An answer to a Catholike English-man (so by himselfe entitvled) who, without a name, passed his censure vpon the apology made by the Right High and Mightie Prince Iames by the grace of God King of Great Brittaine, France, and Ireland &c. for the oath of allegiance : which censvre is heere examined and refvted / by the Bishop of Lincoln.

PARAGRAPH. 2. (Book 2)

Num. 1. For, as if he were borne among the Lindians, * 1.1 who vsed to offer their sacrifices with execrable maledicti∣ons, and did thinke his Booke (as they their holy Rites) to

bee prophaned and vnacceptable, if at vnawares a good word should fall from him: after hee hath begun his Se∣cond Paragraph, and in one Section, contriued the Summe of the Popes two Breues, presently for 16. whole Numbers together, as if hee had an Impostume of venomous filth ranckling within him, and nothing could burst it but the Blessed Memorie of QUEENE ELIZABETHS Sa∣cred name; vpon a breefe mention thereof, he disgorgeth out of his filthy throat, by his diuellish pen, the basest and most barbarously loathsome contumelies, against HER, of WHOM to speake as she deserues, I am vnable; and in what I can I am vnworthy.

2. SHE was a daughter of the blood roiall, borne to the * 1.2 Crowne (in the Prophets words, from the Birth, from the Wombe, from the Conception:) a Princesse aduanced to the Crowne in apparant right, and by vncontroleable succes∣sion: an Imperiall Monarch, wearing the Crown with most absolute command.

3. Soladomum & tantas seruauit foemina sedes: a famous * 1.3 Empresse, or rather indeed the very Impreso of fame, bla∣zoned out, not by home-bred fauourites, but by forraine trauellers and writers, before and since her death (yea euen her enemies, both for Religion and warre) to bee in her * 1.4 time, and for her Sex, the Starre of Souereignty; the mir∣ror of Principalitie; a terror where enmitie; the Load stone of Maiestie, drawing to HER Ambassadors Christian, not Christian only for enteruiew and Salutation; in truth, for view and admiration. For when they had satisfied them∣selues with her sight (and hardly could they bee satisfied) what Sabaes Queene once said of King Solomon, they all * 1.5 concluded of HER, that which often fals not out (saith the Orator) their eies had ouercome their eares, and truth * 1.6 had out-striptfame; report was lesse then veritie, and her renowne farre short of her desert.

4. For had SHE beene Royall in Blood Only (and that's a blessednesse to a Kingdome, when the Prince is the Sonne * 1.7

of Nobles, saith Salomon a King) and not Prudent in Gouern∣ment, nature might haue claimed the honour, but the State beene weakely managed. It is the Prudence of a Prince which swaieth the Scepter, as the sterne guides the ship: * 1.8 and Prudent she was, Etiam supra Sexum, saith Thuanus, and hee no Protestant: or had she been sagely Prudent, and not Religious, her directions had beene no better then A∣ristotles Politikes, paganish and prophane; for many heathe∣nish Kings haue excelled in them: but so Religious shee was, that the way she made in this Land Ad Euangelium Regni, for the Gospell of the Kingdome, made her Realme to be ac∣counted Regnum Euangelii the Kingdome of the Gospell: So * 1.9 much saith Meteran, and more then that, and yet hee no En∣glish man: In breefe, had she beene Religious alone, and not indowed with others vertues, gracing her as a woman, furnishing her as a Queene, deuout shee might haue beene, but retired; her Counsellors Graue, but not at all directed, perhaps oft thwarted; her people many, but in peace vn∣armed, in warre dishartned.

5 Therefore, besides those two supporters, of a State, as * 1.10 Nazian. cals them, which were in her most absolute, Prudence and Fortitude; that for direction, this for defence or annoyance as occasion serued: her other graces of minde (either suting with her Sex, or fitting for an Em∣presse) were so visible, so eminent in her, so innumerable for the varietie, so, vnexpressible for the dignitie (saith Bizarus an Italian) that as Demosthenes once spake 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. All her actiōs being royally vertuous, * 1.11 vertuously religious, and Religiously wise; her Wisdome seazoned her Religion, her Religion sanctified her Policies, her Policies graced her Discent, all of them together wrought her Immortalitie: and her Immortalitie is ac∣compianed with Renowne vpon earth, and Reward in Hea∣uen.

6 The first; Records in print, Forreine and Domesticall, doe proclaime. Omit all but two, as most fitting for this

place. An absolute Queene shee was, who is thus basely traduced; a most absolute Monarch shall speake for her: a Railing Iesuite he is that thus reuiles HER; as Railing Priests of his owne Religion, shall testifie of HER.

7 The formost, HIS SACRED MAIESTIE, who, by his place, knewe what a Queene should be, and by his experience knewe what a Queene she was, when hee had neither cause to flatter her, nor neede to feare her, writes * 1.12 thus of her. In England raignes a lawfull Queene, who hath so long, with so great wisedome & felicitie gouerned her Kingdoms, as I must in true sinceritie confesse, the like hath not beene read nor heard of, either in our time, or since the daies of the Romane Emperour Augustus.

8 In the second place, heare Balaams Priests, like Ba∣laam himselfe blessing against his will, and beyond his * 1.13 hire) vttering a truth, euen perforce; Our Noble Eliza∣beth * 1.14 Prince Paregall, and Paramount, and Paragon the so, ad∣mired at Saba of Europs England; as also, the world hath wondred at her more then ordinarie Endowments of Princely nature: giuing place to none of former, present, or future times, persons, or ages, for, and in all points attending at the gates of Royall Honour, and throane of Regall Maie∣stie.

9 For her Reward in heauen; if restraints of libertie, and pursuites of malice for Gods truth, inflicted through Iealousie, and indured with singular patience; if a release from them vnexpected, followed with honours and bles∣sings, neither interrupted by others, (whether Treasons or Inuasions) nor blemished by her selfe with vice Crimi∣nall or continued; if life shut vp after length of daies, and a full age, with a courage defying Death; with Praiers im∣ploring mercy: with Faith assuring her Praiers; with testi∣monies witnessing her assurance; can bee preceding con∣iectures, or rather euidences of vnspeakable happinesse, wee may safely conclude, that SHE which passed through a Crowne of Thornes, (borne so constantly) to a Crowne of

Gold (worne so tryumphantly) hath now gotten the Third of glorie, to enioy for-euer-lasting.

10 For can we thinke, that he which gaue her patience to be an humble Confessor; crowned her humilitie with ho∣nor, to bee a Royall Queene; Seconded her Honour with wisdome, to be a Carefull Gouernour; grounded her wis∣dome vpon religion, to bee a DEFENDER OF THE FAITH; adorned her Religion with incomparable gra∣ces, to bee an example of vertue for her owne to follow, and a Load-starre for other Nations to admire: that hee (I say) would leaue HER in the end, to bee a prey for Satan? Nay, rather, as hee shewed himselfe, at first, to bee her Father, chastising her in loue; and after that, her God in sanctifying her minde; and withall her King, in aduan∣cing her Throane; so, much more to bee her Sauiour, to make her an inheritor with the Saints in Heauen.

11 Now this Renowned Queene, this eternized Saint, (whose memorie may for euer be blessed) a Black mouth'd Shemei, this Parsons, famous for nothing but Capitall In∣famies, hath defiled (I will describe him no otherwise, then their owne Priests, his owne selfe, and his owne Brother disci∣pher him.)

12 The Priests: a Bastard by Birth, a Libellar by custom, a Factionist in Societies an Expulst Acad•…•…mian, rung out with * 1.15 Bels (as a carted Strumpet with pans) for a graceles Compa∣nion: a Diabolicall Macheuilian: astaine of humanitie: a Corrupter of all honestie: all which and more, (as if with shamelesse Ballio, he delighted to heare himselfe so liuely * 1.16 described, he repeates with a kinde of ioy in another pam∣phlet of his owne.

13 Vnder his owne hand, a Chamelion for his Professi∣on: a Backe-sliding Apostata from his witnessed assent to * 1.17 the Articles of Religion: a periur'd Intruder into Priesthood; (hauing once sworne the contrary) a dissolute Libertine in choice, in Act, in maintenance.

14 By his Brothers testimonie: a Fugitiue with discon∣tented

Runnagates; a viperous Complotter against his coun∣trie; a Firebrand of treasonable Combustions by pen and * 1.18 aduice; and (which is of all o her most re-markable) a Ie∣suite by proxie, a Votarie by Substitution of one of his Asso∣ciates that died vpon a surfet of figges; a Paduan Mounte∣bancke, and an Empericall Quack-Saluer; (let not the Pope •…•…nger him, he hath studied Physicke for the purpose; wit nesses Allen the Cardinall, and Sixtus the Pope, say the Priests) a disdainefull Scorner of all reproofe or Councell; and yet a scorned vassall by all the Popes hee hath serued; of an aspiring desire, but defeated of any eminencie which hee expected: and, but that they vse him in this kinde (which is his onely vertue) as a Dogge to snarle, and bite, and rage at his owne Country and Nation, they had dealt wi•…•…h him ere this, as the old Romanes with their Dogges in the Capitoll, vnlesse they did barke, their legges should bee broken; except he doe still Libell, his Pasport will quickly * 1.19 be seal•…•…d: The name (I say) of that Sacred Maiestie, now resting from her labours, this Canker of Youth, this Spawne of Vipers, this Slaue of Satan, (from her birth to her graue, yea, and lower then the graue) hath contumel•…•…ously, basely, barbarously defiled with ignominious, vnnaturall, beastly, and leau•…•… slanders.

15 And as Abishai said of Shemei, Why doth this DEAD DOGGE—(neuer Title suited him bet∣ter * 1.20 then that; being, euen whi•…•…e he liues, a rotten Carcase of a poison•…•…d Curre, infected in his intrals, and infecting with his sauour the aire hee breathes, and the land where he had his first breath: a miching Curre, biting HER be∣hinde, * 1.21 when she cannot turne backe: (Sic mortuo Leons rabidi insultant Canes) at whose very looke he would haue fled with haste,

—Candam{que} remulcens,

haue closed his blacke mouth: A Carrionly Curre, entring * 1.22 her Tombe, and exenterrating her very bowels to stanch his rage: yea, as if he were the Porter of Hades, Carons Ma∣stiffe,

Plutoes Cerberus, he harrowes Tartar, and (I tremble to write it) feignes with a wish, her glorified Soule, in a gastly Ghost to speake from HELL, Numb. 3.)

16 O Blessed Trinitie, the concurrent Creator, Saui∣our, and Sanctifier of her Princely Soule and Body? and all you glorious Angels, which enuiron Her (now possest with blisse;) and all you Kings of the earth, who either admired or loued Her while Shee liued, or respect your owne Fame when yee are gone; can yee endure this hellish Blasphemy, and brooke these slanderous impieties in silence, and vnre∣uenged! Neuer was S. Iames speech verified more of any * 1.23 then this Rabshekais tongue, It sets on fire the course of nature, and it selfe is set on fire of Hell: the fuell whereof, beeing brimstone, it rageth (as you see) in burning with vnpartiall furie, and with lothsome stench.

17. But againe J say with Abishai, Why did this dead Dogge thus curse my Lord the King, our late Queene and So∣uereigne? What occasion was giuen him to reuel thus? Onely a short, but pithy and worthy recordation of Her Clement gouernment (which is His Maiesties singular ver∣tue, and gaines HIM loue with God, and honour among the good, neuer to name. Her but with some preface or ad∣dition of Princely respect) and not by the way, or from the purpose; for the Pope in the very entrance had wept him into it, hauing be-blubred his first Breue with pitifull Lamentations, for the Afflictions and Persecutions (for∣•…•…ooth) which the Catholickes many yeeres endured, for their Faith and Religion. HIS Maiestie therefore (because it must be meant in either of both their times) first acquites Her, and lets the Pope see, that his teares, were either as a Crocodiles (false and diss•…•…mbled) or as a Womans (causelesse, and for fashion) assuring him, that neuer Papist was puni∣shed by death for his Religion; but the Pressures then in∣du•…•…ed (in Her time) were extorted from Her by their own misdemeanour; begun vpon Pius Quintus his Proscribing her Realme, Excommunicating her selfe, and authorizing

her Subiects to take Armes against Her: continued by the * 1.24 frequent and Hydra-headed disturbances of her State and Person; what with forraine Inuasions, domesticall muti∣nies, priuate Intentions and Assaults for Murder, with wea∣pon, with poison, and all from Rome. And therefore, com∣paring their offenses, and her punishments, (the cause, not the peine denominating Persecution) SHE should be found a GRATIOVS PRINCE, and no PERSECV∣TOR.

18 These few last wordes (as the seruants of Benhadad serued the King of Israell, Festinantes rapuerunt verbum ex ore eius) this Iebusite hastely snatched at; and, as if hee had * 1.25 swallowed a Purge of Scammony, out gushes this loathsome gulfe of contumelies, filling fiue whole leaues with despight, disgrace, and slaunder of the Lords Annointed Queene; and that (with Reuerence be it spoken) euen into his Sacred Maiesties Princely face: challenging him, first, of Pro∣phanenesse, for borrowing a phrase from Heathen Wri∣ters, expressing thereby the charitable and Christian dis∣charge of a Kingly office, in acquitting her with her due praise (after her death) for her perpetuall memorie, from that false Imputation of being a PERSECVTOR: namely, that hee had sacrificed (if he might so say, for that he added) vnto the MANES of that defunct Lady; that * 1.26 is, had done her her right in recording her iust commen∣dation.

19 And this hee proclaimes for a prophane Heathenish speech; as if his Maiestie had sworne By the life of Pharaoh * 1.27 which Ioseph did, and the Holy-Ghost (if it were a fau lt lets it passe: and as though Christians might not lawfully vse Phrases, Metaphors, and Prouerbs of Heathen men to good purposes: which S. Hierome allowes by an elegant * 1.28 Allegorie (out of Moses law) of taking to wife the Captiue Woman, after her nailes were pared, and her haire cut: and * 1.29 S. Augustine, by allusion to the Israelites conuerting the Egyptian spoiles to their owne vse; for warrant whereof,

some of the Fathers, and amongst the rest S. Basil, haue written whole Tractats.

20 Yea, doth not the holy-Ghost himselfe so? S. Luke * 1.30 in naming the badge of the Ship (which was no essentiall note, if it had pleased him to omit it) wherein S. Paul sai∣led, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is adverbum, Iupiters boies or sonnes; did he thereby allow himselfe, or would he deriue to Chri∣stians for a truth, that fabulous storie that Iupiter had such sonnes; that they were the Gods of the Sea; or taken to heauen, and made Starres, and Signes in the Zodiacke: or that the ship was the more luckie for carrying their Pi∣ctures, which was the generall opinion then receiued among the Idolaters?

21. Or more neerely to purpose: S. Peter, in expres∣sing the torments of Hell, whereinto the Angels that first fell, were cast, vsing the very wordes of Poets, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, * 1.31 that they were committed to chaines of darknesse, being cast into Tartar: did he allow thereby that Fiction of that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that lowest gulfe with brasen wals and * 1.32 iron chaines described by the Poets? Or S. Paul at Athens, disputing about the Altar erected to the VNKNOWEN GOD, applying that halfe verse of an Heathen Poet: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, We are his Generation: Shall wee thinke hee * 1.33 thereby meant, that wee are all the ofspring of that their fained Iupiter? (for so Aratus, from whom he fetch't it, vn∣derstood * 1.34 it.) Or Nazianzene, by vsing the Prouerbe of Orcigalea, or Origen, of Plutonis Cassis, did they approoue thereby of Homers Fictions, of Mineruaes playing bo∣peepe with Mars vnder that Helmet? No: but manifestly arguing to our purpose in hand, that good vse of Poets phrases, without any challenge of Prophanenesse, euen in the highest points of religion may be made.

22 And therefore this Hick-scorning-mate shewes him * 1.35 selfe to be MANES in Greeke, that is (as the word was then vsed) a Slauish mad-braine, thus to twit•…•… his Maiestie, as if by Manes he meant Infernall Spirits, or HOB GOB∣LINS,

as he scoffingly translates the word (which indeede is a Name and Fiction of Popish terror, inuented by illu∣ding Papists to bring their holy-water and Orizons (as Scarre bugges) in request with superstitious ignorant peo∣ple, whom they had blinded:) whereas the word MA∣NES alone is not so applied, either in Grammaticall or Historicall sense, by the most iudicious Heathens them∣selues except they ioine [Dis] vnto it.

23 For as Apuleius witnesseth, they present vnder that Name, the Soules of those departed, which were Meliori * 1.36 meriti, as Iouis MANES in Macrobius: and so doth Festus, deriuing it from the old word MANA, which signifieth Good; and therefore they which Sacrifice vnto * 1.37 them, in memorie of them, called them MANES, that is, Good Spirits; as contrariwise, those which were ve∣ry Bad, they called IMMANES: and neuer came in Hell, but, as Rhodigin will haue the word deriued from ma∣nare, * 1.38 are conueied into the bodies of men at their first conception. Take it at the worst, it is applied to those Soules, by S. Augustines relation, whose state is vncertaine whether they deserue well or ill. * 1.39

24 So that, to suppose that Renowned Prince to be in Hell because that His Maiestie mentions her MANES; as it shewes his ignorance, so it bewraies his hellish trou∣bled conscience, Quae suos patitur Manes, which euer threa∣tens to it selfe feare of cruell torments to succeede: (Nam saeus semper minatur sibi perturbata Conscientia;) and there∣fore, being lesse Religious then Diues, who would haue kept men from thence, hee will needes send others into Hell before him: for hauing a selfe-gultie Soule, that hee * 1.40 is one of them that are Praescripti in hoc Iudicium, bill'd by the Diuell, and enrolled in that Catalogue of the damned, which S. Iude mentioneth, knowing himselfe, and feeling within him, (which makes him to be so earnest with the * 1.41 English dead Saints to bring him to Heauen) that he hath all the markes of a Reprobate; his braine, the forge of mis∣chiefe;

his face, the Anuill of Impudence; his heart, the * 1.42 Mint house of Treasons to his Country; a libelling hand rest•…•…esse and truthlesse; a railing tongue without measure or dis•…•…etion; his throat an open Sepulcher; his feet swift for blood-shed; Et interiora Impietas, his very eutrals the * 1.43 Inward of Impietie: In briefe, the engarbled Anatomie of a d•…•…mned wretch, being brand•…•…d with Caines marke, that no man may attach him to punish him heere, as reser∣ued by God himselfe to be reuenged for all, by his owne * 1.44 mightie hand.

25 This 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, thus guiltie to himselfe (as if hee had already conference with the Diuell, to whose King * 1.45 dome he hath before-hand sworne himselfe a vassall) pre∣sents QVEENE ELIZABETHS Ghost appearing from Hell, which neuer in her life committed Hellish crime, and whose soule resteth (no doubt) in Abrahams bosome Whose MANES, that is, whose residuall memorie, will both Manare and Manere by diffusion and duration; as well ext•…•…nd it selfe with glorious renowne ouer all Na∣tions of the knowne world, as endine for perpetuall Gene∣rations of succeeding age, to the worlds end.

26 And HIS part heerein, His maiestie (as we see) most royally discharged, in Sacrificing to HER memorie, that is, performing this action, both kindly, as to his Pa∣rent (so he expresseth himselfe by the Latine word Paren∣tars * 1.46) and also in solemne manner with harty affection, and vnseinealy; for that is Sacrificing in the Metaphor, both by diuine and humane learning.

27 And surely, (as it was said of Caesar, that in renew∣ing Pompey his decaied Statua, he had erected and establi∣shed * 1.47 his owne) his Maiestie in thus recording her praise, and freeing her (being dead) thus gratiously from impu∣ted slanders, Exegit Monumentum sibi aere perennius, hath fastned in the hearts of the true English Subiects, an vnre∣mooueable * 1.48 Monument of his Royall Nature, and neuer perishing same: and may serue for a Precedent of a most

Regal disposition to all Princes of the world, not to winne reputation to themselues by blemishing or concealing the vertues of their Antecessors.

28 In which sense (for it was no other) his Maiestie might vse that borrowed phrase, (especially vttering it with a Deprecatory Parenthesis, as it were in modesty ask∣ing leaue for the passage thereof; secretly thereby insinu∣ating, that otherwise it was that which (among the Rhe∣toricians (is called Audax Methaphora) His Maiestie, I say might better vse it then Parsons, who without blushing or straining courtesie, dedicates a printed Calendar (a lying Legend of his owne) to the Saints in Heauen; whom, as if * 1.49 their bodies and soules were already there vnited, he cal∣leth WIGHTS of such worthinesse: and as if they could * 1.50 literally read from Heauen to Earth (at least by reflection) he directs them from Page to Page in his Booke, that there they may read how they are iustled out and confronted * 1.51 with English Martyrs.

29 But how will this Censuring Aristarchus interpret that place of their new Conuert of Old-castle, who in that frapling discourse of his Italicall progresse, telleth, that hee * 1.52 with his company being at Millan, among other speciall rare Monuments, which they went to see, they came at last ad pussims Ambrosa iunioris MANES? Will hee trans∣late it in his scosfing fille, to the INFERN ALL GHOST or HOB-GOBLINS of that yoonger. Am∣brose? (so that Changeling intitles Cardinall Borromaeus, whose tombe it was.) Be it so: then Cardinals belike may goe to Hell, and their tormented Ghosts may walke: but thus the Relator will thinke himselfe abused; for he there describes Borromee to be a man of admirable sanctitie while he liued, of more admirable grace after his death; for his MA∣NES wrought miracles equiualent to all SAINTS. Will he turne it to the best sense for the holy memory or sacred monument of that Sainted Cardinall? Why then may not his Maiestie, speaking of a dead Princesse (so Religious and

Renowned) vse the same word for HER blessed memorie, which, like that precious Oile in the Gospell, not onely with * 1.53 the fauour filled the whole house where it was powred, (this Land where she liued) but the whole world with the report thereof, wheresoeuer HER name is mentioned? Will he say that SHE was an Heretike, but the Cardinall a Catholike? That vents his malice, but withall confutes his scorne and ignorance; because thereby he confesseth that MANES may be vsed for the memorie of men depar∣ted, who neuer came in Hell; vnlesse he will reply, that Borromee was in Purgatorie, and all that while his Ghost walked. But, that hee might seeme with some reason to conclude HER in Hell, he saith, She walked not in the ancient waies to life, especiallie those of Mortification by Praier, Almes. deeds, Watchings, wearing haire-cloth, and the like.

30 First, What art THOW that iudgest another mans seruant, seeing that euerie man shall beare his owne burthen! * 1.54 Secondly, fasting with sower countenance, praier in open places, dole of Almes with proclamations, are ensignes of Hypocrytes, in our Sauiours iudgement: and how know∣est * 1.55 THOW, whether (her chamber being shut) she prai∣ed in secret? Yes, and in publicke too, seldome missing praiers once euery day in her Closset, neuer omitting the Sabbath; silent at the hearing, deuout in the pronouncing of them; enduring in others, neither absence from them, nor irreuerence at them. For her reliefe of the poore of all sorts, her Almosners allowance, and priuy purse, are more fit intelligencers then such Sycophants as Parsons. Thirdly, such outward habits of Mortification (as Iesuites tearme wearing of haire-cloth, and the like) might argue * 1.56 Ahab (who went bare-soot in Sack-cloth and Ashes) to be a mortified creature, as well as the seuerest Selfe-chastising Iesuite of you all.

31 Indeed shee was no Cloister-Nun. A Queene shee was, and a State she had to manage, a people to gouerne,

and much businesse to attend. Bodily exercise (saith Apostle) profiteth nothing, but godlinesse, that is, sound Faith * 1.57 •…•…ith a good Conscience au •…•…les with God, and argues a mind •…•…uely regenerate. The highest praise of Mortification is re∣•…•…e of sinne, where there are the most obiects of temp∣•…•…t on. Marcet enimsi•…•…e aduersario virtus. And therefore greater in HER then in your vestall, and sometime, diuested * 1.58 Nunnes; who commanding in a Court of all dencacies and plentie (besides her most exceeding temperance in Diet, and her du•…•…y •…•…tiring her selfe from company, to an assiduous, orderly and attentiue reading) was of most chast eies and eares, not end•…•…ring in any (that were about her) ei∣ther a light vnseemely g•…•…sture, or a •…•…ciuious word.

32 Fourthly eu•…•…h to be a King, and to gouerne as a King should doe, is a Mortification of it selfe; for that cause he is compared to the Can •…•…e of Israel, which though it * 1.59 shine bright, and be set alof•…•…, consumes it selfe in burning * 1.60 to giue others light: And to the Head in the body, emi∣nent for place, but most turmoiled of all the members, when they rest at ease. Fifthly, it would winne some more credit to the romish Church, if most of their Heads, for many yeeres together, (whom they call Christs Vicars, but their owne Stories call Vgly monsters) could haue led their liues with as few sinnes of note, and as many true signes of Mortification; and left their liues with as much reputation * 1.61 of honour, as she hath done. Some of them entring like Foxes, reigning like Lions, and dying like Dogs; Here∣•…•…kes, Atheists, Apostataes, •…•…ucestuous, Poisoners, Contu∣rers, and Blasphemers; strucken by the Diuell in the Act of Adulterie, as their owne Cardinall doth auerre: (which * 1.62 inforced also one of their owne Writers to confesse, that Holinesse had forsaken the Popes, and betooke it selfe to the Emperors, quorum illa non minima.)

33 These might Father Parsons haue presented from Hell vpon his Tra•…•…icall Stage, whith their damned Ghosts, and let Queene Elizabeth alone; who led a life (to vse his

owne wordes) either wholly different, or most opposite to * 1.63 these, and therefore enioyeth that place, betwixt which, and that where they are, there is Chaos magnum sirmatum, * 1.64 a huge gulfe set, that affoords neither entercou•…•…e of passage, nor enter-parle for Exchange.

34 After this, for confutation of his Maiestie, who had commended both her Clemencie in making no rigo∣rous Lawes against Catholikes, till after the Bull of Pius quintus; and her Pietie in not censuring with death any for Religion: (which is no more then, I will not say our owne Iudges, who should bee most skilfull, and our Statute∣bookes, which are the most infallible witnesses thereof; but then Genebrard, an obseruer of our English course a∣gainst Papists, as curiously despightfull as any Chronologer * 1.65 can bee, doth confesse: for though in the yeere 1559. hee saith some chiefe of the Popish Clergie were nece & vene∣no, by murder and death made away (which is a shamelesse vntruth) yet he mentioneth no Lawes either rigorous or moderate against Papists; till after the Bull of Pius Quintus, wherein hee proscribed her Kingdome, Predae{que} exposuit, set it out to port-sale, and for a prey; which passed from him Anno 1569. and was fastned by Felton vpon the Bi∣shop of Londons Gates, Anno 1570. and yet no Lawes made till the yeere 1572. when the Pope excommunicated her whom before he had denounced an Heretike, and now let loose her Subiects to Rebellion, as against a Publican and Heathen; and yet no Lawes mentioned till the yeere 1581. when Camp•…•…on and Sherwin, with others, were sent hither: then (saith he) INDE from that time, Ingranescit latis legibus Anglicana Persecutio.) Thus farre Genebrard iump∣eth with his Maiestie. Nay, it is not more then one Fa. Parsons himselfe said, that for twelue yeeres together the State & Court was in great quiet, & no question made of Con∣science * 1.66 or Religion.

35 Which to confuce, the Iesuite, Num. 5. tels vs (out of Saunders) of the OATH of Supremacy and penall

Lawes made for heating and saying Masse, before that Bull came; which are Nihil ad Rombum; his Maiestie spea∣king of Lawes whose Peine was death, hee mentioneth an OATH which was but the reuiuall of the like made in the time of Henry the eight, HER worthy Father, and of some lawes backed with pecuniarie mulcts, or losse of office and preferment.

36 And so, sleightly casting off that point, he leaues his Maiestie a while, and lets flie at the Lo. Cooke, who at the arraignment of Garnet, indignantly scorning that the High priest of Rome, should in a Breeue of his, call so great a Prince, (as QUEENE ELIZABETH was) MISE∣RAM FOEMINAM, a miserable woman; by a des∣cription of misery, consisting of two Contraries, want of Com∣fort, and plentie of tribulation, shewes many reasons euident and demonstratiue, that shee, hauing abundance of ioy, and no touch of affliction, but blessed with all kinde of Felicities, could not be called Miserable: this the Censu∣rer Num. 6. answers; first by a shifting euasion; second∣ly, by a false interpretation of Scripture, thirdly, a slaunde∣rous imputation vpon the Holy Ghost himselfe.

37 His euasion; that outward Felicities are world lings arguments, no necessary improouements of Gods bles∣sing. Indeede, whether a man bee loued of God or no, by externall prosperitie, no man can certainely knowe saith King Salomon, nam vniuersa aequé eueniunt iusto ac im∣pio. But, if not concluding demonstrations, yet at least, * 1.67 let them be probable perswasions of Gods fauour, especi∣ally when some of them to her, were such, that the verie enemies themselues (like the Egiptian Sorcerers) haue beene forced to say; this is the finger of God. * 1.68

38 But why may not Temporall prosperitie, bee made an argument of Gods loue to QVEENE ELIZABETH and of her felicitie, as well as bee skored vp for one of the notes of the true Church, by their beau-Clarke Bellar∣mine? which hee doth (verie strongly no doubt) in glea∣ning * 1.69

three or foure examples in Warre (Cuius alea commu∣nis) against Heretikes. Hall the Iesuite (as you heard) rea∣sons for the contrarie, reciting vnto Littleton for his com∣fort, certaine examples of Hereticks ouer-comming Catho∣likes in battle, and infidels ouerthrowing Christians. The truth is, they care not what they say, nor how they crosse each other, so they may serue the turne for the time in say∣ing something.

39 The Scripture peruerted; a part of the Psal. Where * 1.70 (saith he) the worldlings made that their argument, for to proue their felicitie, by their full Cellars; their fatte kine; their plentifull Cattle; their beautifull and prosperous Children; and make this their conclusion, Beatum dixerunt populum cui haec sunt, so reades the Vulgar, they said Bles∣sed are the people who haue these things: which is a mani∣fest detortion; for it is the Prophets argument, as a great motiue in himselfe, to continue his acknowledgement of Gods blessing vnto him and his people: wherewith after hee had begunne the Psalme vnto the fourth verse, vpon present dangers he requests deliuerance from the fifth verse to the ninth, and redoubles the same request verse the ele∣uenth: from thence to the 15. verse he sheweth what would be the happy effects of that deliuerance which in three whole verses he doth fully particularize, and then concludes all with a double Epiphonema, Beatus populus cui haec sunt, beatus Populus cuius Iehoua Deus. So that what the Prophet makes a Religious ground of Exultation for Gods Praise, this Iesuite makes it the wordlings Insultation of their owne Iollity.

40 Whether of these is most true (omitting all other writers) a Popish interpreter, who dedicates his Para∣phrase of the Psalmes to Cardmall Farnesius, shal determine; * 1.71 who expounds it, as spoken in the person of King Dauid. The reason of their mistaking (which otherwise inter∣pret it) is easie to be giuen. First, the word Asher in the twelfe verse, the Vulgar turnes into the plurall, Quorum

which is, according to th•…•… Hebrew, vt, or quod. Secondly, for Banonu which is, filij nostri, they translate it barely si lij. Who shall witnesse t•…•…i,? no Protestant Gramarian, but Arias Montanus in his Inter linear Bible & Genebrard too. Thirdly, that which m•…•…sled them all, is the word dixeru•…•… in the last verse of the Latin, which in the originall is not at * 1.72 all, nor any word semblable.

41 When the woman in the Gospell cried out to our Sauiour, Blessed is the wombe which bare thee; our Sauiour de med not that, but answered her by a Correctiue comparison, YEA RATHER Blessed are they which heare the word of God; which if the Psalmist had heere done in the last vers•…•…, * 1.73 and in the first part had said, Blessed are the people which are in such a Case, and then had seconded it by a Correction, yea, RATHER Blessed are they which haue the Lord for their God, (as Genebrard would haue it, to make their expositi∣on hold with the Hebrew) some probabilitie there had * 1.74 beene of his application; but beeing pronounced in an Asyndeton without either dis•…•…unctiue or correctiue parti∣cle, Beatus populus cui, beatus cu•…•…us Iehoua, So the Hebrew reads it, so Montanus consters it: the argument holds strong against his inducement, as implying, that the same Lord who blessed a people so farre as to be their God, is the s•…•…me which also blesseth them wi•…•…h those externall felicities that they enioy.

42 The third, which is a slanderous imputation laid vpon the Holy-Ghost, is when hee saith, That the spirit of God scorneth at them which so argue; if hee meane of any place in that Psalme, hee dooth misreport the spirit of truth; the whole Psalme hath no such word; if else-where, hee should haue named the place. It is true that good men greeue, and oftentimes murmure, yea almost reuolt, to behold the wicked flourish, and fare so well. It was Iobs, it was Dauid Case. But first the Holy-Ghost comforts them, not by scorning at the prosperity of those men (t'is * 1.75 his owne gift) but intimating that it is ioyned with ma∣ny

slipperie vncertainties, and that the end thereof shall * 1.76 bee visible and apparant miseries.

43 Secondly, the iust men themselues obserue, that those ful-fed creatures do mixe their prosperitie with blas∣phemies against God; so speakes Iob, They say vnto God de∣part * 1.77 from vs, and who is the Almightie that wee should serue him? So Dauid: They set their mouth against Heauen, and * 1.78 say how doth God know? If QVEENE ELIZABETHS felicities had issued into such effects, then the more out∣wardly happie, the more vndoubtedly miserable: but shee blessing God in her selfe, and causing him so to bee, through her whole Realme and life, shee was beata cuius Iehoua Deus, and therefore shee was beata cui haec erant. But this is a small wrest, in comparison of many other vio∣lences offered by him and his to the Scriptures; which they vse as Procrustes serued his guests, hacking them off, * 1.79 or racking them out, to fit them to their turnes. For the point in hand, Saint Augustine shall conclude it: Beat us est * 1.80 qui habet omnia quae vult, et nihil mali vult. Blessed is hee who hath all that hee desires, and desires nothing but what is good, & that was QVEENE ELIZABETIIS case.

44 His second stitch against the cheefe Iustice, is, the description of miserie, as consisting of two contraries, CO∣PIA & INOPIA, which, saith this profound and great-read-Scholler, Is a miserable one indeede, neuer heard of be fore; ridiculous in Philosophy, and absurd in Common sense 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 saith hee in the Poet: and who is this brags thus? (may the Lo. Cooke say) was hee euer Grammer Scholler? * 1.81 hath hee not then read in Ouid, of one that complaining, as of his greatest miserie, vttered in these words,

—inop•…•…m me Copia fecit—

Had hee beene either with Vlysses in Hell (and it seemes * 1.82 hee hath beene there, hee is so nimble in fetching vp Ghosts) or with Homer in describing Tantalus his tor∣ments, * 1.83 which were no other then those two contraries,

Plentie and Want: hee should there finde the Poet (and he is no ridiculous Author, either for Poetrie or Philosophie if wee will credit the Arch bishop of Thessalonica, an other manner of Scholler then this insolently ignorant Iesuite) * 1.84 the Poet, I say, to call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 greeuous and dreadful MISERIES. What saith hee to Horace, who thinkes it * 1.85 as great a miserie to haue plentie of wealth, and Want of the vse, as for a pur-blinde man, to haue goodly pictures, and dim eies to behold them?

45 And if hee had read Epictetus his Enchiridion, or * 1.86 those which comment on him, he should finde it a Philoso∣phicall conclusion, that those two contraries make the greatest miserie, when a mā possesseth much & yet desireth more. For where desire is, there is alwaies want: such a man, saith one of them, frustratur vtris{que} dum vtra{que} con∣sectatur, hee wants what hee craues, and enioyes not what he hath. * 1.87

46 And then in Diuinitie, King Salomon, no meane Philosopher, (the Sonnes of Mahal came short of him in * 1.88 that skill) found that to bee afflictionem pessimam, a moste vexing miserie, as any vnder the Sunne, when with satietie of riches (which implieth plenty) there is ioyned an vnsati∣able eie (which argues Want.)

47 And euen in Cases of Conscience; were they not those two Contraries, Plenty of good desires in Saint Paul to doe well, but want of abilitie to performe those desires that made him to crie out miser ego homo! why? because to will was present with him, there's his Copia; but he found * 1.89 no meanes to performe that which was good, (there's his Inopia,) Certainely in Diuine and humane Phylosophie, that is the greatest miserie whereof these two meete. For a man may be as full of distresses and Wants, as Lazarus of sores (which the world cals miseries) and yet resting full of comfort in his minde, be no way miserable: which Saint Paul describeth very elegantly, aporiamur, sed non destitui∣mur; tribulationem pati•…•…ur sed non angustiamur: and albeit * 1.90

our out-wardman perish, yet our inward man is renewed day by * 1.91 day: but in the midst of plentie, & redundance, to Want the true comfort of Conscience, and the right vse of them, is the height of miserie in this life.

48 So then the describing of miserie by Copia and I∣nopia, neede not bee proclaimed so strange, neuer heard of before, and so ridiculous. The Stoike that loued not much to laugh, nor deserueth to bee laughed, at for his * 1.92 philosophy, shall dismisse him; Miser est qui se non beaussimum iudicat, licet imperet mundo: To command the whole world is a plenty, but not to haue the right vse thereof; or not to take the true ioy therein, there's the Want: and both these together (saith Seneca) make a miserable man.

49 From the description of Miserie, hee tels vs that hee RETVRNES (for hee is verie oft out of his way) to the matter it selfe, viz. That albeit Queene Elizabeth was so full of Temporall felicitie: protected by God: bea•…•…ing her potent enemie: setting vp a King in his Kingdome: de∣fending Nations, &c. it is no more then Scripture mentioneth of Pagans, and namely (saith hee) Numb. 8. 9. of Nabucho∣donozer by the Prophet Ieremie.

50 (Hee might as well haue said, that her case was no other then King Dauids as described in the Psalme: their * 1.93 entrance, reigne, and end were so semblable; both of them hunted by Ielousies before possession; enioyning the Crowne with glorie and victorie being enthronized: and ending their daies in peace, and going to their graue in a full age, as a Ricke of Corne in due season carried into the * 1.94 Barne, as Iob speaketh: but that he thought the example was to good, and his spight to great.)

51 Nabuchadonozer had visible and horrible Inter∣ruptions of his felicitie, beeing turned into a Beast, for * 1.95 seauen yeares together; propounded to scorne (whiles he liued in his greatest ruffe) by God himselfe; and among the rest with one, that triumph of the Firre trees, insulting o•…•…er him before his death, as if hee were dead. Ex quo dor∣misti * 1.96

non ascendit qui succidit nos; since thou wert dead, none came in thy place to cut vs vp: which vexeth both Pope and Iesuits that it is not verified in QVEENE ELIZABETH; for after her death, there is ascended into her Throane, by iust Right, a MOST CHRISTIAN KING, resolute for the Religion which hee professeth; as able to beat downe the strongest arguments for contrary opinion with sound conclusions, as if from Dogmaticall positions they breake out into Pragmaticall Treasons) hee is ready bent (as was QVEENE ELIZABETH) succidere, that is, to reward them according to their demerits. Indeede, if either Par∣sons, Dolem•…•…n, or Pope Clements Breues in Garnets keeping had effected what they did purport (as shall appeare when wee come to his number 61.) that Prophecie of Nabu∣chadonozer should haue beene fulfilled, and taken place at QVEENE ELIZABETHS death.

52 Therefore finding his resemblance in that maine point to differ; and that the state shee left, is reserued as well setled in peace, and established for succession, and Re∣solued against Romish opinions and practises, as in HER time; the Censurer now preuents Our Lord Christ at his second comming, & assures vs that her Infelicitie wil then appeare.

53 It was the Apostles precept, That man should iudge * 1.97 nothing before the time vntill the Lord come. Our Lord him selfe while hee liued, auoided it, and said, I iudge no * 1.98 man, accounting it a Pharisaicall humor so to doe. Nam aliter liuor aliter Christus iudicat, saith S. Ierome. The best is, that the soules of the righteous are in the hands of God; and it is not [Scarabaeus Aquilam] the malice of a filthy beetle, yet it is animal obscoenum et olens, that is, not a * 1.99 Iesuits doome (though most dispightfull) can adiudge her from ioy into sorrow, or from blisse into torment.

54 Yea, but her passing hence with so small feeling of God, as neither to name him her self, nor suffer others (here he notes in the Margin, the Arch-bishop of Canterburie) to bring

in any speech of God, giues great presage of a lamentable is∣sue.

55 If one of their owne great famous Popes died so, let Bellarmine passe his sentence on him; as the Priests say * 1.100 he did of Sixtus Quintus, qui sine poenitentia viuit et sine poenitentia moritur, proculdubio ad infernum descendit; Hee that liued and died without repentance, is vndoubtedly gone to Hell. With QVEENE ELIZABETH it was not so, who liued and died a true Christian: if at the first assault of her sicknesse she was silent and solitarie, Phisicke will ascribe it to the nature of Melancholly diseases, whose Symptomes are (among some other) taciturnit as et Solitudo. And as Reason would interpret, that, as shee in peremptorily refu∣sing her bed, did shew her princely resolution, Stan∣tem mori; so Christian Charitie would inferre, THAT re∣tired silence in her, (both actiue and passiue) to bee a with∣drawing of her minde from her senses, for a more serious Meditation of her by-past life, and her future state; which shee herselfe also professed, being mooued by a D. of Phy sicke, to tell how shee spent her time in so long silence; I Meditate (quoth she) and yet those lasted not out: for as strength or disease weekened, and nature decaied, she both tooke her to her bed; and the last most Reuerend Arch bi∣shop kneeling by her, and praying for her, shee laide her hand vpon his head, and gaue her Am•…•…n of Assent vn∣to his intercessions made to God in Christs name on her behalfe. And when one of her Ladies desired her, though shee did not speake, yet to thinke vpon God; I WAR∣RANT YOV SO I DOE, MY MINDE IS LITTLE OFF ON HIM saith she. And after that, beeing in perfect vnderstanding, she had, & heard, and in∣dured vehement praiers to be powred out for her, not far from her, vntill the last gaspe shee gaue. Wherewith shee seemed in such sweet and milde manner to send her soule into heauen, as if no hand of violence might take it from her, but her owne deuout willingnesse muste redeliuer

it vnto that God, from whom, together with so many bles∣sings she did receiue it. And heereof there are aliue Hono∣rable and Honest witnesses; not such corner creeping Rere∣mise, whose credit this companion (as hee saith) relies on, but whose names hee dares not vtter (for they dare not appeare to it.)

56 And this is another Iesuiticalltricke, as well in mat∣ters Historicall as of Doctrine, to braue it out with an im∣pudent tale: but aske them for their Author, who said it? their answer is like the Cyclops crie in Homer 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Some∣body with no bodies name, or a name cogg'd. * 1.101

57 But had it beene as hee saith; shall the manner of death, or Symptome of diseases at mens departures, bee presages of their condemnation in the life to come? It will then goe hard with many holy and good men, both in Scripture and other stories. Nunquam malè moritur, qui bene viuit, saith S. Augustine: For, is thine eye euill because mine is good? is a speech vttered in his person, who is able * 1.102 to saue his seruants soules at the last gaspe, in the greatest distemperatures of their bodies, and distraction of their mindes by violent or silent diseases.

58 Hee hath rowsed her in her Death-bed; now hee runnes backe 70. yeares, to towse her in her Cradle, and there barkes at her (what eare or heart can brooke it?) for a Bastard, so promulged by Statute; so adiudged by the Arch-Bishop; so reputed by her Father; First, were it so, and that vpon such as are so bred, there are branded, as Plutarch saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Indelible reproches, and matter * 1.103 fitly ministred for Scorners to vpbraid; yet why a Iesuite, professing Diuinitie, should reckon it among her personall Infelicities, the Fathers of the Church would maruell; who thinke that it impeacheth neither right in Heauen, nor renowne on earth; Vndecunque homines nascuntur, saith S. Augustine, From what stocke soeuer Children doe pro∣ceede, if they follow not their parents vices, they must not beare the burden of the ignominy: So Chrisostom: So Hie-

Hierome, all cited by Gratian. The Scriptures are not so * 1.104 censorious: for God himselfe mislikes that Prouerbe, that it should be said, The Fathers did eate sower grapes, and the * 1.105 Childrens teeth were set on edge. In S. Pauls Catalogue of the * 1.106 faithfull, Iepthe is placed, and hee was Meretricis filius: and 'tis no meane Genealogie which runs to a maine branch, wherein from Pharez of Thamar there is a passage to King * 1.107 Dauid, and so higher.

59 Secondly, whether it hinder, or cut off succession or aduancement, is a great question among their owne. Lawyers of both sorts; the rule being currant with the most of them, Non est impedienda dignitas eius qui nihil ad∣misit. And it seems by Damasus a Pope that he accounted Priests sonnes to be lawfully begotten in marriage; or if they were reputed Bastards, yet neuerthelesse they were * 1.108 not vncapeable euen of the Popedome; and he reckons ma∣ny such that had beene Popes, But this was not the case of that Royall descended Queene.

60 For first, if that rule bee good, Fortes creantur for∣tibus, SHE shewed her selfe, by her Princely qualities, (had there beene no other euidence) especially by her magnanimitie and courage, to haue beene sprung, not only (as Plutarch speakes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) of noble Progenitors, * 1.109 but to be a Kings, and no other but King Henries Daugh∣ter. For wheras those that are so mis-begotten, haue seruile base mindes, at least deiected spirits: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. * 1.110 saith the Poet, the very memorie and mention of their wrong-birth, abates the courage, and inthrals the minde into a kinde of basenesse: So farre it was from HER, that her subiects saw, and her foes felt, that shee had the most vndaunted and vn-yeelding Spirit, euen in the grea∣test troubles that could betide the State.

61 Secondly when Sanders and Rishton, with others, had in print aspersed her birth with like staine and oblo∣quie, and some had vnder-taken by discourse of Argu∣ments, (plaine and vnanswerable, in a iust volume com∣piled

and printed) to cleere those base and disgracefull slanders, shee so farre scorned to haue her Birth-right que∣stioned, that with great indignation shee caused them to bee suppressed at the presse.

62 Thirdly, grant it, that by her Father and that Sta∣tute (which this Epistler heere mentioneth) shee were so pronounced. First, did not the same Parent and Statute also disgrace their Catholike Persecuting Queene Mary her Sister as much? & yet in all the Popish Writers she is high∣ly extolled, and not once touched heerewith. Secondly, Misteries of State, and Secrets of Kings actions, are not to be narrowly pried into, and sifted by their Subiects, much lesse by Iesuites to bee censured. Princes are Men, and Par∣laments are assemblies of Men; and Men (as the Philoso∣pher said to a great King) are changeable creatures. Looke * 1.111 therfore backward; The same, both Prince and Parlament, but two yeares before, had ratified that marriage with her mother for lawful; and inuested the ofspring of her body with the succession of the Crowne. Looke forwards but seauen yeares after, and the same both Head and Body, re∣ceiued * 1.112 the Legitimation, repealed the anulling Statute, and pronouncing the Lady ELIZABETH for his lawfull Daughter, reduced the Crowne to HER right and Inter∣est againe. So that, were not this Iesuite of HIS Schoole that takes so much text as serues his turne, that which * 1.113 makes against him, to leaue out; as hee had vpbraided her with a Statute blemishing, he might haue choaked him selfe with a Statute also honouring, aduancing, and truely possessing HER.

63 Or rather, knowing (if the Priests of Rome say true) how his owne Mother (another Pasiphae it seemes by them) aduanced his reputed Fathers head, (by the birth of this Iesuite) betaking her selfe, for the time, to one called Cow. buck: a name compounded of two beasts with diuers * 1.114 frontlets; that so her husband might, for the enhauncing of his top, be both Actaon and Minotaurus, that is (as him∣selfe

speaketh) one of the most substantiall for degree in the pa∣rish; * 1.115 he might haue recorded his owne Infelicitie, and re∣buked his kind Mother; and not haue laid this ignomini∣ous slander vpon a Kings Daughter, his Natiue Soueraigne, and the Mother of his Country.

64 In the meane time, it seemes the Pope hath an ex∣orbicant power; that whereas both Law of God and Church exclude Bastards ab Ecclesia Domini, for bearing any office of Ecclesiasticall charge, yet admits this Manzer (so the vul∣gar * 1.116 cals him) to be a Iesuite, and a Rector among them: vn∣lesse hereby the Pope doe insinuate, as Sixtus Quintus did, * 1.117 that he takes the whole societie for no other but a Bastard∣brood; or that the College in the vacancie put vp their petiti∣on for Parsons to be their Head, beginning with that verse of the Poet, * 1.118

Malo pater mihi sit Thersites—

And I trow with all, that Parsons himselfe will account the * 1.119 Booke of Wisdome but an Apocrypha; else there's a Chapter will shrewdly touch him with a more greeuous Infelicitie then that Statute (which he mentioneth) will any way hurt that good and most Noble Queene Elizabeth.

65 Now from her infelicitie passiue, hee comes, Numb. 12. First, to her Infelicitie repercussiue, how others for her sake were made vnhappy; as one in her brothers time for falling in loue with her: and others, as Wiat and Carew in her sisters time, raising Rebellion for Her: And why doth he not rather say so much of the Whore of Babylon, and ob∣serue what an vnlucky Religion that of Rome is, which intoxicates so many with her Philtra, her filthy Loue-Drugs; that for her sake they machinate and practise trea∣sons against their lawfull Princes; and for their Treasons (vnder pretence of madding for Her) come to vnhappy Ends?

66 But for loue matters, as that of the Admirall (bee it what it was) let him treat of them who once renounc't the study of Diuinitie, because (they are his owne wordes)

affecting company as I doe (saith he) I shall not keepe the lists * 1.120 of modesty: for the other of the Rebellion by Wyat: or HER •…•…ke, they are so impudently v•…•…ue, that our Chroniclers wil referre those imputations vnto that common-place, Os quod mentitur occidit animam.

67 Secondly, hee reckons vp her Infelieitie actiue. vz. * 1.121

•…•…errigorous Lawes and cruell against Catholike Religion;

(that's simply false;) against Popish Traitors hee might haue said, and wee will both deny it, and yeeld it: denie it, quatenus, for twelue yeeres together (as hath beene often •…•…old them) of the raigne of that most memorable Queene, the forest punishment of some of them, who obstinately re∣fused to doe her Maiestie seruice, was commitment to Bi∣shops and Deanes houses: and of others, if they were iustly suspected to be dangerous, vnto certaine Prisons, where they lay as warme, and waxed as fat in their restraints, as the best Subiects that liued at libertie in their owne houses.

68 For the time subsequent, wee yeeld; (if death deseruedly drawne on by demerit, may bee called crueltie in the Magistrate;) for after, Religion was made but the Stawking-horse to practise Treasons: if then the com∣plaint be of Rigour, and request for more ease, wee say with S. Augustine (when he was intreated to mediate for a miti∣gation of some strait Lawes) nay, if Princes serue Christ in making Lawes for Christ, they doe what they ought, I will not * 1.122 gaine say them.

69 And yet to examine this Crueltie, and Rigor there∣of, we will not doe it by comparison of Popish Tyrannies, fearefull Tortures, and bloody Massacres: but first their owne Priests shall speake for QVEENE ELIZA∣BETHS Lawes, who say, that considering Iesuiticall pra∣ctises shadowed vnder cloake of Religion, all the Lawes enacted * 1.123 against Catholikes were made with great moderation and Cle∣mencie, as comming from a Prince most milde and mercifull: nor they haue cause to verge repeale of any Statute made, so long

as Iesuites take such courses. Secondly, one Fa. Parsons, who in the Preface of one of his Legends, commendeth Queene * 1.124 Elizabeth for her MODERATE gouernment, and that was in the last yeere of her reigne. And yet by the way (for the mans singular honestie) it is worth noting, that in one and the same lease, hauing so commended her in one Page, (many then SHE was a liue) in the very next Page (for then he heard SHE was dead) in a Preface * 1.125 to his Maiestie he compares her to no other but Dioclesian for crueltie.

70 Now belike, to ratifie that comparison, he would perswade vs heere, that it was not Treason, but Religion, vp∣on which she did practise her Crueltie; which hee prooues with such a Medusa-like Argument, as is able to strike the answerer into a stownd,—iuraret{que} Lupos vidisse priores, * 1.126 and put him to silence; because some were executed which might haue had their liues at the last cast, if they would haue yeelded in this one point of Religion, viz to renounce the Pope and conforme themselues to the present State. Might not that good Queene complaine heere, as he once did, * 1.127 that what hee reached with the right hand, his Schoolers tooke with the left; and that a principall demonstration of her indulgence should be brought in for an apparant eui∣dence of her Crueltie?

71 Put the case that Absolon had beene an Idolater, as he was a Traitor; and King Dauid, after sentence passed against him for his vnnaturall Treasons, would haue ac∣quitted him from death, conditionally, that he would re∣nounce false gods, and worship onely the true God, in that manner which God himselfe had prescribed, and he refu∣sing it is executed; shall we say he died for Religion, or for Treason? It was Mercie in the King to offer, but Wilfulnesse in the sonne to refuse a condition so easie and Religious.

72 Or if some father had a leaud sonne, who to waste his wealth vpon harlots (like the Prodigall in the Gospell) should conspire with his brethren to robbe their father

first, and then cut his throat to enioy all, after arraigne∣ment and sentence past, the father should promise to procure a pardon, conditienally that his Sonne would frequent the Church vpon Sabao•…•…h daies, and leaue those Brothell houses, which wrought in him the thoughts of such wicked courses; and the desperate youth refuseth it, choosing rather to die then to leaue his filti•…•… pleasures; shall wee say that hee is executed for his Whoredomes? (they were not before laid against him:) No but for the Parricide, and petty treason against his Father, according to the Sentence. Princes which make such gratious offers, doe therein shew their most Christian affections, that they desire the conuersion of men rather then their destru∣ction; and looke rather to the sauing of their Subiects soules, then the safetie of their owne persons, as beeing contented to remit all by-past breach of Law and dutie to themselues, so they may make them truely religious toward God.

73 But to conclude this complaint of QVEENE E∣LIZABETHS crueltie, An Italian, no Protestant shall speake. Tanta extitit eius animi MODERATIO, at{que} inna∣ta * 1.128 CLEMENTIA, vt non immerito &c. So great and so ap∣parant was the MODERATION of her minde, and her in∣bred CLEMENCIE, that (not vndeseruedly) it may be said of her, which the ancient Histories haue left to posteritie of Alexander Seuerus, borne of his Mother Mommaa, •…•…empe AN AEMATON, hoc est, CITR AS ANGVINEM; namely, that she hath gouerned her Kingdome WITHOVT BLOOD-SHED, cùm SV APTEN ATVRA SEMPER AC AEDIBVS & CRVDELIT ATE ABHORRE AT; for EVEN HER NATVRE DOTH ABHORRE THE THOVGHT OF SLAVGH•…•…ER OR CRVELTIE: And so he goeth on in a large discourse; in this HER praise; and when he wrote thus, she had reigned twenty yeeres. It is maruel their Index Expurgatorius hath not scowred him ere this, and for this.

74 Yet the Curre lets not goe his holde, but sna•…•…les at another Infelicitie of this Memorable Queene; her Iealous feares which made her suspect her life to bee aimed at by all sorts, both Puritans and Papists; and those Iealousies in∣raged her Cruelties, to the ending of their liues: and Squiers Storie must be fained; and Lopez, a Iew must bee fetch't in, and cast away: yea, shee was neuer quiet till shee had made a∣way the KINGS MOTHER.

75 For Princes to bee iealous of their liues and safeties, is both vsuall and necessarie; Ingenia Regumprona ad formi∣dinem, * 1.129 saith the Historian, especially if they haue in their Realmes such as doe either competere or impetere, pretend a right, or intend a michiefe against their Crownes and King∣domes. Nor is it the feare of their owne death, but doubt of the euent which may follow. (Et dubia pro certis solent time∣re * 1.130 Reges) That which troubles them, is both the issue of their State, which is their heauie charge, how that shall be either brandled or quieted; and also the estate of their issue, which is their tender charge, how they shall bee either hurried or established.

76 There is no King, be he neuer so Gracious, but hee walkes in the middest of Eyes obseruing for hurt; and no Eyes so dangerous as that O•…•…ulus nequam in the Gospell, which is therefore euill because the Prince is good. He rewar∣ding * 1.131 the most industrious with grace and bountie; his aduancing to Honours the best deseruing; approximating to his secrets the most trustie and faithfull: these things in some, which thinke themselues to bee either neglected, or wronged, breede discontent; and how deepe the im∣pression there of will reach, who can tell? an quantum ver∣tice in altum, tantum radice in Tartara tendat? the more as∣spiring * 1.132 thoughts (being defeated) do contriue & machi∣nate the more hellish designements. Who then can blame Princes if they bee Wary and Cautelous; but principally if they haue beene Icti piscatores, already within the •…•…awe of the Lyon, and vpon the mouth of the sword? a qualitie

pardonable, especially in a woman, whose Sex by nature (as appeareth by the Apostle) is inclinable to be alrighted with * 1.133 euery terror.

77 But it was not so with QVEENE ELIZABETH; Carefull shee was; fearefull shee was not: Wary, but not Iealous; prouident, but not suspicious: the vndoubted loue of her subiects, and the sinceritie of her owne minde, was the double brazen wall of her Securitie. No one such qualitie ei∣ther concomitant with Iealous feare appeared in her, which Histories in suspicious Tyrants do obserue: Her body not priuily armed; her eies (abroad) not whirled about; her Countenance not appalled; her Spirits not troubled; her sleepes not disquiet; no Stranger or Subiect (admitted to her presence) searched; nor any qualitie issuing from such feares, appeared in her gouernment. Her people loued her, hated her not; her Arm•…•…es fought valiantly for her, and shrunke not; her Land Flourished, it sunk not; her Reigne continued long (outlasting the Regencie of a Dozen Popes) it vanished not: an euident demonstration of her milde de∣portment, Nam inuisanemo Imperia re•…•…inuit diú. Her person * 1.134 not assaulted, nor her State at any time •…•…umultuated, but by Romish instigation or Conspiracie. And now beeing dead, SHEE is still louingly remembred: and the memorie of HER vttered without enuious comparison or malitious disparison of others, HIS Sacred Maiestie is pleased most graciously to accept; an infallible argument both of HIS most Princely disposition, and of HER temperate and vnbur∣densome Gouernment.

78 Lastly, if iealous suspition and feare, extend it selfe towards any, it commonly alights vpon the Heire apparant, or the Successor expected (so •…•…aith Tacitus, Suspectus semper inuisusque dominantibus quisquis proximus destinatur) * 1.135 and whether it were so or no, his Sacred Maiestie (who had the nearest and most vndoubted right) can answer best in this Case. As for the triall of the examples which hee brings, as Stories fained, and fruites of her Iealousie, name∣ly

Lopez and Squier, whether their Treasons were fictions or A•…•…ions, he shall haue è Sinu •…•…estem. First, Priests of their * 1.136 owne, that confesse Lopez to bee set on to poison her by Hoult the Iesuite. Secondly, a Chronicler of ours (whose * 1.137 Credit he much relies on, for he often cites him) who saith, that they were both found guiltie and condemned of High treason, the one Anno 1593. the other Anno 1598. both of * 1.138 them for intending her death by poison, and Wal-poole the Iesuite was the instigator of Squier.

79 Why did he not also name Parry the Doctor, au∣thorized by the Pope to the murthering of her; commended by HIM, for intending it; absolued from all his sinnes, for pursuing it; and assured of merite for performing it? * 1.139 whom when shee knew that hee was armed for the point, so far shee was from affrighting Iealousie, that shee perso∣nally confronted him; with her presence amated him; and without terror dismissed him: So vnhappy is this Iesuite in reckoning vp the Catalogue of Her vnhappi∣nesse. And yet, that his hellish malice may leaue nothing (though neuer so sacred) vnsnarled at; as before hee brought in the Murther of his Maiesties Father for a para∣lell to the POWDER TREASON: so now hee reckoneth for one of her late Maiesties miseries the death of the Queene his Mother: whereby the Reader may iudge, how hee would vse his Maiesties owne fame if hee were gathe∣red to his Fathers, when hee is glad to alleage so vnla∣uorie examples of both his Parents. That Renowned Queenes death was a miserie indeed to this whole Land, and the most indelible blot that can bee recorded of this Country: but that our late Soueraigne was abused therein, and that wicked act committed before her knowledge thereof, beside her notable expressing of her owne greefes when shee heard of it, other sufficient proofes haue fully resolued all honest men heereof. And since, our now Soueraigne, who had the neerest interest in that errand, was long agone satisfied by her Maiesties owne

purgation therein, it is a farre fetch't slander for a Iesuite, being not so much as that Queenes borne subiect, to awaken it now againe, out of so long dead ashes. But what may not the venome of Satan doc? And yet since hee would need, rankle vp againe so olde sores, it is his Ma∣iesties part, and all his good Subiects, iustly to blame the practising Iesuites & Priests of his order, for bringing that * 1.140 misfortune vppon her; for neuer rested they from all kinde of Treasonable plots and Practises against our late Soue∣raignes person, fathering them (though falsely) vpon the said Queene, and making her the highest marke of their ambition, till they brought her to her vnfortunate end.

80 And thus hauing strained out his very Gall to vent his rancor, by rans•…•…king her Birth, youth, age, and end, (with what despight, and how little truth the Christian Reader may see) being guiltie to himselfe, that he hath done more, then either before God or Man hee can Iustifie.

81 (For Principem populi •…•…ui non Maledices: Thou shalt not speake euill of the Ruler of thy people, was Moses precept, and a memorandum to Saint Paul; and by an ancient Ca∣non, * 1.141 a seuere Censure appointed vpon any that should bee Contumeliosus in Regem, aut Magistratum; if a Lay man, to Excommunicate him: if in Orders, to depose him. If so streight aliue; much more being dead; because first, con∣tumelies are vttered, either for reproofe to amend, or vex∣ation to greeue the parties Calumniate; both these ends cease in death; the tongues-sting imprints no passion (ei∣ther for good or hurt) vpon Dead-men. Secondly, if the Almighty when hee left them open to the world, yet re∣strained the tongue from disgracing or despighting them, much more hauing now taken them from the world: for if they bee in Heauen, euery contumely against them is blasphemy against God: if Damned, sufficient for Hell is the torment thereof. Thirdly, the very Heathen con∣demne it, and both enioyned silence to them that attemp∣ted

it, Bee still, and cease to reuile the dead, saith hee in the Poet: and accounted them no better then Laruas, Hegs, and * 1.142 wicked Spirits: So Plinie, then Dogs; so Plato and Aristotle: then Prophane and Impious: so Homer, then Second Murde∣rers, so Sophocles reputes them. Fourthly, this Iesuite him∣selfe is so tender ouer Traitors, (and those the most Odious, H•…•…leous, monstrous, horrible, Barbarous, desperate, vnmatch∣able, vnexpressible, that is in a word, those IESVITED POWDER-PLOTTING-TRAITORS) that he expostulates with his maiestie for recording their bloody designements after death, and is there no end of exprobra tion? and are not those VNFORTVNATE Gentlemen executed, saith hee? But Queene Elizabeth is dead, and as Dauid said of Abner, Nunquid vt Stulta mortua est! Died * 1.143 shee as a base woman, ignominiously? or as a Tyrant in Cae∣de & Sanguine, by violence and blood? or is she cast out vnburied or vnregarded! No, but departed in peace, with as much Loue and Honour as possibly a Prince could bee capable of; and gloriously entombed by her MOST ROYALL SVCCESSOR. And cannot SHE bee suffered to rest? and is there no end of barbarous malice? but a currish, Blood-hound must rouse her, and teare her, from top to toe, within and without, from Birth to Death?)

82 Now knowing (I say) how detestable this will bee in the eares of God, and in the eies of men (for God it seemes hee cares not, who hath barred euen the very thought from conceiuing euill of the Prince) hee would * 1.144 fain satisfie the world by yeelding three or foure reasons, Why hee hath thus yelled against her; first to represse the Lord Cookes insulting speech (as he cals it) that is to a∣base his true extolling of that famous Queene: as if hee should say, Because the Chiefe Iustice discharged the duty of a Christian, in continuing the name of the righteous for an euer lasting remembrance, therefore J will play the Diuels part, to be Accusator fratrum, and recount her ver∣tues

or vices, after she is departed: euen as the Iewes d•…•…alt with Christ, because he prosessed himselfe to be the Sonne of God, they would braue him downe with a slandring en∣counter, and iustifie it when they had done, Say we not well * 1.145 that thou art a Samaritane, and hast a DIVELL?

83 Secondly, to vindicate the credit, at least to make good the Epithete which Pope Clemens gaue her, in calling her MISERABLE WOMAN: so did the vncir∣cumcised * 1.146 Philistine vi•…•…ie Dauid, calling him Boy, and cur∣sed him by his gods: Et mutuo mul•…•… scabunt; belike if Rab∣sheka reuile in a word, Shemei must make it vp with a Com∣ment of Contumelies. It is recorded, that they of Alexan∣dria in Egypt kept their Ibides, great birds, to deuoure the * 1.147 garbage of the City, and to cleanse their streets; which they doe indeede, but leaue of their owne filth, more noisome, behinde them: So doth this Iesuite, the Popes Sca•…•…inger, kept in Rome for no other purpose, but that, Lutum luto purgans, he may iustifie their ribauldrie with more abhomi∣nable * 1.148 contumelies.

84 Thirdly, in imitation for a Consolation, which is Numb. 15. That as some of the Fathers, who to animate the persecuted Christians, described the leaud life, and feare∣full end of their Persecutors (as Nero and Domitian) so hee to comfort the Catholike Traitors, must reuile and be-lie that worthy Queene; the rather because she was a Woman. If Parsons haue no other comfort then to cheere them vp because a Woman quelled their insolencie; then may the Diuell be comforted because the Woman (Ipsa they read it) * 1.149 hath bruised the Serpents head; and Sissera might take great pride in it, that hee was brought downe by the hand of a * 1.150 Woman. But if that be the best comfort the Iesuite hath, their Catholikes will thinke of him as Iob of his friends, that he is * 1.151 but Consolator on•…•…rosus, a miserable comforter.

85 As well for that, as for his double comparison; first, of the late Christian Queene, with those beastly Ty∣rannicall Atheists, seeing the resemblance would better

sit those their Holy Popes, of whome some were, as Clemens speakes of the Heathens Iupiter; and S•…•…tonius of Nero, vi∣rorum * 1.152 foemmae, and faeminarum viri; others, successiuely Murderers, Sese inuicem veneno tollere tralati•…•…ium est, saith * 1.153 one of their owne Authors for their Popes. Secondly, in that comparison of the primitiue Christians, with their executed Priests.

86 In both which, the indifferent Reader will finde more spight then truth, more malice then Conscience; Hea∣uen and Hell not more differing, then SHEE from those Tyrants; then those Christian Martyres from these Priested Traitors. They acknowledged the Emperors Supremacie in dependant vpon any but God; praied for them seriously, both liuing and dying: (Extrahite animam Deo supplicantem pro Imperatore, saith Tertullian in their persons.) These com∣panions * 1.154 sucke Treasons with their Principles, hatch it in their Conuenticles, and end with it at their Executions. If Queene Elizabeth were the first of her Sex that tooke vpon her Supreame power in Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters (as the Epistler saith) in IT shee was no vsurper by Nouell∣claime, but accepted what God himselfe had annexed to her Crowne; her Sister before her renouncing it in a supersti∣tious Indulgence of the Popes former losse, shed more blood of persons Eclesiasticall within three yeeres, then SHE that kept it, did in forty yeeres, for Causes Criminall of Popish Priests.

87 His last and conclusiue reason. Numb. 16. is a Sarcasticall scorne to his Maiestie (for this old Sili∣cernium hath not yet purged the pruriginous humour of his scoffing braine) because (saith he)

the Apologer hath ta∣ken vpon him to Sacrifice to her MANES, I thought my selfe obliged, to offer some incense for mitigating the euill sent:

Euen so, because the sonnes of God (the holy An∣gels stood before him, to report their messages, the Deuill tooke himselfe OBLIGED to intrude among them and recken vp his Roguerie: and because Elisha thought * 1.155

good to make prouision for the Students, therefore One lesse skilfull, but more busie then the rest, takes it his Dutie * 1.156 together Coloquintila to poi•…•…on the pot: Or more neere∣ly to this Metaphor, because Aaron and his sonnes were priuiledged to Sacrifice, therefore a Ring-leader of Rebells * 1.157 must thinke himselfe OBLIGED to take his Senser in his hand to disgrace Gods Ordinance. But as that prooued not Incensum but Incendium, so such Ranck-incense as this, being the vnsauorie egestion of a filthy strong stomake, is by God himselfe pronounced an abomination. * 1.158

88 Which being so loathsome, 'tis time to dismisse him for a Sensing Coniurer, or rather an Incensing Blasphemer, with S. Peters farewell to Simon Magus: Repent of this thy * 1.159 wickednesse and pray God that if it bee possible, the thoughts of thine heart (and the Blasphemies of thy pen against that worthy Queene, may be forgiuen thee: for I see that thou art in the Gall of bitternesse, and in OBLIGATIONE) and OBLIGED in the bond of iniquitie.

89 If it be possible (I say) for God to forgiue thee; which doubt I ground vpon Fa. Parsons his owne challenge of the Priests; whom, because they haue in their bookes tur∣ned the in side outward, reuealed the Hypocrisies, disclo∣sed * 1.160 the Conspiracies, anatomised the Atheismes, Catalo∣guised the leaud vices of the Igna•…•…ian brood (a Societie, which like Hannibals Armie, is gathered Ex colluuie omni∣um Gentium, of the Refuse and Male-contents of all Na∣tions: * 1.161 cemented into a Fraterni•…•…e, as the wals of Babylon built with the demolished rubbish of Rables Tower; nou∣rished by the Pope, as the Ianizaries by the Turke, to bee * 1.162 the valiantest Cut-throats of true Christians their owne natiue Country-men) especially because they haue blazo∣ned HIM in his proper colours; hee not onely includes them within the Ciuill and Canon Law for detestable Libel∣lers, but brings Casists of Conscience to enthrall them in * 1.163 despaire, pronouncing them scarcely able to disburthen their Soules, though with second Recantations they re∣store

the fame of those whom before they had standered; vea, driues them into S. Paules dreadfull Impossibilitie, and * 1.164 there em•…•…ds them, because in their entring into Priest∣hood beside their Baptisme) they did renounce the Diuell and all his workes, whom now before this Libelling and reuiling veine, it seemes they had taken in againe, with seauen worse then himselfe; this humour of Contumelious Reproaching being most opposite to charitie, and therefore one of the highest steps to the sinne of the holy Ghost; he wils them to remember that fear∣full place, Hauing behaued themselues soirefully & impudent∣ly, not only against their brethren and equalls, but much more their betters and Superiors.

90 What then is the cause of this Mote•…•…er, but trans * 1.165 am•…•…ey'd Iesuite? Doth not S. Paul say to him, Therefore THOU art inexcusable, O man! vnlesse hee account Qu. Elizabeth to bee neither his Superiour, nor Equall, so con∣temptuously and contumeliously, so falsely and ignomini∣ously to reduce HER from her graue, and traduce HER by Slanders in the world: whose blessed memory, though his venomous tongue (most base wretch as he is) cannot •…•…annoy, more then a poisoned dart pearle a marble stone: yet, Ex suoore, what sta•…•…e is he in, in his owne conscience, by his owne doome of the Priests?

91 If he say, SHE was an Heretike; so was Saint Paul accounted: First, that is not proued. Secondly, it is but a selfe-soothing distinction or excuse, which in his owne opi∣nion makes a spirituall sinne lesse sensible, but more dan∣gerous. * 1.166 Thirdly, admit it were true, and that shee were a Persecutor; what lesse was HE that smote our blessed Sa∣uiour standing at the barre? And what answer was retur∣ned? If I haue euill spoken (saith our Sauiour) beare witnesse of the euill: but if I haue well spoken, why smitest thou me? All this he knowing and vrging against the Priest, condem∣ning their reproches to be issues of the bad Spirit, thinkes he to be exempted from that dreadfull Impossibile? Seeing * 1.167 He hath taken the same orders which they haue, and run∣neth

the same race of reprochfull •…•…iot which they did?

92 He hath spent his spight vpon the dead, and row he vents his malice against a liuing Maiestie; scorning for three Numbers together, 17. 18. 19. that T. M. the younger (as he calls him)

should commend OVR MOST GRATIOVS SOVERAIGNE for his kindnesse and Clemencie formerly shewed to their Catholikes, which he tearmeth OLEVM PECCATORIS, flattery and adulation.

93 Is not this fellow truly Canis in praesepi, that can nei∣ther speake well himselfe, nor endure that vertue should haue her due commendation by othersi but as some write of the Galathians that will permit no Gold to come into their Country, and yet they will robbe any man that hath Gold about him: so he, being neither capable of vertue himselfe, nor inclinable to it, will not suffer it to be praised in them that haue it, without imputation of base flatterie; which cannot bee without touch of both parties: because none vse to flatter, but such as haue none other meanes to aduance themselues; and none loue to be flattered, but those which haue no true vertue to commend them: neither of which can take any hold of these persons, whom he thus slily scoffes in this place.

94 For, the first whom he deciphereth with the letters of T. M. (as meane a Minister as Fa. Cow bucke makes him) was neuer so defectiue either of honourable alliance, or large * 1.168 prouision of meanes, or many good deserts and qualities, that he need the vse and helpe of such Seruile Oile, whereby to glide more easily into preferments.

95 And for his sacred Maiestie, the world cannot but knowe, that (being so absolutly compleat with those graces of the Spirit, and gifts of nature, and helps both of art and experience, that may be required truly to commend him as a man, a Christian, or a King) he is neither so dege∣nerate from a princely nature, as to haue or craue such weake supports, as fained blandishments; neither so vnskil∣full,

as that he cannot discerne betweene the precious and the vile: but that HE can make vse of the Praisers mouth, [Os •…•…lantis, so the vulgat reads it] as King Salomon directs * 1.169 Constitorij loco, as the fi•…•…ing sornace, to trie whether it yeelde drosse for gold, or countefeit for truth: and therefore can quickly distinguish in this place, between the true acknow∣ledgement of a faithfull Subiect (which this Scorner calleth Oleum peccatoris,) and the dissembling kisses of a fawning Hypocrite which is Pharmacum Proditoris, as that is which followeth in this Section.

96 Wherein this Iudas commendeth his Maiesties great Humanitie, Royall nature, and noble disposition (so the Diuels confessed Christ to bee the Sonne of God, but their conclu∣sion was withall, Quid tibi & nobis?) * 1.170

97 Whereunto his Maiestie may answer as hee in Sene∣ca, What euill haue I done, vt hic tam Nequam de me tam bene loqueretur, that so bad a fellow as this is, should speake so well of mee? Can wee gather grapes of thornes, or figges of * 1.171 thistles? Is not this that selfe-same Parsons, who (as the Priests witnesse) laboured the Popes Holinesse to Excom∣municate longagoe his Maiestie, as an obstinate and forlorne * 1.172 Hereticke?

98 But this noble disposition of mildnesse and clemencie (bo•…•…h in-bred by nature, and ingrafted by Art, so apparant, so inherent in his Maiestie, that being truely reputed Amor & delitia humani generis, hee winnes the loue and affection of all good men vnto him; among whom, some account it a great part of their Infelicitie (though otherwise well proui∣ded) * 1.173 that they cannot daily stand before him, to bee parta∣kers of his sweete conditions and behauiour) if it be (as the Epistler saith) altered, who hath auerted him, or changed it? Surely T. M. and some such other Ministers, desirous to draw blood, who inci•…•…e his Maiestie against the Catholikes, hauing neither place neere him, nor admittance to him to speake for themselues.

99 (It vexeth them, that (as Satan stood at Gods * 1.174

right hand to resist Iehoshua) they may not haue one of their sort alwaies at his Maiesties elbow, either to instill into his eares that Poisoning Doctrine of abasing himselfe to the Popes lure; or, i•…•… he will not stoope (as Clement the Monke serued the French King) to f•…•…stenitat his heart with a Poison∣ed knife.

100 This reason of his for the Kings auersion or change, is not onely a Calumniation against T. M. but a dis-reputation also to his Maiestie: as if in Tertullians Pro∣uerbe his custome were De suo Cor•…•…o ludere, to be so varia∣ble, * 1.175 as at euery mans sudden information, to alter his cle∣mencie into crueltie, and his mildnesse of nature to the drawing of blood; then which there is nothing more con∣trary vnto his Royall heart: Onely hee takes that course (being forced thereunto) which either Dauid did by Gods direction, or God himselfe by Dauids description, Cum peruer•…•… peruerse agere, with the froward to deale as sowrly. * 1.176

101 For patience oft tried, must needs turne into ri∣gor; and vlcerate Apostemes must be launced at least: and where there is a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and infecting Gangren, the Saw or Chizell must make the deuorce from the other members, and if there be any fault, the defect of this is it. His Maiesties Constancy what it is, wee shall haue occasion within a few leaues to examine. In the meane time, for this challenge of his Change (as God said to Israell) to their Catholikes may be truely answered, Your destruction commeth of your * 1.177 selues; it is not his Maiesties either Mutabilitie of nature, or * 1.178 di•…•…position to Crueltie (qui iustis etiam supplicijs illachrymauit & ingemuit, as was said of that Emperor;) but the reiterated Disloyalties of I•…•… suited Vassals, and especially this last indis∣creete Act of the Pope, in discharging Catholiks from ta∣king the O ATH of Allegeance, (which his Maiestie vsed as a Fanne to trie the Chaffe from the Wheat, for the pur∣ging of his floore) that hath caused it.

102 So that, if there be a drawing of blood, (as his Ma∣iestie hath well fore-warned) let it alight vpon the Popes

head (Ipse hoc intriuit sibi omne est exedendum) who by sen∣ding out his Breue of counter-obeisance, as in old time the * 1.179 Heralds were wont to send out a Ram in token of defiance, hath, for maintenance of his owne vsurped power, rowsed a Lion to their ouerthrow which harken to that Rebelliously inciting Message: as that old Prophet in Scripture procu∣red to him that beleeued an errand from a feigned Angell * 1.180 by a false dissembler.

103. But his principall stitch is at T. M. the yoonger, whom he knowes well enough to haue a more honorable place in his Maiesties houshold, as he is Deane of HIS Cha∣pell, then Bellarmine should haue in the Popes Court as hee is Cardinall (for by that hee is truly and originally a Parish-Priest) yet he that was so full of manners to tax his Maie∣stie of Inciuility for calling the Cardinall, MASTER Bellarmine, affoords the Deane, now a Reuerend Bishop in the Church, no other Title but of T. M. in Ciphers, and of an Inferiour Minister, in scorne. And his anger is, because,

either by Iests or Tales out of Popish Writers, this T. M. (some Aretalogus or Iester belike) makes his Maiestie sport; or with some bitter g•…•…ds prouokes hard speeches from his Maiestie against the Catholikes; so that Sycophancie is his whole exercise.

It is true that his Ma∣iesties Table, for the most part, at times of Repast, is (as * 1.181 Constantines Court, Ecclesiae instar) a little Vniuersitie, com∣passed with Learned men in all professions; and his Maiesty in the middest of them (as the Grecian intituled one lesse deseruing) a liuing Library, furnished at all hands, to reply, answer, obiect, resolue, discourse, explane, according to seue∣rall * 1.182 occasions, emergent vpon Fact, or accidentall vpon Speech: and as El•…•…hu said, His eares trieth words, as the mouth tasteth meat; being as exquisite in the Triall, as An∣tonius * 1.183 Pius, who for his singular and sisting wit, was called Cumini-sector; so narrowly and thorowly would he search * 1.184 euery point, and distinguish vpon any hint. Among ma∣ny other, whose happinesse it is to attend a King, so wise

(from whose Table no intellige•…•…t waiter departs, but bett•…•… instructed then before) this T. M. is one, whose Birth Lear∣ning, Religion, Degree, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, doe al•…•… concurre•…•… scorne of SYCOPHANCIE, and none more detest •…•…th it then his Master our Souereig•…•…e: therein excelling Augustus Caesar, who though hee bee commended for his * 1.185 singular affabilitie at board, and de•…•…ire of discourse; yet often times would haue Iesters and Plaiers to bee sent for to attend, and conferre with them. For this is his Maie∣sties excellencie, that hee had rather haue acroamata then HISTRIONES; Theologicall and Philosophicall ar∣guments canuassed, then Mimicall Iests composed and vt tered: but of all other, Sycophancies and Calumniations hee doth abhorre.

104. And yet, why may not wee be as merry, or bitter with this Epistlers SYCOPHANCIE (it being a pro∣phane word) as it pleased him to bee with the Apolog•…•…ers MANES, which HE translated HOB-GOBLINS? and tell him that euery schoole-bovk▪ owing the word to be deriued, and the name imposed for reuealing Figges: therefore taking the word in the primitiue vse, and as the * 1.186 Athenians did (who gaue the first Denomination) it is no dis•…•…race for T. M. to bee called a SYCOPHANT in * 1.187 that sense: for to that office were solemnly chosen in A∣thens 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the most Trustie and Faithfull of all the Citizens. And, in the opinion of a better Grammarian then this Censurer, whosoeuer was noted to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.188 an honest man, and pleasant in discourse,

—qui misc•…•… v•…•…le dulci,

* 1.189 was so intituled: and then, whom fits the Office better then the Kings daily Attendant? And when is it fittest, but in times of his Maiesties Repast? whereat there is not more varietie of meat, then diuersitie of learned Discourse; much like the Table of Augustus Caesar, and Francis the second King of France. * 1.190

105. But, if taken at the worst as there is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a de∣prauing

veine in it) euen by the Epistlers owne verdit, T. M. can be no SYCOPHANT; for they which delight in such Calumniations, and vse those Delatory accusations, they doe it Clanculum, and without witnesse: which gaue * 1.191 occasion to the Prouerbe, That the poison of a Sycophants tooth is immedicable, because the Secrecie of the biting is ine∣uitable: but T. M. doth this (by the Censurers confession) when his Maiestie takes his Repast, that is, in the hearing of many, and of some, as it seemes, which are Parsons In∣telligencers, to send what they heare to Rome: so that the party being knowen, and the tale openly told, hee cannot be called a SYCOPHANT.

106. Yet grant him this: wherein then consist his Sy∣cophancies? What Figges reueales he? It seemes by the A∣pologue in Scripture, that they are a pleasant Fruit, and no∣thing * 1.192 more sweet, by the ancient prouerbe; to which, first, because the Miracles in Romish Legends (so magnified) may * 1.193 well be compared, pleasant in the Eare, and good for no∣thing else but to passe the Time, T. M. perhaps, by occasi∣on of Table-talke ministred, recounts some of them, at, and for the Kings Repast.

107. As for example, omitting the old Stories of Saint Dionyse, that carried his owne head in his hand after it was strooken off; and of Clement the first, who when hee was cast into the Sea with a Mill-stone about his necke, the Sea * 1.194 •…•…ed three miles from the shoare, and there was found a little Chappell ready built in the Sea, where his bodie was bestowed. And that of Neocaessarien, whose staffe stucke •…•…owne by him at the banks side, kept the riuer from ouer∣flowing * 1.195 the bankes, and presently sprung vp and spred it selfe into a mighty Tree: (that passed Aarons Rod, and * 1.196 came neerest to Romlus his Iaueling, which hee darting from him, it immediately stemmed vp into a stately Cor∣nell Tree, and there it grew till Iulius Caesars time.) * 1.197

108. Like enough T. M. takes the Miracles of the New-Mint, whereof the Lady of Hales, and the Conformi∣ties

of Saint Francis (whom they call Iesum Typicum) and Xauerius his life, & Bozius de signis, will affoord great plen∣tie: and perhaps occasion was giuen to such discourse vp∣on Garnets Stram: neus vul•…•…u, as if the Pole which holds his head vpon London bridge were turned into a Straw.

109. These are Figges indeed, pleasant in the care and in the taste: but Physitians write, that as such fruit (though * 1.198 very pleasant, breedes corrupt blood, and ingendereth such Creatures which may make Fryars Postils as currant and nimble as vitas-patrum: so it causeth choller also, pro∣curing vnto men of setled iudgements, a zealous indigna∣tion, to see that Religion should be Pharmacized with such Drugs.

110. Secondly, it may be also that this T. M. aligh∣ting vpon the Popes large extended Indulgences (which may fitly be compared to those Fig-leaues where with our first Parents couered their dishonourable parts) pardoning enormous sinnes for innumerable yeeres vpon sweet Conditi∣ons; as for kissing two iron Crosses at Saint Peters Church doore in Rome, fiue hundred yeeres of Pardon; for looking * 1.199 vpon one of the Pence for which our Sauiour was sold, 1400. yeeres Pardon; for beholding the Crosse vpon the top of Saint Iohn of Lateran his Steeple, 1400. yeeres Par∣don: Why? Because that Crosse was made of the Sword which cut off Saint Iohn Baptists head. But all this is no∣thing, for Sixtus Quartus granted fortie thousand yeeres of Pardon to him that would say a Praier of his making, consisting of about forty fiue words: And why? Because his Catholikes might not complaine, that the Protestants satisfaction was easier then theirs. These, and such like, this T. M. recounting, procures his Maiesty some pleasure at his Repast; and like enough occasion was giuen for this, in discoursing of the Iesuites absoluing the POWDER∣TRAITORS from all their Sinnes, for so Worthie a Worke.

111. Thirdly, because (as it appeares by the Prophet)

that all Figges are not of one quality, but like Grapes, some * 1.200 exceeding naught and sowre, such as the Historians write of the Laconi•…•… Figge, which they say is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, * 1.201 •…•…ery odious, dangerous, and Tyrannicall Figge: it is proba∣ble that occasion is ministred at his Maiesties Table, to dis∣ourse of those dreadfull cruell Positions of Popes deposing Kings, expo•…•…g them to murder, inciting their Subiects 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rebellion, and determining such Parricide to be Meri∣torious. which (to some Waiters attending) seeming incre∣dible, because they are so horrible, this T. M. the yoonger 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Vessels to the full view; cites the Authors (for he is like Plato his Philosopher, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, very ready in all those Writers) points to the Pages out of Rossaus, Symancha, Allen, Creswell, Azorius, Bannes, Bellarmine, and Sixtus Quintus, that notable Panegyricall Orator, and Extoller of such Murders.

113. Lastly, to make him a perfect SYCOPHANT, * 1.202 because Stories doe mention Liuiaes Figge, which was both Poisoned and Poisoning, for so she serued the Figs that the Emperour Augustus vsed to taste of (which kinde, by report, is not strange in Italie) happily, as it may sort with the time, hee records out of some Romish Writers, what an excellent veine both Popes haue in Figging each other away, and Iesuites too (as the Prists relate) in dispatching with such pleasant Pilles, any that stand in their way or light.

113. If this fashion of his be SYCOPHANCIE, speaking the truth vpon iust occasion offered, openly be∣fore Witnesses, alleging his Authours, pointing out the places, and reading them; he need not be ashamed of the Title, but (as Iob speaketh of his aduersaries booke) he may * 1.203 take it, and binde it as a Crowne vnto him.

114. In the meane time, is not that SYCOPHAN∣CIE in the worst sense, that Iesuites, and principally Fa. Parsons, who in this kinde, they say, is Mereurius Solenni∣orum, * 1.204 and (like him in the story, that related vnto the Em∣peror

meere dreames, neither truly framed, & peruersly in∣terpreted) mutter in Corners, and vtter in forraine Nati∣ons (to bring our Profession into hatred) that in England, we put Catholikes into the stockes, and there let them sit so long vpon the ground, till body and earth so rot together, * 1.205 that there cannot bee a separation, but with flesh pull'd from the bones; that at Douer, some Catholikes were put in Beares skinnes, and so baited to death by Dogges!

115. That Garnet (the Arch-Traitor) was executed for reproouing the Protestants with some sharpe speeches; that his forehead receiued a Blow as he was dragg'd vpon the stones; and where the wound was, the signe of the ✚ appeared, and the blood dropping downe vpon the * 1.206 Straw in the hurdle (others say it was at the Gibbet when he was bowelled, a tale much like the Iudges of Susannaes tree) and his face in full feature printed vpon the Straw (like another Veronica) and a Seraphins countenance ther∣withall, that so there might be two faces vnder one hood; and all this to bring Credit to their Societie: this may be called Sycophancie, by S. Pauls description, for speaking lies * 1.207 through hypocrisie, without truth or testimony.

116. Whereas Relation of Stories, either serious or pleasant (warranted by their owne Authors) is not Syco∣phancie, but Veritie. And if such discourse worke vpon his Maiesties affections respectiuely for anger or mirth, and make him cry out with the Poet,

O Romanistae, Seruum p•…•…us, vt mihi •…•…aepè Bilem, saepe iocum vestri mouere tumultus? * 1.208

Let them rather purge their Bookes both of such Fables, which (being ridiculous) procure laughter; and also of such Positions, which (being dreadfull) breed horror in the care, and detestations in the hearts of religious Princes, then call the relating of them SYCOPHANCIES: for wherefore are they printed, but that they may bee re∣counted?

117. Yea,

but they are vnfitly applied, or mis-vnder∣stood

by the Relator (saith this Graue Censurer:) for hee th•…•… •…•…print (which is subiect to examination) as in this Apo∣pologie, would •…•…e Authors so impertinently, either making against him else, or nothing to his purpose; what libertie will hee take (quoth hee) where hee speaketh with an applause, without Contradiction?

118. The Apologier (as hee cals him) will answer with the Prophet, Existimasti intquè quodero tui simil•…•…s: But it is * 1.209 no maruell if diuaken Zebul the Traitor tooke an Armic of men to be but Shadowes of Mountaines; and there is no drunkennesse to that of the Worm-wood Waters, which in Scriptures resemble Hereticall Malice. Let that therefore * 1.210 be the triall; and as heere he shall be found either imperti∣nent, or his owne aduersarie, accordingly let his Discourse at table be iudged of: but when it is come to that issue, the Reader will see and say, that you (Mass. Parsons) are the right T. M. TV MEND AX; and the truth of his alle∣gatio as so apparant and pregnant, that if your conscience be not seared, your owne iudgement will be as was his of Thamar, Iustior me est, his sinceritie will so farre out-strip * 1.211 yours: wee may coniecture it by your long holding off, with By-Discourses and Inuectiues. For protraction al∣waies argueth a misdoubt of good successe.

119. From T. M the Minister, hee comes againe to his Maiestie vnder the name of the Apologier; who to ac∣quit himselfe of Persecution, as before he had most royally freed Queene Elizabeth; and thereby both to staunch the Popes weeping for the afflictions of Catholikes, and to tax their ingratitude, who, as Aesops Wolfe serued the Crane that rid * 1.212 him of his choaking bone, and saued his life, were so farre from acknowledging his Maiesties extended kindnesse, that they broke out into expostulation of hard measure offered; plotted Treasons against his whole Realme with forraine enterparle; that denied, against his person by Com∣bination domesticall; that discouered, by Conspiracie against Root and Branch, King, Progenie, and State, all at ONE

BLOW; that defeated, by procuring the Popes Breues for discharge from their Allegeance: His Maiestie, I say, by the example of God himselfe, who did so argue with Saul and Dauid, declared his moderate courses with those Catholikes, exceeding Queene Elizabeths, (though they * 1.213 very great) and setteth out his Clemencie both by the ef∣fects which it wrought in them, and by the particular enu∣meration of his benefits towards them.

120. For albeit Commemoration of good turnes bee generally an exprobration, yet hath it, in some cases, war∣rant in Diuinitie: for, What could I haue done more vnto my Vineyard which I haue not done? said God to Israel for her * 1.214 Sowre Grapes: and, Were there not ten cleansed? saith our Sauiour: thereby reproouing the vnthankfulnesse of nine, * 1.215 with recording the benefit. And in humane learning also, two principall reasons Plutarch yeelds among many o∣ther, * 1.216 how without enuy or blushing a man may commend himselfe, and recount his extended fauours; either against a Calumniator that doth abase or extenuate them; or an Vngratefull person that conceales them wholly, or requites them badly: which is no vpbraiding (saith hee) but in the former, an Apologie to cleere the slander; in the other, a re∣proofe to checke an ill nature.

121. The Effects; viz. that it wrought in them that height of Pride, as in confidence of his Maiesties Clemency, they directly did expect, and assuredly promise vnto themselues Libertie of Conscience, and Equality in ALL things, with his Maiesties best and most faithfull Subiects.

122. In censuring whereof, the Iesuite in three large Numb. 20. 21. 22. shewes himselfe both a scorning shifter, and a slie Sophister: for after he hath

scoffingly plaid with those words [HEIGHT OF PRIDE] hee shifts them off, First, by running againe to his Common place of TOR∣MENT OF CONSCIENCE, and in matching the liberty thereof (that is, Toleration of their Religion) with freedome of breathing the ane; (as if that ought as

safely and freely to be granted, as this.) Secondly, by Re∣crimination, that the humble and vnderling Protestants a∣mong vs; the Lollards and Wickl•…•…sts in formertimes; the States in Germanie both high and low; and the Subiects of some Kings did and doe make that their plea with their Su∣periors. Lastly, by •…•…xpostulation, why not they as well▪ especially of his Maiestie; a King, First, so free before time from crueltie. Secondly, descended of a mother that thought her selfe beholding to the Catholikes. Thirdly, confessing that hee euer found the Catholiks partie most trustie to him; and rewarding them for it thereby gaue hope of like fauor to others. Fourthly, receiued with vniuersall ioy, trusting that as by his vniting of Two Kingdomes, he had conioyned the Obedience of Two Nations; so would he also haue entertai ned their Religion, thereby to vnite both sorts of his Subiects

123 His Sophistry he shewes in applying those wordes Height of Pride to One thing, which his Maiestie hath re∣terred to Twaine: for herein it consisted, that they not only expected liberty of Conscience, but also Equalitie of ALL things with vs. This last he leaues out, and insists only vp∣on the former. For grant it were but a Step of Pride vpon such slight presumptions to expect the first; yet to pro∣mise vnto themselues, together with that, to bee Equallie preferred and fauoured by a Prince so diuersly affected in Religion, and in a State so thorowly setled and well fur∣nished with men more vndoubtedly loyall (a thing which his Maiestie both in his booke, and in his Gouernement de∣nieth to his faithful natiue Subiects of both Kingdomes whom * 1.217 He excludes from Offices of Iudicature and State, in Both Realmes respectiuely,) This is the Summitie and Sublimitie of Pride.

124 Yet we will also ioyne that issue with him; that, not to desire and supplicate, nor to expect and hope (to which purpose hee bringes all his examples, varying from the point) the King •…•…aith not so: but, which are his Maiesties words, DIRECTLY to expect, and assuredly to promise

to themselues LYBERTY OF CONSCIENCE, is itselfe alone, a Celsitude of Pride.

125 For, whether wee measure the height of Pride by Lucifer the Prince ouer all the Children of Pride, as Gre∣gorie moralizeth Iobs Leuiathan, whose only presumption * 1.218 of Libertie without warrant, was both his in-bred Pride, causing his owne ouerthrow, and his infused Pride to our first Parents, procuring their fall: or by Scholestricall Di∣uines, who confine all proud men within two sorts; One, of * 1.219 them which aduance themselues aboue others; the second, which arrogate to themselues that which is aboue them, and beyond their pitch: this Selfe-promising assurance of those Catholikes for Libertie of Conscience, cannot bee placed but in the Highest degree of pride, because it assureth a matter both vnwarranted, and farre aboue their compasse, and be∣yond their dutie.

126 It being first, Impious against God, who Symbo∣lically forbids such mixture in the Linsey-wolsey-garment, * 1.220 Metaphorically vpbraides it when he calls it halting between two opinions; directly inhibiteth it in aduising not to draw in a counter •…•…ecting yoake with Infidells (much lesse with Here∣tikes, * 1.221 by Romish Diuinitie: because the first ariseth by ig∣norance, the other growes strong by pertinacie:) pincheth at the permission of diuers Factions of different opinions * 1.222 within the Same Church, and threatneth the Toleration thereof with Reuenge; brandeth euen very good Kings with * 1.223 a perpetuall Censure, for not preuenting or enduring it; seuerely punisheth it in the Samaritans, who feared the true * 1.224 God, and yet serued Idols after the manner of other Nati∣ons; and is fastned vpon them for one of their maine Here∣sies, by the Church of God to this day. Now, to Commu∣nicate * 1.225 with a sinne, is equally liable to the same punishment with the sinne, and the Magistrates permitting, is a Communi∣cating.

127 Secondly, it being a matter dishonourable to the King, DIRECTLY to expect, and ASSVREDLY

to presume of it, is an Extremitie of Pride. For honest men (euen of their equals) will expect nothing but that which shall stand with the credit and reputation of the Grantèrs: onely Iesuites fugitiues from their Country, without leaue, and against Lawe (as if they had beene Conquerors of the Land, or the sole Disposers of the Crowne) presume vpon a Libertie for hereticall superstition: Et rei per se faedissimae * 1.226 adiecta indignitas est, as the Historian speaketh: and expect, yea, in a manner claime, and exact of their King and Soue raigne, who without staine of his Honour cannot yeeld it; or satisfie them.

128 For so, first, hee should bee Contrary to himselfe, a qualitie sauouring by his Maiesties owne iudgement (in matter lesse weightie) of two much Weaknesse, and slipperi∣nesse; * 1.227 hee hauing apprehended the Religion which hee now professeth from the Cradle of his Infancie; resolued his Conscience, that it is grounded vpon direct wordes of Scripture; maintained it both by Arguments in Disputati∣on, and against broiles by Combination, with his vtmost skill and strength; enacted it by Lawes; established it by Oath; and neither by feare nor flattery, perswasion or threate, could bee drawne into the least inclination of yeelding to this Dispensatiue indifference: but did protest, e∣uen while matters were in a mammering, as Watson, that Priest and Traitor witnessed (to whom his Maiestie spake * 1.228 it) THAT AL THE CROWNES AND KING∣DOMES IN THIS WORLD, SHOVLD NOT INDVCE HIM TO CHANGE ANY •…•…OT OF HIS PROFESSION, WHICH WAS THE PASTVRE OF HIS SOVLE, AND EAR∣NEST OF HIS ETERNALL INHERI∣TANCE: accounting in that his Golden Booke, any con∣trary Religion an Abhomination: abhorring the distur∣bance * 1.229 of the Church peace by bitter Spirits, for matters in∣different euen eo nomine, as giuing too great an aduantage * 1.230 for entrie to the Papists by such Diuision: distwading his

Sonne the Noble young Prince from taking to wife a woman * 1.231 of Different Profession, (though his choice should that way be much scanted) fore-warning him of the Inconueniences many and dangerous, which would ensue such a match: and withall, both sharply taxing, and with seueritie disgra∣cing * 1.232 the blind zeale and rash Censures of some hot-mou∣thed Ministers in that Country, who touch't him for some few passages in his booke, as if his Maiestie were either crack't, or cold, or at least, indifferent in Religion. Finally, imputing it as the gteatest dishonour to Solomon the wisest King THAT his slipperinesse and inconstancie; who ha∣uing serued God in his younger daies, being aduanced to the highest, and honoured with peace, abundance, and all other blessings, most, then most of all failed in his Zeale and Religion, and in this point principally, by admitting a strange worship within his Realme. * 1.233

129 Ag•…•…ine, it must n•…•…eds be dishonourable for a truly-Religious King, to encertaine that into his Realme, which no Christian Emperor or King, ancient or moderne (were he a Prince absolute and hereditary, not elected vpon condition, nor enforced by violence, nor wrought vpon by feare, nor induced by irreligeous Policies) would euer endure, as in Constantine, Theodosius, Gratian, A•…•…adius, * 1.234 Honorius, and others is manifest: yea, which the very Heathens in their Common-wealth would not admit; who enioyned, that none but their Romane God, should bee ado∣red, and THEY after no other manner but their owne Country fashion; Interdicting any priuate Shrine, or parti∣cular worship Different from their publike Order in Reli∣gion.

130 Moreouer, his Maiesties Predecessor, a Prince of the weaker Six, being so Resolute, as neuer to brooke it in all her Reigne, notwithstanding all the perswasions, ••••p•…•…ngs, threats, yea Treasonable assaults; no not so much as to heare of any intreaty or treaty tending that way: and yet ruled at home in peace, with comfort and honour, and

made her party good with any forraine Opposite whatso∣euer: If then his Maiestie (beholding to no man for the Kingdomes hee entred, but God and his Natiue right) should immediatly choppe into this publike Indulgence, (giue it the best name) it might bee thought (then which no∣thing could be more Dishonourable) that HEE had for doubt, or feare, or some other circumstance, promised it before his entry; and so did Watson, Digby, and Piercy giue it out: and was not that the Height of Pride? euen that in the Psalmist, Vt torquem cinxit eos Superbia, ideo iniquita∣tem in excelso loquuti sunt: They did weare PRIDE as a * 1.235 Chaine, therefore they talke wickednesse presumptuously.

131 Thirdly, an Height it is of Pride, to presume of that which would be Dangerous to the whole state if it were granted; especially their positions being, first, that as soone as they can get strenght, they may breake out into Rebellion: Se∣condly, * 1.236 that if the Pope commaund, they must obey, though it be to take a•…•…mes against their Lawful Soueraigne: Thirdly, dis∣closing what such Tol•…•…ration would sort vnto if they had it, as appeareth by a chiefe B•…•…l-weather among them, one Parsons, whose peremptorie Resolution was, as the Priests report it, that hearing of Queene Elezabeths inclination, * 1.237 (which was but a false b•…•…t) to a Tolleration (vpon the League betweene France and Spaine) he vtterly disliked it; & gaue his reason, because they would haue AL, OR NONE; they would admit of NO conditions: Fourthly, hauing such bloody minds, which some of them in words haue prosessed, one of their great Cardinals vaunted that his horse should * 1.238 Swim vp to the belly in the blood of the slaughtered He∣retikes. Make the best of it, the Scripture assureth vs, that they will be either, as the Cananites Whips in the sides, and * 1.239 Thorner in the eyes of the Nation where they are; or (as the Amalekites) take aduantage of the feeblenesse of the Land * 1.240 when they haue espied it.

132 Besides, where the Prince is not loued, the State must needes bee in continuall hazard: and admit HEE.

Tolleration, adeiu his loue on each side: the Contrary affe∣cted will dislike him, as Different from •…•…hem in the main point; they of his Owne profession will neglect him for Tol∣lerating a Religion so oppos•…•…e to theirs; so superstitious in it selfe, so Rebellious in the principles: and no quarrel is so deadly as that which is for Religion (we see the Samaritans could not abide the Iewes, yet excluded our Sauiour, ONE∣LY because his face was toward Ierusalem) for, thence doe * 1.241 arise distraction of mindes; bitternesse of speech; plots of trea∣cheries, and mutuali Massacres; and each pa•…•…e endeuou∣ring to win other to their fashion, would make the Com∣mon-wealth, like the dismembred body of Metius, rent & torne betweene two Carts, driuen contrarie waies (Auerte∣re omnes à tanta foeditate spectacul•…•… •…•…culos, saith Liuie) dread∣full in it selfe, and loathsome in view. * 1.242

133 Lastly, it is an Extreame HEIGHT of PRIDE to expect that of others, which (to speake in the Prophets words, (though with more reuerence then the Iesuite here vseth them) if Iordanis were conuersus retrors•…•…m, and that * 1.243 the case were theirs, as now, God bee thanked it is ours) THEY would not endure to heare of, yea thinke it im∣pious to aske, and irreligious to grant; that is Stapletons * 1.244 opinion, who reuiles Bodin in particular, as an enemie to Christianitie for maintaining that Libertie. Which they conclude to be the Calamitie of a Church, and out of Hil∣lary to be a miserable thing and perilous in a State, where there are as many Faithes as Willes, so many Doctrines as Manners; that is the Rhemists conclusion in their Testa∣ment. And Bellarmine spends two whole Chapters in * 1.245 confuting their Arguments, which pleade for it, inforcing * 1.246 it from the example of the Iewish Church; grounds of Scrip∣ture; practise of Emperors; iudgement of Fathers; yea, rea∣son and experience, to be pernitious in any Realm both to Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill state, and dangerous euen to them∣selues, which vse that Libertie: breeding in them (for the time) a coldnes in their profession, and in the end a Nullity

of Faith. Neither is the time long, since that this Iesuite himselfe, among many reasons against this expected Tollera∣tion, * 1.247 vsed that for one, that it would make the Catholikes in England Dul, and without spirit.

134 Now let the indifferent Reader iudge, whether this be not truely called an HEIGHT of PRIDE, in a Company of Fugitiues, directly to expect, and assume to them∣selues, that such a King, desirous in his heart to serue God truely without shrinking or Waue•…•…ing: settled in minde; re∣solued in iudgement; professing by word, by Oath, by Lawes, by ad•…•…e, would admit either an Alteration totall of his in∣bred Religion, or a partiall Tolleration of a different Profes∣sion: a thing so contrary to Gods will; so dishonourable to himselfe; so dangerous to the State; so condemned in o∣thers and denied in them, euen by those that request and expect THIS; vnlesse they should thinke his Maiestie to be of the Sultans minde, to make no other account of Reli∣gion, but as a Nose-gay or Garden of flowers, the more Vari∣etie * 1.248 of them, the more delightfull view, the more pleasant fa∣uour.

135 And it seemes this Iesuite doth so, by the sleight resemblance hee maketh, in

comparing the Libertie of Conscience, to breathing and vsing the Common-ayre:

as if the King might as safely grant, and they as freely chal∣lenge the one as the other. Surely were the Doctrine which they sucke, like the Ayre which they take in, this, first, concocted, and prepared by seuering and purging the im∣puritie thereof, before it breed or feed the vitall Spirits; so the other, cleansed from the Dregs and corruptions where of it is compounded, the best turned into Nutriment of the Soule, the rest cast out as excrement; the restraint of both were too seuere, and this resemblance might carry some sway. But, seeing that both the Principles which are deliuered, infect the very Inwards, and they which take * 1.249 them in (like the Psilli in Africa) doe contagiously re-in∣fect the very ayre which they breath with a pestilent Sa∣uour

of superstition and Disloyaltie; alienating the mindes of their cohabitants, as well from the true Seruice of God, as from their dutie and allegeance to their Soueraignes; the comparison is vnfit, and the restraint different: the vse of Common ayre may be left free, and yet Libertie of Con∣science precluded to such infecting Doctrine, and infected spirits.

136 His Recrimination (which is the second shift) is drawn from Domesticall and forreine examples. Domesticall; first Moderne, of those which in matters of Ceremony, and Church gouernment, differ and seuer themselues from vs: •…•…hom, both to currie fauour with them, hee calleth hum∣ble, and to excite enuie to vs, hee tearmeth Vnderling Prote∣stants: two titles, in those men meere contradictory; for neither are they humble because they are Vnderlings (wee see the Bramble and Shrub in the Scripturs, hath as loftie conceits, and more stinging prickles in his low scite, then * 1.250 the spreading Vine, or the pleasant Figge tree:) neither a•…•… they Vnderlings because they are humble; it is onely Pride and selfe conceit (like him in the Prophet, Stand a-part, come not nee•…•…e me, for I am holier then thou) which keepes * 1.251 them aloofe: It is not the inferiour place; or the deiected visage, or the •…•…oft voice, or dislike of Prelacy, that deno∣minates humilitie. To disobey authoritie, is a greater Pride then to bee in place of authority; and therefore hee did well to match these humble vnderlings with his presuming Ca∣tholikes: for Heresie and Scisme to frame the same Plea of Libertie, and claime the same Priuileges is neither vn∣usuall, nor vnprobable: and euen this very thing conuinceth Him and His of HIGH PRIDE. For if these hum∣ble Vnderlings (as hee calles them) dwelling among vs, dif∣fering in matters Onely Ceremoniall, are not heard in that their claime of Liber•…•…e; it is an audacious Boldnes for those who in points essentiall and fundamentall are seuered from vs, to expect that which to them is denied. The truth is, the obstinate Plea of our Reformers for such Libertie, hath

beene the verie life and soule of the heart, and hope of this Presumptuous Expectation in the Romanists; which, by the brotherly and vnanimous concurrence of the other with vs, had long agoe beene quelled and crushed.

137 The other part is of Domesticall ancient Exam∣ples, namely of Lollards and Wickliuists, beating vpon that argument; and conspiring against the Prince, vpon the Deniall. Their Conspiracies, if any such were, (but the contrarie is pregnantly prooued by Master Foxe, who co∣ped * 1.252 with Harpsfield shrowded vnder the borrowed habit of Allen Cope, in the tryall of that point) we defend not: Sub∣iection to Princes we preach; Insurrections we defie: lawfull Conuentions for Gods seruice we allow; mutinous bandings or Conuenticles seditious we condemne. To Supplicate vn∣to Princes, and to make friends of the greatest, (with mo∣destie and sobrietie) for enioying a freedome to serue God in that maner, which they are perswaded truely is moste conformable to his word, that is allowable: If petitions be denyed. Submission with patience is Christian humilitie, and the Euangelicall Precept: but with reuerated Impudencie to presse, or vnd•…•…full tearmes to threaten, or banded Routs either to enforce a grant, or daunten the Prince, is diuelish Pride, and Disloyall Conspiracie. The answer therefore in briefe is this: Did they well that claimed this libertie? Why then were they condemned? Did they not well? Why doe those Catholikes strike vpon that string so oft, and expect the grant with such confidence? Had the King done well in giuing them that Libertie? Then was the Pope to blame, who incited him against them. If hee did well to denie them, it is iniurie (if not impudencie) in these Catholikes, to craue that for themselues, which they thought fit to be denied to others.

138 The forraine examples, as of the higher Germany in the time of Charles the fifth, and of the Low Countries are no fit precedents for our State: the gouernmēt of the Emperor beeing limited and conditional; which he trans∣gressing,

they by their Lawes and Customes had warrant to oppose, and stand for their impeached Libertie. For e∣uery * 1.253 Duke, Lands-graue, and other great men (both Eccle∣siasticall and Temporall) in Germany, hauing Regall Iuris∣diction within their Precincts, it is no maruell, if, to countenance their special Immunities, they striue to main∣taine their seuerall Religions: for Conformitie in Religi∣on will quicklie worke a Coalition of distinct Regiments. Now what Argument call you this? Seuerall Magistrates in their particular Iurisdictions, challenge their liberty of conscience, according to custome anciently continued, and vpon conditions mutually and formerly capitula∣ted: therefore Subiects vnder an absolute Monarchie must Claime it of their Souereigne, and at least expostul•…•…e with him if they haue it not.

139 Yea, but in Bohemia, Polonia, Hungaria, &c. which are gouerned by Kings, the like is vrged and tollera∣ted. Were the entrance into those Kingdomes, successiue, not Electiue: or, if by Descent, without conditionall re∣straints, the exāple were more proper: but it is wel known (as it hath beene answered) that many of those Kings, wil∣ling enough to reduce their Countries to one Profession, haue had both their desire and power restrained by the Nobles; and were receiued of their Commons at their first entrie, with that Prouiso, that their accustomed Libertie of Conscience bee no way prohibited or interrupted. If then they (as Traian the Emperor, when at the admitting of a Prae∣tor, girding his sword, he gaue it him with these wordes, If I rule according to Lawe, vse this FORME: if contrarie to Law, vse it AGAINST ME) are contented so to Capitulate for maintaining their Subiects Liberties, their Allegeance (by their owne Law) is no longer tyed, then the other Condition is performed.

140 Yet grant they were absolute Monarkes which ey∣ther yeelde or offer such Libertie of Conscience, what's that to his Maiestie? who in Cases of Religion takes not mens

examples, but Gods lawes for his Directs: HEE knowes what Princes ought to doe, not regarding what they please to doe, being desirous rather to gouerne by Christian pie∣tie, then Irreligious Policie. HEE knowes it to be obserued both by Iewish and Christian Diuines, that the diuersity of Religion Tollerated by King Salomon in Diuine worship, was by God required vpon his Heire and next Successor, * 1.254 Iure Talionis, by a retaliated diuision of an vnrecouerable rupture in the Ciuill Gouernment: and therfore how can they, or why should they, Expect or promise it to them∣selues from his Maiestie?

141 Yes (saith hee) first,

because HEE was FREE from Crueltie and persecution before:

that is to say, HIS Maiestie is naturally mercifull; therfore hee must become carelesly Irreligious: for, to licence Idolatrie, is to commu∣nicate with Impietie. Moses was a very milde man, aboue al the men that were vpon the earth (saith the holy ghost) * 1.255 yet when he spied a Calse in the Campe, hee proclaimed a bloody Massacre, and pronounced the execution to bee a * 1.256 Consecration. It was not Ely his Clemencie, in suffering his sonnes to prophane Gods Sacrifice, that could excuse him from a fearefull punishment. HIS Maiesties Song is the same with King Dauid, Mercy and Iudgement: His eies to bee bent vpon the faithfull in the Land, that they may * 1.257 dwell with him: but withall, Betimes to roote out facientes praeuaricationem, & operantes iniquita•…•…em, both those that vnder pretence of Religion, fal away Disloyally, and those that Combine together for mischiefe rebelliously.

142 Secondly, HIS Mother held herselfe much be∣holden to Catholikes. To the Lay Gentlemen for their Faithfulnesse and Allegeance she did perhaps; but had She not relyed too much vpon the Priested sort, her End had not beene so sudden nor vnkinde. This Iesuits meaning is (for true loue to his Maiestie, no doubt) thus to cast salt into his eies, or to stirre reuenge in his heart, by the often Repetition of his Royall Mother. In the meane time, is it

not a violent presumption vpon a valiant ground: The Mother loued Catholikes for their dutifulnesse and Loyaltie: Ergo, The Sonne must giue them libertie of Conscience, though defiled with Idolatrie against God; and enuenomed with Trea∣sonable malice against his Person? Religion is not deriued Ex Traduce, it is the infusion of the Spirit, not a conuey∣ance by Descent; it is the instinct of grace, not the instil∣ling of Nature. The Sonne of Thare, who was an Idoll∣maker, became, and had the name to be a father of the faith∣full: and the heire of Hezekiah a most religious King, be∣came * 1.258 a Prince of cruell Idolatrie.

143 Thirdly, His Maiestie confesseth in his Booke, that hee found the Catholikes partie most trustie to him in his other Kingdome. That is not so: His Maiestie names * 1.259 not Catholikes at all; but both, in the Preface, and in the Book it selfe, professeth that he found non•…•… so stedfastly to a bide by him in his greatest straits, as they which constantly kept their true Allegeance to his mother. True Subiects withdraw not their Ciuill Obed•…•…ence from their Prince, though he be of a different R•…•…ligion. God hath reuealed the one by com∣mandement; he reserues the secret iudgement of the other to himselfe: for it is not Romes Diuinitie, but Gods Booke that makes good Subiects: and ti's verie probable, that when his Maiestie hath cast vp his account of former Dis∣loyalties, he shall finde the moderate and Direct Protestant (that inclines neither to right nor left, depends not vpon Popes indulgence, nor pleades for Presbyters Discipline) to bee the fast and faithfull Subiect: THAT Diuinitie ey∣ther of Deposing Princes, or surprising their Parsons, or re∣nouncing Allegeance, being found neither in Books, nor practise of any, but such as are either Iesuited, or Geneua∣ted.

144 Fourthly, his Maiesties entrie to this Realme, was applauded with vniuersall reioycing. If hee had said Ge∣nerall, that is, Ex generibus singulorum, that the most of alsorts receiued HIS Maiestie, euen as King Solomon, when he was

proclaimed, with such shoutes of ioy, that the earth rang * 1.260 with the sound of them, it is most true: or if by vniuersal, hee ment through the whole Land, and of all true-hearted Subiects, it is his Maiesties comfort, and was no more then their Duety. For how can it be but that the members of the body should expresse their ioy at his accesse, who is the head of their guidance, and the breath of their Nosth∣rils? but if hee take vniuersall for euerie Subiect, howsoe∣uer affected; either his speech is not true; or their ioy was vnsound. For some of them, before euer they had seene his face towards vs, were plotting Treasons against him: and others had Breues in their Cabinets, if powre had con∣curred, or occasion fitted, to impeach HIM. So the vniuer∣sall Bishop, (as Antichrist tearmes himselfe) was no Party, * 1.261 nor Friend in this Vniuersall Ioy; nor this filius vniuersi, Fa. Parsons, for hee in his Viro D•…•…loso (his Dole-man) had re∣nounced his part in our Soueraigne, and pronounced himself else-where a Desperate & Forlor•…•…e Hereticke: yea, * 1.262 they are his expresse words, Whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant, is a most greeuous and damnable sin∣ner.

145 And that the ioy was not vniuersally vnfeyned, him∣selfe doth implicitè, confesse it: for their Reioycing was (saith hee) in hope of LIRERTIE: that's a mercenarie respect, no entire ioy: for true loue seeketh not her owne, (saith Saint Paul. Had it beene sincere and simple, then (be∣ing * 1.263 commanded) they would performe Obedience; or if crossed, they would submit with patience: for perfect * 1.264 loue, neither disdaineth, nor repineth, nor falleth away. But strange Children will faile; Dauid found it by experience; and that was their purpose, as this Iesuite purports; for (saith hee) they MEANT to serue him faithfully; but now, defeated of their hope, their Ioy is quailed, and that MEANING altered.

146 The last reason he vseth for the ground of this Presumption: is (as Salomon speaketh) carbones ad prunas, * 1.265

a Ball of Wilde-fire cast in, to set his Maiestie and his Eng∣l•…•…sh Clergie in a mutuall combustion; and that by way of Retortion, viz. Why should not the Catholikes hope of equall fauour from his Maiestie with T. M. and his fel∣lowes, who hauing beene old enemies, and alwaies borne a hard and hatefull hand and tong against his Maiestie, both in Sermons, Bookes, and speeches, all the time of the late Queenes reigne, must now bee so priuiledged. (Nullis meritis praecedentibus) as they will suffer none to bee equally preser∣red with them?

147 This is the Deuils humor vp and downe; first, as hee is DIABOLVS, a Calumniating forger of mali∣tious Leasings (for there is not one word of all this true) yea, it was the heartie ioy of T. M. and his fellowes, (wee need not be ashamed of our society) in that Orbity and age of our late Souereigne, that there was an HEIRE to the Crowne apparant, though not by a Declaration, yet, mau∣gre all Opposites (Iesuitic all and Infernall) apparant by De∣uolution, and vn-auoideable Succession; moste soundly grounded both in the essentiall points of Religion•…•… & roy∣ally affected to the outward policy of this Church-Gouern∣ment: which ioy, so far as without offēce they might, they did expresse. Secondly as he is SATHAN, an aduersarie of Peace, a sower of Discord (whose Kingdome fares best, when there is most distraction, thus to set enmity between the Sword, and the Keyes; a Gratious Prince, and his Loyall Clergie: but Apage Satana, saith his Sacred Maiestie. Thou perceiuest not the things that bee of God: for it is HIS pro∣pertie, * 1.266 to make men to bee of one minde in an house: and it is the duetie of euery true Christian (by the Apostles aduise) As much as in him lieth, to haue peace with all men; much more to preserue and nourish it betweene Prince and Sub∣iect. * 1.267 Thirdly as he is LVCIFER, to challenge (as in their Doctrine) God, for Heauens inheritance, so (in their Pride) the King for earthes preferment, as Debt•…•…ers to desert. WEE in both, plead Grace, and not merit: and the lesse wee haue

deserued of both, the more wee acknowledge Gods mer∣cie, and his Maiesties fauour.

148 Preferment of Many is the amplitude of a kings power: the singling out of Some is the Libertie of his choice, and where there is lesse desert, there Grace is the larger, and the streiter bond to t•…•…e vs more neerely in Loue and Loyaltie to so gracious a King: not by pre∣sumption (challenging a speciall priuiledge) nor through Enuy repining at other mens aduancements: but in dueti∣full affection and care to keepe those farthest from him, whose entertainment into fauour would bee dangerous to his Maiestie, and like to the vntamed Heyffers, sed to their owne liking, would soonest Goare HIM, that had giuen them life, and armed them with strength.

149 For had not the truly-affectionate acknowledge∣ment and gratulation, been more entire and sincere from T. M. and his Fellowes, then hitherto hath beene shew∣ed from the Head and Members of the Romish Synagogue, his Maiestie, might too iustly haue said of England, as they did of Canaan, Bonaterra, sed Mala gens, the Land is plea∣sant and rich, but the people are the Sonnes of Anak, Mon∣stra * 1.268 quadam siliorum, not Christians, but Monsters: a Title fitting vnthankfull men, not for the raritie of the persons, * 1.269 (there are too many) but for the hugenesse of that vice, which comprehends within it all kinde of Impietie: Ni∣mis enim durus animus (saith Saint Augustine) Qui dilectio∣nem, * 1.270 et si nolebat imp•…•…ndere, nolit rependere. It is too bad a disposition that will neither affoord loue, nor requite it; nei∣ther offer it with kindenesse, nor returne it with acknow∣ledgement.

150 THIS, because it pleaseth his Maiestie to exagge∣rate, by enumeration of his manifolde benefits, and gra∣cious Clemencie towards them; both by release from greeuances of Purse, of Prison, by accesse to his presence, by additions of honour, by rescue from death, (though con∣uicted, though sentenced) and many such: thereby to

Embroider the Popes Ingratitude, and to heape coales of fire vpon their heads, who had heaped vp Coales for Fire to haue taken off at ONCE so many heads: how disdain∣fully this Iesuite accounts of the One, and how simply hee answereth for the other, will appeare as followeth.

151 For first, Numb. 24. in the Margin, hee tear∣meth his Maiesties rehearsall, an EXPROBRATION, which (as was said before) is rather an expostulation for re∣turned vnkindnes: because to twit vnthankfull men with recounting the good turnes which they haue receiued, is no vpbraiding of bitternesse, but a necessitie of Reproofe. Neither is such Enmeration an Aduocate to pleade for re∣quitall, but a looking-glasse to present to the parties their owne deformitic, and to exhibit to strangers a view of both: lest taking knowledge of disloyall courses enioy∣ned of the one part; and with all, not vnderstanding the benefits bestowed by the other, they might take them to bee inforcoments vpon hard measure offered, that are truly the issues of corrupt natures ill disposed: and this course God himselfe tooke; first, recounting his benefits, then cal∣ling * 1.271 Heauen and earth to witnesse betweene him and his people; and lastly m•…•…ng the parties Iudges vnto them∣selues of their owne vnthankfulnesse, Sapè enim opus est, * 1.272 malis Exactore, etiam bonis admonitore: forgetfulnesse in good men requires admonition, in ill men an exaction, saith Seneca.

152 Secondly, after hee hath set downe, Number, 24. his Maiesties particulars of those benefits; hee concludes it Numb. 25. with Pilats Ecce Homo, this Ieting scorne, Thus writes THIS MAN. Belike some contemptible fellow of the Plebeian sort; or fome refuse Scribe like vnto Fa. Parsons, that Writes hee knowes not how, nor careth what: yet well fare King Saul, though forsaken of God, (when Dauid repeated the kindnesse which hee had shew∣ed him in sparing his life, euen when the Lord had deliue∣red * 1.273 him vp; and some of his fellowes had eg'd him on to

kill Saul; and for an euident token thereof, let him see the skirt of his Garment cut off,) hee had the grace (at leaste the ciuilitie) to acknowledge the kindenesse, not onely in good tearmes, (Is this the voice of my Sonne Dauid?) but * 1.274 with a detestation of himselfe, for dealing so ill with him (thou art more righteous then I:) and also an Obtestation for a blessing from God, The Lordrender thee good, for thy good done to mee this day:) but this Iesuite comes short euen * 1.275 of the Stoikes vse, who wisheth benefits to be recorded, and repeated to a forgetful receiuer, vt sic nescisse se aut menti∣atur, aut doleat, for so he shall eitherlie in denying that he hath receiued them; or bee sorie and greeue, that he did not acknowledge them: for this fellow, his memorie being rub'd, denies not the benefits, yet scarsely acknow∣ledgeth them to bee benefits, but turnes them off with a scornefull extenuation, SVCH AS THEY WERE, like enough not worthy the naming: too meane (no doubt) for a King to giue; and too base (be∣like) for such true Subiects, (the Popes vassals) to re∣ceiue.

153 Sed Stulto intelligens, quid interest? a Right no∣ble Lord, truely honourable in himselfe, and soundly Loyall to his Soueraigne (who knowes what belongs to Religion and Duetie) after particular Enumeration of the verie same with comfort, weighing them in the iust Ballance of wisdome and thankfulnes, acknowledgeth them, for the weight and price, to bee Many Talents, and a large portion of grace and bountie. But this is the Kings * 1.276 Guerdon from VNTHANKFVLL WRETCH∣ES, Mercedes locat in pertusum Sacculum (as the Pro∣phet speaketh) that hee hath powred his Rewards into a riuen bag.

154 But whatsoeuer they were, small or great,

they apper•…•…eine nothing to the Pope,

(saith this his Proctor:) as if the Pope were another Heraclite, that weepes all: Vir magni m•…•…oris, nullius gaudij; But as if hee were of the Stoi∣kes

minde to auow, that Nihil boni à Caesare, the King * 1.277 can bestow nothing worthy HIS account, bee it prefer∣ment, or Office, or whatsoeuer.

155 Surely then is the Pope either vnnaturall; for a true head hath a perfect Simpathy with the members as well for mirth as for greefe; to bee merrie with the ioyful, as to weepe with the sorrowfull (that's Saint Pauls rule:) or * 1.278 else his greefe hee speakes of, was but Hiprocrisie, A•…•…ramen∣talis, not Mentalis; all his teares turned into Inke, con∣ueied through a Goose-quil into a paper Breue, neuer came neare his heart, nor were expressed with true affection: for hee can neuer truely greeue in others distresse, that wil not heartily reioyce in his well doing. The Elder Brothers * 1.279 sullennesse at the yongers ioy-feast vpon his returne, ar∣gued that his ryot and afflictions did little affect him; whereas the Angels double reioysing at a sinners recoue∣ry, implies their greefe to bee verie great in his former fall.

156 But indeede in the Pope t'is verie Pride: a quali∣tie which is euer querulous, repining if in euerie thing the turne may not at all hands bee serued; neuer thankeful, as challenging all Curtesies (euen of the greatest states,) to be debts of meere duty, & offices of Obliged Allegeance; Sed cesset Gratiarum decursus, si non fuerit recursus (saith Bernara) if the Pope haue no more feeling of benefits be∣stowed * 1.280 vpon his vassals, either they serue a senselesse Ma∣ster; or else good turnes (that way conferred) may well bee spared. Marrie as for the Catholikes (saith he)

they accept euen the least fauour gratefully, hoping to haue recei∣ued much greater, (as due vnto them) if his Maiestie had not beene preuented by Sinister Information.

157 Heere Iudas is turned into Caiphas, and speakes a truth, as President to the Councell for the POWDER∣PLOT; the reuealing wherof by a Letter vnexpected, hee cunningly cals a Sinister Information, which indeede preuented his maiesty from feeling the euent of that dread∣full

Designe; and them also of their greater hopes, which heere hee cals their DVE, as if ALL but THEY were Vsurpers; for had not that preuention hapned, the greatest places of the Land (which THEY in hope had swallow∣ed) had beene ere now at their disposall; and this Preuen∣tion hee cals Sinister, as vnluckie to them: otherwise hee should haue said, that his Maiestie had further enlarged & continued those fauours, but that hee was Preuented, not by Sinister Informations of others, as T. M. &c. But by a Dexter combination of themselues, Iesuits and Gentlemen; they councelling, these complotting: they concealing, these engining; they absoluing, these resoluing; all, toge∣ther vowing and swearing, and sealing with the Sacrament Secrecy and Villany. And this saith his Maiestie was the La∣brusca, the sower fruite returned, & the whole recompence that was made, for his former indulgence of Grace and bountie.

158 Which speech, this Miles Gloriosu•…•… (in disdaine) calleth a Calumniation of THIS MAN (as, THIS PVBLICAN, saith the Pharisee) And why a Calum∣niation? first, in respect of the Time, because there had been Persecution before that treason, namely the pecuniarie mulcts imposed in Queene Elizabeths time, once Remitted by his Maiestie, were presently recalled againe; the Arrerages exacted, & for leuying therof mens houses ransacked, Cattel seysed, Rents streyned, and Tenants vexed, as in a common spoile aad Desolation.

159 Heere are words of a Tumult, or rather a tumult of words, to make a Tragedie of trifles, and a storie of Fa∣bles, trussed vp together like a Mountebankes packe of Vnsauerie Intelligences, conueyed vnto him by some of his Malitious and illuding Agents. But in these cases, o∣ther maner of States-men, and better acquainted with the course of such proceedings are to bee heard. First, that the Arrerages of those Mulcts in the Queenes time, being due debts to the Crowne, were not wholly remitted; but

(which was a principall fauour) by a speciall Commission to * 1.281 that purpose directed, Recusants had libertie to compoūd, almost for what tearme, and at what rates they might best, and with most ease satisfie. Secondly, that those meane profits which had accrued since the Kings time, to his Maiestie for their Recusancie, were forgiuen to the princi∣pall Gentlemen, who had both at his Entrie, shewed so * 1.282 much Loyaltie, and had kept themselues freefrom all Con∣spiracies. Thirdly, for the ransacking and the distreyning which hee talkes of, if it were according to Law, it is war∣ranted; if otherwise, it was punished. For that was a further fauour of his Maiestie to command that those Officers * 1.283 should bee punished, which made a prey of Penalties, and a pèrsonall priuate gaine by the publike iustice of the State.

160 But admit it were all true he speakes, (as euerie word is false) did not the Treasons of your good friends, (Fa. Parsons) Watson and Clerke breake out first, and a se∣cond Combination (not without a Popish Priest) after that? vpon which, some Principall Recusants were sent for, to Hampton Court, and dismissed with the fauour before spe∣cified? And grant it were before the POWDER CON∣SPIRACIE fell out, it was not before those Traitors fell into it, or another as desperate as that, which was the Preamble vnto this.

161 A second reason why hee calleth it a Calumniati∣on, is in respect of the effect;

Wherein Clemeneie (saith hee) is made the cause of that POWDER TREA∣SON, which neither was so, nor can be so; first, because CLEMENCIE dooth not exasperate men or Beasts; but the Treason was a Plot of MEN PROVOKED. Se∣condly, no Philosopher in his institution of a common-weale, or securitie of a Prince, puts CLEMENCIE for a cause of such effects. Thirdly, No examples of any prince who came to disastrous ends, doe warrant THAT to be the cause of their violent Deathes, and therefore this is a STRANGE ASSERTION.

162 Is this Iesuite a Preuaricator in the cause of those Traitors, or a Proctor for them? For this verie same is his Maiesties argument & aggreeuance, that his CLEMENCY should exasperate any to such a Treason, as was Singular from all examples, different from all Instructions of Policy, and degenerate from the nature of Men or Beastes: for in nature, the fiercenes of wilde Sauages, by milde handling * 1.284 is tamed; and in Politikestates, the more certaine securitie to Princes, (for their safetie) is by mansuetude and Cle∣mencie; * 1.285 and None but Tyrants are noted for examples of not leauing their liues,—Sine Caede & Sanguine: and ther∣fore * 1.286 they, who against a moderate Prince should intend so bloody a death, shewed themselues to bee more vndueti∣full and vnnaturall then wilde men or Beasts.

163 And yet that discontented and Rebellious hu∣mors are caused and nourished in some by Clemencie, is no strange Assertion, either in Nature or Pollicie, whether for position or example (as this great Philosopher doth confident∣ly auerre it;) for, as in Nature, some vegetable creatures the more tenderly they are touched, the more they will sting (as nettles, which being crushed hard, will reflect no * 1.287 smart:) so in the sensitiue, some so fierce, that no discipline (violent or moderate) will cicure them; others so malig∣nant, that the more kindely they are handled, the more currish they are, (as some Dogs, stroake them, they will snarle, strike them they will crouch:) So in Philosophy, the * 1.288 rule being generall, that Actu•…•… actiuorum est in patiense pra∣disposito, the effect of any actiue power, is according to the Disposition of the Patient: aske then the Naturalists, they will tell you, that the Sycamor tree, the more it is moist∣ned, * 1.289 the drier it waxeth; that water sprinkled into a Smiths forge, will make the fire burne the more fiercely. Aske the Phys•…•…ans, and they write, that what states the stomake of one, will make another to regorge; and that the swee∣test hony procures in some the most bitter choller. Go to * 1.290 the Oeconomickes, ye shall heare them say, that some Ser∣uants

account their Maisters Lenisie but for an Anarcby, & thereupon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so carrie themselues, as if * 1.291 they had no Maister. And was it not a Father that said to his Sonne, Malè •…•…e do•…•…uit meafacilitas multa? My lenitie hath * 1.292 taught thee much mischiefe? Aske the Politickes, first, Spe∣culatiue; they say that the gentle disposition of Gouer∣nors 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (if it be alwaies milde and benigne) is * 1.293 eftsoones contemned; and Contempt is the Mother of dis∣loyaltie. Secondly Practique; begin with heauen, and the King thereof (who among the Heathen is called Regnator * 1.294 Pols) what found he? When HE SLEW them, they sought him, and returned earely and enquired after God: but when they had QVAILES to the full, and MANNA with Satietie, then they repined and tempted him most. Come to Kings on earth; first, Iewish; Dauid in his owne person Pro amore meo aduersa•…•… sunt mihi: For my friendship (saith * 1.295 he) they were mine Aduersaries, and returned me hatred for my good will: and in the person of Christ, (as S. Augu∣stine applies it) because our Sauiour (saith he) in the depth of his benignitie, rendred good for euill; therfore they in * 1.296 the height of their maliguitie, would render him euill for good. Secondly, Kings Christian; Berengarius the Emperor had no such Treacherous enemy as Flambertus, * 1.297 whom he highly aduanced, and intirely vsed in his Secre∣cies of State and Familiaritie: yet the storie saith, that the more kinde the Emperor was, and profest himselfe vnto him, Eô magis aestuaret innocentem tollere Regem: for some Seas will boile and rage, euen in the greatest Calme.

164 Not to fetch examples farre; Our Gracious Soue∣raigne, in all the Realmes which HEE enioyeth; hath found it too true, by an ouer-deere bought experience, as his selfe confesseth. For Scotland, heare his Maiestie speak: I thought by beeing GRACIOVS at the beginning, to win all mens hearts to a louing and willing Obedience: but by the * 1.298 contrarie, I found the disorder of the Countrie, and the losse of my thanks to be all my Reward. For England, the fact it selfe

shall speake, viz. the Iesuites Crying Sinne, out of the Vault of Powder and Iron, hatch't in the lake of Fire and Brim∣stone: Whence arose those Diuelish and destroying thoughts? As the Lord pleaded with Israel, so might his Maiestie with those Catholikes: O my people, what haue I * 1.299 done vnto thee, or wherein haue I greeued thee? Testifie against me. Is it because I eased you of your Fines and Amercia∣ments? or that I sent you with life and limme out of the Land? or, that I made no distinction in accesse to my pre∣sence, of Tro•…•…an or Tyrian, of Hebrew or Egiptian? or, that I honoured you with fauours and aduancements equallie with others? or, for which of my Good Deedes would you haue thus stoned mee? For no vnkindenesse can you lay against me, but that I haue not beene at all Vnkinde. For Ireland, let the Rebell himselfe speake; What hard measure felt Tirone from his Sacred Maiestie? vnlesse admittance to personal speech, gracing with fauours, granting him im∣munities, pardoning him Treasons, giuing him his life, which now breatheth NEW Conspiracies bee an Ex∣asperation, or prouoke discontent.

165 And therefore, that there should be so bad dispo∣sitions, in which Clemencie (so gratious a vertue) should worke so gracelesse fruits, argues a Strange affection: but that Clemency should exasperate some natures to disloyal∣tie, is no such Strange Assertion in Philosophy, eyther hu∣mane or diuine; no more then that the same Sunnes heat should exhale a fragrant fauour out of the flowers in the field, and a loathsome stench from a dead Corps in the same Champian. For sore eyes will smart in that light, whereby the sound eye receiues the helpe and comfort: Ist is adiumentum, illis tormentum, saith S. Augustine. And * 1.300 in Diuinitie, S. Paul found the same Doctrin to work the sauour of life in some, which wrought in others the sauour * 1.301 of Death; not intentionately from the Subiect, but occasi∣onately by the vice of the Obiect. For the preaching of the Crosse, to them which Perish, is folly, but to them which are * 1.302

saued the power of God. Truth to beget hatred, is the Poets * 1.303 speech, and the Apostles experiment: and Lenitie to exa∣sperate some natures is no strange thing, either in Philo∣sophie, or to Magistracie: which, our Dreade Soueraigne, being both a Philosopher, and a Magistrate, (that's our happinesse) dooth know in his Learning, and hath felt in his Gouernment to bee too true. And therefore wee will close vp this point with the Iesuits own words else-where: But his Maiestie is wise, and will (as we hope) according to his * 1.304 prudence, in time, looke into THIS SORT of men, and discerne to auoid such manner of dispositions: well knowing, that Waspes, if they be not strongly repelled with the Bees sting, will possesse their hi•…•…s, sucke their Combes drie, and * 1.305 their bodies dead.

166

Now let vs proceede (saith hee, Numb. 28.) that is, let vs return to shew, that as there were (before the POW DER TREASON) persecutions for spoile, so also by searches of houses; wherof some were so violent and inhu∣mane, that Gentlewomen were forced out of their Beds to be ransacked for Crucifixes, &c.

(Me•…•…rane sheweth of a Cloistered Priest in the Low Countries, that forced mens * 1.306 wiues out of their beds in a more beastly sort, so to make them right Catholikes, that is Common-woomen:) some so fellonious, that a friend of his was bereaued of a siluer Cup (no Challice,) onely because it had the name of Iesus grauen on it.

167 Many Theeues vse to robbe with Ch•…•…lures and false beards, because they would not bee descried; and Ie∣suits will huddle stories, but conceale names, lest their credit should bee hazarded. That Malefactors, either for acts vnlawfull committed, or publike Edicts contemned, should bee pursued to their holds, and fetch't out of their houses, yea, some sort to bee pluck't euen from the hornes of the Altar, is iustifiable both by Gods booke, and mans Law; and principally such as seduce Liege people, stealing their soules from God, and their hearts from their Soue∣reigne:

yea, and if Achan haue any thing execrably con∣secrated, his Tent must be searched, and the Babilonish gar∣ment, with the Wedge of Gold, and the shekles of siluer * 1.307 (though hid in the midst of the Tent, and in the bowels of the earth) must bee ransak't, digg'd out, and confiscate, either to publike de facing, or vtter demolishing. For the Cup he speakes of, if it were a Challice hallowed for the Masse, it was forfeited by Law either as Corah his Cénse•…•…, (to be translated to right holy vse) or as the Brazen Ser∣pent, to be accounted Nehushtan, and trampled as a piece * 1.308 o•…•… brasle, or refuse Siluer: and it is probable it was so, by that inscription of Iesus, which vpon prophane vessels (for common vse) either is not vsually, or should not at all be charactered. For if the Heathen reputed it an indig nity to the Emperour, that any should Principis imaginem obscoenis inferre, stampe the Princes image vpon homely v∣tensils; Christians should bee more religious then to en∣graue * 1.309 our Sauiour his holy name vpon Quaffing-Cups: but this is a story out of Lucians Icaromenippus, told out of the Clowds; for had he named the party, he had vncased him∣selfe •…•…o the world, to appeare (as hee is indeed) a meere Falsarie.

168 From Searches of Houses, he comes, Num. 29. to Imprisonments, and condemnation to death of many Catho∣likes. And the whole great number of those Many, were but two executed, a Priest and his Recepter: the rest that were sentenced, but foure or fiue pardoned, and sent to Wisbitch, where in their ret•…•…red ease, and full dyet, they might crie heu quanta patimur? and for what cause? for comming into England to exercise their function (saith he) against the Statutes of Queene Elizabeth; and after his Maiesties Proclamation, and for seducing the Kings peo∣ple he should haue added. As if, either a Statute of a Land with the Princes death were annulled, which is not * 1.310 so, saith S. Augustine, for though Constantine be dead, yet the iudgement giuen against you by Constantine liueth:

or, if in force, that the breach of Statutes enacted, and con∣tempt of Kings Edicts proclaimed, were either a Peccadi∣lio, or no sinne at all, Sauls Edict, transgressed by Iona∣than, neither God himselfe (as it seemes) tooke well, nor the King would be satisfied for the transgression, but by * 1.311 allotting to Death his owne sonne. And what was the of∣fense? casting of an hony-combe, contrary to command. Christian Princes and States, for their securitie, enact Lawes, and promulge Decrees, in cases of higher nature; by aban∣doning Seducers to Idolatrie, and Perswaders to Disloyalty; contempt and breach of both ensueth, and the punishment vpon the Transgressors must be intitled Persecution. The Bishop of Rome his Breues to interdict Allegeance, must, vp∣pon dreadfull Censures (without contradiction) be obeied. The Monarch of great Britaine his Proclamations, to dis∣burden his Realme of a VIPEROVS BROOD, must bee either calumniated, or sans-punie transgressed. Where∣as Diuinity teacheth Christians, that Princes Edists (not made against Christ) are propounded to alacrity of subie∣ction, not variety of construction, much lesse to contempt by violation. When Emperours hold the truth (saith Saint Augustine) they command for truth; which whosoeuer despi∣seth, purchaseth to himselfe Iudgement. * 1.312

169 In the next Section, after mention of one Wild∣borne executed at Yorke (belike for Rebellious and Trai∣terous speeches) he saith,

for perswading a certaine woman to be a Catholike:

(not vtterly vntrue, for the Law pu∣nisheth euen that by Death, because to be their Catholike, is to be disloyall) and Mistresse Shelley her Imprisonment (for receiuing a Priest, contrary to Law and his Maiesties prohibition (and the condemning to death) but not execu∣ting (one Tempest) whom heere he cals a Gentlemen; but the time was when the Iesuites handled him very vngently, and so Tempestuously, that he confessed, Hee neither would nor should like of that Society to death, knowing their tiranny * 1.313 and exteame cruelty to passe all measure, against whomsoeuer

they powred out their wrath:) at last, he much bemoaneth Master Pound (one of their Pillory Confessors, as in the Starre-Chamber hee was sentenced, to losse of eares, and open shame) beeing a Libeller, and Slaunderer of the State (HE cals it his cōplaining of hard measure against Catho∣likes.) So that the Censure for that Sinne, which S. Iude concludes within Blasphemie, Dominationem spernunt, Ma∣iestatem * 1.314 autem blasphemant: They despise Rulers, and speak euill of those that be in authority: which S. Iames auerres to be Atheisme, at least to bee Irreligious Hypocrisie: If any man among you seemeth to be Religious, and REFRAIN∣ETH * 1.315 NOT HIS TONGVE, that mans Religion is vaine; This Arch-Diuine cals it CRVELTY

in the Iudges, and an HONOR from God to the Libeller,

whom hee stiles with Bedaes Epithere,

A VENERABLE GENTLEMAN;

The Scripture tearmes his fellow Shemei, A dead Dogge. But doth not this fellow complaine * 1.316 of ease? For Pownd (notwithstanding the Censure of that High Court, and this foule crime) was ficed by his Maiestie from the corporall punishment; and no penny is yet de∣manded of the Fine by Sentence imposed.

170 In Numb. 31. (which is the next) he passeth ouer (as he saith) Hereford and Lancashire Persecutions. A transi∣tion of that, which because it is not at all, he letteth goe; for had there beene any such thing, he that so rhetorically be∣wailes the Calamity of Shittles children in Oxford (who had none, or but one at most then aliue) is neither so meale∣mouthed to conceale them in silence, nor so briefly stiled to passe them ouer with sleightnesse.

171 But there is one horrible Persecution that strikes him into an agonie, which, as if he were Carrying the Crosse with Simon of Cyren, he calleth a

New ANG ARI A∣TION, THEN first brought vp; namely, that men should be bound to pay for their WIVES Recusancie.

The remedy is easie: let them garre there Wiues to frequent the Church, and then they shall not bee Angariated in their

purse; otherwise it stands with reason and Religion, that they should be So punished: for either they are their w•…•…es heads, and so can command their obedience to the Lawes of the Church; or else they are Vnderlings, and count•…•…ma∣stred by them, and then are they iustly punished in sust ring their Wiues 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to carry a sway ouer them, which S. Paul permits not in a peremptory denyall. Were their Wines Re∣cusants * 1.317 before they tooke them? They deserued to be mul∣cted for their bad choise. Prooue they so afterward? They deserue it (much rather) for their carelesse regard. And if the Lacedemonians set a great fine vpon their King, for tak ing a little woman to his Queene, giuing the reason, that she * 1.318 would bring forth Regulos, not Reges Kinglings, not Kings; much more are such to be punished for taking or suffering their Wiues Recusants, in respect of the hereditarie danger. For Men haue not those insinnating meanes, to seduce others to their Superstition, as Women haue; especially, the Mothers Religion is (for the most part) deriued to the Chil∣dren, because to Her the principall care of their Educa∣tion is committed. We see it in Iehoram the Sonne of * 1.319 Iezabel.

172 But was this Mulct enacted in the Queenes time? as it was indeed? Then doth Parsons calumniate the Kings gouernment in calling it a NEW Pressure Was it enacted, but not exacted before? Then, it being such an Angariati∣on, he doth contradict nimselfe; for so maketh hee his Ma∣iesties hand heauier then Queene Elizabeths, which afore he denied. Howsoeuer if pa•…•…ting with a peece of money be such a Pressure to the husband for the Wiues wilfulnesse, what a miserable Pressing Crueltie was that to burne a wo∣man greate with Childe, which opening the wombe in the totments, and comming forth, was Angariated and throwen backe in to the fire, to bee consumed with the Mother?

173 An other Persecution followes,

His Maiestie re•…•…ected the Petition of the Catholiks, in writing for Tollera∣tion;

and Mitigation of Calamities.

This, indeed, is a new kinde of pressure; an Insolent Petition is offered; the first request whereof is (as before was said) Impious against God, dishonorable to his Maiestie, and iniurious to the State; his Maiestie denies it, that's a Persecution. Then were all the Christian Emperors Persecutors, who forbad either publike * 1.320 place, or priuate house for assembly of Heretikes; and Saint Ambrose was either a spirituall Persecutor, or an insolènt Re∣bel, * 1.321 that would not yeeld to Valentinians request, by deli∣uering vp a Church in Millan for the Arrians resort: The se∣cond part thereof, A motion for mittigating of Penalties; and themselues in the meane time, neither slake instigating of Treasons; nor obey Lawes; neither will leaue the Land with License, nor liue in it with obedience; nor giue pledge of their allegeance. It is a cruell pitty which procures hazard to the Kings safety.

174 Yea, but this Petition was answered by a Minister with contempt Answering of a Libell (for it was no better) complaining of Greeuances when there is none; or if any, forced by their owne Misdemeanor vpon themselues, (Nostris demerit is punimur, the Fault is not in her Maiestie. nor her Councell, nor the Ciuill Magistrate, but in our selues, * 1.322 say the Priests:) The answering, I say, of such a Libell, is it an Angariation? T'is so verily, to them which make no con∣science what they write; for to haue either their weaknesse discouered, or their falsities recounted, or their wickednesse displa•…•…d, is a sore Pressure. Hee that euill dooth, flyeth the * 1.323 triall of the Light (saith our Sauiour) lest his deedes should bee repro•…•…ed: no greater vexation can betide a strumpet, then to be v•…•…ask't of her visard, and to haue her pain∣ting wi•…•…ed from her riueled brow•…•… & wan-worn cheekes. The •…•…thers neuer refused such Combats, nor accounted them Pressures: yea rather prouoked such conflicts, as e∣•…•… •…•…th. I•…•… the contempt and insulting in the an∣swer, were the greeuance, it neede not strike deepe; for as long as one Parsons lineth, the world shall want neither

Contemptuous nor Contemptible; neither insulse nor insul∣ting, either Pamphlets or Replies.

175 Yet another Persecution; His Maiestie yeelded to a

Conference betweene Protestants and Puritanes, concerning Differences of Religion; to Catholikes none at all.

It is a strange humour, that this Epistlor hath; if he say truth he lies. It is true, there was a Conference; but about difference in Re∣ligion, it is vtterly false. Faine they would possesse the world, that we are at Iarre among our selues, about our Religion; whereas the Quarrell, though it bee (indeede) vnkinde, yet it is not in this kinde; saue onely for Ceremonies externall, no points substantiall (for those are the Iarres of Popish writers.) This difference about things indifferent, his Ma∣iestie desirous to reconcile, that as in the substance there was an Vnitie, so in the Circumstancies there might bee an vniformitie, vouchsafed his Princely paines to moderate and mediate.

176 And Why not the Catholikes obtaine the like fauor? First their opinions touch the very Heades and foundation of Religion; in the truth whereof, his Maiestie knowing good reason for himselfe to bee so firmely setled, and fin∣ding this Realme so truely grounded, that being perfect in all the Arguments of the aduerse part, and throughly vn∣derstanding the weaknesse of them, hee held it both vn∣safe and vnnecessary. For if the rule bee true in Architec∣ture, a Corner stone, (though somewhat amisse laid) is not to bee stirred; much lesse Religion, being throughly well placed, and so hauing long continued, is to bee disputed. Secondly, Puritans, though they haue peenish mindes, and refractarie against the Lawes for Ceremoni•…•…s, yet they haue no bloody heares to his Maiestie; at least no such ouertures for action doc appeare: Papists haue, which they could not conceale, euen in their Petition: where they wished his Maiestie as great a Saint in heauen, as hee is a King vpon Earth; Gladly they would be rid of him: which way they care not, so hee were not heere; by Fire from Heauen or

Hell, the Jesuites care not how, say the Priests; and therefore tooke order to h•…•…rle him hence by Garnet, and Vaux their * 1.324 Whirle winde in a Chariot of Fire. Thirdly, did those great and Princely paines his Maiestie tooke with the Puritanes, worke a generall comformitie? with the Iudicious and dis∣creete it did, but the rest grewe more aukward and violent: the like or worse yssue would haue ensued the other Confe∣rence; for after all paines taken and arguments pressed, * 1.325 who must be Judge to determine? Deiu noster Papa; for to doubt of that, is a Sacriledge saith Gratian; and then, if HE a ward not for his owne emolument (beeing in his owne E∣lement (he hath left his old wont, as King Henry the eight * 1.326 wrote to one of his predecessors.

177 Neither yet doe Persecutions cease; but Num. 32.

Which was a greater vexation, his Maiestie confirmed all that heape of Constitutions and Canons made by the Arch-bishop of Canterburie, and Bishop of London.

It was a good Argument of Christs integritie, that Saduces and Pharisees, (each opposite to other in Capitall points of Re∣ligion) should both of them carry dislike of our Sauiour, * 1.327 and combine against him▪ and it maketh much for the cre∣dit of those Canons, that Papists and Puritanes (so seuered in opinions) should both conioyne in the reproofe of them. Wherein then lieth the Vexation? in the sharpnesse of the Censure annexed thereto? First, that argues the Corrupt∣nesse at the heart in Catholikes, and the excellencie of the Constitutions, as Saint Paul argueth for Gods Law. For the * 1.328 Commandement is iust and good in it selfe, but it workes feare, and anguish, and death in the corrupt nature of the disobedient. Wilt thou therefore not feare? doe well and obey. Secondly in the sto•…•…e Conciliable and conuenti∣cle of Trent, euery Canon against the truth, is brandished with the thunderbolt of an Anathema; a lawfull Synode assembled for Truth may more iustly arme her Constitu∣tions with sharpe Censures and feuere. Or is the Confir∣ming of them by his Maiestie the Corrasiue that frets this

Vicer?. yea, •…•…inc. ill•…•… Lacri•…•…ae, there's the gr•…•…euance indee•…•…, for thereby doth his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sh•…•…w, and the Church ac knowledge his Supreme moderation and power in causes Ec∣clesiasticall: which the Popes no•…•…able, either to regorge, o•…•… digest, it vexeth them into tha•…•… disentery, from whence pro∣ceede those purulen•…•… excretions, and bloody egestions of Buls and Breues, of Excommunications and Interdictions. But in sooth who should comfirme them but the King, accor∣ding to the examples of all the Emperors Christian in th•…•… primitiue Church? by whose command the Synod was con∣uented; by whose Leaue, Libertie to consult, and power to Constitute was granted, and vnder whose authoritie (de∣riued to subordinate Magistrates) the breach or contempt is to be Censured.

178 Lastly to make vp a whole decade of Persecutions two more dreadfull are added:

The Lord Chancelors speech 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Starre-Chamber, and the Bishop of London, (D. Vaughan) his Sermon at Paules Crosse, both tending to take all holde from Catholikes of any the least fauour, and the former, expreslie charging the Iudges to search for them, and punish them,

(but hee should haue added the reason, his Maiesties resolution vpon the pr•…•…eding •…•…so∣lencie and treacheri•…•… of the Papists), and

vpon these spee∣ches proceedes the Powder plot (saith hee) of these Gentle∣•…•…;

that is to say, the Pyoneis were digging at the W•…•…es before Christmas; the Vault•…•… (as more conuenient) wa•…•… hy•…•…d, and th•…•… POWDE•…•…, conueyed into it before •…•…er, the spe•…•… and Sermon were made, the one in Iune, the other in August following, and yet the POWDER TRAITORS fell into that proiect after them both; Mendacem op•…•…rtet esse memorem, and such is the best answer for that point.

179 Now heare this Conclusion, Numb. 33.

To say then that it is a main vntruth, & can neuer be prooued that any persecution hath been in his said Maiesties gouernment; or that any •…•…re, or are put to death, or punished, for cause

of Con•…•…cience (which, if it were vttered in the Indies, or ma∣ny miles from England, might perhaps be beleeued) but to auerre such a thing in print, in England, where all mens eies and eares are open to the contrarie, is a STRANGE BOLDNES.

180 No sooner had Eue conference with the Serpent, but presently shee learned a tricke of Adding to the Text. God had said, You shall die; shee put in Lest perhaps you die: * 1.329 with that Serpents •…•…sse hath this Viper beene instructed to doe the like. His Maiesty said, It can neuer bee prooued that any were, or are put to death; hee puts in [or punished:] yet if his Maiesty had said so, he had spoken no more then truth; for their punishments are not inflicted for their Conscience, or opinions of Religion, but for their wilfull d•…•…sobedience to the lawes of the Land, wherein they liue; and to which implicitè, as by Proxie, they haue giuen their consent: for being Ciuill members of one and the same Body, as naturall Subiects to one King, what is concluded 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Representatiue Body in Parlament, they (though ab∣sent) doe assent vnto it.

181. But the maine vntruth, whereof his Maiestie spake, is the challenge of Persecution to DEATH for Reli∣gion, which in sinceritie and Christian confidence may be auerred and iustified in the Eies and Eares of all England for an vncontrouleable assertion: for howsoeuer both the Priests afore named, and after mentioned in this Section, as Dru•…•…y, Flathers, Geruis, with their Receipters, were Papists or Catholikes (so falsly called) yet for their opinions they were not executed, no nor questioned: and though they died Papists, yet they died not for Poperie, no more then Shemei did for his railing tongue; for their case (in this kinde, for Execution) is in a manner the same with His.

182. Shemei was at King Salomons mercy; for though * 1.330 King Dauid had pardoned him for his owne time, yet hee lest him to his sonne with Iniunction for his Death: they

for breach of the Law, were in the Kings mercie for their liues: for though the Queene were dead, yet the Law h•…•…ld them Guilty. King Solomon in fauour spared Shemei his Blood, but, by his Prerogatiue Royall, confined him to Ieru∣salem: * 1.331 Our Souereigne, of meere grace, remitted to them their liues, and by his Proclamation exiled them the Land. Death is the Penalty to Shemei, if he passe ouer the Riuer; the same is their punishment, if they passe the Seas hither: Shemei transgresseth in seeking his run-awaies beyond the * 1.332 Riuer; and his contempt is punished according to the Sen∣tence: they returne hither, to make Run-awaies or Rebels; Execution is performed according to Law. It is not She∣mei his railing (for King Dauid had pardoned it simply, and King Solomon conditionally) but his breach of Coue∣nant that caused his Death: it is not their Religion (which is not once called into question) but their Contempt of Lawes and Edicts, which puts an End to their liues.

183. As for telling tales in the Indies, that is proprium quarto modo to the Iesuites, who make it a principall part of their profession to winne credit to their Societie by Indian Fables. Were it not for Congo, or Cochachine, or Iaponia, or the Maluchees, or other part of the Indies, East or West, Bozius had lost that signe of the true Church, and Xaueri∣us, * 1.333 Valentia, Bertrandus, and many a strange Iesuite, had neuer beene worthy the naming. The Hebrew women are not as the women of Egypt, said the Midwiues to Pharao, for they are liuely, and are deliuered ere the Midwife come * 1.334 at them: so belike it is with the Indian Iesuites and Con∣uerts; they are more nimble at a Miracle (both actiuely and passiuely) then the Christians of these parts, Sacred or Lay. There it is but saying a Masse, and a dead man shall start vp to life, though he be dead Seuen daies: Lay but S. Iohns Gospell, there, vpon a womans brest, the Diuell shall flie from the possessed, as if he were shot out of a Gun. 'Tis * 1.335 but carrying a Standard of the Crosse, and an Armie of horsemen, all in glittering harnesse, shall apppeare, whose

Armour shall dazell the eies, and number strike terror to the hearts of the aduerse part: Elizeus his mountaine of * 1.336 Horses, and Chariots of fire are not to bee compared thereto.

184. Either our English Iesuites are but dullards, or our Soile is not capable of Miracles: else why did not Gar∣net, Hall, Greenwell, Gerrard, and the rest (which were in∣deed Portenta virorum, Miracles among men, for their strange villany; but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Portentorum, Miracle-workers they were not:) why, I say, did not they shew any miracle among vs? Certainly, if the Prouinciall had had the Indian tricke, or that our Parlament-house had stood in Congo, we should haue heard from thence, that such a house had beene pus•…•…'t vp with a trice, vpon the Masse or Orizon of a Iesuite: for in Molucca, a Iesuite fetched downe firie stones from Heauen, raked vp trees by the roots, filled * 1.337 vp streets with s•…•…ones and ashes, raised a Lake so high, and made it rage so strong, that it swept away all the houses at once. It were best therefore to send Fa. Parsons to the Indies, were it but to worke One Miracle, that is, to make HIM SELFE an honest man; for, to report in England that He is so, in the Eies and Eares of so many that are wit∣nesses to the contrary, that read his railing Libels, know his Traiterous Conspiracies, and discerne his Diuellish A∣theismes (so the Priests write of him) were a Strange Bold∣nesse indeed: but to say that no Romish Priest, or Popishly affected Lay-man is put to Death for his Conscience, may, for the fame thereof, •…•…ee proclaimed in India, and all the world thorow; and for the truth thereof, is and shall bee auouched in the most publike places (whether Pulpits for Diuinity, or Seats of Iudgement) in the heart of England. Impudencie may frame Libels to the contrary, but Truth is mighty; the Euidences demonstratiue, and will pre∣uaile.

185. But to confute the Assertion, hee, first, names the two Statutes, 4. and 5. in the third yeere of his Maiesties

reigne, more seuere against Catholike Recusants for their meere Conscience, then against any one sort of Malefactors or wickedmen before. Secondly, hee brings the Exam∣ples of three Priests to whom Death was lesse greeuous that died expres•…•… for refusing this Oath, which is a persecution for Conscience, valesse it will bee said, that the Oath hath no matter of Conscience in it, for a Catholike man to receiue.

186. It is a question whether this Iesuite hath lesse Logicke or honesty, his arguing is so absurd, his dealing so vnsound. His Maiestie frees himselfe from Persecution, o•…•… doing any to Death for his Conscience, BEFORE the POWDER-TREASON; he fetcheth in Statutes and Executions SINCE that villany was discouered. But for the Statutes seueritie, if more sharpe then before, it is but according to the Prouerbe, Termerium malum, like ma∣lady, * 1.338 like remedy: for if Plato account Treason against the Prince, equall with Sacrilege against God, not onely the * 1.339 Actors in the Fact, but the Seedes-men of such doctrine, are to be met withall by more then Ordinary Iustice: Celeri * 1.340 poena (saith one) by a present dispatch: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith another) as in heat of warre, and hauocke of enemies, as by Martiall Law: for no Execution can bee inuented too Exquisite or speedy, for such wickednesse, saith a third: God * 1.341 himselfe taking that course against a strange Rebellion, not to bring an Ordinary Visitation, but to make a NEW punish∣ment * 1.342 vpon the earth: Schooles defining it, that an accusto∣med sinne, to which any Nation or People is most inclinable, * 1.343 is to be prouided for more seuerely, especially if it be V•…•…bs Rebellis, & nocens Regibus, as they apply that place in Ez∣ra, which is the very case in hand. For besides the dange∣rous Theorems and Positions which their Writers (especially our Englishmen) set downe for Principles (their Arch-Priest confesseth, that his hart is wounded to read them) their continuall practise is all for Rebellion: the said Blackwell professing, that many youths are sent ouer daily, and they (by * 1.344 vertue of their Oath) bound to draw mens Obedience from their

King: and therefore the conclusion in Schooles is, by the example of Corah, with the rest, not submitting them∣selues to Moses his gouernment, that the Censure for such offenders, must be incons•…•…ta poena. And yet in the Sta∣tutes * 1.345 which hee mentioneth, there is neither New, nor Strange, nor Rigorous punishment; but a reuiuall of cer∣taine Statutes before enacted, and all grounded vpon the ancient Lawes of the Land, made 200. yeeres since, in the times of Edward the Third, and Richard the Second.

187. In the examples of Priests executed, hee shewes himselfe to be that same Turpissima Bestia, a practised Ae∣quiuocator:

They died EXPRESLY (saith he) for not taking the OATH:

which in some sense is true, be∣cause they were sentenced to death for being in the Land, contrary to Law and the Kings Edict: their life was offred them, if they would take the Oath: Drury at first accepted the condition, afterwards refused it; the other would none, vnlesse he might doe it priuately, remotis Testibus, that so hee might moresafely denie it afterward: vpon this they were executed: which conuinceth them of a double crime: first, Contempt of his Maiesties Lawes, to returne or abide in the Land, contrary to the same: Secondly, Obstinacie, in refusing such gratious Fauour offred vpon so reasonable tearmes, to take an Oath whereby they should Only mani∣fest their trusty and vn-treasonable Allegeance to his Ma∣iestie. So that they died Refusing the OATH: but that they EXPRESLY died for Refusing it, that's false: the Sentence of death was passed vpon them before the mu∣tuall offer, or refusall. Which Offer, as on his Maiesties behalfe, it expresseth a singular Indulgence, and tender desire to spare-Blood; so is it an exact Triall of their Alle∣geance, whereby the King may see, whether (as the Philo∣sopher speaketh) though they be Parum Sani, they be, not∣withstanding, * 1.346 Sanabilis ingeni•…•…; that albeit in Lurking heere they haue beene vndutifull, yet whether there may bee hope that they will be Sound at the Heart towards HIM.

Neither is the case any other, then if a Woman, false to her husband for his bed, and withall attempting the poisoning of him (being conuict and condemned for the crime of Poisoning) were offred her pardon, conditionally, that shee would sweare, for euer after, to keepe herselfe honest, and a∣lone to her husband; shee refuseth it, and is executed; it is true that she dieth renouncing the Condition, but not for renouncing it; her iudgement for death was passed before vpon the criminall attempt.

188. But the Preamble to the examples is worthy the noting; for what hee sets downe as a Triumphant Garland to the offenders,

Death (saith hee) is lesse greeuous vnto many of them, then the other Persecutions

(how many and greeuous they were, hee did before inlarge) is a staine to their Profession, and may be a Caneat to his Maiestie; it being a marke rather of desperate Pagans, then Consecrated Priests: for S. Paul, though professing his resolution in Cupiodissolui, (arguing his desire to bee loosed hence, and to be with Christ) yet when his death was vowed by the * 1.347 Iewes, he auoided it by information; and when he seared it at the bench, he prolonged it by Appeale; and being hard set * 1.348 at Rome, after his escape, he acknowledged it with thanks, and accounted it a riddance from the Lions Iawes: so farre * 1.349 was he from rushing into the breach of any Nationall Law, to hasten his death. A Caueat it may be to his Maiestie: for the saying of the Philosopher is very true: Vitae tuae Dominus est, quisquis suam contempsit: He that is prodigall of * 1.350 his o•…•…ne life, cares not whose blood hee spils to atchieue his de∣sires. And Parsons himselfe hath confessed in a Letter of his, that it is iustly suspected that many Catholike Martyrs suffer in England, not SO MVCH for VERTVE and * 1.351 LOVE to God, as of CHOLLER and OBSTINATE will to CONTRADICT Magistrates. What will they doe now, when by the Popes Breue they are armed with Contradiction? which, if it procure due punishment vp∣on them (as his Maiestie hath well fore-warned) let their

Blood alight vpon the Popes head, as the principall cause.

189. Which speech after hee hath, Num. 34. with his viperous Glosse, varied into these phrases, [Hee insinu∣ates, and expresly threatens, that there may chance to bee a greater persecution, and more abundant shedding of Blood, which must alight vpon the Popes head] hee applieth it two waies: One is, a Taxation of his Maiesties cruelty, as expressing heereby his desire to Ingolph himselfe in the ef∣fusion of Catholikes Blood; and also his Hypocrisie, shrow∣ding his iniurious crueltie, either vnder the name of Iustice, or vnder pretence of the Popes entermedling: the other ap∣plication is by way of comfort to the Catholikes.

190. If I will that he tarry till I come, saith our Sauiour, * 1.352 concerning Saint Iohn, what is that to thee? Vpon this was bruted the report, that the Euangelist should not die. Mista∣king, both breeds and spreads misreports: if ignorantly, it is a pardonable error; if wilfully, it is a palpable disho∣nestie: which is the very case of this Iesuite heere. Hee hath laboured long to no purpose, to prooue his Maiestie a Persecutor; now out of the Kings owne words, he would faine make him a Blood-goloser: and to effect that, he turns a Gratious Premonition into an expresse Commination; a sup∣posed occasion into a Positiue conclusion; a due punish∣ment by Iustice, into Crueltie by Persecution; and the true cause, into a veile of pretence. For his Maiesties speech is this: It can neuer bee prooued that any are, or were put to death for case of Conscience, except that now this DIS∣CHARGE giuen by the Pope, bee the CAVSE of the DVE punishment of many: which is as much as if his Ma∣iestie should say, I am so farre from executing any for their Religion or Conscience, that I haue beene content to winke at their Breach of my Command, and their contempt of Law, as∣suring my selfe heeretofore of their Loyaltie: but now, if I, through fauour, suffer them in my Realme, and the POPE, by WARRANT, forbid them to giue mee securitie of my state,

so that they shall neither yeeld Obedience to Statute, nor giue pledge of their Allegeance: If I be not secured, the Law shall be executed: who then cause that, and must answer for this blood but the Pope? whose Breues they now make the only Allegation for their refusall? Is not the Diuell therefore truly called the Murderer of mankinde, because by his insinuating dis∣•…•…asion * 1.353 from obedience, hee brought death to the world? which is the very case betweene the OATH and the BREVES, his Maiestie and the Pope.

191. It concernes the Pollicie of the Land, and the Kings safety, to exact their Allegeance: it stands with their duty to performe it: they are willing, the Pope forbids them: their Refusall drawes on punishment for their former breach of Law: where's the cause? Partly in themselues, dispositiuè, who are naturally inclined (at least radically in∣structed) to disobedience: but in the Pope Consummatiuè, who, like Balaam, puts a stumbling blocke in their way, * 1.354 that is, armes them with authoritie to disobey: Now causa causae est causacansati, say the Schooles: Hee that caused sinne, caused Death for sinne. In the Reuelation, the third * 1.355 part of the Waters became Worme-wood, and many men died of the Waters, because they were made Bitter: bitter∣nesse caused death, but whence came the Bitternesse? from the STARRE that fell into the Waters, called by the name of WORMEWOOD: a perfect Resemblance of the Popes Breues: the Rebellious disloyaltie of the Ca∣tholikes hastned their ends; the Popes Breues nourisheth it in them, and hardneth them in it: there's the Colloquin∣tida that hath brought death into the pot.

192. His Comfort to the Catholikes followeth; First, in a generall Theoreme,

that no suffring is so honorable as that which commeth with a dishonorable title: So Christ suffered as a disloyall person and a deceiuer: So Paul as a disturber.

First, that's not simply true; for the ignominy of the title ads nothing to the Honour of the passion, vnlesse the cause be goo•…•…, and the party innocent, either from the iust imputation,

or the violent presumption of deseruing that title; for good Subiects (like Casars wise) must bee carefull, not onely to bee free from the fact, but from the occasion also that might * 1.356 giue suspition of the fact: and that was our Sauiours case, who both preached obedience to Caesar in his Doctrine, and per∣formed it in paying Tribute.

193. But what's this to the Catholikes? yes, saith hee, * 1.357 (that's his particular comfort)

They suffer for the false Imputation of Ciuill Disloyalty, whereas it is indeed for their Roligion and loyaltie to God their eternall Prince.

This is that which they call in Schooles begging of the cause, Petitio principis; hee resumes the case which is in question betweene vs, fondly supposing that either the Statutes in that case are against Religion, which are for the Princes safetie, and the States securitie; or that the Oath impeach∣eth the Popes Spirituall iurisdiction; both which wee denie: and neither hee, nor any of theirs shall euer bee able to e∣uict it, vnlesse they can prooue, that Lawes made to voide the Land of Seducers, and Seeds-men of Rebellion, be against Gods word: or that our Sauiour (with the Keyes) gaue authoritie to de-Throan and de-Crowne Princes, either directly or indirectly: which distinction, vnlesse it had beene better followed, and more substantially handled (saith Ma∣ster Black-well) it had beene better that Bellarmine had ne∣uer * 1.358 touch't it at all. What then may wee expect of this poore Atomite when he comes to the point? who can break no ground but with Bellarmines Heiffer: for if that Oracle faile in any substantial controuersie, he is one of the Sceriphi∣an Frogges, clamorous in Inuectiues, (as they in Scyrus) in * 1.359 any sound point either dumbe or dull. And now it is like hee will come to that issue, in this second part of the Para∣graph, as hee hath deuided it.

The second part of the second Paragraph.

1 THe front of which Diuision, seperating it selfe with Greater Letters from the rest, would put a Man in hope, that now the point should be canuased to the purpose. but in the very entry hee shall finde, that it is a great Gate, to a pingle of trisles. When men are wearied with the grea∣ter affaires of State, for their recreation sometimes, they will go•…•… to gather pebbles at the Sea-side (as Tully noted in the * 1.360 Senators of Rome: and they that haue full fed, and drunke well, haue leisure to beholde the Celatures, and pictures of * 1.361 the vessels on the table: but in the very Entrance of a maine quarrell, to fall a playing with words, argueth that he is either wearie of the cause, or loath to come to it, or hath no sto∣macke to meddle with it; and so would shift it off with such Childish dalliance.

2 For whereas his Maiestie presseth the point for triall, how the Pope can in Diuinitie iustifie that speech of his, that the OATH containeth many things PLAINELY AND DIRECTLY contrary to Faith and Saluation; he, Numb. 35. challengeth the King of an Iniurie in thru∣sting in the word directly. As i•…•… plainly and directly in honest mens mouthes, and acts, haue not all one meaning: for planè among the Latinists is not onely vsed for clarè and aperte, openly, plainely, and manifestly; but for penitùs, and omninò, throughly, wholly, & directly: except he deriue the aduerbe plainely from the Greeke word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to deceiue; a word fit∣ting Jesuites, both their natures (who are the onely right pla∣nets in Saint Iude, wandring themselues, and teaching others to goe astray) and their Art too, who in vttering plaine words, conceiue in minde an indirect sense. Such an one, the Orator describes, Hic ille planus improbissimus, quastu nefario * 1.362 pastus.

3 In the very next Numb. preceding, this iangling Sophister had changed all the wordes of his Maiesties

speech, cleane contrary to the Kings meaning, as hath beene shewed; heere his Maiestie puts in but one Synonymum: which hoth in English and Latine, are vsually ioyned each with other; and this giues him to an exclamation of iniurie: he might as well haue blamed Tully for ioyning apertam, simplicem & directam to one and the same way of happinesse. * 1.363 But his Maiesties plain and direct dealing against al Calum∣niation is euident, in that he setteth down the Popes whole Breue, word for word both in Latine and English; whereby the Christian Reader may iudge that his Maiestie purposed not to take any aduantage vpon any Tearme, or tittle not there expressed.

4 A second and greater Iniurie followes.

His Maie stie vseth a sppeech which a Mahometan Philosopher vttered against Moses, and turnes it vpon the Pope

(Tortus the Wri∣then * 1.364 Cardinall, saith it was vttered against Christ:) but wherein lieth the Iniury, vnlesse it be in the application, that the Pope (an vsurping challenger, and only a Breue-compoun∣der) should be match•…•… with Moses, (a lawfull Gouernor, and an holy writer?) otherwise, that speeches vsed by men, or Deuills (take the Malice and Profanesse from them) may be applyed to the best, is not vnusuall or vnwarrantable either in Diuine or humane learning: thither tend the profitable * 1.365 Mythologies of Poets fables, and the morall vse of Apologues, applied both to the best sort of men, and the most eminent vertues.

5 In Diuinitie, that speech of Saint Paule against the * 1.366 insulting Pseud-Apostles; Came the word of God out from you; or came it vnto you onely? is the very same in effect which Z•…•…dkiah, the false Prophet, vsed against Michaiah, When went the Spirit of the Lord from mee to speake vnto * 1.367 thee? Or more plainely and directly, the same wordes which the Diuell vttered to Christ, What haue we to doe with thee? * 1.368 our Time is not yet. The very same (I say) our Sauiour vseth to his blessed Mother, Woman what haue I to doe with thee? * 1.369 mine houre is not yet come. And I thinke there is no doubt

but that the same text of Scripture which the Tempter mis∣applied to the breaking of our Sauiours necke by presump∣tion, may be Christianly applied to the comfort of a distres∣sed soule in assurance of Gods prouidence. * 1.370

6 If peraduenture the Apologier had not truely char∣ged the Pope in that applied assertion, some might haue thought it a wrong, (or as this high-stiling Iesuite tearmes it)

a more grosse point, and iniurious:

but peruse the whole Breue, there appeares not one, either authority, or reason, brought to confirme his said bold Assertion; but as is hee were an Oracle, to Speake and away, as Saint Au∣gustine said, Haec Manichaeus dixit & abiit, it not standing with the Popes irre•…•…ragabilitie to yeeld a reason of his con∣clusions: or as Gallen (whom Tortus in this place citeth for that speech of Auerroes) speaketh of such an other, hee * 1.371 deliuereth his Theorems so confidently, as if either hee had 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a mouth that could not erre nor trip, or as if none were able or worthy to finde any probable contradiction against his speech.

7 A third thing is an

ABVSE offered by his Maie∣iestie to the words and meaning of the Breue; namely, that the King should charge the Pope, of new & vndiuinelike Doc∣trine, for saying that the OATH contained many things, apertly contrary to faith and saluation: as if thereby the Pope should say or meane, that naturall allegeance to their Soueraigne and King were directly opposite to Faith, and Sal∣uation of Soules.

8 His Maiestie (vnder Correction) hath done the Pope too much honour, in vouchsafeing an answere (es∣pecially with that iudgement) to such pelting stuffe of a WOFVLL Breue; wherein hee hath beene so sincere from detorting any thing, that the Pope could not haue met with any more Candide and Ingenuous writer: neither is it to be thought, that the High Priest himselfe, would haue vsed such a Sawcy tearme of ABVSE, as this rightly Male part, that is, Mis-begotten Catechresticall compani∣on

hath done. But if it appeare that the Popes words im∣ply so much, and that necessarily, Quid dabitur viro? what shal be done to him that knetcheth this opprobrious Curre? For what is this vncircumcised Iesuite, that hee should, in so base tearmes, scurrilize so great a King?

9 This therefore is his Maiesties argument: Whosoeuer pronounceth THAT OATH VNLAWFVLL AND FLAT CONTRARY TO FAITH, which contai∣neth nothing else in it, but an acknowledgment of all naturall and Ciuill Obedience, due by the Subiect to the Prince; hee broacheth a NEW, STRANGE, and VN-DIVINE∣LIKE ASSERTION: but the Pope doth this, in pronouncing so of the Oath of Allegeance, which contai∣neth in it nothing else: therefore, his Assertion is strange, vn∣coth, and dissonant from Diuinitie. Where's now the Rub? In the Minor perhaps; suppose it to be so: that's but a failing in the tearmes, no abuse to the person, no iniurie to the wordes; modesty would stay for the proofe, not hasten the doome, especially in such tearmes of Saucie Bitternesse. If therefore the Assumption had beene insisted vpon in the Consequence thereof (for therein is the Cardo and Marrow of the Question; scilicet, that the OATH containeth NO∣THING in it but THAT which concernes Ciuill and na∣turall obedience) This had beene Scholler like, and Christi∣an dealing, and to purpose: but the very wordes of the Oath it selfe, doe ratifie his Maiesties collection, and infe∣rence.

10 For the Oath (as hath beene shewed) consisting of two parts, assertiue for the Kings Right to his Crownes and Kingdomes; and negatiue against any forraine chal∣lenger or Intruder whatsoeuer, or vnder any pretence whatsoeuer (for so the Oath doth manifestly diuide it selfe) his Maiesties Arguments then thus hold: First, THAT OATH, the positiue and exclusiue parts whereof doe not touch nor impeach any Spirituall Iurisdiction or Authoritie, di∣rectly or indirectly; containes nothing in it but matter concer∣ning

Ciuill Obedience; but neither of the parts in the OATH of allegeance doth so (for Deposing of Kings, or Absoluing Subiects from their dutie, or inciting Rebellions (forraine or domestike) comes not within the reach of Spirituall Iuris∣diction) Ergo, &c.

11 Secondly, nothing can be contrary to Faith and Sal∣uation, but that which crosseth some point contained within, or grounded vpon the Articles of Faith, comprised in those Creedes which the Church hath allowed; the OATH of allegeance crosseth none of those, nor any part in them, vnlesse the Popes authority in Temporalibus be an Article of faith, and so bee referred to Ecclesiam Catholicam; but that cannot be: for among many other of their owne writers, their Arch-Priest refels (and repeates it often) that because the Church * 1.372 hath not yet concluded it to be a point of Faith, whether hee hath any such authoritie or no; or (if hee haue) not de∣termined how farre it stretcheth, if to Excommunication, yet not to Eradication (saith he) neither directly nor indirectly: (surely then not to Deposition from their Crownes, or In∣stigation to Rebellions:) Ergo, It crosseth no point of FAITH.

12 And therefore his Maiestie said well, that the Pope had done honestly and discreetly, if he had put downe the spe∣ciall words, at which hee quarrelled in the OATH; and this Libeller had reuealed some sparkes of integritie, if hee had shewed one point soundly prooued, wherein it touched * 1.373 Matter of Faith before he had fetcht vp his pinguem Saliuam out of his filthy throat, to cast an Aspersion of Abuse, Cauill, Calumniation, and voluntary mistaking the question, vpon his Maiestie: For if there be any of these, it is in the Pope, who mistakes either the meaning of the Oath, or the Limits of his owne authoritie.

13 His Maiestie is in the right: and the assertion which he gathereth out of the Popes words, that hee denieth the acknowledgement of Ciuill obedience, is no surmised princi∣ple, but a necessary Inference: as also the Examples, which

his Maiestie bringeth out of Scriptures, Fathers, and Coun∣cels, are most proper and direct to the purpose.

14 The dilating and multitude whereof, vexeth this Epistler, and makes him, in scorne, first to call it a

Flou∣rish.

(So some did account that for the noise of a Thun∣der, * 1.374 but a ratling in the aire with an vndistinct sound, which others acknowledged to be the voice of an Angell answerable to the occasion; and the Sword, placed at the entry of Paradice, appeared but a Flourish of a Blade, yet it * 1.375 strooke a terror, and recordation of their former disloyal∣tie into our first parents; as these commemorated exam∣ples might into the hearts of Priests, and those Catholikes of their with held Obedience, were not their consciences seared, and by preiudice made vncapable of such tender Recognition.) But Dauid seemes a Fondling (saith S. Au∣gustine:) To whom? To Achis: id est, Stultis & ignoran∣tibus: to them, which themselues are both Fondlings and * 1.376 Rudesbies: and these authorities but a Flourish to a Super∣ficiall Iesuite, that neuer could diue deepe for any lear∣ning.

15 Secondly, hee tearmes it a

Borrowed Discourse from THEIR Authors, because otherwise wee are drie and barren, if we say any thing which they doe not say:

wit∣nesse that challenge which was neuer yet foiled nor answe∣red, that for 600. yeeres after Christ, all the Scriptures, Fa∣thers and Councels stand for our. Assertions; not One true, na∣turall, vncogg'd or vnadulterate, for any point then pro∣pounded, and Rome now maintaines against vs. Thirdlie,

a Combat with a shadowe, because THEY are not aduerse to vs in the matter of Ciuill obedience. For first, THEY hold that Subiects must obey both good and badde Princes, in all things LAWFVLL.

But who must iudge what's lawfull? The Apologue is knowen; if the Lion say the bunch of •…•…sh in the forehead be an horne, though it be not so, 'twill be accounted so.

16 Secondly,

THEY teach that the Prince is to he

obeied propter Conscientiam, yet not contra Conscientiam; for Conscience sake, not against Conscience.

That is no sound doctrine in the negatiue part; for euen against a mans Conscience, the Prince is to be obeied, vnlesse that he which disobeieth, can prooue his Conscience to be the same which * 1.377 the Apostle describeth; A good Conscience accompanied with true loue and faith vnfained; for there may be Asinina, and there may be Lupina Consciencia (it is the distiction of one of their great Martyrs, named by the Cardinall in his Let∣ter:) * 1.378 some mans Conscience may be so steightned, that it will straine gnats, and make scruple of euery thing that is commanded; and another so vast, that he will deuoure whatsoeuer is enioined him.

17 And this distinction meets with that vaine Chal∣lenge of his, which is the third thing he obiects:

Let them (saith he) shew but one onely authority, example, or testi∣monie out of Scripture, Fathers, or Councels, that Princes must be obeied against Conscience or Religion, and then wee will grant he speakes to the purpose.

If he had said against Cōscience rightly instructed, and purely cleansed; and true Re∣ligion soundly warranted by Gods word, we contend it not, we cannot: We say with S. Augustine: Si aliud Deus, aliud Imperator iubeat, contempto hoc, obtemperandum est Deo. But seeing that Conscience may both Erre, and be polluted; and the Scripture insinuates, that there may be a vaine and * 1.379 defiled Religion; there is nothing more easie for proofe, or euident for demonstration, then that Obedience is to bee enioined euen against Conscience, if it be erroneous or Lea∣prous; and against Religion, if forged and fasly so called. For if knowledge (which is the ground of Conscience) may bee nick-named (as the Apostle tels vs it may) and so no know∣ledge * 1.380 indeede; much more, both Conscience, which applieth that knowledge to particular acts; and Religion, which deriues out of that knowledge her supposed Theologicall Principles, may bee so: or else, both Heretikes and Schismatiques, who can, and doe plead Conscience for

their standing out, haue receiued great wrong from the Church of God.

18 And therefore either the Pope, or this Proctor of his, should (if they were able) shew what that point is, one o•…•… moe, in the Oath, that is contrarie to a Good Conscience, and True Christian Religion; which because they neither haue, nor can, his Maiesties Conclusion is vncontroulable, that the Pope hath prohibited Catholikes, to performe euen Ci∣uill Obedience to their Soueraigne; and therein hath crossed both precepts and examples of Scriptures, Fathers, and Councels, touching that point.

19 To the examination whereof, or some of them rather (for where hee cannot cauill, there hee suppresseth) this great Bible-Clerke vouchsafeth to condescend, Num. 30. His examination of the Scriptures consisteth, first, of an expunction: for the so most, which touch th the oint neerest, wherein the people professe their vnlimited Allegeance to Iosua, in ALL things to obey him, that's gone * 1.381 into the Index Expurgatorius; such vn-confined and large Obedience to Princes, makes not for the Popes Triple Turbant. Secondly, of a Concession: that he granteth the Examples which his Maiestie aleageth, of the Isralites obey∣ing Nabucodonozor, Pharao, and Cyrus to bee true, be∣cause it was onely TEMPORALL Obedience which they exhibited. If by Temporall, hee meane concerning Matters meerely Temporall, hee abuseth the Reader; for they shewed their Obedience to bee due, and performed it in Matters of Spirituall Seruice; for to Offer Sacrifice vnto * 1.382 the Lord, by his owne appointment, and message deliue∣red to Moses their Superior Spirituall Gouernor (as this fel∣low cal-him Numb. 39.) vpon dread of danger, and pun∣nishment for the neglect, is an high case of Conscience and Religion, yet would they not attempt it without asking and obtaining the Kings Leaue. So the Commandement of Cy∣rus was in a cause meerely Ecclesiasticall, viz. the building * 1.383 of the Lords house at Ierusalem, and transporting thither

the consecrate Vessels, according as the Lord had comman∣ded him: (for God puts the managing euen of Spirituall affaires vpon the Kings charge;) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 without HIS li∣cense, the Isralites endeuoured not; but being appointed, they refused not.

20 The third part of his Examination, is a Counter∣scarfe of Examples opposed against the Instances in the A∣pologie; some Canonicall, and those varying from the point; as that of the

three Children, who refused to adore the golden Statua set vp for that purpose by Nabuchodono∣zor; * 1.384 and of the Israelites, who would not obey Pharaos Commandement to Sacrifice in Aegypt. but they would doe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Wildernesse; and of Daniel, refusing to eat of the King * 1.385 of Babels meats; some of them Apocryphall, and nothing to the purpose; as that of Tobie his burying the dead, con∣trary * 1.386 to Proclamation; and for bearing the Assyrian•…•… ments; and lastly, that of the Machabees, refusing to eat Swines * 1.387 flesh, and to Sacrifice, notwithstanding the Commandement of Antio•…•…us.

21 For which refusall and disobedience, they had ALL their especiall warrant, by the reuealed will of God. Against the adoration of that Image, the whole second Commandement of the Mo•…•…rall Law: for Sacrificing in the Wildernesse, the expresse Precept by the mouth of Moses from the Lord; not as •…•…e cunningly s•…•…ts it downe Numb. * 1.388

39. that they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 obeied, because THEY PERSWA∣DED THEMSELVES, that God would haue the contrary:

For SELFE-PERSWASION (which oft times proceedes from Selfe-loue and ends in selfe-deceit) is no warrantable restraint from Obedience. They that kill * 1.389 you (•…•…aith our Sauiour to his Disciples) perswade themselues that they doe therein God good Science: good intentions, from selfe perswasion, against Gods Command, are meere impietis; Vzz•…•… and Vzziah may bee examples. For Da∣niels * 1.390 abstinence, (if it were a case of Conscience) first, hee had warrant for it by the Law of God; wherein, either such

meats which the Babilonians eat were prohibited; or, if not forbidden, yet were serued in, or eaten with certaine idola∣trous Ceremonies, contrary to Gods word, as appeareth * 1.391 else-where in that Prophecie; for which cause the Holy Ghost doth call it a Pollution: and the same was Tobies case also for his abstinence. But if it were a ciuill duty, as be∣ing a matter of ordinary diet, then being commanded by the King) his disobedience had not beene iustifiable, vn∣lesse that first hee had obtained leaue of the Kings Cham∣berlaine, or maister of the houshold; and secondly, had by Prophecie foreseene Gods blessing vpon that his absti∣nence. * 1.392

22 Buriall of the dead, (for which Toby is instanced) is 'tis a matter of Christian Ceremony, so is it also an hu∣mane respect, and a point of Ciuill Courtesie: (Let the dead bu•…•…y their dead, saith our Sauiour of them that were * 1.393 no very zealous Christians:) but did Tobiah this, though contrary to the Edict. yet openly against it. and in Contempt of the King? Him else saith no; he did it by stealth, furtim ab•…•…piens, and in the night after Sun set; and being dete∣cted, * 1.394 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sled vpon it: take it either way, was his disobedi∣ence in such a case iustifiable? No. The Machabees for their refusing to eat, and circumcising their children against Antiochus command, had their double warrant from the * 1.395 written word; the one for Ceremony, the other for a Sacra∣ment: and the reason is yeelded in the Text, because they would not breake the HOLY COVENANT, they were put to death. It then the Pope, or his Aduocate could, shew in the Oath of allegeance, any one particle contrary to the will of God, either reuealed in his word, or by speciall messege and Commission deliuered; the refusall were iu∣stifiable, and these examples prest to the point. But, to speake in the language of one of their owne Writers, See∣ing they can bring no one argument to prooue, accepisse se á Deo * 1.396 tale mandatum, that they haue receiued any SVCHPRE∣CEPT FROM GOD for their refusall, it is a

WILFVLL PERVICACY, no LAWFVLL DISOBEDIENCE.

23 And yet (as if he were master of the field) he sets vp his Trophee with this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: You •…•…ee •…•…he places of Scripture alleaged by the Apolog•…•…er, make nothing for him, yea, are flat against him. Iust •…•…o doth Plato d•…•…sc•…•…ibe •…•…is Craue•…•… Cocke, after about or two skipping out of the pit, and crowing a Conquest, being ready presen•…•…ly to Cry * 1.397 Creake Reui•…•…w the Encounter briefly, and th•…•…n let the Spectator iudge whether this be not a Thrasonicall impu∣dencie. His Maiestie, to prooue that the Pope, in pro∣hibiting to take the Oath of Allegeance (which containeth nothing in it but an acknowledgement of meere Ciuill Obe∣dience) hath done that which the Scriptures will not a•…•…ow, citeth many texts wherein all Temporall Obedience is per∣fo•…•…med and command•…•…d, euen to Pagan K•…•…ngs: which p•…•…a∣ces, so farre foorth as they concerne Ciuill Allegeance (and his Maiestie brings them in for no other purpose) this Epi∣stl•…•…r, Numb. 37. granteth to be truely alleaged, and the same which they themselues allow. Yet heere, Numb. 40 •…•…e pro∣claimeth that they make flat ag•…•…nst the Apo•…•…ogier and all for the Catholik•…•…s. So did the Diuell pronounce of the King∣domes * 1.398 of the earth, All these are mine, when he had not a foot (by right) in any one of •…•…hem: no more th•…•…n •…•…he mad fellow in Aelian who thought that All the Ships which came to the H•…•…uen, were h•…•…s owne. * 1.399

24 But much more (s•…•…ith hee) Numb. 41.

The authorities all•…•…ged out of the fathers; for they (especial∣ly that of Saint Augustine) are f•…•…a•…•…ly FOR the Catholikes Refusing; and clearely against the OATH enioyned

How so? Ch•…•…istians in temporall matters obeyed Iulian (saith Saint Augustine) though an Apostata and an Idolater: our Christian King requires no more; the Oath enioynes no * 1.400 oth•…•…r thing: they, in cases wherein appeared difference be∣tweene Christs honour and the Emperors' command, refu∣sed, and if there bee any such thing in the Oath, let Catho∣likes

forbeare to sweare, but shew that point which is dif∣ferent from true Religion. I•…•… not, then hath the Popes Breue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that Fathers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and, the Christians pra∣•…•…ze: •…•…nd so S. Augustine must needes make for the Apolo∣g•…•…er. A•…•…d so doth a•…•…so Iustin Martyr: for, excepting the * 1.401 adoring of God, in ALL other things (saith hee) we cheere∣fully s•…•…rus the Emperor; but the Oath enioineth nothing that impea•…•…heth or crosseth adoration due to the Almightie. To say, (which is their vsu•…•…ll shift) that the difference beeing betweene some Contents of the Oath, and THEIR Reli∣gion, therefo•…•…e they are not to obey, that's a vanitie, and yet that is their Anchor-hold, when they are hoisted and put to the p•…•…sh. S•…•…ppose s•…•…ith Parsōs in English, Creswell in Latin) th•…•…t a Prince professeth that hee w•…•…l bring in a more sound * 1.402 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tha's not to the purpose, he is bound to defend the Romish Faith, assuming that of THEIRS to bee Christs Religion, which wee (looking to their Doctrine and opi∣nions) account to be a Masse of 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and respecting the vsurped Iurisdiction, haue prooued and found to be the sul∣phurated fuell of all disloyalties.

25 And therefore that Protestation which he makes Numb. 42.

Wee will serue our Soueraine; we will goe to Warre with him; wee will fight for him, and doe all other Of∣fices of temporell dutie:

and that, Numb. 44.

Wee will ac∣knowledge him ONELY inferiour to God in his temporall gouernment,

is but an Hypocriticall flourish of words, (like * 1.403 the Gibeonites cou•…•…enage) without truth of heart. For their positions (which hee there cal's Rules of Catholike Doct∣rine, are directly contrarie; The King can vse his tem∣porall sword but at the Popes beck, saith one; and if a Christian * 1.404 King bee an Heretike, saith another, immediatly his people are freed from his command, and their subiection. What ser∣uice then may his Maiestie expect▪ being now (by Mathae∣us de Torto ore (pronounced an Heretike, and by the Popes Intorto Breu•…•…, curb'd and cut short of his temporall▪ Supre∣macie?

26 •…•…he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be t•…•…e 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cited by his Ma•…•…estie; for if the K•…•…ng be•…•… ONELY 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our to the true God (as saith Tertullian:) if ab•…•…ue •…•…he Empe∣ror, th•…•…re is none but ONLY God which made the Emperor, (th•…•…t is Optatus his speech:) then make•…•… it fully for t•…•…e * 1.405 OATH, which denieth the Pope to haue any authoritie ouer our Soueraigne, either to depose him, or to dispose of his Kingdomes and subiects: for that were to binde the King to his Good behauiour, and make him a most base vn∣derling to the Pope: because Deposing, is the highest point of Supremacy, and the basest for indignity that a King can indu•…•…e, and belongeth to none but God onely, who is the a∣lone superiour to Kings, as those Fathers confesse: or to an inferiour, for message and relation, and that by Gods spe∣ciall and person•…•…ll command, as was the Case of some Kings by Prophets. Yet for all this, these also must make for the Catholikes.

27 Nowithstanding, it seemes the speech of S. Ambrose * 1.406 doth somewhat trouble him, who professed, that otherwise then with SIGHS AND TEARES, he neither might nor could resist; for such are the Weapons of a Priest: how then will the •…•…igh-priest of Rome, iustifie his Breues of interdiction; and his Faculties of Absolution; and his Buls of Rebellion against Princes?) and how maketh this Flat for the Catho∣likes refusing the Oath? therefore in sifting this Father, hee is curious, and that by double Interrogation.

28

One; did Saint Ambrose by this, acknowledge th•…•…t the Emperour had higher authority then •…•…ee in Church mat∣ters?

that's Extra Oleas, not the case in hand. Superiori∣tie in Ecclesiasticall causes, h•…•…th the proper 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in an∣swer to the Cardinalls letter, where it is to be discussed. The point now controue•…•…ed vpon Saint Ambrose his speech, is whether the Pope hath done like a Priest in for∣bidding the taking of an Oath, which concernes nothing but Ciuill obedience? i•…•… hee haue not; then Saint Ambrose, and hee are different. Indeed, so much of his Breue as was writ∣ten

with the fresher moisture of his inke, the raine-water of his teares [magno ani•…•… maerore; afflictio nostra; Cordis dolo∣re] •…•…hese 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (I say) were Ambrose-like, and Priest-like. But when hee comes to put in his Caueat, with the Copres, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and •…•…egar, [acrius exigimus] the sharper Ingredients of his Prohibition, these are the waters of Marah, so bitter, that none (of a Religious pallat) can drinke them: & there∣fore Saint Ambrose leaues him there: for by any other meanes (saith that holy Father) then by TEARES and SIGNES, I can∣not, I ought not to resist.

29 And the Popes Predecessor Gregory the great, more * 1.407 openly forsakes him; for hee hauing receiued a Lawe from the Emperour, to bee promulged according to command of his superiour, misliking the Edict (as contra∣ry to religion, in his opinion,) sets downe the reasons of his dislike, but publisheth the Law notwithstanding, according to the Emperors mandate. THIS Pope deales cleane contrary with the Oath, neither shewes his reasons of disal∣lowing it, nor yet suffers it to passe for currant, but plaine∣ly forbids the taking of it; and yet saith this vaine Epist∣ler▪ this example of Saint Gregorie makes flat for the Catho∣likes.

30 The other interrogation concerning Saint Am∣brose is,

Whether, if the Emperor had offered him an OATH Repugnant to his Religion and Conscience, hee would haue ta∣ken it?

to which, first he answereth both for himselfe and vs too,

Surely no.

And this also is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, nothing to the Catholikes; for neither is there in the Oath any m•…•…tter touching Religion, other then that Obedience, which by true Religion is allowed; neither is their Religion and that holy Fathers more semblable (especially in that point of O bedience) then cha•…•…e and wheate, then Gold and drosse. But suppose that Saint Ambrose would refuse such an Oath vr ged vpon him, would he with all for-bid others to take it, by warrant of Interdiction? Surely no: for in as greate a point of Conscience as that, his answerwas, I haue done

what belongs to a Priest, Quod Imperatoris est Imperator faciat * 1.408 for the rest let the Emperor doe as an Emperor should; that is, I haue discharged mine office, answering like a Priest, in making knowne the vnlawfulnes of the Emperors demand, now leauing it to the Emperors pleasure, I haue no other meanes of resistance, but greefe, and teares, and sighes.

31 And this to be the Proper Office, and right course of Pastors and Preachers, the Fathers haue obserued in an elegant Allusion to that name of Boanarges the sonnes * 1.409 of Thunder: for Preachers are Cloudes, saith S. Augustine; among which, if by the power of Sunne and Starres, an ex∣halation bee forced vp, and by coertion so streitned, that it cannot haue passage; by counterforce of both their strengths (the one impelling, the other resisting) the Cloudes breake into Thunder; yet that dreadfull noise ends in moisture and raine: Nam Deus fulgura ad pluuiam fecit, saith Saint Hierome; that is, (as they moralize it) Superiors * 1.410 and Gouernors command that vnto Bishops and Pastors which is vnlawfull; they yeeld not, but shew causes of their Recusance; not preuailing (but more pressed) they lay open those iudgements which in such cases God hath reuealed, there's the Thunder: yet, when that is done, they goe on further, but end in teares, and praiers, Vt extinguat misericor∣dia quod Iudicium vrit, that pitty may mo•…•…e, where threates * 1.411 perhaps exasperate, saith the same Father. This did Saint Ambrose, and yet must this example make for the Pope for sooth, who surely, by that resemblance of S. Ieroms, shews himselfe that either he was neuer good Pastor; or else his Breue is a strange Meteor, which begins with moisture (Teares and Lamentation) but without either rendring cause, or shewing reason ends in a Thunder of dreadfull 〈◊〉〈◊〉; like the Crocodile that first weepes, and then rages.

32 Secondly hee giues a reason of that his negatiue, for S. Ambrose, why hee would not sweare in a matter re∣pugnant to his Religion, and that by three instances

of fact (in all which—moueat Cornicula risum: for like Aesops though •…•…ce, hath borrowed them all from Allens * 1.412 Apologie; neither serue they for any purpose, but to e•…•…ke out his Pamphlet,) The first, His deniall to dispute with Auxe•…•…tius the Arrian in the Consistorie before Valentinian, required thereunto in the Emperors name, by Dalmatius a Tribu•…•…e and a Notarie, (for so the Text hath it,

〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tribunus & Notarius con•…•…ènit,

not as he varies it, the

Tribu•…•…e bringing with him a publicke Notarie to test•…•…fie the same)

with reason and ground of his resusall,

That Bi∣shops must Iudge of Emperors, not Emperors of Bishops, in ma•…•…ters of f•…•…ith.

33 It is true, and Saint Ambrose did well in it, and said 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for it; his fact and reason both were Christian-like: •…•…son, place, and cause, making wholly against his consent. For•…•…o app•…•…are before HIM as a Iudge in Diuinitie, and •…•…o 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a po•…•… (whome Aristotle would scarle admit * 1.413 •…•…o b•…•…e an Auditor in Philosophie) had beene a great weak∣n•…•…sse; first, the Emperor was a young man, not onely in y•…•…ares, but in grace, neither yet baptized, nor rightly ca∣•…•… chized: secondly, preiudiciall in his opinion, hauing al∣ready * 1.414 e•…•…cted a Law for the Arrian Doct•…•…ne, which was the matter di •…•…utable; Tolle legem sivis esse certamen, saith S. Ambrose: Thirdly, ouer-awed, at least misled by his mo∣ther a woman Heretically affected (and that Sex must pre∣dominate which way soeuer inclined:) fourthly, the confe∣rence must be in a publike consistorie, among a multi∣tude of Iewes, Gentiles, and Heretikes, where he could ex∣pect no other issue but what the Apostles found, when they * 1.415 spake with diuers ongus, Mocks, & Scoffes. For there are some places, not fit for Christians either their Actions or ar∣guments Our Sauiour himselfe could doe no great mira∣cle in his owne Country; not that hee was vnable for want * 1.416 of power, but hee saw it was vn-auaileable through their lack of faith: and why should that holy Father cast his Pearles before swine?

34 His reason of deniall was Diuine-like; deniall (I say) not of comming, for, Venissem, Imperator, ad Consistorium, saith Saint Ambrose, I had come, most noble Emperour, vnto the Consistory (according to the Summons) saue that the Bishops and people both with-held mee; but of disputing before the yong Emperor as a Iudge in causes of Faith, which might not be, the spirit of Prophets being subiect to the Prophets, by the Apostles rule. * 1.417

35. May not then a Prince iudge in cases of Religion and Faith? No, not Iudicio definitiuo, to determine what is sound Diuinity or not, and so impose that vpon the con∣sciences of men, for Faith, which HEE alone defines to beeso: but Iudicis exequntiuo or Iurisdictionis, he may and ought, when the Church hath determined matter of Faith, command the professing thereof within his Kingdome, as the soundest and worthiest to be receiued. For so some Schoole-men distinguish of Iudgement, making it, first two∣fold; Definitiue, to set down what is to be thought of each * 1.418 thing, and so prescribe it to mens beleefe (and that is the principall prerogatiue of God himselfe:) and Secondarily, of the Church representatiue, guiding her iudgement by Gods voice, which is his word: the other of recognition or sifting out the truth, which they make three-fold; either discretiue, to trie whether things either bee or bee not, or whether they bee that they seeme to bee (and that's com∣mon to all Christians, to trie the spirits, whether they bee of God or no:) or directiue, to lead others into a right iudge∣ment, * 1.419 by reuealing the Truth, and instructing them; which being a publik duty, is proper to the pastors of the Church: and thirdly decretiue, which is in the Prince, both affirma∣tiuely to binde those within his compasse (aswell Clergie as Laity) to the obseruing of that which is so tried and ad∣iudged; and negatiuely to suppresse the Contrarie. This last, to iudge for the truth, Saint Ambrose denied not to the Emperor, yea it was his greefe that he did not so; but to iudge of a truth, whether it should bee so or no, as in this

verie case (being a high mysterie of Faith) Whether Christ should bee the Sonne of God or not? which God himselfe by his word had warranted, and the Church, by the assistance of his Spirit had alreadie determined and established: this (I say) he denied, especially to Valentinian, who wanted (as it seemed) those three qualities, which are principally required in iudgement: first, Authoritie, for it is the Chur∣ches * 1.420 right to determine in matters of doctrine; secondly, Prudence, to which many yeeres are required, saith the Philosopher, but the Emperor was verie young, and a Nouice * 1.421 in the rudiments of Faith; thirdly, Iustice, which hath in∣differencie euer annexed, and that in Valentinian was defe∣ctiue, who had forestalled the same with a partiall Law for the aduerse part, a strong barre against true iudgement; for men are hardly remooued from priuate opinions, much lesse Kings from their Lawes once published, espe∣cially in points of Diuinitie; because such Retractations will alwaies leaue an aspersion, either of Ignorance, Rashnes, or Inconstancie.

36. His second and third Instances follow, as stale as the former: (for this fellow liues vpon Allens scraps)

S. Ambrose denied to yeeld vp a Church at the Emperours com∣mand for the Arrians to assemble in: as also he refused to send the Consecrate Church-vessels to the Emperour, requiring them: and his reason for both was, Quaediuina, &c.

37. That is, things separated to holy vse, and houses dedicated to Gods Seruice, are not to be alienated to com∣mon vsage; for Bis Dei sunt quae sic Dei sunt, say the Fathers: God hath in them a double right, as King Dauid confessed: first, as his gift to man; secondly, as mans gift backe againe to him: which two-fold cord tyeth them so strong, that it is * 1.422 an Anathema for any (not consecrated) to challenge them; yea, for them which are consecrate, if they doe not onely put them to that vse alone for which they were dedicated: otherwise the Sacrifices of the Lord (euen in the hands of a Priest) may yeeld an euill sauour: much lesse are they to * 1.423

be betraied to hereticall pollution; for why should the Church, separated to the honour of Christ, b•…•…e opened for entrance to Blasph•…•…mies against Christ? This was S. Am brose his reason of deniall.

38 Now what of all this?

Hee that thus refu•…•…ed in these things, what would hee haue done if he had been pres sed with an OATH against his Conscience?

Sur•…•…ly, if the Emperor had commanded him to haue abiured his Faith, he would (as he did there) refuse by deniall; render his rea∣sons with all humilitie; and, if occasion so •…•…quired, rather yeeld his body, then betray his faith; and in the meane time weepe for greefe, to see Christ so wronged, and his So∣ueraigne so mis-led: (for so himselfe professeth of∣ten.) * 1.424

39 But put the case aright: if the Emperor had pres sed him, because he saw his diuersitie of opinion in R•…•…ligi∣on, to sweare his true Allegeance vnto him; to abiure all vsurpers, or challengers of his Crowne, either pretending right vnto it, or claiming any authoritie to depose him, or set free his Subiects from their obeysance, would bee not haue taken THAT OATH? Yes, hee that ple•…•…ded so diuine-like for Gods right vnto the Emperor, would for the Emperors right haue beene as zealous, acknowledging vnto Casar his due, as vnto God his duty. so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would hee haue beene from the Popes veine, to send out Breues and Prohibitions, thereby to nourish mutinous and intestine Rebellions. For euen in those cases of conscience before specified, when all the Citizens of Millan stood for him, and the souldiers denied to at end the Emperor to any but S. Ambrose his Church, the people being in a unnult, be defi•…•…ed them of the Emperors part, that if they tooke him to be Ince•…•…or, the St•…•…rer or Procurer of the same, hee might be executed, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and protested for him∣selfe, that for his part, hee neither might, nor ought res•…•…st: and commended the Christian patience and for bearance in the multitude (as an influence of the holy Ghost) when

with their weapons in their hands, they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 said, R•…•…gamus, Auguste, non pugnamus: We request, noble Em peror * 1.425 wee fight not. And is not this directly to his Maiesties •…•…urpose, to shew that the Office of a Priest and Bishop (the Pope is none other) is to practise and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 obedience? to gre•…•…vnder pressures, not to make resistance? to pray against vnchristian violence, not to countermand Ciuill Alleg•…•…∣ance?

40 But that of Gregorie toucheth the very quicke; who, as he thought his duty discharged to God, in shew∣ing his reasons why he disliked the Law; so did hee per forme it very readily to the Emperour in promulging the same immediately according to Commandement. A•…•… this example (for all the Epistlers sleight account thereof,

as not cited to purpose)

is a bu•…•…e in his thro•…•…t, and make him cough vp a little bortowed reading, but that falsified: for, not denying the promulgation of the Law by the Pope, vpon the Emperors mandate, hee would faine make it good with a false Glosse; namely, that

Gregory, first CORRECTED the Law, and so TEMPERED by him, sent it to the Emperor, to which Mauritius yeelding; the Pope did publish it so CORRECTED.

Grant this to be true; Gregorie shewed more manners and Reli∣gion then Pope Paul doth, who neither qualifieth the Oath himsel•…•…e, nor desires his Ma•…•…estie that it might bee tempered; not declares the point wherein it is to be mitiga∣•…•…ed; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 new married guest in the Gospell, scorning his Predecessors Habe me excusatum, all sober excuse set a∣•…•…t, as a m•…•…n wedded to his owne will, and newly possessed o: Pope Io•…•…nes 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he sends out his peremptory Non * 1.426 poss•…•…m, neither himselfe will, nor others shall yeeld vnto it.

41 But what this Iesuite speakes of correction or miti∣gation of the Law, before Gregories publication, is vtterly vntrue; and were not his profession meere impudencie, he •…•…ould not d•…•…e to speake it: for, that the Pope did, after

some reasons deliuered, adi•…•…re the Emperor, pertremen∣dum Iudicem, verie earnestly, to alter or dis•…•…null the Law, is apparant in those words, Aut temporando aut immutando * 1.427 piet as vestra inflect at; but before euer this motion of his was made knowne to the Emperor, the Law was by Gre∣gorie published, (for hee was sicke and could not then write) as not onely in that letter it selfe is manifest, but in another not farre from it, wherein it will appeare, that the Pope hauing diuulged the Edict, but seeing his request for Mit∣tigation nor accepted, write, to Theodore the Emperors phy∣sitian, * 1.428 and intreates him to deale with his Lord and Soue∣raigne about it: the reasons whereof hee had not, yea hee would not (hee saith) a responsal•…•… suo publicè dare, publike∣ly yeeld, as from his Chaire and Oracle (much lesse by his Br•…•…ue interdict) but hauing suggested it priuately, he left it to God, and the Emperours leasure and wisedome. If, after that, vpon his importunitie, it pleased the Emperour to qualifie it, by giuing a more large scope to that monasti∣call desire, yet was not that yeelding of his, made so publike that all might take knowledge of it; but Gregorie is faine to make it good vpon his credit, in those words, in that Epistle which this Falsifying Iesuite mentioneth, but lea∣ueth them out verie cunningly, [Mih•…•…redite] Beleeue ME, * 1.429 our gratious Emperour is so contented: (it seemeth then that they had read the Edict, and receiued it before vncor∣rected.)

42. And is not this most properly applyed to his Ma∣iesties purpose? that a Pope, though misliking a Law Eccle∣siasticall, made without his priuitie and consent, should not take any publike exception against it, but priuately by Letters; not prohibit any to obey it, but make meanes to the Emperours attendants for mitigation thereof; and in the meane time publish it PRESENTLY vpon the Mandate, as it was sent vnto him? If the Pope had reuea∣led vnto his Catholikes the vnlawfulnesse of the OATH, and yet willed them, for conscience to God, and in duetie

to their Prince, to take it, and in the meane time promise that hee would indeuour by intercession and mediation to the Kings Maiestie, either to mitigate or abrogate the Law, then had he beene more like Gregorie, and yet the exam∣ple make nothing for the Pope or his Catholikes; sor Gre∣gorie excepted priuately against the Law, but obeied the commandement for publishing it; the Pope openly interdic∣teth; they obstinately refuse taking of the OATH. The truth is, the submissiue carriage of that Pope to the Emperour, both in his stile and deportment, doth so plunge the great * 1.430 debater of Controuersies, that like one foundred, hee knowes not whether hee should ascribe it to Gregory his humilitie or necessitie: and so maketh their great Sainted Pope, either an Hypocrite, to giue the Emperor an Haile Master, (whom in heart hee contemned, yea, accounted a Persecutor, saith Parsons) or else a temporizing luke-warme Laodicaan, that for feare or constraint would yeeld to any * 1.431 thing against his conscience, that the Emperour should command.

43. The Councels follow; and not onely that of Arles in France, with fiue other at least (which submitted them∣selues wholly to the Emperour Charles the great in most humble tearmes) but the foure generall Councels (which Gregorie compares to the foure Euangelists) summoned at the becke and command of the Emperors, and submitted (for the validity and establishment of their decrees) to their most royall assent: and yet all this is nothing to the pur∣pose, saith this Antapologer.

44 No? If whole Councels submitted themselues in all dutiull reuerence to their Souereignes, not only in mat∣ter of Temporall Affaire, but of Faith and Religion; then doth the Pope an il Office, and vn-priest like, in forbidding the Kings naturall Subiects to acknowledge their allege∣ance to him in Ciuill right. It is euen the like argument which God himselfe vseth in way of Complaint, by com∣parison, the SONNES OF IONAD AB Rechabs * 1.432

Some KEPT the commandement of their Father which hee gaue them but MY PEOPLE 〈◊〉〈◊〉 NOT mee.

45 Yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his reasons; particularly ag•…•…inst that of Ar∣les (for the other, of the generall 〈◊〉〈◊〉, He will not * 1.433 stan•…•… to examine, as hee saith Numb. 55. Postulant vt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 inexplicabilia, quoth the Ora•…•… of •…•…ome that w•…•…re driuen to a stand and inco•…•…uenience in 〈◊〉〈◊〉) * 1.434 and they are by way of Interrog•…•…, foure in number.

First,

in that Synode in Arles, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 there any mention of an OATH?

no more was there in that example whi•…•…h God brought of Io•…•…adabs sonne any m•…•…ntion of Idolatrie whereof hee complained in his people, but the Rechabites obedience was shewed in abstinence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 strong drinke; Is∣raels disobedience in following strange Gods. Hi•…•… Maiestie is now in argument a Thesiad Hypothesia; by comparison thu•…•…: All•…•…bedience was heeretofor by Scriptures, Fathers, and Councels, ackn wleged to Princes in ALL causes; then surely, in Hypothesi is the Pope verie faultie to forbid his catho∣likes to take an OATH, which containeth ONELY a Re∣cognition of naturall and Ciuill obedience.

46 His second Interrogatorie:

Was his SVBMIS∣SION in requ•…•…sting the Emperors assent because the Coun∣cell was assembled by his Commandemen•…•…?

Yes, for hee that hath the sole authoritie to summon a Councell, h•…•…th the sole power to make good or voide what it concludes

With∣out the Emperors liking. It is probabie th•…•…y met not,

saith this Je•…•…ite, (which he borroweth frō Bellar:)

but the chief cō∣mission came from Rome.

How will that app•…•…are? The Popes * 1.435 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is not once mentioned, either in the Preface or bo∣dy of the who•…•…e Councell; but the words 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p•…•…ine, Iussis IMPERATORIS, frater•…•…itatis nostr•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est aduna∣tus, by the commandement of our most Religious Emperor, our brother-hood is heere met in one: and the yeere of his reigne is there prefixed.

47 Yea,

But in a Councell at Wormes, the first that the said Charles caused to be Celebrated in his Dominions, An∣no

770. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was left Registred, AVTHORIT AS ECCLE∣SIASTICA, &c. ECCLESIASTICAL AVTHO∣RITIE teacheth that councels may not bee helde with out the allowance of the Bishop of Rome.

A manifest vntruth made good by an obscure Author, out of a Councel either no•…•… as∣sembled, or neuer recorded. Canizius who in his Chrono∣logy * 1.436 seemes very diligent in nūbring al the Councels both vniuersall, prouinciall, and Nationall, names it not. Gene∣brard, himselfe a Frenchman, reckoning all the Councels * 1.437 which the Emperor Charles assembled, mentioneth it, but neither dates it, nor warrants it, as hee dooth the rest at Arles, Towers, Chalons, &c. All which he mustreth in the vere•…•… 13. but in the yeare 770. he ackowledgeth no such thing. Binius (no idle compiler of the Councels) names it onely in that yeare, and leaues this note vpon it, In the French Annals in the life of Charles the Great, there is found mention of a Certaine Synode, to bee Celebrated at Wormes, QVID IN EOGESTVMFVERIT NON CONSTAT. Caranza the Epitomist nameth only one at Wormes, held in the yeare 816. or there abouts, vnder Lewis the second; but of any vnder Charles, either as King of France which must bee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉) Anno. 770. or Empe∣ror, * 1.438 which was not till 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, at least, he saith not a word; & yet out of such a smothered Record 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…out of Baronius, and hee mistaken, this fugitiue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a definitiue sentence, to warrant no Councell goo•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ted without the Popes authoritie for assembling: that is to say, at one push to ouerthrow the credite of all the Councels, both generall and particular, for the better p•…•…rt of 900, yeares after Christ, especially when the Churches had rest, and flo•…•…ished vnder Emperors and Kings.

48 A thing so cleare and radiant, that Bellarmine him∣selfe being dazeled in beholding the Euidence, as S. Pe∣ter, not wisting what he said, oppressed with the glistering * 1.439 countenance of our Sauiour, wold needs build Taberna∣cles bo•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Moses: so hee, labouring to build

for the Pope, as if all Councels must necessarily depend vpon his Oracles, and come to his Tent for summons and strength; labours also to build for the Emperor, and in the same place sheweth diuers reasons, why it rather be∣longed * 1.440 to Emperors then the Pope, to assemble them. And if any Emperor might challenge it, Charles the great much rather; to whom by authority of Councel and Pope, power was giuen to appoint the Bishop of Rome, and to dispose of the Sea Apostolike; which so remained in him, and his Successors for a long time.

49.

Was then this submission at the Councell of Arles, made to the Emperor for approbation of matters of Faith?

That is his third interrogatorie. To which hee answereth

No,

and yeelds his reason by repetition of that place in Saint Ambrose before specified,

That in cases of Faith, Bishops must iudge of Emperors, and not vice versa▪

To iudge definitiuely, which are matters of faith or no, it is not for the Emperor; but to ratisie by his assent, and command by his authoritie, what the Church or Councell (so assem∣bled) hath defined to be a matter of Faith, is proper to Emperors and Kings; & this was the end of their submis∣sion at Arles, as the words purport And that this was S. Ambrose his meaning also, his owne fact is the best inter∣preter; who, when the Synode at Aquil•…•…ia, conuented by the Emperors commaund, about the point of Christs Deitie (no mean Article of Faith) was dissolued and bro∣ken * 1.441 vp, wrote with the rest of his brethren their letters to the Emperors, particularly discoursing the whole maner of their proceeding; & (by messengers purposely addres∣sed from the Synod) humbly and earnestly desired them that they would vouchsafe to make good what the Bishops had in this assembly cōcluded, Ne obtemperātes vestrae tranquili∣tis Statutis frustrà Conuenisse videamur, least this our •…•…eeting should bee frustrate and to no purpose, which wee haue made in O∣BEDIENCE to your Clemencies Commandement.

50

Or was this Submission, or rather remission by the

Synod, made, because this Councell was assembled ONLY for reformance of MANERS?

that is his last interrogatory and answered by him affirmatiuely;

Yea for after the first Canon, which containes a prosession of their Faith, the other twentie fiue (being in all but twenty sixe) are about Re∣formation of matters amisse;

and so hee reckons vp e∣leuen of the twenty fiue. Genebrard indeed doth call all those Synods by Charles the Great assembled, CONCI∣LIA * 1.442 REFORMATORIA. Belike then it is gran∣ced, that Princes within their seueral Dominious, may as∣semble their Clergie concerning matters of Ecclesiasticall Discipline, and that is NERVVSECCLESIAE; mat∣ters of Faith haue a great Dependance vpon that Reforma∣tion; because vnsoundnesse in opinions, is seldome sepa∣rate from dissolutenes of Manners.

51 But was the assembly only for that? first then, the Clergie did aliudagere, and went beyond their commissi∣on, for after their mutuall Salutations and Ioy at each o∣thers meeting, Coepit vnionis nostrae numerositas de Rebus spi∣ritualibus * 1.443 mutua Collatione inter se ora diffundere, our whole company beganne to conferre at large about matters Spirituall, say the Fathers of that Councell. Secondly, the eleuenth Canon defineth who are to be accounted 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and within what degree of Consanguinity they are comprised; & that (I trow) is a matter of Dostrine: yea, and the eight Ca∣non (which in the Margin the Iesuite hath marked, but o∣mitted in the body of the discourse) is by their owne rule a matter of Faith, and Religion, & by this Epistler termed * 1.444

a point of the Law of God,

namely the Prohibition of entring into Monastical life. Mauritius in his Edict forbad that Soul∣diers should be admitted as Monks, & that by Greg. the great is accounted such a matter of conscience & Religiō that he takes it to be against God himself, & to be a mandate preclusory of the way to heauen: the said very restr. int, for * 1.445 Nunnes and Monks is within this Councel, & yet now it is reputed but a matter of manners. The 18. Canon not

only concludeth the Crism. to be safely kept vnder lock & key, but determines it to be Genus Sacramenti, a kind of Sacramēt, & therfore not to be touched by any but Priests.

52 Yet grant it were so, that this Councell were onely assembled to correct deformitie in manners, did they then by their submission acknowledge the Emperors authoritie Onely in those Cases, and not in matters of Faith and Religi∣on? What can we say to the foure Generall Councels (speci∣fied by his Maiestie) assembled by the Emperor, and par∣ticularly that of Ephesus against Nestorius, summoned by the Emperor, and after many earnest supplications and inter∣ceptions of their Letters, and hard pressures vpon some Orthodox Fathers, (for Cyril and Memmon vpon sinister * 1.446 Informations were laid fast) their Decrees were at last con∣firmed by the Emperors authoritie? His answer is, Numb. 55.

Those ONLY tend to prooue TEMPORALL Obedience and therefore hee will not stand to examine them.

Very learnedly spoken, and very honestly, no doubt.

53 Such is the fashion of many ignorant Geographers, saith Plutarch, when they come to some Terra incognita, * 1.447 that goes beyond their small reading, and they know not how to describe it, they place it in a corner of their Map, and say, that nothing lies beyond but certain quick-sands, or vnpassable mountaines or frozen Seas. Iust that which Aristotle noted in Anaxagoras that absurd disputant, who * 1.448 when he was driuen to any exigent, vt hareretin explicanda causa, and could not giue a cause why such a thing should haue his existence, he would shift it off with his old spell of N•…•…t that the vnderstanding did it; when as in all other things hee would make anything the cause rather then it. Heere Temporall Obedience is made the cause of the Coun∣cels submission, (which saith the Iesuite,

wee offer most willingly)

when as those Synods were not assembled for any one such point; and hee with his are ready to per∣forme nothing lesse. And so passing them with silence, because he knowes not what to say vnto them, he tels vs

that he

will draw to an end of this Paragraph.

Wherein, like Schole-boies, when they haue spent their questions, hee fals on rayling against the Apologier with his Saucie tearmes.

54 And why so? Because his Maiestie professed, that it neuer came within His reading, that Temporall Obedi∣ence was against Faith, and Saluation of Soules. Sure he was, that Christ professed himselfe of another opinion, in de∣nying his kingdome to be of this world, and in commanding * 1.449 Caesars right to be giuen vnto Caesar; and therefore if the Pope had once set it downe as an Article of Faith, (for he hath a tricke by the infallibility of his spirit to make NEW ARTICLES at his pleasure) before he had thus pro∣nounc't of the Oath of Alleagiance, it had beene more ex∣cusable.

55 Vpon this the Iesuite resulteth in a kinde of Ter∣tullus rhetoricke, with a volume of empty and hauty words, calling this speech

an INSVLTATION,

and the Apologer a

TRIFLER, a WRANGLER, a WRONGFVLL IMPOSER vpon his Aduersary, a VOLVNTARY MISTAKER of the question, and a CALVMNIATOR.

Numb. 56. For first, the Breue, saith he, forbids not TEMPORALL Obedi∣ence. No? It forbids the Oath wherein is Onely acknow∣ledgement of Ciuill Alleageance; and he which Prohibits the Swearing against an Vsurping Deposer, denies Temporall Obedience to the rightfull Soueraigne. Secondly saith hee,

Neither the Pope, nor the whole Church together can make NEW ARTICLES of Faith, by the iudgement of any LEARNED CATHOLIKE.

They may make NEW Rules of Faith; for those Bookes which the Chur∣ches in all ages haue reputed Apocrypha (as the Booke of Hermes, and the Constitutions of Clement) the Pope and Councell may make Canonicall, so saith Stapl•…•…ton, and hee * 1.450 no vnlearned Catholike. Yet more neerely, Bish•…•…p Fisher, a most holy and learned man (so Bellarmine stiles him (saith,

that what a Pope with a Councel deliuers vs to be beleeued hoc pro fidei articulo recipiendum est, that must be receiued as * 1.451 •…•…n Article of Fait•…•…. Yet more directly Aquinas (no meane∣ly learned Schoole-man) is of opinion, that to preuent or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 errors newly arising, it is necessary to make a NEW * 1.452 SYMBOLE or Creed, and no man hath that authoritie •…•…ut the Pope, to whom it belongeth FINALLY to deter∣mine concerning matters of Faith, to bee of all bel•…•…eued and re∣ceiued FIDE INCONC•…•…SSA, without doubting or wauering. Which point of desining Dogmata fides, how many or how few they should be, to belong to the Pope onely, and not to a Councell, a Iesuite (and therefore Lear∣ned, * 1.453 Parsons will say) maintaines very firmely. For the Pope may define any thing (though not exprest in Scrip ture) to be defide, an Article or point of Faith, without any explicite Reuelation from God, saith Suarez another Ie∣suite. * 1.454

56 But what neede opinions, when the practise is ex∣tant? A whole new Symbolum is set out in the prouinciall Sy∣nod * 1.455 at Millan, wherin twelue new Articles are added to the Nicen Creed, which all Catholikes are bound vpon paine of an Anathema•…•…, to professe by worde, and sweare by Oath.

57

These are EXPLANATIONS, not NEW ARTICLES, as SHEE was not the true Mother MORE after the childe was sentenced to be diuided, then before;

but then it appeared more plainely, that shee was so, (saith the Epistler.) So some Canonists call the Popes chal∣lenge * 1.456 to his doubl•…•… Monarchy, Constantines, not donation but Declaration, or reall EXPLANATION of that Text, [Tues Petrus.] Explanations are declaratorie illustrati∣ons of a truth inuolued in some former Article, not additi∣ons of a doctrine newly conceiued for a truth; so saith the Councell of Florence: but in that annexion at Millan the most of the Articles haue no ground, either in Scriptures or Decrees, by the primitiue Church allowed. And ther∣fore

Purgatorie; Trans-substantiation; communicating vnder one kinde; seauen Sacraments; Worshipp•…•…ng of Images, &c. (which are annexed to the Nicene Creede by the Synode at Millan) hauing no relation to any Article of that, or any other ancient Creede, or diuine Scriptures, can not bee Explanations, Quia omnis expositio (saith the Florentine Coun∣cell, * 1.457 wherein that case was fully canuased) sit ex intrin∣secis; but must needs bee ex•…•…ranea, additions of NEW Articles, fetch't in by the Popes extrauagant Power, which the canonists ascribe vnto him▪ Extraius, contra ius, & * 1.458 supraius Omnia posse. Which shewes his comparison of the true mother, reuealed by the appointed diuision of the Childe, to be a fopperie. For if the Creede coulde speake for it selfe, at the imposing and inforcing New Ar∣ticles vpon it, vnder the name of Declarations, as that natu∣ral mother could at the sentence for the dismembring of her child, it would tell the Whore of Babell, that she playd Michols part, to make a dead Image carry the resemblance * 1.459 of liuing Dauid▪ and that these Explanations (so called) are but Ephesiael•…•…terae, illuding impostures, no concluded truthes. * 1.460 And would iustifie that charge of his Maiesty (in saying that the Pope can make new Articles of Faith) to bee as far from Calumniation, as this Iesuite is from shame or hone∣sty, to auow the contrary, in saying that

no learned Ca∣tholike doth affirme it,

when there are so many witnesses, against him, and the practise it self in their new form so ap∣parant.

58 Insomuch that some Schoolemen (pressing that Canon of the Eph•…•…sine Councell, that none vnder paine of Anathema, should Edere, or Condere any other Symbole, * 1.461 or addere any thing to that of the Nicene Creede) turn'd it off first, that the Anathema in that Case, toucheth priuate men, and not the Pope. Secondly, that those Articles of the Popes are •…•…ut Explanations, not additions, which is a weake priuiledge; for so much may, yea, euery Minister in Catechizing must doe, that is Explicate and declare the

sense and meaning of the Creed. Therfore what the Pope addeth, must needs be a NEW Article of Faith, or else his Prerogatiue is no more then belongeth to the Office of euery ordinary Priest that is learned. So that if the Pope had by his infallible iudgement, and irref•…•…agable autho∣ritie once determined it for an Article of Faith, eyther as his Maiesty puts the case in particular, that Temporall O∣bedience is against Faith and Saluation of Soules; or as M. Blackwell in generall, that the Pope had iudicially, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex Cathedra, declared his Souereignty and power in Tempora∣libus, * 1.462 then his BREVE to come vpon it, had carried some colour? which is a thing (as it seemes) very soone done if he will; for if there be a question, saith Suarez, though it haue beene long canuassed, and none dare de∣fine eyther way, yet Simultum referat ad Ecclesiae vtilitatem, if it make for the profit of the Church (as for example, * 1.463 whether the Virgin Mary were conceiued by her Parents without sinne) the Pope hath power in alterutram partem decidere, and what he concludes, must be de Fide receiued

59 From this his Maiesties Prolemma and anticipa∣ting conclusiō, the Epistler comes to answer this Dilemma that is, If Temporall Obedience be lawfull, the Pope is in∣iurious to forbid it to his Catholikes; if it be vnlawfull, yet is hee vniust to condemne, and not to shew the reason.

Both these PILLERS

(as the Iesuite cals them) like another Sampson, he sets his force to frush at once, and yet (they standing) himselfe is crushed with his own shock. For what he hath hitherto laboured to confute, and now againe peremptorily denieth, (scilicet,

That the Breue gainsa•…•…th not obedience in Ciuill things)

in answere to the last part of the Dilemma, he plainely confesseth and gran teth: for the Pope being iustly taxed by his Maiesty for not expressing any cause or reason of the vnlawfulnesse of the OATH, the Epistler saith,

There are as many rea∣sons that it is vnlawfull, as there are POINTS in the OATH which concerne Religion:

And there is no one

point but doth so, euen that very first Article which meer∣ly toucheth Ciuill Obedience, I doe sweare before God, that King lames is the lawfull King of this Realme, &c. for euery Subiect is by Religion in conscience bound (if he be re∣quired) to sweare vnto the lawfull right of his true Soue∣reigne. And therefore the Pope, by this Antapologers grant, not distinguishing the parts, but laying down the whole Oath in a lumpe, as a sufficient reason of the vn∣lawfulnesse, denieth euen Ciuill Obedience, and Recogniti∣on to be acknowledged by his Catholikes vnto their Lord and King.

60 But perhaps by Religion he meaneth the points of the Oath, where the Pope and Church of Rome is named; it had then been honest dealing in the Pope, first, to haue said so, and then to haue shewed what foundation that, Re∣ligion hath which giueth him such power to depose Kings, or absolue Subiects; and to haue made that point soundly good for himselfe, before he had rushed into such a per∣emptory Prohibition: but that being yet a debate-able ground, and a Controuersie not agreed vpon amongst his own Professors, nor determined by his Cathedral autlio∣rity, it was an hasty rashnes, not vpright iustice, to award a sentence so resolutely Interdictiue. For

though a Iudge disputeth not, but determineth,

(as saith this Iesuite) yet it is a Iudges part to guide his determination by the allegations and proofes made on both sides, in the hearing of the par∣ties, if it be possible; if not, yet to intimate the reasons of his so sentencing; which otherwise, euen a Pagan thought to be an absurd, yea a brutish course. For he which giueth a definitiue Sentence, hearing but one party, Aequum * 1.464 li∣cet statuerit, hand aequus fuit; though his determination were iust, his proceeding was vniust, saith the Philosopher. In the Pope then there was a double iniustice; first, to iudge in * 1.465 the absence of one side; secondly, (suppose they say that the Oath it selfe serued as the aduerse party present) that •…•…so is iniustice to condemne the good with the bad; for ey∣ther * 1.466

but some part of the Oath concernes Temporall Obedi∣ence, (that Parsons confesseth) and then hath the Pope dealt both vniustly to condemne the whole Oath as it lieth; and vndiscreetly and iniuriously, not to expresse the par∣ticles of his exception: or else the whole Oath doth onely concerne it, and then is the Popes dealing both aberrant from Diuinity, and cruell to his Catholikes, forcing their Souereignes sword out of his scaberd, and whetting it in his hand against them; as also (which his Maiesty very iu∣diciously collecteth) by exhorting them to constancy not to yeeld therein, he casteth a foule imputation vpon that Religion, as if It and Ciuill Obedience were incompatible in themselues, and that no zealous Papist could be a true Subiect to his Souereigne.

61 This Collection he tearmeth an Iniurious Inference; but answereth no other way, then first by a shifting com∣parison,

that the same Obiection might be made against Saint Cyprian and other Fathers, for exhorting Martyrs to Con∣stancie, not to yeelde against their Conscience; and secondly by a preoccupation, that if we should replie, that the things then exacted by Emperours, were simply and apparantly vn∣lawfull, these not; their answer is, that vnto them in their Consciences, the Oath is as vtterly vnlawfull:

which is as much to say, to sweare allegeance vnto their naturall and rightfull Souereigne, is in their Conscience as vnlawfull as to Sacrifice to Idols; for in deniall thereof onely, was the Constancie of those Martyrs tried, whom S. Cyprian hart∣ned, as in the very booke which he quoteth is manifest, * 1.467 diuided into twelue Chapters; sixe of them, all handling that only argument as the subiect of their perseuerance.

Thirdly, he answers by an Expostulation:

Why should it be more indispensable to deliuer vp a Bible or a New Testament, which the Martyrs then denied to the Emperours, and so died for denying it, and are by the Church commended for so dying, then now for Romes Catholikes to sweare an Oath against their Conscience when the King exacteth it?

62. The reply is, first, that it is not the substance of the OATH that sticketh in their Consciences, but the forme thereof, especially those last wordes, I doe make this Recognition WILLINGLY and TRVLY: otherwise they haue a tricke in their Religion to swallow the whole Oath without straining; for this is their doctrine (and 'tis worth the obseruing) that if a man be called to sweare, if he take the Oath vnwillingly, 'tis vnto him as if hee had not * 1.468 sworne at all; yea, grant he haue voluntatem iurandi, be ve∣rie willing to sweare, but hath not voluntatem se obligandi, no will to binde himselfe to performe what hee sweares, it is no OATH vnto HIM, he is as free as if he were neuer sworne.

63. Secondly, that this is (as the Schoolemen speake) Comparatio non aequalitatis, but similitudinis: for there is no proportion in these cases of Disobedience; because simply to deliuer vp a Bible vnto a Superior requiring it, is no sinne, yea, to denie it, is a contempt; for so farre foorth as they are materiall bookes, they are but Opera deletiua, (as Victor in August. speaketh) and, after deliuery, may either bee transcribed by Copy, or recouered by intreaty, or suppli∣ed from other places: but if the Emperor require them to vse as Iehoiakim did Ieremiah his prophecie; or Antio∣chus •…•…e bookes of the Law to burne & deface in contempt * 1.469 and despight, or fury and passion; and that was the case, as appeareth by Eusebius and Arnobius in those words: Cur ignibus meruerint dari nostra scripta? Or as Iulian the Apo∣stata (who called in all the heathen Writers, both of Philo∣sophie and Poetry, out of the Christians handes, vnder a * 1.470 faire pretence of abandoning Paganisme, to bereaue them of all knowledge) thereby to take frō Christians the true meanes of their instruction; the cause is farre different: for so to obey, were wilfully to betray the truth of God; whereas Obedience to Princes, is an iniunction both to * 1.471 all subiects for performance, and to Clergie-men, for sugge∣stion also, to remember the other of their Duty

64. From which there is no startling exception, saith

Aquinas, vnlesse he be either an Vsurper or intruder which commands (and that's not our case, God be thanked,) or * 1.472 that he command things vnlawfull: if they say that's their case, we deny it: but let vs suppose it, yet their Angelicall Doctor will tell them, that in those things they must not∣withstanding Obey, propter vitandum scandalum aut pericu∣lum. (Of this Diuinity I iudge not, tis their owne.) And can there be a greater scandall in a State then that a King should haue so many subiects in seuerall ranks, that shall refuse to ioyne in the same Allegeance with their natiue Countrimen and Cohabitants? As for danger, Can a man take FIRE in his bosome, and his CLOTHES not bee * 1.473 BVRNT, saith Solomon? Or a Prince nourish Recreants in his Realme, and be secure of his safety? Obedience ther∣fore being the Bibles doctrine, what resemblāce hath the deliuering vp of the Bible to the despight and rage of furi∣ous Tyrants, and the Oath which bindes the Obedience Onely in Secular things, and is therfore called the OATH OF ALLEGEANCE?

95 To which he answereth, first,

That's the Inscrip∣tion, not the truth; for the fairest Title is put vpon the foulest matter, when it is to bee exacted or perswaded.

'Tis true Fa. Parsons; for Murdering of Princes is now intituled a * 1.474 Memorable and Worthy exploit, as in the Monkes case that slew the French King: yea a Meritorious Worke, deseruing Letters of Commission, Indulgence of Pardon, and Inhe∣ritance in Heauen; as in the case of Parry the designed Slaughter-man of Queene Elizabeth. As for deposing Kings and inciting Subiects to Rebellion, they are intitled the two principall Wards of S. Peters Keyes, without which, God * 1.475 had beene desicient in his Prouidence, because without them the Church could neither be well opened nor shut. But that the Oath is such an Harpye (with a faire face and a foule heart) wee must and will denieit, till it bee prooued, that there is any thing in it which either scandalizeth a GOOD Conscience, or contradicteth any point of

TRVE Religion; or which meerely concerneth not ci∣uill Obedience.

66 He therefore secondly answereth

that the ex∣acting of Bibles to be deliuered vp was vnder pretence of Al∣legiance.

Vnlesse hee had a warrant vnder the Popes Seale, to falsifie that little Reading hee hath, hee would not thus write; the Authors which he nameth, mention no such thing; vea, the contrary is implied by them. For not onely the Bible; but paper Bookes also of collected notes, and bookes of Phisicke were exacted to the fire, as in Saint August appeareth: yea some of Tully his works (as Arno∣bius witnesseth) euen as Numa Pompilius his volumes * 1.476 long before, by an ancient decree of the Roman Senate: & for this Exaction, two reasons onely are giuen; first, a pur∣pose to destroy all writers, that made against their Doct∣rine of the Paynim Gods, and that fetch't in Tully, and the Old Testament especially. Secondly, it was the current o∣pinion in those times, as witnesseth Arnobius, that our Sa∣uiour Christ was Magus insignis, a notable Sorcerer and con∣iurer; and so the New Testament was fetch't in, and whatso∣euer writings concerned HIM, as reckned in the number of Magicall bookes. They that through torments and feare yeelded them vp, were called Traditores saith Saint August. The name first knowne 40. yoares after Saint Cy∣prians * 1.477 death, in the time of Dioclesia, & no one word men∣tioned by any writer concerning Allegeance, either in the Emperours Edict, or relation of the History: and therefore to bring it in for comparison with this Oath is absurd and ridiculous; wherwith the other Edicts of the said Tyrant (commanding Christians to sacrifice vnto Idols) haue as much coherence. More truely doe those Traditores re∣present vnto vs the Roman Expurgatores; for as they, by their faint yeelding, did what in them lay (to speake in Ar∣nobius * 1.478 words) publicatam submergere Lectionem, vtterly to a∣bolish the published knowledge of Christ, and to make the Sa∣uiour of the world a Sorcerer; so do these by their false pur∣gation

(as much as they can) indeuour to make all the fa∣thers Romish Aduocats, and to leaue to the Church neither true History nor sound author, no more thē Pharaoh would haue left one Male Israelit aliue, had not the midwiues pre∣uented * 1.479 him.

67 Some shadow hereof (to goe no further) may be seene by this Iesuite in the point of these two Breues of Clement, the 8. in this place mentioned by his Maiestie, which Garnet the Arch-Traitor had, and burnt, & wher∣with the Epistler makes the way to end this Paragraph (for * 1.480 as concerning Rome being Babylon, he speaks not a word, as by silence granting that which Cardinal Mathew plain∣ly acknowledgeth, and confesseth it to be euen that Baby∣lon in the Apocalips.) Now then his Maiestie (who hath good reason to know what concernes matter of State) af∣firmes that those Breues, were sent by Pope Clemens octa∣uus immediatly before the late Queenes death. This the Antapologer concludes to be an Exaggerated Calumniation. The Tortuse in Latin saith it is a vanity and falsitie: belike * 1.481 these men stand vpon a sure groūd, they are so cōfident: what's then the proofe? the English Iesuite saith,

That hauing procured knowledge of the two BREVES, hee finds them sent into England, not together, nor immediately before the Queenes death, but the ONEDIVERS YERES BEFORE, Anno 1600. & the OTHER AFTER HER DEATH. 1603.

The Vn-Iesuited Latinist, * 1.482 hee saith, that hauing the Copie thereof in his hands, he finds that Clemens the eight sent these two BREVES in the yeers 1600. one to the Clergie, and the other to the Laytie: BOTH OF THEM TOGETHER three yeares before the Queens death. One came not til after her death, & yet both of thē came before her death 3. yeres, where's the Falsitie now? perhaps One was dispatched by Cut-speede the Post, & the Other sent by Tom-long the Carier. The holy Ghost spake it of as honest men as these, et non erant conuenientia * 1.483 Testimonia, & their witnesses agreed like Harpe & Harrow.

68 If the date thereof must determine the truth, why agree they not vpon it? but suppose they did, that must not carrieit, it being an easie matter for the Pope to make an ante-date. The Gibeonites came to Iosua like far-went Trauellers, when as they were his confining neighbors; * 1.484 and with torne cloathes and mouldy victuals, as become so by iourneying, which they had made by craft: and the Breues of the newest coine may easily haue an olde stampe in the Popesmint, to make them currant for his Catholik purpose. They writ of Asia, that the want of one dip∣thong▪ * 1.485 was the ouerthrow of the whole Countrie. The Pope is not so nice, to hazard his case vpon such quillits; if adding or altering, or falsifying, or out-facing will doe it, in wordes, sentences, or volumes, his Scribe is at hand, (like the honest Steward that can write down 50. or 80.) it is but turning a figure into a Cipher, and 600. will easily * 1.486 bee made of 603. But it is more then probable by that which this Epistler confesseth, that vpon report of the Queenes dispaired recouerie, both the Breues were drawn according to the Prouerbe, à Dorio ad Phrygium of two di∣uers natures, the One to raise a Tumult, if they found any head to make a foule stoppage against the King; if not, but that (in despight of the Deuil) the King should haue his Right, and the state be once setled, then the other should start out, to make a faire shew for the Pope, and some way for a tolleration. A stale and silly pollicie (God wot) and not much different from the Laconian Scytalismus, to haue * 1.487 two tickets in one pocket of a contrary fashion, for two diuers euents.

69 Yea, rather which is the truth, according to his Maiesties relation (contrary to what the Scriptures ob∣serue in natures course, which denieth sweete Waters and brackish to spring from the same fountaine, yet, which the same Scripture abhorreth in mans tongue) out of the same mouth of the Pope proceeded blessing and cursing at one time: His Breue euen then gastring his Maiesties title * 1.488

and debarring his right, when (to send some of his Ma∣iesties ministers abroad, hee both professed and promised 〈◊〉〈◊〉 furtherance in aduancement thereof. For the substance of the Breue was, That the Catholikes should admit NONE for King, were hee neuer so nearely conioyned in blood and des∣cent, except he would first SWEARE, not onely to TOL∣LERATE, but promote the Catholike ROMISH RE∣LIGION within his Realmes.

70 To this he answereth,

That the Breue was rather a determination of the Popes vpon a Question mooued vnto hi•…•…, what Catholikes were bound to doe in Conscience, for admitting a new Prince after the Queenes death?

First, what hath the Pope to doe in decyding Tules, or Marshal∣l•…•…g Descents? One that had more right to the possessions of the whole earth (hee by whome Kings do raigne and Princes * 1.489 beare rule) refused to be vmpier, in any such matter, for who made me a Iudge of inheritances, saith our Sauiour in the Gos∣pel? and One, not the meanliest learned among them de∣nieth the Pope to haue any authority either by prescripti∣on or power, to meddle with titles of Kingdomes, aut in prima instantia, aut in gradu appellationis. Secondly, who taught * 1.490 the Pope such diuinity, that Kingdomes Hereditarie de∣scend to Religion, not to blood? Thirdly, the Pope therein directly, et ex diametro opposed against his maiesties claim. For HEE had many euident demonstrations, that the King neither was nor would be Popishly affected; his pro∣fession generall setled in the Church and state where he li∣ued; his resolute answers; his Statutes enacted: his Edicts published; his Booke printed; his Arguments multiplyed (and vpon occasion enforced) made all to the contrary. His Tule was not so weake, that he needed the Popes fur∣therance, nor his desire of a crown so ambitious, that for at∣chieuing it he would betray his conscience: which the Pope knew, and his Maiestie should haue felt the smart therof, had the Catholike party bin strong enough: and therefore that other ground of the Popes, which the E∣pistler

puts down, is a falsitie, and a vanity. scz.

a hope con∣ceiued that his Maiestie was not far from being a Papist, but there might be some reasonable hope of his CONVERSION.

71 What went you out into the Wildernesse to see, saith out Sauiour, a Reed s•…•…ken with the Winde; and what ministred * 1.491 the occasion to this hope of his maiesties incōstancy, which they call conuersion?

The relations and earnest asseuerations of those his Maiesties Ministers abroad,

quoth he. First, that's one iust reward of a Strumpet, to be guld with Glo∣ses and false promises of her Riuals, to feed her lustfull humour, and winne her liking to themselues, and the Whore of Bobylon, Queene of the world (as his Maiestie en∣titles her) to whom there is such frequent recourse, can∣not want whole Stewes of intelligēce; yet a politike Hist∣orian notes it as a point of singular folly and rashnes, for Princes and Statesmen to credit enery report, especially in bru•…•…tes of high nature, & not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 very narrow * 1.492 ly to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out the truth thereof. Secondly, though he were Nabal a Churle, that spake it, and failed then in the parti∣cular, yet his Thesis is too true, Hodie increuerunt Serui qui fugiunt Dominos suos, there are too many seruants now a•…•…es * 1.493 that breake euery man from his Master; that carrie names of Ministers being Fugitiues; and of Agents being Tray∣tors. Great men (Princes especially) doe seldome want a Ziba to giue out treacherous Informations, contrary to the intention, and derogatorie to the Reputation of their * 1.494 Master, which puts them most in trust. But as it was not the wisest nor vprightest doome (in the iudgement of all diuines) giuen by Dauid vpon a report so malitiously fra∣med & so slenderly proued, to condemne Mephibosheth as a Traitor; so it argued no great discretion in the Pope, vp * 1.495 on bare informations, & (as the end wil shew) meere slan∣ders (hauing in them neither ground for proofe, nor sha∣dow of truth) to be so credulous, as to conceiue, that his Maiestie would bee an Apostata from that Religion, which in his infancy he had sucked, and had succoured

in his Kingdome; & hazarued sometimes for it both li•…•…e & libertie. If perhaps he mean those letters which Tortus mentioneth, ere this time he cannot but know that those trecherous abuses are now fully discouered by the vo∣luntarie confession of the partie himselfe, the then Secretary of Scotland, who got those letters signed, but made not his Maiesty acquainted with the contents * 1.496 thereof; because before that hauing mooued the King •…•…o write vnto the Pope, his Maiesty had vtterly denied him. And what Prince Christned may not in such sleight of deceite bee abused, if those to whome hee commits his especiall •…•…ust, will be so sraudulently wicked? yea, was not one euen of their owne modern Popes serued in the very like kinde? Wherefore was Belochto the Taster vnto Sixtus Quintus, and his attendant whome he dearly loued, condemned to the Gallies, where, after many mo∣neths, he miserably died; but for signing with the Fisher∣mans Ring. an Apostolicall Breue, the Pope vnwitting there∣of; quo continebantur eaquae Pontifex admittere nol•…•…it; the * 1.497 Contents whereof were contrary to the Popes minde? nor the Taster onely, but Gual•…•…erruccio, also one of his Se∣cretaries, as an accessary to that treacherous cousinage, & another besides him, whom Onuphrius wil not name, were all adiudged to the like punishment for the same fact Cuiuis potest accidere quod cuiquam potest, saith the Stoik; & it may bee the case of any Gouernour, bee hee neuer so cir∣cumspect. The Masters credit may for a while be hazar∣ded by the Seruants vnfaithfulnesse; but when time hath reuealed the trueth, the falsily of a Treacher, may not bee a preiudice to the Innocency of a Soueraigne.

72 So that what this glosing Scribler writes of that Popes kinde

affection to his Maiesty, as louing his Person most heartily: speaking of him honorably; treating his Nati∣on kindly; and vsing more liberalitie that way then hee thinkes conuenient to speak of

are but Iugling deuises to deceiue the vnderstanding of simple Readers.

For though there bee nothing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maiestie but that which is amiable and admirable; his parts of nature, Art, and grace all so singular, that (by the eminencie of his place, being descried farre and neare) they most needes excite great loue to his Person; draw mens affections to him: and occasionate most honourable speeches of hi Qualities and Deportment: •…•…et that Pope Clement should bee so kindely respectiue, is much to be doubted, whose Letters sent to his Maiestie while he was in Scotland, were refused by him, and returned without admittance.

Yea, but the Pope (and the King cannot bee altogether ignorant of it, nor ingrate for it) caused a speciall PRAYER to be made for his Maiesty.

73 First, Who required these deuout Seruices at your hands? saith God himselfe to a people as religious as Rome * 1.498 affoords. We know that God heareth not sinners. Tainted af∣fections may marre good Orisons, and the best prayers * 1.499 from such mindes (like Caines Sacrifice) may turne into Sinne. Humilitie inforceth Praiers into the Clouds, to be re∣turned * 1.500 with effect, saith the wise-man, but the claim of de∣posing Kings is no humble conceit; such haughtie ima∣ginations send foorth but hollow suits, and receiue but emptie answeres. Secondly, both the Subiect, matter, and the entended end of a Praier, being corrupt, may make it frustrate. Yee aske and receiue not, saith Saint Iaines▪ because * 1.501 yee aske amisse. Such a Praier therefore it might bee, that his Maiestie had litle cause to thanke the Pope for it. Had the Iesuite set downe the Collect, it might haue been exa∣mined; but by that which he insinuates, it was grounded (as it seemes) vpon the former

Hope that his Maies•…•… would be ONE of their Catholikes,

or at least Tollerate their Religion and euen this conceit alone were able to ouer: throw any good Praier: for God, which vsually heareth, ad Sanitatem, not ad voluntatem, doth not in mercy graunt a * 1.502 request that issues from an affection intended both to the dishonour of his annointed, as also the hazard of his liues

safety, and his soules health; and therfore the best thanks the Pope can deserue at his Maiesties hands, is that of the Prophet Dauid, Let not their precious Bal•…•…ms breake my head, that is as one of their owne interprets it) Let not * 1.503 their blandishing Prayers alter my mind, nor dissipate my Councels.

74 But hauing thus Glossed vpon the Breues of Cle∣mens the Eight, he comes now to shew his Art in those of Paulus Quintus, which is the last point in this Paragraph. The first wherof he would make good against his Maie∣stie: (who in the Apologie affirmes, that in the opinion of Diuers Catholikes (not of the simpler •…•…ort, but of the choisest, yea the Arch Priest himselfe) it was so void of Diuinitie, Pollicie, and naturall Sence, that they accounted it a Counterfeit Libell, made in hatred of the Pope:) and the answere which he makes to it is soure-fold: the two for∣most, his old Palinody of scorne and malediction: first,

that it is a Calumniation;

secondly,

that it is but a fained de•…•…se of T. M. for no Catholike of iudgement or piety would thinke so;

thridly,

an iniury to the Reuerend Arch-Priest;

fourthly,

a double Supposition, first, it might bee that some did doubt at the beginning, whether it came from the Pope ex motu proprio, or from the Inquisitors their defectuous In∣formation:

Secondly,

that if there were such a doubt, it was now remoued by the second Breue; whereby all men may see the sentence of the See Apostolike, and learne to obey him whom God hath appointed for the Decision of Doubts.

And ha∣ui•…•…g thus said, he leapes from thence to Bellarmines Letter.

75 Such as men are themselues, for the most part they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 others to bee, because they would fa•…•…e haue th•…•…m •…•…o be such; which makes this fellow, whom the Priests 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…titled to be the Mint Master of all Forgeries, to re∣pute * 1.504 euen vnseigned truths, to be Calumniations and De∣•…•…. But is this (in sooth) a fit course of answer, to turne •…•…ll so deepe and pressing a charge with such vn•…•…itting frumps •…•…nd a short negatiue, IT IS NOT SO? A woman an∣swered

more sobe•…•…ly, but as fully, and said as much, when the Angell charged her that she laughed, IT IS NOT SO, •…•…ghed not; and yet, which is worse, to vary in that nega∣•…•…e: * 1.505 for what before he denied, now he grants, and sayes it may be it was so. It had beene to the purpose, both in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to his Maiestie, and satisfaction to the Catholiks, if he had made it plaine, that none of that sort thought so of the Breue; or •…•…ad shewed some reasons that they had no cause to thinke so, and to haue proued by some sound Arguments, that this course which the Pope tooke, was neither against Diuinitie, Polli•…•…e, nor Common Sense.

76 But, that both the Arch-Priest, and diuers Catho∣•…•…kes were of that opinion, is without question; and that •…•…hey h•…•…d good reason so to thinke, is manifest: for whe∣ther it should come frome the Pope ex motu proprio, of his voluntary motion, which (as they say that know him) is hastie, violent, and boisterous enough, or from informa∣tion of Iesuites or Inquisitors, who want neither partia litie nor malic•…•… in their relations, (no more then they did falsi∣•…•… and desp•…•…ght in their translation of the English Statutes diuulged in Spaine, with horrible additions of their owne cruell imaginations, neuer dreamt of in our State, nor congruent with the true body of those Lawes, therby to procure detestation to the Realme) it forceth not: the Breue it selfe caries those Brands with it in the bulke ther of, to be irrel•…•…gious, imprudent, and voide of common sense.

77 For Rel•…•…gion, there is no more in it, then in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Co•…•…ban. to which it may be fitly compared: for * 1.506 as by that Tradition (or Illusion rather) the most naturall duty to Parents was dissolued, vnder the most specious pretext of Pret•…•…e, being (in our Sauiours iudgement) the very height of Impietie, as derogatory to the expresse cō∣mandement in the Law: so the natiue and legall Obedi∣ence, in the which Subiects are borne and bound to their Souereigne, is, by the Popes Breue, vnder pretence of Faith and Saluation, Churches right and Christs authoritie,

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(euen against Christs precept and the true Churches pra∣ctise) ca•…•…iered, frustrated and prohibited; which hath made some of that Sect to relie thereon, and die therein as Iudes did: For as HE, presuming vpon that Corban Tradition, as a sufficient warrant to exp•…•…ate his Treason, brought the hire of his Treachery into the holy Treasury * 1.507 and presently vpon it went to his owne execution; so THEY, taking that Breue vnto them for a sufficient dis charge from their acknowledgement of Loyalty, doe wil∣fully thrust their necke into the halter, and become Au∣thors of their owne death.

78 For Pollicie and Sense, as much to bee had in it as Iob found fauour in the white of an egge. Prudence, in the Philosophers opinion, is the Eye of the minde, which * 1.508 who so wants, is in worse case then the blind Cyclops, saith a Proteus of their owne: whether therefore we respect * 1.509 that which in the Schooles they call Prudentiam Monasti cam, whereby any particular man may bee adiudged wise in his owne affaires, euen THAT Eie was either dazled with passion, or misse- caried to a wrong obiect, in send∣ing out a Breue so euidently proceeding from Selfe-loue, grounded vpon misse-conceit, published in reuenge, and Pythagorically peremptory without yeelding reason: or, if we looke to that which they call Prudentiam Politicam, * 1.510 and sheweth a mans wisedome in State-matters, therin al∣so was THAT Eie much blemished; that Breue of his being like Rehoboams answer vpon his yoonkers aduice, more Lordly then iudicious, more imperious then Politike: * 1.511 for what Pollicie could there be, so to deale with a King, lawfully possessed, royally allied, strongly back't; now newly inuested in his Throne; rowsed some few months afore by Treason vpon Treason, in a redoubled Conspyra∣cie with Romish priests; freshly exulcerate with the most horrible designe (for Sauage Cruelty) that euer was engi∣ned, and that also from Iesuites, and the Pope his owne darlings; while his Maiestie was (as it were) in hot blood,

his spirits as yet troubled (and who could blame him?) by •…•…he horror of such intended villany: what Pollicie, I say, could it be, that the Pope (a stranger to this Nation, and the Grand-father of those Romish brats) euen then shold send out a Prohibition, that his Maiesties natiue Subiects, especially of that Religion, (so lately tainted) should not ac∣knowledge their Allegeance?

79 Put case that some Ingredients in the Oath (vpon the fresh memory of that CRVELL PROIECT) had beene ouer sharpe, yet time might haue allaied that heat, and faire intreaty wrought a Mitigation in the Oath; In the meane time, had the Bishop of Rome shewed vnto the King his detestation of those Tresons, and requested some Monument of that strange and barbarously designed eradi∣cation, which, like Lots wiues Pillar, might haue remained * 1.512 as Triste Exemplum sed in posterum salubre; A wofull, but a wholsome spectacle to posterity: yet withall intreat∣ed, that neither the Religion (which THOSE pretended) might be thought the worse of, nor the Catholikes that professe the same, to be more hardly dealt with; this had beene both a seasoned and a seasonable, a prudent and a sensible Pollicie. For generous mindes yeelde where they finde a relenting passage; rebecke by opposition pro∣uokes * 1.513 to wrath; and hasty opposites, as they are vnwarie, so proue they vnluckie.

80 To auoid therefore this Imputation, and to shew * 1.514 that the Pope, like another Pilate, Quod scripsit scripsit, did what he did, with mature deliberation, and without hope of Reuocation.

—rursus ad icta pede•…•….

Hee seconds it with another Breue like a second Crambe, * 1.515 whereto this Iesuite ascribes a double vertue, as well

CORROBORATIVE of the former, to put it out of question; as RETENTIVE to the Catholikes, confining them within their Obedience to HIM, whom God hath ap∣pointed for decision of such doubts.

But what if the first

Breue were a sinne, and this Doubt-Driuer proue errant HIS doubling of the one; shewes pertinacie in the mind, but aggrauates the crime; and THEIR relying vpon the Other, (like the Egiptian Reede) argueth their misery, & * 1.516 hazards their safety. And is it not a Sinne to Prohibite the taking of that Oath which the Scriptures do call Iuramen∣tum Dei, the OATH of God? because in his name, and for his sake, and at his command subiects doe sweare Loialtie * 1.517 to their Soueraignes? And can there bee a more miserable slauery then to fasten their soules vpon his Decision, who (by the confession of their owne writers) hath no more Priuiledge for warrantable resolutions then an other m•…•… (howsoeuer a new late starte vp of U•…•…ce endues him with * 1.518 a more then Super angellicall immunitie, that volens nole•…•…s errare non potest; though he would neuer so fame, HE CAN∣NOT ERRE.) In particular controuersies of Fact, there is no doubt but the Pope may erre: saith Bellar. yea, euen in points of Faith, saith Alphonsus in his last Edition, though corrected. Our Sauiour then concludes, If the blind leade the blinde, the danger of the Pit-fall is equall to them both.

81 This Controuersie therefore, whether of Fact, or Faith, rests not there: but least it might be thought that the Oath was ouerswaied by the Popes authority, without ground of learning; or was interdicted, either vpon pas∣sion (without deliberate iudgement,) or vppon ambi∣tious maintenance of the See Apostlolike (without weight of Argument); to strike that stroake deade, out-steps Cardinall Bellarmine, a ready armed Champi∣on in HIS behalfe, whose successor (perhaps) hee hopes to bee; and by a LETTER to the Arch-priest Black-welll (as by his Gantlet cast) he challengeth the Oath of Atheisme, and him of Apostacy for taking it. And now according to the Prouerb, Res redijt ad Triarios: for this is HE, in whome lyeth their maine strength and hope. For Baronius compares his bookes to Dauids tower & Armorie * 1.519

Et num vidistis virum hunc qui ascendit, said the dismaied * 1.520 Israelites at the sight of a tall Souldier? And is there any standing against such a Combatant? But in the meane time doth not the Cardinall take it in scorn or for a wrong that this Rotarius or Accensus miles (such the olde Romans ac∣counted minimae fiduciae viros, to haue little strength & lesse * 1.521 trust (such an One as Parsons, shold take vpon him to make good HIS challenge against the Apologer; which is as much as if TINCA the frapling Rhetorculist should vndertake * 1.522 the defence of Tully his Oratorie: and this he doth in the

Notes

• * 1.1

  Strabo Hero∣d•…•…t. Lactan. lib. 1.
• * 1.2

  Hos. 9. 11.
• * 1.3

  Virgil.
• * 1.4

  Osorius. Bizarus. Mercur. Gal∣lob. &c.
• * 1.5

  1. Reg 10.
• * 1.6

  Tully de Re∣pub. infrag.
• * 1.7

  Eccles. 10. 17.
• * 1.8

  Histor. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.9

  Lib. 13.
• * 1.10

  Nazianz.
• * 1.11

  Histor. Genues. lib. 3. Demosth. de Corona.
• * 1.12

  Ba•…•…. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in praesat. ad lect∣orem sol. pe. nult. a.
• * 1.13

  Numb. 23.
• * 1.14

  Quod lb. pag. 274.
• * 1.15

  Quod lib. pag. 236. 237.
• * 1.16

  Plaut. Pseudol manifestat. pa. 106. 6.
• * 1.17

  In a paper left by him in his study.
• * 1.18

  •…•…cris scrip•…•…s ad ep•…•…st. Ba•…•…hon.
• * 1.19

  •…•…icer pro Sex. R•…•…s.
• * 1.20

  2. Sam. 16 9
• * 1.21

  Honer.
• * 1.22

  Virgil.
• * 1.23

  Iames. 3. 6.
• * 1.24

  Apolog. pag. 16. 17. 18.
• * 1.25

  1. Reg. 20. 33
• * 1.26

  Apolog. •…•…a. 18. numb. 5.
• * 1.27

  Genes. 42. 15.
• * 1.28

  Epist. ad Rom. Oratorem.
• * 1.29

  Deut. 21. 12. De Doctrina Christiana.
• * 1.30

  Act. 27. 11.
• * 1.31

  2. Pet. 2. 4.
• * 1.32

  Homer. Il. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.33

  Act 17. 28.
• * 1.34

  In Phaenomen. Naz 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Origen contra Cels. lib. 1. Iliad. 5.
• * 1.35

  Calius, Rhod. lib. 25. & A∣lex ab. Alex. gen•…•…dier.
• * 1.36

  De Socr. Dae∣mon.
• * 1.37

  Festus & Ma c•…•…ob, in stat. lib. 1. cap. 3.
• * 1.38

  Lib. 9. cap. 10.
• * 1.39

  Aug. de Ciuit. Dei.
• * 1.40

  Luc. 16. 28.
• * 1.41

  Iude. vers. 10.
• * 1.42

  Quod li. p. 237
• * 1.43

  Psal. 5. 9.
• * 1.44

  Gen. 4 15.
• * 1.45

  Tit. 3. 11.
• * 1.46

  Apolog. lat. pa. 18.
• * 1.47

  Plutar.
• * 1.48

  Horat.
• * 1.49

  Third part of his 3. Con∣uers.
• * 1.50

  Page. 4.
• * 1.51

  Page 7.
• * 1.52

  Iustus Baron. Epist. sacr. li. 3. ep. 14.
• * 1.53

  Matth. 26.
• * 1.54

  Rom. 14. 4. Gal. 6. 5.
• * 1.55

  Matth. 6.
• * 1.56

  1, Reg, 21, 27.
• * 1.57

  1. Tim. 48.
• * 1.58

  S•…•…ne & Tall. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.59

  2. Sam. 21. 17
• * 1.60

  1. Sam. 15. 17.
• * 1.61

  Genebrard. a. •…•…3. 973.
• * 1.62

  Tur•…•…rem. li. 2. de Eccles. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 103. Fa, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.63

  Page. 27.
• * 1.64

  Luc. 16 26.
• * 1.65

  Chronol. lib. 4.
• * 1.66

  In his greene Coat. & Quod li. p. 165
• * 1.67

  Eccles, 9. 2
• * 1.68

  Exod, 8, 29.
• * 1.69

  De notis Eccl. No a. 15.
• * 1.70

  Psal. 244. 11.
• * 1.71

  Flamini. in Psal•…•…os.
• * 1.72

  In Psal. 144.
• * 1.73

  Luke. 11. 27.
• * 1.74

  In eum locum.
• * 1.75

  Psal. 37. & 73.
• * 1.76

  Psa 37. & 73.
• * 1.77

  Iob. 21. 14.
• * 1.78

  Psal. 73 9.
• * 1.79

  Plus. Theseus
• * 1.80

  Aug. de beata Vita.
• * 1.81

  Euripid.
• * 1.82

  Narcissus in Ouid. Me•…•…am.
• * 1.83

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.84

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.85

  In epist.
• * 1.86

  A•…•…iani Epict.
• * 1.87

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ius.
• * 1.88

  1. Reg 4. 31. Eccl. 4. & 5.
• * 1.89

  Rom. 7. 24. Vers. 18.
• * 1.90

  1. Cor. 4. 8.
• * 1.91

  Vers. 16.
• * 1.92

  Seneca. epist. l•…•…
• * 1.93

  Psal. 18.
• * 1.94

  Iob. 5. 26.
• * 1.95

  Dan. 4. 30.
• * 1.96

  Esa. 14. 8.
• * 1.97

  1. Cor 4. 5.
• * 1.98

  •…•…h. 8. 15.
• * 1.99

  •…•…stoph.
• * 1.100

  Quodlib. pag. 57.
• * 1.101

  O•…•…. 1.
• * 1.102

  Matth 20. 15.
• * 1.103

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.104

  Dist. 56.
• * 1.105

  Ezech. 16.
• * 1.106

  Heb. 11. 32. Iudg. 11. 1.
• * 1.107

  Matth. 1.
• * 1.108

  Grat. vbi su∣pra.
• * 1.109

  Vbi supra.
• * 1.110

  Euripid. Hip∣polit.
• * 1.111

  Plato ad Dion epis•…•…. Stat. anni. 25.
• * 1.112

  Stat. Anni. 35.
• * 1.113

  Math 4. 5.
• * 1.114

  Quodli. p. 109
• * 1.115

  Manifestat. pag. 90.
• * 1.116

  Deut. 23. 2.
• * 1.117

  Quodlib. p. 100
• * 1.118

  Iuuenal.
• * 1.119

  Wisd. 3. 16. &c.
• * 1.120

  Fa. Parsons. in the paper left by him in his Study when he was expel∣led.
• * 1.121

  Sa. 211.
• * 1.122

  Epist. 48.
• * 1.123

  Quodlib. pag 269. 277.
• * 1.124

  Preface to the first part of his triple Conuersion.
• * 1.125

  In eodē libello
• * 1.126

  Virgil.
• * 1.127

  Theodorus.
• * 1.128

  Bizar. Histor. Gene•…•…s. pa. •…•…68.
• * 1.129

  Salust. in I•…•…∣gurth.
• * 1.130

  Seneca. Oedip.
• * 1.131

  Mat. 20. 25.
• * 1.132

  Virgil.
• * 1.133

  1. Pet. 3. 6.
• * 1.134

  Seneca.
• * 1.135

  Histor. lib. 1.
• * 1.136

  Quodlib. lib. 1.
• * 1.137

  S•…•…ow.
• * 1.138

  See the Iesu∣ites Cate∣chisme for this.
• * 1.139

  Cardinal. Com. his let∣ters.
• * 1.140

  Vide Ca•…•…e. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Iesuit.
• * 1.141

  Exod. 2•…•… 28. Act. 23 5. C•…•…n. A•…•…ost. 74.
• * 1.142

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex A∣stoph Plin. N•…•…. Hist in prefat. Arist. in Rhe∣tor. In Antig•…•…ue.
• * 1.143

  Pag. 6. Num. 10. 11. 2. Sam. 3. 3 8.
• * 1.144

  Eccles. 10. 20.
• * 1.145

  Iohn. 8. 48.
• * 1.146

  1. Sam. 17. 42 43.
• * 1.147

  Di•…•…dorus Si∣c•…•…lus. lib. 3.
• * 1.148

  Lucian.
• * 1.149

  Gen. 3. 15.
• * 1.150

  Iud. 4. 21.
• * 1.151

  Iob. 16. 2.
• * 1.152

  Clem. Alex. in Protrept.
• * 1.153

  Rodi•…•…s in me∣ibedo.
• * 1.154

  Tertul. in A∣pol•…•…get.
• * 1.155

  Iob. 1.
• * 1.156

  2. Reg 4.
• * 1.157

  Numb 16.
• * 1.158

  E•…•…. 1 15.
• * 1.159

  Act. 8.
• * 1.160

  Quedlib. &c. Important consider.
• * 1.161

  Liuy.
• * 1.162

  Herodotus.
• * 1.163

  Manifestar. sol. 11. & 12.
• * 1.164

  Heb. 6. 4. 5. 6.
• * 1.165

  Matth 7. Rom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1.
• * 1.166

  Manifestar. pr•…•…ac. sol. 2. 3.
• * 1.167

  Heb. 6. 4 5.
• * 1.168

  Pag. 2.
• * 1.169

  Pro. 27. 21.
• * 1.170

  Math. 8.
• * 1.171

  Matth. 7.
• * 1.172

  Quodl. pa. 257
• * 1.173

  Suet. de Tito Vespas.
• * 1.174

  Zach. 3. 1.
• * 1.175

  De 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.176

  Psal. 18. 26.
• * 1.177

  Hos. 13. 9.
• * 1.178

  Vespas. in S•…•…t
• * 1.179

  Erasm. ex Di∣ogenia.
• * 1.180

  1. Reg. 13. 24.
• * 1.181

  •…•…useb. de vita Constant. lib. 4.
• * 1.182

  Eunapius.
• * 1.183

  Iob 33.
• * 1.184

  Cuspin. in vita ei•…•….
• * 1.185

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vita 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 74.
• * 1.186

  Plut. Solon.
• * 1.187

  Philomnest. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Athen.
• * 1.188

  Alexis. ibi. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 3.
• * 1.189

  Horace.
• * 1.190

  August. ap. S•…•…t. Thuan. lib. 3.
• * 1.191

  Aristoph. Plut.
• * 1.192

  Iudg. 9. 11.
• * 1.193

  Apud Aristop.
• * 1.194

  Infest. Clem.
• * 1.195

  Greg. Thau. mat.
• * 1.196

  Num. 17. 8.
• * 1.197

  Plut. Rom.
• * 1.198

  Dioscor. lib. 1.
• * 1.199

  Indulg. Rom. liber.
• * 1.200

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2•…•…. 2.
• * 1.201

  Athen. ex. A∣ristop.
• * 1.202

  Dion Coccei.
• * 1.203

  Iob 31. 36.
• * 1.204

  Amian. Mar∣cellin. lib. 14.
• * 1.205

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ec∣clesiae Angli∣canae.
• * 1.206

  Printed in Spaine in Quarto with a ballad.
• * 1.207

  1. Tim 4. 2.
• * 1.208

  Horat.
• * 1.209

  Psal. •…•…0. Iudg. 9. 36.
• * 1.210

  Apoe. 8. 11.
• * 1.211

  Gen. 38. 26.
• * 1.212

  A•…•…sop.
• * 1.213

  1. Sam. 15. 17. 2. Sam. 12. 7 8.
• * 1.214

  Es. 5. 4.
• * 1.215

  Luc. 17. 17.
• * 1.216

  De sui laude.
• * 1.217

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. pa. 55.
• * 1.218

  In Iob. 41. 25. Iude. verse. 6. Gen. 3.
• * 1.219

  Aquin. 22. q. 33. 5.
• * 1.220

  Deut. 22. 11. 1. Reg. 18. 21.
• * 1.221

  2. Cor. 6. 14.
• * 1.222

  Apoc. 2. 14. 15
• * 1.223

  2 Reg. 15. 3. 4 34. 35.
• * 1.224

  2. Reg. 17. 33.
• * 1.225

  Epiphan, lib. 1 de Samaris.
• * 1.226

  Liuy.
• * 1.227

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. prefat. ad lectorem. pa. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, pa. 1.
• * 1.228

  To the Earle of Northamp ton.
• * 1.229

  Pa. 6.
• * 1.230

  Presat pa. 11.
• * 1.231

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. p. 78, 79.
• * 1.232

  Prefat. pa. 4. &c.
• * 1.233

  1. Reg. 11.
• * 1.234

  Euseb. de vita Const. l•…•…b. 3. S•…•…crat. lib. 5. Cod lib. 1. •…•…it. 5 Tul. de legib. lib. 2.
• * 1.235

  Psal. 73. 6. 8.
• * 1.236

  Creswel in Philop. pa 198 Rannes in Thom. 22. Bellar lib. 5. de Rom. Pontifice
• * 1.237

  Qu•…•…lib. pa. 156.
• * 1.238

  Cardi. Farnes. Apud. Sl•…•…id. lib. 7.
• * 1.239

  Ios. 23. 11.
• * 1.240

  Deut. 25. 16.
• * 1.241

  Luc. 9. 53.
• * 1.242

  Decad. 1.
• * 1.243

  Psal 114.
• * 1.244

  Prompt Cath•…•… for 6. post. Pas sion. B•…•…din. lib. 3. ca 7. •…•…ol.
• * 1.245

  In Ephes. 4.
• * 1.246

  De •…•…icis. cap. 18. 19.
• * 1.247

  Quodli. pa: 151.
• * 1.248

  Cam•…•…rarius, ex Lewen•…•…. in Paudect. Tur•…•…c.
• * 1.249

  Plin. lib. 7. ca. 2.
• * 1.250

  Iudge 9. 15.
• * 1.251

  Fsa. 65. 5.
• * 1.252

  Acts & Momū in Hen. 5.
• * 1.253

  Sleidan. lib. 18.
• * 1.254

  1. Reg. 12.
• * 1.255

  Numb. 12. 3
• * 1.256

  Exod. 32. 27. 29. 1. Sam. 2.
• * 1.257

  Psal. 101.
• * 1.258

  Rom 4. 2. Reg. 21.
• * 1.259

  Preface. pa. 6 B•…•…. pa. 34.
• * 1.260

  1. Reg. 1. 40.
• * 1.261

  Greg. Mag.
• * 1.262

  Dolm. pa. 216
• * 1.263

  1. Cor. 13.
• * 1.264

  Ibid. Psal. 18.
• * 1.265

  Pro 26. 21.
• * 1.266

  Psal. 68.
• * 1.267

  Rom. 12.
• * 1.268

  Numb. 13. 29
• * 1.269

  Vers. 35.
• * 1.270

  Augustin.
• * 1.271

  Esa. 13.
• * 1.272

  Esa. 5. 3. Seneca de be∣nes. lib. 7. ca. 23
• * 1.273

  1. Sam. 24. 10. &c.
• * 1.274

  Vers. 17. 18.
• * 1.275

  Seneca vbi. su∣pra.
• * 1.276

  Comes No▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ad Garnet. Agg. 1. 6.
• * 1.277

  Arrian. Epict. lib. 4.
• * 1.278

  Magn•…•… cum a∣nim•…•… maeiore &c. Breue. 1.
• * 1.279

  Luc. 15.
• * 1.280

  Bern. in Cā•…•…ic.
• * 1.281

  Comes North∣am. orat. ad Garnet.
• * 1.282

  Comes Salisb. orat. ad Digby.
• * 1.283

  Comes North∣ampt. vbi supra
• * 1.284

  Iac. 3.
• * 1.285

  Senec de Clem. li. 1.
• * 1.286

  Horace.
• * 1.287

  Plut. de discer. adulat.
• * 1.288

  Seneca.
• * 1.289

  Ama•…•…us I•…•…it. in Dioscor.
• * 1.290

  Gregor. N•…•…ss. in Ecclesiast.
• * 1.291

  Philo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.292

  Terent.
• * 1.293

  Clem. Alexan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 10.
• * 1.294

  Senec. Tacitus Psal. 78. 34.
• * 1.295

  Psal. 109. 4. 5.
• * 1.296

  August. in eum locum.
• * 1.297

  Cuspinian. in berengar.
• * 1.298

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. pa. 32.
• * 1.299

  Mich. 6. 3.
• * 1.300

  August. contra. Crescon. lib. 10.
• * 1.301

  2. Cor. 2. 16.
• * 1.302

  1. Cor. 1.
• * 1.303

  Terent. Gal. 4.
• * 1.304

  Numb. 24.
• * 1.305

  Plut. de disce∣•…•…i. adulat.
• * 1.306

  Histor. Belg. l. 8
• * 1.307

  Iosh. 7.
• * 1.308

  Numb. 16.
• * 1.309

  Seneca.
• * 1.310

  Epist. 16•…•….
• * 1.311

  1. Sam. 14. 27. &c.
• * 1.312

  Vbisupra.
• * 1.313

  Quodli. pa. 84.
• * 1.314

  Verse 8.
• * 1.315

  Iac. 1. 26.
• * 1.316

  2. Sam. 16. 9.
• * 1.317

  1. Tim. 1. 12.
• * 1.318

  Plutar.
• * 1.319

  2. Reg. 9, 22.
• * 1.320

  Vide Codicem
• * 1.321

  Ep. lib. 5. orat. contra, Auxen.
• * 1.322

  Quodlib. pa. 164.
• * 1.323

  Ioh. 3. 20.
• * 1.324

  Quodlib. pa. 224.
• * 1.325

  Ca. 17. 5. quis
• * 1.326

  Sleid. lib. 11.
• * 1.327

  Math. 22.
• * 1.328

  Rom. 7.
• * 1.329

  Gen. 2. 17. & 3. 3.
• * 1.330

  1. Reg. 2 9.
• * 1.331

  Verse 36.
• * 1.332

  Verse 40.
• * 1.333

  Lib. 5. cap. 2. de fignis.
• * 1.334

  Exod. 1. 19.
• * 1.335

  Vide B•…•…zium.
• * 1.336

  2. Reg. 6. 17.
• * 1.337

  Bozius, vbi su•…•…ra.
• * 1.338

  Plat. Thes.
• * 1.339

  De leg lib. 9.
• * 1.340

  Valer. Max. lib. 9. Dion li. 52.
• * 1.341

  Cicer. Ca•…•…il. 4.
• * 1.342

  Numb. 16. 30.
• * 1.343

  Aquin. 22. q. 39. art 2. E•…•… 4. 15.
• * 1.344

  Confess at large, page 134. 143.
• * 1.345

  Aquin. vbi supra.
• * 1.346

  Seneca.
• * 1.347

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1.
• * 1.348

  Act. 23. 17. Act. 25. 10.
• * 1.349

  2. Tim. 4. 17.
• * 1.350

  Seneca.
• * 1.351

  Quodli. p. 129.
• * 1.352

  Ioh. 21. 22.
• * 1.353

  Ioh. 8. 42.
• * 1.354

  Apoc•…•… 14.
• * 1.355

  Apoc, 8. 10. 11
• * 1.356

  Sueton. Iul.
• * 1.357

  Mat. 22. & 17.
• * 1.358

  Confes. at large page 65.
• * 1.359

  Plin. lib. 8. ca. 85.
• * 1.360

  De Oratore.
• * 1.361

  Plut. de pro∣sectu.
• * 1.362

  Cic. pro. Cluent
• * 1.363

  De finib. lib. 1
• * 1.364

  Pa. 34.
• * 1.365

  Vide Basil. & Socrat. li. 3. ca. 15. grae.
• * 1.366

  1 Cor. 14. 36.
• * 1.367

  1. Reg. 22. 24.
• * 1.368

  Math. 8. •…•…9.
• * 1.369

  Ioh. 2. 4.
• * 1.370

  Math 4. &. Psal 91.
• * 1.371

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.372

  Letter to the Catholikes.
• * 1.373

  Macrobius de Le•…•…ulo. Sat. 2.
• * 1.374

  Ioh. 12. 29.
• * 1.375

  Gen. 3.
• * 1.376

  Aug. in Psal. 33.
• * 1.377

  1. Tim 1. 9.
• * 1.378

  Sir Tho. More consol•…•…n Tri∣bulat.
• * 1.379

  Iac. 1. 26.
• * 1.380

  1. Tim. 6. 20.
• * 1.381

  Iosh. 1. 17.
• * 1.382

  Exod. 5. 1.
• * 1.383

  Verse 3. Ezr. 1. 2.
• * 1.384

  Dan. 3. 12.
• * 1.385

  Dan. 1.
• * 1.386

  Tob. 1.
• * 1.387

  1. Mac. 1.
• * 1.388

  Exod. 5. 1.
• * 1.389

  Ioh. 16. 2.
• * 1.390

  2. Sam 6. 2. Par 26. Leuit. 11. Deut. 14.
• * 1.391

  Dan. 5. 1. Dan. 1. 8.
• * 1.392

  Vers, 13.
• * 1.393

  Matth. 8. 22.
• * 1.394

  Tob. 21,
• * 1.395

  1. Macab 1. 65. &c.
• * 1.396

  Lorinus in act. ca. 5. 19
• * 1.397

  Plat. Thea•…•….
• * 1.398

  Luc. 4. 6.
• * 1.399

  Var. Histor.
• * 1.400

  In Psal. 1•…•…4.
• * 1.401

  Ap•…•…o. 2. ad Imper.
• * 1.402

  Philopator.
• * 1.403

  Iosh. 9.
• * 1.404

  Molina tract. 2. de Institut. disr. 29. Simanch. lib. 23. sect. 11. Institut.
• * 1.405

  •…•…S a•…•…ul. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3.
• * 1.406

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. A•…•…xent. •…•…p. li•…•…. 5.
• * 1.407

  Epist. 61. li. 2. Indict 11.
• * 1.408

  •…•…i. l.
• * 1.409

  Ieronym. in Mar. 3. 17. In Psal.
• * 1.410

  Vbi supra.
• * 1.411

  Ibid.
• * 1.412

  Horac.
• * 1.413

  Ethic. 1.
• * 1.414

  Vide Ambros. Epist. li. 5. &c Sig•…•…nium de Occident. Im∣perio lib. 8. an. 383.
• * 1.415

  Act. 2. 13.
• * 1.416

  Mar. 6. 5. Mat. 7.
• * 1.417

  1. Cor. 14. 32.
• * 1.418

  Occam. in Di∣alog.
• * 1.419

  1. Iohn 4. 1.
• * 1.420

  Aquin. 22. q. 60. & 61.
• * 1.421

  Arist. Ethic. l. 9
• * 1.422

  1. Ch•…•…o. 29. 14
• * 1.423

  1. Sam. 2.
• * 1.424

  Vide •…•…t supra.
• * 1.425

  Epist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5. 33.
• * 1.426

  Luc. 4. 18. 20.
• * 1.427

  E•…•…ist. 61. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 11.
• * 1.428

  Ep•…•…st. 64 lib. 2.
• * 1.429

  Epist. 11. lib. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 1.
• * 1.430

  Bellar. de Pon∣tis. Rom. lib 2. ca. 28.
• * 1.431

  Num. 49.
• * 1.432

  Ierem. 35.
• * 1.433

  Tom. 3. C•…•…l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 4•…•…1 &c.
• * 1.434

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.435

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 C•…•…cil. ca▪ •…•…3.
• * 1.436

  Ante. Catechis.
• * 1.437

  Chron. l. 4.
• * 1.438

  Tom. 2. Con. pa. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.439

  Matth. 17. Luc. 9.
• * 1.440

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 concil l•…•…. c•…•…. 13. §. Ha∣bemus Concil. Latera∣ne. sub Ha•…•…ri∣an. Funcci. Com. li. 4 Geneb. lib. 3. dist. •…•…3. Adrian. Papa Romanus,
• * 1.441

  Tom. 1. Concil. pa. 5•…•…4. &c. per 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Gratian. Valentinian. Theodosius.
• * 1.442

  Chron. lib. 4. Anno 813.
• * 1.443

  Praesat. ad Con∣sil.
• * 1.444

  Nomb. 50.
• * 1.445

  Vbi supra.
• * 1.446

  Tom. 2. Concil. per Binium. p. 921.
• * 1.447

  Pl•…•…. Thes.
• * 1.448

  Metaphys. 1.
• * 1.449

  Ioh. 18, 36. Matth. 21. 21.
• * 1.450

  Relect. d•…•…ct. prine. cont. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4.
• * 1.451

  Art. •…•…7 co•…•…a. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.452

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. q. 1. art. 10. conclus.
• * 1.453

  •…•…or Institut. pa. 2. lib. 4. cap. 10.
• * 1.454

  Tom. 2. disp. 3. art. 2. sect. 6. qu. 27.
• * 1.455

  tom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Concil. pa. 950.
• * 1.456

  C. fundamenta de Elect •…•…n 60.
• * 1.457

  •…•…om. 4. Concil. pa. •…•…22. &c.
• * 1.458

  Decius & Can li. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. Reg. 3.
• * 1.459

  1. Sam, 19, 13,
• * 1.460

  Athen. dipnos. lib. 12.
• * 1.461

  Th•…•…m. •…•…qu. vbi •…•…upra.
• * 1.462

  E•…•…l. ad Ca∣tholic. •…•…glic.
• * 1.463

  Suarez. •…•…bi supra.
• * 1.464

  Act. 25. •…•…7.
• * 1.465

  Seneca.
• * 1.466

  Gen. 18.
• * 1.467

  Exhort. ad Martyres.
• * 1.468

  Azor. In•…•…itut pag. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 10. c. 4.
• * 1.469

  Iere 36. 23. 1. Maccab. 1. 59. 60. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 8. •…•…p. 2 •…•…nob. lib. 4. 4.
• * 1.470

  Socrat. lib 3. cap. 12 grae.
• * 1.471

  1. Pet. 2. 13. Tit. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.472

  22. q. 105. art. 6. ad. 3.
• * 1.473

  Prou. 6. 27.
• * 1.474

  Sixt. Quint. Panegyr. Card•…•…m. ad Parri•…•….
• * 1.475

  Bulla P•…•…j 5.
• * 1.476

  Contra. Crescon lib. 3. cap. 27. Lib. 3▪ contra. Gentes. Sixt. Scnens. li. 2.
• * 1.477

  Vbi supra, & de •…•…apt. lib. 7. cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.478

  Ad •…•…rsus Gent lib. 3.
• * 1.479

  Exod. 1 16.
• * 1.480

  Tortus pag. 46 li. 5.
• * 1.481

  Pag. 45. li. 24
• * 1.482

  Tortus, pag. 46. li. 20.
• * 1.483

  Mar 14. 56.
• * 1.484

  Iosu. 9. 12, 13.
• * 1.485

  Plut de dysop. Luc. 16.
• * 1.486

  Apul. Florid. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.487

  Vide Plut. & Gell•…•…um.
• * 1.488

  Iac. 3. 12
• * 1.489

  Psal. 3. Pro. 8. Luc. 12. 13.
• * 1.490

  Franc. Victori. relect. 1. de po∣test. Eccles. §. Ex •…•…us.
• * 1.491

  Matth. 11.
• * 1.492

  Dion, lib. 52.
• * 1.493

  1. Sam. 25. 10.
• * 1.494

  2. Sam. •…•…6. 3.
• * 1.495

  Ibid.
• * 1.496

  L. of Balmeri∣noth.
• * 1.497

  Onuphr 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ Six. Quinti.
• * 1.498

  Es. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 12.
• * 1.499

  Iohn 9. 31.
• * 1.500

  Gen. 4. Psal. 109 7, Eccle. 35. 17.
• * 1.501

  Iac. 4. 3.
• * 1.502

  Aug. in Psal.
• * 1.503

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Psal. 4•…•….
• * 1.504

  Que. li•…•…. p. •…•…36.
• * 1.505

  Gene. 18. 21.
• * 1.506

  Mar. 7. 11.
• * 1.507

  Matth. 27. 5.
• * 1.508

  Iob. 6. 6.
• * 1.509

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Polit. l•…•…. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 1. quin. •…•…2. q 47
• * 1.510

  Ibid.
• * 1.511

  1. Reg. 12.
• * 1.512

  Liu. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.513

  Liu. lib. 22.
• * 1.514

  Iohn 19. •…•…2.
• * 1.515

  Ouid.
• * 1.516

  Esa. 36. 6.
• * 1.517

  Eccles. 8. 2.
• * 1.518

  Benedictus à Benedict•…•… prae sal. ad Anti∣thes. Sape. et Co•…•…ar. to. 1 pag. 184. Aduersus haeres. lib. 1. ca. 4. Mat. 15. 14.
• * 1.519

  Cant. 4.
• * 1.520

  1. Sam, 17. 25.
• * 1.521

  Liu. lib. 8.
• * 1.522

  Tul. de cla•…•…is Orator.