gentleman of great spirit and long experience, with fiue thousand footmen, some Germanes, some Italians, but for the most part Spaniards;* 9.67 besides a thousand other that were no souldiors. So that the Turks be∣ginning [ B] to besiege the same the seuenteenth of May, were by them many times notably encoun∣tered, and in their assaults repulsed. Vnto this siege at length came Dragut the pyrat, who with fifteene great pieces which he brought with him from TRIPOLIS, encreased the furie of the Turks batterie. Neither were the Christians in the meane time wanting vnto themselues, hauing in the castle fortie great pieces of artillerie, wherewith they slew a number of the Turkes and Moores: and sometimes sallying out, fought with them hand to hand; and hauing slaine and wounded many, retired againe into the castle. In this manner the siege continued three months with many an hot and desperat skirmish: during which time, nothing more troubled the defen∣dants than thirst in that hot and drie climat and intemperat time of the yeare: for why in the ca∣stle there was but one great cesterne, which although it yeelded some good store of water, yet [ C] was it not ynough to suffice so great a multitude, but was by measure still sparingly giuen out vn∣to the souldiors so farre as it would serue, no man hauing more allowed him than would suffice to keepe him aliue: the quantitie whereof some augmented by distilling of the sea water, and mingling it with their allowance, and so well eased their thirst, vntill such time as hauing spent all their wood, they wanted that poore helpe also. There might a man haue seen many poore soules lying vpon the ground halfe dead, gaping and still crying out nothing but water, water; into whose drie mouths, if any man vpon compassion vouchsafed to poure a little water, they as men reuiued therewith would presently sit vp, vntill that for thirst they fell downe againe, and so at length as men rosted gaue vp the ghost. Thus many died daily, beside them whom the chance of warre and other diseases without helpe consumed in so great a distresse.* 9.68 Don Aluarus the Gouer∣nour [ D] considering the great extremitie they were now brought vnto, attempted with Don San∣chius de Leyua Admirall of the Neapolitane gallies, Bellingerius de Requesenes Admirall of the Sicilian gallies, and some others by night to haue escaped away into a gallie which lay vnder the castle, but in doing thereof were perceiued by the Turks, and so all taken. Whereupon such sol∣diours as sicknesse and the enemies sword had yet left aliue, pinched with extreame necessitie, for∣saken of their best captaines, and out of all hope of releefe also, couenanting their liues only with the enemie,* 9.69 yeelded themselues into most miserable captiuitie. In this vnfortunat expedition pe∣rished about eighteene thousand Christians, some with sicknesse, some drowned, but most slaine, beside the losse of a great part of the fleet also.

Of this victorie Piall sent newes by one of his gallies to CONSTANTINOPLE, which for the [ E] more manifesting thereof, dragged at the poupe thereof a great ensigne of the Christians, with the picture of Christ crucified therein. Which was no sooner come into the hauen, but that the rumour of the ouerthrow of the Christians was forthwith blowne through the whole citie, the Turks exceedingly rejoycing one with another for the newes of so great a victorie: yea many of them not so contented, came by heapes to the gate of the house where the emperour Ferdinands embassadour lay, and there meeting with his seruants, by way of derision asked them, if they had any brethren, kinsmen, or friends in the Spanish fleet at ZERBI, for if you haue (said they) you shall shortly see them here. Besides that, they with many words most insolently bragged of their owne valour, and scorned the cowardise of the Christians, asking who were able to withstand them, now that the Spaniards was also ouercome. All which with much more the embassadours [ F] men with great greefe were enforced to heare, but there was no remedie, seeing God had so ap∣pointed it.* 9.70 Shortly after, in September the victorious fleet returned to CONSTANTINOPLE, dragging with it the prisoners, spoiles, and gallies of the Christians, a sight no lesse pleasant vnto the Turks, than heauie vnto the Christians: and that night it lay at anker neere vnto the rocks in the face of the citie, with the greater pompe and glorie to come the next day into the hauen. At

which time Solyman himselfe was come downe into a gallerie neere vnto the hauens mouth, ad∣joyning [ G] vnto his garden, the better to see the comming in of the fleet, and the Christian captains set there to shew vpon the poupe of the Admirall gallie, namely, Don Aluarus de Sandes, Don Sanchius de Leyua, and Don Bellingerus de Requesenes, all of late great commaunders: as for the Christian gallies all disarmed and vnrigged, so to seeme the more contemptible in comparison of the Turks, they were towed at the taile of the Turks gallies. They which then saw Solymans countenance, perceiued not in him any signe at all of any insolent joy. I my selfe (sayth * 9.71 Busbe∣quius, then the emperour Ferdinands embassadour there) saw him two dayes after going to the church with the same countenance he had alwayes, with the same seueritie and grauitie, as if this victorie had nothing concerned him, nor any thing chanced strange or vnexpected: so capable was the great heart of that old sire of any fortune, were it neuer so great, and his mind so setled, as [ H] to receiue so great applause and rejoycing without mouing. Within a few dayes after the Chri∣stian captiues (before almost starued with hunger) were brought to the Court:* 9.72 many of whom could scarce stand vpon their legs, some others for weakenesse fell downe and fainted, and other∣some died outright: they were all scornfully led in triumph, with their Armes disordered & scorn∣fully put vpon them: the Turkes in the meane time insulting round about them, promising vnto themselues the empire of the whole world: and vainely asking, What enemie they were to feare, now that the Spaniard was ouercome. Aluarus Sandes, as cheefe of all the prisoners, being brought into the Diuano before the Visier Bassaes, and demaunded by Rustan Bassa, What his master meant, being not able to defend his owne, to inuade other mens? answered, That it besee∣med not him to judge thereon; and himselfe to haue done but his dutie, with such faithfulnesse as [ I] was meet to put in execution what he was commaunded by his lord, although he, had no good fortune therein. After that, he besought the Bassaes vpon his knee, to speak for him vnto Solyman, for that he had at home a poore wife, with certaine small children, for whom he requested him to spare him. Wherunto Rustan Bassa (contrarie to his manner) courteously answered, his Soue∣raigne to be of a mild and gentle nature, and that he was in good hope his pardon might bee of him obtained: so was he commaunded away vnto Caradines his castle, towards the blacke sea. But he was not gone farre, but that he was called backe againe; for that the Great Chamberlain, a man in great credit with Solyman, had not as yet seene him: for which cause hee was sent for backe againe; wherewith he was not a little troubled, fearing least the Bassaes hauing changed their minds, would haue put him to death. The rest of the captiues of the better sort were com∣mitted [ K] to the castle of PERA, and amongst them Don Sanchius de Leyua, with his two base sons, and also Don Bellingerus Requesenes: which two great men, with Don Aluarus de Sandes, were neuerthelesse afterwards with much adoe and almost beyond all hope, at the request of the em∣perour, and by the dexteritie of his embassadour, by Solyman set at libertie; although he had be∣fore denied them vnto Saluiat the French kings embassadour, who had beene an earnest inter∣cessour for them. Yet before they were deliuered out of prison, the Muphti or Turkes great priest was asked his opinion, Whether it were lawfull for a greater number of Turkes to ex∣change a few Christian captiues (for the embassadour beside the rewards he had promised vnto the Bassaes, to further the matter, had also vndertaken, that fortie common prisoners of the Turkes should be set at libertie for them) whereunto the Muphti answered, That the doctors [ L] of their law were of diuers opinions concerning that question, some saying that it was lawfull, and some not; howbeit as then it was by him resolued vpon vnto the more fauourable part, and the exchange allowed.

There were among the prisoners taken at ZERBI, besides these noble men of whom we haue before spoken, two other noble gentlemen right honourably borne, Don Iohn of CARDONA Don Bellinger his sonne in law, and Don Gasto the duke of MEDINA his sonne, to whom yet but a youth his father neuerthelesse had giuen an honourable place in the armie. Of these two Don Iohn had wisely taken order for a great summe of money to be left in the island of CHIO, by the way as the Turkes fleet went to CONSTANTINOPLE, from whence he afterwards in safetie got into SPAINE. But Gasto was by Piall Bassa (vpon hope of a great raunsome) purposely hid out of [ M] the way, which had like to haue wrought his destruction: for Solyman hauing gotten an inck∣ling thereof by the instigation of Rustan, laboured for nothing more than to haue Gasto found out, so to haue a more just occasion for the putting of Piall to death, being taken tardie in so ma∣nifest a fault. But all that labour was spent in vaine, Gasto being by death taken away, but whe∣ther

[ A] by the plague (as some reported) or by Piall his meanes (as it was more like) least the truth should be found out, is vncertaine. But certaine it was, that being with great care sought for by the duke his fathers seruants, he could neuer be heard of more: So that it was thought Piall for the safegard of his owne life,* 9.73 not to haue spared Gasto his prisoners life. Who neuerthelesse for a long time liued in great feare, and not daring to come to CONSTANTINOPLE, took occasion with a few gallies to wander about amongst the islands of AEGEVM, as if he had there something to doe; but indeed so shunning the sight of his angrie lord, for feare he should haue been com∣pelled in bonds to haue answered the matter. Vntill at length he appeased at the request of Su∣leiman Bassa (the eunuch and Solymans great chamberlaine) and of Selymus, Solymans son, granted him his pardon in these words well worth the marking out of the mouth of an infidell prince: [ B] Well haue he from me pardon and forgiuenesse for so great an offence: but let God the most iust re∣uenger of villanies take of him due punishment after this life. So fully he seemed to be persua∣ded that no euill deed ought to remaine without punishment, either in this life or in the life to come.

There was in this expedition a Colonell of the Turks well acquainted with Busbequius the emperours embassadour, then lying at CONSTANTINOPLE: into whose hands (in that dis∣comfiture of the Christians) by chance was come the imperiall ensigne of the gallies of NA∣PLES; wherein within the compasse of an Eagle,* 9.74 were contained the armes of all the prouinces belonging to the kingdome of SPAINE. Which faire ensigne the embassadour vnderstanding him to purpose to giue for a present vnto Solyman, thought good to preuent the matter, and to [ C] get it from him: which he easily obtained, by sending him two sutes of silke (such as the Turkes make reckoning of) for it: so prouiding that one of the imperiall ensignes of Charles the fift, should not to the eternall remembrance of that ouerthrow, remaine still with the enemies of the Christian religion. This so miserable a calamitie receuied by the Christians at ZERBI, made that island, before little or nothing spoken of, to be euer since famous.

About this time to end this vnfortunat yeare withall, the fiue and twentith day of Nouember died Andreas Auria (that second Neptune) being ninetie foure yeares old:* 9.75 a man in his time of great fame, and of the greatest princes of that age had in no small reputation, but especially of Charles the fift, in whose seruice he did much for the benefit of the Christian common weale, being for most part imploied in his greatest warres against the Turks and Moores. Yet amongst [ D] all the notable things done to his immortall glorie, the kindnesse by him shewed vnto his natiue countrey was greatest; which oppressed by the French, he set at libertie: and when he might haue taken vpon him the sole gouernment thereof (as had diuers others before him) moderating his desires, and respecting the onely good thereof, appeased the great dissention that had of long raigned therein; and established such a forme of gouernment, confirmed with so good and whol∣some lawes and orders (no mans libertie infringed) as that it hath euer since to his eternall praise in great wealth, state, and libertie, thereby flourished. Vnto whose remembrance (for that we haue before of him much spoken in the course of this historie) I thought it not amisse to joyne the liuely counterfeit of his reuerend aged countenance, by nature framed answerable vnto his noble vertues.

[illustration]

ANDREAS AVRIA.

Genua quem genuit, genui quam deinde vicissim, Auria qui merui Carolo sub Caesare quinto, Turcarum terror, Piratarum{que} Subactor, Barbara quem sensit tellus, & capta Thunissa, Arx & Aphrodisium, Moreae{que} vrbs celsa Corone, Mors rapuit Lustris decies prope quinque peractis.

[ L] As Genua me begat, so I preseru'd the same: And seruing vnder Charles the fift, exalted haue my name. A terrour to the Turkes I was, I brought the pyrats low: And spoiling their Barbarian coast, made them by force to know Faire TVNES and strong APHRODISE, both by my helpe were woon: And CORONE in MOREA, by me was ouerrun. So hauing spent ninetie foure yeares in treading honours trace: Full fraught with honour and with yeares, I ended haue my race.

* 9.76The Turkes the yeare following, with their gallies robbed and spoiled diuers places vpon the [ M] coasts of ITALIE,* 9.77 SICILIE, and MALTA: against whom Phillip king of SPAINE sending forth his gallies by force of tempest lost twentie fiue of them, the eighteenth day of Nouember, togither with Mendoza admirall of that fleet.

Ferdinand the emperour, hauing with long sute and much entreating obtained peace of So∣lyman,

[ A] and being now well stricken in yeares, and carefull both of the state of the empire and of the aduancement of his posteritie, began to deale with the princes Electors for a choice to bee made of a king of the Romans; who after his death might without the trouble of GERMANI•• succeed him in the empire: commending vnto them his sonne Maximilian, a prince of great hope, then king of BOHEMIA. Whereupon an assemblie of the princes Electours was appo••••••ted to bee holden at FRANKFORD: who there meeting at the appointed time▪ with generall consent the 24 day of Nouember in the yeare 1562,* 9.78 chose Maximilian the emperours some king of the Romans,* 9.79 and with all the accustomed solemnities crowned him: who also the yeare after was at PRESEVRO the eight of September with much solemnitie crowned king of HVN∣GARIE. Vnto this solemne assemblie of the empire at FRAN••FORD, Solyman the Turkish em∣perour [ B] sent Ibrahim Bassa, otherwise called Abraham Strotzza (a Polonian borne of whom we haue before spoken) his embassadour with presents and letters to Ferdinand the emperour, to confirme the peace for eight yeares betwixt them before concluded; who the seuenteenth day of Nouember in presence of the emperour;* 9.80 the king of the Romans, and all the princes Elect••••••; had audience: where, after much glorious speech in setting forth his masters greatnesse, with his loue towards the emperour and his sonne the new chosen king, as wishing vnto them all happi∣nesse, he deliuered his letters of credence vnto the emperor: the copie wherof I haue not thought amisse here to set downe, for that therein is notably to be seene the most insolent pride of that barbarous prince, and miserable estate of the ••ent kingdome of HVNGARIE, deuided as it were at his pleasure betwixt him and the emperour.

[ C]

I the lord of lords,* 10.1 ruler of the East and of the West, who am of power to doe and not to doe what∣soeuer pleaseth me, lord of all GRaeCIA, PERSIA, and ARABIA, commaunder of all things which can be subiect to king and commaund, the great worthie of these times, and strong champion of the most wide world, lord of all the white and blacke sea, and of the holy citie of MECHA shining with the brightnesse of God, and of the citie of MEDINA and of the holy and chast citie of IERVSALEM, king of the most noble kingdome of AEGIPT, lord of IONIA and of the citie of ATHENS, SENAV, of the sacred temple of God, ZABILON and BASSIO, RETHSAN and MA••ODIM, the seat and throne of the great king Nashin Rettam, and lord of the island of ALGIERS, prince of the king∣domes of TARTARIE, MESOPOTAMIA, MEDIA, of the Georgians, MOREA, ANATOLIA, [ D] ASIA, ARMENIA, WALACHIA, MOLDAVIA, and of all HVNGARIE, and of many other kingdomes and territories, whereof I am emperour; the most mightie Monarch Sultan Solyman; sonne of the great emperour Sultan Selym, who haue power from God to rule all people with a bridle; and strength to breake open the gates and bars of all cities and strong places: into whose mightie hand are deliuered all the ends of the world, none excepted. I the ruler of the East, from the Island of TSEIN vnto the farthest bounds of AFFRICA, whom God hath appointed a mightie warriour in the edge of the sword: amongst whose most mightie kingdomes the impregnable castle of CESARae is reputed for the least, and in whose hereditarie dominions the kingdome or empire of Alexander the Great is accounted as a trifle: with me is the strength of the whole world and vertue of the firmam••nt. For as much as thou king Ferdinand, which art the mightie lord of Christendome, and the chosen vessell [ E] of the mightie Christian faith, created and elected emperour of the Romane people, of BOHEMIA, VANDALIA, CRABATIA, and many other countries king and lord &c. Not long since sent vnto our court (which is the refuge of all kings, the protection and sanctuarie of all that flie thereunto, and the throne of grace for all princes of these times which repaire vnto it) one Augerius Busbeck, thy faithfull counsellour and embassadour, with letters of confederation, to renew with vs a peace, and to enter into a further league and bond of amitie: which letters beare date the yeare from the prophet Ie∣su (vpon whom and our prophet Mahomet rest the brightnesse and peace of God) 1562, the first day of Iune, requesting of vs, That graunting you peace for eight yeares, we would not with any hostilitie hereafter molest your cities, castles, countries, or subiects, but to suffer them to liue in secure peace and tranquilitie, &c. Vnto which your petition we answere you, That from henceforth for the whole [ F] space of eight yeares shall be betwixt vs on both parts to be continued a new, true, and firme league: of which agreement, peace, and confederation, these shall be the conditions. First, That you our beloued shall be bound to send yearely to our court as a pledge of this league thirtie thousand Hungarian duc∣kats, with that remainder which you owe vnto vs for the two yeares last past: for which wee promise vnto you, that we from henceforth during this eight yeares league, will take no part either by way of

hostilitie or friendship with king Iohns sonne, for as much as belongeth to his hereditarie countries, [ G] whether they be in the hether part of HVNGARIE, or on the further side of TEISSE: all which for all that, by law of armes belong vnto vs. And the same king Iohns sonne in time of this eight yeares league shall be also bound in such sort to performe vnto vs his obedience, as that from henceforth it shall not be lawfull for him to vse any warre or hostilitie against you, neither to trouble your subiects with fire or sword, nor to surprise your cities, castles, or townes, or by violence to take away or exact of your people or subiects, their sheepe, their cattell, their goods, money, or reuenewes. We also our selues shall haue no right, nor take occasion to driue away your people, to burne your countries, or carrie away any captiues: but rather in this eight yeares space religiously keepe peace and concord with you. And vnder these conditions of peace shall also be comprehended Michaell Balaschus, Nicholas Batho••, with all their goods and territories, and diuers other such like, which shall be subiect vnto you and king [ H] Iohns sonne. To be breefe, if happily any of yours or king Iohns sonnes subiects shall haue now before in time of warre thrust one another out of his goods, lands, or possessions, whereof new quarrels or discord may arise; we will and decree, That all such controuersies, quarrels and claimes shall be defer∣red vntill this definit time of the league be expired. Beside, if by chance any dissention shall hereafter arise betwixt vs about our iurisdiction, which can by no means be composed and ordered; we will that yours shall in the mean time remain as yours, and ours as ours, all contention & enmitie set apart: also many townes situat here and there by Danubius and Tatta, shall bee suffered to vse the same law which they did in former time; so that the soldiors which are yet in garrison in the castle of Tatta, shall haue no right to infest or vex those townes situate neere vnto Danubius. Furthermore, if after this peace concluded, any of your noble men or gentlemen shall fortune to haue any of our noblemen by reuolt or [ I] other occasion whatsoeuer, captiues, they shall dismisse them and set them at libertie, to returne vnto their friends freely without hurt or ransome; that so the concord and peace begun betwixt vs, may be the more firmely kept, and our subiects liue in more securitie. All and euery one of these things wee graunt and promise to be of vs from henceforth vntill the end of the aforesaid eight yeares, without all fraud or guile religiously obserued and kept; and for that purpose haue caused these our letters of this peace and confederation to be published from our royall pallace: and moreouer, haue not only prouided, that the copie of the same should together with our edict be proclaimed to all and euery the generals, captaines, lieutenants of our armies both by sea and land in all parts of our empire, and to all our merci∣narie souldiors, but haue also straightly commanded, that it shall be firmely and sincerely kept. We will also, that this agreement of peace and amitie shall comprehend and concerne our two cheefe Gouernors [ K] or Vayuods of WALACHIA and MOLDAVIA, so that none of your people of HVNGARIE, CRAEATIA, SCLAVONIA, or other your countries or islands whatsoeuer, shall in any sort be mole∣sted or greeued by our subiects. And if it shall fortune that some shall on your part out of their castles set vpon our subiects, or by force take away their goods, the same men shall in any case be bound to make thereof restitution. Also if any shall flie from vs and carrie away with them the mony or goods of their masters whom they serued, or if the like shall be done by any of yours flying to vs, then the same goods on both parts are to be of right demaunded and recouered againe, and the fugitiues to the example of others to be corrected and punished: for as much as fugitiues goods of right appertain vnto their lords and masters. Furthermore it shall be lawfull for your captaines and commaunders to fortifie or build castles, cities or townes in the borders of HVNGARIE, and to put into the same victuall, armor, & such [ L] like, but so that they do none of these things out of their owne limits. And during the time of this league it shall not be lawfull to take or carrie away any of your subiects prisoners either in HVNGARIE or other place of your iurisdiction: which for all that, if it shall by any chance happen, that then such cap∣tiues without delay be suffred safely to returne home againe. Furthermore, whatsoeuer Christian shall haue any businesse to do in our magnificent Court or any part of our dominions, as are embassadors, offi∣cers, seruants, and such others: vnto all these we not onely graunt and permit, that they may come and go about their businesse, and so againe depart from our court or prouinces; but also haue willed and commaunded, them to be well and courteously entreated by our subiects, and furthered with the interpretation of our language. And if it shall fortune any contention or discord to arise betwixt our subiects on either side, about the bounds and limits of lands, or other such like causes: such contro∣uersies [ M] we will to be decided and determined by discreet and indifferent men on both parts; and the au∣thors of such discord and variance, to be punished as suspected persons and breakers of the league. We also prohibit those skirmishes or combats, which were wont to be sometimes on both sides made vpon the borders. And desire, that the forme of this league and peace, and euerie article thereof, may be

[ A] publikely read and set vp in sundrie places of your dominions; and commaundement giuen, that they may with due obedience and reuerence be obserued and kept. Which we likewise haue now before pro∣mised faithfully, and assuredly to performe: and your embassadour whom a few moneths agone you sent vnto vs, in your name requested the same thing of vs, and hath with earnest praiers moued vs by imperiall oath and these letters of credence, to witnesse, that we did ratifie and confirme the same; as if we our selues should speake to you in presence. Wherefore we haue giuen to him these our letters of pacification to you directed, that your generals, souldiors, and subiects, may be bound also to obserue and keepe all these things: wherefore, so long as nothing contrarie to this league shall be done on your part; so long in like manner, all these articles of peace shall be of me accepted and assured. For witnesse and confirmation whereof, I sweare this oath: By the true and liuing creator of heauen and earth, by [ B] the true signes of our great and reuerend prophet, by my imperiall power, and by my true faith; that nothing contrarie or repugning vnto the aforesaid articles, conditions, and promises of the eight years league agreed vpon betwixt vs, shall be attempted or done by any our Gouernours, Generals, Vayuods, &c. Commaunding moreouer, all our sworne gouernours of our most mightie empire, in WALA∣CHIA, and MOLDDAVIA, and king Stephen himselfe, and others which haue the gouernment of our empire confining vpon you, That they all and euerie of them as well as our selues, shall iustly, faith∣fully, and religiously, accept, reuerence, and keepe these conditions of peace, towards your subiects, ci∣ties, castles, townes, and other things appertaining to you; and in the least thing, not to hurt, iniurie, or wrong any your subiects. In briefe, we shall as farre as our part concerneth vs giue vnto this most mightie and great new made loue and friendship, so great honour, reuerence, and authoritie, that that [ C] which may euen in the least things be had, shall not on our part be wanting. In token whereof, we haue suffered certaine Christian captiues, whom by your embassadour you requested to haue set at li∣bertie, franckly to returne vnto you without raunsome; out of which captiuitie they could neuer haue been redeemed, if in regard of this our amitie and friendship we had not granted them libertie: tru∣sting that you will in like sort set at libertie such of ours as you haue captiues. Giuen at our imperiall pallace and seat in the most mightie citie of CONSTANTINOPLE, the first day of September, in the yeare of our great and reuerend prophet 969.

The same embassadour,* 10.2 after he had deliuered these letters, presented vnto the emperour the gifts he had brought from his Great master: which was two great cups of naturall christall, [ D] curiously wrought, and set with stones of great price: a couragious Turkie horse, with a sad∣dle and trappings wrought with gold, and set with pretious stones, and garnished with chaines of pure gold: and foure of the fairest camels that were to be got in all CONSTANTINOPLE. In deliuering of which presents, the Bassa made his excuse, that the horse and camels had lost their beautie, being with foure moneths trauell from CONSTANTINOPLE, growne somewhat leane and wearie.

This peace thus concluded betwixt the emperour Ferdinand and Solyman,* 10.3 held firme vntill the death of Ferdinand,* 10.4 who about two yeares after in the yeare 1564 vpon S. Iames his day died, being sixtie yeares old: whereof hee raigned as emperour not full seauen yeares. In whose place succeeded Maximilian his sonne, before chosen king of the Romans. But immediatly af∣ter [ E] the death of Ferdinand,* 10.5 the captaines on the frontiers of that part of HVNGARIE which was holden for the emperour on the one side, and the Turkes captaines with the Vayuod of TRANSILVANIA on the other side, wearie of their ease, began contrarie to the forme of the league to surprise strong holds and townes one in another confines, wherof ensued much trou∣ble: The authour whereof was Melchior Balas, the emperours lieutenant in that part of HVN∣GARIE which bordereth vpon TRANSILVANIA, who first surprised certaine townes vpon the frontiers thereabouts: in reuenge whereof, the Vayuod suddenly set vpon SAC••MAN, a town in the emperours territorie which he tooke, and therein Balas his wife and children. In despight whereof, Balas ransacked and burnt DEBREZIN, a great towne of the Vayuods. But not long after, the Vayuod Solymans vassall, and aided by him with foure thousand Turkes and three [ F] thousand Moldauians, did much harme vpon the frontiers of that part of HVNGARIE which belonged to the emperour, and first tooke HADAD, and afterwards besieged VNGAR. In re∣quitall whereof, Maximilian the emperour sent Lazarus Suendi, a valiant captaine, who with an armie of eight thousand, besieged the strong castle of TOKAY, which he tooke the fift of Febru∣arie, in the yeare 1565;* 10.6 and after that, tooke the rich towne of ERDEN. In the meane time So∣lyman,

who had in himselfe fully purposed to be reuenged of all these injuries (as well appeared [ G] by that he did the yeare following) to stay the emperour from proceeding farther, vntill such time as he were at better leisure to be reuenged (for as then he was making great preparation for MALTA) sent Marcus Lilinesius a renegat Transiluanian of CIBINIVM, his embassadour to Maximilian, to put him in remembrance of the league made with his father, and to wish him to haue regard how he further proceeded to the breach thereof. Whereupon the emperour, be∣cause he would not seeme vnwillng to hearken to peace, commaunded his lieutenants and cap∣taines no more to inuade TRANSILVANIA, or that part of HVNGARIE which the Turkes held. Howbeit that, whilest this embassadour was thus intreating of peace at VIENNA, the Bassa of TEMESVVAR in the borders of TRANSILVANIA, made diuers incursions into the bor∣ders of HVNGARIE, and with six thousand souldiors besieged the strong castle of IVLA, and the [ H] Turkes in great number came daily into TRANSILVANIA. At which time also, Suendi Gene∣rall of Maximilian his forces vpon the frontiers, by messengers sent for that purpose, wished him not to giue any credit vnto the Turks embassadour,* 10.7 who meaning nothing but warre, vnder the colour of peace sought nothing else but to take him vpon the sudden vnprouided. Neither cea∣sed these troubles thus, but daily grew from euill to worse: for in Iune the Transiluanians besie∣ged ERDEN, before taken by the imperials, and after two moneths siege had it yeelded vnto them. In the meane time, Chernouich the emperours embassadour to Solyman returned from CONSTANTINOPLE, assuring him, that the great Turk for all his faire shewes of peace, ment in deed nothing but wars, for which he was (as he said) making great preparation both by sea and land. Wherupon the emperour began to raise more forces: which thing diuers noble men, both [ I] of GERMANIE and other places hearing of, came vnto him with their followers; and amongst others, Romerus one of the knights of MALTA, and diuers others of his brethren, with fiue com∣panies of souldiors well appointed, sent thither by George Hochenheime, graund prior of that Or∣der in GERMANIE, and then confirmed one of the princes of the empire. At the same time al∣so, the Turks being busie upon the borders of STIRIA and the places thereabouts, were many times cut off by Charles the archduke; who taking them at an aduantage, slew at one time three thousand of them. Yet for all this, the Turkes embassadour was still at VIENNA intreating for peace, and so cunningly handled the matter, that whereas Eccius Salma, a noble and valiant cap∣taine, had corrupted the chiefe judge with certaine others of ALBA REGALIS, to haue betraied the citie vnto him; for performance whereof, they had deliuered their wiues and children as ho∣stages, [ K] and he was now vpon his way from RAB, which is but eight miles off, in an assured hope to haue surprised the citie: he was suddenly by letters in post from the emperour called backe againe, for corrupting the hope conceiued of peace: and so was that notable dessignment vnfortu∣natly disappointed; of which practise the Turks hauing knowledge, afterwards most cruelly exe∣cuted fortie of the conspirators, impaling some of them vpon sharpe stakes, and hanging others vpon yron hooks by the jawes vntill they were dead. Shortly after the Turks tooke NEOSTAT, which was not long after againe recouered by the emperour.

At the same time one of the Turks spies was taken at ZIGETH, who but thirteene daies be∣fore was sent from CONSTANTINOPLE, of purpose to view the strength and situation of that place: hee being brought before Charles the archduke and examined, said, That Soly∣man [ L] would assuredly the next Spring come in person himselfe into HVNGARIE, to besiege the strong castles of ZIGETH and IVLA. At which time also, countie Serinus tooke certaine other of the Turkes spies, by whom he was certainly aduertised of Solymans comming the next yeare; and amongst others Scaphir Vayda, the Bassa of BVDA his chiefe counsellor. Beside this, the countrey men (contributors both to the imperials and the Turks) were now straightly com∣manded by the Turks, to pay no more contribution money vnto the imperials: whereupon it was easily gathered, that all that talke of peace, was as Suendi had oftentimes written, nothing else but to delay the time, and to put them in securitie. Beside that, the Turkes made incursions daily into one place or other of the emperours territories, shewing their auntient hate, and sow∣ing by those light skirmishes, as it were, the seed of a greater warre against the next Spring▪ which [ M] the emperour now out of doubt of (being also warned thereof by many letters from his friends) put strong garrisons into his frontier towns, especially into RAB and ZIGETH. But knowing that to be but a poore helpe against so puissant an enemie, he resolued as his father and vncle had done before, to rest vpon the strength of the empire, and against the next yeare to call a generall

[ A] assembly of the princes of the empire at AVOVSTA, for the better withstanding of the common enemie. The warres thus beginning againe in HVNGARIE, Solyman at the same time in re∣uenge of the manifold harmes done vnto his subjects by the knights of MALTA, whose hand he found euer against him in all his dealings with the other Christian princes,* 10.8 made great preparati∣on both by sea and land: purposing (as seemed by the manner thereof) to haue rased the memo∣riall of those worthie men from off the earth. Whereunto, beside the naturall hatred which he bare against all Christians in generall, and them aboue the rest in particuler, he was much incited by Cassanes, Barbarussa his sonne king of ALGIERS, and Dragut gouernour of TRIPOLIS: by whose persuasions he caused a strong fleet to be rigged vp, commaunding the lieutenants and gouernours of his ports and hauens all alongst the sea coast, to put to their helping hands, and to [ B] be readie against the next Spring. And not long after, vnderstanding partly of his owne cer∣taine knowledge, and partly by the relation of others, in what good forwardnesse things were: he calling togither a great assembly of his greatest princes and men of warre, deliuered vnto him his mind as followeth.

What thing I haue this fortie yeares alwaies wished,* 10.9 which was to haue so much leisure from other warres, as to plucke out of their nests and vtterly to root out these Crossed pirats, which vaunt them∣selues to be the bulwarke of Christendome: that same, me thinke I haue by the fauour of God and Muhamed his prophet, at this time obtained. For we haue so repressed the attempts of the Persians, that they cannot let vs: and in HVNGARIE, from whence certaine dreadfull motions were reported, [ C] we our selues will shortly doe those things which shall enforce our enemies to hide their heads in the heart of GERMANIE, and to sue to vs for peace. You your selues daily heare the pitifull complaints of our subiects and merchants, whom these Maltaeses, I say not souldiors, but pirats, if they but looke into those seas, spoile and make prize of: whose iniuries to reuenge, all lawes both of God and man require. Neither can any thing happen vnto me more pleasing or more honourable, than if I may be∣fore I die, accomplish those things, that is, to win MALTA, and to leaue all things in order in HVN∣GARIE and POLONIA: except perhaps some man thinke it a harder matter for vs to thrust these Crossed companions from the rocks of MALTA, than for our auncestors to haue driuen them from IE∣RVSALEM, and so quite out of SYRIA, and for our selues to haue forced them out of the strong island of the RHODES. But this some will say, is neerer vnto ITALIE from whence aid may easily be sent, [ D] and the place defended by a fleet. Beleeue me, they will neuer aduenture to fight with vs at sea, who remember themselues to haue been there so often by vs ouerthrowne: beside that, so little a place can∣not containe any great garrison; neither if it could, could it long feed them. Wherefore vnto this ex∣pedition, we haue determined with the first of the Spring, to send a most strong fleet: and euen now we haue alreadie commaunded all our sea captaines and aduenturers which acknowledge our commaund, to be there present with their ships. The king of ALGIERS will be there, the garrisons of ALEX∣ANDRIA are in readinesse, so is also Dragut with his appointed fleet; as for our owne, it is by mine owne direction rigged vp: vnto which fleet I doubt not, but that all the strength of the West will giue place: Which thing (worthie captaines) we speake, trusting vpon the helpe of almightie God, and Muhamed his great phrophet, with your knowne and approued Valour. Now remaineth onely, that [ E] euerie one of you thinke with vs, how this warre may best be managed, and so to referre your deui∣ses vnto vs: which that you may the better doe, Loe, I here deliuer vnto you the situation of the whole island, and proiect of all their fortifications, which wee haue receiued of most expert and skilfull men.

Solymans purpose thus made knowne, and the matter well considered, after that they which best knew the strong places and manners of the Malteses, had declared their opinions what they thought to bee most expedient, it was decreed, that they should with all speed set forward: wherefore victuall, and other things necessarie for such an expedition, being with wonderfull celeritie prepared, they expected but wind. Of these things, Io. Valetta a Frenchman, Graund [ F] master of MALTA and of the knights of the Order;* 10.10 being both by letters and messengers aduer∣tised (for he had alwaies fit men his intelligencers at CONSTANTINOPLE, who warily noted the purposes and actions of Solyman) was not afraid, but knowing that of God depended the vi∣ctorie, and that men were to watch, labour, and foresee: he assembled a counsell of his knights, and in few words spake vnto them in this sort.

* 10.11What Solyman prepareth (most noble and valiant knights) and what a great warre he prouideth [ G] against vs, you with me of late right well vnderstand, wherefore it is needlesse for me to vse any long speech with you concerning that matter. The enemie is knowne, his insatiable ambition is knowne, his strength is knowne, and his mortall hate against vs and the Christian name, is sufficiently knowne. Wherefore let vs all as one first reconcile our selues to God, and then prouide all such things as shall be needfull for the warre. In breefe noble knights, to reconcile our selues vnto God, and to appease his displeasure, two things are of vs to be performed: whereof the one consisteth in amendment of life, with a holy conuersation: the other in the religious worshipping of him, with a firme and constant trust in his helpe, with prayer, which is called godlinesse. By these meanes our auncestors obtained ma∣ny victories against the Indels in the East. Neither is it to be doubted, but if we shall in these things ioyne together, we shall also frustrat all the force and furie of this proud tyrant. But for as much as [ H] God vsually helpeth them which labour and take paines, and not the negligent and slouthfull, we must of necessitie ioyne vnto them those helpes, which both our profession and the course of war requireth: which partly consisteth in our selues, and partly in the other Christian princes. For victuall, armour, money, and other such things as in warres are requisit, we will so prouide, that no man shall iustly com∣plaine, that we spared either cost or paines. I will poure out all my store, neither will I for desire of life refuse any danger. As for the Christian princes, I cannot persuade my selfe, that they will lie still in so fit an oportunitie, and in so great a danger, not of our estate onely, but much more of their owne. Verely I will not spare to exhort euery one of them both by letters and by messengers, which in part we haue alreadie done: and I doubt not but wee shall haue aid ynough from the Pope, the Emperour, and the king of Spaine (such is their Christian zeale) and they I hope shall moue the rest. As for you, [ I] the princes and very light of this sacred Order, and the rest of our brethren, most valiant knights, I am well assured you will so fight for the most holy Christian religion, for your liues and goods, and for the glorie of the Latine name, against a most cruell tyrant, the rooter out of all true religion, of all ci∣uilitie and good learning, the plague of the world, hated of God and man; as that hee shall feele the sting of the crosse which he so much contemneth, euen in the citie of CONSTANTINOPLE, yea in his houses of pleasure. For we shall not haue now to doe with him in the Island of the RHODES, far from the helpe of our friends, from ASIA, from EVROPE, from AEGIPT, inclosed with our enemies both by sea and land; but in the eyes of ITALIE and SPAINE, in places strongly fortified, from whence the enemie may easily be circumuented: which that it may so fall out, let vs not cease to pray vnto Al∣mightie God, and to craue his readie helpe.

* 10.12When the Graund Master had thus said, all that were present promised with one assent ra∣ther to lose their liues, than in any part to faile the common cause, or to come into the power of Solyman. After that, publicke prayer and supplication was made in euery church through the Isle, and three colonels chosen out of all the knights: one an Italian surnamed Imperator, ano∣ther Borneas a Frenchman, and Quatrius a Spaniard the third, all aduised men and most expert souldiors, who should with all diligence prouide all things necessarie for the warre. By whose ap∣pointment the suburbes and trees which might any way be hurtfull to the fortified places, were ouerthrowne, the fortifications were thorowly viewed, the garrisons strengthened, and all man∣ner of prouision most plentifully destributed: and letters from the Great Master sent vnto the [ L] Great Bishop and other Christian princes, requesting their aid against the common enemie. Messengers were also dismissed into diuers places, to certifie both the knights of the Order and others, of the Turkes preparation.

* 10.13Solymans fleet departing from CONSTANTINOPLE the two and twentith day of March in the yeare 1565 kept a direct course towards PELOPONESVS, and so came to METHON: where Mustapha Bassa one of the Turkes greatest captaines, a man of 75 yeares, and Generall of the land forces, mustered the armie, wherein were numbred seuen thousand horsmen of them which are of the Turkes called Spahi: out of the lesser ASIA, conducted by the Gouernour of that countrey, and two lieutenants of CILICIA, fiue hundred: and of the Island of LESDOS, now callled METYLENE, foure hundred: he had of the Ianizaries foure thousand and fiue hundred, [ M] led by two colonels, appointed by Solyman; for that the cheefe captaine of the Ianizaries, which they call the Aga, neuer departeth from the citie but when the Sultan goeth himselfe. Besides these, was a certaine kind of men amongst the Turkes, who liue of the reuenewes of the church; of them there was in the armie thirteene thousand, who had at CONSTANTINOPLE vowed

[ A] their liues for their superstition. Out of THRACIA and PELOPONESVS were come two colo∣nels and one lieutenant, with twelue hundred horsemen, and three thousand fiue hundred volun∣taries out of diuers countries. There also Piall Bassa, Solymans Admirall, tooke view of the fleet, wherein were found a hundred and thirtie gallies, two and twentie ships for burthen, some grea∣ter, some lesser; besides one that was cast away neere vnto METHONE, wherein was los•• six thousand barrels of pouder, thirteene thousand great shot, and foure hundred Spa•••••••• besides these, there were ten gallies from the RHODES commaunded by Halyport, a man of seuentie yeares; two gallies of MITYLENE, and about seuenteene galliots, and other small pyrats ships. With this strong fleet the Turks departing from METHONE the thirteenth of May,* 10.14 arriued at MALTA the eighteene of the same moneth, and put into a hauen in the Northeast part of the [ B] isle, which the inhabitants call MARZASIROC: but perceiuing themselues not to bee there in safetie, they remoued to another port called MAIOR.

The island of MALTA lying betwixt AFFRICA and SICILIA,* 10.15 might be doubted whether it were to be accounted in AFFRICKE or EVROPE, but that the auntient Cosmographers, and the Moores language, which the Maltases haue alwayes vsed, challenge it for AFFRICKE. It is in length from the Northeast to the Southwest twentie miles▪ and in the broadest place twelue. It regardeth AFFRICKE Southward, ouer against LEFTIS PARVA; and SICILIA towards the North, but more towards PACHINVM than LILYBEVM: and is in circuit about three∣score miles. It seemeth to haue taken the name of MELITA of Mel or honey, wherof it yeeldeth plentie. The trees there beare fruit twice a yeare, and they haue oftentimes twice haruest, especi∣ally [ C] of barley and cotten wooll; yet is the isle in some places stonie, grauellie, and bare of wood: neuerthelesse it beareth figs, apples, almonds, grapes, and other fruit trees, planted by the indu∣strie of man, date trees also, but not fruitfull; it beareth thistl••s of such bignesse, that the inhabi∣tants vse them for wood: fresh water is there wonderfull scarce, and such wels as they haue are filled with raine in Winter, for in Summer they are either cleane drie, or els the water becom∣meth brachie. The inhabitants are so burnt with the Sunne, that they differ little in colour from the Aethyopians: they are of a wholesome constitution of bodie, spare of diet, industrious, ra∣ther painefull than warlike, dying more for age than of sicknesse: their buildings, except it bee in the citie, which is in the middest of the island, and in the suburbes, are long and low (like vnto the Moores) couered with turfe or reed. It is commonly supposed, that S. Paule was by ship∣wracke [ D] cast vpon this island: but it is with greater reason to be thought, that it was the other MELITA in the Adriaticke betwixt CORCYRA and ILLYRIA, and better agreeth with that which Luke writeth of the Apostles trouble and shipwracke in the Adriaticke,* 10.16 out of which sea it is not to be gathered of the text, that Paule with the rest were driuen. But againe to our pur∣pose. That side of MALTA which respecteth SICILIA, hath in it many good harbours and commodious hauens, fit for shipping; where beside the port MARZASIROO towards the East, where the Turkes fleet first landed, and the port of S. THOMAS, with another called SCALA, not farre off, it hath two other notable hauens, the one called MAIOR, and the other MARZA∣MOXET, deuided the one from the other by a narrow peece of ground: which with a ridge run∣neth in length from the South to the North, almost in manner of an island, hauing the hauen [ E] MAIOR on the East, and MARZA MOXET on the West. Vpon the head of this high ridge standeth the castle of S. ELMO, of great strength both by nature and art. As a man entreth into the hauen MAIOR, vpon the left hand are foure promontories, pointing farre into the hauen on that side, almost in manner of islands, making so many bayes: Vpon the first standeth the gal∣lowes, whereof also it taketh name: vpon the very point of the second, on a rough and high rocke standeth a most strong castle, called the castle of S. ANGELO, whereunto adjoyneth the towne, seperated from the castle onely with a wall and a ditch, and is placed in a hollownesse cut out of the maine rocke, strengthened also with the sea and the industrie of man; and is of some called the Burg, of others the new citie (in this castle resideth the Grand master, and the souldi∣ors in the Burg:) vpon the third promontorie standeth another strong castle, which they call also [ F] the Burg of S. MICHAEL: the fourth promontorie is not inhabited, from whence the sea run∣neth alongst the winding bankes almost into the midst of the island, vnto a place called AQVA MARSIA. Againe, after the port MARZA MOXET, Westward is the harbour S. GEORGE; and after that another called BENORRAT: then followeth the port of S. PAVLE, no lesse than the port MARZASIROC: after which commeth the port called SALINARVM SINVS: but on

that side of the island towards AFFRICK, is only one port called MILLIARIA▪ neere vnto the [ G] island of MALTA lie certaine other little islands, as GAVLOS now GOZO: two other called CVMINIA, and another called PIPER, all subject to the Malteses.

Thus much I haue thought good to set downe concerning the Turkes fleet, and for the des∣cription of those places wherein this great action was performed, the brute whereof then filled the world. Now shall it not be amisse, in like manner to declare vpon what strength, next vnto God, Valetta the Graund master stood against so mightie and puissant an enemie. First there was in the island thirteene hundred mercinaries, some Spaniards, some French, some Floren∣tines, and the rest of NAPLES: there was also a thousand seamen of the knights fleet, and fiue hundred in the towne of S. Angelo: and of the countrey people which were fled into the strong places, fiue thousand, men not altogether vnskilfull of the wars: there was also fiue hundred [ H] knights of the Order, besides priests and squires; for of these three sorts of men, are they which are called brethren of the Order. This was the number of them which defended the castles & towns of S. Elmo, S. Angelo, and S. Michaell, wherunto they were proportionably diuided: and in the citie it selfe, which is called MELITA, being in the middle of the island, was two hundred souldi∣ors, and as many citisens, with three hundred of the countrey people all horsemen, commanded by Io. Vagno a valiant captaine. Besides this, euerie place was furnished with plentie of victuall, armour, weapons, artillerie, and whatsoeuer else was needfull for the enduring of a long siege, and a warre that should want many things: and that which passed all the rest, minds armed with inuincible courage against whatsoeuer should chance, which oftentimes maketh of the vanqui∣shed, victors. All these things being in readinesse, and orderly disposed, as soone as they vnder∣stood [ I] that seauen and twentie of the Turks gallies had put into the hauen MARZASIROCK, and were there landing their men: Gyon, Admirall for the Order, a valiant and couragious knight, marched thither with fiue hundred harquebusiers, to haue skirmished with them; but as soone as the Turks saw them comming,* 10.17 they retired againe to their gallies. On the other part where the great fleet lay, two hundred of the Turkes going on shoare, met by chance with Riuerius a Frenchman, and eight knights moe; who hauing his horse killed vnder him, and one of his com∣panions slaine, fell with the rest into the hands of the enemie. Whilest these things were in do∣ing, a certaine Christian marriner fled out from the Turkes to the citie of MELITA, who disco∣uered the enemies purpose, telling them, That the Turks by the appointment of Mustapha, had determined to haue landed the greatest part of their forces, presently to haue besieged some [ K] strong place, had not Piall Bassa the Admirall exclaimed against it, doubting to be left too weake at sea: saying plainly, That he would attempt nothing before the comming of Dragut, who was euerie houre expected. For Solyman had expressely commanded, that they should doe nothing without his counsell;* 10.18 so great an opinion had he of his pollicie and valour. But whether this his report was true or otherwise, the Turks for all that, returning with their fleet to the port MAR∣ZASIROCK, landed twentie thousand souldiors, and fiue field pieces, and so entrenched them∣selues. This done, Piall Bassa with seauen thousand, went to view the castle of S. Michaell; but for feare of the great shot,* 10.19 durst not come nie it. Neuerthelesse, they of the towne ••allying out, couragiously skirmished with the Turks; in which conflict, Curfelinus surnamed Parda, accom∣panied but with one Spaniard, so furiously assailed the enemie, that he tooke from his one en∣signe, [ L] and slew one of the Sanzacks a great commaunder, with diuers others. When Piall was come againe into the campe, the Generall began to consult with the other captaines, whether it were better to lay siege to the castle of S. Elmo, or to the towne of S. Michaell: in conclusion it was agreed vpon, that they should with all their forces besiege the castle of S. Elmo. And going vp the hill to view the castle, they were encountred by the garrison souldiors; in which fight some few were lost on both sides. Thus by degrees, things growing hoater and hoater, the Graund master thought it good to certifie Garzias of TOLEDO, viceroy of SICILIE, how things stood, that he might the sooner rig vp his fleet to come to their rescue. Wherefore he commaunded one gallie to put out of the hauen by night, and to passe ouer into SICILIE with Saluagus one of the knights sent thither on message. In the meane time, the Turkes cast vp a [ M] mount to haue battered the castle of S. Elmo, and beaten the gallies in the hauen MAIOR, and so to haue opened a way for their fleet to haue entred: but they were not able long to keepe that mount, for they had scarcely well ended the worke, but it was forthwith by the continuall thun∣dring shot out of the castle, beaten downe againe, which thing greatly abated the Turkes cou∣rage.

[ A] About that time, Ochial came to the fleet with six ships, drawne out of them which were left for the defence of ALEXANDRIA,* 10.20 and in them nine hundred souldiors. The Turks beaten from their first mount, cast vp another on a higher ground, whereon they placed three great pie∣ces of ordinance, wherewith they annoied not only the hauen wherein the fleet of MALTA ••id, but the castle of S. Angelo also, the Great masters seat, and with a rowling trench drew neerer and neerer vnto the castle of S. Elmo: which although they had at first in v••ine attempted, hin∣dred by them which were in the castle, yet at last with much labour and trauell they brought it to perfection (for the Turkes in that kind of worke, still performed by their multitude; are ac∣counted to excell others:) wherfore in short time, they planted their great ordinance in such sort, as that they might batter both the castles of S. Elmo and S. Michaell. There was in the Turkes [ B] campe a gentleman of SPAINE, but then a slaue vnto a Turke, who vnderstanding the enemies purpose for the besieging of the castle of S. Elmo, by a Christian fugitiue aduertised the Great ma∣ster thereof: whereupon he forthwith sent Cerda and Miranda, with two companies of Spa∣niards into the castle, who were afterwards a great strength vnto the castle, and hinderance vnto the enemie.* 10.21 At length came Dragut Gouernour of LEPTIS, long looked for of the Turkes, with thirteene gallies, and in them 1600 souldiors: after whom followed ten galliots from BONA, and in them two companies. In the meane time, Saluagus the worthie knight (sent be∣fore into SICILIA) came to MESSANA, and hauing certified the viceroy, of the state of MAL∣TA; was by him commaunded to returne to MALTA in a galliot, conducted by two gallies of the Great masters; which hauing brought him neere vnto the island, returned againe into SICI∣LIA: [ C] but he with his galliot (not without most manifest danger) in the third watch of the night brake into the towne thorow the middest of the enemies fleet, with the losse of but one of his followers. Where hauing deliuered vnto the Great master, what he had in charge from the viceroy, he was the same night sent backe againe by the Great master into SICILIA, to certifie the viceroy, That he had need of more aid, requesting him with all speed to send him some sup∣ply, whereby he might the better hold out against the force of so great an enemie. Saluagus dis∣couraged neither with the labour nor the danger, presently committed himselfe againe to sea, and in short time arriued in the port of SIRACVSA, where finding the two gallies we before spake of, he sent them to MALTA, as he had in charge with foure hundred souldiors, amongst whom were diuers of the knights of the Order, and certaine skilfull canoniers: willing them to shun the [ D] West part of the island, where as they must needs come into the enemies sight, and to passe by the East end thereof, which was farther about, but safer; and turning Southward, to land in the port MILIARE, and from thence by the low places of the island to conuay the souldiors by night to the citie MELITA, which was but foure miles off; from whence they might easily passe vnto the castle of S. Michaell. This order taken, he went to MESSANA, and there declared to the viceroy the danger of the warre, with the small number of the defendants, requesting of him a thousand footmen, which with those alreadie sent, he thought would suffice to hold out the siege, vntill he with his whole fleet might come to releeue them. But whilest these things were slowly prouided, which with much difficulties and delay could hardly be brought to passe, the Christian princes as it were sleeping in so great a danger:* 10.22 the Turkes vpon the sudden the third [ E] of Iune, assaulted the castle of S. Elmo, in hope with short scaling ladders to get ouer that part of the rampiers which was neerest vnto the bulwarke of the castle. But the defendands, in the ditch which before had no flanker to scoure the same, had of earth & fagots made a large strong flanker, from whence the castle also helping them, they valiantly resisted the enemie, and filled the ditches with the dead bodies of the Turks. Who for all that, trusting to their multitude (wherewith rather than with true valour they obtaine so many victories) thrust still on, vntill they had by obstinat force (although long first) gained the flanker: whereby they commanded all that part of the ditch, towards the port MARZA MOXET. In which place they with wonder∣full celeritie so fortified themselues, that they could not be hurt by the defendants: wherein they were much holpen by their owne great ordinance, planted on the other side the hauen MARZA; [ F] for with it they draue the defendants from the place, beat downe the corner of the rampier, and battered the front of the bulwarke, whose height and greatnesse troubled the enemie, but was not so commodious for the defendants, for that it was made without flankers. But night com∣ming on, fiue thousand of the nine thousand Turkes which gaue the assault, tarried there: wher∣fore the Christians constrained to forsake the place, retired themselues into the castle. The

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

Turkes in the meane time couered with the darkenesse of the night, with sackes filled with tow [ G] and earth, filled vp the ditch which was vnder the bulwarke, but neither of any great widenesse or depth:* 10.23 which done, they gaue a fresh assault, wherein aboue eight hundred of them were slaine, part Ianizaries, and part Spachi, and besides them many wounded, of whom the most part remained halfe dead in the ditch, where they perished, and could not be relieued. Of the Christians was lost fiue and fortie: amongst whom were fiue knights of the order, Guardampes an Auergnois, Masius a colonell of NARBONA, Contilia a Spaniard; Somaia a Florentine, and Neinec a Germane.* 10.24 The same night the Great master thinking, as reason was, that they in the castle of S. ELMO might want helpe, sent two hundred of his knights and as many other soul∣diors into the castle; who if they had beene moe, together with the foure hundred which were before in the castle, might happily haue driuen the Turkes both from the rampiers and the flan∣ker, [ H] and also kept the place longer. But for as much as the Great master wanted souldiors, and had therefore sent Saluagus into SICILIA for new supplies, as we haue before said, hee in the meane time couragiously expected their comming, refusing no labour or paine: yet bewayling sometime with himselfe the vnfortunatenesse of the Christian princes, by whose negligence so fit an occasion for the ouerthrow of the barbarous enemie was let slip: But aboue all things he maruelled exceedingly that no helpe yet came, especially those two gallies which (as we haue said) were in all hast sent by Saluagus: but they by the masters default kept not the appointed course;* 10.25 for first whereas they should haue shunned the West part of the isle, and haue turned towards the East, they shaped their course Westward to the island of GAVLOS, the master vainely affirming, that he saw certaine of the Turks galliots lying before port MILIARE: which [ I] was afterwards well knowne not to haue beene so; for the truth was, that he for ••eare (whereby notable designes are many times frustrated) durst not goe forward. Whereby it came to passe, that the Great master was disappointed of so necessarie a supplie: which thing much greeued both the viceroy and others, but especially Saluagus. For he saw it would come to passe, that if the Turkes should take the castle of S. ELMO, the most assured bulwarke and defence of the island of MALTA, the other places must of necessitie be brought into extreame danger, all the way to relieue them being thereby shut vp. And that it might be taken, seemed not to him im∣possible, the enemie hauing alreadie taken one fort, and laying hard siege almost on euery side of that little pile. The due consideration of these and such like things grieued the minds of skilfull men, especially seeing such slacke preparation in a case requiring such present releefe. Yet in the [ K] meane time souldiors were taken vp at ROME by the commaundement of Pius Quartus then Bishop, to be sent to MALTA: and by his example to stirre vp other princes to send aid vnto this sacred warre, he gaue a hundred pound of gold to Cambianus legat for the Order, and comman∣ded gunpouder and other necessaries for that warre to be taken out of his castle S. ANGELO, that so he might seeme to be wanting in nothing that was in him to performe. Ouer these soul∣diors, in number six hundred, he appointed Pompeius Columna Generall, and commaunded Ca∣millus Medices his legat to accompanie him. With these went many voluntarie men, of purpose to lay downe their liues for the eternising of their names in so religious a warre, and that with such an ardent desire, as that euery little delay seemed vnto them a yeare. Wherefore comming to NAPLES, they there found Iohn Andreas Auria with eleuen ships, the prince of POPVLO∣NIA [ L] with nine, Lanicius with three, and three others, set foorth by other priuat gentlemen. In these ships were embarked all those footmen which came from ROME, and so transported to MESSANA, where the kings fleet was prouiding. But whilest the Christians make slow prepa∣ration, considering the greatnesse of the danger, the Turkes not ignorant thereof, resolued to proue the vttermost before the strength of the Christians were readie or drawne together. For the castle of S. ELMO once taken, they assured themselues with more ease to carrie the rest: for that thereby they should first haue the hauen MARZA MOXET in their power, where their fleet might in safetie ride so long as they pleased: and the rising ridge betwixt the two hauens was commodious for them both to batter the towne of S. MICHAEL, and to keepe the hauen MAIOR, so that none could without their leaue passe in or out thereat. Wherefore vpon these [ M] and other such like considerations they began againe to batter the castle of S. ELMO,* 10.26 as if it had been with thunder: which furious batterie they continued for the space of foure dayes together without intermission. The night following they suddenly with great force gaue an assault, and with their scaling ladders had almost gained the top of the wall, when the Christians desirous of

[ A] nothing more than to come to handie blowes,* 10.27 draue them downe againe with such violence that neuer after they durst set ladder to the wall, vntill the very last conflict. Whilest things were thus hot at the castle of S. ELMO, Dragut his souldiors vpon a brauerie, as if they had been the only men, went to a place called MARTIA SCALA, which is betwixt the gallowes and S. Tho∣mas roade, as if they would haue done more than the rest: Which the Christians beholding out of the towne of S. ANGELO, to represse their insolencie, sallied foorth vpon them, and so welcommed them, that they were glad after they had receiued a great losse, foorthwith to retire to the place from whence they came. Of the Christians was slaine Bonnemius a Frenchman, one of the knights, and seuen others.

The same time Monferratus was by the Great master sent into the castle of S. Elmo, to com∣maund [ B] there as Gouernour in stead of Brolia: for that he with watching and paines taken in de∣fence thereof, was fallen sicke. The same Brolia had many times before written to the Great ma∣ster, that the castle was so well fortified and furnished of all things needfull, as that he thought it impossible to be woon by the enemie: and had with cheerfull speech and braue behauiour, so en∣couraged the kinghts and other the defendants, that they fought against their enemies with more than mens strength, and greater courage than is to be beleeued. Neither were the Turks for that discouraged, although they were with great losse still repulsed: but for certaine daies bat∣tered the castle with greater furie than before,* 10.28 and immediatly gaue an assault; for they had made a bridge ouer the ditch, of masts and saile yards, of such a breadth, that ten men might go thereon in ranke: and had placed about the ditch foure thousand harquebusiers, and brought all their [ C] fleet vnto S. Georges shoare,* 10.29 not far from the castle. And when they had by the space of eighteen daies sore shaken it, and torne the wals with thirteene thousand great shot, and were now in hope euen presently to win the castle: see, Baragamus a Biscane, one of the knights, and Medranus a Spanish captaine, with certaine other valiant men, ran to the bridge, and to the great admiration of the beholders, opposed themselues against the multitude of the miscreants. The fight hand to hand was on both sides both fierce and terrible:* 10.30 and now one of the Turkes had aduanced a Turkish ensigne vpon the bulwarke, which whilest Medranus laieth hand vpon, and the Turke on the other side struggleth to cleare himselfe from him, in striuing togither, they fell downe both dead, shot thorow with one bullet by one of the Turks. At which time the foure hundred which we said were but a little before sent thither by the Grand master, stood in good steed: for [ D] seeing all brought to so great a danger, some of them (whilest other some fought with the ene∣mie) thrust barrels of gunpouder vnder the bridge, some cast downe wild fire, stones, and what∣soeuer else came to hand vpon the enemie, and others farther off with their harquebusiers sore galled the Turks; so in short time the bridge was burnt and blowne vp, which in the fall thereof, ouerwhelmed eight hundred Turks:* 10.31 the rest (as they might) retired, few whole, but most part wounded. In this conflict the Christians pluckt downe two ensignes, the one Mustaphaes, the other Draguts, which the Turkes had set vp vpon the verie battlements of the wals. On the other part toward the Southwest, a band of the Turks had got to the top of the highest rampier; which as soone as they in the castle of S. Angelo perceiued, thinking to haue beaten them off with a great shot, slew by mischance seauen of the defendants vpon the same rampier, as they [ E] were going too and fro: but to recompence that errour, at the next shot they rent in sunder foure of the Turks captaines, with twelue other of their most forward souldiors. Whilest they were here fighting, other Turks in the meane time had cast vp a trench on that side of the castle to∣ward S. Angelo; out of which they were quickly driuen with fire, stones, and other such like things throwne downe vpon them by the defendants.* 10.32 The Turks valiantly on euerie side repul∣sed, retired into the campe, when they had in this assault lost two thousand of their best souldi∣ors, and of the Christians slaine almost a hundred, and wounded as many moe. The same day, Valeta the Grand master, perceiuing the port MARZA MOXET not to be verie straightly kept by the Turks; commaunded a light Brigandine to be carried out of the hauen, ouerland to the place called MARTIA SCALA, that from thence he might send into SICILIA: for he (as reason [ F] was) considering in what danger the castle of S. Elmo stood, by letters certified the Viceroy and the bishop of ROME thereof, and of such things as were there done; requesting them of spee∣die reliefe. The coppie of the letters sent to the Viceroy, I haue here set downe: as for those which were sent to the great bishop, because they were almost of the same purport, I haue purposely omitted.

[ G]

To Garzias of Toledo, Viceroy of Sicilia, and Admirall of the fleet, greeting.

* 11.1Since the time that I sent Saluagus, I haue sent vnto you two letters, which I caused to be sent by MELITA into GAVLOS; which I pray God be come to your hands. After that, when as neither messengers nor letters came vnto vs from you, I commaunded a man with instructions to hast to MES∣SANA, who when he had certaine nights attempted to go out, and was at last got out, he was scarcely gone two miles, but he saw the Turks with might and maine making after him; whom to escape, he was glad to run his pinnace on ground: and casting his letters into the sea, to forsake his boat, and by flight to saue himselfe. Now the Turkes hauing remoued their fleet out of the port VULTV••NVS▪ [ H] I considering how much it concerneth to certifie you of those things which are here done, commaunded a Brigandine to be carried to MARTIA SCALA; for seeing that the Turkes fleet is gone to another part of the island, I hope my letters will without let in short time come vnto you. And the things I would haue you to know, are these: The fifteenth of this moneth, all the enemies fleet (a little before night) passed by this port; the comming on of the night letted, that we could not well perceiue the weaknesse thereof; whilest the gallies almost vnarmed, were with much difficultie towed forth: want of water caused them chiefly to depart out of the port VULTVRNVS, and peraduenture feare of your fleet. For, as I haue heard, they haue intelligence, that an hundred and fiftie saile li•• at road in the port of MESSANA; for which cause also, they haue not put themselues into the port of S. Paul, but haue placed their fleet aboue the port MARZA MOXET; yet a good part of their gallies lie at the [ I] port S. George, so to be neerer vnto their land forces: yet is not the neerenesse such, but that if your fleet come vpon the sudden, they will with the same feare retire to their fleet, that they would if they were farther off. No man is now to be seene at VULTVRNVS, for they haue left their first campe at Saint Katherins and Saint Iohns, hauing burnt all the countrey villages, and now lie with their fleet as I haue said: and with their armie at the castle S. Elmo, which God hath as yet kept, and as I hope will: which thing is euen for this to be hoped for, which was but yesterday done; when as our most valiant souldiors (by the helpe of God) for the space of foure houres couragiously endured a most terrible assault. The Turks hauing also made a bridge Westward toward the port MARZA MOXET, we haue foure times repulsed them to their great losse; yet not without some losse also on our part, amonst whom Medranus a worthie captaine was to my great griefe slaine. With [ K] this victorie our men are so encouraged, that I am in hope the castle may be defended vntill your comming, especially the enemies batterie not so furiously now as before maintained▪ If I were re∣lieued with certaine companies of fresh souldiors, or at least with those our two gallies, I would neuer thinke that this castle could be taken from vs: in defence whereof, whilest we euerie houre looke for helpe, we haue spent both our men, and whatsoeuer warlike prouision we had else. We are resolued although it cost vs all our liues, to go thither, relying vpon you: who as we hope for your deuotion and noble courage, will not be vnmindfull of our health and welfare; but knowing the danger wher∣into we must needs fall, if you shall deferre to aid vs, will send vs out of hand certaine bands of men, especially when they may so easily be sent: for now that the Turkes are departed from the East part of the island, our soulidiors may be landed at the BLACK ROCKS. Our liues lie in your hands, on [ L] whom (next vnto God) resteth all our hope: wherefore we most instantly request you not to forsake vs: committing our selues, and all that ours is, to your compassion and protection. Fare you well from MALTA the 17 of Iune.

These letters receiued, and the distresse of the besieged castle perceiued, the Viceroy was (as of right he ought) greatly moued, and made semblance as if he had been desirous to haue brought foorth his whole fleet against the Turkes.* 11.2 But forasmuch as the supply of ships from GENVA and SPAINE was not yet come, and that without them he thought it not good to ad∣uenture the fortune of a battell; he forthwith sent Io. Cardona with foure gallies, whereof two were of MALTA: and with Cardona joyned one Robles campe-master, with a select companie of [ M] Spaniards; with whom went also about eightie knights of MALTA, who staied at MESSANA awaiting some fit occasion to passe ouer: Amongst whom were these chiefe men of the Order, Parisot the Great masters nephew, Vicentius Caraffa, Boninscana and Maldonatus, both Spani∣ards, Centius of AQVITANIA, and some others: who although letted by tempest and other oc∣casions,

[ A] they came too late to MALTA, as shall be hereafter declared, yet serued they in great stead; and had they come in time, before the castle S. Elmo was lost, happily it might haue been still kept.

The Turks making no more account of so great a slaughter of their men, than of so many sheepe, desperatly renewed the fight, as men resolued to endure all extremities. And first they most horribly thundred day & night with their great ordinance vpon the castle: afterwards they assaulted the breaches with such a multitude and force,* 11.3 that if true valour and hope of immortali∣tie had not excluded all feare out of the hearts of the defendants, the terrour of the assault had enforced them either to haue fled or yeelded. Dreadfull was the fight, and had they not been obstinatly set downe on both sides, the one to win the castle, the other to defend it, that day had [ B] ended the quarrell. Fiue houres endured that most terrible assault, at length the Turks repulsed by the valour of the Christians, retired: yet did they not for all that passe the night following in quiet, but with their great ordinance did so beat the defendants, that they had much adoe to keepe the Turks from scaling the wals; which, that they should not then dare to attempt, was with exceeding endeuour prouided for by the Christians: of whom in this assault was lost two hundred, and of the Turks an infinit number. And Dragut himselfe, whilest he there performed the dutie both of a Generall,* 11.4 and most valiant souldior, got a blow on the head with a stone, whereof he in two daies after died: his dead bodie was afterwards carried to TRIPOLIS, and there honourably buried.

The commaunders of the Turks armie, still more and more enraged with this valour of the [ C] Christians, and the slaughter of their men, gathering all their fleet togither, commaunded them to compasse about the castle, of purpose to giue thereunto their last assault, with all their forces both by sea and land; and to send new supplies of fresh souldiors one after another, vntill they had taken the castle. And therefore, they with great industrie prepared bridges, ladders, engines, armour, weapons, shot, and whatsoeuer things else was needfull for the assault. Which Valetta perceiuing out of his castle S. Angelo, and fearing (as meet was) least they in the castle should not be able longer to endure so great a furie; called togither in counsell his knights, two daies be∣fore the Turkes gaue their last assault: and told them, That they all as well as he, saw in what danger they which defended the castle S. Elmo were; and that he doubted not, but that euerie one of them (vpon a godly zeale and compassion) was no lesse mooued with the slaughter and [ D] danger of their fellowes and other their Christian souldiors, than with their owne: Wherefore he requested them, to declare what they thought best to be done for their safetie; yet so, as that they should not hastily determine any thing, that agreed not with the auntient valour and honor of their sacred militarie profession. Which motion once made, and their opinions in briefe de∣liuered, a decree was made, That forasmuch as the castle could not longer be holden, regard should be had for the safegard of them that were therein: for which purpose it was agreed, that twelue pinnaces should be sent to fetch them away. But before, three knights were chosen, who should in hast the night following go thither, and tell them what was in the counsell agreed vp∣on, and carefully to consider in what state the castle was: which if the defendants thought was to be abandoned, they should poison the water, & cloy the great ordidance, that it might not after∣wards [ E] stand the Turks in stead.* 11.5 The three knights sent thither, was Medina a Spaniard, Rocca a Frenchman, and Constantinus Castriot an Italian; who not without danger of their liues (being oftentimes shot at by the Turks) got into the castle, and declared vnto them that were there in garrison, how carefull the Great master and the rest were of them. And they on their side, first of all gaue thankes to the Graund master and the rest, for the regard they had of them: and after∣ward concerning the castle, said, That if they considered the straightnesse of the place, the small number of the defendants, and multitude of the enemie, they should well perceiue in what dan∣ger they were, if the Turkes should often with such obstinacie renew the assault: yet forasmuch as they had euer hitherto felt the helpe of God so present, who had still mercifully defended them against the rage of the enemie, and wanted nothing needfull for the defence of the place; [ F] the keeping whereof they had requested of the Grand master as an honour, although they knew right well it could not without most manifest danger of their liues be holden: yet they would for all that,* 11.6 keep it to the last man. For that perhaps the like honourable occasion for them to shew thēselues in, should neuer again be offred: wherfore they had (as they said) resolued in that place, to spend their liues for the glorie of God and the Christian religion. The course of this life (they

said) was but short, but that honour and fame was for euer: and whereas death is to all men pre∣fined, [ G] it were to be wished, that the life which is to nature due, should rather seeme to be by vs franckly giuen to God and our countrey, than reserued as natures debt: Which if it should so happen, they would so vse the matter, as that the barbarous enemie should haue neither pleasure nor joy, which should not cost him much bloud euen of his best souldiors. This they willed the knights to tell the Great master, and to request him not to bee too carefull of them, but to pro∣mise vnto himselfe those things of them which best beseemed resolute men, especially of them who had vowed themselues to that sacred warre. This answere of greater resolution than for∣tune, receiued; the three knights, when they had diligently viewed the castle, returned to the Grand master▪ who calling to counsell his knights, and hauing heard the answere of the besie∣ged, would needs heare also what opinion the three knights themselues were of concerning the [ H] keeping of the castle: of whom Castriot was of opinion, That the place was still to be defended, and that if he were there to commaund,* 11.7 he would vndertake to performe it; and there rather to lose his life than to forsake it, after he had once taken vpon him the charge thereof. But Roces the French knight was farre of another mind, and said plainely, that the place could not possibly be holden against so strong an enemie; and that if Iulius Caesar himselfe were aliue, and saw to what straight the place was brought (especially all the rampiers being either beaten downe or ••ore sha∣ken, & such a power of obstinat enemies lying round about it) he would neuer suffer so many va∣liant souldiors to be lost, but quit the place, and reserue his men to further seruice: for why it was the part of valiant men to performe so much as was of men to be performed; but to striue to do more, was no manhood at all: Wherefore he thought it best to doe that which men vse with [ I] members mortified, whose recouerie is desperat; in which case we doubt not to make a seperati∣on, so to saue the rest of the bodie with life. The Spanish knight in most part agreeing with Ca∣striot, said, That he thought it not good, that the place should so easily be forsaken; first, for that the ditches and bulwarkes were yet defencible; and then, because he saw so great a consent amongst the defendants, and such a cheerefulnesse to withstand the enemie, which thing (as hee said) presaged victorie.

These opinions of the knights thorowly in counsell debated, and euery particular well way∣ed, it seemed good to the greater part, that they which were in the castle should for certain daies yet hold it out; especially because it was not the manner of the knights of the Order easily to abandon their strong holds, but rather to keepe them to the last, that euen therein the barbarous [ K] enemie might perceiue with whom he had to doe, and so see his pride abated. For if they should haue forsaken the place, they might haue beene thought to haue done it for feare: whereby the enemies insolencie might haue beene encreased, and the honourable Order of those sacred knights disgraced.

But the Turkes intentiue to that they had before determined, the three and twentith day of Iune assembling all their forces both by sea and land round about the castle, in the dead time of the night on euery side set vp scaling ladders, made bridges, wrought mines, and with two and thirtie great pieces of artillerie battered the rest of the wals yet standing, and presently gaue a most terrible assault.* 11.8 The defendants on the other side beat downe some, repulsed others, slew many, euer more carefull how to wound the enemie, than to saue themselues: and where he [ L] pressed fastest on, there to shew their greatest valour. Great were the outcries made on both sides, mixt with exhortation, mirth, and mourning; the face of the whole fight was diuers, vncertaine, cruell, and dreadfull: and now it was the third houre of the day, when still the victorie stood doubtfull; and had not the furie of the great ordinance beene so terrible, that it had now beaten downe all the wals vnto the very rocke whereon the castle stood, the defendants might for some longer time haue endured the enemies force. But the very rocke bared both of wals and defen∣dants, and more than foure hundred slaine, a man could scarcely now shew himselfe, but hee was presently strucke in pieces. Monserratus Gouernour of the castle, and Garas of EV••oeA, men of equall valour, integritie, and honour, were both slaine with one shot; for a short and transitorie life made partakers of immortalitie together. Yet the rest which stood in defence of the castle, [ M] nothing terrified with so great a losse and slaughter of their fellowes, but augmented rather as it were with new courage from aboue, fought with greater force than before, ouerthrew the Turks ensignes now set vp in the castle, slew the ensigne-bearers, captaines, and colonels; now respe∣cting nothing more, but honourably to lay downe their liues for their religion and the obtai∣ning

[ A] of immortall fame. By this time the Sunne was mounted to the middle of heauen, great was the heat, and men exceeding wearie; the murdering shot neuer ceased, and such was the multitude of the enemie, that he still sent in fresh men in stead of them that were wearied or wounded. On the other side, the small number of the Christians, and those weakened with la∣bor, watching,* 11.9 thirst, and wounds, did what men might; yet at length were ouercome by a grea∣ter force, and so the castle by the Turks woon, but with such slaughter of their men, that it was a wonder that so many should be slaine of so few. The defendants were all slaine, euery man, in valiant fight.

Here may I not in silence passe ouer the inhumane and more than barbarous crueltie of the Turks against the dead bodies of the slaine knights,* 11.10 that thereby may appeare, that crueltie neuer [ B] wanteth whereon to shew it selfe mercilesse, yea euen after death. The Turks after they had taken the castle, finding certaine of the knights yet breathing, and but halfe dead, first cut their hearts out of their breasts, and then their heads from their bodies; after that they hanged them vp by the heeles in their red cloakes with white crosses (which manner of attire they after an auntient custome vse in time of war, as they doe blacke in time of peace) in the sight of the castles S. AN∣GELO and S. MICHAELL. And yet Mustapha the Turks Generall not so contented, commaun∣ded them afterwards to be fast bound together, and so cast into the sea, whose dead bodies were in few dayes after by the surge of the sea cast vp in the hauen MAIOR, and knowne by their friends, were by the commandement of the sorrowfull Great master honourably buried. With which the enemies most barbarous crueltie he was so mooued, that he commaunded that no [ C] Turke should from that time be taken prisoner, but to be presently slaine. And thereupon all that were before taken, were foorthwith put to the sword, and their heads cast ouer the wals on that side towards the enemie. From the beginning of the siege to the taking of the castle, of the Chri∣stians were slaine a thousand three hundred, amongst whom were a hundred and thirtie of the sa∣cred knights of the Order, all worthie to be registred in the booke of euerlasting fame.

The castle S. ELMO thus lost,* 11.11 Valetta although his mind (as he had good cause) was inwardly attainted with exceeding greefe, yet made semblant otherwise, because he would not daunt the minds of his souldiors: telling them, that nothing was happened vnprouided for or vnforeseene. This was (as he said) the will of God, and the chance of warre, that sometimes one sometimes ano∣ther should be ouercome: and that cowardise, not such valour as was in them that were gone, gaue oc∣casion [ D] to their liuing friends to lament: yet that the enemie was not for that to be feared, who had also receiued such a losse, as he might thereby rather seeme conquered than a victorious conqueror: wher∣as the losse of his knights was recompenced with honour and immortalitie, things of themselues suffi∣cient to enflame all noble minds to behaue themselues valiantly. As for himselfe (he said) that tru∣sting not in his owne strength, but in the helpe of Almightie God, he had not yet cast off the hope of victorie ouer the reliques of the discomfited enemie; and that he well hoped, they were all of the same mind, wherein he most earnestly requested them to persist vnto the end. When he had thus said, he being a man armed against all fortunes, withdrew himselfe a little aside: where casting many things in his troubled mind, he determined to send letters to Petrus Mesquita, Gouernour of the citie of MELITA, to certifie him and the knights of the Order that were at MESSANA, and [ E] the Viceroy, of the lost of S. Elmo: the copie whereof, because that in them euidently appeareth the Christian mind of him the Great master, I haue thoght good here to set down as followeth:

Whilest these knights are setting forward,* 11.12 in the meane time chanced the miserable misfortune of the castle S. Elmo: which although it brought vnto vs that greefe you may easily imagine, wee for all that, as if it had happened by some secret appointment of God, haue taken it in that part, that he as a most mercifull father purposeth thereby to warne vs, but not vtterly to destroy vs. Neither doe I thinke it lawfull to doubt of his mercie and power. Yet for all that, I may neuerthelesse complain, that we are of them forsaken of whom it least beseemed. So that in the space of seuen and thirtie dayes, wherein our most valiant souldiors endured all the force of the enemie (which truly was done rather [ F] by the power of God than of man) we were holpen of our own (which owe so much vnto vs) not so much as with the least helpe, which they might oftentimes haue sent vs. But I list to ascribe it whatsoeuer it is, to God, of whom alone as we haue hitherto receiued so many good things, so rest we in hope hereafter to receiue also. For, for any thing that I can see, we must not now trust to mans helpe: for as much as we could by no letters, no diligence, no prayers, no admonitions, and to bee breefe, by no commaunds

moue them, who of all others ought most to haue obeyed it. The shortnesse of the time suffereth vs not [ G] to write to the Viceroy of these things, it shall be your part to certifie both him and other our friends thereof: who if they had obeyed our commaund, or aided vs with neuer so small a supplie of soldiors, happily we had not lost the castle S. Elmo: in defence whereof we haue spent the best part of our soul∣diors. Wherefore except the Viceroy make hast to deliuer vs from this siege, I feare that he cannot in time come: but especially if we be here besieged before the comming of those our small helpes which we as in a dreame haue promised vnto our selues, and which we now scarce hope will be in time present. For all that, we doe not distrust of God his loue and prouidence: by whose diuine inspiration the rare courage of the Viceroy being in short time stirred vp, will hasten hither to relieue vs. For all our wel∣fare consisteth in celeritie. Our enemies hauing drawne all their fleet into the hauen MA••••A MO∣XET are busied in cleansing the castle, and repairing the breaches, that they may afterward the better [ H] vse them against vs. Wherefore vpon the sight of these our letters send vnto vs the captaines Ca∣therine, Belcacar, Belmest, and Zoricius, with their companies, that we may vse their faithfull and valiant seruice. God of his mercie send vs aid from some place, and keepe you. Fare you well from our castle S. Angelo, the 24 of Iune, 1565.

Mesquita hauing receiued these letters, commaunded a galliot foorthwith to be launched, and therein embarked Masius Codonellus, one of the knights; to whom he deliuered both the letters of the Grand master to him, and others of his owne, almost of the same purport, directed to the knights of the Order which lay at MESSANA, requesting him with all speed possible to passe ouer with them into SICILIA. [ I]

* 11.13In the meane time Mustapha the Turkes Generall sent a messenger to Valetta, and with him an old Spanish captiue, with promise of libertie if he would goe with his messenger to the towne to talke with Valetta concerning the yeelding vp thereof, and to trie if he would by any meanes come to agreement: who comming to the towne, the Turke still waiting at the gate, the Chri∣stian was let in and brought to the Great master, to whom he declared what he had in charge from the Bassa. But as soone as Valetta heard of the name of composition and yeelding, he was so filled with indignation,* 11.14 that had he not been a Christian, he would presently haue commaun∣ded him to haue been hanged. Wherefore he gaue him choice either to tarrie still in the towne, if he thought so good, or els forthwith to returne and tell his companion, that if he got him not packing quickly, he would send him farther off with a great shot. With this short answere the [ K] Turke suddenly returned into the campe. Whereupon Mustapha fell into such a rage, that he openly protested, neuer from that time to forbeare any kind of crueltie against the Christians. There was then with Mustapha one Philip of the most noble Graecian familie of Lascaris,* 11.15 who of a boy taken prisoner by the Christians in PATRAS, a citie of ACHAIA, and by them honest∣ly and courteously vsed, was therefore euer after well affected toward the Christians: He priuie to many of Mustaphaes designes, by a certaine diuine motion thought he should not a little pro∣fit the Christians by reuolting vnto them: wherefore he resolued to flie vnto the castle of S. Mi∣chaell. Which thing when he had oftentimes attempted, at length the first of Iuly he cast him∣selfe into the sea (for by land he could no way escape) and swum to the castle, not without danger of his life: for discouered by the Turks, he was many times shot at both with their arrowes and [ L] small shot. He, brought to the Great master, reuealed vnto him many of the enemies secrets, and also aduised him what was to be done at the point of S. Michaels, to frustrate the enemies pur∣pose for the assailing of that place; with many other things, which were vnto the defendants no small helpe: and afterwards as often as need was, during the siege, fought valiantly against the Turkes.

Whilest these things were in doing, Codonellus sent as we haue before said into SICILIA, came in safetie to MESSANA, where he found the Christian fleet not yet readie to relieue the distressed Maltaeses; for the Spanish ships were not yet come, and Iohn Andreas Auria with eight and twentie ships was readie to returne to take in foure thousand footmen, taken vp in ETRV••IA by Capinus Vitellius. Which backwardnesse the knights of the Order considering, and what [ M] danger was in delay, after they had well debated the matter amongst themselues, they resolued by the power of God by all meanes possible to helpe their brethren. And for this expedition chose two most fit Generals of their owne fellowes, the Commendors of MESSANA and BA∣ROLI, who forthwith went to Garzias the Viceroy, declaring vnto him what things the sacred

[ A] knights of their Order had done,* 11.16 not for the king of SPAINE onely, but for the Christian com∣monweale, and also what great charge they had beene at the yeare before in the Pinionian expe∣dition, wherein they had neither spared ships, victuall, nor munition, neither their owne liues, to profit the king and the Christian commonweale. Besides this, they besought him well to consi∣der, that the losse of MALTA concerned not the sacred knights only, but all ITALIE, and espe∣cially SICILIA, for the neerenesse of so troublesome and puissant an enemie. For these and other like reasons, which the shortnesse of the time suffred them not to rehearse, they requested of him foure thousand footmen, with whom all the knights of the Order which were there, and many other noble and voluntarie men would make all possible speed to relieue the besieged, which they had before in vaine attemped with which strength they were in good hope, if not to repulse [ B] the enemie, or to recouer that was alreadie lost, yet at least to stop and stay his farther procee∣ding, vntill such time as he hauing rigged vp and brought foorth all his fleet, might set vpon the Turks, and (as was to be hoped) vanquish & disperse them. But whilest the Viceroy hauing heard their request, considereth what answere to make, a messenger came vnto him from SPAINE, but with what commaund from the king (although men ghessed diuersly) could not be knowne. But vpon his comming, the Viceroy gaue the knights this cold answere, That he could not graunt what they requested, for that in so doing he should disfurnish his fleet, and not be able afterwards to relieue them as he desired:* 11.17 but if it pleased them to transport the knights with part of the bi∣shops souldiors into the island, they might so doe with their owne two gallies they had alrea∣die, whereunto he would also joyne another of his owne. The knights when they could obtaine [ C] no more, accepted of that which was offered.

Whilest these gallies are setting forward, those foure gallies (wherof we haue before spoken) wherein were embarked fourescore knights and six hundred other souldiors, hauing at sea suffe∣red many troubles by the space of twentie daies, could not as yet arriue at MALTA: and because the Viceroy had commaunded, That they should not land, except they first knew whether the castle S. ELMO were still holden by the Christians, they sent out a frigot to land, promising that day and the next to tarrie in the sea for her returne. In the meane time a great tempest suddenly arising, it so fell out, that the frigot could not at the appointed time returne; wherefore the gal∣lies which expected her comming, fearing least she had beene either by tempest lost, or by the enemie intercepted, retired to POZALO, a port vpon the coast of SICILIA neerest to MAL∣TA, [ D] there to expect some good newes: where as soone as they had put in, they vnderstood that S. ELMO was yet defended: whereupon they put to sea againe, with purpose to haue arriued at MALTA. But when they were within two leagues of the place where they thought to haue lan∣ded, they saw a fire there, which caused them to mistrust that the place was possessed of the ene∣mie, and that he lay thereabout to intercept them: wherefore they returned again to POZALO; where now vnderstanding of the French knight, come from MALTA, that that fire was made by his commaundement, as a signe, that they might without feare haue come forward; they with all speed made againe for the same place, and at the length the nine and twentieth day of Iune about midnight landed at the Blacke Rockes on the South side of the island toward AFFRICKE, and vnseene of any, got in hast to the citie MELITA, where they were joyfully receiued, and there [ E] stayed to expect what the Great master should commaund. In the meane time it fortuned, a great foggie mist (which seldome times there chanceth) to arise so thicke, that a man could hardly see for it: at which time a boy of about twelue yeares old looking by chance out of a window in the castle of MELITA, suddenly as one afraid, cried out, That he saw a Turke going from the citie to the castle of S. MICHAEL. Which thing some of the knights hearing, ran presently out that way,* 11.18 and found a Greeke of the citie of MELITA, who brought backe and examined (for that without the Gouernours passe it was not lawfull for any man to go out of the citie) confes∣sed, That his purpose was to haue aduertised the Turks of the comming of those souldiors, that so they might haue intercepted them as they should haue come from MELITA to the Grand master: for which treason he was as he had well deserued cut in foure peeces. Three dayes af∣ter, [ F] this new supplie come from SICILIA,* 11.19 in the first watch of the night came all in safetie from MELITA to the Great master, except two or three boyes, who charged with armour and other baggage, were not able to keepe way with the rest. It is not to be told how much the besieged rejoyced at the comming of these their friends, and especially Valetta, who seeing the floure of his knights and other souldiors, as it were by diuine prouidence come vnto him;

with teares trickling downe his cheekes, and his eies cast vp to heauen, said: [ G]

* 11.20I thanke thee (O heauenly Father) which hearest my prayers, and forsakest not this thy little flocke, beset round with most rauening Wolues: These are the works of thine euerlasting goodnesse, mercie and prouidence.

These new come souldiors, requested of the Great master as a reward of their paines, that they might be put in garrison into the towne S. Michaell, a place now most laid vnto by the Turks: which thing (he commending their forwardnesse) easily granted: yet for all that remo∣ued not the old garrison. These fresh and couragious souldiors, desirous of nothing more than to fight with the enemie, the next day sallied out, and hauing slaine two hundred of the Turkes, and wounded as many more, without losse of a man returned, euerie mans sword imbrued with the bloud of his enemy. Which thing Mustapha the Turkes Generall hearing, knew it was [ H] they which lately came into the towne; and therupon fell in rage with his captaines, as that they had by their negligence entred. But the suspition grew most vpon them which were appointed for the keeping of the vttermost part of the island: which was the more increased, for that three galliots of ALGIERS had withdrawne themselues away; so that he neither trusted them nor the renegate Christians, who as occasion serued, fled daily from him. For which cause, he gaue out proclamation, That none of them should lie by night out of the gallies, & that such as did other∣wise, should therefore be burnt or impaled vpon stakes: and so changing his warders, appointed Salec with his galliots, whom he thought to be more faithfull for the keeping of the island. And that neither they nor the Christians should be able to attempt any thing, he chained togither di∣uers gallies in the entrance of the hauen MARZA MOXET, and caused the rest of the fleet to ride [ I] neerer togither than before. But because exceeding many were at that time sicke in the Turkes campe, of the flix and other diseases, three places were assigned for them; one for the wounded men neere vnto AQVA MARTIA, guarded with two thousand Turks; another in the poupes of their ships and gallies for the Turks voluntaries; and the third amongst the banks, where the enforced Christians were cured.* 11.21 At the same time, Mustapha appointed Ochiall Bassa Gouernor of TRIPOLIS, instead of Dragut before slaine: who going thither with fiue gallies, and hauing set all things in order there, returned againe vnto the campe. With him the Bassa had sent two ships loaded with corne to TRIPOLIS, there to make bread, whereof they began to feele some want in the campe. He also sent Zaloch, one of his Colonels to Solyman, to certifie him of the winning of the castle S. Elmo, and to deliuer vnto him the description of the isle of MALTA, as [ K] they found it at their arriuall: and farther, to declace vnto him, That he found the Malteses stron∣ger, and better prouided, than was at his setting forth supposed: Wherefore if it were his plea∣sure longer to continue the siege, he should send a new supplie of men, victuall, and other war∣like prouision: which if he did, he would then be in hope to take the other strong places of the island also, though not so soone as was at the first supposed: and that in the meane time, whi∣lest he expected answere,* 11.22 he would not faile to doe what he possibly might. And because he would not seeme to haue written an vntruth, he began his batterie in fourteene places, with sea∣uentie great pieces of artillerie, amongst which was three most huge basilisks: for from the Gal∣lowes promontorie to AQVA MARTIA, and from thence to the castle S. Elmo, wherin he had placed three hundred Ianizaries, the Turkes had enclosed all that compasse with sundrie bul∣warks, [ L] trenches, and mounts, from whence they with their thundring shot, day and night inces∣santly battered the townes and castles of S. Michaell and S. Angelo, ouerthrew the wals, beat downe the bulwarks, and brake downe the houses in such terrible manner, that scarce any could be safe therein: which of all others most troubled the fearfull women and children. But the Turks in their trenches rested in farre more safetie: yet so, that they durst not stray farre out of the campe, but trusting vpon their multitude; and not that many times without their losse, be∣ing cut off by the horsemen of the garrison of MELITA, who were euer readie at their heeles.

When the losse of the castle S. Elmo was knowne at ROME, the citie was filled with mour∣ning and heauinesse; some were sorie for the dishonour, othersome feared least the calamities of the Malteses should redound vnto themselues. There was also amongst others, a certaine en∣uious [ M] and foule mouthed kind of men, altogither ignorant and vnacquainted with martiall af∣faires, who shamed not to lay the blame of the losse of S. Elmo vpon the Grand master: whom both his owne valour, with the worthie testimonie of so many famous and valiant men as were there present with him; as also this historie, gathered out of the true light of things then done,

[ A] shall both for the time present, and for all posteritie sufficiently acquite of so false a slander. But he will easily blemish another mans name, that spareth not his owne: neither can ignorance rightly iudge of the counsels of the skilfull, or cowardise of valiant deeds.

But to returne againe to our purpose:* 11.23 we said before, that three gallies were made readie at MESSANA; in setting forth whereof, they which had the charge vsed such diligence, that the seauenth of Iuly, they departed out of harbour. In them (besides the knights of the order) was embarked six hundred Spaniards, and three hundred of the great bishops souldiors, conducted by Pompeius Columna; the mariners were part hired, part slaues, to whom libertie was promised if they would lustily doe their endeuour to get into the hauen, and to be accounted of as the rest of the souldiors were. And because they would relieue the besieged, not with men onely, but [ B] with victuall also, they put into the same gallies fiue hundred bushels of wheat, beside gunpow∣der, ••altpeter, and lead for shot. And although it was thought a most hard matter, by the ha∣uen it selfe to enter the island, the Turks possessing both it and all the places thereabouts; neuer∣lesse, there was in the knights such an earnest desire to relieue their brethren, that they promised both to themselues and others, all things easie and safe: but when they began to approach the island,* 11.24 they sent a scout before to vnderstand by signes from the castle S. Angelo, whether they were to proceed forward or not: who comming so farre that they might discouer the signe, per∣ceiued thereby that they should retire. Which thing the Turks perceiuing also, presently with the smoake of their great ordinance and other things, they so obscured the ayre as with a thicke cloud, in such sort, as that those signes were no more to be discerned; but all in vaine, for why, [ C] our men had alreadie descried them: so those three gallies returned again into SICILIA. For Va∣letta that good prince, thoght it not meet to bring so many of the sacred knights, so many noble gentlemen and valiant souldiors, into a most manifest danger: for he saw certaine of the Turkes gallies to lie by night in the mouth of the hauen MARZA MOXET, at a place called the Little sands, to impeach the going in or out of the hauen MAIOR. About the same time, they which lay in garrison in the citie of MELITA, hearing of the notable sally made by the souldiors lately come; and taking heart thereupon, at such time as the Turkes were fetching in a certaine boo∣tie of cattell, the horsemen pursued them; and hauing slaine diuers of them, recouered the prey: and yet not so contented, chased them euen to their campe. But the other Turks seeing their fel∣lowes flying in such hast towards them, raised an alarum, ran to the Generals tent, and for that [ D] time ceased their batterie.

The Great master probably conjecturing, that the Turkes would in short time assault both the towne and castle of S. Michaell, thought good by his presence to encourage and strengthen the garrison; and therefore was about to haue gone thither by a bridge made of boats from the one point of the land to the other, betweene S. Michaels and S. Angelo: but quickly vnderstan∣ding the certaintie thereof, returned againe into his castle. Some there be that thinke, For him to haue so done, had been a venturous part and full of danger, and therefore to haue been discom∣mended; for that great things are performed, not so much by strength of bodie as of mind, by pollitike counsell and direction, wherewith a Generall (although absent) may yet with his for∣ces be alwaies present: but the Generall once lost (which may easily happen, if he will present [ E] his person to the danger) we see most commonly all fall togither with him, no otherwise than doth all parts of the bodie when the soule departeth: But othersome are of contrarie opinion, That the Generals presence, especially in great dangers, is both praise worthie and most necessa∣rie; for that he as the soule, cannot prouide for or rule the bodie, except it be present, yea placed therein: and that Valetta in so doing, followed the examples of the greatest kings and most fa∣mous Generals; as of Alezander the great, Iulius Caesar, Themistocles, Marius and others: whose words vnto their souldiors were these, I my selfe will be your conducter in the field, in the battell partaker of the danger with you, you shall be in all things as my selfe. Besides that, who knoweth not, that as in other things, so most of all in martiall affaires, all things are better, more orderly and more easily done when the master is present? neither was the learned Poet his meaning any [ F] thing else, when in the warres betwixt the Latines and the Rutilians, he saith, Vrget praesentia Turn••? whereupon they concluded, that the Great master in going, had done both valiantly, wisely, and according to his dutie. But this we leaue for martiall men to determine.

At the same time the king of ALGIERS came to aid the Turkes with seauen gallies and ten galliots,* 11.25 and in them 2200 souldiors: who sorie that he was not there at the beginning, and desi∣rous

to doe some notable act, and withall to make proofe of the valour of his souldiours, reque∣sted [ G] the great Bassa to bestow vpon him the first place in the besieging the castle S. Michael: which he not onely graunted, but joyned vnto his forces two thousand of his owne best souldi∣ors. These things obtained, he commaunded ninetie small vessels by deuices to be carried ouer land out of the port MARZA MOXET to AQVA MARSIA, for that he purposed on that side to besiege the castle by water. But Valetta perceiuing the enemies purpose, both by seeing that was done, and also aduertised thereof before by a Christian fugitiue; presently called vnto him two faithfull and skilfull shipmasters of MALTA, and imparting the matter vnto them, demaun∣ded what they thought best to be done to keepe the Turks from landing, as it seemed they pur∣posed at the wals foot. They quickly conceiuing the matter, answered, That in their opinion, if a chaine were made of masts and saile-yards or sparres joyned together with yron rings, and so [ H] drawne all alongst from the corner of the castle of S. Angelo to that place where the enemie thought to land, their purpose might be so defeated. This their deuice so pleased the Great ma∣ster, that the night following such a chaine was made, and fast mored in the appointed place. The Turkes as soone as it was day perceiuing this barre, stood as men doubtfull, not knowing how by any meanes to land their men, as they had before purposed. Whilest they stood so aba∣shed, a Christian fugitiue,* 11.26 a most desperat villaine (in which kind of men foolish hardinesse is ac∣counted a vertue, and desperation constancie) came to the king, and promised him to breake the chaine, and so with a hatcher in his hand cast himselfe into the sea, after whom followed two or three moe to helpe him: who swimming to the chaine, got vp vpon it, and began to hew apace with their hatchets. Which the Christians beholding, suddenly fiue or six of the Maltases swam [ I] thither with their drawne swords in their hands; & hauing slaine two of them, caused the other to flie: after which time none of the Turks was so hardie as to attempt the same. The barbarous king for all that gaue not ouer his purpose so, but with wonderfull diligence prepared for the siege,* 11.27 which the fifteenth day of Iuly began both by sea and land. But the defendants turning their great ordinance vpon that place from whence the galliots came, with the furie thereof (in the space of three houres, which the assault endured) slew two thousand Turks and sunke twelue of the galliots: the rest comming as farre as the chaine, when they could get no farther nor land their men, turned their prows vpon the corner of the castle, but were glad at last to retire and leaue that they came for vndone. The assault by land also endured fiue houres, wherein many of the Turkes were slaine, and of the defendants two hundred: amongst whom was Federicus the [ K] Viceroy of SICILIA his sonne, strucke in sunder with a great shot, Gordius a Frenchman, Fran∣ciscus Sanoghera, and his nephew Iohn, Spaniards; all knights of the Order. Medina was also wounded, whereof he afterward died. But Valetta considering into what danger the state of MALTA was like to fall, if he should be constrained to fight many such fights, where his souldi∣ors wearied day and night without rest, were still to encounter with fresh men, & heard nothing of any aid or new supplie: the seuenteenth day of Iuly he sent a messenger into SICILIA, who swam from the castle to the farthest part of the bay to AQVA MARSIA,* 11.28 and from thence esca∣ped vnknowne thorow the middest of the enemies vnto the citie of MELITA, and so in a little frigot came to MESSANA; by him the Great master sent letters to the Viceroy, requesting him to send him his owne two gallies, with those knights which were at MESSANA, and such other [ L] souldiors as might in them be transported: willing them, that as soon as they came to the island, they should houer off aloofe before the hauen, readie vpon a signe giuen to thrust in. The same time that this messenger arriued at MESSANA, came thither also the fleet from SPAINE, where∣in were many of the knights of the Order from diuers nations. The Viceroy desirous to send those two gallies to Valetta, sent letters before vnto him in secret caracters by two frigots where∣in he certified him that he would send the gallies, requiring to haue from him some signe, wher∣by they might at their comming know whether they should enter or retire: which frigots taking diuers courses, one of them laded with medicines, as was afterwards knowne, was intercepted by the enemie: the other although she came in safetie to MELITA, yet for as much as all the passa∣ges betwixt the castle of S. Michaell and the citie of MELITA were certaine dayes before by [ M] the diligence of the enemie shut vp, and three which had vsed to passe too and fro, intercepted and most cruelly executed, and besides that the hauen straightly kept; the knights of MESSANA could haue no further direction from the Great master for the safe sending of the two gallies: yet neuerthelesse, because he had requested them, and they themselues were of the same opinion (as

[ A] he had before written) that where all is in question, the aduenture of a little part is lesse to be fea∣red; they thought it good to aduenture them: yet with this regard, not to expose all those knights to so great a danger, but of them all to send onely fortie, with a conuenient number of other souldiors, and with them Salazar a Spanish captaine was sent by the Viceroy to be landed in the island of GAVLOS, who should afterwards from thence in a boat (for that purpose towed along by the gallies) passe ouer into the island of MALTA as a spie, to take view both of the citie and enemies campe.

In the meane time the Turks mindfull of the losse receiued in the assault of the castle S. Mi∣chael, and desirous of reuenge, did so violently batter the castle with their great ordinance, that what the defendants repaired by night, that they still beat downe againe by day: and in time of [ B] the batterie made a bridge, which the twentith day of Iuly before the Sunne rising they laid ouer the ditch,* 11.29 that they might as if it had been vpon euen ground come to fight hand to hand with the Christians. Which seene and quickly perceiued what danger it might bring, by and by Pari∣sot the Great masters nephew, and Agleria, both knights, with certaine mercinarie souldiors sallied out to haue burnt the bridge, but were so receiued of the Turks, that they were almost all slaine together with Parisot and Agleria, and yet the exploit vnperformed. The Turks without ceasing continued their furious batterie vntill the eight and twentie of Iuly, which day in the af∣ternoone they in diuers places assaulted the castle, thrice they with fresh and new supplies relie∣ued their repulsed and wearied souldiours, and so fiercely maintained the assault, that they made no doubt but that day to win the castle. But the defendants with no lesse resolution withstood [ C] them,* 11.30 repulsing them with their weapons, with shot, fire, and force, and at length enforced them with no small losse of their men to retire from their wals. This victorie so encouraged the besie∣ged, that now they made small reckoning of the enemie: but for as much as our men alwayes spared their great ordinance but in time of fight, and sallied not out as they were wont, the Turks thought that the garrison was but weake, and that shot and pouder grew scarce in the castle. Yet deceiued in both, for that it was rather of purpose than for want so commaunded by the Great master: who hearing nothing of the comming of any aid, and seeing the enemie to giue dayly more fierce assaults, would not vainely spend his most necessarie helpes. The Turkes perceiuing what little good they had done with their often assaults, determined now to prooue what might be done by vndermining the castle; and had almost brought one of their mines to perfection, be∣fore [ D] it was by the Christians discouered: and to the intent they should the lesse marke it, they caused two gallies to come as neere as they could to the wals, and to batter that place, in hope that whilest our men gazed vpon that was done openly, they should the lesse regard what they were working in secret,* 11.31 that so they might in the meane time more easily get into the castle. But the besieged carefull of all that was to be cared for perceiuing their purpose, with a countermine defeated their mine, and by the couragiousnesse of certaine of their soldiors, but especially of one auntient, draue out the enemie, who hauing cast certaine pots of wild fire before him into the mine, and following presently after with a peece of fireworke in his hand, forced them out. For which good seruice he was by the Great master rewarded with a chaine of gold of fiue pound weight: and because of vertue springeth vertue, which still resteth vpon difficulties, the next day, [ E] which was the first of August, the bridge which we said the enemie had made ouer the ditch, was by a sallie made by the defendants burnt downe with fire and gunpouder cast vpon it:* 11.32 which was in good time done, for the next day, the Sunne now declining, the Turkes againe assayling that part of the castle where Carolus Rufus had the charge, were by our men valiantly repulsed. This assault endured three houres, in which time three hundred of the Turks were there slaine▪ and of the knights Rufus himselfe and Baresus with certaine mercinarie souldiors. At this time the Christians were by the enemie so shut in with the multitude of great ordinance, that they could not so much as looke into the ditch or shew themselues, much lesse sallie out, but they were by and by set off. Yet did they not for all that make spare of their liues, when occasion was giuen them to performe any notable exploit: as appeared by Calderonius a Spaniard, who seeing some [ F] viewing that part of the wall, which the enemie had most battered and shaken at the castle bul∣warke, doubted not to sallie out, but was presently taken with a bullet and slaine, which mis∣chance when it might seeme of right to haue terrified the rest from attempting the like, did in∣deed the more incense them; so that when they saw the enemie exceeding busie in filling the ditch, they resolutely set downe to offer themselues to most assured death rather than to fall into

the hands of the mercilesse enemie, agreed to sallie out by night, and to meet with his designes. [ G] Whereupon an hundred, part knights, part other souldiors, sallying forth, caused the enemie to forsake the ditch and betake himselfe to flight, of whom they slew about fourescore, and lost of their owne ten men: amongst whom were Ioannes and Macrinus, two knights, whose heads the Turks the next day set vp vpon two speares vpon their trenches, that they might be seene by the Christians.

The same day they of the citie of MELITA at night made at one instant a number of fires; and as if it were in triumph discharged great vollies of small shot, with many other tokens of joy: which as well the besieged as the Turks thought verely to haue beene done vpon the discouerie of the Christian fleet, or els the landing of such forces as were come to remoue the siege; where∣as indeed it was neither, but done onely to shew their cheerefulnesse, and to keepe the Turkes in [ H] suspence with the noueltie of the matter: who for all that were not slacke in their businesse, but with earth filled vp the ditch at the castle bulwarke: whereby it came to passe, that they could not be hurt by the flankers, made in that place to scoure the ditch, but might thereby as vpon plaine ground, without stay passe vnto the wall, now opened and ouerthrowne with their conti∣nuall batterie, and with two great pieces (which they had planted vpon a high mount, which they had newly cast vp on the right hand the bulwarke SAVIORE) they begun to play vpon the castle, and at the first shot, shot into the loupe where Franciscus Castilia commaunded. Ioannes Bernardus Godinetius, a Spanish knight, was there slaine with a small shot. The same day Francis∣cus Aquilates,* 11.33 a Spaniard, one of the garrison souldiors, persuaded by feare and hope (in dangers two euill counsellors) fled out of the towne S. Michael to the enemie; persuading the Turks co∣lonels [ I] to giue a fresh assault, assuring them that they should without doubt win the towne, be∣cause there was but foure hundred souldiors left aliue in it, and they (as he said) almost spent with labour and wounds, all the rest being dead. Which the Turkes hearing, and seeing faire breaches both in the wals of the new citie and of the castle S. Michael, wide ynough for carts to goe tho∣row, they determined with all their forces to assault both places at once, and to prooue if there were yet so much strength left in those holds, as againe to repulse them: so the seuenth day of August at one instant they assaulted the new citie at the castle bulwarke,* 11.34 and the castle S. Michael at the breach, with such a multitude, that all the earth seemed to be couered with men round a∣bout. The thundering of the great ordinance, the noise of the small shot, with the clattering of armour, and noise of trumpets, drums, and other warlike instruments, with the crie of men on [ K] both sides, was so confused and great, as if heauen and earth should haue beene confounded to∣gether. Which when the knights in the citie MELITA heard, and saw the heauens obscured with smoake, fearing that the Turks (as at the castle S. Elmo) would neuer giue ouer the assault, vn∣till they had woon both the towne and the castle; presently all the garrison horsemen issued out of the citie, and to auert the Turkes from the assault, set vpon those Turks which lay at AQVA MARTIA: who all surprised with a sudden feare, fled, the Christian horsemen hardly pursuing them with bloudie execution, and they in their fight piteously crying vnto their fellows for help. Whereby it came to passe,* 11.35 that they which were assailing the citie and castle, to rescue their dis∣comfited fellowes, were glad to giue ouer the assault: so with great slaughter foiled on both sides by the Christians, they returned to their trenches, when they had lost aboue fifteene hundred at [ L] the assault, beside them which were slaine in the chase by the horsemen of MELITA. Of the de∣fendants of both places were lost aboue a hundred, and almost as many wounded. This fight en∣dured aboue fiue houres. Valetta deliuered of so great a danger, that day and certaine others cau∣sed publick prayers to be made, & went himselfe with the multitude of the citisens to the church, to giue thankes to Almightie God for that victorie.

Whilest these things were in doing, Garzias the Viceroy was aduertised from CALABRIA, that certaine ships laded with men, victuall, and other prouision necessarie for the warres, were comming from CONSTANTINOPLE to MALTA, wherefore he forthwith sent Altamira and Gildandrada, two noble men, with fiue gallies to meet them: who being come within thirtie miles of MALTA, met with no such ships, but only one frigot and a galliot; the frigot they took, [ M] but the galliot escaped to the enemies fleet at MALTA.

Mustapha the Turkes Generall now thinking no man so strong which might not with con∣tinuall labour and watching be wearied and ouercome, resolued not to giue vnto the besieged any time of rest, but commaunded his souldiors againe to assault the breach at the castle of Saint

[ A] Michael; where they were by the valour of the defendants, with no small slaughter quickly re∣pulsed: Neither did the Bassa giue so many assaults, for the hope he had to win those places; but rather to performe the dutie of a valiant Generall, and to satisfie Solymans pleasure, who had ex∣pressely commaunded,* 11.36 either to win that island, or there all to lose their liues. He also sent a gal∣liot in hast with letters to Solyman; wherein he shewed him the state of the fleet, with what diffi∣culties the armie was distressed, what small hope there was of winning the places besieged, how well the Christians were prouided, with many other such things.

In the meane time those two gallies of MALTA (which we haue before spoken of) depar∣ting from MESSANA, came to SIRACVSA, where they staied a day. The next day after, in go∣ing out of the hauen, they met with one of MALTA in a small boat comming from POZALO [ B] sore wounded: he being demaunded how he was so hurt, told them, That landing by night with his boat and one companion, he was requested by two Sicilians which dwelt there, to rest there that night, which they doing, about midnight fiue Turks brake into the house vpon them, killed his companion, carried away the Sicilians, and he wounded as he was, hardly escaped by the benefit of the night: moreouer he said, That the Sicilians had told the Turks, that two gal∣lies were come into that port, with souldiors and other warlike prouision bound for MALTA. Whereby the knights perceiued, that their comming would be discouered vnto the enemie, and that it was a most dangerous thing, or rather impossible to get into the hauen of MALTA, as they had before purposed: neuerthelesse, to conduct Salazar with his little boat, they kept on their course. But as they were sayling, they descried two gallies and one galliot going before [ C] them, who seeing the gallies comming after them, made with all speed to MALTA: and were no doubt those gallies, from whence those fiue Turks came, which had done those things which the wounded Maltese reported. For all that, these gallies kept on their course as farre as POZALO, from whence they certified the Viceroy by letters, all that had happened: and not daring to put to sea, the South wind blowing with a stiffe gale against them, they returned backe againe to SIRACVSA, expecting there farther direction from the Viceroy. For which cause, they forth∣with sent one of the knights to him to MESSANA; by whom they receiued answere, That they should go no farther, but to stay for the comming of the whole fleet, readie in short time to passe ouer to MALTA. But Salazar brought by the gallies to POZALO, resolued with his little boat to go on:* 11.37 and although the day he departed thence, the aire was troubled with great wind, thun∣der [ D] and raine, yet the daies following prouing more calme, he in short time arriued in the island of MALTA, and came in safetie to the citie MELITA; and there disguised himselfe in Turkish ap∣parell, and taking with him one companion who could also speake the Turkish language, by night got into the enemies camp: where diligently marking all things, they perceiued that there was in all the Turkes armie of land soldiors scarce fourteene thousand, and of them many woun∣ded and sicke; and that the rest was but an vnseruiceable and feeble multitude, for that the course of wars had (as commonly it doth) consumed their best souldiors. When they had thus view∣ed the campe, they returned againe to the citie; from whence Salazar with one Petrus-Paccius a Spaniard, a venturous and valiant man, went to a certaine place neere vnto the watch towre of MALECA: which when they had curiously viewed, Paccius was there left, that obseruing the [ E] signes from the island of GAVLOS and the citie of MELITA; he might giue knowledge of all things to the Viceroy at his approach, as he was by Salazar instructed. As for Salazar himselfe, he in his little boat (which at his comming into the islle he had there left) happily returned to MESSANA, and there declared vnto the Viceroy all that he had seene: constantly affirming amongst other things, That the Turks fleet was but weake, lame, and disfurnished both of men and munition, farre vnable to encounter with 10000 Christians. About which time also, one of the two frigots which were before sent to MALTA, returned with another Spaniard, and a fugi∣tiue from the Turks campe: and foure gallies before gone from MESSANA, were also come in with foureteene Turks, taken about the island of MALTA, who all confirmed the same that was by Salazar reported: which was, That the Turks armie was with often assaults wonderfully [ F] weakened, both in number and strength; so that they could not with stripes be enforced to the assault, for which the Bassa had with his owne hands slaine diuers of them: and that which more increased their feare, they saw none of their men wounded, but that they died thereof: Besides that, they saw the Christians with inuincible courage to defend their strong places, and not to spend one shot in vaine: wherefore they were sorie, and repented that they euer tooke in hand

that expedition; they detested such a war, shrinking as much as they could from the assault, and as [ G] they might stealing quite away, which many of them did, especially such as had before abjured the Christian faith. For which cause diligent watch and ward was kept, and commandement gi∣uen by the great Bassa, that they should resolue with themselues either to win the towne, or there all to lay vp their bones; for that the great Sultan Solyman had so commaunded, whom to gain∣say was in it selfe death. These and such like persuasions, caused the Viceroy somewhat the soo∣ner to thinke of the bringing foorth of his fleet: the besieged in the meane time did what men might for defence of the place and themselues. There was in the castle one Franciscus Giuara captaine of the vauntguard, a noble and valiant gentleman, of a great conceit; he about ten foot from the towne wall which the enemie had with their great ordinance beaten downe, caused a curtaine to be drawne fiftie foot long, and fiue foot thicke, with flankers at both ends; which in [ H] two nights was brought to perfection,* 11.38 and was afterwards a great helpe to the besieged. The enemie in the meane time began a mine vnder the corner of the towne ditch, where Boninsegna a Spaniard and a most valiant knight had the charge: which the besieged perceiuing, by a coun∣termine defeated the same. It happened in the meane time, that as a fugitiue was swimming to the towne, he was taken by the enemy; which much grieued the besieged, desirous to haue vn∣derstood something of the state of the enemies campe, and of their purposes. Now when the former mine had taken so euill successe, part of the Turkes assailed the castle S. Michael, and part with gunpouder thought to haue blowne vp the castle bulwarke: but by the carefulnesse and courage of the defendants, all their attempts were disappointed; for many of the Turkes were in both places slaine, and certaine bags of pouder taken from them in the mine. With these and [ I] other such difficulties, Mustapha and Piall the Turkes Generals disappointed of their hope, con∣sulted with the other great captaines of the armie, Whether they should there still continue that desperat siege, or depart? where most were cleere of opinion, That it was best betime to depart. Yet for all that, the old Bassa said, He would there stay, vntill the galliot (which he had before sent to CONSTANTINOPLE) were returned with answere from Solyman, and in the meane time both by force and pollicie to seeke after victorie: which thing he oftner did, than stood with the broken estate of his armie, or of the besieged; neither resting himselfe nor suffering others to take rest: for one while he battered the wals, another while he wrought mines or else made bridges; sometime he cast vp mounts, and then againe filled the ditches; and euer and anon gaue one assault or another. In all which doing he vsed such industrie, that whatsoeuer [ K] he tooke in hand, was in short time brought to such perfection as might haue carried a stronger place, had not the valour of the defendants far exceeded all his strong and pollitike deuises.

* 11.39It fortuned, that as Robles the camp-master and Gouernour of the castle S. Michael, was by night viewing the ruines of the wall, he was strucke in the head with a small shot, and slaine; lea∣uing behind him to his fellowes, the great desire of himselfe: for why, he was a man for many his good parts (wherewith he had many times stood the defendants in great stead) worthily be∣loued. In whose stead the Great master sent one of the Colonels that was with himselfe, a most expert and resolute captaine, to take charge of S. Michaels castle; who by his vigilant care and prouidence so well discharged the charge committed vnto him, that as often as the Turkes at∣tempted the place, so often they were with losse repulsed. [ L]

The two gallies with the galliot, descried by the gallies of MALTA (as we haue before said) told Piall Bassa the Admirall, that the Christian fleet was readie to come forth: wherefore he fearing the sudden comming thereof, caused seauentie gallies to be in readinesse; besides which, fortie others lay in the hauen MARZA MOXET vnseruiceable, as wanting both men and other equipage, for that was spent in making bridges, mines, and other such things necessarie for the siege: as for the men, they were part with sicknesse, and part with often assaults consumed. Wherefore Piall for certaine daies kept himselfe by day in the port MAIOR neere the shoare, and by night put forth to sea, expecting the comming of the fleet. But after long looking, when he saw no man appeare, he againe landed his souldiors: and because at land the Bassa began to want pouder, of euerie thirtie barrels of pouder in euerie gallie, he tooke out twentie, and of [ M] some twentie fiue, or according to that proportion. After which time, the Turkes began with greater furie than at any time before, to batter the wals of both townes, especially with those great pieces which they call basilisks, whose shot of two hundred pound waight was seauen hands about; whereby the wals of the castle of S. Michael were beaten flat. And at the same

[ A] time, the Bassa at the castle S. Angelo, had with continuall batterie so shaken the castle bulwarke, that it was almost fallen quite downe.* 11.40 These breaches thus made, when the Turkes saw both townes bared of wals and other defendants; and laid so open, that nothing seemed now to let them to looke vpon their enemies, they made no longer stay, but the eighteenth day of August (the sunne being now at the highest) with all their power fiercely assaulted both the townes. Thrise they were repulsed, and still came on a fresh; yet at length beaten downe on euerie side with great slaughter, they were glad shamefully to giue ouer the assault, and againe to retire to their trenches. In this most cruell fight (which endured fiue houres) the inuincible courage of the Great master notably appeared, who armed with a pike in his hand, and dreadfull to behold, was still valiantly fighting in the face of the breach, whose presence encouraged not the souldiors [ B] only, but euen boies and women to fight: For so it is, that men are more moued with example than with words. Yet of the great number of the Turks, part stood still in the towne ditch; and to saue themselues from the shot of the castle bulwarke, had with wonderfull celeritie cast vp a defence of earth, fagots, and other like matter, which they did of purpose to approach and to vndermine the wals, and had therefore inclosed the space of fifteene el••es: which when the be∣sieged perceiued, they bent certaine pieces of artillerie vpon it, and slew many of them, and with fire consumed what was left. The next day the assault was at the same places by the enemie re∣newed, who by reason of his number of souldiors might easily send fresh men in stead of them which were wounded or wearie: and first, after their wonted manner, they battered both the townes all that day vntill night; afterwards, the moone arising, about midnight with a horrible [ C] crie they began a most terrible assault, which at the first much troubled the Christians, who yet still mindfull of their woonted valour, did so much with their weapons and fire-works, that the enemie euill intreated, was glad after three houres fight to retire to his trenches. The same day a mine was by the defendants perceiued, at the castle bulwarke, wherein a hundred Turkes there found,* 11.41 were almost all slaine, and the mine destroied. Yet for all this did not the enemie rest at all, but the next day seauen times assaulted the same breaches, vsing now not weapons only, but fire-works also; wherewith Boninsegna had his face so burnt, that he lost one of his eies. At the same time also, the Turks at a place called the SPVR, laboured mightily to haue gotten into the castle: where Centius a knight of an inuincible courage, got vp vpon the rampier, and with a pike couragiously thrust them downe that were climing vp, and thrusting thorow one, discou∣raged [ D] the rest; but was himselfe wounded in the arme with a small shot: Yet when he had a little withdrawne himselfe to haue his wound bound vp, he came againe to the rampier, and neuer de∣parted from the fight vntill he had (as a valiant conquerour) preserued the place. So the Turks with great slaughter on euerie side repulsed, left the victorie to the Christians, of whom were slaine almost a hundred, and most of them (as at other times) with shot: amongst whom were these most valiant knights, at the castle Angelo, Fragus, at the castle of S. Michael, Scipio Pia∣tus, Io. Baptista Soderinus, Paulus Bomportus, Marius Fagianus, Ruffinus, and certaine others, men worthie of longer life. The Turks had also at the same time wrought a mine at the castle S. Mi∣chael, which was at once both discouered and destroied.

With these so many and so great assaults, certaine of the knights (and those not of the meanest [ E] sort) fearing least that which was so often attempted by the enemie, should at length be effected; told the Great master, That they thought it conuenient and necessarie, to remooue all the re∣cords, all the pictures and reliques of the Saints, and other their religious things into the castle S. Angelo, there to be kept as in a place of more strength and assurance. The Great master, al∣though he well knew that they which thus said, spake it of a good mind, was for all that with that speech exceedingly moued: wherefore he shortly answered them, That so to doe, were no∣thing else but to appaule and discourage the minds,* 11.42 not of the Malteses onely, who had hitherto valiantly behaued themselues, and done more than any man could haue hoped for; but also of the mercinarie souldiors, if they should perceiue it: wherefore he was resolued, either togither to keep all, or lose all; and because none should from thenceforth repose any hope in the strength [ F] of the castle S. Angelo, he said he would bring all the garrison out of the castle into the towne, that there they might togither with others withstand the enemie; and that he would leaue in the castle none but gunners, who should as need required shoot at the enemie. An answere truly well beseeming a man of his place, and to be to all posteritie commended: for how can the souldior hope, which seeth his captain dispaire? or aduenture, where the chieftaine seemeth to be strucken

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

with feare?* 11.43 Whilest the Grand master with this answere doth both ashame them and also en∣courage [ G] their quailing minds; the Turks (that this day as the other three before should not passe without assault) with the dawning of the day assailed the very same places with the greatest furie possible, especially at the ruines of the castle: where San Romanus an Auergnois, which had the charge of that place, lost this short and transitorie life, winning thereby immortall fame: and at S. Michaels, Adurnius one of the knights, and Pagio, with certaine others, were greeuously wounded: for the enemie suddenly retiring from the assault, presently so thundred into the brea∣ches with their great and small shot, that all the island seemed to tremble, the heauens to burne, and the aire to be darkened with smoake. In the meane time Valetta thorowly wearied with the mornings fight,* 11.44 had withdrawne himselfe a little to breath himselfe: when suddenly a Spanish priest, with his hands cast vp to heauen, came running to him, roaring and crying out, That all [ H] was lost and forlorne, and that three or foure ensignes of the enemies were by the castle breach broken into the towne. Which the Great master hearing, suddenly clapt his helmet vpon his head, and with a pike in his hand said vnto them that were about him: Loe fellow souldiors, the houre is come wherein you may shew your selues the most valiant champions of the Christian religi∣on,* 11.45 if it be so, that you now also retaine the same valor which you haue in other battels shewed. There is no cause wherefore you should doubt of this last, for the enemie is the same; and the same God which hath hetherto preserued vs, will not now forsake vs: wherefore follow me valiant hearts. This said, he hasted to the place where most danger was, and with him all the souldiors, all the citisens, men and women, old and yong, yea the very children, all against the common enemy. There was fought a most dreadfull and dangerous battell: some kept the enemie from entring, some set vp∣on [ I] that were alreadie entred, whom they wounded, chased, and slew, although they notably resi∣sted. Within, without, all was couered with darts, weapons, dead bodies, and bloud. The Great master was carefull of all, & in euery place present, commending, exhorting, directing, as occasion required, performing at once all the duties of a most valiant souldior and worthie Generall. At length the Turkes with the setting of the Sunne retired, and so the assault ceased. Thus was the Great master the vndoubted victor, but not without much bloud of his people, considering his small number:* 11.46 for in this fight he lost aboue 200 men, wheras of the enemies, beside them which were entred, whereof not one escaped, were slaine aboue 2000. These are those foure terrible as∣saults, presently giuen one after another vnto the besieged.

Garzias the Viceroy in the meane time taried for nothing els to transport his armie to MAL∣TA, [ K] but for the comming of Io. Cardona, who with twelue gallies was gone to PANORMO, to conduct thence foure ships laded with prouision: but when he saw him stay long, he sent to him in post, That if he could not with such speed as was required tow foorth those ships, he should spend no longer time, but take out the prouision into his gallies, and with speed to come away. So the Viceroy with a fleet of threescore and twelue gallies the twentith day of August set for∣ward from MESSANA to SIRACVSA, wherein he caried ten thousand select souldiors, amongst whom were aboue two hundred knights of the Order of S. Iohn, and about fortie of the Order of S. Stephen, which is an Order of knights instituted by Cosmus Medices, duke of FLORENCE, to the imitation of the knights of MALTA in the yeare 1561, and haue their residence at COS∣MOPOLIS, a new built citie in the island of ELBA in the Tuscane sea, oueragainst PIOMBI∣NO. [ L] Besides these knights in this fleet were diuers noble and valiant gentlemen of ITALIE, SI∣CILIE, and other countries. The fleet being arriued at SIRACVSA, the Viceroy sent Auria with one gallie and a boat to MALTA, to land a man, to know of Paccius (left, as we haue before said, for a watch in the island at MALECA) what newes, or what he had seene. By whom it was vnder∣stood, That no ship was seene at sea, but one galliot, which the one and twentith day of August in the morning made towards GAVLOS, and the same day towards night as he was informed by the watchmen of MALECA, sixteene gallies came to water at SALINE, but what became of them afterwards, by reason of the comming on of the night could not be descried.

In this while the besieged had notably repaired the breach at the castle bulwarke, and had in sundry places aptly placed certaine great pieces to flanker the ditches and to beat the mount cast [ M] vp by the enemie at the bulwarke of BONINSEGNA, that they might from thence annoy all the plaine of the castle with their small shot. But the Turkes hauing determined with all their forces at once to assault both the townes as before, brought an engine made of spars and boords, able to couer thirtie men, vnder the breach at S. Michaels: whereby it came to passe, that none of the

[ A] defendants could without danger shew themselues in the breach: which when they could by no meanes endure, they suddenly sallied out, and putting them to flight which were there couered▪ set fire on the engine and burnt it. In like manner, they which besieged the new citie, were repul∣sed at the castle breach, and another like engine burnt. The next night certaine of the watch of the castle issued out, and hauing destroyed the Turkes engines prepared for the assayling of that place, and slaine them that were set for the keeping thereof, returned in safetie into the castle. But when the enemies both that day and others following rested not, but repairing their mines, mounts, and engines, laboured in both places to haue beaten the Christians from the wals; all their endeuour and labour was by the industrie and valor of the defendants made frustrate.* 11.47 The besieged had at the castle breach made a mine, and laid in it eight barrels of pouder, that if the [ B] enemie should again assault that place, he might there be blowne vp: but whilest the Turks were for like purpose working a mine in the same place, they chanced vpon the mine before made, which they spoyled, and carried away all the pouder. Thus whilest they labour both on the one side and the other, Mustapha the Generall, a most expert and famous commaunder, considering that Summer now so farre spent, he was not to vse longer delay; and withall, that resolute perse∣uerance oftentimes in warre findeth out a way to victorie; determined with all his power once againe to assault the castle S. Michael. Wherfore displaying the stately standerd of the Turkish emperour,* 11.48 vpon the point whereof was fastened a globe of gold, he commaunded his souldiors to enter the breach; who now like desperat men attempted to haue performed his command, and were by the Christians valiantly encountred▪ so that in the breach was made a most terrible and [ C] doubtfull fight. But when the Turkes had now beene twice rejected and beaten downe, Musta∣pha perceiuing his souldiors as men halfe discouraged but faintly to maintaine the assault, came himselfe to the places, praying and exhorting them not to be discouraged, but that day to con∣firme their former labours and victories, and not to suffer their vanquished enemies to triumph ouer them: he told them that the enemie had now no defence left wherewith to couer himselfe, that all was beaten downe flat, and that there remained onely a few wearie and maimed bodies, which were not able long to endure the edge of their swords; that with such resolution they had before woon the castle of S. Elmo: last of all he by promising to some mony, to some honour and preferment, threatening some, and requesting others, encouraged some one way, some ano∣ther, euery one according to his qualitie and disposition: who mooued either with their Gene∣rals [ D] presence, promises, or threats, gaue a fresh and fierce assault. The fight was on both sides ter∣rible, yet at length the Turkes were againe enforced to retire:* 11.49 for the defendants had cast vp a rampier, whereon they had fitly placed two field pieces, wherewith they sore troubled the ene∣mie, and at the first shot strucke in sunder one of those woodden engines, which the enemie had made stronger than the rest, couered with raw hides to keepe it from burning, and rent in pieces fortie souldiors which were vnder it: and the same night they which were in the other town and the castle bulwarke, sallying couragiously out, destroyed all the enemies defences, & draue them from a mount, which they had made vpon the fortifications of the Christians: whereby they per∣ceiued plainely, what small courage the Turks had to fight, for vpon that mount they were al∣most three hundred, whereas of our men was but fiue and twentie, with which small number for [ E] all that they had no mind to deale. The defendants had for like purpose as before made another mine at the castle bulwarke, but perceiuing that it was in danger to be found by the enemie in re∣pairing his fortifications without, they suddenly put fire vnto it, by force whereof threescore Turks which were within the danger of the place, were blowne vp and slaine.

Garzias the Viceroy, in the meane while that these things were in doing, departing with his fleet from SIRACVSA, with a prosperous wind kept on his course toward PACHYNVM, where they descried a tall ship at sea, driuen thither (as was afterwards knowne) by tempest: she out of the island MENIN•• was carrying a great supplie of shot and pouder vnto the Turkes campe at MALTA; but now ouertaken by the Christian fleet, easily yeelded, and was by the Viceroy sent by other marriners to SIRACVSA. And now the Christian fleet caried with a faire gale towards [ F] MALTA, suddenly arose such a tempest from the East, that they were driuen to the island AEGV∣SA, two hundred and twentie miles West of MALTA,* 11.50 from whence the first of September let∣ters were brought from the Viceroy to the Great master, certifying him, That he would in short time come with his fleet and relieue him. The same day also a Christian fled out of the Turkes gallies, wherein he was captiue, to the citie S. Angelo; who reported, That in the Turkes campe

were few men able to fight, most of the armie being with wounds, famine, sicknesse, and other [ G] miseries brought to extreame weakenesse: and besides that, that infinit numbers of them died dayly: yet for all that he said moreouer, that they were determined to besiege the citie of ME∣LITA, and had alreadie for that purpose mounted fiue great pieces of artillerie for batterie; and that they had but a few dayes before taken twelue, and the last day of all foureteene horsemen of the garrison souldiors of that citie. In the meane while the fleet which was driuen (as we said) to AEGVSA, the rage of the sea being now well appeased, came to D••••PANVM, and from thence toward GAVLOS, as was before intended: where by the way the two gallies of MALTA light vpon two of the Turkes galliots, and tooke them.

* 11.51The fift day of September the Christian fleet came to GAVLOS, where the Viceroy percei∣uing not the appointed signes from MALTA, whereby he might safely land, returned forthwith [ H] backe againe to POZALO, whether Auria immediatly following him, told him, That hee had seene the signes, and assured him of safe landing in the island of MALTA: wherewith the Vice∣roy encouraged, the next day towards night returned againe to GAVLOS.

The same day a Christian captiue fled from the Turks to S. Angelo, and told the Great ma∣ster, That he was come to bring him good newes,* 11.52 how that the Turks had determined to proue their last fortune in assaulting the castle S. Michael, which they would doe the next day▪ where if the successe were answerable to their desire, they would then tarrie, but if not, then forthwith be gone: and that Mustapha the more to encourage his souldiors, had promised fiue talents of gold to the ensigne bearers, that should first aduance their ensignes vpon the wals, and farther to promote them to greater places of honor; as for the rest, he would reward euery one of them ac∣cording [ I] to their desert, either with money or preferment. Valetta thinking all these things to be by Gods appointment discouered vnto him by such men, as they had from time to time beene: first gaue thankes vnto Almightie God, and after that with all diligence prepared such things as he thought most necessarie for the repulsing of the enemie. But the Turks all that day with their great ordinance battered the new citie, and the shipping in the hauen, in such sort that one of the great ships was there sunke.

* 11.53In the morning Garzias the Viceroy with his fleet arriued at the island of MALTA, and there quickly and quietly landed his forces, and whilest his gallies watered at GAVLOS, went forward with the armie about halfe a mile, instructing the Generals and Colonels what hee thought needfull to be done, commaunding all proclamations and commaunds to be made in [ K] the name of the king of SPAINE, vntill they came to the Great master, and then in all things to obey him as their Soueraigne: and charged Ascanius Cornia the Generall in all his actions to follow the counsell of the greater part. So in few words exhorting them to play the men, he left them marching towards MELITA. About noone he retired to his gallies, and sayling Eastward, came with all his fleet within the sight of the citie of MELITA, about three miles distant from the South shore. They of the citie vpon sight of the fleet, in token of joy discharged all the great artillerie, which was answered from the fleet, by discharging all their great ordinance twice. After that he returned as he had before determined into SICILIA, to take into his gallies the duke of VR••INS companies which were come to MESSANA, and certain bands of Spaniards at SYRA∣CVSA, and so forthwith to returne to MALTA to attend the departing of the Turks fleet, being [ L] now euill appointed, and alreadie as good as halfe ouerthrowne.

The Turkes, who (as is before said) had purposed to prooue their last fortune vpon the towne of S. Michael, had now certaine dayes before the comming of the fleet begun to trusse vp their baggage: but as soone as they heard that the fleet was come, and the armie landed, there sudden∣ly arose a wonderfull tumultuous confusion amongst them, some cried arme, arme, and other∣some as fast to be gone: and being generally all afraid, euery one according to his disposition, betooke himselfe to his weapons or to his heeles; the greatest number thrust together into their trenches, as neere as they could vnto their great ordinance: and so burning the engines and for∣tifications, with all the speed they could embarked their great ordinance and baggage. Which they in the towne S. Angelo perceiuing, not expecting the commandement of the Great master, [ M] in so sudden an opportunitie couragiously sallied out to BVRMOLA, where certaine Turks kept a huge great peece of ordinance; who now hauing no mind to fight, betooke themselues to flight, and forsooke the peece, which they of the towne presently drew within their wals. And if the newcome forces had that day charged the enemie as they disorderly ran to their gallies, hap∣pily

[ A] they had either found an occasion of victorie, or at leastwise taken from them the greatest part of their artillerie. But it may be, that they followed the old militarie saying, That vnto the flying enemie a man should make a bridge of siluer. Besides that, they thinking it not conuenient to depart from the prouision and things which they had brought for the releefe of the besieged; which for the roughnesse of the way and want of horses were hardly caried, would not prouoke the enemie with any skirmish: whereby it came to passe, that the Turkes without let embarked their great ordinance,* 11.54 their baggage, and most part of their armie. The eleuenth of September, whilest the Turks fleet was brought out of the hauen MARZA MOXET, a fugitiue of GENVA came in hast to the Great master, and told him that ten thousand Turks were marching towards MELITA, to meet with the Christians vpon the way. Which thing the Great master hearing, [ B] presently sent a sufficient number of good souldiours to the castle Saint Elmo, there to set vp one of the ensignes of the sacred Order: who comming thither, found there foure and twen∣tie great peeces, some for batterie, some for the field, which they could not in so great hast remooue thence.

The Turkes fleet departing out of the hauen MARZA MOXET to the port S. Paule, there landed seuen thousand men, with Mustapha their Generall, who was falsely informed, That the Christians were not aboue three thousand strong: and from thence, encouraged with the small number of the enemie (as they supposed) they marched directly toward MELITA. The Christi∣ans also marching orderly and readie to giue battell, held on their way to meet them: and at the rising of an hill both armies meeting together, they gaue a great shout, and withall the formost [ C] began the battell,* 11.55 where some few were at the first slaine on both sides. But the Christians still growing vpon them both in number and strength, the Turkes finding themselues ouercharged, fled, the Christians pursuing them and killing them vntill they came to their gallies; where in striuing who should get in first, about foure hundred of them were drowned in the sea, besides eighteene hundred slaine in the battell at land: and had the Christian souldiors well knowne the countrey, they had slaine them euery mothers sonne. The Turks thus driuen to their gallies, lay there in the hauen all the next day, and most part of the night following: but a little before day vpon the shooting off of a great peece,* 11.56 the signe of their departure, they all hoised saile for GRE∣CIA, leauing the island of MALTA sore impouerished and wasted. In this siege the Turkes lost about foure and twentie thousand, whereof most part were of their best souldiours: and of the [ D] Christians were slaine about fiue thousand, besides two hundred and fortie knights of the Or∣der, men of diuers nations, but all worthie eternall fame, whose dead bodies the Great master caused to be honourably buried. The Turkes in their batterie during the siege, spent as is accoun∣ted threescore and eighteene thousand great shot.

If a man doe well consider the difficulties and dangers the besieged passed thorow in this fiue moneths siege, the manifold labours and perils they endured in so many and so terri∣ble assaults, the small releefe to them sent in so great distresse, with the desperat obstinacie of so puis••ant an enemie; he shall hardly find any place these many yeares more mightily impug∣ned, or with greater valour and resolution desended.* 11.57 The la••e besieged, and now victorious prince, honourably acquitted of so great an enemie, first commaunded publicke prayers with [ E] thanksgiuing to be made vnto the giuer of all victorie: after that, hee rewarded the valiant, commended the rest, and gaue thankes to all, he charitably relieued the sicke and wounded, be∣wailed the spoile of the island, and carefully prouided for the repairing of the breaches and pla∣ces battered: and yet in all this doing, diligently enquired after the enemies course and purpose, & was not in any thing remisse or secure, as in victorie most men are. But because so great harms could not without great helpes in short time be repaired, and the returne of the prowd enemie, not without cause the next yeare feared: he by letters to diuers great princes, and especially to the graund priors of the Order, in diuers countries, requested helpe; amongst whom George, graund prior of GERMANIE, and founder of the castle of S. Elmo, was one of the chiefest. The coppie of which letters, because they briefly containe what we haue before in this historie at large [ F] written, I haue thought good here to set downe, that the same may in such order be read, as it was by the Great master himselfe reported.

[ G]

Brother Valetta, Master of the hospitall of Ierusalem, to the reuerend and religious our welbeloued brother in Christ, George of Hohenheim, called Bombast, prior of our priorie in Almanie, greeting.

* 12.1Although we doubt not but that by the letters and relation of many, you alreadie vnderstand of the comming of the Turkes to inuade these islands, or rather vtterly to subuert our societie: and the happie and heauenly victorie by vs obtained of it: Yet if the same things shall by our letters also bee brought vnto you, we haue thought the same will be vnto you a thing much more pleasing. For seeing that we are certainely persuaded, that you in this no lesse happie than wholesome successe will giue most [ H] heartie thankes to Almightie God, and that the fruit of this good shall most of all redound vnto you, for the honour which you beare in our Order; we haue willingly determined to participate this our ioy with you, and plainely and openly to protest, That we attribute this so notable and wonderfull a victo∣rie to our Lord Christ Iesus, the greatest king of all kings, and author of all good things. Which that you may the more worthely and willingly doe, wee will declare the whole matter, not at large (for that were to write an historie) but breefely and in few words. Sultan Solyman the most mor∣tall enemie of the Christian name, and especially of our societie, not contented to haue spoiled vs of the most famous island of the RHODES, the castle of TRIPOLIS, and almost whatsoeuer we had els, commaunded a great and strong fleet to be made readie against vs, which departing from CON∣STANTINOPLE the one and twentith day of March, arriued here the eighteenth day of May: which [ I] fleet consisted of almost two hundred and fiftie gallies, galliots and other ships. The number of the enemie that beare armes according to the truth, was about fortie thousand, more or lesse: Gene∣rall of the land forces, was Mustapha Bassa; and of the fleet Pial Bassa was Admirall: who hauing spent a few daies in landing their forces, viewing the places, pitching their tents, and setting things in order (as the manner of warre is) they began first to assaile the castle of S. Elmo (scituat in the mouth of the hauen) with great force, and a most furious batterie. Which when they had many daies done without intermission, and had opened a great part of the wall, and with all kind of weapons assaul∣ted the breach: yet was it by the valour and prowesse of our knights and other worthie souldiors kept and defended by the space of thirtie fiue daies, with the great losse and slaughter of the enemie: al∣though the castle it selfe, in the iudgement of many, seemed not possible to be but a few daies defended [ K] against so great a force. At length the foure and twentith day of Iune, when our men could no longer indure the multitude and furie of the enemie, enuironed and shut vp both by sea and land, and desti∣tute of all helpe, the castle was taken by the Turkes; those few of our men which were left, being all slaine. Of which victorie they being proud, began to besiege the castle and towne of S. Michael, and this new citie, especially at the castle and Portingall bulwarke: and (as their manner is) with great diligence and greater force and number of great artillerie and warlike engines, they began in diuers places at once to batter and beat downe the wals. Which siege the dreadfull armie of the Turkes, both by sea and land, made to be most fearfull and terrible, with such huge great ordinance as the like for bignesse and force was in no place to be seene; day and night thundring out their yron and stone shot, fiue, and seauen hands about; wherewith not the thickest wals, but euen the verie mountaines them∣selues [ L] might haue been beaten downe and ouerthrowne: by furie whereof, the wals in many places were so battered, that a man might easily haue entred as on plaine ground. Where, when the barbarous enemies had with wonderfull force and hideous outcries oftentimes attempted to enter, so often were they with great slaughter and dishonour repulsed and beaten ba••ke, many of their men being slaine or wounded. Their Generals, as well at sea as land, after that they had in so many places, with all their forces in almost foure moneths siege and assault, with exceeding furie in vaine attempted the breaches, and lost the greatest part of their old souldiors, especially winter now comming on, wherein all wars by law of nations ought to cease; thought of nothing else but of departure, or rather of flight: which the comming of Garzias of TOLEDO, Viceroy of SICILIA and Admirall of the king of SPAINE his fleet, with ten thousand select souldiors (amongst whom was at the least two hundred and fourteene of [ M] our knights, and many other noble and valiant gentlemen; which onely with a Christian zeale, volun∣tarily met togither from diuers parts of the world to helpe and relieue vs) caused them to hasten. So haue you summarily and in few words, the proceedings and flight of the Turkes fleet, and the victorie by vs (by the power of God) thereof obtained. It shall be your part to consider and coniecture, in what

[ A] state our Order and this island now standeth, into what poore estate we are brought, how many things we want; wherein except we be relieued by the helpe and aid of our brethren, especially such as you are, as we well hope and assuredly beleeue we shall, our state will quickly take end. Fare you well from MAL∣TA the ninth of October 1565.

The Great master thus deliuered of so great a siege, and bountifully relieued by the Christi∣an princes, and the great commenders of his Order; speedily repaired the breaches and places battered, and with new fortifications strengthened such places as he had by the late passed dan∣gers perceiued to be most subject to the enemies force.

After the returne of the Turkes fleet to CONSTANTINOPLE,* 12.2 Solyman being exceeding an∣grie [ B] with the Gouernour of the island of CHIOS his tributarie, as well for that he had during the late siege of MALTA, had intelligence with the Great master, and reuealed vnto him many of the Turkes desseigns; as also for detaining of two yeares tribute, which was yearely ten thousand duckats; and had also neglected to send his wonted presents to the great Bassaes, who therefore the more incensed, the tyrant commaunded Pial Bassa his Admirall to make readie his fleet, and by force or pollicie, to take that fruitfull and pleasant island wholly into his owne hand. Who without delay, with a fleet of eightie gallies, the fifteenth day of Aprill in the yeare 1566, being then Easterday, arriued at CHIOS. The chiefe men of the island, vpon sight of the fleet, forth∣with sent embassadours to the Bassa with presents, courteously offering vnto him the hauen, and whatsoeuer else he should require.* 12.3 Pial with great kindnesse accepted their offer, and presently [ C] possessed himselfe of the hauen in three places: and afterward landing, sent for the Gouernor of the citie, & twelue of the chiefe citisens to come vnto him, as if he had had some speciall matter to conferre with him about from the great Sultan, before his departure thence for MALTA or ITA∣LIE. Who hauing a little conferred togither, went to him with great feare; and that not with∣out cause, for as soone as they were come before him, he commaunded them to be laid hold vp∣on and cast fast into yrons: which done, the souldiors forthwith tooke the towne hall, and with∣out resistance pulling downe the townes ensigne (wherein was the picture of S. George with a red crosse) in stead thereof set vp one of the Turkes: the like whereof was done with the great rejoi∣cing of the Turkes, thorow the whole island. After that, they rifled the Churches, and againe consecrated them after their Mahometane manner. The Gouernour of the citie and the Sena∣tours [ D] with their families, the Bassa sent in fiue ships to CONSTANTINOPLE: as for the vulgar people, they were at choise, either there to tarrie still, or depart, as best stood with their liking. And so the Bassa, when he had there placed a new Gouernour, one of the Turks, with a strong garrison, and set vp the Mahometane superstition in that most fertile island, departed thence for ITALIE: where sayling alongst the coast of APVLIA, he did exceeding much harme in burning and destroying the countrey villages, and carrying away of the poore people into cap∣tiuitie; and so returned.

At this time, the kingdome of HVNGARIE was most miserably rent in pieces by the lieute∣nants and captaines of Solyman, and Maximilian the emperour, and Iohn the Vayuod of TRAN∣SILVANIA, Solymans vassall: who grieued with the harmes done vnto him by the emperours [ E] captaines, whereof himselfe was the cause, and vainely hoping to haue obtained at Solymans hands the greatest part of the kingdome of HVNGARIE, as had sometime king Iohn; ceased not continually to solicite him to come himselfe in person to make a full conquest of the reliques of HVNGARIE, yet holden by the emperour and some of the Hungarian nobilitie: And flattering himselfe in that vaine hope, called himselfe the king of HVNGARIE, and increasing his strength by letters vnto the nobilitie and burgesses of the cities of HVNGARIE, summoned them, as if it had bin by the appointment of Solyman his great patron, That they should all the ninth of March meet togither at THORDA, to determine with him of matters concerning their common good. Which thing, as soone as Lazarus Suendi the emperours lieutenant vnderstood, he forthwith by other letters countermanded those of the Vayuods; persuading the Hungarians, not to listen [ F] to the charmes of the Vayuod and the Turke, tending to their destruction, but rather to yeeld their obedience to Maximilian the Christian emperour, whose purpose was by the aid of the Christian princes, to protect and preserue them in peace. And hereby it came to passe, that the remainders of this sore shaken kingdome, deuided into factions, and diuersly carried, according to their affection, some to the one side, some to the other, began afresh to worke one anothers

confusion, which fitly serued the Turks to encroach more and more vpon them: Who at the [ G] same time surprised the towne of AINATSCH (the captaine thereof with certaine of the garrison souldiors being gone about their businesse to AGRIA) and put to the sword all them that they found in the towne.* 12.4 They thought also to haue taken the strong towne of SIGETH, but were by the valiant countie Nicholaus Serinus Gouernour thereof, couragiously encountred; and af∣ter foure houres hard fight, ouerthrowne and put to flight. Not long after, they ranged vp and downe the countrey, and set in booties as farre as IVLA and RAB, and did the countrey people much harme. For which cause, Maximilian the emperour about the latter end of May brake vp the assembly of the empire then holden at AVGVSTA, and began carefully to prouide things needfull for the warre: appointing his captaines for the raising of such forces in GERMANIE, as were but a little before granted vnto him by the princes and states of the empire, in their late as∣sembly; [ H] but went himselfe to VIENNA. For it was told him (as the truth was) That Solyman now in his extreame age, was with a mightie armie set forward from CONSTANTINOPLE, and marching thorow BVLGARIA and SERVIA, was come directly to BELGRADE: where Iohn the Vayuod of TRANSILVANIA met him, and kissing his hand, had commended himselfe and all his state vnto his protection.* 12.5 At which time, Suendi the emperours lieutenant, laid hard siege to the towne of HVSTH in the borders of TRANSILVANIA. The Bassa of BVDA at the same time on the other side, by commandement of Solyman, with eight thousand Turkes and fiue and twentie pieces of great ordinance besieging PALOTTA, a strong towne about eight miles from RAB; had with continuall batterie by the space of eight daies, brought the same into great dan∣ger, although it was valiantly defended by George Thuriger. But hearing of the approach of [ I] George, countie of Helffenstein, sent by the emperour with certaine companies of Germans to relieue the same, he rise in such hast from the siege, that he left certaine of his great ordinance and a great part of his baggage behind him,* 12.6 and retired towards ALBA REGALIS. The countie hauing relieued the towne, caused the breaches to be forthwith repaired, and with a new supply strengthened the old garrison. Thus was a most lamentable warre at once begun in diuers pla∣ces of HVNGARIE. After that, the countie of Helffenstein, strengthened by the comming of countie Salma with certaine companies from RAB, departed from PALOTTA, and came to VESPRINIVM, a citie about two miles off, then holden by the Turks: which citie he tooke by force the last of Iune, and left not a Turke aliue therein, because that they a few daies before, had cruelly slaine certaine Christians whom they had taken prisoners: so leauing strong garrisons [ K] both in VESPRINIVM and PALOTTA, they returned to RAB. Shortly after, the countie Sal∣ma laid siege to TATTA a strong towne, otherwise called DOTIS, betwixt RAB and COMARA, which at length he tooke by assault the eight and twentith day of Iuly, and slew all the Turkes, except fiftie, which flying into one of the towers of the castle, yeelded vpon composition; a∣mongst whom was the late Gouernour of VESPRINIVM, and the Gouernour of this place, with the Bassa of BVDA his nigh kinsman, who were all presently sent prisoners to VIENNA. So the countie following the course of his victorie (the terrour of his former good fortune running before him into the Turks strongest holds) was on his way to haue besieged GESTES, a towne neere to PALOTTA: when the Turks there in garrison, vpon the first sight of his armie, left all, and fled out at the farther side of the town to STRIGONIVM. After whose example, other of the [ L] Turks garrisons in Witha, Tschokiku, & Sambok, castles thereabouts, set fire on that they could not carrie, and followed their fellowes to STRIGONIVM also. The emperour vnderstanding of the good successe of his captaines, caused publike praiers with thanksgiuing to almightie God to be made thorow all the churches thereabouts.

Countie Serinus, Gouernour of the strong towne of SIGETH and the countrey thereabout, certainly aduertised of the comming of Solyman, sent Casparus Alapianus and Nicholas Cobach, two of his captaines, with a thousand foot and fiue hundred horse, to lie in wait for the forerun∣ners of the Turkes armie: who drawing neere vnto the place where these Turkes lay, not farre from QVINQVE ECLESIE, suddenly in the shutting in of the next day, set vpon them, doub∣ting no such matter, and put them in such a feare that they disorderedly fled some one way, [ M] some another, and were most of them slaine or wounded by the Hungarians in their flight. Hali∣beg, one of the Turkes great Sanzackes, and leader of that companie, sore wounded, and see∣king to saue himselfe by flight in the marishes, there perished: his sonne, and many other nota∣ble men amongst the Turkes, were there taken, and carried prisoners to SIGETH. The spoile

[ A] the Hungarians there tooke,* 12.7 was exceeding great: for beside plate and coine, whereof they found good store, they tooke eight camels, threescore horses, fiue mules, and six carts laden with all manner of rich spoile, and many garments of great price; wherein the gentlemen atti∣red, returned to SIGETH in great brauerie, with two faire red ensignes of the enemies.

Maximilian the emperour, long before aduertised of Solymans purpose for the conquest of the remainder of HVNGARIE; to withstand so mightie an enemie, had beside the forces raised in his owne dominions, procured great aid both of the states of the empire and other Christi∣an princes, which about this time met togither at RAB. First there repaired thither foure legi∣ons of German footmen, and vpwards of twentie thousand horsemen, with foure thousand Hungarians: The duke of SAVOY sent thither foure hundred Argoleteirs: and many noble gen∣tlemen [ B] out of diuers parts of EVROPE resorted thither, to serue the emperour in those wars of their owne charge, especially the knights of MALTA: and out of ITALIE, Prosper Columna, and Angelus Caesius: out of FRANCE, Guise the graund prior, Brissack and Lansack; who but a little before were going to MALTA, of purpose to haue serued there if the Turks fleet had come thi∣ther againe, as it was reported it would; but vnderstanding that it came not, returned directly into HVNGARIE, with certaine other knights of the Order. Many also of the princes and free cities of ITALIE, declared their good will toward the emperour in this warre; some sending him men, as did Cosmus Medices duke of FLORENCE, who sent thither of his owne charge three thousand footmen; some money, as MANTVA, GENVA, and LVCA. Thither came also Alphonsus duke of FERARA, with a gallant companie of noble gentlemen, and others his fol∣lowers. [ C] Beside which land forces, the emperour had also prouided vpon the riuer of Danubius twelue gallies, and thirtie other ships for burthen, so made, as that the men could not be hurt with the Turkes arrowes: wherein were embarked three thousand souldiors, most part Italians, vn∣der the conduct of Philippus Flachius a German, and one of the knights of MALTA, who was afterward receiued into the number of the princes of the empire.

Solyman comming to the riuer Drauus,* 12.8 commaunded a bridge to be made ouer that great ri∣uer, and the deepe fens on the farther side of the riuer towards SIGETH, for the transporting of his great armie; a worke of such difficultie, that being thrice vnfortunatly begun, it was againe giuen ouer, as a thing almost impossible: wherewith Solyman was so moued, that in his rage he swore to hang vp the great Bassa that had the charge of that worke, if he did not with as much [ D] speed as were possible, bring it to perfection. Whereupon the worke was againe begun, all the boats that were to be found in the riuer taken vp, and timber for the purpose brought from farre, for the making of that bridge. In this worke were imploied, not the vulgar people onely of the countrey which was tributarie to the Turkes, but the gentlemen themselues also, were by the imperious Turke (now commaunding for his life) enforced to lay their fingers to worke day and night without ceasing, vntill the bridge (which before was thought scarce possible to haue beene made) was by the restlesse industrie and labour of such a multitude of men, in the space of ten daies brought to perfection. Wherein the seueritie the barbarous tyrant vseth towards his subjects, is worth the noting, whereby he extorteth from them, more than is almost possible for men to performe: so that it is not to be maruelled, that he hath so good successe in whatsoeuer [ E] he taketh in hand. Ouer this bridge (a mile in length) passed Solyman, and encamped at a place called MVHATCHZ, where he staied certaine daies, vntill his hugie armie was all come ouer. The last of Iuly, ninetie thousand Turkes (the vauntguard of Solymans armie) came before SIGETH, and encamped within a mile of the towne: after whom shortly after followed an hundred thou∣sand mo out of Solymans campe,* 12.9 of whom manie in approaching the towne, were slaine with great shot out of the castle; the rest for all that encamped themselues as neere vnto the towne as they could, and began the siege.

The towne of SIGETH is strongly scituat in a Marish, on the North side of Drauus vpon the frontiers of DALMATIA, commaunding all the countrey round about it, which of it taketh name; and was at that time a strong bulwarke against the Turkes, for entring farther into the [ F] countrey that way toward STIRIA. In this towne was Gouernour Nicholaus Serinus, com∣monly called the Countie, a valiant man, and a mortall enemy of the Turks, with a garrison of 2300 good souldiors: who seeing the hugie armie of the Turks, called togither into the castle the captaines of the garrison and the chiefe of the citisens; where standing in the midst of them, he spake vnto them as followeth.

* 12.10You see (said he) how we are on euery side beset with the multitude of our enemies, wherein resteth [ G] their cheefe hope: But let not vs be therefore afraid or discouraged; for that victorie dependeth not of a confused multitude of heartlesse men, but of the power of our God, who hath by a few at his plea∣sure many times ouerthrowne the mightie armies of the proud; and will not in the middest of these dangers now forsake vs, if wee putting our trust and confidence in him, doe what beseemeth valiant and couragious men. Besides that our iust cause, with the strength of the place we hold, our owne valor, and the helpe of our friends, who I assure my selfe will not faile vs at our need, counteruaileth their confused multitude, forced together by their imperious commaunders out of far countries, and what∣soeuer els the proud tyrant hath brought with him into the field. Wherefore let vs all as becommeth valiant men, for the truth of our religion, and for the honour of our prince and countrey, liue and die together, knowing whatsoeuer befall, That to a life so lost, beside neuer dying fame, belongeth a most [ H] assured hope of endlesse ioy and felicitie. As for my selfe, I am resolued, and so (I hope) are you also, that as I am a Christian, and free borne, so will I (by the grace of God) in the same faith and freedome end my dayes. Neither shall the proud Turke, so long as I am able to hold vp this hand, haue euer power to commaund ouer me or the ground whereon I stand. This said, he first tooke himselfe a solemne oath, to performe what he had promised, and persuaded the rest to take the like: which done, eue∣ry man returned to the place of his charge.

* 12.11The fift of August Solyman encamped within a mile of the towne, and the next day after came himselfe into the campe, at whose comming the great ordinance and small shot so thunde∣red out of the Turks campe, as if heauen and earth should haue gone together, the Turkes after their wonted manner crying aloud their Alla, Alla, Alla, and the Christians answering them [ I] with the name of Iesus. The seuenth of August the Turkes cast vp a great mount, and thereon planted certaine great peeces of ordinance. The next day following they began most terribly to batter the new towne in three places, and with incredible labour cast vp a mount in the middest of the marrish, as it were in the towne ditch, from whence they the next day with certaine peeces of great artillerie day and night battered the inner castle of the towne without any intermission, and did great harme both to the castle and the defendants. The countie perceiuing the new citie to be now so laid open with the furie of the Turks batterie, as that it was not possible to be defen∣ded; caused his souldiors to set it all on fire,* 12.12 and so retired into the old. The tenth of August the Turks furiously battered the old town in three places, and brought their ordinance into the new towne: and with timber, earth, and rubbidge, made a bridge, the more commodiously to go ouer [ K] the marrish. For the speedier accomplishment whereof, all the Turkes were compelled to lay to their hands, and to carrie wood, fagots, earth, and such like things without ceasing. There might a man haue seene all the fields full of cammels, horses, and of the Turks themselues, like e••mets, carrying wood, earth, stones, or one thing or other to fill vp the marrish: so was there with won∣derfull labour two plaine wayes made thorow the deepe fenne, from the towne to the castle: where the Ianizaries, defended from the great shot with sacks of wooll and such like things, did with the multitude of their small shot so ouerwhelme the defendants, that they could not against those places without most manifest danger shew themselues vpon the wals. So that what by their vigilant industrie,* 12.13 and the furie of the great artillerie, the Turks (though not without great losse) by force entred the old towne the nineteenth of August, vsing in their victorie such celeritie, that [ L] they slew many of the most valiant defendants before they were able to recouer the safegard of the castle. Both the townes thus lost, and so many worthie men slaine, not without cause brought great heauinesse vpon the rest which were in the castle with the countie. The Turks possessed of the old towne, the next day planted their batterie against the castle in foure places, and with fag∣gots, rubbidge, and earth, made two plaine wayes vnto it, still filling vp the marrish: and hauing with continuall batterie made it saultable, the nine and twentie day of August they began fiercely to assaile the breaches: but when they had lost many of their men, and done what they could, they were enforced with shame to retire. In this assault amongst many other of their best souldi∣ors was lost one of their great Bassaes also.

Whilest these things were in doing, Solyman farre spent with yeares, and distempered with his [ M] long trauell,* 12.14 fell sicke of a loosenesse of his bellie, and for the better recouerie of his health retired himselfe (the siege yet continuing) to QVINQVE ECLESIae, a citie neare to SIGET, where shortly after he died of the bloudie flix, the fourth day of September, in the yeare of our Lord 1566, when he had liued 76 yeares, and raigned thereof 46. He was of stature tall, of feature

[ A] slender, long necked, his colour pale and wan, his nose long and hooked, of nature ambitious and bountifull, more faithfull of his word and promise than were for most part the Mahometan kings his progenitors; wanting nothing worthie of so great an empire, but that wherein all happinesse is contained,* 12.15 faith in Christ Iesus. Muhamet the Visier Bassa (who all commaunded in Solymans absence) fearing the insolencie of the Ianizaries, and least some tumult should arise in the campe, if his death should be knowne, concealed it by all meanes: and to be sure of them that were of all others best able to make certaine report thereof, caused his physitions and apothecaries to be secretly strangled, and by a trustie messenger, sent in post, certified Selymus (Solymans onely sonne, and his father in law, then lying in MAGNESIA) of the death of his father, willing him in hast to repaire to CONSTANTINOPLE to take possession of the empire; and that done, forthwith to [ B] come to the armie in HVNGARIE. But this could not be so secretly done, but that the Ianizaries began to mistrust the matter: Which Muhamet Bassa quickly perceiuing, caused the dead bodie of Solyman in his wonted apparrell to be brought into his tent sitting vpright in his horselitter, as if he had beene sicke of the gout, his wonted disease; and so shewing him to the Ianizaries, both deceiued and contented them, and so went forward with the siege.

The Ianizaries hauing in the last assault lost many of their fellowes, began now to vndermine the greatest bulwarke of the castle,* 12.16 from which the defendants with their great ordinance did most annoy them: wherein they vsed such diligence, that the fifth of September they with gun∣pouder and other light matter prouided for that purpose, had set all the bulwarke on a light fire; and by that meanes possessed thereof, with all their force assailed the bulwarke next vnto the ca∣stle [ C] gate, from whence they were with great slaughter twice repulsed by the countie. But the ra∣ging fire still encreasing, he was enforced with those which were yet left aliue, to retire into the in∣ner castle, wherein was but two great pieces, and foureteene others of small force. Thus the Turks still preuailing,* 12.17 and taking one place after another, the seuenth of September they furiously as∣saulted the little castle, whereinto they cast such abundance of fire, that in short time it caught hold on the buildings, and set all on fire. The countie thus assailed by the enemie without, and worse distressed with the fire within, which still encreasing, left no place for him in safetie to retire vnto, went into his chamber, where putting on a rich new sute of apparrell, came presently out againe with his sword and targuet in his hand; and finding his souldiors with cheerefull counte∣nance and their weapons in their hands, attending his comming, spake vnto them these few his [ D] last words.* 12.18 The hard fortune of this sinfull kingdome hath together with our owne ouertaken vs: but let vs (noble hearts) with patience endure what is to vs by God assigned. You know what wee haue before promised, which hitherto God be thanked we haue accordingly performed, and now let vs with like resolution performe this last. The place you see is not longer to be kept, the deuouring fire groweth so still vpon vs, and we in number are but few: Wherefore let vs as becommeth valiant men breake out into the vtter castle, there to die in the middest of our enemies, to liue afterwards with God for euer, I will be the first that will goe out, follow you me like men. This said, with his sword and tar∣guet in his hand, without any other armour, calling thrice vpon the name of Iesus, he issued out at the castle gate, with the rest following him: where valiantly fighting with the Ianizaries vpon the bridge; and hauing slaine some of them, he was first wounded in two places of his bodie [ E] with small shot,* 12.19 and at last strucke in the head with an vnluckie shot, fell downe dead; the Turks for joy crying out their wonted word Alla. The rest of the souldiors in flying backe againe into the castle, were all slaine by the Turks, except some few, whom some of the Ianizaries in regard of their valour, by putting their caps vpon their heads, saued from the furie of the rest. In this siege, the Turks (as they themselues reported) lost seauen thousand Ianizaries, and twentie eight thousand other souldiors, beside many voluntarie men not enrolled in their muster-books, and three of their great Bassaes. Serinus his head was presently cut off, and the next day (with the heads of the other slaine Christians) set vpon a pole, for all the armie to gaze vpon. After that, it was taken downe,* 12.20 and by Muhamet the great Bassa sent to Mustapha the Bassa of BVDA his kinsman; who by two countrey men, sent it wrapped in a red scarfe couered with a faire linnen [ F] doth, to countie Salma in the emperours campe at RAB, with this taunting letter thus directed.

Muhamet Bassa to Eccius Salma, greeting.

In token of my loue,* 13.1 behold, here I send thee the head of a most resolute and valiant captaine thy

friend, the remainder of his bodie I haue honestly buried, as became such a man. SIGETH biddeth [ G] thee farewell for euer.

The death of this noble and valiant captaine was much lamented of all the Christian armie, and his head with many teares by his sonne Balthasar honourably buried amongst his ancestors in TSCHACATVRNA, his owne castle. Solyman at his comming with this mightie armie into HVNGARIE, had purposed before his returne, if he had not beene by death preuented, to haue conquered both the remainder of the kingdome of HVNGARIE, and to haue againe attempted the winning of VIENNA. For the accomplishing of which his designes, he at his first comming sent Parthauus Bassa with fortie thousand Turkes to helpe the Bassa of TEMESVVARE and the Tartars, in the behalfe of the Vayuod, to besiege the strong towne of GYVLA, situat vpon the [ H] lake ZARKAD in the confines of TRANSILVANIA; not farre from whence Suendi had but in August before ouerthrowne the Tartars, called in by Solyman for the aid of the Vayuod, and slain of them ten thousand. And at the same time he sent Mustapha Bassa of BOSNA, and Carambeus, with a great power to ALBA REGALIS; who joyning with the Bassa of BVDA, should keepe the emperour Maximilian busie, whilest he in the meane time besieged SIGETH, as is before de∣clared. Parthauus Bassa comming to GYVLA, and laying hard siege to the towne, was still nota∣bly repulsed by Nicholas Keretschen, Gouernour of the towne: insomuch, that in a sallie he had certaine pieces of his great ordinance taken from him by the defendants, and the rest cloyed. But this braue captaine,* 13.2 not to haue beene constrained by all that the Bassa could doe, was at last per∣suaded by his kinsman George Bebicus (from whom Suendi had a little before taken certain castles, [ I] for reuolting from the emperour to the Vayuod) for a great summe of money to deliuer vp the towne to the Bassa: which he did, couenanting beside his reward, That the souldiors should with bag and baggage in safetie depart; all which was franckly graunted: who were not gone past a mile out of the towne, but they were set vpon by the Turks, and all slaine, except some few which crept into the reeds growing in the marrish fast by, and so escaped. The traitor himselfe expecting his reward, was carried in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE: where afterward, vpon complaint made how hardly he had vsed certaine Turks, whom he had sometime taken prisoners, he was by the commaundement of Selymus, who succeeded Solyman, thrust into a hogshead strucke full of nailes with the points inward, with this inscription vpon it: Here receiue the reward of thy aua∣rice and treason,* 13.3 GYVLA, thou soldest for gold: if thou be not faithfull to Maximilian thy lord, nei∣ther [ K] wilt thou be to me: and so the hogshead closed fast vp, he was therein rolled vp and downe vntill he therein miserably died.

The emperours campe then lying at RAB, and the Bassa of BVDA and BOSNA with thirtie thousand Turkes not farre off at ALBA REGALIS, and many hot skirmishes passing betweene them: it fortuned that the fift of September the Turks in hope to haue done some great peece of seruice vpon the Christians, came forth of their campe in great number, and by chance light vp∣on a few forragers of the armie, of whom they slew some, the rest flying, raised an alarum in the campe: whereupon the Hungarians and Burgundians with some others issuing out, pursuing the Turks, slew diuers of them: in which pursute George Thuriger, descrying the Gouernor of ALEA REGALIS,* 13.4 a man in great account, and very inward with Solyman whilest he liued, fiercely pur∣sued [ L] him in the middest of the flying enemies, and neuer left him vntill he had taken him priso∣ner: and at his returne presenting him to the emperour, was for that good seruice knighted, and rewarded with a chaine of gold. There was by chance then present a Spaniard, who had heard him say openly at CONSTANTINOPLE, That he alone with his owne power was able to van∣quish the Germane king (by which name the Turkes commonly tearme the emperour:) With which words when that the Spaniard hardly charged him in the presence of the emperour, still vrging him as it were to say something for himselfe, the Turke answered him in these few words following:* 13.5 Such is the chance of warre, thou seest me now a prisoner, and able to doe nothing.

All these troubles, with many moe like in short time to haue ensued, were by the death of [ M] Solyman within a while after well appeased. Muhamet Bassa after he had repaired the brea∣ches, and placed a Turke Gouernour of SIGETH,* 13.6 with a strong garrison for the defence of the place and commaunding of the countrey, called backe the dispersed forces; and rising with the armie, retired toward BELGRADE, carrying Solymans dead bodie all the way sitting vp∣right

[ A] right in his horselitter carried by mules, giuing it out that hee was sicke of the gout: which thing the Ianizaries easily beleeued, knowing that hee had beene many yeares so carried: yet still wishing his presence, as vnto them alwayes fortunate, although that he were able for to doe nothing.

FINIS.

[ B]

Christian prin∣ces of the same time with Soly∣man.

[ D]

• Emperors of Germanie
  • Charles the fift. 1519. 39.
  • Ferdinand. 1558. 7.
  • Maximilian the second. 1565. 12.
• Kings
  • Of England
    • Henrie the eight. 1509. 38.
    • [ C] Edward the sixt. 1546. 6.
    • Queene Marie. 1553. 6.
    • Queene Elizabeth. 1558. 45.
  • Of Fraunce
    • Francis the first. 1514. 32.
    • Henry the second. 1547. 12.
    • Francis the second. 1559. 1.
    • Charles the ninth. 1560. 14.
  • Of Scotland
    • Iames the fifth. 1514. 29.
    • Queene Mary. 1543.
• Bishops of Rome
  • Leo the X. 1513. 8.
  • Hadrian the VI. 1522. 1.
  • [ E] Clement the VII. 1523. 10.
  • Paulus the III. 1534. 15.
  • Iulius the III. 1550. 5.
  • Marcellus the II. 1555. 22 daies.
  • Paulus the IIII. 1555. 4.
  • Pius the IIII. 1560. 5.
  • Pius the V. 1566. 6.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Phil. Lonicer. Hist. Turc. lib. 1.
• * 1.2

  Solyman hardly persuaded that his father was dead.
• * 1.3

  Gazelles gouer∣nour of Syria re∣belleth against Solyman.
• * 1.4

  Gazelles slaine.
• * 1.5

  Belgrade 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Solyman.
• * 1.6

  1522
• * 1.7

  Philippus Ville∣rius chosen Great master of the Rhodes.
• * 1.8

  Cortug-Ogli the pirat persuadeth Solyman to be∣siege the Rhodes.
• * 2.1

  Solymans letter to Villerius, Great Master of the Rhodes.
• * 3.1

  The answere of Villerius to So∣lymans letters.
• * 3.2

  Solymans Orati∣on to his men of warre declaring his purpose of besieging the Rhodes.
• * 3.3

  Solyman maketh preparation a∣gainst the Rhodes.
• * 3.4

  Villerius prepa∣reth to make re∣sistance against the Turks.
• * 4.1

  Solymans letter to Villericus.
• * 5.1

  Pyr••hus Bassa his letters to Villerius.
• * 6.1

  Villerius his an∣s••••re to S••ly∣mans letters.
• * 7.1

  Villerius his an∣swere to Pyrrhus the Bassa his letters.
• * 7.2

  Villerius aduer∣tised o•• the com∣ming of the Turks fleet.
• * 7.3

  The carefulness•• of the Graund master.
• * 7.4

  Vill••rius his Oration vnto the Rhodia••••.
• * 8.1

  Solymans threa∣tening letters to the Rhodians.
• * 8.2

  The Rhodians for feare of the Turks destroy their suburb•• & places of pleasure without the citie.
• * 8.3

  The ••eare of the countrey people.
• * 8.4

  The Chancellor his speech, per∣suading the Rho∣dians to fight with the Turke•• gallies.
• * 8.5

  The worthie cō∣mendation of the Great master.
• * 8.6

  The Turks ••leet descried at sea troubleth the Rhodians.
• * 8.7

  The order of the Turkes fle••••.
• * 8.8

  The Great ma∣ster by his embas∣sadours craueth aid of the Chri∣stian prin••e••.
• * 8.9

  The commenda∣tion of Prelan••••.
• * 8.10

  The description of the Rhodes.
• * 8.11

  A Turkish wo∣man slaue, con∣spireth to fire the citie.
• * 8.12

  The painfulnesse of the Turkes pioners.
• * 8.13

  The Turkes de∣ceiued by the Christian mar∣riners.
• * 8.14

  Selymus com∣meth into the campe.
• * 8.15

  Solymans cholle∣ricke Oration to his souldior••s.
• * 8.16

  Apella, a tra••••or.
• * 8.17

  The Turkes bat∣••••rie.
• * 8.18

  The English bulwarke blowne vp.
• * 8.19

  The Turkes as∣sault the English bulwarke the se∣cond time, and are againe re∣pulsed.
• * 8.20

  Mustapha Bassa falleth into dis∣grace with So∣lyman.
• * 8.21

  The English bulwarke assaul∣ted the third time by Mustapha.
• * 8.22

  The Turkes en∣signes aduanced to the top of the wals are againe cast downe.
• * 8.23

  Another breach made in the wals.
• * 8.24

  The Great ma∣ster his oration vnto his knights.
• * 8.25

  The Turkes as∣saul•• the citie in fiue places at once.
• * 8.26

  The Rhodians valiantly de••end the citie.
• * 8.27

  The Spanish bulwarke taken by the Turk••▪
• * 8.28

  The Spanish bulwarke againe recouered.
• * 8.29

  The Turks giue ouer the assault.
• * 8.30

  Solyman in his furie commaun∣deth the two great Bassaes, Mustapha and Pyrrhus to be put to death.
• * 8.31

  The Bassaes spa∣red at the inter∣cession of the other counsellors.
• * 8.32

  Solyman displa∣ceth his Admi∣rall, & punisheth him as a slaue.
• * 8.33

  Solyman excee∣dingly greeued with the repulse and losse recei••••ed at the siege of th•• Rhodes, was vpō point to haue left the same.
• * 8.34

  Achimetes pro∣miseth to make a way for Solyman into the citie.
• * 8.35

  Solyman comfor∣teth his souldiors and persuadeth them with pati∣ence to endure the siege.
• * 8.36

  Achimetes win∣neth the Vau∣mures of the Auergne bul∣warke, raiseth a strong penthouse against the wall, and so vndermi∣neth the same.
• * 8.37

  The miserable state of the com∣mon souldiors of the Turkes▪ and the small account is made of them.
• * 8.38

  Solyman encou∣rageth his soul∣diours to afr••sh assault.
• * 8.39

  The distressed estate of the Rho∣nians, and their cour••gious reso∣lution therein.
• * 8.40

  The Turks trou∣ble the Rhodians with continuall alarums, and by casting vp of trenches get into the citie.
• * 8.41

  Parley o••••ered by the Turkes t•• the Rhodians.
• * 8.42

  Secret Parley reiected.
• * 8.43

  The Great ma∣ster at the in∣stance of his pe••∣people sendeth embassadours to Solyman.
• * 8.44

  Solymans letters sent to the Great master and the Rhodians by their embassa∣dours.
• * 8.45

  The Great Ma∣ster his opinion concerning that Solyman deman∣ded by his letters.
• * 8.46

  A notable speech of a Greek priest, persua∣ding the Great Master to yeeld.
• * 8.47

  A most reso•••••••• speech of a com∣mon souldior, dis∣suading the yeel∣ding vp of the Rhodes.
• * 8.48

  The former speech notably answered by a Greeke▪ and the yeelding of the citie vrged.
• * 8.49

  The Great Ma∣ster r••solued that the citie was not to bee defended, calleth a common counsell of all his knight••, and the bu••••esses of the citie.
• * 8.50

  A truce taken with the ••urkes for foure dai••••.
• * 8.51

  A barbarous ••act.
• * 8.52

  Solyman his speech vnto the Great master.
• * 8.53

  The resolute an∣swere of the great Master to Soly∣man.
• * 8.54

  Solyman com∣meth into the ci∣tie vnto the Great master.
• * 8.55

  The speech of the Great mas•••••• to Solyman.
• * 8.56

  The notable an∣swere of Soly∣man to the great Master.
• * 8.57

  Solyman entre••h into the Rhodes on Christenma•• day, in the yeare 1522.
• * 8.58

  Solyman sendeth Ferhates Bassa against Alis beg the mountaine prince.
• * 8.59

  Alis and his foure sons trea∣cherously slaine.
• * 8.60

  Solyman retur∣neth to Constan∣tinople.
• * 8.61

  Solyman vpon the discord of the Christian princes and disordered state of Hunga∣rie, taketh occa∣sion to inuade that kingdome.
• * 8.62

  1526
• * 8.63

  Solyman com∣meth against Lewes king of Hungarie.
• * 8.64

  The vanitie of Tomoreus.
• * 8.65

  Wholsome coun∣sell not followed.
• * 8.66

  The battell of M••hatchz.
• * 8.67

  Tomoreus slaine
• * 8.68

  King Lewis drowned in a ditch.
• * 8.69

  The heads of slaine Christian bishops and cap∣taines presented to Solyman.
• * 8.70

  The bishop of Veradium too ••rue a prophet.
• * 8.71

  The honourable speech of Soly∣man concerning his comming into Hungarie.
• * 8.72

  Ioannes Sepusi∣us, Vaiuod of Transiluania, aspireth to the kingdome of Hungarie.
• * 8.73

  King Lewes buried.
• * 8.74

  Iohn Sepusius the Vaiuod cho∣sen and crowned king of Hun∣garie.
• * 8.75

  Ferdinand king of Bohemia lai∣eth claime ••o the kingdome of Hungarie.
• * 8.76

  King Ferdinand taketh Buda.
• * 8.77

  The battell of Tocai betweene the armies of king Iohn and king Ferdinand.
• * 8.78

  King Iohn ••lieth i••to Polonia.
• * 8.79

  Ferdinand crow∣ned king of Hun∣garie at Alba Regalis.
• * 8.80

  Lascus counsel∣leth king Iohn to ••raue and of Solyman.
• * 8.81

  Lascus goeth embassadour for king Iohn to Solyman.
• * 8.82

  Abraham Bassa.
• * 8.83

  Lascus his re∣quest of Soly∣man in the be∣half of king Iohn
• * 8.84

  Solyman graun∣teth Lascus his request.
• * 8.85

  Ferdinand sen∣deth an embassa∣dor to Solyman.
• * 8.86

  Solyman•• answer to Ferdinands embassadour.
• * 8.87

  1529
• * 8.88

  Solyman cōmeth into Hungarie with a great armie.
• * 8.89

  King Iohn com∣meth to Solyman a•• Belgrade.
• * 8.90

  Solyman entreth Buda without re∣sistance and be∣siegeth the castle.
• * 8.91

  Solyman contra∣rie to his promise ca••seth the gar∣rison souldiours af••er they had deliuered the castle to be slai••.
• * 8.92

  Austria spoiled by the Turk••.
• * 8.93

  Altenburge ta∣ken.
• * 8.94

  Solyman com∣meth to Vienna.
• * 8.95

  Vienna badly fortified.
• * 8.96

  Solyman relea∣seth the Christi∣an princes with∣out ransome.
• * 8.97

  Eight thousand Turkes lost in the mines.
• * 8.98

  The wals of Vi∣enna blowne vp.
• * 8.99

  The Turkes re∣pulsed from the breach.
• * 8.100

  A most terrible assault.
• * 8.101

  The Turkes the third time re∣pulsed.
• * 8.102

  The Lo. Willi∣am Rogendorffe.
• * 8.103

  Vienna againe assaulted.
• * 8.104

  The Turks re∣pulsed.
• * 8.105

  Solyman raiseth his siege.
• * 8.106

  80000 Turks lost at the siege of Vienna.
• * 8.107

  Solyman resto∣reth the kindome of Hungarie to king Iohn.
• * 8.108

  The honourable saying of Soly∣man to K. Iohn.
• * 8.109

  1530
• * 8.110

  Solyman cir∣cumciseth his three sonnes.
• * 8.111

  King Ferdinand sendeth embassa∣dors to Solyman▪
• * 8.112

  The preparation of Charles the emperour against Solyman.
• * 8.113

  Strigo••ium be∣sieged by king Iohn.
• * 8.114

  Mutinie a∣mongst the Spa∣nish souldiours.
• * 8.115

  1532
• * 8.116

  Solyman cōmeth into Hungarie.
• * 8.117

  Gunza besieged by the Turkes.
• * 8.118

  The huge army of Solyman.
• * 8.119

  Solyman proud 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Charles the emperour and king Ferdinand.
• * 8.120

  Abraham Bassa persuadeth Soly∣man to leaue the siege of Gunza.
• * 8.121

  The Gouernour commeth to the Bassa.
• * 8.122

  His answere to the Bassa.
• * 8.123

  Solyman depar∣teth from the si••ge of Gunza.
• * 8.124

  Cason sent with 15000 horsemen to spoile 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪.
• * 8.125

  4000 Christian captiues mur∣dred by Cason.
• * 8.126

  Cason discomfi∣••••d by the Pala∣tine and slaine.
• * 8.127

  The slaughter of the Turkes.
• * 8.128

  Charles the em∣perour his power at Vienna.
• * 8.129

  The order of the Christian armie.
• * 8.130

  Solyman retur∣neth.
• * 8.131

  The Italians left for the aid of king Ferdinand, arise in mutinie.
• * 8.132

  The seditious or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Titus Marconius, to the mutinous Italians.
• * 8.133

  At this verie time a great bla∣zing starre was seene in the s••••∣mament at Vienna.
• * 8.134

  Eight thousand of the Italian in mutinie forsake their captaines and returne to Italie.
• * 8.135

  Charles the em¦perour returneth into Italie.
• * 8.136

  Auria goeth a∣gainst the Turks.
• * 8.137

  Auria besiegeth Corone in Pelo∣ponesus.
• * 8.138

  Corone yeelded to A••••ia by the Turkes.
• * 8.139

  Patras taken and ransacked by Auria.
• * 8.140

  Auria returneth to Italie.
• * 8.141

  1533
• * 8.142

  The Turkes be∣siege Corone.
• * 8.143

  Auria sent by the emperour to relieue Corone.
• * 8.144

  The order of Auria his fleet before Corone.
• * 8.145

  The Christian fleet disordered.
• * 8.146

  Auria arriueth at Corone.
• * 8.147

  The Turkes ••••ee•• flieth to Modon.
• * 8.148

  Corone relieued by Auria.
• * 8.149

  Auria returneth and before Mo∣don braueth the Turks fleet.
• * 8.150

  The Moore of Alexandria well beaten and ta∣ken by Canal••s the Venetian••▪
• * 8.151

  The garrison sol∣d••ors of Corone desire of their ge∣nerall to bee brought to some seruice.
• * 8.152

  Macicaus go∣uernour of Co∣rone goeth out to surprise An∣d••ussa.
• * 8.153

  Macicaus slai••
• * 8.154

  Corone forsaken by the Spaniards
• * 8.155

  1534
• * 8.156

  Aloysius Grit∣tus the duke of Venice his sonne. Solymans lieute∣nant in Hunga∣rie, to ouerse•• king Iohn.
• * 8.157

  Americus bi∣shop of Veradi∣um and Va••od of Transiluania, contemneth Grittus.
• * 8.158

  Ianus Docia in∣censeth Grittus against the Vay∣••od.
• * 8.159

  The cause why Lascus the Po∣lonian ••ell from king Iohn.
• * 8.160

  The Vayuod murdred in his tent by Docia, and his head pre∣sented to Grittus
• * 8.161

  The Transilua∣nians rise vp in armes against Grittus, to re∣uenge the death of the Vayuod.
• * 8.162

  Grittus b••sieged by the Transil∣uanians.
• * 8.163

  Grittus taken and b••••ug••t to Maylat.
• * 8.164

  Grittus behea∣ded.
• * 8.165

  The riches foun•• about Grittus▪
• * 8.166

  Solyman a•• one time purposeth to inuade Persia and Affrick••.
• * 8.167

  The ••••ore begin∣ning of Horruc∣cius and Haria∣denus, who of base pyrats aspi∣red to the king∣dome of Algiers.
• * 8.168

  Horruccius his successe.
• * 8.169

  Horruccius slain and his head ca∣ried about in Spaine.
• * 8.170

  Hariadenus sur∣named Barba∣russa, succeedeth his brother Hor∣ruccius in the kingdome of Al∣giers.
• * 8.171

  His wonderfull successe.
• * 8.172

  Solyman sendeth for Barbarussa.
• * 8.173

  Barbarussa com∣meth to Con∣stantinople.
• * 8.174

  Barbarussa en∣uied in the Turk•• court.
• * 8.175

  Barbarussa rei••∣ct••d to Abraham the great Bassa.
• * 8.176

  He trauelleth into Siria to the Bassa, and is by him commended to Solyman.
• * 8.177

  His returne to Constantinople.
• * 8.178

  Roscetes.
• * 8.179

  Barbarussa his speech to Soly∣man to persuade him to inuade Tune••.
• * 8.180

  Barbarussa made Solymans great Admirall.
• * 8.181

  He spoileth the coast of Italie.
• * 8.182

  Iulia Gonzagá •• faire lady hardly distressed by Bar∣barussa.
• * 8.183

  The Romans afraid of Barba∣russa.
• * 8.184

  Muleas••e•• king of Tunes.
• * 8.185

  The ingratitude of Muleasses.
• * 8.186

  Roscetes riseth against his bro∣ther Muleasses.
• * 8.187

  Forsaken of the Numidian prin∣ces, he flieth to Barbarussa.
• * 8.188

  Barbarussa lan∣deth at Biserta.
• * 8.189

  Biserta yeelded.
• * 8.190

  Barbarussa com∣meth to Guletta.
• * 8.191

  Muleasses flieth out of Tunes.
• * 8.192

  Barbarussa en∣treth into Tunes.
• * 8.193

  The citisens de∣••••iued of their expectation, ••ise against the Turkes.
• * 8.194

  Muleasses retur∣neth into the citie.
• * 8.195

  The citis••ns of Tu••e•• discomfi∣••ed by the Turks.
• * 8.196

  Muleasses flieth.
• * 8.197

  The citisens of ••unes yeeld thē∣selues to Barba∣russa.
• * 8.198

  The description of Abraham the great Bassa.
• * 8.199

  His bringing vp in the court.
• * 8.200

  His great credit with Solyman.
• * 8.201

  Abraham Bassa persuadeth Soly∣man to make war vpon the Persi∣ans.
• * 8.202

  Solyman resol∣ueth to goe a∣gainst the Per∣sians.
• * 8.203

  Abrahams cre∣di•• maligned by Solymans mo∣ther and Rox••∣lana.
• * 8.204

  Abraham Bassa sent before with an armie into Siria.
• * 8.205

  The citie of Tauris yeelded to the Bassa.
• * 8.206

  Solyman com∣meth to Tauri••.
• * 8.207

  Solyman follow∣eth Tama•• the Persian king in∣to Sultania.
• * 8.208

  Solymans armie d••s••••••ssed with tempest.
• * 8.209

  Babylon yeelded to Solyman.
• * 8.210

  The countries of As••iria and Me∣sopotamia posses∣sed by the Turks▪
• * 8.211

  Tamas commeth to Tauris.
• * 8.212

  1535
• * 8.213

  Tamas hearing of the comming of Solyman to Tauri••, flie••h into Hircania.
• * 8.214

  So 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ansa••••••keth Tauris▪
• * 8.215

  Delim••nthes with 5000 Per∣sian•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ••urkes.
• * 8.216

  Delimenthes as∣sa••••eth the Turks campe by night, and maketh a great slaughter.
• * 8.217

  Solyman discou∣raged.
• * 8.218

  Abraham the great Bassa in disgrace with Solyman.
• * 8.219

  Abraham Bassa murthered in the court by the com∣maundement of Solyman.
• * 8.220

  The causes which moued Charles the em∣perour to inuade T••••es.
• * 8.221

  The emperours great preparati∣ons for the inua∣sion of ••••nes.
• * 8.222

  Andrew A••ria the emperours Admirall.
• * 8.223

  Alphonsus Da∣••••lus Vastius Generall of the land forces.
• * 8.224

  The emperour passeth ouer into Affricke.
• * 8.225

  Barbarussa ad∣uertised the com∣ming of the em∣perour is much discouraged.
• * 8.226

  I•• hi•• ••age he executeth Aloy∣sius Praesenda.
• * 8.227

  Barbarussa en∣courageth his souldiors.
• * 8.228

  Barbarussa hi•• chiefe captaines.
• * 8.229

  The scituation of Guletta.
• * 8.230

  The Christian army landeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Guletta.
• * 8.231

  Salec ••all••eth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••pon the count••e and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 8.232

  The countie 〈…〉〈…〉 right hand sent to Barbarussa.
• * 8.233

  The Spaniards reioicing at the ••uerthrow of the Ita••ian•••• are 〈…〉〈…〉 by Tabacches.
• * 8.234

  Vastius hi•• spe••ch to the Spanish cap∣taines.
• * 8.235

  The Turks ••ally againe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Guletta.
• * 8.236

  Giaf••er cap••••ine of the Ianizaries slaine.
• * 8.237

  Guletta furiou∣sly battered.
• * 8.238

  Guletta assaul∣ted by the Chri∣st••ans.
• * 8.239

  Guletta ••oon▪ and Barbarussa his flee•• taken.
• * 8.240

  Barbarussa ••••∣geth.
• * 8.241

  The short an∣swere of Sinan the Iew to Bar∣barussa.
• * 8.242

  Muleasses com∣meth to the em∣perour.
• * 8.243

  The Oration of Muleasses to Charles the em∣perour.
• * 8.244

  The emperours answere to Mu∣leasse••.
• * 8.245

  The behauior of Muleasses.
• * 8.246

  His opinion and counsell concer∣ning the present warre.
• * 8.247

  The Spanish light horsemen put to flight.
• * 8.248

  The emperour restoreth the battell, and with his owne hand rescueth Andreas Po••tius of Granad••.
• * 8.249

  The emperour aduised by his counsellours to returne home.
• * 8.250

  The resolute answere of the emperour.
• * 8.251

  The emperour marcheth to∣ward Tunes.
• * 8.252

  The souldiors for greedinesse of water disorder their march.
• * 8.253

  A draught of water sold for two duckats.
• * 8.254

  Barbarussa in field against the emperour.
• * 8.255

  Vastius comman∣deth the empe∣rour.
• * 8.256

  Barbarussa fli∣eth to Tunes.
• * 8.257

  Barbarussa in mind to kill all the Christian captiues i•• dis∣suaded by Sinan the Iew.
• * 8.258

  The Christian captiues breake prison, and driue the Turk•• out of the ca••••le of Tunes.
• * 8.259

  Tunes yeelded to the emperour.
• * 8.260

  Tunes spoiled by the Christians.
• * 8.261

  Three things es∣pecially lamented by Muleasses in the spoile of the castle of Tunes.
• * 8.262

  Barbarussa ••lieth to Hippona, and there comforteth his souldiors.
• * 8.263

  Auria sendeth certaine gallies to intercept Bar∣barussa.
• * 8.264

  Barbarussa ••sca∣peth to Algiers.
• * 8.265

  The kingdome of Tunes is by the emperour resto∣red to Muleasses.
• * 8.266

  The emperour re∣turneth with vi∣ctorie into Italie.
• * 8.267

  1537
• * 8.268

  The Aegyptian kings about to let in the red sea into the Medi∣terranean.
• * 8.269

  Dium a castle of the Portingals in the East In∣dies in vaine as∣saulted by the Turkes.
• * 8.270

  The ••••••cherous dealing of Soly∣man the eunuch Bassa with the kings of Arabia.
• * 8.271

  Solyman inc••ted by the French embassadours to inuade Italie.
• * 8.272

  Solyman with an armie of two hundred thou∣sand men com∣meth to Aulon••.
• * 8.273

  Solyman sendeth Lutzis and Bar∣barussa with his fleet to inuade Italie.
• * 8.274

  Castrum in Ap••∣lia yeelded to the Turkes, and by them contrarie to their faith spoiled.
• * 8.275

  The Turkes spoile Ap••••ia.
• * 8.276

  Iunu••beius with two gallies driue by the Venetians vpon the Acro∣ceraunian rocks.
• * 8.277

  Auria taketh twelue of the Turkes gallies full of Ianizaries and Solymans other best souldi∣ors.
• * 8.278

  Iunusbeius Bar∣barussa, & Aiax▪ incense Solyman against the Ve∣netians.
• * 8.279

  Solyman conuer∣teth his forces from the Itali∣ans against the Venetians.
• * 8.280

  Solyman in dan∣ger to haue been slaine in his ••en•• in the middest of his armie.
• * 8.281

  Solyman inua∣deth the Island of Corcyra.
• * 8.282

  Good iustice done by Solyman.
• * 8.283

  The Turks de∣part from Corfu, and carrie away with them aboue sixteen thousand Christians into captiuitie.
• * 8.284

  Aegina with th•• other islands of the Aeg••um spoiled.
• * 8.285

  The blunt speech of a Turke sent by Lutzis Bassa vnto the duke of Naxo••.
• * 8.286

  Naxos becom∣meth tribu•••• i•• vnto the Turk••.
• * 8.287

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bassa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Soly∣man 〈◊〉〈◊〉 exiled.
• * 8.288

  The Turks spoile the Ve••etians, and the Veneti∣ans ••hem like∣wise.
• * 8.289

  Mahometes Go∣uernour of Bel∣grane.
• * 8.290

  An euill assure•• peace.
• * 8.291

  King Ferdinand breaketh his league with the Turkes.
• * 8.292

  Cazzianer Ge∣nerall of king Ferdinand•• armie.
• * 8.293

  Mahometes Go∣uernour of Bel∣grade, aided by the other Turk•• captaines.
• * 8.294

  A slow march.
• * 8.295

  Cazzianer com∣meth to Walpo.
• * 8.296

  The Turk•• ski••••mish with the Christians.
• * 8.297

  The Christians come within the sight of Exek.
• * 8.298

  The Turks skir∣mish with the Christians in passing the for∣rest.
• * 8.299

  Mahometes wisely refuseth to fight with the Christians, offe∣ring him battell.
• * 8.300

  Balthasar Pam∣philus his coun∣sell for releefe of the armie.
• * 8.301

  Balthasar taketh the towne of Hermande.
• * 8.302

  The castle of Hermande yeel∣d••d to the Chri∣stians.
• * 8.303

  Cazzianer to re∣tire with more host, would haue broken his grea•• ordinance.
• * 8.304

  The Turkes ••ore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in their retire.
• * 8.305

  A generall feare in the Christi∣ans campe.
• * 8.306

  The ••earefull re∣solution of the Christians to get from the Turks.
• * 8.307

  The vigilancie of Mahome••••••.
• * 8.308

  The Christian captaines shame∣fully flie, some one way, some another, in the night.
• * 8.309

  The dishonoura∣ble flight of Caz∣zianer.
• * 8.310

  Lodronius encou∣rageth the foot∣men.
• * 8.311

  An old German souldior iesteth at Lodronius.
• * 8.312

  The horsemen discom••ited by the Turkes.
• * 8.313

  The Christian footmen ouer∣throwne.
• * 8.314

  Lodronius slain.
• * 8.315

  Three of the great captaines heads presented to Solyman as Constantinople.
• * 8.316

  Cazzianer ge∣nerally ••a••ed.
• * 8.317

  Cazzianer im∣prisoned, brea∣keth prison.
• * 8.318

  Cazzianer shamefully mur∣thered, and his h••ad sent to king ••••r••inand.
• * 8.319

  The emperour, the Venetians, and the Bishop of Rome enter into a confedera∣tion against the Turkes.
• * 8.320

  1538
• * 8.321

  Solyman sendeth Barbar••ssa a∣gainst the Vene∣tians.
• * 8.322

  Barbarussa lan∣ding in Crete, is repulsed with losse.
• * 8.323

  The confedera•• princes fleetes me•••• as Corcyra.
• * 8.324

  Gonzaga his opinion.
• * 8.325

  Auria of ano••ther opinion.
• * 8.326

  Auria braueth Barbarussa lying in the bay of Ambracia.
• * 8.327

  Barbarussa re∣proued of cowar∣dise by one of the Turkes eunuchs.
• * 8.328

  Barbarussa his answere to Salec concerning the eunuchs speech.
• * 8.329

  Barbarussa put∣teth out of the bay of Ambra∣cia, and followeth Auria.
• * 8.330

  The order of the Turk•• flee••.
• * 8.331

  Auria his po••••∣ticke course.
• * 8.332

  The Christian flee•• shamefully ••li••th.
• * 8.333

  Barbarussa ••••••∣••leth at Auria.
• * 8.334

  Barbarussa bra∣ueth the Chri∣stians.
• * 8.335

  Castronouum ta∣ken by the Chri∣stians.
• * 8.336

  Auria negle∣cting to pursue Barbarussa, re∣turneth into Ita∣lie, to the griefe of the Venetian Admirall.
• * 8.337

  1539
• * 8.338

  Barbarussa sent by Solyman to besiege Castrono∣••um.
• * 8.339

  Castronouum hardly besieged by Barbarussa.
• * 8.340

  Castronouum taken.
• * 8.341

  Sarmentus slaine.
• * 8.342

  Alphonsus Va∣stius and Hani∣baldus sent em∣bassadours from the emperor and the French king to the State of Venice.
• * 8.343

  Vastius his Ora∣tion to the Vene∣tian Senat.
• * 8.344

  The answere of the duke to Va∣stius.
• * 8.345

  Vastius his an∣s••ere to the de∣maund of the Venetian Sena∣tours.
• * 8.346

  The Venetian Senator•• diuersly affected towards the confederation with the empe∣rour and the French king, against Solyman.
• * 8.347

  Foscarus a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Senatour.
• * 8.348

  Fosca••us disgra∣ced by the multi∣tude.
• * 8.349

  The Venetians send Aloysius Badoerius their embassadour to Solyman, to con∣clude a peace.
• * 8.350

  The most se••ret decree of the Ve∣netian Senate made knowne to Solyman.
• * 8.351

  1540
• * 8.352

  A peace conclu∣ded betwixt the Vene••ians and Solyman.
• * 8.353

  The traitors which reuealed the secrets of the Venetian state to Solyman, execu∣ted.
• * 8.354

  The secret confe∣deration betwixt king Ferdinand and king Iohn reuealed.
• * 8.355

  King Iohn in his old yeares marieth Isabella king Sigismund his daughter.
• * 8.356

  The Queene with child.
• * 8.357

  Queene Isabella deliuered of a sonne.
• * 8.358

  The death of king Iohn.
• * 8.359

  The honourable saying of king Iohn.
• * 8.360

  Embassadours sent out of Hun∣gar••e to Solyman
• * 8.361

  A young child crowned king of Hungarie.
• * 8.362

  George bishop of Veradium one of the kings tutors▪ a notable man▪
• * 8.363

  The ••ugitiue Hungarian•• per∣suade king Fer∣di••and to inuade Hungarie.
• * 8.364

  Laschus d••ssua∣de•••• king Ferdi∣nand from see∣••in•• for the ki••••dome of Hu••garie by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 persuading him rather to requisi•••• of cour••esie of So∣lyman.
• * 8.365

  Laschus sent em∣bassadour from king Ferdinand to Solyman.
• * 8.366

  King Ferdinand sendeth an em∣bassadour to the queen to demand of her the king••dome of Hunga∣rie.
• * 8.367

  The queenes an∣swere to the em∣bassadour.
• * 8.368

  King Ferdinand inuadeth Hun∣garie.
• * 8.369

  Vicegrade taken.
• * 8.370

  Pesth and Vacia taken.
• * 8.371

  Bu••a besieged.
• * 8.372

  King Ferdinands armie departeth from Buda.
• * 8.373

  Alba Regalis yeelded to king ••erdinand.
• * 8.374

  The queene cra∣ueth aid of Soly∣man against Ferdinand.
• * 8.375

  Solyman promi∣seth to protect the queene and her sonne against Ferdinand, and sendeth presents to the yong king.
• * 8.376

  Laschus king Ferdinand his embassador im∣prisoned by So∣lyman.
• * 8.377

  1541
• * 8.378

  The queene ioy∣neth her forces with the Turks, and burneth Vacia.
• * 8.379

  Pesth in vai••e besieged by the Turkes.
• * 8.380

  King Ferdinand sendeth the Lo. William Rogen∣dorff with an ar∣mie into Hunga∣rie.
• * 8.381

  Buda besieged.
• * 8.382

  Rogendorff threatneth the queene.
• * 8.383

  The bishop scorn∣fully answereth Rogendorff.
• * 8.384

  A great breach in the wals of Buda.
• * 8.385

  The German•• assaulting the breach, are with losse repulsed.
• * 8.386

  Bornemissa pra∣ctiseth to be••ray the citie of Buda.
• * 8.387

  Bornemissa recei∣ueth in the Ger∣mans by a po∣sterne, supposing them to haue beene Hunga∣rians.
• * 8.388

  The Germans not conducted, are discouered and discom••ited.
• * 8.389

  Solyman at one time maintai∣neth wars in di∣••ers places of the world farre di∣stant.
• * 8.390

  Mahometes Bas∣sa commeth with the Turks armie to relieue Buda.
• * 8.391

  The order of king Ferdinands ar∣mie.
• * 8.392

  The Bassa en∣trencheth his ar∣mie within halfe a mile of the kings armie.
• * 8.393

  Skirmishes be∣twixt the Chri∣stians and the Turkes.
• * 8.394

  Rayschachius for sorrow of his sonne slaine by the Turks, sud∣denly dieth.
• * 8.395

  The Turks sud∣denly assaile the Christians in the Island.
• * 8.396

  Valentinus Ge∣nerall for the queene in Buda certifieth Pere∣nus of the com∣ming of Soly∣man.
• * 8.397

  The Christian armie departeth by night from Buda.
• * 8.398

  The Turkes as∣saile the Christi∣ans in their camp at their depar∣ture.
• * 8.399

  A mischieuous practise of the bishop.
• * 8.400

  Great slaughter of the Christians.
• * 8.401

  Pesth taken by Cason admirall of the Turkes fleet.
• * 8.402

  Rogendorff a∣gainst his will ca∣ried away by his physition and chamberlaine to Comara, there dieth.
• * 8.403

  Solyman com∣meth to Buda.
• * 8.404

  Turkish crueltie
• * 8.405

  Solyman sendeth for the yong king into the campe.
• * 8.406

  The queene sen∣deth the young king her sonne to Solyman in the campe attended with the nobility.
• * 8.407

  Solyman courte∣ously receiueth the yong king.
• * 8.408

  Solyman craf••••ly ta••eth the citie of Buda.
• * 8.409

  Solyman detai∣neth the noble∣men of Hungarie in his campe.
• * 8.410

  The great Bas∣saes of diuers opinions for the disposing of the kingdome of Hungarie.
• * 8.411

  The Oration of Mahometes of Belgrade to So∣lyman, concer∣ning the dispo∣sing of the king∣dome of Hun∣garie.
• * 8.412

  Mischi••uous counsell.
• * 8.413

  Solyman entreth Buda the 30 of August 1541, and there first sacrificeth after the Mahometane manner.
• * 8.414

  The doome of Hungarie.
• * 8.415

  The queene de∣parteth out of Buda with he•• sonne.
• * 8.416

  King Ferdinand sendeth embassa∣dours and pre∣sents to Solyman.
• * 8.417

  The frugall cheere of the Turkes.
• * 8.418

  The request of the embassadors in the behalfe of king Ferdinand.
• * 8.419

  Solymans proud answere to king Ferdinands em∣bassadours.
• * 8.420

  The Turkes campe well or∣dered.
• * 8.421

  Solyman retur∣neth towards Constantinople.
• * 8.422

  Lascus set at libertie by Soly∣man, shortly af∣ter d••••th.
• * 8.423

  Maylat the Vayuod not able to keepe the field against Achoma∣tes, & the prince of Moldauia, fli∣eth to Fogaras.
• * 8.424

  Mailat commeth into the Turkes campe.
• * 8.425

  Maylat treache∣••ousl•• taken pri∣soner by the Moldauian.
• * 8.426

  Transiluania gi∣uen by Solyman to the young king.
• * 8.427

  Charles the em∣perour returneth out of Germanie to inuade Al∣giers.
• * 8.428

  The French kings embassador slaine by the ••m∣perial••.
• * 8.429

  The emperour and the bishop of Rome meet a•• Luca.
• * 8.430

  The emperour driuen by tem∣pest into Sicilia.
• * 8.431

  The emperour comm••th to Al∣giers.
• * 8.432

  The emperours fleet out of Spain and the low countries.
• * 8.433

  The duke of Al∣ba.
• * 8.434

  Delay in great actions hurtfull.
• * 8.435

  The emperour sendeth a messen∣ger to Asan aga gouernour of Algiers for Bar∣barussa.
• * 8.436

  The scornefull answer of Assan the eunuch to the emperours messenger.
• * 8.437

  The emperour landeth his ar∣mie as Algiers.
• * 8.438

  The description of Algiers.
• * 8.439

  The Numidians skirmish with the Spaniards.
• * 8.440

  The Spaniards put the Numidi∣ans to flight, and game the hils.
• * 8.441

  The description of the Numidian footmen and horsemen.
• * 8.442

  A maruellous tempest.
• * 8.443

  The Moores 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to flight by the Italians.
• * 8.444

  The Italians di••∣com••ited by the Moores flie, and endanger the whole campe.
• * 8.445

  The notable cou∣rage of the empe∣rour in slaying the ••light of his armie.
• * 8.446

  An horrible tempest.
• * 8.447

  The Christian fleet perisheth by shipwracke.
• * 8.448

  A hard choise.
• * 8.449

  Many gallies lost by sauing of one man.
• * 8.450

  The miserie of the Christian ar∣mie.
• * 8.451

  The cheareful∣nesse of the em∣perour comfor∣teth the whole distressed armi••.
• * 8.452

  Horses good mea•• in the emperours armie.
• * 8.453

  The emperour departeth from Algiers.
• * 8.454

  He embarketh his armie.
• * 8.455

  Horses of great price drowned by the emperou•• a commaund to in the roome for the common soul∣diors.
• * 8.456

  Two Spanish ships f••ll of soul∣diors driuen by tem••••st to Algiers.
• * 8.457

  Assan taketh the Spaniards to mercie.
• * 8.458

  The emperour commeth to ••••∣zia.
• * 8.459

  The emperour arriueth in Spaine.
• * 8.460

  1542 The French king the m••re to trou∣ble the emper••r▪ solliciteth Soly∣man to inuade his countries.
• * 8.461

  Polinus the French embassa∣dour meeteth Solyman cōming from Buda, and offreth vnto him presents from the French king.
• * 8.462

  The request of the French em∣bassadour to So∣lyman.
• * 8.463

  Polinus retur∣neth into France.
• * 8.464

  Polinus sent backe againe to Solyman, cōmeth to Venice, and notably sollici∣teth the Veneti∣ans to take vp armes with the French king a∣gainst the empe∣rour.
• * 8.465

  The craftie an∣swere of the Ve∣n••tians to the French kings embassadour.
• * 8.466

  Solymans embas∣sadours commeth to Venice.
• * 8.467

  Polinus com∣ming to Constan∣tinople, findeth not the Turke so rea••••e to send his fleet to aid the French king, a•• he had hoped.
• * 8.468

  The sharpe or••∣tion of Solyman the eunu••h bassa to Polinus the French embas∣sadour.
• * 8.469

  Polinus by the meanes of the Capiaga it 〈…〉〈…〉 to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Soly∣man himselfe.
• * 8.470

  Solymans answer to Polinus.
• * 8.471

  The Princes of Germanie ioine their forces with king Ferdinand against the Turk in Hungarie.
• * 8.472

  The Marquesse of Brandenburg commeth to Pesth, with hi•• armie.
• * 8.473

  The Turks sally out of Pes••h, and put the Christi∣ans to the worse.
• * 8.474

  The Turks sal∣lying out againe are dis••omfited by Vitell••us and Perenus.
• * 8.475

  Mauritius in danger to be slaine.
• * 8.476

  A breach made in the wals of Pes••h.
• * 8.477

  The breach as∣saulted by the Italians.
• * 8.478

  The Germanes stand still as loo∣kers on, whilst the Italians giue the assault.
• * 8.479

  The con••umeli∣ous speech of a Turke against the Germanes.
• * 8.480

  The Germanes and the Italians retire with losse.
• * 8.481

  A notable skir∣mish betwixt the Turke•• and the Hungarians.
• * 8.482

  The Christians remoouing from Pesth, are assai∣led by the Turks.
• * 8.483

  The Christian armie broken vp at V••••nna.
• * 8.484

  P••••enu•• the no∣ble H••ngarian apprehended vp∣on suspition of treason.
• * 8.485

  The vncourtesie of Liscanus the Spaniard in the apprehension of Perenus.
• * 8.486

  Matters surmi∣sed against Pe∣renus.
• * 8.487

  The lamentable speech of Pere∣nus to Torniellus and the other captaines, con∣cerning his ap∣prehension.
• * 8.488

  Perenu•• his request of the Admirall and the rest of the captaines.
• * 8.489

  Perenus, Valen∣tinus, and May∣lat, three of the greatest nobilitie in Hungarie kept in perpetu∣tuall prison.
• * 8.490

  1543
• * 8.491

  Solyman gran∣teth to send his fleet by Barba∣russa to aid the French king a∣gainst the em∣perour••
• * 8.492

  Solymans letters to the French king.
• * 8.493

  Barbarussa amo∣rous of the cap∣taine of Rhegi∣um his daughter.
• * 8.494

  The French em∣bassadours let∣ters to comfort Rodolph the car∣dinall, the Popes legat in Rome.
• * 8.495

  Solyman com∣meth with a great army into Hungarie.
• * 8.496

  The castle of Wa••po treache∣rously yeelded, & the traitors iust∣ly rewarded.
• * 8.497

  Solyman com∣meth with his army to Strigo∣nium.
• * 8.498

  The s••••ut answer of the captaines.
• * 8.499

  The terrible bat∣terie of the Turks at S••rigonium.
• * 8.500

  The Turks re∣pulsed thrise at the assault of th•• breach.
• * 8.501

  A fugitiu•• Chri∣stian discouereth the strength and state of the citi•• to the Turks.
• * 8.502

  ••alamanca goeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 parley with the Turks about the yeelding vp of the same.
• * 8.503

  Strigonium yeel∣ded to the Turks by Liscanus the Spaniard.
• * 8.504

  Liscanus the co∣uetous Spaniard merrily stript of all his wealth by Halis, captaine of the Ianizaries.
• * 8.505

  Solyman entreth into Strigonium, and there setteth vp the Mahome∣tane superstition.
• * 8.506

  A cowardly cap∣taine worth••ly rewarded.
• * 8.507

  Solyman goeth to Alba Regali••.
• * 8.508

  The description of Alba Regal••••▪
• * 8.509

  The citisens of Alba will not suffer the citie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be destroyed.
• * 8.510

  The Turks with incredible labour fill vp the ditches and lake, and by plaine force as∣sault the bul∣warke of the sub∣••rbes towards 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 8.511

  A notable act of an Hung••••ia•• woman.
• * 8.512

  The suburbes of Alba Regal•••• w••on by the Turkes.
• * 8.513

  The miserable slaughter of the flying Christian••▪
• * 8.514

  Embassadour•• sen•• to Solyman, to entreat vpon conditions for the yeelding of the citie.
• * 8.515

  Solyman entreth into Alba Re∣galis.
• * 8.516

  Solyman causeth the chiefe citi∣sens of Alba Re∣galis to be slaine.
• * 8.517

  Solyman retur∣neth to Constan∣tinople.
• * 8.518

  Nice in Prouinc•• besieged by the French and the Turkes.
• * 8.519

  The citisens craue parley, and a••ter yeeld the citie.
• * 8.520

  The castle be∣sieged.
• * 8.521

  Barbarussa in his rage threate∣neth to lay hand•• on Polinus, and to returne forth∣with to Constan∣tinople.
• * 8.522

  The Turkes and French giue ouer the sieg•• of the castle of Nice, and set ••ire on the citie.
• * 8.523

  Barbarussa deri∣ded by the Turks captaines.
• * 8.524

  His answere to their ••aun••s.
• * 8.525

  Muleasses fea∣ring the cōming of Barbarussa, departeth from Tunes into Italy to craue aid of Charles the em∣perour.
• * 8.526

  Costly dishes.
• * 8.527

  Amida riseth against Mule∣asses his father, and vsurpeth the kingdome of Tunes.
• * 8.528

  Muleasses retur∣neth into Affrick to Guletta.
• * 8.529

  Amida thru•••• out of Tunes.
• * 8.530

  Amida retur∣neth, and posses∣seth the king∣dome.
• * 8.531

  Muleasses going to Tune••, by the way ouerthrowne
• * 8.532

  Lofredius slaine.
• * 8.533

  Muleasses taken.
• * 8.534

  Amida put out his fathers and brethrens eies.
• * 8.535

  Touarres sen∣••••••h for Abda∣m••••••ch, Amida his elder brother.
• * 8.536

  Abdamelech by policie obtaineth the kingdome of Tunes.
• * 8.537

  Abdamelech di∣eth, and Maho∣metes his sonne is chosen king in his place.
• * 8.538

  Muleasses at the request of To∣uarr•••• is sent to Guletta.
• * 8.539

  Amida recoue∣reth the king∣dome of Tunes, and taketh sharp reuenge vpon his enemies.
• * 8.540

  Muleasses dis∣daineth to kisse the Popes foot.
• * 8.541

  1544
• * 8.542

  Barbarussa his letters to Apol∣anus, Gouernour of Elba.
• * 8.543

  Appianus glad to deliuer the captiue whom Barbarussa re∣quired.
• * 8.544

  Sinan the Iew dieth for ioy.
• * 8.545

  Barbarussa in his returne toward Constantinople, d••th much harm vpon the coast of Italie.
• * 8.546

  Barbarussa arri∣ueth at Constan∣tinople.
• * 8.547

  Mahomet Soly∣mans eldest son dieth.
• * 8.548

  The death of th•• famous pira•• Barbarussa.
• * 8.549

  Vastius dieth.
• * 8.550

  1548
• * 8.551

  1549
• * 8.552

  Van yeelded to the Turkes.
• * 8.553

  Imirza murthe∣red in prison.
• * 8.554

  Solyman retur∣neth to Constan∣tinople.
• * 8.555

  1550
• * 8.556

  Dragut a famous pirat of the Turk••, possesseth certaine cities in Affricke.
• * 8.557

  1551
• * 8.558

  Malta attemp∣ted by the Turks.
• * 8.559

  The Turks fleet arriueth at Tri∣polis in Barbaris.
• * 8.560

  Tripolis batte∣red by the Turks.
• * 8.561

  Hard conditions offered by the Bassa in the besieged.
• * 8.562

  More easie con∣ditions offered by the Bassa, which he consumeth by hi••oath.
• * 8.563

  The warie an∣s••••re of the Go∣uernour to the Bassa.
• * 8.564

  The castle yeel∣ded.
• * 8.565

  The shamelesse answere of the faithlesse Bassa to the French embassadour.
• * 8.566

  The Turks tri∣umph for the winning of Tri∣polis.
• * 8.567

  A shamefull cru∣••••••ie of the Turks.
• * 8.568

  Temesware and Zolnok taken by the Turks.
• * 8.569

  George bishop of Veradium mur∣dered in his owne house.
• * 8.570

  1552
• * 8.571

  Agria besieged by the Turks.
• * 8.572

  The Turks giue ouer the siege of Agria.
• * 8.573

  1553
• * 8.574

  Mustapha, Soly∣man eldest son••e in great estimati∣on with the peo∣ple.
• * 8.575

  Solyman becom∣meth amorous of Roxolana.
• * 8.576

  Mustaph•• sent to gouerne Ca∣ramania.
• * 8.577

  The mallice of Roxolana a∣gainst Mustapha.
• * 8.578

  Roxolana con∣spireth with Ru∣stan Bassa her sonne in law against Musta∣pha.
• * 8.579

  Roxolana ••ai∣neth her selfe religious.
• * 8.580

  Solyman manu∣miseth Roxolana
• * 8.581

  Solyman sendeth for Roxolana.
• * 8.582

  She excuseth her selfe, and refu∣seth to come.
• * 8.583

  Solyman marri∣eth Roxolana.
• * 8.584

  Roxolana plot∣teth the confusi∣on of Mustapha.
• * 8.585

  Rustan the great Bassa furthereth the deuises of Roxolana.
• * 8.586

  Mustapha in danger to haue been poisoned by Roxolana.
• * 8.587

  Roxolana and Rustan together put Solyman in feare of his sonne Mustapha.
• * 8.588

  Solyman sendeth Rustan Bassa with an armie to take Mustapha.
• * 8.589

  The malicious deuice of Rustan.
• * 8.590

  Solyman goeth himselfe with an armie to kill his sonne.
• * 8.591

  He sendeth for Mustapha.
• * 8.592

  Mustapha per∣plexed in mind.
• * 8.593

  His talke with his doctor.
• * 8.594

  Mustapha com∣meth to his fa∣thers campe.
• * 8.595

  The exceeding t••••cherie of Ru∣stan against Mu∣stapha
• * 8.596

  The mel••ncholie dreame of Mu∣sta••ha in com∣ming to his father.
• * 8.597

  Mustapha com∣meth to his fa∣thers tent.
• * 8.598

  Mustapha most cr••elly strangled in his fathers sight.
• * 8.599

  Mahomet Mu∣staphaes sonne strangled also.
• * 8.600

  Solyman offereth to Tzihanger all Mustaphaes treasure and wealth.
• * 8.601

  Tzihanger for sorrow killeth himselfe.
• * 8.602

  A bloudie tu∣mult betwixt the souldiors of So∣lyman and Mu∣stapha.
• * 8.603

  The tumult ap∣peased by Acho∣mat bassa.
• * 8.604

  The Ianizaries vp in a••m•••• a∣gainst Sol••man, ••or the vnworthy death of Mu∣stapha.
• * 8.605

  The s••out speech of Solyman to the Ianizaries.
• * 8.606

  The f••••rce an∣swer•• of the Ia∣nizaries to Soly∣man.
• * 8.607

  Solyman yeel∣deth vnto the Ianizaries.
• * 8.608

  Rustan disgraced by Solyman, fli∣eth to Constan∣tinople.
• * 8.609

  The miserable end of Achoma∣tes the great Bassa.
• * 8.610

  1554
• * 8.611

  1555
• * 8.612

  1556
• * 8.613

  Zigeth besieged by the Bassa of Buda.
• * 8.614

  A terrible assault.
• * 8.615

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 notably ••efended.
• * 9.1

  Solyman•• letter to the Pope, in behalfe of the Iews marchants.
• * 9.2

  The ninth of Mar••h▪ An. 1556
• * 9.3

  Haly Bassa besie∣geth Zigeth a∣gaine.
• * 9.4

  Haly Bassa ouer∣throwne.
• * 9.5

  Henry the French king solliciteth Solyman to in∣uade the king of Spaine his terri∣tories.
• * 9.6

  The Guise, lord Grand Prior in France, admirall of Malta, taketh certaine of the Turkes gallies.
• * 9.7

  Solyman in no∣thing more vn∣fortunat than in the proofe of his children.
• * 9.8

  Baiazet Soly∣man•• younger sonne seeketh to aspire vnto the empire.
• * 9.9

  A counterseit Mustapha set vp to make a head of rebellion.
• * 9.10

  The craftie dea∣ling of the suppo∣sed Mustapha to deceiue the peo∣ple.
• * 9.11

  Solyman angrie with the San∣zackes for not suppressing the supposed Mu∣stapha, sendeth Partau the great Bassa a∣gainst him.
• * 9.12

  Mustapha and his companions drowned by night.
• * 9.13

  Roxolana intrea∣••eth Solyman for Baiazet her yon∣ger sonne, and obtaineth his pardon.
• * 9.14

  Baiazet goeth to his father in feare.
• * 9.15

  Roxolana com∣forteth her sonne Baiazet.
• * 9.16

  Solyman repro∣ueth Baiazet of disloialtie▪ and afterward par••••∣neth him.
• * 9.17

  Baiazet retur∣neth to his charge.
• * 9.18

  Solyman admo∣nisheth Baiazet of his dutie.
• * 9.19

  Solyman remoo∣ueth his two sons further asunder.
• * 9.20

  Baiazet vnwil∣ling to goe to Amasia, seeketh delayes.
• * 9.21

  Solyman to be sure that his two sonnes should go to their appoin∣ted prouinces, sendeth Partau and Mehemet, two of the Visi•••• Bassa••s to see them brought thither.
• * 9.22

  Baiaze•• sendeth Partau Bassa backe againe to his father.
• * 9.23

  Solyman maketh preparation a∣gainst Baiazes; and sendeth aid to Selymus.
• * 9.24

  The Ianizaries vnwilling to go•• against Baiazet.
• * 9.25

  Baiazet his mes∣sage to his father requesting him not to intermedle betwixt him and his brother.
• * 9.26

  Selym•••• depar∣teth toward Ico∣nium.
• * 9.27

  Baiazet s••aieth at Ancyra, and there raiseth his forces.
• * 9.28

  The description of Selymus.
• * 9.29

  Baiazet and his quarrell general∣ly fauoured of the souldiors.
• * 9.30

  Baiazet hi•• pur∣pose.
• * 9.31

  Baiazet goeth against his bro∣ther.
• * 9.32

  The battell be∣tweene Baiazet and Selymus.
• * 9.33

  Fortie thousand Turkes slaine.
• * 9.34

  Baiazet goeth to Amasia.
• * 9.35

  Augerius Bus∣bequius epist. 3. legationis Tur••••••ae.
• * 9.36

  The order of the Turkes campe.
• * 9.37

  The opinion ••he Turkes haue of them that di•• in their warres.
• * 9.38

  The spare dies of the Ianizaries.
• * 9.39

  The precise man∣ner of the Turkes in their fas••••.
• * 9.40

  Presents sent frō the emperor Fer∣dinand to Soly∣man.
• * 9.41

  Baiazet goeth t•• Amasia, and see∣keth for his fa∣thers fauor.
• * 9.42

  Solyman dissem∣bleth with Baia∣zet.
• * 9.43

  Baiazet depar∣teth from Ama∣sia, with purpose to flie into Persia.
• * 9.44

  Baiazet decei∣ueth the Bassa of Sebastia.
• * 9.45

  The Bassa of Er∣zirum deceiued by Baiazet.
• * 9.46

  Solyman much grieued with the flight of his son.
• * 9.47

  The eager p••••∣suit of the ••as∣sa•••• and S••••∣zack••.
• * 9.48

  Baiazet well en∣tertained by th•• Persian king.
• * 9.49

  Tamas the Per∣sian king in feare of Baiazet.
• * 9.50

  Baiazet his fol∣lowers dispersed and slaine.
• * 9.51

  Baiazet impri∣soned.
• * 9.52

  The Persian king s••ndeth em∣bassadours with presents to Soly∣man.
• * 9.53

  The cause why the Persian king would by no meanes let Baia∣zet go out of his hands.
• * 9.54

  The miserable estate of Baiazet.
• * 9.55

  The agreement betweene the Persian king & Solyman for the destruction of Baiazet.
• * 9.56

  Baiazet and his foure sonnes strangled.
• * 9.57

  The rare force of innocencie.
• * 9.58

  1558
• * 9.59

  Charles the em∣perour resigneth the empire to his brother Ferdi∣nand, & shortly after dieth.
• * 9.60

  1559
• * 9.61

  The Christian princes set out a fleet for the reco∣uerie of Tripolis in Barbarie.
• * 9.62

  1560
• * 9.63

  The Christian fleet arriueth at the Island of Zerbi.
• * 9.64

  The castle of Zerbi taken by the Christians.
• * 9.65

  Piall Bassa Soly∣man•• Admirall sent to remoue the Christians out of Zerbi.
• * 9.66

  Part of the Christian fleet oppressed at Zerbi by the sudden comming of the Turks.
• * 9.67

  The castle of Zerbi besieged by the Turks.
• * 9.68

  Don Aluerus with the rest of the chee••e com∣manders taken prisoners.
• * 9.69

  The castle of Zerbi yeelded vn∣to the Turks.
• * 9.70

  The Turks with victorie returne to Cōstantinople.
• * 9.71

  Augerius Bus∣bequius lega∣tionis Turcicae. epist. 4.
• * 9.72

  The miserie of the Christian captiues.
• * 9.73

  Piall in disgrace with Solyman, shunneth to come to Constan∣tinople.
• * 9.74

  One of the impe∣riall ensignes of Charles the fif•• redeemed from the Turk••.
• * 9.75

  The death of the noble Andreas Auria.
• * 9.76

  1561
• * 9.77

  A great ship∣wracke.
• * 9.78

  1562
• * 9.79

  Maximilian chosen king of the Romans, and after crowned king of Hun∣garie.
• * 9.80

  Solyman by his embassadour con∣firmeth a peace with Ferdinand the emperour for eight yeares.
• * 10.1

  Solymans pro•••• letters to the em∣peror Ferdinand.
• * 10.2

  Present•• from Solyman to the emperour Fer∣dinand.
• * 10.3

  1564
• * 10.4

  The death of the emperour Fer∣dinand.
• * 10.5

  New troubles in Hungarie.
• * 10.6

  1565
• * 10.7

  The Turks pur∣posing warre, craftily sue for peace.
• * 10.8

  Solyman maketh preparation a∣gainst the knights of Malta.
• * 10.9

  Solymans Orati∣on to his cap∣tains for the in∣uasion of Malta.
• * 10.10

  Valetta the Grand master aduertised of So∣lymans purpose.
• * 10.11

  Valetta his Ora∣tion vnto his knights.
• * 10.12

  The knights make preparati∣on for the Turks comming.
• * 10.13

  Solymans fleet departeth from Constantinople.
• * 10.14

  The Turks fleet arriueth at Malta.
• * 10.15

  The description of Malta.
• * 10.16

  Acts 27 & 28.
• * 10.17

  Riuerius with other knights, ta∣ken of the Turks.
• * 10.18

  The Turks land.
• * 10.19

  They of the ca∣stle of S. Michael skirmish with the Turks.
• * 10.20

  The Turks be∣siege the castle of S. Elmo.
• * 10.21

  Dragut com∣meth to aid the Turks.
• * 10.22

  The Turks as∣sault the castle S. Elmo.
• * 10.23

  S. Elmo againe assaulted.
• * 10.24

  New supplie sem into the castle S. Elmo.
• * 10.25

  The Great ma∣ster disappointed of a supplie by the searefulnesse of the shipma∣ster.
• * 10.26

  S. Elmo againe assaulted.
• * 10.27

  The Turkes re∣pulsed.
• * 10.28

  The Turks make a bridge ouer the castle ditch.
• * 10.29

  A terrible batte∣rie.
• * 10.30

  Medranus a va∣liant captaine.
• * 10.31

  Eight hundred Turks slain ••ith the fall of the bridge.
• * 10.32

  The Turks retire
• * 11.1

  The Great ma∣sters letters to Garzias Viceroy of Sicilia.
• * 11.2

  Foure gallies sent to the Great master for the re∣liefe of Malta.
• * 11.3

  A most terrible assault.
• * 11.4

  Dragut slaine.
• * 11.5

  Three knights sent to view the state of the castle S. Elmo.
• * 11.6

  The resolute an••swere to them in the castle to the knights.
• * 11.7

  The three knights of diuers opinions concer∣ning the keeping of the castle S. Elmo.
• * 11.8

  The Turks ••uri∣ously assault the citie.
• * 11.9

  The castle of S. Elmo taken by the Turks.
• * 11.10

  Barbarous cruel∣tie exercised by the Turkes vpon the dead bodies of the knights.
• * 11.11

  Valetta encoura∣geth his souldiors after the losse of the castle S. El∣mo.
• * 11.12

  Valetta his let∣ters to the Go∣uernour of M••∣lita.
• * 11.13

  Mustapha Bassa sendeth messen∣gers to the Great master.
• * 11.14

  The answere of the Great master to the Turkes messengers.
• * 11.15

  Philip Lascaris flieth from the Turks to the ca∣stle S. Michaell.
• * 11.16

  The knights of Malta craue aid of the Viceroy.
• * 11.17

  The cold answere of the Viceroy to the knights.
• * 11.18

  A traitor taken and executed a•• Melita.
• * 11.19

  The souldiors new come out of Sicilia, come to the Great master.
• * 11.20

  The praier of Valetta.
• * 11.21

  Ochiall Bassa made Gouernour of Tripolis.
• * 11.22

  A terrible bat∣terie.
• * 11.23

  Three gallies de∣part from Messa∣na with aid to∣wards Malta.
• * 11.24

  The gallies vpon a signe giuen re∣turne backe.
• * 11.25

  The king of Al∣giers commeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aid the Turks.
• * 11.26

  A desperat fugi∣tiue.
• * 11.27

  The king of Al∣giers notably re∣pulsed both by sea and land.
• * 11.28

  A hard shift to carrie newes.
• * 11.29

  A bridge made ouer the castle ditch by the Turks.
• * 11.30

  The Turks re∣pulsed.
• * 11.31

  A mine of the Turks defeated.
• * 11.32

  The bridge made by the Turke•••• burnt.
• * 11.33

  Aquilates a Spaniard flieth to the Turks.
• * 11.34

  The Turkes at one time assault the new citie and the castle S. Mi∣chaell.
• * 11.35

  The garrison sol∣diours of Melita salying out, cause the Turkes to giue ouer the as∣sault at S. Mi∣chaels.
• * 11.36

  Mustapha sen∣deth a messenger to Solyman.
• * 11.37

  Salazer a Spa∣nish captaine as a spie entreth the Turkes campe.
• * 11.38

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Turks mines 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the ••••••••stians.
• * 11.39

  Robles Gouernor of the castle of S. Michael, slaine.
• * 11.40

  The Turk•• at once assault the townes S. Angelo and S. Michael▪ and are at both places repulsed.
• * 11.41

  Another assault.
• * 11.42

  The resolute an∣swere of the great Master.
• * 11.43

  The Turkes as∣sault both the town•• the fourth time.
• * 11.44

  The Turks enter the new citie.
• * 11.45

  The comfortable speech of the Great master, when the Turkes were entred.
• * 11.46

  The Turks with great slaughter againe repulsed.
• * 11.47

  A mine of the Christians found by the Turks.
• * 11.48

  The Turks despe∣ratly assault the towne of S. Mi∣chael.
• * 11.49

  The Turks enfor∣ced to retire.
• * 11.50

  The Christian fleet driuen by tempest to the Island Aegus••.
• * 11.51

  The Christian fleet commeth to Gaulos.
• * 11.52

  A fugitiue dis∣couereth the ene∣mies purpose to the Great master.
• * 11.53

  The Viceroy ar∣riueth at Malta, and landeth his forces.
• * 11.54

  The Turks for∣sake the siege.
• * 11.55

  The Turks ouer∣throwne by the Christians, flie to their gallies.
• * 11.56

  The Turks de∣part from Malta.
• * 11.57

  The carefulnesse of the Great Master.
• * 12.1

  The letters of the Great master to the graund prior of Almanie, con∣cerning the man∣ner of the Turks proceedings in the siege of Mal∣ta.
• * 12.2

  1566
• * 12.3

  The island of Chios taken by the Turks.
• * 12.4

  The Turks sur∣prise townes in Hungarie.
• * 12.5

  Great troubles in Hungarie.
• * 12.6

  The good suc∣cesse of the em∣perours captains.
• * 12.7

  A great p••ey.
• * 12.8

  The Turks wi••h much labour make a bridge ouer the great riuer of Drauus.
• * 12.9

  The Turks en∣campe before Sigeth.
• * 12.10

  Countie Serinus his comfortable and resolute speech to his sol∣diors.
• * 12.11

  Solyman com∣meth into the campe at Sigeth.
• * 12.12

  The defendants burne the new towne.
• * 12.13

  The Turks win the old towne.
• * 12.14

  Solyman dieth of the blo••die flix.
• * 12.15

  Muhamet Bassa concealeth the death of Soly∣man.
• * 12.16

  The great bul∣warke vndermi∣ned & set on fire by the Ianiza∣ries.
• * 12.17

  The little castle set on fire.
• * 12.18

  The last speech of countie Seri∣nus to his souldi∣ors.
• * 12.19

  Serinus slaine.
• * 12.20

  Serinus his head sent to countie Salma.
• * 13.1

  The Bassa•• quipping little to countie Sa••••••
• * 13.2

  Nicholaus Ke∣retschen corrup∣ted for money, be••••ayeth Gyula to the Turks.
• * 13.3

  A trai••or well rewarded.
• * 13.4

  The Gouernor of Alba Regalis taken.
• * 13.5

  The Turks sharp answere to the Spaniard.
• * 13.6

  The Turks ar∣mie ret••••neth with the bodie of Solyman to Bel∣grade.