An answer to a Catholike English-man (so by himselfe entitvled) who, without a name, passed his censure vpon the apology made by the Right High and Mightie Prince Iames by the grace of God King of Great Brittaine, France, and Ireland &c. for the oath of allegiance : which censvre is heere examined and refvted / by the Bishop of Lincoln.

NVMB. 1.

THere is no END of making many books (saith the Preacher in the end of his * 1.1 booke) especially if they be bookes of Encounter: Whereof there is no End, either for Cessation, because reuengefull spirits, fostered with ran∣cor, are euer restlesse; which made * 1.2 the Philosopher to say, that Braules were easily begun, not so soone taken vp: nor End, for Profit; So Nazianzene expounds that speech of Salomon, because * 1.3 the parties interessed (which the Orator obserued) either through selfe-loue, or pertinacie, will not bee drawne from what they haue published, by any arguments of the aduerse side, though many and forcible: and the indifferent Reader finding in such writings more partiall bitternesse then sound * 1.4 dealing, looseth his time, which is pretious in it selfe, and might in more profitable studies bee imploied: whereof * 1.5 came the Heathens prouerbiall sentence, that a great Booke was a great Mischiefe.

2 All which, the Criticall Censurer of the Triplex Cu∣neus (if we be not deceiued in the Author) acknowledgeth * 1.6 elsewhere, and preferreth a reposed life, before such contenti∣ous iangling: which if he did truely affect, not in pretence, he might well haue left the blunting or dislodging of the tripled wedge, either to him that weares the tripled Crowne, or to him, who vnder his Red-Cap breathes after it: for

this busines concerned them both, the Pope for his Breues, the Cardinall for his Letter: this Censuring Epistler it tou∣ched no whit.

3 Whom to answer, might bee thought both endlesse and needlesse: needlesse, for his Letters being onely a fardle of conceits, either sleight and vnsound, or malicious and vntrue, they carie their answer with them, and, as the Pro∣phet speaketh in an other case, Agnitio vultus earum respon∣det eis: They beare there owne confutation in their fore∣heads. * 1.7 Endlesse, for an itching arme desires still to bee scrub'd, and an Eele delights not more in troubled waters, then hee, whose onely glory is in scornefull Inuectiues, reioiceth to haue occasion giuen for his busie pen.

4. Yet sithence his Censure vnanswered might infect others, and giue him occasion to triumph in his owne va∣nitie: and peraduenture some partially affected might ima∣gine, that not contempt of his reasonlesse railing, but lacke of good grounds for reply had inforced a silence; I haue harkned to King Salomon his affirmatiue aduise, and for suting an answer in some measure proportionably, haue * 1.8 taken no other then his owne vnmethodicall Method, both for his trebled Paragraph, and his multiplied Numbers, which is more sincere dealing then hee affoordeth the Apo∣pologie; for what he could wrest or cauell at, that wee finde answered: that which apposeth him, hee passed in si∣lence, and wee take it granted as truth: (for silence im∣plieth, if not consent, yet no deniall.) Not that I meane * 1.9 verbatim to answer euery Number, that were to grace a Pamphlet with a Volume: but directed by his owne Index, to take the summe and substance (such as it is) of so many Sect•…•…ons, as serue to the proofe of each chiefe point, as hee entitles them.

5 For example.

Paragraph. 1. Numb. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Wherein, first, as if hee were in a troubled poole, hee

casteth out his angle to fetch out an Author; and lest either his bait or skill should seeme to faile him (as Antho∣ny deale with Cleopatra at his fishing in Egipt) he fasteneth to his Hooke one out of his owne store, namely: * 1.10

Another T. M. (forsooth) an inferiour Minister neere his Maiesty, to whom hee might shew the Booke, and so pub∣lish it with his Maiesties authoritie, print and Armes; marry his Maiestie is so farre from being the author therof, as that (in this Criticks perswasion) he did not so much as read all the Contents aduisedly; many passages therein beeing con∣trarie to the Kings iudgement & Honour. Numb. 2. Name∣ly for iudgement, first altering the Question twice or thrice. Secondly charging Bellarmine (so great a man) with eleuen Contradictions, not one of them so to bee prooued, as not onely learned but unlearned will find. Numb. 3. As in that con∣cerning Iustification and Antichrist particularly. Num 4. 5. but especially, both in that generall assertiue note, that Bel∣larmine, beeing driuen to a pinch, careth not to contradict himselfe for a present auoidāce; as also in that stinging cōclu∣sion, that Heauen & Hell doe not more differ, then Gods Bookes and Bellarmines workes doe, concerning the digni∣tie of Temporall Princes. Numb. 7 Secondly, for honour; there being such Phrases of contempt against the Pope, and a∣gainst the great Cardinall also, calling him Master Bellar∣mine, which his Maiestie would, in Law of Honour, surely condemne.

Numb. 6.

6 To treade his steps, wee might also dally with the Reader to retriue an Author, and inquire (as he doth) pro & cotra, who this English Exile, this Epistling Censurer should be? whether R. P. or N. D. or F. P. or P. R. or Dole∣man, that is, vnder all these Ciphers, Parsons the Iesuite? whom his owne brother entituleth a Raunging-voluntary * 1.11 Runagate, not in Exile by authoritie; whome his owne Priests do stile an Hispanized Camelion, the Brat of an Incu∣bus, filius terrae, no true Englishman, either in heart or by birth.

7 That HE should not bee the man, these rea•…•…ons are probable; First, it much greeueth HIM yea, HE accounts it a violence offered him to interrupt the course of his peaceable * 1.12 Priestly labours, by entring into a warre of writing: therefore for HIM, like an other G•…•…liah, (Pigmae as he is) to enter this combat, not prouoked there vnto, and vpon such disaduan∣tage, cannot sort with HIS retired profession.

Secondly, that HE, a man of no inferiour talent (so he pub lisheth of himselfe) an Author of no meane labours, should, like an other Ahimaas, needes thrust himselfe to carrie a * 1.13 Message, hauing neither leaue nor errand; that is, should write so shallow a Pamphlet, whereout, rid those offalls of Sophistry, Railings, and some addle Discourses; of the remnant ye may truely say, as Ahimaaz of his owne message, Vidi tu multum, sed nesc•…•… al•…•…ud, is scarcely coniecturall. * 1.14

Thirdly, if Parsons were euer famous for any good thing, he woon himselfe credit by the booke of Resolution, though not inuented (as the Priests say) but borrowed peece-meale from others; translated only, and methodized by him: which * 1.15 when a man reades, he will take the Compiler or translator to be that very Crucifix of Mortification described by Saint * 1.16 Paul, The world crusified vnto him, and he vnto the world: now that HE should fall into such passionate prophane, and Barba∣rously-distempered * 1.17 reuiling of a Christian Princesse, the mirror of the world while she liued, some yeares dead, and laid vp in rest with her Fathers; as if the very mention of HER Sa∣cred Name, were an Eleborous purge to make him disgorge the gall of his bitternesse, and the venemous rancor of his cankred heart, by his Rabshakeis pen; no man that professeth the name of Christ, can beleeue it to bee the labour of one that is ingralted into Christ: For they that are Christs, haue * 1.18 crucified the flesh with the passions and lusts; sauing that one of his owne Priestly Coat assureth vs, that, for all this Resol∣ued or Resoluing Diuinity, he hath not as yet fully cast off the * 1.19 outward man.

8 And yet that he should be the Author, besides the ge∣rall

report, and certaine intelligence, First, his straining at the elder T. M. as he cals him, is euid•…•…nce sufficient; whose Discouery of Romish Doctrine, and Practises for hainous Re∣bellion; as also his full Satisfaction for Heathenish Aequiuoca∣tion * 1.20 (which Parsons vnder the dumbe Characters of P. R. vndertakes to patronize by a Mitigation) like Pope Adrians Flie, will not leaue troubling the Iesuites throat till hee hath forced out his gall, heart and all. Secondly, the so cunning∣lie concealing his knowledge of the Apologies true Author, wherein hee sheweth himselfe to bee right Doleman, not as himselfe deriues the name of Dolor, virdolorum, as a man of * 1.21 griefe, repleat wi•…•…h sorrowes, (blasphemously applying the title of our Sauiour Christ vnto himselfe, and quotes the place of Scripture in the margin for it) but of Dolus, vir do∣lorum, * 1.22 being, as his owne Priests tearme him, the Abstract quintessence of all coynes, coggeries, and forgeries; that lies, dissembles, and equiuocates at euery word. * 1.23

9 For is it probable that Parsons, who makes himselfe another Elizeus, takes vpon him to knowe what is done * 1.24 and spoken in the Kings Priuy Chamber, (as it seemes by that he writs page 37. concerning T. M. the younger) that HE, the great Intelligencer among States, who weekely spends fiue or sixe Crownes for postage of letters onely (as the Priests of his owne ranke report) should bee ignorant that our Soueraigne King himselfe was Author of the Apologie, * 1.25 it being not onely in euery mans mouth stiled by the name of the Kings Booke, but the warrant in the frontispice (which this Confuter obserueth) Autoritate Regiâ, •…•…owing, though not proclaming it to the world, that it was his Maiesties doing? (for you shall not finde, to my remembrance, a booke of an English man extant, in those wordes warran∣ted, but the King himselfe hath a hand in it) which the Ie∣suite knew well enough, as vnder those Ciphers of T. M. he implies; for by them, if he will speake without Aequi∣uocation, hee meant TVA or TANTA MAIESTAS: but being guiltie to himselfe that hee cannot write with

modestie, he faines an aduersary to himselfe, through whose sides he might lash his Sacred Matestie with le•…•…e enuie, and more libertie; as Aiax the whipper in the Tragedie, wrea∣king his teene vpon a Ram for Vlysses; hee madly; this Ie∣suite * 1.26 purposely.

10 This quarell of the Oath which receiued life by his Maiesties Royall assent, and whose safetie it principally con∣cernes to be secured, by all meanes, of his Subiectes loyaltie, among whom a great many by those Breues and Letters (as the Israelites by the detracting message of the Esp•…•…ls) staggered and mut•…•…ered, it behoued his Maiestie to •…•…pouse * 1.27 and vndertake. But to front the Apologie with his owne Name, being a King of so Royall Discent and Blood, had beene a displaied disparagement of so great a Maiestie, the aduerse parties (with whom hee was to cope) beeing no other but Burghesie and Bellarmine, men of no eminent birth, except as Sixtus Quintus, another manner of Pope then the first of these that is, or the second that would bee, * 1.28 they would plead themselues Ortos ex illustrious Familia, and (as he) to come out of an illustrious and resplendent familie, because the Cottage wherein hee was borne was so poore and ragged that the house was gloriously bright by the Sunnes and Moones shine through the walles and roofe thereof day and night.

11. Nor yet concealed he his Name as ashamed of the Worke, for it is his most Kingly Resolution, not to harbour the secretest thoughs (they are his owne words) but such as in * 1.29 the owne time he will confidently and openly auouch; examining euer so the secretest of his drifts before hee gaue them course, as how they might some day abide the touch stone of a publike triall: Much lesse for feare of any defaults by gaine-saiers, to be detected therein, especially if no other or greater then this scribling Linceus hath alight vpon.

12. For to omit till their due place, whereunto hee re∣ferreth vs, page 3. the

Challenges of the Kings iudgement in matter of altering the state in question; of Bellarmines

contradictions; and his abasing Royall dignitie:

that one maine blarre of inciuilitie, wherewith hee doth heere be∣sme•…•…re his Maiestie (as appeaching the Kings honour, Numb. 6. for a great

contempt offered by his Maiestie, in calling the Cardinall Master Bellarmine) must first bee wi∣ped out.

Wherein humbly crauing pardon of his Maiestie for doing him this wrong, Compare wee the Persons; the Vn∣ciuill Stile-giuer, a King, a Name and dignitie founded by God himselfe, and fastened by him vpon Abrahams seede as * 1.30 the chiefest part of his blessing; and which is more, the * 1.31 KING OF GREAT BRITAINE, one of the most abso∣lute MONARKES of Christendome: the great partie so sti∣led, a Cardinall. Search the Scriptures; there appeares no shadow of such an Office, vnlesse as Sowters their leather * 1.32 with their teeth (it is the comparison of one of their owne in this very case) so they will stretch the Scriptures, (namely * 1.33 that place, Domini sunt Cardines terrae) to serue this their purpose. Peruse all the Fathers (I speake not of Gregorie and Bernard) say if you finde it once named, as now ca•…•…ed, * 1.34 vnlesse with Onuphrius you will fetch it from Cyprian, be∣cause he writes of the CARDINALL workes of Christ; and yet that is not Cyprians booke: reckon all the Ecclesi∣asticall degrees, greater, lesser, higher, lower, which the anci∣ent Councels record, in that row you finde them not:—Sicnou•…•…s imponunt nomina rebus: a dignitie denominated either of the Carpenters Mortizes, out of Vitrunius, as being Incardinated (it is Gregories word) that is Mortized or riuited * 1.35 to a Church, as a hinge to a dore; or of the foure windes out of Seruius vpon Virgil, as bearing the principall sway where hee hath the title.

13 Now for the King, so great a King, to call such an Vpstart Officer, that knows not where to rake for the begin∣ning of his sublimity (as Polydor confesseth) to call HIM * 1.36

(I say) Master, is as vnmannerly an ouersight,

saith this CARDINALL WOVLD-BEE (the Priests say he went to Rome for it, and had Scarlet brought him) and

no * 1.37

lesse dissonant, then if a man should call the chiefe Officers of Estate by that name, as Master Chancellor, Master Trea∣surer, Master Duke, Master Earle. &c.

14 Such a dignitie it may be, that Master prefixed be∣fore it, may proue a diminishing Tearme; but if put to the Sirname of any man, i•…•… is an addition of Worship. Did his Maiestie call him Master Cardinall? then had those instan∣ces some semblances of fit application. No, but hee called him Master Bellarmine. And is the stiling him Master Bel∣larmine, such a Scandalum magnatum? In which of the words rests it? in Bellarmine? This Censurer within the compasse of * 1.38 one leafe, doth thrise Bellarmine him barely, without all pre∣face either of Honour or Worship. Belike familiaruie may doe more then Souereignty; and a Iesuite with his Superiour Iesu∣ite, may be more bold then a King.

15 Is it in Master? Better men, both for honour and vertue then the Cardinall euer will bee, haue not refused that title in any age or language. Take the Hebrew Rab∣bi, it was giuen our Sauiour Christ by those that wished him neither Contempt nor disgrace, as by Nicodemus a Ruler of the Iewes (and therefore knew what belonged to man∣ners) who was no bad friend to our blessed Sauiour, as ap∣peareth Iohn. 7. and hee So saluted him; as also by the holy conuert Mary Magdalen, who called him Rabboni, that is to * 1.39 say) saith the Euangelist) Master. Briefly, by all his Dis∣ciples, which our Sauiour acknowledgeth and approueth, * 1.40 Yee call me Lord and Master, ye say well, for so I am. Take the Greeke; whether 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, how could this Greate * 1.41 Man be fitted better then with the first, were hee among the Cardinalls, as Saul among the Israelites more eminent then the rest? or with the second, were hee the principall of the Conclaue; or with the third, as he is the great Reader of Controuersies? for these all import nothing but Master: & in * 1.42 Latin when S. Cyprian would grace Tertullian most, hee would call for him in that title Da Magistrum; and Peter Lombard hath the name Master giuen vnto him aboue

all their Schoole Doctors, as an Antonomasticall eminence of note and stile.

15 And therefore, seeing neither God himselfe, nor Gods Liuetenants on earth, whether Emperours or Kings (from whom all true titles of honour are deriued) haue giuen this name or dignitie, but a Pope onely inuented it, without sound warrant; what reason had his Maiestie to take such respectfull knowledge thereof? Of which, euen a Bishop did make so meane account, that hee refused then to be created a Cardinall, because (hee said) hee would not descend from a higher to a lower place. For the true first institution of Cardinals was but to be Vicar; of the particu∣lar Parish-churches of Rome, vnder the Bishop thereof; how∣soeuer now, by the iniquitie of time, the pride of Popes, and the sloth of Christian Princes, they are start vp from Parish-Priest's to be Princes Peeres, taking it in scorne to be called Master's, euen by Princes. And yet, if his Maiestie had ei∣ther continually thorow the Booke, or at least at his first naming of him, called him Master, it had beene some thing, but since he is so farre from being ceremonious in giuing of Titles vnto him, as sometimes hee calleth him Bellarmine, sometimes Cardinall, sometimes Cardinall Bellarmine, and seldomest Master Bellarmine of any of them, heereby may the groundles and malitious quarrel of this shallow wrang∣ler most cleerely appeare.

16 But why is it not as lawfull for so Mighty a King to call the Cardinall Master Bellarmine, as for euery Po∣pish Scribler (euen this fugitiue Tenebrio, Parsons himselfe) hauing occasion to name our Arch-Bishops and Bishops (dignities meerely Apostolicall, and therefore more hono∣rable) neuer to stile them otherwise but Master Cranmer, and Master Whitguift, Master Ridley, and Master Iewell? Yea, wee must bee beholden vnto them, if they bee pleased to affoord them a title so mannerly and ciuill. But enough of this; the truth and conclusion whereof is, if this MA∣STER (forsooth) of Ceremonies had the grace to leaue

Aequiuocating, his secret intendement and drift is (what * 1.43 some Canonists haue openly auowed) that Cardinals are Kings Compeeres and Equals, and therefore that the King should haue spoken of the Cardinall as of a King. Meane while is it not a saucie part of Robin Cowbucke (for that is his right name, by the wrong man that knewe his mother * 1.44 (as the Priests say) to twit a King with inciuilitie, and (Su•…•… Mineruam) to teach his Maiestie Ceremonies of ciuill re∣spect?

17 We now come to his Censure (such as it is) of the Apologies substance; the reducing whereof into an order∣lie Analysis for answer (of which he made no conscience at all in his Pamphlet) will trouble a man more then the an∣swering it selfe. The Preamble to the Breues, concerning the nature of the Oath, the Contents thereof, with the Popes proceeding therein; the Examination of Bellarmines Letter to the Arch priest is the Diuision he makes of the Apologie, Num. 8. (or rather was made to his hand, for he shewes not so much Logicke in his whole Censure.)

Paragraph 1. Numb. 9 10. 11.

18 The Preamble is a Colloquintida vnto him, not so much in respect of the Epithetes giuen to the POWDER-TREASON, of monstrous, rare, nay neuer heard of treachrous, famous and infamous attempt; it descrues them, saith hee: but first, that it should be SINGVLAR FROM ALL EXAMPLES, there hauing beene the like done by Protestants (though not in specie, yet in indiuiduo) as at Autwrep, the Hage, & in Scotland. Secondly, that it should be Crambe his posita so often repeated, the parties being executed. Thirdly, that the Kings promise and Proclamation being, that other Ca∣tholikes * 1.45 shall not fare the worse for it; yet * the innocent for the nocent are punished, at least oppressed, as by Libels, In∣uectiues, and by searching of houses; with other outward af∣fictions: so aboue all, whith this NEW DEVISED OATH,

for their inward pressure of Soule and Conscience. This is Mors in Olla, and makes him dilate his Stile into dolefully Rhetoricall expostulations.

19 The Epithetes please them well now, which aggra∣uate the detestation of the fact; but had there not beene (as * 1.46 Liuie speaketh in a Case of treachery) error insidiatoris, their applause had beene greater in the attestation thereof; Such actions are not commended but when they are finished: So Hall (alias Old cor•…•…) the Iesuit said of this Plot when it was disco∣red. The murther of a King alone, pleased a Pope so well, that he made a solemne Panegyricke in praise of the Mur∣therer; and we make no doubt, but if the Parliament House had burned, that the Iesuites (who were the principall priuy Counsellors in that bu•…•…nes) would with Nero haue beene * 1.47 pleasant Spect•…•…ors thereof, as at a Feu-de-ioy, and haue sung to their instruments the Destruction of Troy in that combus∣ture of the Senate, and graced it with no lesse Epithetes then Sixtus the Pope did the murther of Henrie the third to bee Rarum, insigne, memorabile Facinus.

20 But were the attempt so odious and lothsome, as this tender-stomacks Censurer maketh it, wherefore is the Co∣riphaus of that Complot (Garnet I meane) turned to a Mira∣cle and his Face made to aequiuoate after his death? one rot∣ting vpon the Bridge for his horrible Treason, the other shi∣ning in a straw for his Ghostly puritie? and why in Spaine is his Picture drawn with two ropes about his necke, & his bowels (like an other Iudas) trilling down his body, with the inscrip∣tion of a Martyr for the Catholike cause? yea, by this Censu∣rer his fellow-Traytor himselfe so entituled and maintained? * 1.48 but that their meaning is to en-ammell, with a glorious pre∣tence of Sacramentall Confession, the Counselling, supporting and Concealing an HIDEOVS TREASON.

21 Which, howsoeuer this Censurer straines at it, is, both in Specie & indiuiduo SINGVLARFROM ALL EXAMPLES, and not to be Paralel'd with any one out of ancient or moderne Historian or Poet, either in

Fact or Fiction; as if of purpose their meaning were to doe an Act which should put the Holy Ghost to Schoole, and con∣sure his Maxim penned by Salomon, that Nihil nouum sub sole. For weighing all circumstances, of conspiracie, parties, * 1.49 obiects, instruments, crueltie, pretence in this Prodigious at∣tempt; it deserueth to be graced with that Motto of singu∣laritie from all other, Ecce hoc recens est: vnlesse they will account all murthers in hostile armes, or priuate fewde, done * 1.50 by Gun-powder, to be matches aquiualent.

22 And it seemes this Censurer doth; else would hee not mention those of Antwerpe, Hage and Scotland; the first in open Hostilitie, what time all actions for discomfi∣ture are lawfull, either by sleight or Force: the other a plot of one single man, and in reuenge vpon the States for giuing him discontent, and by the report of some writers hee was * 1.51 distraught and mad. But by his noting of the last he discoue∣reth the rancor of his heart against our Soueraigne; for though the execution of Paricides and murthers vpon Prin∣ces, hath eft-soones alighted vpon some of the greatest and best of that royall sort, that euer were, and therefore no dis∣honour to them nor their posteritie; yet to cast vp such a dis∣astrous example in his Maiesties teeth, prooueth well that he is sorie that his Maiestie escaped the like perill, whom hee so earnestly wished to haue beene his Fathers successor in such a fortune, as hauing by hope deuouted the same, he came on his iourney a good step (as some report) towards England, that he might haue sung a Te Deum in his natiue Countrey, for the good successe of that happy exploit. And yet that all men may see how malice blindeth iudgement in this his resemblance, the truth is that his Maiesties rather was not blowen vp with Gun-powder, but after that the mur∣therers had strangled him in his bed sleeping, hee was car∣ried out to the Garden, and then was the house blowne vp, to make the world beleeue that it was but a Casuall acci∣dent of fire: and so what semblance of comparison is there betweene the Powder-Treason and it?

23 Which, howsoeuer it cannot, by a proper title, bee expressed to the full, yet it being in the nature of those de∣signements, quae plus famae apud posteros habiturae essent quam * 1.52 fidei, which are rather memorable for the singularitie, then credible for the horror (let the repetition thereof greeue this Epistler neuer so much, and it is the second blocke he stum∣bles at; and transpose he the Proiect with a Lap wings-cry, vpon certaine vnfortunate Gentlemen, thereby to remooue the Crime from the Iesuites, the Principall Instigators of the Pioning Traitors to the Act, and the kind Receptors of the Fu∣gitiue after the Detection, (for who entertained Gerrard but Parsons?) we say with the Apostles that we cannot but reco•…•…d the thinges which we haue heard and seene, neither will we be * 1.53 silent thereof—rumpantur ilia Romae, so long as wee haue either pens to write, or tongues to speake; or a generation liuing, or a posteritie succeeding, but we will Report it and Repeate it, both vnto God with the Psalmists Memorandum Remember O Lord the children of Edom (that is, the bloudy Scarlet Generation) how in the daie of Hierusalem, they said. * 1.54 Downe with it, downe with it, euen to the ground: and to men also with Gods owne Memorandum, for the Day assigned, Sonne of man, write thee the name of the day, euen of this same Day for the King of Babell (the Pope forsooth is a temporall Prince) did set himselfe against Hierusalem, euen this very * 1.55 day.

24 Execution of such Offenders, must not bee the si∣lencing of their offence; death is the last punishment, for sense and passion, not for sinnes of that nature and conditi∣on: their bodies deserued not entering in Graue, much lesse their vices, buriall in obliuion. The Relikes of their dismemberd carkasses are erected for a prey to the Fowles of the Ayre to feed on, the villanie of their designed Crueltie to be reiterated vpon all occasions, for the Nations of the earth, and all Posteritie to wonder at. And therefore haue patience (Gentle Iesuite) for our so oft repeating it; wee first say with Chrysostome, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 if

the Repetition be so odious and burden•…•…ome, (as in your margin you note it) how odious was the Fact it selfe, so complotted and engined? Secondly, we say with Saint Paul to inculcate these same things often, to vs it is not greeuous, and for you it is sure∣ly * 1.56 profitable, if not to worke your conuersion by repentance, yet to make men, at least, inamored with your Profession, that warranteth such Acts good in Religion.

25 And therefore yee did well to call those detestable Traitors (after the Discouerie and Conuictions) CATHO∣LIKE Gentlemen, as if yee would insinuate, that they di∣ed in a Catholike Cause; and in an other place, INFOR∣TVNATE GENTLEMEN, not for their fortunes and state in the world, (they were too great, vnlesse they had more grace) but for their VNLVCKIE SVCCESSE, in missing their designed purpose. Sic foelix scelus virtus vo∣catur. Had it beene effected, Moses and Phinees should haue beene reported inferiour to those Gentlemen in zeale for Gods cause. Else why did Hall the forenamed Iesuite (a Ringleader of this desperate crue) comfort himselfe and Littleton with the defeature and discouery of those horrible Traitors, by the Examples of the Eleuen Tribes of Israell twise discomfited, though sent by Gods especiall Comman∣dement, (marke that:) then of Lewis the French King, ouer∣throwne in sight against Infidels in a case of Religion: and lastly, of the Christians vanquished by the Turkes in the defence of Rhodes? but that hereby hee would conclude they were vnfortunate Gentlemen, scilicet, that their cause for vndertaking was good, but their lucke was ill in mis∣sing: otherwise it is too gentle a title for such odious cre∣atures.

26 And so this Censurer also (a part-taker no doubt, in the Complot) cheares vp himselfe not only perswading, but definitiuely determining, that Both afflictions outward, and pressures of conscience inward, caused this POWDER TREASON: which is a shamelesse vntruth (yea euen themselues being Iudges) for that the Conspiracie was plotted before any hard

measure thought of, by their owne confession is manifest. For the Lands Inuasion (a Treason no lesse desperate, though more manly and visible then the POWDER-PLOT) in the late Queenes time of famous memory motioned, was immediatly and hotly pursued by those very parties; and aduertisements giuen to Forren States, whose ayd they re∣quested, that our King WAS LIKE to proceed rigorously (this fellow saith, that the rigor was put in execution) with the Catholikes, and to run the same course which the late Queene did.

27 Secondly, these Conspirators were combined in the first yeare of the King, when (so far was the thought of any Seueritie) that, as it was openly prooued, for the space of a * 1.57 whole yeare and foure moneths, no Penaltie by Statute was taken of Recusants: Insomuch that Doctor Bishop, who wrote his booke in Anno 1604. euen the yeare before the detecting of the POWDER-TREASON, acknowledged the Kings most milde carriage in gouernment THITHERTO: * 1.58 and yet, it's worth the enquirie, what the same Doctor should meane by those desperate words in the very same Epi∣stle, when he saith, That the state being now setled, and a conti∣nuall posteritie like to ensue in one nature, God knoweth what that forcible weapon of necessitie may driue men to at the length. It seemes then some such thing was plotting, euen in that * 1.59 confessed time of mildnesse.

28 Thirdly their owne reason of their engining a∣gainst the Parlament house, because say they, vniust Lawes had there formerly (not in the Kings time any) beene made against the Catholikes, confutes this bold assertion: which were it true, that Seueritie in executing some Lawes went before this plot, did not the Prieste Treason, euen at the Kings first entrance iustly enforce it? Belike it greeues them that his Maiestie (as the Prophet speaketh) would not corpus dare percutientibus, yeeld his body to the Smi∣ters, * 1.60 and his cheekes to the nippers; and still like a Lambe before the Butcher, not once open his mouth: or rather

it vexeth them, as it did Fimbria in Tully, that his Maiestie had not taken into his body the whole weapon like Ehuds * 1.61 dagger, bl•…•…de, hilts and a•…•…l, but suffer his land to be betraied, his Person hazarded, his subiects alienated, his succession ex∣tinguished, his state brandled: and in the meane time, like the Pro con•…•…ul of Achaia, Et nihil corum Gallioni curae erat, * 1.62 he must sit still, looke on and say nothing: or as Caesar woun∣ded and inuironed with stabbing kniues, onely cry out, Et * 1.63 •…•…u fili? Make no resistance, but speake with pittie, and die by Treason.

29 But what are these A•…•…greeuances & Pressures of ri∣gor, that either praeceded or ensued that desperate Plot? First, infamous Libells (forsooth) Et tute Lepuses? and who hath scattered more then Parsons? who is noted, by the Priests themselues, to be the Popes PEN-POST, and the Pasquill in Print of all shamelesse slanders, that sets out no one Booke (which is the fashion of all Iesuits, they say) but stuffed with Rebellion, Conspiracie and Treason. * 1.64

30 M•…•…rry principally T. M. the Elder his Discouerie. Will it not out man? Excrea. I told you it was a burre in his throat like the Rauenous fellow in Athenaeus, hee hath chopt in a * 1.65 creature, and will neither let it goe for curst-heart, nor can take it downe, the crust is so harsh: all that hee can doe is to cry out as that fellow did, O scelera•…•…um Edul•…•…um; a shame∣lesse Libell, but will neither be silent of it, and cannot an∣swer it.

31 Secondly, searches of houses, Attachments, vexati∣ons &c. This verifies that speech of Salomon, Mul•…•…er scort•…•…ns * 1.66 comedit, & deinde abstergit os suum. Look back, & see in one smal compasse of fiue yeares (when Rome swaied England for Religion) 300. innocent Christians for profession of the Gospell cruelly burnt to Ashes, not only their houses searched, and goods spoiled, & that was no aggreeuance, but Iustice against Heretikes. In fiftie yeares of two Protestant Princes, scarse 60 p•…•…sons executed, all Guiltie of Treasonable Practises, ei∣ther for Complotting Treasons, or harbouring disloyall Se∣ducers,

who (as his Maiestie hath excellently obserued) * 1.67 doe make diuersitie of Religion, a safe Pretext for all kinde of Disloyaltie and Rebellion: which the Secular Priests ac∣knowledge and a•…•…ow, especially in the Iesuited sort; who (say they) vnder colour of Religion, and zealous desire of our Countries Conuersion, labour to stirre vp all men against our * 1.68 Souereigne & the present state: now for vs to feret & knetch these Ve•…•…min; to search & attach such dangerous Vipers, is a rigor and crueltie of Persecution.

32 And were it so? how is it that Father Parsons is thus Metamorphised, to become—é vulture Turtur? thus dolefully to bewaile the aggreeuances of their Catholikes, which compared to them in Queene Elizabeths time, are by their owne confession, but easie Censurers: yet when they were at the hottest and sorest, Parsons himselfe thought it stood not with Pollicy or Wisdome, neither did he wish, that the said Persecution should cease in England in * 1.69 afflicting them.

33 But the third, which of all other is the Phallaris Bull, this NEW OATH is the most greeuous. Is the aggreeuance in the abstract, because there is an OATH com∣manded? The highest Iudge allowes it: both by his owne Example, swearing by himselfe to Abraham: and by pre∣cept * 1.70 to vs; Thoushalt feare the Lord, and sweare by his * 1.71 name. The vnsearchable fraudulency of mans heart, which Ieremy laments, exacteth it; for Hony being in the tongue * 1.72 and treachery in the heart (as the same Prophet elsewhere complaineth:) the best way to make words and thoughts * 1.73 appeare semblable, is by OATH which the holy Ghost doth therefore call Vinculumanimae, because it doth (or should at least) both linke hart and tongue together in the same promise; and also binde the partie to performe, without * 1.74 starting what he hath so promised.

34 Indeede to be tied in bonds, is an aggreeuance to mans nature, which desireth libertie; but of all other vnto Iesuited Catholikes it can be none: who with their Paganish

Aequiuocation, vocally swearing, but mentally distinguish∣ing, can, with Sampsons s•…•…ight, break new Cords, as a threed * 1.75 of towe is brokē when it feeleth •…•…e, though they be seuenfold, so is an Oath, & so to be reputed; by the Hebrwes therefore * 1.76 originally deriued from that number, Seauen, as beeing a bond multiplied and indefezable.

35 Perhaps then the aggreeuance is in the Epithete, be∣cause it is a NEW OATH; so did a Pagan call the Chri∣stian * 1.77 Religion Nouam & maleficam. But how is it new? Ne∣uer heard before? SINGVLAR FROM ALL EXAMPLES? Bee it so, dignum Patella operculum (quoth Saint Hierome) such an Vl•…•…er, such an emplaster; Ex ipso boue Lora; euill manners procure good Lawes; * 1.78 and extraordinary Treasons must haue extraordinary Pre∣uentions. For though the Children of this world bee wiser (by our Sauiours iudgement) in their generation, then the Children of Light: yet giue vs leaue, sithence (with Saint * 1.79 Paul) we are not ignorant of Sathans Engines, to be as wa∣ty in preuenting, as they are Wily to inuent Mischiefes.

36 •…•…s the matter of the OATH NEW? That sub∣iects should binde their allegeance to their Soueraigne for his securitie by OATH, hath beene both vsuall in all Na∣tions Christian and Heathen, and as ancient a Custome in our Land to the Princes thereof, as that Iuramentum fideli∣tatis exacted by the Pope of his Vassals; commended by Bel∣larmine * 1.80 for antiquitie, because continued from the time of Gregory the great; and is grounded vpon Scripture, both in the examples of holy Kings, and the Apostles definition of an Oath; namely that it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the end of all * 1.81 Controuersie. Wherein take this very case; the Antilogia or controuersie whereof is, Whether any Romish Catholike can be are any true allegeance in his heart, vnto the Kings Ma∣iestie? This Iesuite in many places of his booke holds the affirmatiue; wee by effects of so many Treasonable Plots of Priests and Iesuites, do hold the contrarie: yea, the Priests of the same Religion are meerely contradictory to

him, while they say, that the Execution of Priest hood and Treason are now so linked together by the Iesuites in England, * 1.82 as they cannot exhort any to the Catholike faith, but dogma∣tizando in so doing they drawe him in effect to Rebellion. For the taking vp of the Antilogie, and the better securing him∣selfe of his owne saftie, and his Subiects loyaltie, what other Remedy could his Maiestie thinke of then this of the Apo∣stles, by OATH, both assertorie for the present, and promisso∣rie for the future assurance? which is no other but what his Royall Ancestors in this Iland haue done before him many * 1.83 and often.

37 The NOVELTY then, belike is in the forme of the Oath; not as it is receiued by them tactis Euangelijs, that is * 1.84 no moderne inuention; Iustinian long since prescribed it: but as it is conceiued by the State to bee done in the true Faith of a Christian without Aequiuocation. This is, in sooth, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that pressure of conscience vnder which hee groaneth, as appeareth by him, where hee complaineth, * 1.85 that the OATH excludes them from all Aequiuocating: the Triall of which complaint wee referre to that place, or rather (though it greeue him) to the elder T. M. that is, Tuus Mastix (in that point) Fa. Parsons. In the meane time obserue the integritie and diuinitie of this Censurer, who makes that a New Pressure of Soule, which Saint Augustine (grounding himselfe vpon that speech of the Psalmist, Qui * 1.86 iurat proximo & non decipit) concluces to be of olde, the full and faithfull discharge of Conscience; namely, that a man * 1.87 should sweare according to the minde of him that ministreth, not of him that taketh the Oath, especially when hee knoweth the Iudges minde, by the wordes of the Oath.

38 And now wee follow him to examine the weight of this pressure, which he aggrauateth by an Ironicall Sarcas∣mus against his Maiestie, vnder the Ciphers of T. M. For vsing the worde ONLY, (an exception mitigating;) as if the taking of this Oath were so lightly to bee esteemed, as to be thrust vpon them with an ONLY, (scilicet, the

King intended no hard Vsage to the Catholikes, ONELY a forme of oath was framed to be taken &c.) as if that were so easie a thing which is an extremitie of Rigor: for if it be ta∣ken, it hazards the Soule by swearing against their Consci∣ence; if not taken, it endangereth their worldly estate by losse of goods, life, and libertie. Num. 12.

39 To be Verborum auceps, is a right Aequiuocators tricke. Who knoweth not, that the word ONELY doth not so much signifie an hypocoristicall alleuiation, as a Com∣pendiary limitation? He that said to our Sauiour, ONELY * 1.88 speake the word, did not thereby extenuate the power of Christ, as if healing in absence, by a speech, had beene a more easie miracle, then by approach to touch the par∣tie; but thereby wished a course more easefull to the bo∣dy, not lesse powerfull to shewe the Deity of our Sauiour. And so his Maiestie by the word ONELY, signifieth, that omitting all other courses of Enquiry into his Subiects allegeance, hee tooke that ONELY course to frame an OATH: not heereby implying the taking of an Oath to bee an easie charge, (because Oathes presse vpon the Soule) but more expedit for euidence, and the readier way for the assurance of his owne State, and the manifesta∣tion of his subiects affections. But grant that ONELY bee an alleuiating particle, yet it is so by comparison: and so is an OATH, a tryall of more ease, both to body and minde then are those other meanes by Rackes and tortures (vsuall in the Inquisition:) for as the peines are vnsuffe∣rable to flesh and blood, so haue they a very perculsiue force euen vpon the Soule, Nam & innocentes cogit mentiri do∣lor, saith the Stoicke, because in so many streights, of ter∣rour, * 1.89 payne, hope, feare, nihil veritati loci relinquitur, as the Orator well obserued, (let Aelian speake of the Egyp∣tians courage or insensiblenes what he will): men will say * 1.90 any thing (though most vnture) for ease and release from such pangs.

40 And this Oath (saith this Censurer) doth as much;

for it driues men into Dauids dilemma of streights, to fall ei∣ther into the hands of God or men; of God, if the Oath be ta∣ken, because they sweare against their conscience; of men, in that their goods, life & libertie are liable to law. And good reason for the last; because euery Statute hauing the Penal∣tie annexed, none can be more fit and proper for the breach of this, then Confiscation and death: for hee is vnworthy to enioy either wealth, ease, or life, vnder a Christian King, who being required, denieth to sweare his Allegeance and obedience to his Soueraigne against all persons; which eue∣ry true affected subiect should voluntarily offer. For the first, their swearing against Conscience, the answer must bee referred, where hee inlargeth that point; for he runnes the wilde-goose-chase, backward and forward: within two leaues he confesseth (as if he lost himselfe) two returnes. In the meane time he must know that a Conscience may be mis∣led by error, or stifned by pertinacie: and thē the Greek Diuines will tell him, that vnsoundnesse in the Iudgement, and obstina∣cie * 1.91 in the Will, makes but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a conscience so * 1.92 nick-named, which is more properly to bee called igno∣rance and peruersnesse, and rather to bee censure then tendred.

41 But all this his Maiestie had by a double anticipation preuented; first, that neither the OATH NOR PE∣NALTIE * 1.93 thereof was intended against any for their opinion and conscience, but onely for acknowledgement and assurance of their Ciuill Obededience: Secondly, that many of both sorts, popishly affected, had freely taken it, and thereby had freed both themselues from suspicion of disloialtie, and the Oath from the slander of pressure: and both these the Censurer obserueth and answereth, Num. 13. the first by a concession:

If it bee so, the matter is ended, saith hee: for no Catholike will de∣nie to sweare all Ciuill Obedience THAT HE OWES TO HIS MAIESTIE.

42. Wherein I pray you marke how Sorex seipsum, how Treason hatched in the heart cannot conceale it selfe

from vttering, though in hidden tearmes; for obserue those words, ALL OBEDIENCE THAT HE OWES TO HIS MAIESTIE: what is that, and how farre extends it? Saint Peter stretcheth it without limitation, Submit your selues to all manner ordinance for the Lords sake. Peters Successor (so called) hee limits it, with * 1.94 Saluâ semper autoritate Apostolicâ, as in the Councell of Trent: the Successors Parasite, this Traiterous Claw-backe minseth it with a distinction in ordine ad spiritualia: where∣upon, * 1.95 as Tertullian saith in an other case, Nisihomine Deus placuerit, Deus non erit; so, if the King please not the Pope, * 1.96 he shall be denounced an Hereticke, and so Cataloguised on Holy-Thursday: hee shall bee pronounced no Christian, as * 1.97 the writhen-vexed Cardinall (so he entitles himselfe, and in∣deed writes as though hee were wroong with the colike) hath already passed his Sentence; and so consequently no King; or if a King, yet without Subiects: for they must re∣nounce their Obedience, and the King his safetie and autho∣ritie.

43 The second he answereth by an Interrogation, such as the Rhetoricians call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a question reprehen∣siue at least expostulatory, why Blackwell and Charnocke, ha∣uing * 1.98 taken the Oath, are still imprisoned!

44 This Polypragmon would faine be a priuy Councel∣lor: he hath wrong that his Maiestie acquainteth him not with all occurrences of State, and reasons of his procee∣dings. To resolue his question either by coniecture or truth, I endeuour not; Jam not his Intelligencer: to an∣swer a scorne is folly. Onely as the parents said of their sonne borne blinde, miraculously cured, so say I for Master Black∣well, Aetatem habet: and if hee might freely speake, hee * 1.99 would say with Dauid, Let the righteous smite mee, that's a benefit: Oleum autem peccatoris, but let not their precious * 1.100 blames moisten my head, nor let me eat of their delicates: or as the vulgar hath it, Non communicabo cum electis eorum: Keepe mee from the company of them that make them∣selues

the Choise Company: for Iesuites are vnmercifull, aske the Priests else, who haue protested they would rather * 1.101 liue vnder the Turkes for securitie of their soules, then come vnder the Iesuites handes. Blackwell (as the Prouerb is) in * 1.102 holmo cubat, by the example of Tempest and Benson; Hee diuines and foresees his vsage, and therefore (it's like) had rather chuse restraint by authoritie, then dismission with libertie: for were hee once loose, order should bee taken with him for taking any moe Oathes, yea, it's thought, for speaking any more wordes. Greater men then hee haue beene so serued, if their owne Catholikes doe truly instance in the Bishop of Cassana; Cardinalls, Allen and Tollet; yea * 1.103 Pope Sixtus Quintus himselfe, all figg'd away in a trice, for crossing, at least not seruing the Iesuites humours in their de∣signements.

45 After this (as if he had all this while spoke by rote) he returnes (as he saith) to the booke, where his Maiestie auoweth, that the Diuell could not haue deuised a more mali∣tious * 1.104 tricke, to interrupt this so calme and clement a course, then the Pope did, by countermanding the taking of this Oath, in his published Breue: which this fellow answereth, first by deducing the cause that brought foorth the Breue, namely a doubt made about the Oath. Secondly, the doubt consulted * 1.105 and canuassed abroad and at home: and heere, as the Pro∣uerb is, Gamma Betam persequitur, the Garnetists differ'd from the Blackwellists, some allowing Aequiuocation in •…•…ters of faith, others not: and among these principally (which allowed no Aequiuocation in matters of faith) saith he, are the Iesuites, though they bee accounted the forwar∣dest abet•…•…ers of Aequiuocation.

46 (For the truth of this, though it greeue him, wee referre him againe to the elder T. M. that is, the True Ma∣nifestator of their Aequiuocation, euen in matters of Faith and Religion.)

47. Thirdly, in this pudder of different opinions, recourse is had to the Great Oracle for HIS determination:

HIS Sentence is negatiue, drawne into a BREVE, published and sent. For indifying whereof, this Libeller spends foure whole Numb. 15. 16. 17. 18. to shew how THAT cou•…•…se was ouer vsed by English Catholikes, as so warranted by Catholike doctrine, in matters of doubt to Consult with the Pope.

48 And heere (as Plutarch saith of Lucullus) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, * 1.106 &c. he roules in his element: scarce any Epistle, Preface, Pamphlet, Booke, or Petition, wherein HE hath a hand, but this is his Cypresse tree; a theme in which hee is very perfect and rhetoricall, to tell vs what a loadstone Rome * 1.107 hath beene to England; for drawing thither the triall of our Gold in both senses, as well that of the MINDE (to which S. Paul resembles the doctrine of faith) when no o∣ther * 1.108 could bee currant but what Rome had coined and stamped; as that also of the MINT, equall yeerely to a Kings reuennue, if Bonner said truely; without which nei∣ther would Rome affoord instruction, neither could our * 1.109 Land be quiet for feare of interdictions: In which Argu∣ment, HE, and ALLEN before him (from whose Apo∣logie this Centonist hath borrowed all that he hath spoken, concerning the OATH and flying to Rome) haue recei∣ued full satisfactorie answers; namely, that if they vnder∣stoode the purer times of Rome, when the Bishops there be∣haued themselues as religious members, not as presump∣tuous Heads of the Church; and liued as ghostly Fathers to counsell and comfort, not as Superiors to controule and depose Princes, the Realme being then rude, Learning scant, Religion newely sprung, and no where setled; re∣course was thither had vpon deuotion and meere necessi∣tie, and yet not then without leaue of the Prince: if after, when Popes left their Keies, and tooke them to their two∣hand sword, the running then to Rome was not for deuo∣tion, but by constraint, either wrought by the Popes Ty∣rannie * 1.110 and cunning, (as Hieroboam, who made all Israell to sinne by drawing them to his Calues in Dan) threatning

Interdictions, exacting Leuies, intruding corrupt Teach∣ers, and suppressing (euen by death) the detectors of his errors: or else yeelded vnto by timorous Princes, ambiti∣ous and tumultuous Prelates; enuassalled Parasites; or the ouer-awed superstition and blinde ignorance of the peo∣ple: which made one of their owne Historians to call En∣gland * 1.111 the Popes Asse. And yet euen then many restraints were made vnder seuere penalties, which this Rhetorculist himselfe confesseth, though hee minseth it, Numb. 17. All these reasons he doth well not to acknowledge, lest he should want matter for his next worke, (for hee is one of those busie deceitfull workers of whom the Apostle speak∣eth) and therefore, being nothing to the purpose in hand * 1.112 (himselfe confesseth it to bee a digression, Numb. 19.) the fittest answer is in briefe:

49 First, that of the Apostles, Is there not a wise man a∣mong you of all the Priests Secular and Iesuited in England, * 1.113 that can determine a Controuersie about the OATH of Allegeance? Might not your Arch-Priest Blackwell, so au∣thorized by the Pope, so commended and countenanced by two Cardinals, Caietan and Burghesius, so intrusted with regencie of Soules ouer the whole Land, to whom al were enioined to repaire for decisions and questions; might not (I say) HIS iudgement carry as much sway for the KINGS SOVERAIGNTY against some few Iesu∣ited, as HIS Censure alone against all the Seculars, yea against the definitiue of the whole facultie of Diuines in * 1.114 Paris, for the support of his owne authoritie?

50. In the case and doubts about the late horrible Treason, Garnet and Hall were thought sufficient Oracles to resolue and determine for it against the King, without recourse to the Pope (for ought HE would bee knowen:) In cases concerning loyaltie and allegiance to his Maiestie, Blackwell and many his associates cannot resolue for the King but the Pope must be first consulted. Was it because there is no God in Israel to enquire of his word, said Elias of * 1.115

Ahaziah, that you must send Messengers to Baalzebub the God of Ekron? Hath not God answered by Vrim, nor by Pro∣phets? * 1.116 is not his will concerning allegeance to Kings in so many places sufficiently reuealed in his word, but recourse must be had to a Sooth-sayer in Endor? I will not vrge that bitter speech of the Secular Priests, it is to sharpe; yet the time is not long, since they said, that for the decision of doubts, the Catholikes must depend vpon the Arch-priest, the * 1.117 Arch-priest vpon Garnet; Garnet vpon Parsons; and Parsons vpon the Deuill: yet then there was a Pope able to Iudge: but onely it would be knowne which is the second answer fit∣ting this point.

51 What there is in THIS Pope for iudgement in Diui∣nity, that His determination should bee expected about the OATH of allegeance to his Maiestie, more then in his predecessor Clemens, whose opinion was not inquired of about the OATH for conspiracy against the whole Realm; Of Pius Quintus, who absolued the late Queenes Subiects from their obedience, it was said by some of his owne, that he was Homo pius & doctus, sed nimis credulus, religious, and learned, but to easie of beleefe: Of this Paulus Quintus, who hath interdicted the subiects of our soueraigne King, to sweare their obedience, either for his diuinity or pietie, we haue heard nothing. S. Peter, whose successor he is stiled, S. Paul, whose name he hath borrowed, had their diuinitie in∣deed by infusion; but their writings reuealed it to the world: so that Peter we know and Paul we know to be singular di∣uines, but WHO IS THIS? No man who seeketh to be famous, doth any things in secret, say the Brethren of our Sauiour. * 1.118 Where then are his labours; his Sermons; his Treatises; his Commentaries; his Epistles Theologicall, his Doctrinall de∣terminations; his Iudiciall decisions? all which are the vsuall attractiues to draw an opinion vpon a man, that hee is a sound Resoluer: but in all these, as the Greeke Poet spea∣keth * 1.119 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if he were Pythagoras his Schol∣ler, hee is wholly silent.

52 Into his qualities I wil not enter: hee stands and fals to his owne Master: but if he bee that Cardinall Burghe∣sius whom some of the Secular Priests haue sometime de∣scribed, * 1.120 and haue assured vs that to be true in him, which * 1.121 is spoken of Tiberius Gracchus, that he is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: A rash speaker, and an heady vndertaker; of a most violent spirit, and impatient of contradiction, in what∣soeuer hee hath but once imagined: if this I say, bee true, (which God forbid in so great a Church-man) now surely he is not the fittest Iudge to be resorted vnto in cases of con∣science, especially of such nature and consequence as this in * 1.122 hand. Wherein (as a learned Poet once merrily said, there stands Latro at the barre, and Fur sits on the bench) him∣selfe becomes both partie and Iudge. When Popes alleage Popes for proofe of their Supremacie, the Canonists say it is Familia is probatio: certainely this must needes bee a more familiar proofe, when reference is made to the Pope in his owne cause.

53 For the knot of the quarrell betweene these diffe∣ring Catholikes, if there were any concerning the OATH, and that which vexeth them most, was the point of the Popes authoritie in deposing Princes, and absoluing from the OATH; for, so farre as touched Ciuill Obedience, THAT stuck not with them, they say. Heere is the Pope become a partie. Who now must vnloose this knot, and determine the quarrell? None but the Pope. If I should beare witnesse * 1.123 of MY SELFE, saith our Sauiour Christ, MY witnesse were not true: yea, but saith this Iesuite, the Pope being * 1.124 the supreame Pastor, to him, by the principles of their Religion, Catholikes beleeue that our Sauiour giueth assi∣stance for the direction of mens souls. Heres the Pope made a Iudge. Certes, had he determined negatiuely against him∣selfe, he had beene to blame, at least his authoritie for euer after, might haue beene encountered with Serue nequam * 1.125 ex Ore tuo. Would not the Israelites themselues (though it were their miserie, that they might haue neither weapon for * 1.126

warre, nor toole for worke, but they must fetch them from the Ph•…•…listines) haue iustly laughed at them, if the Philistine would haue either hammered the one, or steeled the o∣ther, or furnished them with either? And if the Pope, in whose alone determination the Catholikes must rest, would giue any arguments of Resolution against his owne chal∣lenge, if it had not beene ridiculous, sure it had beene mi∣raculous. The Apologue is knowen, if the Lion may bee Iudge in the diuision of the prey, his fellow-hunters shall * 1.127 haue but a small share: and Kings shall bee sure auguste se∣dere, (as Tully said to Caesar) haue both strait limits and vn∣quiet * 1.128 seates, if the Pope may determine their Bounds and States.

54 But let Fa. Parsons say in sooth (if there can bee any sooth in a man of such singular honestie as the Priests describe him, intituling him an impostume of all corruptions) * 1.129 was there any such reference made out of England vnto the Pope for his Resolution? Was it by Petition written, or by Message of mouth deliuered? Let him shew the State of the Question, as it was framed; put downe the argu∣ments of the difference, to and fro, as they were obiected; and make knowea the reason of the Popes negatiue decision: this were plaine dealing in him, and had beene faire deal∣ing in the Pope, if, before hee had sent his Breues of Inter∣diction, he had acquainted his Maiestic with the encoun∣ters of doubt that had bred the quarrell, and the ouer∣swaying reason which carried him to the Negatiue. This being omitted, his Maiestie gaue his decision the right name, when he called it a malitious trucke of the Diuell.

55 For there was both malice in the Sentence, because done of purpose, and not out of passion, but after due deli∣beration, * 1.130 (saith this Epistler) and that is malice in any sin, as the Schoole-men define it: Secondly, in the intent there * 1.131 was extreme malice, thereby to foster in his Maiesties heart iealousie of his Subiects; and in them disloyaltie to their Soueraigne: and all this, which is truth indeed, vp∣on

the onely information, aduice, and instigation of a knowen Incendiarie, Parsons; who euer since hee ran out of his Countrey, like traiterous Absolon, cares not to set his owne friends Land, yea to see his natiue soile on a light * 1.132 fire, so he may purchase the Popes fauour, as the other did Ioabs corne, to approch his fathers presence. Thirdly, malice in the whole action, busily interposing himselfe in other States which concerne him nothing (for that is no∣ted as a great part of the Diuels malice, that he is Magnus ille Peripateticus, and takes vpon him to bee the generall * 1.133 Surueyer and Compasser of the whole earth.) For what hath the Bishop of Rome to doe with the King and Subiects of England in matters of Religion? Much lesse of State: especially seeing hee medleth not for good, but for euill, (cuen as that other vniuersall Rector in the aire, quaerens quem deuoret) not instructing, but interdicting? * 1.134

56 Wee say with the Fathers in the Councell of Car∣thage, when they tooke the Bishop of Rome his Aduocates cardie, and falsaries in his challenge for the cognisance of all Ecclesiasticall differences to belong to HIM: Aliae Ec∣clesiae habent Spiritum Sanctum, vt causas cognoscere & dijudi∣care * 1.135 possint. Nay (saith this Censurer) the Pope only hath, Numb, 20 supposing as we doe in matters Catholike, concer∣ning persons Catholike, that England is the Popes haruest, and the Catholikes therein, his flocke; the diuision of the Is∣land by Sea not making any separation from him their gene∣rall Head for dependance.

57 This is a strong Argument, no doubt; the Pope hath to doe in England, because some Catholikes SVP∣POSE he hath: but before that SVPPOSALL bee brought into a positiue and resolute Conclusion, it will aske a longer time then such a Pamphlet as his Letter is will require; and more deepe diuinitie then Parsons hath, if it be true which the Priests report of him, that hee is nei∣ther acute Schoole-man, nor profound diuine, but a meane Preacher, and a barren Ghostly Counseller. * 1.136

58 For whether Saint Peter be made Terminus â quo, or ad quem, either to deriue the vniuersalitie from him to the Pope, or reduce it from the Pope to him, many a knot∣tre question is to be decided: as first, Whether the Gouern∣ment of the Church should be Monarchicall? Whether that Monarch should be Saint Peter, as superiour to the rest of the Apostles? Whether the Charge of the Keyes were giuen to him, alone? Howfarre the Iurisdiction of the Keyes will reach? Whether feed my Sheepe and Lambes bee an vniuersall charge, and to Peter alone? If all this true; how comes it to the Bishop of Rome, rather then an other? Whether Peter appointed him his Successor? Whether he hath it Iure diuino, or Ecclesiastico? Whether that same one Pastor & one slocke bee not proper to Christ alone? Why not an vniuersall Emperor as well as an vni∣uersall Pope? with many other such, which would trouble a better Clarke then this Iesuite, euen to discusse: sor hot braines as they vndertake matters busilie, so they performe nothing soundly or indiciously.

59 If other states and Nations brooke the Pope for their Iudge (and yet in most of them which hee names, they doe but Quatenus) it is either their voluntary submission, not his iust claime; or else his violent v∣surpation forced on them by terror, not their spirituall subiection, warranted by diuinitie. And therefore it ar∣gued some ingenuitie in the man, that hee made it but a SVPPOSALL. For if all the rest of the Apostles were not Ordered Bishops by Saint Peter, (saith Bellarmine) then * 1.137 cannot the Church of Rome bee the Mother of all other Churches: (much lesse the Bishop of Rome bee the Vniuersall Bishop) & whether it were so or no, the best writing Iesuites * 1.138 doe indeed make it but a SVPPOSALL; the most fauou∣rable of them, that it is but Likely; an other, that it is vn∣certaine; but others, that it is scarce probable: yea, that it is an opinion, neither generally receiued, norgreatly necessa∣rie.

60 A fourth tricke of Malice, mixt with Craft, (two

properties of the enuious man, that sowed tares in sleeping time) was the Popes Riddle, rather then answer, in not par∣ticularizing * 1.139 the specialties to be excepted in the OATH: his Craft, lest straining at that point which touched his au∣thoritic in deposing and absoluing, hee should reueale his partialitie; for so, as Demetrius the Ephesian, his clamorous * 1.140 plea for his Diana, in respect of his priuate gaine, and credit of the Citie, or rather of the See, would haue beene too ma∣nifest. His Malice, closely insinuating the whole OATH to be vtterly vnlawfull, euen that very point of swearing Ciuill obedience; for so he saith, Such an Oath cannot be taken (this minsing distinguisher puts in [as it lay] without annoy∣ance of the Catholike faith. All this the Censurer repeateth, but refelleth not. Num. 19.

61 And this was his Maiesties iust agreeuance; that how soeuer in matter of Religion the Pope would meddle; yet in things that meerely and onely concerne Ciuill obedience, that he should interpose himselfe, could not but argue him to be Curiosus in aliena Republica, a busie Polypragmō where he had nothing to doe; which this Iesuite confesseth to be a iust mislike if it proue true.

62 Now then this must be cleared, whether the OATH doth onely concerne Ciuill Obedience, yea or no? That it doth not, hee takes vpon him to satissie in eight Num∣bers; from the 20. to the 28. and that foure seuerall waies, as he saith; First, Out of the words of the OATH, where∣in * 1.141 the Popes authoritie is limited (indeed this is it which startles them;) Secondly, Out of the Popes words mar∣shalling * 1.142 the taking of the Oath, thus mixed with clauses concerning Religion, with repairing to our Church assem∣blies, arguing that he forbade the OATH so farre as it was an Act Spirituall. Thirdly, Out of the Cardinals Letter, who after Consultation with others, (scil. with a Traitor * 1.143 called Parsons) doth therein include the OATH to bee vnlawfull because it is compounded by ioyning of spirituall and Temporall things together, as Iulian his Picture, with

the Images of the Paynim Gods. * 1.144

63 (This Bellarmine dooth in cold blood, as he is Ro bertus Cardinalis, couertly resembling his Maiestie to that Apostata; but when hee is by his Metamorphosis, or Me∣tonomasie translated into Mathaeus Tortus, that is a Publi∣can vexed, either with wrath or fury, or malice, or all, then hee particularizeth the comparison, and makes his Maie∣stie no better, yea worse then Iulian.)

64 Fourthly, by are all offer on the Catholike part; the * 1.145 former whereof hee drawes and diuides, First affirmatiue two waies, viz. That so much of the OATH as concerneth Ciuill obedience, euery Catholike shall take (marry with a restraint two-fold) as much as any Catholike hath done in time of Popery, or any Forreine Subiect doth to a Popish Prince. Secondly, Concerning the Pope, this Catholike shall sweare, that hee hopes, that his Holines will doe no∣thing in preiudice of his Maiestie, yea, hee will labour to stay him if hee doe, and will pray for them both: the other part is negatiue; that the Catholikes shall not touch any part of the OATH which seemeth to impeach the Popes Authoritie; therefore that more is required then Ciuill O∣bedience, by this it is euident. By what? because the Pope deciares so; & the Cardinall writes so, & this Iesuit saies so?

65 But wee laying this for our ground, first, that both swearing and performing Ciuill Obedience is aswell nega∣tiue, against any intruder, Challenger, or Vsurper; as affir∣matiue, for the lawfull Gouernors and Soueraignes: Se∣condly, that this challenge of the Pope in dethroning and deposing Princes, is a temporall intrusion, and no spiritu∣all Iurisdiction, doe conclude with as strong and apparant euidence, that the whole bulke of the OATH, both in the submissiue and exclusiue part, doth onely concerne Ci∣uill obedience. Of the first ground there is no doubt; for Art thou on our side, or on our aduersaries? was a proper and fit question mooued by a resolute Gouernour: luke-warm * 1.146 Subiects being as odious and dangerous in a State Poli∣tike, * 1.147

as such professors are in Religious Societies, iustly to bee vomited out of the Realme, as Solon his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and * 1.148 Neutralls from his common-wealth. Of the second, wee make as little doubt; the proofes thereof, by so many that haue debated that controuersie, are so plentifull, so pregnant and impregnable: but seeing we meane this Ie∣suite a fauour, wee will remit him to T. M. the elder (hee * 1.149 had as leefe goe to the Racke) who, among many other, hath canuassed this point, in a Confutation, to the Popes con∣fusion.

66 For this authoritie of the Pope, if it bee a spirituall Iurisdiction, it must bee either from heauen or of men, grounded vpon law either Diuine or Ecclesiasticall: Nam * 1.150 quod amplius est, à malo est, saith a deuout Father to a great Pope: All execution thereof, not deriued from either of these, implies a tyranny, imports no right. If vpon Diuine Law, then either the Old or the New Testament; not the Old, the Priests among the Iewes had no such authoritie ouer their Kings, either vnited to their Priest-hood by God, or assumed by themselues; confessed so by a Iesuite, that the state * 1.151 of the Iewes was rather earthly then heauenly: therefore the carnall part was more eminent, that is, Kings had the So∣uereigntie ouer the Priests.

67 Not in the New: for then S. Peter should haue had it, either when the Keyes were giuen him, Matt. 16. or when that trebled Pasce was inioined him, Ioh. 21. If it bee so, then had he this Iurisdiction directly from Christ, and vniuersally ouer the world: but that is not so, saith Robert the Cardinall, and this Robert his Eccho, but only ouer * 1.152 Christian Princes, and that indirectly and obliquely, in Or∣dine ad Deum. Nay, neither directly nor indirectly, saith Saunders; for there being a double power of Christian * 1.153 fortitude, constant suffering, and couragious attempting, that power of suffering (as the more excellent) Christ chose, as the fittest sibi & suis, for himselfe and those that belong to him; or, if you will, for himselfe and his Apostles.

So, then to suffer oppression vnder Kings, not to inferre vpon them Rebellion and Disloyaltie, was the power Apostoli∣call in respect of Princes.

68 By Law Diuine then it was excluded; for no man can transferre that to another, which hee hath not himselfe; but this royall Soueraigntie ouer Princes, to depose them, or dispose of their States, Christ had not as hee was man (and yet he said Omnis potest as data est mihi in Coelo & in Terra) * 1.154 yea such power had beene vnprofitable and superf•…•…uous (saith * 1.155 the Grand Cardinall) therefore hee could not transferre it to Saint Peter, or the rest.

69 For Ecclesiasticall Law; no Canon, Councell, Decree, Practise extant, reckon to 600. yeeres after Christ, by Bel∣larmines * 1.156 confession, yea to 1000. & amplius, saith one of their owne Writers, doth auow it; insomuch that a Friar of account, writing in the yeere 1088. cals then the do∣ctrine thereof a Noueltie, if not an Heresie. And that Act of Hildebrand, that famously infamous Pope, who first tooke vpon him to depriue an Emperour of his regiment, is by a Popish Deuine called Nouellum Schisma, a rent, & a rent * 1.157 of Noueltie: the challenge of this authoritie vtterlie vn∣knowen to the Fathers, who haue pronounced Kings to be no way liable to any violent Censure, or penall Law of man, tuti imperii potestate, their Empire and Soueraigntie exem∣pting * 1.158 and priueledging them therefrom.

70 Therefore this authoritie of the Pope, thus proclai∣med by himselfe, thus patronized by the Iesuites, being meerely temporall, neither Scripture, Father, Councell, or Practise, for so many yeeres, warranting it, and by conse∣quent, an humane Inuention and Intrusion, presumptuous in the Pope against a Ciuill Magistrate (which is Gods Ordi∣nance) and preiudiciall to Kings in disquieting their states, and disparaging their Souereignties: the matter of the * 1.159 whole OATH both submissiue for affirmatiue allegeance, and exclusiue for negatiue acceptance of forraine disturbers, must needs be meerely Ciuill and Temporall; and the whole

OATH to be as intirely taken of English Subiects for their King and Soueraigne against the Pope, claiming and vsurping part of his right, as well as that of Iehoiada by the men of Iuda for Ioaz their King, against Athalia that vsur∣ped * 1.160 his state.

71 Neither doth that point of the OATH more con∣cerne Religion, then if any other Prince, Christian or Hea∣then, should haue beene put in the same, and the Pope lest out. For this authoritie of the Pope, so excluded in the OATH, must bee as he is either a Temporall Prince, (and then the OATH is meerely Ciuill) or else as he is a spiritu∣all Iudge; which, if it be a point of true Religion, must haue the warrant in Scriptures, and by the donation of the Keyes * 1.161 if in any Scripture.

72 T'is so, saith Saunders: for S. Peter with THEM, * 1.162 receiued both Powers, Temporall and Ciuill, to build and destroy * 1.163 Kingdomes. Not so, saith a Iesuite, for this power of the Keies, est alia á Ciuili Potestate. Thus they iarre. Meane while, wee are sure that this is a Precept in true Re∣ligion, * 1.164 Euery soule to be subiect to the higher powers. But if there bee a Religion, such as hee cals Catholike, which ex∣empts any when the Apostle includes all, I say no more but that which our Sauiour said to the Pharisees, Hypocritae, * 1.165 irritum fecistis mandatum Dei propter Traditionem vestram. and that which hee said of them when they were offended at that speech, Euery plant which my heauenly Father hath not * 1.166 planted, shall be rooted out. And perhaps this rufling of the Pope with his BREVES against his Maiestie, argues as wel for him, as it did for an other Rufler elsewhere, that he hath great wrath, Sciens quod BREVE tempus habet, knowing his * 1.167 time is but a BREVE.

73 Now we proceed to remoue two blocks at which this Iesuite stumbles, but hee goes backe to fetch them, for this fellow treads the Maze; hee was euen now at the 6. and now he is come to the 4. page, wherein hee takes two exceptions against his Maiestie: first, in that it is said

Many Popishly affected of both sorts did freely take this OATH. Secondly, that their so taking of it is called a blessed successe of so good adeuice and intent in proposing such an OATH. In the first, the Assertion hee denies not, that many did so; but he sticks at the Aduerbe FREELY. God loues Aduerbes, say the Canonists, the Diuell doth not; for, that the Aduerbe doth make the action com∣mendable, yea, denominate the action, is an Axiome both in Diuine and Humane learning. Now, lost this action of theirs should be commended too much, he first descants vpon the word FREELY, and disprooues it by the Statute penaltie, and a distinction of Philosophie: for the statute inflicting vpon the refuser so strait a punishment, Aristotle in his Ethicks, and Thomas in his Summe, are so farre from accounting it a FREE action, that the Schoole-men determine it to bee Inuoluntarium secundum quid; and the Philosopher Inuoluntarium simpliciter: much like the instance which Aristotle giues, and the owner of the ship (wherein S. Paul was a passenger) felt, the throw∣ing of all the fraught into the Sea to sauemens liues: where∣unto * 1.168 this case is semblable either for me to take the OATH, which is against Conscience; or indure a strict penaltie, which cannot be FREEDOME: for that FREEDOME (saith hee) requireth liberties, that is FREEDOME to both extremes or obiects. And heere, as if with Aesops hen hee had laid a golden egge, hee cackles out a Triumph: Let the discreet Reader (saith he) consider what coherence there is in this tale; namely, that there should be a penaltie vpon the Refuser, and yet the taking of the OATH to be called a FREEDOME.

74. And is there then such an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and disagree∣ment, betweene the peine of a Statute-Law, and the will of a Subiect, that he which obeies the Law so inioyning, shall not bee accounted a Free-subiect for his Obedience? then are all the people of the Christned world Slaues, not Free∣men. For what Nation is there gouerned by Lawes, not

enioyned by sharpe penalties? Were all Subiects Saint Pauls true Schollers, and would obey their Superiours for Conscience sake, all Penalties were then vnnecessarie re∣straints; or were all Princes Draco-like, who hauing such Subiects, would write each law in blood, such penall Lawes were Tyrannicall inforcements: but the subiects of the best Princes being of diuers dispositions, some willingly submitting themselues to the streitest Lawes, not for feare of the punishmēt, but for conscience to God, and dutie to their Souereigne: others refractarie, whose mouthes must bee holden with bit and bridle, because without a penall constraint they will wax wilde, and yeeld no obedience: therefore in the best mannaged States, are all, or the most Lawes back't with penalties, and yet the Subiects libertie no way infringed. It is Licence, not Libertie that admits no penaltie. The Law of God it selfe is imposed with penal∣ties, and yet mans Obedience yeelded thereunto, is not Thraldome but Freedome; which made the Apostle say, That the Law was not giuen vnto the righteous man; for his directi∣on, * 1.169 no doubt it was, it is our Schoolemaster vnto Christ; but not for his terror, because his willingnes preuents the Con∣straint, and his obedience the Censure. But to the Wicked and rebellious it is giuen, not thereby abridging their Free∣dome, but punishing their contempt.

75 Were the Statute inforced peremptorily and no lea∣sure granted for deliberation, or after deliberation no liber∣tie of choice, but inforst vpon them to take it whether they will or no: then might the OATH be accounted a pressure, and the acceptance thereof a slauerie. But first, time being giuen to consider thereof: and after consideration, leaue granted to choose or refuse, this in their owne schoole-lear∣ning is True & Full Libertie: for to it they annex these two conditions. 1. indeterminationem Iudicij ad deliberandum, * 1.170 an vnlimited scope for the iudgement to deliberate. 2. facultatem eligendi vel refutandi quod deliberandū est, power either to choose or resuse what is deliberated. The first is

Radix Libertatis, the sourse or fountaine of Libertie; the other is ipsa Libertas, Freedome it selfe, saith Medina. And that's the very case betweene the King and his subiects in this matter of the OATH; so that the very refusall (after deliberation) argues, that, either to take it or no, they had libertie of choice; but in refusing it, no loyaltie of affecti∣on.

76 But what if by the word Freely, his Maiestie meant either a voluntarie offer of some, who to shew their loyal∣tie to their Soueraigne, of themselues desired to take the OATH; or, being required, after view thereof, without either respecting the penaltie, or doubting of the Lawfull∣nesse, Readily yeelded that pledge of their allegeance, by taking the OATH? Then let the discreet Reader, (to whom he appeales) consider what a trifling Sophister this is, to picke quarels at words, by wrests and streines neither to purpose nor to sense: for that his Maiesties meaning was so by the Latine translation, is manifest; where these words Many FREELY tooke the OATH, are there translated Permulti Sacramento se obstringere non DVBITARVNT, * 1.171 that is, they stuck not at it, but without terror or doubt took it. And this the Make-bate knew well-inough, but that he would perhaps take a small occasion to vindicate his cre∣dit (which the Priests haue somewhat impayred, by assuring the world, that he is no Scoole-Diuine) by shewing his skill in Aquine and in a peece of Aristotle, which euery Puny hath by rore.

77 Secondly, lest this their acceptance of the OATH should be too much commended, hee takes vpon him to interpret their meaning; wherein let the Reader consider what an Hypocrite hee is: for it is an inseparable marke of an Hipocrite, to iudge of other mens consciences. The * 1.172 heart of man is Gods peculiar: for any man to place his Consistory there, is an high presumption; and therefore when some haue taken the OATH, and sweare they doe it heartely, wee say with Nazian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for vs to * 1.173

diue into their conceits, and to iudge with what affection (either of feare of punishment; or hope of fauour; or loue to their Prince) they do it, it is not our purpose, nor comes it within our reach: and yet this Serpens Epidaurius can see more in them, then their selues will acknowledge; and * 1.174 though they sweare they doe it willingly, yet hee can assure both them and vs, that they doe it by constraint.

78 Et nunquid Saul inter Prophetas? yea surely, for hee can prophecie, that though they sweare they doe it hearti∣ly, * 1.175 and without any mentall euasion, yet hee is perswaded, and would perswade vs, that they do it neither Freely, that is Willingly, without feare of Coertion; nor Freely, that is plainely, but with a reserued distinction. And now againe, let the Reader, (whose helpe he craues) behold a malitious tricke of a notable Aequiuocator, that cannot be contented to be himselfe alone (for doubling and dissembling) the Diuels Scholler (that ancient Aequiuocator, that can be the Prince of darknesse, and an Angell of light all at once) but must also bee his Diuilitie Reader or Schoole-man, to teach * 1.176 others to distinguish themselues to Hell fire, and that is, Num. 30. Wherein he shewes himselfe to be, verè Spiritus mendaex in ore Prophetarum, framing two distinctions like the two hornes of Sedechias (such another as himselfe, full * 1.177 of that spirit) and putting them into their mouthes: the first, that the Popehath not authority without Iust cause, to pro∣ceed against Princes: the second, that the Pope hath not his authority directly, but indirectly, & in ordine ad spiri∣tualia, and for the Catholike cause: Et in his ventilabis Sy∣riam, * 1.178 saith the false Prophet, of his hornes: and with these distinctions, saith this Iesuite, the OATH-taking may satisfie the Statute, and reserue integritie and sincerity of true Catholike doctrine.

79 As if hee should say, though they swore (as it is in the OATH) that they beleeue, and in conscience are re∣solued that the Pope hath no authoritie vpon his excom∣municating of Princes, to absolue Subiects from their O∣bedience;

and that they swore this according to the ex∣presse words by them spoken, and according to the plaine and common sense and vnderstanding of the same words, without any Aequiuocation, or mentall euasion, or secret re∣seration whatsoeuer, (all which are the words of the OATH:) yet if in their minde they shall secret•…•…y conceiue these two distinctions, No authoritie without IVST CAVSE, or not DIRECTLY: though the Pope shall after hee hath excommunicated a Prince, absolue his Subiects, they must perswade themselues notwithstanding, that they haue sworne truely; and yet that the Pope hath done that, which in their consciences is iust; in that his so pro∣ceeding is either vpon iust Cause, or by his indirect autho∣ritie.

80 And now let a Christian Reader (that makes con∣science either of God, or common honestie) consider whe∣ther these be not profunda Satanae in the Reuelation, euen the very mist and mistery of miquity; wherein hee may * 1.179 demand of this Iesuite, first whether this be not a Paganish delusion both of God and men! the very same of Lysander and Dyonisius, that Children are to bee mok't with toyes, and men with Oathes! Nay more then heathenish; for A∣ristotle * 1.180 was of opinion, that hee which doubleth in his Oath (for that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to sweare with a mentall additi∣on) hath neither feare of Gods vengeance, nor shame of mens reproofe. Secondly, if the OATH may by such di∣stinctions, * 1.181 according to the true Catholike Religion (for so this Censurer saith) be interpreted and expounded, why did not the Pope by his Breues, rather ratifie these as law∣full euasions, then at the first dash thunder out his awfull Interdictions? Thirdly, if the OATH bee so thin a Cob-web, that two such Flies may so easily breake through it; why doth this Iesuite so often tearme it a pressure of Conscience, forcing men to dispaire? Lastly hee might aske of this bani∣shed Catholike, whether that part of the OATH, touching the Popes authoritie, vpon which hee thus mentally di∣distinguisheth,

be a matter of Faith, or no •…•…sno; then the OATH bindeth to no other thing, then the acknowledge∣ment of meere Ciuill Obedience: if yea; then in •…•…o secretly distinguishing, they did a thing vnlawfull: for no sorte of Aequiuocation (saith Fa. Persons) is lawfull in matters of Faith and Religion. Yes (saith Fa. Parsons) their so Ae∣quiuocating in this matter of faith, is lawfull, and may stand * 1.182 with the integritie and sinceritie of true Catholike doctrine. So then in matters of Faith and Religion it is not lawfull in any sort to Aequiuocate; but in this matter, though it concerne Faith and Religion, it is lawfull. Will not the dis∣cre•…•…t Reader conclude these to bee roapes of Sand? and to haue lesse coherence then that which hee straines at for dis∣sonancie in the Apologie?

81 And yet (saith hee) Num. 31. Vnlesse these distin∣ctions may be admitted, hee that sweares honestly, and takes the OATH simply as it lyeth, and is meant by the Magistrate that offers it (namely that the Pope hath no authoritie vpon what occasion so euer, for neuer so much good of Christian Religion to proceede against any Prince, either by himselfe, or by permission of other Princes to doe the same) doth contra∣dict the consent of all Catholike Diuines, and professeth that Gods prouidence is defectuous in care of his Church.

82 Dolosum versar•…•…in vniuersalibus, and for him that meaneth deceitfully, to speake generally, is an old Pro∣uerbe, vpon an old Custome. The first of these Asserti∣ons, that the Popes authoritie for deposing of Kings, is conclu∣ded by Content of all Catholiks Diuines; if by them he meane Scriptures, Councels, Fathers, Stories for 1000. yeeres after Christ, the Reader must take it for a mendatious vanity, and let it passe for no better. But if in that number hee ac∣count Popes testifying of themselues; or Canonists Parazi∣ting to Popes; or Glosses hyperbolizing the flatteries of the Canonists; or Schoolemen blasphemously detorting Scrip∣tures; or adulterate and partiall stories, forging a Mathe∣maticall Donation (quae palea est, at Ecclesia pro grano habet,

which is but Chaffe indeed, though the Church hold it in * 1.183 the granarie for good Corne, saith an ancient Canonist of their owne) he must expect no fitter answer then that which our Sauiour gaue to him, that challenged to himselfe to bee the Great Donor of the Kingdomes of the World, cum men∣dacium * 1.184 loquitur, de proprijs loquitur; to bring credit to their owne sab•…•…es, they must bring in witnesses (like Knights of the Post) of their owne humors.

83 The second, as it is a triuiall Obiection, and borrow∣ed by this Epistler from Allens Apologie; so, as by one of their Glossaries it was first vttered, it is a charge fauoring of Blasphemie, namely, that if this transcendent power ouer all * 1.185 things, (euen for deposing Princes) were not proper to the Pope, OVR LORD sauing his reuerence, saith hee, had failed in his discretion for gouernment of his Church.

84 Viues, vpon Saint Augustine, telleth vs o•…•… one that perswaded his neighbours on a darke night, that vnlesse the Moone were in his Assesbelly (for sine shee drunke it vp of late shining in the Poole) the world should want that light for euer. Parsons vpon Allen would perswade •…•…s that vnlesse Gods prouidence bee so tyed to the Popes Diademe that hee may Triple it with supremacie of controule ouer all Princes Christened, the Church should want that pillar for support, and that eye for direction in gouernment: the first, being a fancie of an Io•…•…or, is but a meriment of folly; this challenge, s•…•…riously maintained, and a maine argument among Iesuites is a presumptuous challenge of arrogant im∣pietie.

85 That men in agonie of griefe; or torment of paine; or discontentment of humor; or rage of passion; or in cases of distresse and disgrace, will speake irreue∣rently of God (or as the Hebrew hath it Dare insul∣sum Deo, will charge God with folly) through impati∣ence, it is vsually by Poets fained; and by stories of good * 1.186 note, in men of good parts, sometimes obserued: but that Pride should so farre ouersway mens affections,

that to maintaine their ambition and tyranny, they should so much forget God their Sauiour, as to chal∣lenge him of Improuidence towards his Church (which is as deere vnto him as the apple of his eie; which hee hath purchased with his Blood; which hee hath handfastned vnto himselfe for his spouse; and to which hee hath promised his per∣petuall assistance) is singular from all examples; admirable, but intollerable: onely that it fauoureth of the spirit of An∣tichrist, who as in his pride hee lifteth vp himselfe aboue all that is called God, so for the support of his pride, sticketh * 1.187 not to charge with indiscretion, and want of fore-sight euen the very true God.

86 Whose Prouidence is as his power; this, most puis∣sant where the meanes are most weake: that, most Vigilant * 1.188 where the meanes are least seene. Et quod stultum videtur homi•…•…ibus, that which the worlde counteth folly, is Gods * 1.189 wisedome; to passe by the mighty and the noble, and to choose the weake things of the worlde to confound the mightie; yea, things vile and despisable, to abate and pull downe things loftie and Honorable: not by curse of mouth, or dint of sword, but by patience of spirit, and power of his word. For Gods prouidence in his Church-gouernment by Church men is O∣peratiue, not vindicatiue; that same Vlcisci in promptu, that * 1.190 vengeance in a readinesse against all disobedience, whereof the Apostle speaketh, leuelling euery high thing that is exalted a∣gainst the knowledge of God, and captiuating euery thought to the obedience of Christ, like the ru•…•…nating of Hierichoes walls by Rams-hornes is powerfull not violent spirituall but not vi∣sible, * 1.191 by meanes weake in shew, mightie in effect. Those Com∣pedes ad alligan dos Reges in the Psal. Those fetters made to * 1.192 bind Kings are DOCVMENTS OF FAITH, saith Tho∣mas, not Thunders of disturbance.

87 Yea, had not God in the depth of his wisedome, and prouidence of the Church, kept that conceite, (or any the least occasion to breede it) euen from the thoughts of Princes; that the same snake, which (being almost statued

to death with hard and cold weather, they should warme succour and nourish in their bosomes, would, when shee had go•…•…ten libertie and strength, first st•…•…ke them: and that the Romane Bishops brought so lowe in the worlde by pou•…•…tie and persecution, after their aduancement by them, would haue growne to that height of insolence, as to am•…•…te them: still should they haue lien forlorne and vnp•…•…tied, at least vnfurnished of those large indowments, francke immunities, vast priuileges, and honorable pla∣ces, which now they hold, and wherewith they are vp∣hold 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

88 T'is naturall to Kings to be iealous of their Thrones, wherein they can abide neither Mate for diuision, n•…•…r Check mate for scorne. It cost Ado•…•…ah his life for asking * 1.193 Abishag to wife, because Solomon did thereby take occasion to suspect, that hee which desired the Fathers bed-fellow, would also aspire to the brothers Throne. It was not the blasphemie layd to our Sauiours charge by the Iewes, that mooued Pilate to sentence him; th•…•… which hastned his death, was a iealous opinion, though a false perswasion▪ that he should be a King, and thereby defeate Caesar of his claime * 1.194 to Iurie.

89 In that point therefore wee shall see God himselfe to be very warie; for euen that Psalme (which of all the Scriptures is most threatfull to Kings, and begins with a * 1.195 thundering expostulation) Quare fremuerunt Gentes, & a∣stiterunt Reges? It pleaseth him to conclude it not with a minacing ex•…•…rusion, but with a calme perswasion, Oscule∣mini filium, or as the vulgar hath it, Apprehend•…•… Discipli∣nam: and what is that? Be wise, ô yee King•…•…, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Lord in feare: I•…•… not, what is the da•…•…▪ Nepereat•…•…s de via iusta, that is, lest you lose the righ•…•… way to Heauen, and your right in the Crowne of Heauen: Hee said no•…•…, your Titles to your Kingdomes, no•…•… right to your Crownes on earth. God 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thought it fit to support his Church, by daring of Princes, Professors of his name; for that had

beene the way to make them not nourishing F•…•…s, but ei∣ther * 1.196 pinching supprest•…•…, or at least colde and wary fauo•…•…s of the same.

90. As therefore in the time of the Law, hee had a Church, flourishing and famous, to the worldes astonish∣ment, In Iury was God knowne, his Name was great in Israell, * 1.197 where there were Pr•…•…ests of ve•…•…y •…•…nent port and •…•…te: yet, that they were subiect to their Kings (both for reu•…•…rent demeanour to their persons, and all due obedi•…•…nce, to their Commands, both in ciuill affaires, and for Ecclesiasticall charge,) argued no de•…•…ect in Gods prou•…•…ence or di•…•…ti∣on: So in the p•…•…itiue time of the Gospell, the puritie of doctrine, the increase for number, the successe by the large prop•…•…tion of Christianitie, was farre more eminent in the world; and the Euidence of Gods Prouidence more apparant∣ly demonstrated, when the blood of Martyred Bishops was the Seed of the Church (at what time the Title of Christs Vicar Generall was not heard of) then since the challenge and claime of this Papall supremacie; the issues whereof ha•…•… beene the bloudy Massacres of Christian Princes, designed and abe•…•…ted by the Successors of those Bishops, successors (I say) in Seat, (and yet that is a question) but not in •…•…aith.

91 And the Christian world can witnesse, to Gods glo∣rie, and the Popes regret, that the vigilant eie of Gods Pro∣uidence, for support both of sinceritie in doctrine, and in∣teg•…•… of di•…•…, and publike maintenance of bo•…•…h, where Bishops and Priests vse the Keyes committed to them, toward, their Soueraignes for winning their soules, not for disturbing their states; for preaching to them, •…•…ot factioning against them; in exhorting, not threatning the•…•…; in praying for them, not •…•…sing them, is more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…visible then where the pope and all his gim∣mals the P•…•…sh Priests o•…•… C•…•…rats of Rome (that is their true * 1.198 originall) who for their often winding and turning are onely called Cardinals, doe practise their vsurped claime,

in •…•…acing Interdictions, managing Rebellions, allowing Periuries, instilling and complotting Treasons. But in briefe if it were seriously propounded, what became of Gods Pro∣u•…•…dence when there was no Pope at all (as at once for s•…•…uen yeares and a halfe, anothertime for three yeeres together the See was vacant?) And to which of the Popes Gods Proui∣dence for Church-gouernment was tied in the Anti-papacie or duplicitie of Popes for so many yeares, it would pin•…•…h the Iesuite to answere it.

92 Now from his Doctors Chaire, where he hath beene vrging the lawfulnesse of his distinctions, he descendeth, & fals on his knees. Num. 32. And as before he framed an Oath for a Mitigation, so now he puts vp a request for an exposition (which is indeed an oblation for our OATH) where he propoundeth three offers; that it would please his Maiesty either, first, to admit of these Mentall Euasions; or, second∣ly, to wipe out the last words in the Statute against Aequiuo∣cation; or, lastly, not to thinke much if they vtterly refuse the OATH.

93 It may be said to him as vnto Cain (in their owne Translation) Recté offers, sed non recté diuid•…•…s: his submission is good, but his proffer•…•… are not so: it becomes him to bee * 1.199 humble, but not thus to Capitulate: wherein hee seemes to honour the King, (as Bernard noteth of an hypo∣crites sacrifice) it is munere foetido. For the summe of * 1.200 his Petition is this, that either the OATH might not at all be imposed (and so his Maiestie should haue of them no bo•…•…d of allegeance) or else that it might bee taken with the forenamed Reseruations; that so (as the same Father speak∣eth) * 1.201 they may dare manum deuotioni, & animum liuori, sweare loialty on the booke, but hatch Treason in their hea•…•…s.

Notwithstanding (saith the Iesuite,) the rather 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this be yeel•…•…ed vnto, because both the chiefest learned of their Church haue iudged the OATH vnlawfull (as it is now framed) and also their chiefe Pastor, hath v•…•…erlie con∣demned

it. And this indeede hath caused (saith he) the great scruple and repugnancie of Conscience.

95 How holds this together? He told vs before, that it was the Scruple of Conscience, which caused them to seeke * 1.202 beyond the Seas, both to enquire of the learned there, and to consult with the Pope: now he tels vs that this scruple is an effect engendred in them, by the resolution of those Learned, and the peremptorie Sentence of their Pastor. Et pergit vobiscum Papa perplexe loqui! Doth the Pope breed scruples in their mindes which consult him? He hath Pri∣uilegium infirmitat is saith Canus) and cannot erre; there∣fore his resolution should remooue all doubts, cause none; should settle the conscience, not startle it.

96 But take it either way, either as a cause moouing, or an effect succeeding; it bewraies in both a singular disloyal∣tie in the affection. Did the scruple cause the enquiry and consultation? That argued alienated dispositions; for true loue obeies, disputes not; yeeldes, and doubts not. Dauid noted it in his Subiects, in auditu auris, they no sooner * 1.203 heard, but obeied him. Omnia charitati facilia, Loue makes all things light, saith S. Augustine: and therein is S. Iohns speech made good, that our Lords Commandements are not grieuous. The weight of an Iniunction is not so much in the * 1.204 Obiect as in the Subiect. Potest esse cordis affectus, cui nil graue sit (saith the same Father) There may be such an af∣fection * 1.205 in the heart, which may make a Yoke easie, and a Burden light•…•… such an vnwillingnesse againe there may be, * 1.206 that Durus est hic sermo, shall be pronounced vpon a com∣mandement, be it neuer so easie.

97 The holy Ghost notes it, that when Ieremie willed the Iewes to put their necks vnder the Yokes of Nebuchad∣nezar, they which made a scruple, and (vpon that scruple) in quired of some Prophets, whether they should serue him or no, God himselfe doth, pronounce both them that mo∣ued * 1.207 the doubt, to be authors of their owne miserie, and those Prophets that disswaded them, to bee liars in them∣selues,

and not authorized by him. Much more when a Christian King requires a bond of Obedience from his na∣tiue Subiects, onely for his Temporall indemnitie and securi tie: In that case (bl•…•…nch it as they will) euery d•…•…ubtful enquirie is an Impostume of Disloyaltie; it is not a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Conscience, it is a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at the hea•…•…: which because those doubting Catholikes could not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (for a potsheard, though it be guilt, will sh•…•…w it selfe to be earth) and yet were loath to bewray it, they t•…•…ke Sanctu•…•… * 1.208 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Rome, as inquiring of that Oracle, thereby to couer their wilfull refusall, vnder the pretence of the Popes Ne gatiue Resolution; that so they might answer, wh•…•…n th•…•…y were called to the OATH, We are willing to doe•…•…t, bu•…•… our chiefe Pastor hath forbid vs, and thinkes it vnlawfull. Sic Coelum, non animum mutant: The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they carried out, returned with them.

98 Was this scruple an effect? and did it follow vpon the Resolution of those Learned, and the Popes Breue? then is it worse, because now it is Armata impietas, Disobedience authorized. As for those chiefest learned (as he in•…•…itles them) they are all but one Bellarmine (for ought that ap∣peareth to the world) whose opinion in this case, what it is, his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 manifesteth, and the Apologie hath discussed it. Learned he is, his workes doe shew it; and yet he that should say they are more painefull then learned, should do him •…•…o wrong, no•…•… iudge of them 〈◊〉〈◊〉. This wee are 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that as learned as he, and better minded then he, are of a con•…•…arie iudgement to him for the Princes immuni∣•…•…ie from the Popes Souereignty, as will appeare when wee come to his Let•…•…er.

99 But the Popes Brene, that is a Persian Decree, and his Interdixit, an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dixit. It may not be disputed, much lesse dissauow•…•…d. In this very case, Et si Regum Iura peruer∣tat (•…•…aith a Iesuite) though he peruert the Lawes of Kings, * 1.209 either by sinister const•…•…uctions, or pri•…•…y subornations; prey for him they may; iudge of him they may not; obey

him they must. Now this reliance vnrepealable (though he call it in the Catholikes, a scruple of Conscience) yet is it not in them, thus tied, a vassalage of slauery? and in the Pope, thus binding them (looke to himselfe) an oultrecuidance of Tyrannie? and, in respect of Kings, a licence for disloyaltie in their Subiectes, and the Allumettes of Treason to their persons? For what greater slauerie, then if Popes carie troupes to hell, yet men must follow them, and not argue with them? So saith Boniface the Archbishop of Mentz: and * 1.210 what more dreadfull instabilitie to Kings, then to enact Lawes for their Subiects, to trie and tie their Alleageance, and a forren Countermand must bee sent to free them, and affright them from Obedience?

100 A second stay, which holds him so long in this Pre∣face (he cals it the third point) is that speech in the Apologie, that it argued Gods blessing vpon the deuised OATH, that so many Popishly affected, did take the OATH: This he trips at, and giues his reason, That if it be a blessing, it must be so; first, to the takers, which are of two sorts, either in act, which are sworn already; or in desire, which wish they might, but dare not. The first haue no outward blessing of Libertie, for they are still imprisoned; if inward blessing of Comfort, hee knowes not: but to the other, it is the greatest pressure of Conscience, and angaration of minde, that euer befell them; for that oppression exceeds all other, either Corporall for paines, or worldly for losse.

101 Indeed the the trouble of Conscience is a fearefull vexation: but the next that comes to it (because it is a men∣tall worke) is the trouble in answering a Cauelling Sophister; who hauing some remnants of common-places, wherein he is perfect (like one ready to be drowned, that laies hold of any thing, though a rush or stick) snatcheth at words, to giue vent to his notes, neither well couched, nor properly applyed.

102 His maiestie concluding, as the Scripture directs, and as man may iudge Gods approbation by an outward

and vnexpected successe; that so ma•…•…y of the Clergie and La•…•…tie, (diuersly affected in Religion) did take the OATH, whereby he was secured of their allegeance, and they freed from his ie•…•…lousie, whom his M•…•…iestie might otherwise haue suspected, (because there is no such alienation, as that which is caused by difference in Religion) calles this suc∣cesse, GODS BLESSING: for multiplication, whe∣ther of wealth or people, is a benediction; and therefore in Scripture often conioyned. Of Iust Iob, saith the wicked spirit, Benedixist•…•…, & creuit possessio. Of the same man, * 1.211 saieth the Holy spirit, the Lord BLESSED his last daies, for his substance & Family INCREASED. Of all the faith∣full the Ps•…•…lmist pronounceth it, Hee BLESSED them, * 1.212 and they MVLTIPLIED exceedingly.

103 In the MVLTITVDE of a People is the honor of the King, sait•…•… Salomon, because his strength lieth in them. But if (as Dauid his Father described some) they be * 1.213 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contradictionis, a muttering and a disloyall people; Filij alien•…•…, mentientes, & claudicantes, of estranged affecti∣ons, * 1.214 dissembling tongues, false hearts; the King might then say (with the Prophet) multiplicasts Gentem. non multiplica∣sti La•…•…tiam; the more the worse: for it is Populus volunta∣rius, * 1.215 or as the Hebrue hath it, Populus deuotionum (wee see it in Gedeons Army) which maketh d•…•…em fortitudinis (•…•…aith * 1.216 the Psalmist) that giueth courage to the Kings minde, and strength to his battles; which words the vulgar hath left out.

104 Now God hauing blessed his Maiestie with an accrument of a great and mightie Nation; but finding with all, that rule in Vegetius to be true, that it is not numerus but virtus, not multitude but Loialtie, which in time of exi gence must preuaile; to assure himselfe that his Subiects, will be neither filij Ephraim a saint-hearted people, with their bowes bent, ready to turne their backs vpon him, * 1.217 faile him at his most neede; nor filij Belial, a false-hearted people, either vilifying his person (as some did Sauls at * 1.218

his first entrance) or turning their weapons against him, as Dauid was serued, both by the sonne of his loynes, and * 1.219 his great Councellor of State; the rather hauing beene alrea∣dy in Dauids Case, affrighted with the bloody hands of strange Children, whose mouth talked of Vanitie, and their right hand was the right hand of iniquitie. He deuised this OATH * 1.220 for a pledge of his assurance, for abond of their allegeance, which accordingly succeeded; because what he hoped, hap∣ned; yea, more then he expected. For many vnrequired, came and shewed themselues to be Populus voluntarius, FREE∣LY offering to take the OATH; and this the King truely cal∣leth a BLESSING of God vpon the deuise.

105 For mortall men must iudge the best of Gods pro∣ceedings by outward happy successes; and what more hap∣py to Kings, then a sure est•…•…blishment in their Th•…•…oanes? and none surer among men, then inuestiture, confirmed by Conuenant and OATH. For Dauid was the King of Is∣rael, euen while he was in Hebron; but when the Tribes came and passed their Couenant with him of Allegeance, t•…•…en, and not before, hee cals himselfe a King established, and exalted, which he only attributes vnto Gods blessing. And * 1.221 that this was his Maiesties onely meaning, the Latin trans∣lation cleeres it by the word fortunauit, arguing thereby, that is was a blessing outward and visible.

106 Now what hath the Common-place of the Con∣science Greefe to doe with this blessing, that is, this euent thus fortunately succeeding? No more then it had before to * 1.222 doe with the aduerb ONELY, sauing that of a word of exal∣tation he would make a Tragedie of Angariation. Wherein to answer him once for all; First, if the Catholikes (as hee cals them) haue vexed Consciences, it is no maruell, in two respects; for Idolatrie being mixed with Superstition, and Superstition neuer void of feare, (because, as it suppo seth there be many Gods, so it wisheth th•…•…re were none) * 1.223 feare must needes worke a vexation of the minde: but Heresie is Idolatrie, (saith Vincentius) for so many selfe con∣ceits,

are so many Gods, yea, the basest kinde of Idolatry (saith Saint Augustine,) this, adoring the woks of mens * 1.224 hands, the other, worshipping fancies of their owne braines.

107 Againe, where the minde hath no certaine stay for her Vltima resolutio, in matters and cases of Faith and Conscience, there must neceslarily follow a miserable vexa∣tion; which is the Case of those Catholikes, whose depen∣dance for Resolution, must •…•…est vpon the supreme Pastors de∣termination, then which what •…•…s more vncertaine? For what one Pope decrees, another disalowes. It is obserued of some, that from the time of Stephanus Sixtus, it hath beene the custom of Popes, that the succeeding Bishops, Acta * 1.225 priorum aut infringerent, aut omnino tollerent, would either narrowly impale, or v•…•…terly repeale their Predecessors De∣crees. And will any call that Conscience, that hath this De∣pendance? Our Soueraigne King hath giuen it the right name, when he saith, That Conscience not grounded vpon * 1.226 sure knowledge, is either an ignorant fancy, or an arrogant vanity: and what resolued comfort can bee in either of these?

108 Secondly, if pressure of conscience may serue for good Plea of Recusancie to Princes Lawes, there is nether malefacton for crime, nor Hereticke for schisme (neuer so great) but will make that his Apologie against any Cen∣sure. The making of Lawes, and the execution thereof, must depend vpon the Magistrates will directed by Gods word, not vpon other mens Consciences, whether tender as vnresolued, or pecuish, as neuer satisfied.

109 Thirdly, the answer may bee with that of our * 1.227 Sauiour, If the light which is within you be darkenes, how great is that darkenesse? because it is with the Conscience of man, as with the Eye of the body: be the obiect neuer so bright and visible, if there be in the Eye any thing which may * 1.228 impeach the sight, either mist, or dust, or lime (which one of their owne writers very elegantly doth allegorize) either

fancies of their owne braine (which is Caligo tenebrarum in this life, and dusketh the eyes of the vnderstanding to a mans perdition, for if our Gospell bee yet hid, it is hid to them that are lost;) or wordly delights of honour and wealth, * 1.229 (for that's Puluis pigmentarius, the marchants dust, which tickleth the eyes, and blindes the sight of the wisest) or En∣uie * 1.230 by Emulation, or preiudice of affection, or wilfullnesse * 1.231 by opposition, which like lime torments the eye, and peruerts the iudgement concerning the Obiect; where lyeth the fault then?

110 If the Iewes to this day behold not what they should, nay what they might; but whatsouer is spoken of Christ (though neuer so demonstratiuely) they do reiect it, because they conceiue it not; Is it (saith S. Paul) because the veile is not remooued from Moses face? or that the Law is still Typicall? Nay, that is gone, but the veile is now spread, by their owne wilfulnesse, ouer their owne hearts. Such is the Conscience of those Catholikes whom he bemoaneth; who either led by their owne conceit (obstinate by some former impression) or misled, what with future hopes buz∣zed into their eares, or by present terrors of Churches Cen∣sure, or relying vpon the Pope, as the Iewes vpon Moses (though these last haue the better warrant) doe name that to be Conscience, which is but Error; and angariation of spirit, which is nought else but peeuishnesse. The issue, either of superstitious feare, or malignant opposition, or slauish de∣pendance, for to be greeued with that which is good, is not weakenesse, but wickednesse.

111 To a corrupt stomacke, euen the lightest meats are burdensome; but cleanse it, and then it will easily con∣coct, and orderly digest the strongest food: So to the vn∣cleane and vnpure, nothing is cleane; for euen their minds * 1.232 and consciences are defiled (saith the Apostle;) but rectifie and cleanse the Conscience, Et lapides isti panes fient, quoth S. Bernard, that which now pincheth for a pressure, will passe for a Comfort. And so the conclusion shall be for this * 1.233

point of Conscience, which (as his Maieslie once well ob∣setued * 1.234 many p•…•…attle of, but few feele. If any which hau•…•… taken the OATH, be tormented in minde for abiuring that vniust claime of the Pope, it is not Conscience but fan∣cie that a•…•…slicts them; without reason on their parts, o•…•… oc∣casion of ours. It is not the Statute which must beare the blame but either their owne inconstant affections, vari∣ing in themselues; or their inthralled iudgements ouer∣awed by the Pope; or hopes, or feares, whispered in by o∣thers, raising a storme where there was a setled quietnesse.

112 For them which are to take it, if they refuse it, the penaltie is before them, their conscience is free. But his Maiestie (no doubt) will be ware of them, and the State obserue them as men branded by the Apostle, seduced with the error of Balaams wages, and penshing in the contradi∣ction of Corah and Dathan. * 1.235

113 The Censurer goeth on, to shew, that as not the Takers, so not the Exhibiters of this Oath can account it a Blessing; and that for two reasons: First because whereas they thinke heereby to assure the King of his Subiects allege∣ance, they rather make them to grow desperate: for when their Consciences tell them they haue taken an vnlawfull Oath; they are more exasperated against their Soueraigne, then be∣fore; this griefe of their working in them an auersion of heart, no fastnesse of loyaltie to his Maiestie: for they that will vpon passion sweare, will, vpon a secondpassion, breake out against that which they haue sworne: and for ex•…•…mple hee cities the storie of Count Iulians passion, Numb. 34. Secondly, this Imposition of an Oath is a Scandall actiue, for it forceth men with repugnance of their Conscience to s•…•…are; w•…•…ich is a sin reciprocall, both in the Taker and in the Exhibiter, but es∣pecially in the last Num. 35.

114 Thus you see how this one word Blesse hath ca∣sed his note booke of three Common-places; Angariation of Conscience, Enforcement to desperation, and giuing Scan∣dals. All borrowed •…•…rom Allens Apologie; and either

ioine them, or seuer them, neque Coelum ne{que} Terram attin∣gunt; * 1.236 according to the Prouerbe. As they sin•…•… not very fit∣ly with that word in the Apology, so in generall they are extrauagant from all Diuinitie and Policy Of Conscience we haue already spoken; Now for Desperation. First, euen in Policy; Are seuere Lawes not to be made? Or being made, the seueritie to be abated, for feare that some (either fro∣ward or dissolute) will either fall into dispaire of minde, or •…•…ush into some desperate act? Hoc est terrere pietatem, saith * 1.237 S. Augustine, this were to affright Iustice, and crosse S. Pauls doctrine, who telleth vs, that the Magistrate carries not the * 1.238 swo•…•…d in vaine. Jn vaine he should carrie it, if he would bee a∣fraid of euery terror.

115 Jt was the furious fancie of the Donatists; rather then they would be forced from their schismaticall opinions, in a desperate rage, either to lay violent hands vpon them∣selues; or (if they were strong enough, and could make their partie good) to put them of the contrary opinion, ei∣ther to torment, or to death: but this stated not the Church from compelling them (notwithstanding their furious cour∣ses) by rigourous Lawes, either to vnite themselues, or beare the penaltie; little regarding their threats, or Acts of Despe∣ration; which Rigor the same Father calleth Mercie, because by it many of them were reclaimed from their error, * 1.239 and in that Church willingly gaue thankes for their con∣uersion, to which they were vnwillingly, and by rigour drawne.

116 But for Diuinitie; are their Catholikes no better instructed by their Ghostly Priests? Then, if they may not doe (as in Israell, when here was no King) euery man what * 1.240 is good in his owne •…•…ies; out, because they take their Soue∣raigne to bee austerus homo, seuere in his gouernment, as * 1.241 one that takes a strict account of his seruants; presently they must breake out into a desperate Rebellion, and the watch-word to be, Nolumus hunc regnare? Belike with them * 1.242 Lenity must breed Insolent Treasons, (whence else came

that of the Priests?) and Seueritie must worke Desperate * 1.243 Treasons; and thence came the Powder-plot. Nobis non licet esse tam disertis, qui Musas colimus seueriores: Wee English * 1.244 contemptible Diuines (so the Romanists account vs) haue thought S. Peters Diuinitie to be better, when he exhorteth Seruants to their Masters (much more Subiects to their Soueraigne) to be buxome and obedient with all feare, not only to the kind and curteous, but also to the froward and im∣placable: For were there no rigour, there should bee no triall of Christian patience: the Philosopher could say, Impe∣ria dura si tollas, * 1.245 quid virtus erit?

117 So that, admit his Maiestie (by his Lawes) were more seuere; true Catholike Diuinitie teacheth men, either (by submissiue dutie) a ready obedience to them, if they think them lawfull: or if not, but either through weaknesse they cannot, or repugnancie of Conscience they dare not be so perswaded, then to endure the penaltie with all humble pa∣tience: for that is thanks worthy, if a man for conscience sake * 1.246 towards God, indure greefe wrongfully, because our Master did so; Who when hee suffered, threatned not, but committed his cause to him that iudgeth righteously. But belike some Despe∣rate Treacherie is hatching, wherewith this Boutifeaux is acquainted: what else it his meaning,

—vt precibus{que} minas tam fortiter addat,

* 1.247 that thus stripping his Foxes case, hee now shewes himselfe in his Lions skin? and from his Suppliant Petition, to threa∣ten some Act of Desperation? euen as HE once said, who hauing his hand on his sword, when intreatie could not pre∣uaile, cried, At hic faciet. This threat of his (and let his ex∣ample * 1.248 be marked, of no lesse moment then translating an Empire, vpon a desperat passion) may be a Caueat to the State: and so an end.

118 The other about the Scandall Actiue, is as friuo∣lous and impertinent as the former; for hee frames it (as the rest) vpon a false surmise. Doth the Magistrate inforce any to the OATH against his Conscience? No, but if any

plead Conscience, the Magistrate indeuours to informe him, and rectifie it: if then hee refuse, the penaltie ensu∣eth; which, he that knowes what Conscience is indeed, will rather indure (though to the losse of life) then venture vpon the checke of that in-dwelling and vpbraiding witnesse. it argues they haue but a Leprous Conscience (as his Mate∣stie * 1.249 well cals it) that dread more the Censure of a Ciuill Bench, then the fearefull daily Doome of that in bred and vnseparable Remembrancer.

119. But in this point of Scandall, will this great Di∣•…•…ine vouchsafe to learne a lesson from their owne Schoole∣man * 1.250! Is the exacting of this OATH a Scandall Actiue in our Magistrates? Then is it Passiue in their Catholikes; for it is no Scandall giuen, if it be not taken. If their Con∣sciences be offended at it, they are (saith Aquinas) either * 1.251 simply ignorant, or wickedly malitious, and the last rather; for hee that is well instructed, or truly sanctified, can take no offense, though giuen neuer so openly: which he con∣firmeth by that place of Dauid. Great is their peace which l•…•…ue thy L•…•…w, Et non est illis SCAND ALVM: Hee * 1.252 which truly loues God, neither doth scandalize by sin∣•…•…ing, nor is scandalized by repining, quicquid ei fiat; be∣cause loue endureth all things, and therefore whatsoeuer is imposed, Compatitur, & tollerat, hee suffreth, and frets * 1.253 not: he beareth, and rebels not.

120. But what if there be none, or few that make such Conscience, or take such Offense as he speaketh of? but that the ease hee with them as once with some Donatists, Qui nobis quotidie confitentur, (saith S. Augustine) many of them * 1.254 confessing, that they would long since haue beene con∣formable to the State, but that they were ouer-awed by those, Inter quos si vnum verbum pro Catholicâ dicerent, If they should speake but one word of this submitting them∣selues to the Kings will, Et ipsi, & domus eorum euerterentur, if not actually (as with the Donatists) yet spiritually: they are threatned to be Apostataes, to haue renounced their

first Faith; and to be no members of the Catholike Church of Christ. It was Balaams fault (and let the Supreme Pa∣stor (as they call him) for his Breues; and Bellarmine, the chiefly learned (as they stile him) for his letters, looke to it) branded vpon him in an euerlasting Record, for a per∣petuall remembrance, Quia docebat Bala•…•…c mittere SCAN DALVM coram filijs Israel. * 1.255

121. Now at last hee shuts vp his Myndian Gate, his long Counter-Preface: wherein, if the Reader obserue him (as if he had beene brought vp in Lambs-lease) he seemes for the most part very tenderly affected, and pitsfullie complaining of the hard measure which the Catholikes en∣dure by our Lawes; but aboue all, this last OATH of ab∣iuring the Popes authoritie in Deposing Princes: as if the Church wherein hee liues, and the Religion which hee professeth, did neither practise, nor allow such inforcing Pressures vpon mens Consciences: If it doe, then Hypocrita * 1.256 eijce Trabem, & medice teipsum: when their Inquisition is suppressed, then let them pinch at this OATH, and our * 1.257 Statutes: otherwise (as the Poet said)

Nil mihi vis, at vis cuncta licere tibi? * 1.258

What should they compell, and not we?

122. This he is guilty of, and therefore by an anticipa∣ting Concession he grants it true, but preuents an Obiecti∣on, which we might, and haue oft iustly made; that if they by their (more then Hellish) Tortures, force men (as they doe) both innocent and ignorant (euen against the Law of Nations) Trauellers, Merchants, strangers, to renounce and abiure the perswasion of their Faith; Much more may our Souereigne, by OATH, inforce (vnder penalty) his natiue Subiects, to abiure the Popes Temporall authority in deposing Kings.

123. To which he maketh answer, both negatiue, and vntrue: negatiue, that they inforce none to sweare, if they suppose they doe it with repugnance of Conscience: (no more doe we; for if any be required, and take the OATH, wee

accept it: if heresuse, we presse him not: if he sweare, he doth it willingly, (and the words of the OATH are so) wee iudge not the heart: the ouert-act and the word vtte∣red is the vtmost that mans iudgement can reach vnto.) Vntrue; for if the partie conuented refuse to abiure his o∣pinions (notwithstanding he plead the repugnancie of his Con•…•…ience) they put him to Tortures, and the most ex∣treme violence that flesh can endure, or malice inuent. In which kinde, Rome (both Heathen and Popish) hath beene noted most exquisite. If, thus tormented, hee renege and denie his profession, can the Inquisitors be perswaded he doth it without reluctance of Conscience? But if, thus man∣gled, he resist (as the Apostle speaketh) ad Cruorem, euen to Blood, * 1.259

Tam bibit HVNC auidè, quam bibit ante merum, was sung long since in Rome of a great Ruler therein: To death he must.

124. And this the Iesuite confesseth and answereth: First, affirmatiuely, that THEY may lawfully doe so. Se∣condly, negatiuely, that WE may not doe it. His principall reason, for affirming, is, because the Catholike Church hath Ius acquisitum, an ancient right ouer Heretikes, in that they were baptized into her, and after left her.

125. It is an excellent libertie, to encounter an aduer∣sarie neuer extant, and to argue vpon Conclusions neuer granted: he takes it pro concesso, that the Church of Rome is the Catholike Church; which wee denie; and the chiefest learned on their side, as yet, could neuer euict our deniall: for whether they take Catholike for Vniuersall, as contai∣ning all the members of Christs Church, militant and tri∣umphant within it, Rome (being but a particular City, and the true Iurisdiction confined within a limited Diocesse or Prouince) cannot be it: or take Catholike for the profession of the true Faith (as S Cyprian, for that purpose, cals that * 1.260 of Africa, the Catholike Church) neither can the Romish Church be, in that respect, so intitled. For what was said

of the Church of the Iewes in her corrupt state, is too true of Rome: Her gold is mixed with drosse: and She, whose faith * 1.261 was plight to Christ, is become an Adulteresse.

126. And if Vincontius his rule be true, that it Only is to be accounted Catholike Doctrine, Quod semper, vbi{que} & ab * 1.262 omnibus creditum est, neither shall Rome be prooued Catho∣like, nor England Heretike. When either of these is soundly determined, then let him plead her Ius acquisitum. So truly called indeed as Rome now stands possessed thereof, per v∣surpationem non bonafidei, hauing atchieued it by fraud and •…•…ine force, where she hath interest: (& this is HER Torment, that in England, where she once had that Ius acquisitum, aw∣ing our Princes, enuassaling our Prelates, exhausting our substance, and selling our dignities, it is now Ius amissum.)

127. For that right which the true Catholike Church of Christ, and euery visible part thereof, within her com∣passe, respectiuely, hath against Heretikes, either for their conuersion or chastisement, is Ius innatum, bred within it, and vnseparable from it: for no sooner was there a Church designed, but this right was annexed: Semen Multeris con∣teret * 1.263 Caput Serpentis: as the enmitie for contradiction, so the right for suppression, is natiue.

128. If the challenge of Acquisition bee in respect of Baptisme (which is Allens claime, and this Page of his doth sooth him in it) as it is an iniurie to our Church, so is it a blasphemie against Christ. Neither the Spirituall Mystery, nor the prescribed forme, nor the intended effect of Baptisme, directing any way, or making vs in any thing liable to the Church of Rome. First, in Baptisme for the Mystery; there is an Indument and a stripping, which the ancient Church reduced to two words, Credo, Abrenuntio: in the first, there is the putting on of our Lord Iesus Christ: For as many as are * 1.264 baptized, haue put on Christ: First, as a Lord, acknowledg∣ing no other Master, whose voice to heare, whose doctrine to relie vpon, but only his. Secondly, as Iesus, assuring themselues, that there is no other name vnder Heauen

whereby they may be saued. Thirdly, as Christ, aswell their annointed King, submitting themselues to his will, giuing their names to his warres, and swearing themselues his Subiects: as also their annointed Priest, resting in his One Sacrifice, as the Onely sufficient. Heere's no mention of Romes Church. In the stripping part, they renounce and forsake the works of the Diuell and Flesh: and into that part, indeed, (if with Saint Paul) Heresies bee marshalled, * 1.265 Rome (the nurse of them) is renounc'd in Baptisme.

129. For the Forme, it is by our Sauiour appointed to be in the name of the Three Persons of the indiuisible Trini∣tie, * 1.266 and so it is performed; neither of Cephas the surnamed * 1.267 Rocke, nor of Paul though a great Apostle, much lesse of Peters successor, that beareth Pauls Name. For the End, they which are baptized, are thereby made both the Sonnes * 1.268 of God, by adoption and grace, inuested with an Inheritance euerlasting; and Priests to God, to Offer and slay; to Offer * 1.269 that mundam oblationem (which Cyril expoundeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the cleane and vnbloody Sacrifice of Praiers, and Thankes, •…•…o Slay themselues, mortifying their affections * 1.270 and lusts.

130. And what makes all this to the Ius acquisitum of the Romish Church ouer thē that are Baptized? yea, though they were Baptized in the middest of Rome? vnlesse they can soundly prooue it to be the Onely, true, and vnerring Church; and that it neither hath swarued, nor doth adde to that faith and doctrine, which they that are truly Baptized are bound (by the Scriptures) to professe in Baptisme?

131. Therefore wee, hauing as good cause to be per∣swaded of our Church, aswel in assurance of Gods promise, truth, and presence within it, as her iust right for suppres∣sing Heresies, make no doubt, but that against them of Rome, we may as lawfully proceed, by compulsarie means, and by this OATH, as they against vs by the like.

132. HEE denies it both by Reason and Example; Reason, because they had possession long before vs: Example,

because neuer the like Oath was exacted afore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in this Nation, or elsewhere by other Kings.

133. Possession for hold, and Prescription for time, may be Pleas in Ciuill Courts, but no sound Arguments in case of Religion; for the first may be a Claime by intrusion (which is their Case that plead for Rome) and the other the antiqui∣tie * 1.271 of error, (for so is prescription without veritie) there∣fore when truth appeares, let custome yeeld to truth, was the conclusion of a Councell. But what is all this (if it were * 1.272 true) to the OATH of Ciuill Allegeance? Doth it exact of them a renouncing of their Baptisme? or their opinions in Religion, concerning Faith and Doctrine?

134. Yea, but there was neuer the like OATH heere, or elswhere exacted: If he meane for Temporall Allegeance in the submissiue part thereof, it is an vntruth; our Chroni∣cles are full of Examples to that purpose; and there is no Christian Prince, but vpon occasion, inforceth the like vp∣on his Seruants and Subiects. A Frier of their owne mentio∣neth * 1.273 Iuramentum fidelitatis to Kings 600. yeeres agoe. If in the Exclusiue part, for the abiuring of the Popes temporall right (whether directly or indirectly) ouer Kingdomes and Nations; if other Princes doe not the like, we iudge them not: perhaps it is in some of them an infused perswasion, that it is not lawfull; in others peraduenture it is a violent restraint, if gladly they would, but cannot be suffered.

135. If with vs neuer the like before, (suppose hee say truly) first, looke to the Motiue; it was vpon an occasion (wee must repeat it, though it vex him) Singular from all Examples. Secondlie, the Pope was neuer so insolently busie with any Nation, nor his vassals so vnnaturally maliti∣ous with this Land heeretofore, as of late with Our Soue∣raignes and Kingdomes; which, but for him, our Gratious King might enioy with a Peace more continuall and hap∣pie then Solomon or Augustus. And so hauing done with his long Preface (which is like a flash of Lightning before a Thunder) wee now come to the Thunderbolt itselfe (as his

Maiestie well cals it) I meane the Breues (not Musicall, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉) of Paulus Quintus: wherein hee agreeth with him of his owne name in the Acts, Qui spirauit minas, thun∣dered * 1.274 out threats against the Disciples of our Lord: but diffe∣reth from him in that very case in some respects.

136. For first, the other did it before hee changed his name: while Saul, he breathed his minaces against Christ: being Paul, he preached the faith of Christ, and Obedience to Princes. This man, while he was Burghesi, was in effect Paul, that is, (as the name signifieth) a still silent man; for ought we read of, he neuer breathed word for Christ: no * 1.275 sooner doth he change his name (hee is Saul indeed, his throat an open Sepulcher) but he threatens and thunders * 1.276 against Christ: if not the Messiah, our Lord the anointed, yet against our King the Lords anointed. Secondly, the Apo∣stle was but a Commissioner subordinate, vnder the High-Priests, for Gods truth (as he thought:) this High-priest (being the cheefe Commander himselfe) in his own name sentenceth, and for his owne sake pursueth, and in his owne claime, as he pretendeth. Saul, while he was striking, was * 1.277 stricken into his Conuersion, Faxit Paulo huic; yet it is folly to wish where there is no hope.

137 Retractation argueth modesty (saith S. Augustine) and is a preamble to conuersion: Defense of a fault, dou∣bles * 1.278 it (saith Philo) and is a forerunner of obduration; which is the Popes sinne, in setting vp this Epistler, as his Vindicator: and because it might be [Labra Lactucas] sem∣blable * 1.279 to the former, whom before hee vsed as his Vulcan, to fashion his Thunderbolts (the force whereof was broken by the Apologie) he now makes him his The•…•…sites, by a shif∣ting and shamelesse Libell, to raile downe that Apologie.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Eccl. 12. 12.
• * 1.2

  Plato Sympos.
• * 1.3

  Metaph. in Eccles.
• * 1.4

  Tul. Acad.
• * 1.5

  Cal•…•…ach.
• * 1.6

  Preface to his Manifestatiō.
• * 1.7

  Esa. 3. 9.
• * 1.8

  Prou. 26. 5.
• * 1.9

  De reg. Iuris.
• * 1.10

  Plut. in Anto•…•…
• * 1.11

  Vnder his owne hand. Quodlib. pa. 238. 239.
• * 1.12

  Preface to his Manifestation
• * 1.13

  Manifestation pag. 51. 2. Sam. 18. 12.
• * 1.14

  Vers. 29.
• * 1.15

  Quodlib. pa. 71. 237.
• * 1.16

  Gal. 6. 14.
• * 1.17

  Pag. 27. &c.
• * 1.18

  Gal 5. 24.
• * 1.19

  Iust. defene. pag. 297.
• * 1.20

  Tho. Morton Deane of Glocester.
• * 1.21

  Manifestat. page 51.
• * 1.22

  Es. 53.
• * 1.23

  Quodlib. page 236.
• * 1.24

  2. Reg. 6. 12.
• * 1.25

  Iust. defence. page 236.
• * 1.26

  Sop•…•…oc. Aiax.
• * 1.27

  Num. 13.
• * 1.28

  Ci•…•…rella in Sixto qu•…•…ato.
• * 1.29

  Presace of his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. •…•…o the Reader.
• * 1.30

  Pro. 8. 25.
• * 1.31

  Gen. 17. 6.
• * 1.32

  Polydor. de in uent. lib 4. ca. 9
• * 1.33

  1. Sam. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.34

  Interpre. vocl•…•… Ecclesiast.
• * 1.35

  Onuphr. vbi supra.
• * 1.36

  Vbi supra.
• * 1.37

  Quodlib. pa. 121.
• * 1.38

  Pa. 3 5.
• * 1.39

  Ioh. 7. 51.
• * 1.40

  Ioh. 20. 16.
• * 1.41

  Ioh. 13. 13.
• * 1.42

  Hieronym. in Catalogo.
• * 1.43

  Prep•…•… •…•…b. f•…•…de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. •…•…t. o•…•…n •…•…n &c. vide Pl•…•…ra a∣pud. Cass•…•…d.
• * 1.44

  Quodlib. pa. 109.
• * 1.45

  Garnet resol∣ued it to bee lawfull when the Parliamēt house should haue beene blowne vp.
• * 1.46

  Decad. 1. lib. 1.
• * 1.47

  Suetoni. in eius vita.
• * 1.48

  In his Epistle to Sir Ed. Cooke. Sect. 51.
• * 1.49

  Eccles. 19.
• * 1.50

  verse 10.
• * 1.51

  Meteranus Lib. 11.
• * 1.52

  Liuius. Decad. 1. Lib. 2.
• * 1.53

  Act. 4. 20.
• * 1.54

  Edom is red or bloody Gen. 25 30. Psal. 137. 7. Ezech. 24 2.
• * 1.55

  Page 4.
• * 1.56

  Philip. 3. 1.
• * 1.57

  Preceedings a¦gainst the late Traitors.
• * 1.58

  Epist. dedica. to the King. pa. 10.
• * 1.59

  Eadem pag. 12
• * 1.60

  Es. 50. 6.
• * 1.61

  Iudg 3. 22.
• * 1.62

  Act 18 17.
• * 1.63

  Sueton. Iulius ca•…•…. 8•…•….
• * 1.64

  Quodl b. li 3. a. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6.
• * 1.65

  Dipnos. lib. 3.
• * 1.66

  P•…•…o. 30. 21.
• * 1.67

  Apolog. pa. 3.
• * 1.68

  Quod lib. pa. 149.
• * 1.69

  Quod lib. pa. 21.
• * 1.70

  Gen. 26. 3.
• * 1.71

  Deut. 6. 13.
• * 1.72

  Ierem. 17. 9.
• * 1.73

  Cap. 9. 8.
• * 1.74

  Numb. 39 3.
• * 1.75

  Iud. 16. 9.
• * 1.76

  Shebuaah 1. Shebaah.
• * 1.77

  Sueton. N•…•…ro Cap. 6.
• * 1.78

  Hierom. ad C•…•…rom. Pl•…•…tar. de •…•…ua vit. viuendo.
• * 1.79

  Luc. 16. 2. Cor. 2. 11.
• * 1.80

  De Pontif. Rom. lib. 7. cap 11.
• * 1.81

  Heb. 6. 16.
• * 1.82

  Quodlib. pag. 304.
• * 1.83

  Vide our Chro∣nicles & Polyd. Virgil.
• * 1.84

  Iustinian. in Authent.
• * 1.85

  Pag. 19. & 32.
• * 1.86

  Psal. 15. 4.
• * 1.87

  A•…•…g. •…•…l. 224. ad Alipium.
• * 1.88

  Math. 8. 8
• * 1.89

  Seneca.
• * 1.90

  Ci•…•… •…•…ro. Sylla. A•…•…in. var. hist lib. 7.
• * 1.91

  Pa 30. sect. 33.
• * 1.92

  Chrys. Oecumenius.
• * 1.93

  Apolog. pa. 4.
• * 1.94

  1. Pet. 5. 13.
• * 1.95

  Numb. 30.
• * 1.96

  Apologet.
• * 1.97

  Matth. Tortus page 97.
• * 1.98

  Hermogen.
• * 1.99

  Iohn 9.
• * 1.100

  Psal. 141. 5.
• * 1.101

  Quodlib. 1. art. 2.
• * 1.102

  Aristoph. Gr•…•…∣matic.
• * 1.103

  Quodlib. pag. 84.
• * 1.104

  Apolog. pag. 4.
• * 1.105

  Apud Procop. l•…•…b. 3. de bello. Vandal.
• * 1.106

  Plut. in Lucul.
• * 1.107

  Simulare Cu∣pressum, Ho ratius.
• * 1.108

  1. Cor. 3.
• * 1.109

  Preface be∣fore Gardiner de vera obe, dieutia.
• * 1.110

  Ecce d•…•…o gla∣dii. 1. Reg. 12.
• * 1.111

  Matth. Paris.
• * 1.112

  2. Cor. 11.
• * 1.113

  1. Cor 6 5.
• * 1.114

  Declarat. motunm. pag. 1 10.
• * 1.115

  2. Reg. 1. 16.
• * 1.116

  1. Sam. 28 6.
• * 1.117

  Quodlib. pa. 151.
• * 1.118

  Ioh. 7. 4.
• * 1.119

  Plut. Lucull.
• * 1.120

  M. Bluet. &c.
• * 1.121

  Plut. in Tiber.
• * 1.122

  Temp. Henr. 7.
• * 1.123

  Ioh. 5. 32.
• * 1.124

  Pag. 10. no. 15.
• * 1.125

  Luk. 19. 22.
• * 1.126

  1. Sam. 13. 19.
• * 1.127

  Aesop.
• * 1.128

  Ma•…•…o. Sat. 2.
• * 1.129

  Quod lib. p. 237
• * 1.130

  Numb. 15.
• * 1.131

  Aquinas. 12ae. q. 47. & 78.
• * 1.132

  2. Sam 14. 30.
• * 1.133

  Iob 1.
• * 1.134

  1. Pet. 5. 8.
• * 1.135

  Concil. Cartha. 6.
• * 1.136

  Quodiib. page 237.
• * 1.137

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Rom 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. ca, 23.
• * 1.138

  Salmer. in Gal. 1. Victor. Rel. 2. con. 3. Suarez in Tho. Tom. 4. disp. 16 Greg. de valet. Anal. fid. li. 7. cip, 2.
• * 1.139

  Mat. 13. 25.
• * 1.140

  Act. 19. 24.
• * 1.141

  1
• * 1.142

  2
• * 1.143

  3
• * 1.144

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.145

  4
• * 1.146

  Iosh. 5. 13.
• * 1.147

  Apoc 3. 16.
• * 1.148

  Plut. Sol n.
• * 1.149

  D. Mort•…•…bis full satisfact. part. 3.
• * 1.150

  Bern. ad Eug•…•….
• * 1.151

  Salmer, in E∣pist. Pauli, disp. 12.
• * 1.152

  Bellar. lib. 5. de Pontis. Rom. cap. 4 &. 6.
• * 1.153

  De claue, lib. 2. cap. 13.
• * 1.154

  Math. 28. 18.
• * 1.155

  Vbi supra.
• * 1.156

  De Concil. lib. 1. ca. 13. Bercla•…•…us. li. 6. cap. 26. Sigeb•…•…ri. in. an 1088.
• * 1.157

  Clau. Espencae∣us in Tim. Di∣gres. li. 2. cap. 6.
• * 1.158

  Ambros. Apo∣log. Dauid. cap. 4. &. 10.
• * 1.159

  Rom. 13.
• * 1.160

  2. Reg. 11. 4.
• * 1.161

  Matth. 16.
• * 1.162

  Vbi supra c. 10.
• * 1.163

  Uictoria, Rel. 1. Sect. 2.
• * 1.164

  Rom. 13.
• * 1.165

  Mat. 15. 6.
• * 1.166

  Verse. 14.
• * 1.167

  Apoc. 12. 12.
• * 1.168

  Act. 27.
• * 1.169

  1. Tim. 1. 9. Gal. 3. 23.
• * 1.170

  Medina in pri∣mam 〈◊〉〈◊〉. quest. 6 art. 2.
• * 1.171

  Apolog. lat. pag. 4. lin. 6.
• * 1.172

  Mat. 7.
• * 1.173

  Nazi. in Epist.
• * 1.174

  Horace.
• * 1.175

  1. Sam. 10. 11.
• * 1.176

  2. Cor. 11.
• * 1.177

  1. Reg. 22. 22.
• * 1.178

  vers. 11.
• * 1.179

  Apoc. 24.
• * 1.180

  Pl•…•….
• * 1.181

  R•…•…d Alax and. Ca. 18.
• * 1.182

  Num 14. Num 30.
• * 1.183

  Alu•…•…r. Pel. de Plan. Eccles. lib. 1. Cap. 13.
• * 1.184

  Iohn. 8. 44.
• * 1.185

  Bertian. in ad∣dit. a•…•… Gloss. V•…•…am sa•…•…cta. Ex•…•…. V•…•…es in Aug. de C•…•…it. dei. lib. 10. cap 16.
• * 1.186

  Iob. 1. 22.
• * 1.187

  2. Thes. 2.
• * 1.188

  2. Cor. 12.
• * 1.189

  1. Cor. 1. 26.
• * 1.190

  2. Cor. 10. 5. 6.
• * 1.191

  Iosh. 6. •…•…0.
• * 1.192

  Psal. 149 8. Aquin. in 2. 2 Cor. 10.
• * 1.193

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Reg. 2. 20.
• * 1.194

  Ioh. 19. 12. 13.
• * 1.195

  Psal. 2. 1.
• * 1.196

  Esa. 19. 23.
• * 1.197

  Psal. 76. 1.
• * 1.198

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in S•…•…atuscons. Fra•…•…. num 58.
• * 1.199

  Gen. 4.
• * 1.200

  In Cant. ser. 24
• * 1.201

  Vbi supra.
• * 1.202

  Num. 15.
• * 1.203

  Psal. 18. 44. Den•…•…t. & •…•…gra ca. 69. 1. Iohn. 5. 3.
• * 1.204

  Vbi supra.
• * 1.205

  Matth. 11. 28
• * 1.206

  Iohn. 6. 60.
• * 1.207

  Ierem. 27. 12.
• * 1.208

  P•…•…o. 26. 13.
• * 1.209

  Az•…•…rius Ie∣suit.
• * 1.210

  Boniface. apud Grat. d, 40.
• * 1.211

  I•…•…b. 1. 10. Iob. 42. 12.
• * 1.212

  Psal. 107. 38.
• * 1.213

  Pro. 14. 28.
• * 1.214

  Psa. 18. 43 44. &c.
• * 1.215

  Esa. 9 3.
• * 1.216

  Psal. 110. 3
• * 1.217

  Psal. 78. 9.
• * 1.218

  1. Saui. 10. 27.
• * 1.219

  2. Sam, 15. 12.
• * 1.220

  Psal 144.
• * 1.221

  2. Sam 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. Vers. 12. Apol. Lat. pa. 4 lin. 3.
• * 1.222

  Numb. 12.
• * 1.223

  Plut. de Super∣stit. Vincen. aduer. Here.
• * 1.224

  Deveia relig. cap. 38.
• * 1.225

  Specul. Pontisi
• * 1.226

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. pa. 18.
• * 1.227

  Math. 6. 23.
• * 1.228

  Ferus in ill•…•…m •…•…cum.
• * 1.229

  2. Cor. 4. 4.
• * 1.230

  Cani. 3. 6.
• * 1.231

  Deut. 16. 19.
• * 1.232

  2. Cor. 3. 14. 15 Tit. 1. 15.
• * 1.233

  Bern. in Cant.
• * 1.234

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 21. 15.
• * 1.235

  2. Pet. 2.
• * 1.236

  Lucian.
• * 1.237

  Epist. 50.
• * 1.238

  Rom. 13. 4.
• * 1.239

  Aug. vbi supra
• * 1.240

  Iudg. 17. 6.
• * 1.241

  Luc. 19. 21.
• * 1.242

  Verse. 14.
• * 1.243

  Martial.
• * 1.244

  Boz•…•…s, Staplet. Allen, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. Pet. 2. 18.
• * 1.245

  Seneca.
• * 1.246

  Petrus vbi supra.
• * 1.247

  Plut Lysand.
• * 1.248

  Count. Iulian. ex Hisp. Hist
• * 1.249

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. pa. 15.
• * 1.250

  Aquinas.
• * 1.251

  In 1. Iob. 2. 10.
• * 1.252

  Psal. 119. 165.
• * 1.253

  Aquin. vbi sapra.
• * 1.254

  Epist. 50.
• * 1.255

  Apoc. 2. 1•…•….
• * 1.256

  Matth. 7.
• * 1.257

  Ioh. 2.
• * 1.258

  Martial.
• * 1.259

  Heb. 12. 4.
• * 1.260

  Ep. 55. ad Cornel.
• * 1.261

  Esa. 1. 23.
• * 1.262

  •…•…irinen. aduer∣sus Haer.
• * 1.263

  Gen. 3.
• * 1.264

  Rom. 13. 14. •…•…al. 3. 25.
• * 1.265

  Gal. 5. 20.
• * 1.266

  Mat. 28. 10.
• * 1.267

  1. Cor. 1.
• * 1.268

  Gal. 3. 26.
• * 1.269

  Apoc. 1. 5. Mal. 1. & Cyril. Alex. in eum.
• * 1.270

  Rom. 12 1.
• * 1.271

  Cypr. ad Pom•…•…
• * 1.272

  Conc. Carthag. apud Cyrpi.
• * 1.273

  Sigeb. vbi su∣pra.
• * 1.274

  Act. 9 1.
• * 1.275

  Of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.276

  Paul signifies a Sepulcher.
• * 1.277

  Act 9. 4.
• * 1.278

  Retract. lib. 1.
• * 1.279

  Hieronym. ad Chromat.