A treatise of the divine essence and attributes. By Thomas Iackson Doctor in Divinitie, chaplaine to his Majestie in ordinary, and vicar of S. Nicolas Church in the towne of Newcastle upon Tyne. The first part

SECTION III. (Book 3)

Of the manifestation of Divine Provi∣dence in the remarkable erection, declina∣tion, and periods of Kingdomes: in over∣ruling policy, and disposing the successe of humane undertakings. (Book 3)

CHAP. 24.

Of the contrary Fates or Awards whereof Davids temporall kingdome was capable: and of its de∣volution from Gods antecedent to his consequent Will.

1 HOMER was not so blinded with the heathenish misconceit of Fate, as not-to-see more wayes to death than one. In Achilles he described two courses of life, the one shorter but decked with glory; the other longer, but bare and naked of ••ame: both alike possible by Fates.

Thetis foresaw, Fates by two wayes,* 1.1 Might bring me to my end; The one by Troy, where if my time I should with honour spend, It was but short: but if at home, A sluggard still I stayd; My life was long, but with no Fame, Or praise to be repay'd.

Now as one poyson sometimes expels another: so this opinion of double Fate, (if men be disposed to use this terme) takes away the malignity of that error, which holds all events to be fatall; albeit of such twofolded fates or successe, the one part or the other must by absolute necessity be fulfilled, ac∣cording to the parties choise, unto whom they are awarded. The body of that which Homer shadowed in Achilles, is evidently contained in Gods fore∣mentioned covenant with Israell, and sealed unto us by manifest experience in Davids line. For of Gods speciall providence over the seed of Abra∣ham or the Iewish nation in generall, we have trea∣ted at large in the first Booke of the Comments upon the Apostles Creed. The contrary Fates of Davids kingdome in succeeding ages, seeme to wrastle & strive, as Iacob and Esau did in the womb, or to countersway each other, like two opposite scales unequally ballanced, by turnes. That thus it fared with Davids Kingdome, doth not argue Gods decree concerning it to have beene mutable, but rather immutably to have elevated & depressed

both Prince and People, according to the degrees of their mutability in turning to him or from him.

2 Salomon had the largest talent of wealth, and the greatest measure of wit to use it, that any earth∣ly King either before or after him had. His possi∣bilities to increase his kingdome, and propagate greatnesse to his posterity, were much greater than any earthly Monarch since him might expect. Ma∣ny parts of Gods glorious promises made to Da∣vid, were literally meant of him, which were never literally fulfilled in him, or in his naturall linage; because they did not performe the conditions, which God required, that they might bee more capable of his extraordinary undeserved favours. The Covenant with David is expressed Psal. 89. I have found David my servant: with my holy oyle have I anointed him. With whom my hand shall bee established: mine arme also shall strengthen him. The enemy also shall not exact upon him: nor the sonne of wickednesse afflict him. And I will beat downe his foes before his face: and plague them that hate him. This promise pertaines to David and to his suc∣cessors: but however the promise was on Gods part unalterable, yet the prerogative promised was subject unto change on contingency. For so a little after the Psalmist distinguisheth betwixt Davids seed and Davids sonnes. His seed will I make to en∣dure for ever, and his throne as the dayes of Heaven. This he speakes not of many, but of one, to wit, of Christ, to whom onely the Kingdome of David was predestinated. Of such as were ordained to this Kingdome, he speakes in the plurall, not abso∣lutely

but conditionally: If his children forsake my Law, and walke not in my judgements; if they breake my Statutes, and keepe not my Commandements: Then will I visit their transgression with the rod, and their iniquity with stripes. The tenour then of Gods Covenant with David as it concerned Christ was absolute, but as it concernes Davids other sonnes, it was disjunctive, or conditionall. If any shall question why God for many generations did deale no better with Davids successors, than with the successors of other Kings, the answer from the te∣nour of the Covenant is plaine, They forsooke his Lawes, and would not walke in his Iudgements. Psal. 89. vers. 32. and thus breaking his Statutes, their visitation was altogether unevitable, not on a sud∣den, but by degrees. The Lords arme even in Sa∣lomons time was stretched out, ready to fetch the blow, which after his death fell upon his son Reho∣boam, as heire to his chastisements. The blow was sudden and smart; for of twelve Tribes, ten were rent from his Kingdome by Ieroboam. The wounds Inflicted by the Egyptian upon Iudah and Benja∣min, and upon Ierusalem her selfe, were grievous, though as yet not uncurable. So grievous as might give that people plainly to understand, that the prosperity of Davids earthly Kingdome was not like the dayes of heaven, nor the glory of Salomons throne like the Sunne in the Firmament, altogether priviledged from change, or mutability. But al∣beit the motion of the creature, appointed to exe∣cute Gods wrath, were sudden, yet the waight of Ierusalems burthen was not permanent, because

shee was not as yet frozen in sinne.

3 Of Rehoboams successors some were good, and these by their penitency and heroicall reforma∣tion, set back the Diall of such dismall Fates, as still did threaten them: many were bad, and did draw Gods plagues upon themselves and their people. And whilest the blow of Gods stretched out arme, is diverted and borne off by the fervent prayers of godly Princes; the waight of the whole Nations burthen, is much increased by the iniquity of the people. Either the number of the supplicants was not equall to the number of the delinquents; or the fervency of their prayer and repentance, not so constant, as the others delight in sin and wicked∣nesse. The waight of their sinister Fates, by this meanes secretly and insensibly increasing (even whilest their motion was restrained or abated) in∣creased the swiftnesse or violence of the motion, when by permission of the Divine Decree, they had liberty to take their wonted course. Ioas and Achas pulled them on so fast, that Micha threat∣ned judgement, not against the King and Nobles onely, but against City and Temple, in such a thun∣dring voice, as if desolation had even then besieged the City round about, and utter destruction was ready to enter in at the breach: Therefore shall Sion for your sake be plowed as a Field, and Ierusalem shall become heapes, and the mountaine of the house, as the high places of the Forest. Micha 3. ver. 12. Spake he this of his owne times, or of some others follow∣ing? was it in respect of the Eternall Decree, alto∣gether impossible for this dreadfull sentence to have

beene forthwith put in execution? Indeed many of their Magistrates and Politicians, most of their Priests and Prophets, untill this very instant had said to the like purpose: Is not the Lord among us, none evill can come upon us. vers. 11. This vaine confidence presumptuously and falsly grounded upon the immutability of Gods promises, made the doome menaced by Micha more necessary and fatall at this time, than otherwise it would have beene; though to such as understood the tenour of Gods Covenant with his people, neither at this time nor many yeares after, altogether un∣evitable.

4 The good King Hezekiah knew the Lord did not threaten in jest, and for this reason his feare was hearty, and his prayers earnest: Did he not feare the Lord, and besought the face of the Lord? Ier. 26. ver. 19. But did this his feare or hearty prayes im∣paire the present possibility or necessity of the plagues threatned? Yes, The Lord repented him. Of what? that he had denounced all this evill against Ierusalem, or intreated Hezekiah so roughly by his Prophet Micha? no: But the Lord repented him of the evill which he had denounced against him and meant to execute. For who repents himselfe of that which he did not so much as truly intend? Is God then as man that he should repent? It is impossible that there should be any change of purpose in God, & herein he is most unlike to man, or the son of mā, whose repentance alwayes includes some internall alteratiō of wil or purpose, not of the matter purpo∣sed only. Our best intentions of good to others, of∣ten

expire upon particular respects, and cannot be revived againe, albeit we neither had just occasion to take dislike, nor the same reasons to continue it, which we had to take it. Through the inconstan∣cie of our nature we loath to morrow what we like to day: our affections alter without any change in the matter affected by us. Far otherwise it is with God, whose will or purpose is still immutable; and yet exactly fitteth every change or mutation in the creature. To have punished Ierusalem continuing her wonted course (but sixe moneths longer after the Prophet had thus warned her) with such mise∣ries as Senacherib had menaced, was one part of the eternall and unchangeable decree: another part of the same decree (no lesse immutable) was to avert these plagues from Ierusalem truly repen∣ting upon their denunciation. No former wicked∣nesse could alienate his love from her, or make him recall the blessings promised to David, so long as this people was so affected, as in that covenant was required.

5 The possibility of the desolation menaced by Micha, was, for the present, as great, as the As∣syrian was potent. It might truly have beene said of this City, in respect of his army, what one saith of Navigators:

Est tua tam prope mors, quàm prope cernis aquam.

That extraordinary power wherewith the Lord had armed this Tyrant to take vengeance upon his neighbour nations, might well make the present

avoydance of the plagues menaced by Micha, seeme almost impossible. But good Hezekiah, by turning with all his heart, and all his soule unto the Lord, unto whom all things are possible, did not only remove destruction threatned from the City and Temple, but caused it to turne upon the de∣stroyer. Ierusalem and Iudah, by the unfained pe∣nitence of Prince and People, became the object of Gods antecedent will, and fell under the former part of Gods Covenant with David: The enemy shall not exact upon him, nor the sonne of wickednesse afflict him. And I will beat downe his foes before his face, and plague them that hate him. Psal 89. vers. 22, 23. The Assyrian by going beyond his com∣mission, in daring not Hezekiah only, but the Lord of Hosts, unto whose protection Hezekiah had fled, becomes the object of Gods consequent will, which by divine appointment, he was at that time to execute upon Ierusalem; but upon Ierusalem fallen away by disobedience, not upon Ierusalem returning in heart unto her God.

6 That this people might have some time of breathing and respite to gather themselves for the better accomplishing of so great a worke, as Heze∣kiah had begun; the Lord in his wisdome so dis∣posed that Tirhakah King of Cush should make for∣ward to entertaine Senacherib with battaile at that very instant, wherein he had purposed to give the on set upon Ierusalem. This unexpected removall of present terror, was (no doubt) a sure pledge un∣to the people for strengthning their relyance on Gods promise, for setling their hearts and continu∣ing

their constancy in fervent prayers, during the time of the enemies absence. And seeing the force of Egypt and Cush were not sufficient to dissipate Senacheribs mighty army, perhaps not able to hold him play any longer; the Lord sends Hezekiah and his people deliverance from heaven: Then the Angell of the Lord went forth, and smote in the Camp of the Assyrians, a hundreth fourescore and five thou∣sand: and when they arose, early in the morning, be∣hold they were all dead corpses. Isaiah, 37. vers. 36. The noise of this great overthrow was as the joy∣full sound of a Iubile unto Ierusalem, and did por∣tend another more admirable and victorious Iu∣bile to bee accomplished in the same place; of which* 1.2 elsewhere. This for the present might witnesse to Hezekiah and the people, that rather then one tittle of Gods Covenant with David should fal to the ground, the host of heaven should leave their station, and keepe garrison on earth. A little after this miraculous deliverance, the Sun is compelled to goe fifteene degrees backwards, for setting forward the course of Hezekiah his life, whom Death and Fate had now, in the worlds sight, arrested. God hereby testified unto Prince and People, that if they would continue such in health, as they were in sicknesse, so well-minded in peace and prosperity, as they had beene in strait siege, or other distresse of war: Ierusalems good dayes might become as certaine and constant, as the dayes of heaven; seeing that great light, which was appointed from the beginning to rule the day, did now give place to Hezekiahs prayers. But most

of this people were most unlike their Prince, albeit even he, after he had received those two miracu∣lous pledges of Gods loue, did not render according to the reward bestowed upon him. 2 Chron. 32. v. 25. For his heart was lifted up, therefore there was wrath upon him, and upon Iudah and Ierusalem. Notwith∣standing, Hezekiah humbled himselfe for the pride of his heart (both he and the inhabitants of Ierusalem:) so that the wrath of the Lord came not upon them in the dayes of Hezekiah.

7 After the yoake of Ashur was taken from off this peoples neck, many of them became wanton, others secure, as not suspecting that a Cockatrice should spring out of this Serpents root, that his fruit should be a fiery flying Serpent. Isai. 14. v. 29. Vnto Hezekiah himselfe, though a most wise and prudent King, the Babylonian tyranny, being now in his in∣fancy, did seeme by nature mor•• mild and gentle, than the Assyrian had beene. And not content to entertaine the King of Babylons Ambassadors with curtesies sutable to their congratulations, he shew∣ed them his treasury and all the good things wher∣with the Lord had blessed him: willing (perhaps) to give their master and the world to wit, that not∣withstanding the former wars and exactions, hee was no begger; but a fit confederate for neighbour Princes, to curbe the insolency of the Assyrian, whose strength though much abated by the ter∣rible blow, which the Angell of the Lord had gi∣ven Senacheribs host, was not quite broken till ma∣ny yeares after. But the Prophet knew this fawn∣ing whelpe to be of wolvish kinde, and discovered

those implanted seeds of cruelty in him, which when they came to be ripe, would be more noy∣some to the Kings and Princes of Iudah, than his predecessor the Assyrian had beene. Isaiah said un∣to Hezekiah, Heare the word of the Lord: Behold, the dayes come, that all that is in thy house, and that which thy fathers have laid up in store unto this day, shall be caried unto Babylon: nothing shall bee left, saith the Lord. And of thy sonnes that shall issue from thee, which thou shalt beget, shall they take a∣way, and they shall bee Eunuches in the palace of the King of Babylon. 2 King. Chapter 20. vers. 17, 18.

8 Any Heathen which had held Esaias for an undoubted Sooth-sayer, would instantly have con∣cluded hence, that the captivity of Hezekiahs suc∣cessors, and all the miseries which the Babylonian afterwards brought upon Iudah and Ierusalem, were absolutely fatall, altogether impossible to be avoided. And many good Christians (perhaps) will question, whether the plagues here threatned, were not from this point of time, necessary in re∣spect of the Divine Decree. To answer this que∣stion by interrogation: Why should not the spirit of the Prophet Esay be as truly subject to the for∣mer propheticall rule, as Micahs was? Now God, according to that rule, was ready to repent him of all the evill, which he had threatned, whensoever the people should repent them of whatsoever they had done. The Lord had given Hezekiah and his successors a farre larger and longer time, for pre∣venting the evill which Esay threatned, than they

had for avoiding the doome denounced by Mi∣cah. The very tenour of the denunciation made by Esay, shewes them a ready meanes for preven∣ting the woe denounced; so they would have laid it to their hearts, or followed the advise of succeed∣ing Prophets. But mortality must needs be rife, where variety of diseases and multitudes of unskil∣full Empyricks do meer. The common transgres∣sions of the people, are the epidemicall diseases of States: and such projects as Princes or Statesmen, without the prescript of Gods Word, or sugge∣stion of his Providence, use for their recovery, are like unseasonable ministration of Empyricall or old wives medicines, to crased bodies. They usually invite or entertaine the destruction or ruine of king∣domes, otherwise ready to depart. Not the best amongst the Kings of Iudah, but were smatterers in empyricall or secular policy. Some were more, some lesse, all too much given to put confidence in multitude of men and store of treasure. And for increasing this supposed sinew of Warre and nutri∣ment of Peace, they used meanes, neither warran∣table by Gods written Law, nor by the rule of cha∣ritie. To prevent this mischiefe which is the root of all evill, what perswasion could be more fit or pertinent, than this prediction of the Prophet: That the wealth which Hezekiah and his fathers had heaped together, which his successors would be too carefull to increase, would in succeeding ages steale their children, for whom it was provided, from them, and make them miserable captives in a for∣raigne Land. To heape up riches we know not for

whom, is a vanity; to heape them up with care and toile to the destruction of our best private friends, and advancement of the publike enemy, is the ex∣tremity of folly mixt with misery. Had Hezekiah his successors beene as ready to aske counsell of Gods Prophets as of Politicians; these could have instructed them, that the miseries foretold by Esay, were fatall unto covetousnesse and unconscionable care for posterity; yet not simply necessary after co∣vetousnesse was much increased in Hezekiahs suc∣cessors. For long after the going out of this decree, whensoever the Princes of Iudah repented for their owne oppression, and the oppression of their fathers, the Lord repented him of the plagues de∣nounced, and shewed himselfe ready to remove the oppressor from them. And though in peniten∣cy in other sinnes, did in part concur; yet continu∣ance in violence and oppression, was the principall string and fatall cord, by which the Princes of Iu∣dah did draw captivity upon themselves and their children, and desolation upon the City.

9 To passe over the various alternation of Iu∣dahs and Ierusalems different fates, in the dayes of Manasses Ammon, and Iosias, and come to Iehoikim, Iosias sonne, in whose dayes the inveterate disease of Iudah came to a Crisis: Did not thy Father (saith the Prophet Ieremy to this untoward and Prince) eate and drinke, and doe judgement and justice, and then it was well with him? He judged the cause of the poore and needy, then it was well with him: was not this to know me (saith the Lord?) But thine eyes and thy heart are not, but for thy covetousnesse, and for to

shed innocent blood, and for oppression, and for vio∣lence to doe it. Therefore thus saith the Lord con∣cerning * 1.3Iehoiakim the son of Iosiah King of Iudah, They shall not lament for him, saying, Ah my bro∣ther, or ah sister: they shall not lament for him, say∣ing, Ah Lord, or ah his glory. He shall bee buried with the buriall of an Asse, drawne and cast forth be∣yond the gates of Ierusalem. Ier. 22. vers. 15, 16, 17, 18, 19.

Shortly after the execution of this sentence up∣on Iehoiakim in full measure, Ieconiah his son, with other of the royall seed, according to Esaias for∣mer prophesie, were caried captives unto Babell, and all or some of them made Eunuches. How∣beit the execution of the same decree upon Zede∣kiah and such as were yet left behinde, was not as yet unavoydable, or meerly fatall; but such not∣withstanding they made it at last by continuance of like covetousnesse and oppression.

When the City was more narrowly besieged by the Chaldean, than it had beene by the Assyri∣an: the Lord of hosts calls for the Aegyptian, as he had done for the King of Cush, to remove the siege. The libertie and respiration which Zedekiah and his besieged people in the meane time got, be∣ing much greater then Hezekiah had for two years space together; was a true pledge of Gods antece∣dent will, which in part they had fulfilled, and which should undoubtedly have beene fulfilled in greater measure for their good, so they had used this liberty to Gods glory; or gone on so well in this time of breathing, as in their distresse they had

begun. Ye were now turned, and had done right in my sight, in proclaiming liberty every man to his neighbour, and ye had made a covenant before me in the house which is called by my name. But ye returned and polluted my name, and caused every man his ser∣vant, and every man his hand-maid, whom hee had set at liberty at their pleasure, to returne; and brought them into subjection, to be unto you for servants and for hand-maids. Therefore thus saith the Lord, Yee have not hearkned unto me, in proclaiming libertie every one to his brother, and every man to his neigh∣bour: behold I proclaime a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to the Sword, to the Pestilence, and to the Fa∣mine: and I will make you to be removed into all the Kingdomes of the Earth, &c. Ier. 34. v. 15, 16, 17. And Zedekiah King of Iudah and his Princes will I give into the hands of their enemies, and into the hand of them that seeke their life, and into the hand of the King of Babylons army which are gone up from you. Behold, I will command, saith the Lord, and cause them to returne to this City, and they shall fight against it, and take it, and burne it with fire, and I will make the Cities of Iudah a desolation without an inhabitant. ver. 21, 22.

10 Too much skill in secular policy made them put too great confidence in the strength of Ae∣gypt: and this confidence in the helpe of man, made them secure, whilest they were conscious of breaking the Covenant which their Fathers had made, and they lately renewed with their God. The probabilities of the Aegyptians success against the Chaldean, were (in all politique esteeme) very

great: and likely it is that the Chaldeans were brought back againe with speed unto Ierusalem by the speciall hand of the Almighty, that they might execute his judgements upon this rebellious peo∣ple. How necessary, how fatall and unevitable the execution of his consequent will alwayes becomes, where his antecedent will hath beene thus openly and wilfully neglected, may best be gathered from the same Prophets reiterated threats unto this peo∣ple, resuming (as it seemes) their former vaine confidence of the Chaldeans finall departure, after his forementioned prophecy to the contrary. Ier. 37. ver. 9, 10. Thus saith the Lord, deceive not your selves, saying, The Chaldeans shall surely depart from us: for they shall not depart. For though ye had smit∣ten the whole army of the Chaldeans that fight against you, and there remained but wounded men among them; yet should they rise every man in his tent, and burne this Citie with fire. To extinguish this flame, or prevent the extinction of Zedekiahs royall race and Iudahs earthly glory, there was no possibility left, so long as they wrestled with Fates, and made policie their strength: yet was there after this time, a possibility, as true, as Gods promise can make any, for escaping à tanto, though not à toto; a pos∣sibility for Zedekiah to have kept himselfe and his family in a better estate, then they afterwards en∣joyed; a possibility to have left the City and Temple standing, after death had disposed of them; so he would at the time appointed by God, have submitted himselfe unto the King of Babell, unto whom he had sworne allegiance. Then said Iere∣miah

unto Zedekiah, Thus saith the Lord the God of Hostes, the God of Israel; If thou wils assuredly goe forth unto the King of Babylons Princes, then thy soule shall live, and this Citie shall not bee burnt with fire, and thou shalt live and thy house. But if thou wilt not goe forth to the King of Babylons Princes, then shall this City bee given into the hands of the Chaldeans, and they shall burne it with fire, and thou shalt not escape out of their hand. Ier. 38. ver. 17, 18

And Zedekiah the King said unto Ieremiah; I am afraid of the Iewes that are fallen to the Chalde∣ans, lest they deliver mee into their hand, and they mocke me. But Ieremiah sayd, They shall not deliver thee: obey, I beseech thee, the voice of the Lord, which I spake unto thee: so it shall bee well unto thee, and thy soule shall live. But if thou refuse to go forth, this is the word which the Lord hath shewed me. And behold, all the women that are left in the King of Iu∣dahs house, shall bee brought forth unto the King of Babylons Princes, and those women shall say; Thy friends have set thee on, and have prevailed against thee: thy feet are sunke in the mire, and they are tur∣ned away back. So they shall bring out all thy wives, and thy children to the Chaldeans, and thou shalt not escape out of their hand, but shalt be taken by the hand of the King of Babylon: and thou shalt cause this Ci∣tie to bee burnt with fire. &c. vers. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23.

11 This last neglect of Gods antecedent will, so often revealed for his good, procured the speedy execution of his consequent will without all possibi∣lity to avoid it. Not a title of Ieremies or Ezekiels

prophesie, which his* 1.4 Politicians sought to set at variance, but is exactly fulfilled upon him, and so is Micahs prophesie upon this Citie. The manner how Ieremies and Ezekiels prophesie, which seeme to contradict each other, were both fulfilled, is ad∣mirable, and might well move a man, not well ac∣quainted with the nature of prophecies and Gods speciall providence, to think the Fates had plotted his ruine. But this particular argument is prosecu∣ted elsewhere more at large.

12 To recapitulate the summe of many argu∣ments to like purposes vnto every possible choise or resolution made by man, whether concerning matters private or publique, there is a distinct cor∣respondent successe allotted by the omnipotent and immutable Decree. Every actuall choise or resolution, is as the drawing of a new lott, whose just price or recompence, be it good or bad, is in∣stampt upon it from eternity. And for the awar∣ding or payment of it in due time, the whole host of Gods creatures stand bound by the very tenour of their beeing or dependancy upon their Maker. Seeing all of them were made by his word, and are continued by his meere will and pleasure; sooner shall they forfeit their very beeing, and be resolved into nothing, than the least tittle of Gods will, con∣cerning any creature, should not be fulfilled; or, that successe, be it good or bad, should not be awar∣ded to private men or publike States in that exact degree and measure, which God from eternity hath appointed.

From ignorance of this essentiall subordination,

which fate or conspiracy of second causes, have unto Gods irresistible providence, who by his in∣finite creative power, can at all times dissolve their combination, or compose them anew, by wayes to man for number incomprehensible, as pleaseth him; the wisest amongst State wizards have erred and do erre more grossely in assigning the causes of Kingdomes ruines or erections, or in prognostica∣ting the successe of politick skill, than a vulgar A∣stronomer should do, which would take upon him to foretell the peculiar disposition of the Ayre or weather in every place throughout this Iland, for every houre of the yeare following. The observa∣tion which many of them gather from the inspec∣tion of times present or past, are of as little use for future ages, as an Almanack of this yeare, is for the yeares following. Sooner may moderne Scholars prove extraordinary Husbandmen, by observing Virgils Calender of the rising and setting of Stars, or other rules of that ancient husbandry, which he describes; than pragmaticall wits become wise Statesmen by reading Tacitus, Livy, or others, bet∣ter acquainted with the mysteries of State, or Princely secrets, than with Gods providence or with the Almighties Decree concerning the suc∣cesse of their projects. Though that decree bee as He is most immutable, yet the variety of mens dis∣positions, especially in sundry ages, is greater than any alterations in the heavens; the divers conjun∣ctions or oppositions of mens wils to his, are more then can be found amongst the Starres. Now it is his immutable will to render unto every people and

nation, according to the degrees of that conformity or dissonancy, which they hold; with his mercy, bounty, or justice, or with his most holy will.

CHAP. 25.

Of the sudden and strange erection of the Macedonian Empire, and the manifestation of Gods speciall providence in Alexanders expedition and suc∣cesse.

1 ARISTOTLE* 1.5 being born when Greece did flourish, and living when the Halcyon dayes of Ma∣cedon beganne to dawne, would gladly tie the light of GODS countenance, which in his full age was inclining to the Meridian of Greece, unto the situation of his Country, and disposition of his Countrimen, whose politick vertues, in his Phi∣losophicall vanity, were intailed to the peculiar temper of that clime. The people (saith hee) that live in cold countries, and in Europe (as distinct from Greece) are stout and hardy, but not so wise and politick; more free then civill, much apter to be their owne men then their neighbours masters. The Asi∣atickes (that want no wit) are destitute of courage: therefore they remaine in servitude and subjection

unto others. The Grecians as they enjoy the middle place for situation, so they participate with the Asi∣aticks for wit, and colder countries for courage, in such proportion, as enapts them to preserve their libertie, and to beare rule and soveraignty over others. Many Comets at their first appearance, are usually mis∣taken for fixed Starres, reputed next in glory unto the Moone; untill their parallax bewray their place, and their sudden end discover their orginall to bee corruption. Thus the brightnesse of the Grecian Monarchy, whilest it was in rising or com∣ming unto its height, misperswaded their hearts whose eyes it dazeled, that it was to endure like the daies of heaven; whereas it proved but like the gli∣string bubbles of the morning dew, which dissolve with the strength of those beames, that gave them lustre. This is the onely difference: the period of their splendor falls in the compasse of an houre, and Comets usually continue not many months. Wher∣as the rise and fall of Kingdomes commonly out∣reach any one mans age or observation, and such as follow marke the occurrences of their owne times more then their connexion with former. Whence it is, that secular politicians are alwayes learning, and never attaine unto the knowledge of what they seeke. Howbeit, Aristotle lived long enough to have seene his error, for Alexander (I take it) did dye before him, and with Alexanders life the light of Macedon was extinguished, and the glory of Greece much eclipsed and abated. And though neither Greece nor Macedon have changed their clime or site, yet Aristotles 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Keene

Cocks of the game, have proved as arrant Cravens since, as the Asiaticks in his time were; as any Eu∣rope ever hatched: infamous for effeminatenesse under the Romanes, so deeply infected with the Asi-aticke luxury, that their very nature seemed to be tainted with servility, and to sollicite that bar∣barous yoake, which for a long time hath been laid upon them. But their present estate stands in more need of our prayers, then their fore-elders did of our censure. To returne unto their best times.

2 Never had any Monarchy on Earth save one (if happily that may be called a Monarchy) either so speedy an erection or so sudden a dissolution, as the Macedonian had. The true reason of its sud∣den dissolution, as a* 1.6 Writer in this case unparti∣ally tells us, was, because the Foundation of it was laid by perjury. The true cause of its swift erecti∣on, was partly the execution of Gods justice upon the Persian, and other Nations communicants with him in his present luxury, partly the accom∣plishing of Gods antecedent will for the good of his Church, as is* 1.7 elsewhere specified. In Aristotles time, Alexander was, as Nebuchadnezzar had beene Gods scourge or hammer to bruise all Ea∣sterne Nations.

3 The incredible successe of Alexanders furious attempts were such, as no Heathen which outlived him, could ascribe unto policy, wealth, or strength, or whatsoever meanes meerly humane. Amongst others, the heroicall Romane Poet so describes his beginnings and proceedings, as if the Fates had u∣sed his restlesse instinct to purchase same, but as a

spur to make him runne the race, and his sudden death as a curb to check his fury, lest he should transgresse the bounds that they had set him.

—Macedum fines, latebras{que} suorum Deseruit, victas{que} patri despexit Athenas, Per{que} Asiae populos fatis urgentibus actus Humana cum strage ruit, gladium{que} per omnes Exegit gentes: ignotos miscuit amnes; Persarum Euphraten, Indorum sanguine Gangen: Terrarum fatale malum, fulmen{que} quod omnes Percuteret pariter populos, & sydus iniquum Gentibus. oc••ano classes inferre parabat, Exteriore mari, non illi flamma, nec undae, Nec sterilis Libye, nec Syrticus obstitit Ammon. Isset in occasus, mundi devexa secutus, Ambisset{que} polos, Nilum{que} à fonte bibisset: Occurrit suprema dies, natura{que} solum, Hunc potuit finem vesano ponere Regi. Lucan. lib. 10.

Sed cecidit Babylone suae, Partho{que} verendus. Pro pudor! E••i propius timuere sarissas, Quam nunc pila timent populi: licet us{que} sub Arcton Regnemus, Zephyri{que} domos, terras{que} premamus Flagrantis post terga Noti: cedemus in ortus Arsacidum domino, non foelix Parthia Crasso Exiguae secura fuit provincia Pellae. Lucan. ibid.

The Easterne Nations (to our shame) The Grecian pikes did dread

More than they doe the Romans dart, Whose soveraignty is spred Through Climates hot, and Climates cold; Through all the winds that blow. Did not proud race of Arsacus, Vs in the East o're-crow. Yet Parthia stout, which, (unreveng'd) Drunke Roman Crassus blood, To little Pella, on safe termes, Of conquer'd Province, stood.

4▪ Some passages in this Poet may serve as a Motto to Apelles his devise, who painted Alexan∣der with a thunderbolt in his hand; as if hee had beene appointed for a sudden terrour to Nations farre and near, astonishing more places with dread of his swift approach, then felt his stroke. But what∣soever the Poet or Painter could expresse, was more excellently represented by Gods Prophet, many yeares before Alexander or Darius was born. And as I was considering, behold, an hee Goat came from the West on the face of the whole earth, and tou∣ched not the ground: and the Goat had a notable horn betweene his eyes. And hee came to the Ramme that had two hornes, which I had seene standing before the river, and ranne unto him in the fury of his po∣wer. And I saw him come close unto the Ramme, and he was moved with choler against him, and smote the Ramme, and brake his two hornes, and there was no power in the Ramme to stand before him, but hee cast him downe to the ground, and stamped upon him; and there was none that could deliver the Ramme out of

his hand. Therefore the hee Goat waxed very great, and when he was strong, the great horne was broken: and for it came up foure notable ones, towards the foure windes of heaven. Dan. 8. ver. 5, 6, 7, 8. What should move the Prophet to compare the King∣dome of the Medes and Persians to a* 1.8 Ramme, or what the comparison did in particular portend, is not so usefull for me at this time to know, nor so easie to finde, as the mysticall portendment of his resembling the Macedonian Kingdome to a Goat. The Macedonians in Daniels time, and untill Phi∣lip of Macedons time (who as* 1.9 Alexander in his choler, upbraided them, first made them Gentle∣men) were poore shepheards or goath••ards scarce able to defend their owne mountaines; no way likely to assault the Persian in his owne Land. Now as the swiftnesse of Alexanders expedi••ion, and the fiercenesse of his onset upon Darius, is lively re∣sembled by a Goat running to push; so his tender yeares are excellently characterized in the He∣brew, which is verbatim hircus caprarum, which properly signifies rather a Kid, then a Goat come

to full growth; or a male kid that followeth the Damme. For, Alexander, when hee undertooke this expedition against Darius had more of his mo∣thers countenance, then of his fathers. But the yonger he was, the more ready he was to conceive hope of victory against all hope in the forecast of man. His too much haste had procured worse speed, unlesse he which had raised up his spirit to this attempt, had a while arrested him with sicknesse at Tharsis. His abode there and at Solis to sacrifice for his re∣covery, made Darius presume that hee had runne himselfe out of breath, and durst not looke upon his puissant host, much lesse abide his push. And in this errour, into which his owne and others pre∣sumptuous confidence, in the multitude and mag∣nificence of his army, had led him, he makes haste to follow after Alexander, who, before either knew of others removall, was gotten beyond him. The circumstances of their mutuall errour and of their conflict, are so consonant, to the Prophets predictions, that I must beleeve the same God, which decreed Absalons fal by overthrowing Achi∣tophels counsell, had now fully decreed to ruinate the Persian Monarchy, by suffering Darius to listen more unto his flattering braggards, then unto the mature advice of Amyntas. This wise* 1.10 Captaine,

by birth a Macedonian, well knowing Alexander to be of such a forward spirit, as would scorne ei∣ther not to seeke his adversary any where, or not to incounter him wheresoever he found him; counsel∣led Darius to expect him in the plaine of Assyria, whither he assured him that hee would shortly come, though to the great disadvantage of the Grecians: But that advantage which Alexander scorned to seeke, the Lord mighty in battaile, vouchsafed to give him, as Alexander himselfe free∣ly acknowledged, after he knew where Darius his army was encamped. Although hee could hardly be brought to beleeve that Darius had left his stati∣on and marched toward Cilicia, untill his Scouts brought him certaine word that he had his adver∣sary in his hands, so it would but please him to put them forth whilest time served to take him.

But the Historians censure of Darius his fatall miscariage, will give the ingenuous Reader better satisfaction, then any discourse can be made upon it. To excuse his folly in not hearkning to Amyn∣tas, which had beene too grosse if it had been meer∣ly naturall, he saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. which the Translator misinterprets, when he saith, Ac fortasse Deus illum eo loci adduxit. The Authors words import thus much in English: Assuredly some divine misfortune led him into that place, in which his horsemen, his chiefest trust, would doe him no* 1.11 service, wherein nor multitude of men, nor store

of munition, could advantage him, being so straitned that he could not make any true representation of the gaudinesse or goodlinesse of his army. It was a place so fit as Alexanders Counsell of Warre, could not have made choise of a fitter for delivering vp the Scepter of Persia into his hands.

5 Alexanders sollicitous, though superstitious care to render thankes or supplications for good successe unto the reputed Gods of every place where he touched in this expedition, is to me a suf∣ficient testimony or assured signe, that he had ta∣ken certaine notice of some peculiar divine instinct impelling him to undertake it. And not knowing from what speciall God this instinct or impulsion came, he tendred his service unto all he knew.* 1.12 Io∣sephus his narration of his devotion at Ierusalem, and great respect of Gods High Priest there, sutes well with his usuall demeanour towards other Gods, related by this Heathen Writer, and is not improbable from his princely kindnesse unto the Iewes, to whom he allotted free habitation in the City called by his owne name. Vide Dion.

6 Many particulars not impertinent to this dis∣course, I leave to the ingenuous Readers observati∣on, that shall be pleased to peruse Diodorus Siculus, Arianus, or Quintus Curtius. These present right∣ly applyed, may asswage that declamatory humour of some pedantick politicks, which would have A∣lexanders

strange successe to be the naturall issue of Macedonian valour, and Asiatick effeminatenesse. Such collections might bee tollerated in a young Student appointed to make a theame or declama∣tion in praise of masculine or frugall spirits, or in dispraise of feminine luxury. Howbeit these po∣litick conjectures, are rather imperfect, than alto∣gether untrue: whether the Authors of them did apprehend so much or no, I know not, but certaine it is, their opinion supposeth a Divine truth, which they expresse not. It is not improbable in true Divinity, that the Persians were plagued as for ma∣ny other sinnes, so in speciall for their riot & luxu∣ry, and that God to give them notice hereof, did make speciall choise of the Macedonian to bee his scourge; a people remarkable in those dayes for austerity of life and masculine behaviour. For so it is usuall with the just Lord to upbraid those whom he severely punisheth for some predomiant vice, with some contrary vertue in them, by whom he punisheth, as elsewhere is exemplified more at large out of* 1.13 Salvianus. But unlesse the Lord had otherwayes disposed of time and place, the Per∣sian horses were not so effeminate or cowardly, but they might easily have put the Macedonian pikes to flight, or trampled the footmen under their feet, as Darius Courtiers proudly bragged

before their encounter. But pride goes before de∣struction, and God for this ••••••••on brought them into those straits, wherein they might perceive and see the truth of what his Prophet had said, An horse is but a vaine thing, neither shall hee deliver an•• by his great strength. Psal. 33. 17. And againe: Woe to them that goe downe to Aegypt for helpe, and stay on horses, and trust in charets, because they are many, and in horsemen, because they are very strong: but they looke not unto the holy One of Israel, neither seeke the Lord▪ Isaiah 31. ver. 1. I should think my selfe infideli deteriorem, worse then the Heathen Writer, if I did not derive Alexanders victory over Darius, from the divine decree: The time appoin∣ted (to use his* 1.14 words) was now come, that the Ma∣cedonian should take the Empire of Asia from the Per∣sians, as the Persians had taken it from the Medes, and the Medes from the Assyrians. Now who is it that can appoint the times, but hee which sitteth above the circles of the heavens, and moveth all things, being himselfe immovable?

CHAP. 26.

Of the erection of the Chaldean Empire, and of the sudden destruction of it by the Persian, with the re∣markable documents of Gods speciall providence in raysing up the Persian by the ruine of the Chalde∣an Monarchy.

1 THe weapons of war woūd more or lesse, according to their skill or strength that weild thē. So is the whole strength of warre it selfe; so is the might and poli∣cie of every Kingdome more or lesse successefull to friends, or hurtfull to foes, ac∣cording to the proportion which it holds, with his will or purpose, who is enstyled the Lord of hosts, the Lord mighty in battaile.* 1.15 Vnlesse the Grecians had beene generally lyable to the Aegyptians cen∣sure [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Grecians are alwayes chil∣dren] in true antiquity, Aristotle might have in∣formed himselfe and his followers, that the Assy∣rians, and other inhabitants of the southerne coasts of Asia, had sometimes beene a people so fierce and terrible in war, that Alexander attended with the whole strength of Macedon, would have beene but as a flock of Sheepe or an herd of Goats to an host of Wolves or Lyons. Whilest Tiglath Pele∣zer,

Senacherib, and other Kings of Assyria, were Hammers in the hand of God, who could resist them? The strength of these Assyrians was so great, that the Prophet foresaw the sudden advancement of the Chaldeans to the like or greater height or strength, would hardly be beleeved by neighbour Nations, Iew or Gentiles, untill they felt it to their smart.* 1.16 Behold ye among the Heathen, and regard, and wonder marvellously: for I will worke a worke in your dayes which ye will not beleeve, though it be told you. For loe, I raise up the Chaldeans, that bitter and hasty nation, which shall march through the bredth of the Land, to possesse the dwelling places that are not theirs. They are terrible and dreadfull: their judgement and their dignity shall proceed of themselves. Their horses also are swifter then the Leopards, & are more fierce then the evening Wolves, and their horsemen shall come from far, they shall flye as the Eagle that hasteth to eate. They shall come all for violence: their faces shall sup up as the East winde, and they shall gather the captivity as the sand. And they shall scoffe at the Kings, and the Princes shall bee a scorne unto them: they shall deride every strong hold, for they shall heape dust and take it.

The true and finall reason, as well of the Assy∣rians as the Chaldeans sudden greatnesse and suc∣cesse in battaile, was the accomplishment of Gods consequent will upon Israel and other neighbour Countries, growne, by speedy increase of their iniquitie, slaughter-ripe. Howbeit, the power it selfe or successe of these two Monarchies was a sure pledge of Gods antecedent* 1.17 will for their

owne greater good; so they had gratefully ac∣knowledged his goodnes in making them so great. But when these Battaile-Axes began to lift up themselves against him, which hewed the Nations with them; he abated their edge and softned their temper. Of Nebuchadnezzar, whose excessive pride had made him prouder then the rest, that O∣racle was verified in an exquisite sense:* 1.18 Man be∣ing in honour had no understanding, but became like the beast that perisheth. And that other remnant of the last forecited prophecie, was literally fulfil∣led in him, of whom it was meant; Then shall his minde change, and he shall passe over, and offend, im∣puting this his power unto his God. Habak. 1. v. 11. And Balshashar his sonne not taking warning by his humiliation, nor by the hand writing upon the wall, was surprized with sudden destruction, ei∣ther the selfe same night wherein the hand was seene writing, or (which is more probable) the same night of some yeare following. He had filled the measure of his fathers sinnes, as full with ini∣quity, as the boules wherein he caroused were with wine; and that being full, to drinke the cup of Gods wrath was to him at that time, necessary.

2 Now according to the Chaldeans growth in former iniquity, the prosperity of the Medes and Persians did daily increase, and their successe in warre, become every day more assured, than for∣merly it had beene, and at length (in such a sense as hath beene observed) altogether fatall. The fru∣gality of their private life, and publique discipline, specially in warre, were qualifications without

which (perhaps) the Lord would not so highly have advanced them, or used them as his instru∣ments in this service. But even these, and all other morall vertues, unto which the Politician ascribes their good successe, were proper effects of Gods consequent will, now absolutely set to plague the Chaldeans, and of his antecedent will for Israels re∣demption; sure tokens withall, of his love unto these Conquerors.

The Historicall syncerity of Xenophons intenti∣ons, or literall truth of his ingenuous relations, have not beene so much disparaged by any other pretences what soever, (if by any other at all) as by the heroicall sweet exemplary disposition of his admired Cyrus, by his dexterity in consultations, and the extraordinary speedy successe of what hee put in execution. Whatsoever Xenophon hath said concerning his successe, it doth not so farre exceed the unsuspected stories of Alexanders swift growth in fame and greatnesse, as that did the greatest in∣crease or excesse, which any one Generall, (though much longer live'd than Alexander was) or which any one age did ever bring into the Romane State. The* 1.19 best spirits which Rome had bred, whilest they lookt on Alexanders picture, and the Map of his conquest, were ashamed of their owne dulnesse and slow progresse of their victories. The Parthi∣an though not so masculine and valorous as in A∣lexanders

time he had beene, was able, in Pompeys. judgement, to have given Caesar the check, after his Pharsalian victory. And in this perswasion Pom∣pey had sought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from him, had not Ca••••es indignation at the motion deterred him:

Si servère potes, miserum quid decipis urbem?

3 The ods of antiquity betweene Cyrus, Alex∣ander, Caesar and Pompey, and other circumstances of severall times, being rightly allowed (according to the rate of* 1.20 former discussions to this purpose,) will make the credit of Xenophon in his institution of Cyrus, of Arianus, and Quintus Curtius, in their Histories of Alexander, and of the best Romane Writers from Livie downewards, to any unparti∣all Examiner, much what eaven. Or what if Cy∣rus, as he is set forth by Xenophon, did in his infan∣cie, youth, or maturity, (all odds and allowances of antiquity rightly made) farre excell Alexander, Pompey, Caesar, or any other whosoever that lived after him, as well in dexterity of wit, as in exem∣plary disposition of life, military or civill: all this may, without any just suspition of Poeticall ficti∣on, without the least transgression of a faithfull Historians bounds, bee referred unto a more inti∣mate, more placid, and more loving touch of that Spirit, wherewith, all that much excelled others in any age, have beene in some measure or other inspired, and incited to those exploits which have beene performed by them. I cannot blame the lat∣ter Romane Heathen for mistrusting Xenophons

relations in the forementioned booke; but surely, that Christian which will not acknowledge some extraordinary* 1.21 fruits of Gods peculiar calling, of his professed fatherly institution, instruction, and protection of Cyrus, shall much forget himselfe.

Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue Nations before him: and I will loose the loynes of Kings to o∣pen before him the two leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut. I will goe before thee, and make the crooked places straight; I will breake in pieces the gates of brasse, and cut in sunder the barres of iron. And I will give thee the treasures of darknesse, and hidden riches of secret places, that thou maist know, that I the Lord which call thee by thy name, am the God of Israel. For Iacob my servants sake, and Israel mine elect; I have even called thee by thy name: I have surnamed thee, though thou hast not knowne me. I am the Lord and there is none else, there is no God besides me: I girded thee, though thou hast not knowne me. That they may know from the rising of the Sunne, and from the West, that there is none be∣sides me; I am the Lord, and there is none else. Isai. 45. ver. 1. usque ad 7.

The Spirit of God (so farre as my remembrance or observation serves mee) doth not elsewhere vouchsafe to grace any Heathen Prince with such honourable titles, or affable speeches as these here mentioned are. Of Gods owne people, but few were called by their names, before these were im∣posed

by men. This is the prerogative of such as were types of the true Emanuel. The very* 1.22 cha∣racters, which the Heathen have made of Cyrus his amiable cariage towards men, his devotion, and vigilant care to testifie his thankfulnesse to∣wards the Gods for his good speed, are evident tokens of this his speciall calling to the present ser∣vice, and of his seeking to expresse himselfe in out∣ward* 1.23 performances: albeit young Samuel-like, he could not distinguish the callers voice, wanting an Ely to instruct him; yet can no Atheist bee so impudent as to surmis•• that Esay, leremy, and Xeno∣phon, should conspire like partners to make a faire game by seeing one anothers hands. For what common stake could they hope to gaine by this practice? but to omit generalities for justifying Xenophon and Herodotus in relating such rare docu∣ments of Cyrus his infancy (albeit these being com∣pared with the former prophecie and sacred relati∣ons concerning Salomon, or others whom God hath called by name, are in themselves capable e∣nough of credit:) we will descend to such particu∣lars

in Heathen Writers, as are consonant to the sacred passages, concerning the Babylonian warre, and may serve to set forth the wisedome and pro∣vidence of God in effecting his good purpose to∣wards the captive seed of Abraham. for (accor∣ding to the intent and purport of the former Pro∣phecy) the Reader is alwayes to beare in minde, that the true and finall cause of Gods extraordina∣rie blessings upon Cyrus, and of his conquest of the Babylonians, was the appointed deliverance of his chosen people, and the manifestation of his power and wisdome to the ends of the world.

4 A man of moderne experience in treatise of Leagues, and but of speculative acquaintance with the difficulties which interpose to hinder the asso∣ciation of lesser Segniories against mighty neigh∣bour Monarcks, would happely deeme that Xeno∣phon had framed his relations of Cyrus his successe, in linking bordering Nations to the Medes and Persians, by the modell of some Academicall can∣vas, or suit for some annuall office amongst fellow Citizens. The Armenians, the Hyrcanians, the Cedrosians, with many other naturall subjects to the Babylonian, all unacquainted with the project at the beginning, come over unto Cyrus with as great facility and speed, as if there had beene no greater danger in undertaking this doubtfull and (in common experience) most desperate war, than in giving a free voice to one competitor before a∣nother in a free and popular State.

But Xenophon was not so meane a contempla∣tive Scholar, as to commit so foule a solaecisme as

this had beene; albeit his pupose had beene to poe∣tize in these narrations. Poeticall fictions must beare a true resemblance of probability. Truths themselves must bee set forth in their native co∣lours, although they appeare to ordinary experi¦ence, most incredible. Such was the successe of Cyrus in the former businesse; if it were to bee de∣riued onely from his owne witt or contriuance. But Xenophon might have good historicall reasons not to suspect the Persian annalls or Persians re∣ports of Cyrus, as we haue sacred authoritie to be∣leeue the matters reported by them. He that cal∣led Cyrus by his name before hee was borne, and had now set him vp as Competitor with the Baby∣lonian, for the Asiaticke Monarchie, had layd the plot, and made the canvas for him before hee set forth: and (which is principally to bee obserued) had giuen publick warning to those Nations, which Xenophon mentions (more then threescore yeares before) to bee ready with others in armes against Babell:* 1.24 Set up a standard (saith Ieremie) in the land, blow the Trumpet among the nations: prepare the nations against her: call together against her the kingdomes of* 1.25 Ararat, Minni, and Ash∣chenash: appoint a Captaine against her: cause her horses to come up as the rough Caterpillers. Prepare against her the nations with the Kings of the Medes,

the Captaines thereof, and all the Rulers thereof, and all the land of his Dominion. And the land shall tremble and sorrow: for every purpose of the Lord shall be performed against Babylon, to make the Land of Babylon a desolation without an Inhabitant. It is intimated by another* 1.26 Prophet, that the Lord would have these prophesies concerning Babylon so remarkeably fulfilled, that all the world might take notice of them: The Lord answered mee and said; Write the vision, and make it plaine upon ta∣bles, that he may runne that readeth it. For the vi∣sion is yet for an appointed time, but at the end it shall speake, and not lye: though it tarry, waite for it, be∣cause it will surely come, it will not tarry. Behold his soule which is lifted up, is not upright in him; but the just shall live by his faith. Yea also, because he transgresseth by wine, hee is a proud man, neither keepeth at home, who inlargeth his desire as Hell, and is as death and cannot be satisfied, but gathereth un∣to him all nations, and unto him all people. Shall not these take up a parable against him, and a tanting proverbe against him and say; woe to him that increa∣seth that which is not his: how long? and to him that ladeth himselfe with thick clay? Shall they not rise up suddenly that shall bite thee? and awake, that shall vex thee? and thou shalt be for booties unto thē? Because thou hast spoyled many nations, all the remnāt of the people shall spoyle thee: because of mens blood and for the violence of the land, of the Citie, and of all that dwell therein.

Cyrus in the beginning of this expedition was but Cyaxarez his agent, to regaine the revolted

Armeneans. The warre was managed in the King of Media his name, albeit God (according to Esai∣as Prophesie) did prosper Cyrus under him, as hee did David under Saul. The same did goe of Cy∣rus amongst the Medes and Persians, as it had of Dauid through the host of Israell, Cyaxarez hath slaine his thousand, and Cyrus his tenne thousand. The Monarchy was to be setled on the Persian; Cy∣axarez was feoffee in trust for Cyrus, as Saul was, by Gods appointment, for Dauid.

5 Their* 1.27 taking of armes was just, and in their owne defense. Their first resolutions did reach no further, then to the safeguard of their borders, much trespassed upon by the Caldeans, untill un∣expected successe & hopefull opportunities of bet∣ter, daily presenting themselves without seeking, did invite them to come neerer. After they had gotten secret intelligence of the enemies estate, many new associates, and qui•• possession of so much of his dominions, as would suffice to main∣taine their doubled armie; they had no hope to conquer, no purpose to besiege the Metropolies of the kingdome. That, which after a doubtfull consultation, did chiefly sway them in the height of all their strength to continue their war, was the complaint of their trusty* 1.28 confederates, justly fea∣ring

lest they should become a prey to the insolent Tyrant, (much exasperated by their revolt) as rea∣dy, as able to take revenge upon them, if once their armie should be dissolued. The overthrow of Crae∣sus, following upon their resolution to continue the warre, brought great accesse of new associ∣ates and fresh supplies unto their armie. Had Cyrus or his confederates understood the tenour of the Commission which the Lord of hoasts had sealed them before they undertooke this warre; they had no question giuen the onset upon Baby∣lon before the overthrow of Craesus, at that time when they marched by it. Their written warrant, if they could have read it, was very expresse, and their invitation to attempt, full of hope: Remove out of the midst of Babylon, and goe forth out of the Land of the Caldeans, and be as the hee goates before the flocks. For loe, I will raise and cause to come up against Babylon, an assembly of great nations from the North countrey, and they shall set themselves in array against her, from thence she shall be taken: their arrowes shall be as of a mightie expert man: none shall returne in vaine. And Caldea shall be aspoile: all that spoile her shall bee satisfied saith the Lord. Ier. 50. vers. 8, 9, 10. But such is the infinite wisedome of the Lord, that ignorance or concealement of his purpose from men whom hee imploies in his service, is oft-times the best meane to have it spe∣dily executed by them. In this assembly of great Nations from the North, foretold by* 1.29 Esaiah; be∣sides the Armenians and Hyrcanians, the Lydi∣ans and the Cappadocians, with others menti∣oned

by Xenophon, were included, without whose presence and assistance the enterprise had beene in vaine. The opportunitie which Cyrus after his conquest of Craesus tooke, was the definite time, appointed by God, but concealed from men, perhaps from the Prophet himselfe, which pe••ned the Commission. The entire presence of these nations now assembled, and skilfully set in array, before the Citie (as God had commanded, for representing their terrour and strength) was yet nothing so terrible to the besieged spectators as the fame of their absence had beene, when they were ••ewer. The* 1.30 magnificence of Babylons wals, did seeme to outface them in the height of their bravery, & made them contemptible in her proud childrens eyes. Cyrus himselfe despaired of doing any good by violent assault; his chiefe hopes, were, not in the multitude of his souldiers, but in the multitude of his enemies, more easie to bee van∣quished by famine, then if they had beene fewer. But this his project seemed to them ridiculous, be∣ing stored with provision for twenty yeares; with∣in which space, some of those companies which hee had set by course to keepe quarter before the City, would forsake him, others they hoped would

become their friends, as they anciently had beene: and in this confidence, they rest secure, as if they had thought to have out-laughed their sudden de∣struction.

6 The doome which our Saviour gave upon the Foole in the Gospell, doth so well befit the King of Babylon, his wisest Counsellors and Fol∣lowers, as if it had beene framed of purpose for them. Each of them had said unto his soule, Soule thou hast store of provision layd up for many yeares, take thine ease, eate, drinke, and be merry: but the Lord had said unto them all, by his Prophet Da∣niel, Yee Fooles, in this night of your merriment and solemnity of your God, shall your soules bee taken from you, and whose then shall those things be, that you have provided? The hand which wrote that dreadfull sentence upon the wall, Mene, Mene, Tekel, Vpharsin; was not more visible to Belshazzar himselfe, then the finger of God in all this businesse, is, or may be to such, as will con∣ferre Xenophons Historicall Narrations, with Pro∣pheticall Predictions.

7 First* 1.31 Cyrus casts his trenches neere the Ri∣ver, whether w^th purpose to interrupt or divide its course, or only for more commodious defence of his army, or annoyance of his enemy, Xenophon ex∣presseth

a 1.32not; Herodotus is of opinion, that this op∣portunity was rather taken when it offered it selfe, then sought by Cyrus, when he first began to cast his trenches. However, the trenches being made, were ready, when opportunity served, to rob the City of the deepe streame, whose naturall course was through the midst of it; and the streame di∣verted from its wonted chanell, left an easie en∣trance for Cyrus and his army, under the wals and ••loodgate through which it passed. His stratagem to make this entrance into the City now drowned with wine, opens to us the literall meaning of di∣vers aenigmaticall prophecies: A drought is upon her waters, and they shall be dryed up: for it is the Land of graven Images, and they are madde upon their Idols. Ier. 50. v. 38. Whatsoever Cyrus might intend, it was Ierusalems and Syons curse upon Babylon, which gave successe unto his stratagem. The violence done to me, and to my flesh, be upon Ba∣bylon, shall the inhabitants of Zion say; and my blood upon the inhabitants of Chaldea, shall Ierusalem say. Therefore thus saith the Lord, Behold I will plead thy

cause, and take vengeance for thee, and I will dry up her sea, and make her springs dry. Ier. 51. ver. 35, 36. All these plagues here threatned, are exactly fitted to the patternes of cruelty which Nebuchadnezzar had exhibited in the destruction of the holy City, and the derision of her and other captivated Prin∣ces. Ierusalem in the present sense and fresh me∣mory of her griefe had thus complained: Nebu∣chadnezzar the King of Babylon hath devoured me, he hath crushed me, he hath made mee an empty ves∣sell: (therefore must Babylon bee drawne dry of water) he hath swallowed mee up like a Dragon; hee hath filled his belly with my delicates, he hath cast me cut. Ier. 51. vers. 34. Therefore must Babylon become as heapes, a dwelling place for Dragons, an astonishment, and an hissing without an Inhabitant. vers. 37. It is significantly foretold by Habakkuk that Nebuchadnezzar had consulted shame to his house. Habak. 2. And it is the opinion of good in∣terpreters, that the woe following should be parti∣culatly directed unto him and to his family: Woe unto him that giveth his neighbour drinke; that put∣test thy bottle to him, and makest him drunke also; that thou maist looke on their nakednesse. Thou art filled with shame for glorie; drinke thou also, and let thy foreskinne bee uncovered: the cup of the Lords right hand shall be turned unto thee, and shamefull spewing shall be on thy glorie. Habak. 2. vers. 15, 16. Divers Authors of good note have left written, whether upon any better authoritie then tradition of the Hebrews, I know not (though that I know in many cases worthy of respect and credence) that

Nebuchadnezzar did use to make himselfe sport, by making his captive Princes drunke. This and the like insolencies the Lord avengeth upon his sonne and people: In their heate I will make their feasts, and I will make them drunken, that they may rejoyce, and sleepe a perpetuall sleepe, and not awake, saith the Lord. Ier. 51. vers. 39. and when the time appointed was come (whether that were the first or second yeare after the hand writing upon the wall) the Lord gave Cyrus notice of the Babylonians intended aniversary revellings, whom hee had now more infatuated, then they at other times used to infatuate themselves. Cyrus his stra∣tagem to drie up the water, either first conceived or put in execution upon this notice of their drunken festivall, and whatsoever purposes of his that tooke effects, are all directed to the accom∣plishing of Gods revealed purpose or consequent will upon Babylon, as it were so many arrowes to their marke. The Lord of hoasts was the Ar∣cher, and Cyrus his bow, whose intentions a∣gainst Babylon must therefore prosper, because, The Lord of hoasts hath sworne by himselfe, saying, Surely I will fill thee with men, as with caterpillers; and they shall lift up a shout against ••hee. Ier. 51. vers. 14. There is not one clause of Cyrus his ad∣vise or exhortation to his followers, after they had found the river to bee passable, or of his pro∣clamation after their entrance through the water∣gate which Xenophon relates, but is parallell to some part or other of Ieremies Prophesies. Wee may boldly say all that Cyrus commanded, was

faithfully executed, that the scripture might bee fulfilled.

8 That* 1.33 which in reason might most daunt or deterre his souldiers from raunging the streets of Babylon, was opportunitie of annoyance from the tops of their flat-roofed houses. But this incon∣venience Cyrus by his good foresight turnes to his advantage. If any (sath hee) clime up to the tops of their houses (as it is likely many of them would) we have God Vulcan our confederate: for their porches are very apt to take fire, their gates being made of palmetrees, & asphaltites inunctae, which will serve as oyle to cause them to take fire, and wee have store enough of torches pitch and straw to inlarge the flame after the fire be once kindled. By this meanes either we may enforce them to forsake their houses or burne both together. The execution of this stratagem would quickly amate men already affrighted with the sudden surprisall of the Citie. To this purpose, the Lord had spoken long before: The mightie men of Babylon have forborne to fight:* 1.34 they have remained in their holds: their might hath failed, they became as women: they have burnt their dwelling places: her barres are broken. Ier. 51. vers. 30. One post shall runne to meete another, and one messenger to meet another, and shew the King of Babylon that

his citie is taken at one end. And that the passages are stopped, and the reedes they have burnt with fire, and the men of warre are affrighted. verse 31, 32. Xenophon tels us, that after Cyrus had given Gobri∣as and Gadatas in charge to conduct the Armie with all speede to the Kings Palace: Si qui occurre∣bant, of such as* 1.35 came in their way, some were slaine, others retired againe into the citie, others cryed out. That which made the noyse more con∣fused and the danger lesse apprehended, was, that Gobrias and his souldiers being Babylonians by birth, did counterfaite the roaring of that unru∣ly night. Whatsoever occasion of distast or impla∣cable discontent the proud King had given to these two captaines, (whether those which Xenophon re∣ports or others) the finall cause of that successe, which their bloody intentions against their native King did finde, was the accomplishment of Gods will reuealed against him for his Grandfathers cru∣eltie against Ierusalem, whereof being gently war∣ned by Gods Prophet, he no way repented, but ad∣ded gall to wormwood, and thirst to drunkennes, O thou King, the most high God gave Nebuchadnez∣zar thy* 1.36 father a kingdome, and majestie, and glorie,

and honor. And for the Majestie that he gave him; all people, nations, and languages trembled and feared before him: whom he would, he slew; and whom hee would, he kept alive; and whom hee would, hee set up; and whom hee would, hee put downe. But when his heart was lifted, and his minde hardened in pride: he was deposed from his Kingly throne, and they took his glorie from him. And hee was driven from the sonnes of men, and his heart was made like the Beasts, and his dwelling was with the wild Asses: they fed him with grasse like Oxen, and his body was wet with the dew of heaven, till hee knew that the most high God ruled in the kingdome of men, and that hee ap∣pointeth over it whomsoeuer he will. And thou his sonne O Belshazzar, hast not humbled thine heart, though thou knewest all this: but hast lifted up thy selfe against the Lord of heaven, and they have brought the vessels of his house before thee, and thou and thy Lords, thy wives and thy Concubines have drunke wine in them, and thou hast praysed the gods of silver, and gold, of brasse, yron, wood and stone, which see not, nor heare, nor know: and the GOD in whose hand thy breath is, and whose are all thy wayes, hast thou not glorified. Then was the part of the hand sent from him, and this writing was written. And this is the writing that was written, MENE, MENE, TEKEL, VPHARSIN. This is the interpretation of the thing, MENE, God hath num∣bred thy kingdome, and finished it. TEKEL, thou art weighed in the balances, and art found wanting. PERES, thy kingdome is divided, and given to the Medes and Persians. Dan. 5. vers. 18. to 29.

9 Thus wold Daniel have cured Babel, but she was not cured by him; howbeit Belshazzar was more kinde to Daniel then to himselfe, then most great Princes are to Gods best Prophets that reprove them: For he commanded and they cloathed Daniel with scarlet, and put a chain of gold about his neck, & made a proclamation concerning him, that he should be the third Ruler in the kingdome. In that night was Belshazzar the King of the Caldeans s••aine. And Darius the Median tooke the kingdome being about threescore and two yeere old. Dan. 5. vers. 29, 30, 31. For it is not the bestowing of a Scarlet robe, of Court holy water, or of reall honour in greatest measure upon Gods servants, that can couer a scarlet sinne in Princes. The staine of blood can never be washed off, nor the crie of the oppressed blowne away (though the whole element of wa∣ter, winde, & ayre were at their commands) with∣out the teares and sighs of the oppressors, whose hearts cannot be cleansed without repentant pray∣ers. Ierusalems sighs and teares in her sorrow had sunke too deepe into the Almighties eares, to be expiated without the sacrifice of many sorrow∣full hearts and contrite spirits throughout Babel: Israel is a scattered sheepe, the Lyons have driuen him away: first the king of Assyria hath devoured him, and last this Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon hath broken his bones. Therefore thus saith the Lord of hosts the God of Israel, behold I will punish the King of Babylon and his Land, as I have punished the king of Assyria. And I will bring Israel againe to his ha∣bitation. &c. Ier. 50. vers. 17, 18, 19. Thus Israel

is revolved from Gods consequent wil to his antece∣dent, & Babylon from his antecedent to his conse∣quent will. And for the speedy execution of both parts of this his will, for Israels good, and Baby∣lons hurt, the Persian Monarchy is with such speed erected.

10 But some happily will here demand, where∣in the similitude mentioned by Ieremie, betweene the King of Assyria and the King of Babylons pu∣nishments, did consist? Senacharib is the onely Assyrian King, whose disastrous end is regi∣stred in sacred story: and Belshazzer is the onely King of Babylon, that did parallell him in his plagues. Senacharib was slaine by his owne sons, Belshazzar by his naturall subjects, sometimes his dearest friends, but made his enemyes by his un∣naturall * 1.37cruelty. Senacharib for blaspheming the God of Israel was murthered whilest he offered sa∣crifice in the house of Nisroch his god: this was one remarkable branch or issue of Hezekiah his praiers against him in the Temple, to wit, That the Lord would declare himselfe to bee a God above all the gods of the nations. Beshazzar is slaine in his royall pal∣lace, whilest he solemnizeth the feast of his great God Bell; Part of whose ceremonies were to praise the gods of silver and gold, of brasse, wood, yron, and stone, &c; and to sawce this Idolatrous luxu∣ry, with such sacriledge and blasphemie, as* 1.38 Da∣niel had forewarned them to avoyd. Senacharib had a large time of repentance allotted, from the sudden destruction of his armie untill his death. Belshazzars disaster and dissolution of his empire,

fell out both in one houre;both (it may be) were more sudden, because his warning to desist from oppression, sacriledg and Idolatry, were more ex∣presse and solemn. The justice of God, though ex∣ecuted upon the Assyrian hoast, by the more immediate hand of his power, upon Babylon by his wisedome; in managing the opportunities and moments of warre, was in both alike remarka∣ble; in that both had their fatall sudden blow in that very night, wherein they had lifted up them∣selves against the God of heaven, and blasphemed the holy one of Israel: It came to passe that night (not imediately after Ezekias had received Zennache∣ribs blasphemous message, but in the same night some two yeares after) that the Angell of the Lord went out, and smote in the campe of the Assyrians, an hundred fourescore and five thousand, &c.* 1.39 2 King. 19. 35. And in that night (saith Daniel) was Bel∣shazzar the King of the Caldeans slaine, to wit, in that night, which was solemnly consecrated unto the Caldeans God, and solemnized by aniversarie custome; but whether in that night tweluemonth, wherein the handwriting was sent from God, or more yeares after, is not certaine: that it should be the selfe same night, is from many sacred circum∣stances, most improbable, if not impossible.

11 In what night soever it was; the sudden sur∣prizall of Belshazzers court and kingdome, though to moderne politicians it may seeme strange; yet no circumstance related by any sacred writer is in it selfe so incredible, as that which Aristotle in his second booke of his politicks reports, as credited

by him; to wit, that some parts of this great Citie did not perceive the deadly blow, which the principall parts of it had felt, till three dayes after it was given. It is a very inconsiderate note which Ramus, or he that set forth his translation of Ari∣stotles politiques, hath left in the margine of this text: Hic locus indicat post Alexandri victorias hos libros scriptos esse, & tamen permirum sit in his Al∣exandri nullam mentionē fieri. A judicious Criticke would rather have conjectured that these bookes had been written before Alexander tooke Babylon from Darius; in that, there is no mention in all these bookes of Alexanders projects or successe; fit matters (specially being fresh) for politick discourse or instance. At the least, he which had read and re∣membred the Prophesies of Ieremie or Daniel con∣cerning. Babylons destruction, stood bound in Christian charitie to have demurred upon the point (before he had giuen sentence) whether this place were not to bee understood rather of Babylons surprizall by Cyrus thē of Alexanders ta∣king of it; though it had beene out of question that Alexander had taken it before Aristotle wrote his politicks. Aristotle might haue more good Authors then one, for this report. Herodotus, wee know, (whom Aristotle had read) relates the like; whose entire narration concerning the taking of Babylon by Cyrus I have transcribed, that the Reader may compare his historicall relations with the prophe∣cies before rehearsed, or hereafter to be cited.

[Cyrus quum Gyndem mulctasset in trecentos & sexaginta rivos diductum, & alterum ver illuxisset, ita porro ire Babylonem pergit, Babyloniis eum pro∣ducto exercitu praestolantibus. Qui, ubi propiùs ur∣bem ille promovit, cum eo conflixerunt, praelio{que} fu∣gati, in oppidum compulsi fuerunt. Ii tamen, quia Cyrum jampridem animadverterant inquietum esse, viderant{que} omnes pariter gentes aggredientem, com∣portaverant permultorum annorum commeatus: ideo{que} tunc obsidionem nihili faciebant. Et Cyrus, quum jam longo tempore nihil admodum res ipsius proficerent, inops consilij erat. Tandem sive alius ei anxio suggessit, sive ipsi in mentem venit quid in rem esset, sic statuit faciendum: Instructis universis co∣piis, partim quà fluvius urbem ingreditur, partim à tergo quà egreditur, praecipit ut, quum cernerent al∣veum posse transiri, illac urbem invaderent. Ita in∣structis atque admonitis suis, cum inutiliori exerci∣tus parte abijt ad paludem. Eò ubi pervenit, quae Ba∣byloniorum Regina fecerat circa flu••en & circa pa∣ludem, eadem & ipse fecit. Nam revocato flumine, alveum ejus pristinum vado transibilem reddidit. Quod quum ita factum esset, Persae qui ad hoc ipsum instructi erant, per alveum unde fluvius Euphrates abscesserat mediorum ferè femorū tenus fortiter Baby∣lonem introierunt. Quos Babylonij, si factum Cyri priùs aut audissent, aut sensissent, haud dubiè con∣tempto eorum ingressu, pessimo exitio affecissent. Nam obseratis omnibus quae ad flumen ferunt portulis, con∣scensis{que} septis, ipsi pro ripis stantes illos progressos ve∣luti in cavea excepisset. Nunc ex inopinato eis Persae ••stiterunt: & quum capti essent qui media urbis in∣colebant

Babylonij, propter ejus tamen magnitudi∣nem non sentiebatur (ut fertur) ab iis qui circa extre∣ma habitabant. Sed quòd fortè dies festus eis esset, exercendis choreis atque oblectationibus operam da∣bant, donec planè hoc resciverunt. Atque ita pri∣mò capta est Babylon. Herodotus Lib. 1.]

One materiall circumstance there is in Herodo∣tus, which is not so much as intimated by Xeno∣phon; and it is this: Albeit the Babylonians could neither have prevented Cyrus in diverting the course of the River, nor withstood his entrance by its chanell; yet might they with ease have stopped his passage along the chanell, or his entrance into any street of the Citie, had they beene mindfull to shut those gates, which at the end of everie street did open upon the river. But that night being con∣secrated to revelling, the passage by water from one part of the City to another was freely permit∣ted. They had a solemne custome of leaving those gates open that night, which on other nights were to be shut. And by this meanes, destruction found a more easie entrance into that great City.

12 Some modern Politicians have discoursed in folio, against the vastnesse of Cities as most incom∣modious for defence, taking occasion from Ari∣stotles exceptions against Babylon, which in his censure was a Region; no more a Citie then Pelo∣ponesus should be, if it were walled about. But it was not Babylons vastnesse which bred this insen∣sibility when the day of destruction was come, that some members of her should not so much as feele any paine when others were utterly cut off. Should

any Prince now living, in confidence of this ex∣periment, attempt the like upon Quinzie, Moscho, or if any other greater Cities there be in the world, he might finde their Citizens better prepared up∣pon few houres warning then Babylon was in three dayes, unlesse perhaps he made his assault up∣on Moscho upon some great Festivall, wherein her citizens enjoy the liberty of Lacedemonian slaves, to be beastly drunke without censure. Cities farre lesse then Babylon, onely her matches in impiety, have beene surprised with Babylonish stupidity, when the ful measure of their iniquity had brought forth the day of visitation. Carthage was farre greater and fuller stuft with all sorts of people when Scipio razed it, then when the Vandals tooke it. And yet no member of it, in the former cala∣mity, was so senselesse of their fellow-members, or of their common mothers griefe, as the whole body was, when most of its naturall members were cut off by the Vandall.

[Fragor ut ita dixerim, extra muros & intra mu∣ros praeliorum & ludicrorum confundebatur; vox mo∣rientium vox{que} Bacchantium: ac vix discerni forsi∣tan poterat, plebis ejulatio, quae cadebat in bello, & so∣nus populi qui clamabat in circo. Et cum haec omnia fierent, quid aliud talis populus agebat, nisi ut, cum eum Deus perdere adhuc fortasse nollet, tamen ipse ex∣igeret ut periret. Salvianus Lib. 6.] The noise of bat∣taile without the wals, and the noise of sporting with∣in the walls; the voice of dying men, and the voice of riotous or drunken men, were so mingled and confoun∣ded, that a man could hardly have distinguished the

outcries of such as fell in battaile from the noise or cry of the multitude in the game-court. And by such do∣ings, what did this people else, but solicite their owne destruction at Gods hands, who otherwise would not (haply) have destroyed them; or not at this time. With the like stupidity was Treers taken, none of the greatest Cities then in Europe, though one of wealthiest amongst the Gaules, after she had beene thrice lanced. The very Babylonish madnesse did possesse another Citie not farre from Treers: such a lethargie had over-spred the whole Corporati∣on, Vt Principes illius urbis, ne tunc quidem de con∣vivijs surgerent, cum urbem hostis intraret: Ideo enim Deus ipsis evidenter, uti credo, manifestare vo∣luit cur perirent, cum per quam rem ad perditionem ultimam venerant, eam ipsam agerent cum perirent. Salvi••nus ibidem. Her Governours did not breake off their feasting and banqueting, when the enemie did enter the City. God (as I conjecture) did purpose∣ly manifest the reason why they perished, in that they were doing that very thing when they perished, which had brought them to utter destruction.

13 But of the causes, symptomes, or signes of divine infatuation, elsewhere. Thus much I thought expedient in this place for the young Readers in∣formation; that albeit Babylon had beene much greater in compasse, then she was, so that the mea∣sure of her iniquity had beene lesse; the date of her prosperity might have beene much longer. Chal∣dea might have sate as Queene of Nations, in de∣spight of all politicke prognostications, which have beene framed since her overthrow. The best

service which this kinde of Critick usually per∣formes to States or Kingdomes, is to fixe their bol••s upon the gates of great Cities, after they have beene ransacked by the enemy. But Baby∣lons iniquity being grown unto that setled height, at which it stood in Ieremies and Daniels times; although her strength, her wealth, provision, and policie, had beene farre greater then they were, and contracted into a narrower roome, than the compasse of her walls; the date of her soueraignty would have beene as short; the device of the Lord would have beene performed against her by other meanes, as sure, and speedy, as Cyrus used, if his stratagem had beene defeated. For* 1.40 strength of body, or strength of wit, skill in armes, or skill in policie; all of them are but the gifts of God, hee can either deny them when he pleaseth, or inhibit the use of them where they most abound. He that commanded the fire not to touch his Saints in the furnace, can as easily prohibite the strong to use his strength, the swift his flight, and intoxicate the politicians braine that shall displease him. This is the word of the Lord which came to Ieremiah the Pro∣phet, against the Gentiles, against Aegypt, against the armie of Pharaoh Necho King of Aegypt, which was by the River Euphrates in Carchemish, which Nebuchadrezzar King of Babylon smote in the fourth yeare of Iehoiakim the sonne of Iosiah King of Iudah. Order yee the buckler and shield, and draw neere to battaile. Harnesse the horses, and get up yee horsemen, and stand forth with your helmets, furbish the speares, and put on the brigandines. Wherefore

have I seene them dismaid, and turned away backe? and their mighty ones are beaten down, and fled apace, and looke not back: for feare was round about, saith the Lord. Let not the swift flee away, nor the mighty man escape, they shall stumble and fall towards the North by the River Euphrates. Ier. 46. vers. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. Goe up into Gilead, and take balme, O Virgin, the daughter of Egypt: in vaine shalt thou use many medicines: for thou shalt not be cured. The Nations have heard of thy shame, and thy cry hath filled the Land: for the mightie man hath stumbled against the mightie, and they are fallen both toge∣ther. vers. 11, 12. If a few shall chase a multitude, we know the reason, the one was either lesse vali∣ant, or lesse skilfull then the other; But why the valiant should turne their backs in the day of bat∣tell, it is Gods Prophet, not the Politician must resolve us: They could not stand because the Lord did drive them. vers. 15.

14 The Lord had given Moab wit and strength and wealth abundance: Hee had beene at ease from his youth, and he had setled on his lees, and had not beene emptied from vessell to vessell, neither had hee gone into captivity: therefore his tast remained in him, & his sent is not changed. Ier. 48. 11. But when he begun to ascribe his prosperitie to his strength or policie, to trust in wealth, and deride his poore neighbour Israel now going into captivitie, the Lord who is debtor to none; bereft him of all: Therefore behold, the dayes come, saith the Lord, that I will send unto him wanderers that shall cause him to wander, and shall emptie his vessels, and breake

their bottles. And Moab shall bee ashamed of Che∣mosh, at the house of Israel was ashamed of Bethel their confidence. How say yee, we are mightie and strong men for the warre? Moab is spoyled and gone up out of her cities, and his chosen young men are gone downe to the slaughter, saith the King, whose name is the Lord of hoasts. The calamitie of Moab is neere to come, and his affliction hasteth fast. Ier. 48. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, &c. The horne of Moab is cut off, and his arme is broken, saith the Lord. Make yee him drunken: for he magnified himselfe against the Lord. Moab also shall wallow in his vomit, and he also shall be in derision. For was not Israel a deri∣sion unto thee? was he found among theeves? for since thou spakest of him, thou skippedst for joy. ver. 25, 26, 27. They shall howle, saying; How is it bro∣ken downe? how hath Moab turned the backe with shame? so shall Moab be a derision, and a dismaying to al them about him. For thus saith the Lord, Behold he shall flee as an Eagle, & shall spread his wings over Moab. Kerioth is takē, & the strōg holds are surprised & the mightie mens hearts in Moab at that day shall be as the heart of a woman in her pangs. v. 39. 40, 41

As for Babylon, if she were stupid and blinde, without all foresight, feare or apprehension of that hideous stormes approach, wherein shee peri∣shed: the wonder is lesse to any Christian, then their stupiditie; who thinke her destruction might by rules of policy have bin prevēted. For,* 1.41 though

her defendants had beene more in num∣ber then her proud wals could containe, though every one had beene more stout then Hector, ar∣med with more hands then Briarius had; though every one of her sta••gazing statesmen had had more politick eyes then Argos had, all had beene one, totidem{que} occulos nox occupatuna. A messen∣ger from the Lord of hoasts, had called for a dim∣nesse of sight upon her Seers, and sung a lullaby to her souldiers everlasting sleepe: I will make drunke her Pinces and her Wisemen, her Captains and her Rulers, and her mightie men: and they shall sleepe a perpetuall sleepe, and not awake saith the King, whose name is the Lord of hoasts. Ier. 51, vers. 57. So in∣fallibly doth divine Iustice observe the rule of re∣taliation, whereof I shall hereafter speake: Though Babylon should mount up to heaven, and though shee should fortifie the height of her strengh, yet from me shall spoylers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unto her; saith the Lord. Ier. 51. ver. 53. For, seeing her people hath entred into the sanctuary of the Lords house, the Lord wil doe judge∣ment upon her grauen Images. vers. 52.

15 To conclude, The reason of Babels stupi∣ditie, and whatsoever oversights the Politician can discover in her (related by Xenophon or Herodotus) was, that the fulfilling of Ieremies Prophesies a¦gainst her, might become more manifest to succee∣ding ages: How is the hammer of the whole earth cut asunder and broken? how is Babylon become a desola∣tion among the nations? I have layd a snare for thee, and thou art also taken, O Babylon, and thou wast not aware: thou are founde and also caught, because

thou hast striven against the Lord. The Lord hath o∣pened his armorie, & hath brought forth the weapons of his indignation; for this is the worke of the Lord God of hoasts, in the land of the Caldeans. Come a∣gainst her from the utmost border, open her storehou∣ses, cast her up as heapes, and destroy her utterly, let nothing of her bee left. Ier. 50. vers. 23, 24, 25, 26. For she had carried away all that was in Ezekias house, all that his father had laid up in store, no∣thing was left, as Esaiah had foretold. c. 59. v. 36. the exact fulfilling of whose Prophecie is registred by the sacred Historian. 2 Chron. 6. verse 18. The sudden surprizall of the Citie and Court of Baby∣lon made the finding of the treasure of Darkenesse and the riches of secret places, which the Lord by his Prophet had promised to Cyrus, more easie, then if his entrance at that time had beene suspe∣cted or feared: for so the besieged might have had leisure to have hid their treasure where the enemy should hardly have found it.

16 But what speciall comfort is this to Sion, that Cyrus had done to Babylon, as Babylon had done to her. This might satiate or somewhat al∣lay the boyling heat of a revengefull minde. But is the miserie of an enemy of like use unto Gods people, as was the Brazen serpent? Can the sight of it cure their griefe, or beget true happinesse in such as looke on it? It is very probable that Babylons spoiles did helpe to reedifie Ierusalem. And albeit, the God of Sion, had other meanes in store (more by many, then man can number or conceive) for reducing his people into their owne

Land; we may, notwithstanding, without censure of curiositie, safely conjecture, that the disgraces w^ch Nebuchadnezzar & his successors has done unto the royall seed of Iudah, were the first seedes of their speciall favour and grace with Cyrus. Of the plagues threatned by Esaiah unto Ezekiah for shewing his treasures unto the Babylonians, it was one part that of his sonnes some should bee Eu∣nuches in the Palace of the King of Babylon. Is. 39. 7. Now it is unlikely that Cyrus would eyther make the Persians Eunuches, or trust the Caldeans about his bodie. Daniel and other his fellowes of the royall seed of Iudah, being made such unto his hand, were men as fit for his purpose as hee could seeke. And it was his purpose upon consultation (as* 1.42 Xenophon tels us) to have Eunuches next a∣bout him, as men most likely to be trusty. Daniel or others of good note amongst this people, being admitted to favour, for to be of Cyrus bedcham∣ber; would not bee defective in procuring their countries good. And easie it was for him, that cau∣seth darkenesse to bring forth light, that tur∣neth the shadow of death into the morning, to raise vp a blessing unto his people out of their ex∣piring curse. But whether by this meanes or

others, certaine it is, that such of Iudah as escaped Nebuchadnezzars sword, were detained captives to him and his sonnes untill the erection of the Persian monarchy. 2 Chron. cap. 36. vers. 20. Now in the first yeare of Cyrus King of Persia (that the word of the Lord spoken by the mouth of Ieremiah, might bee accomplished) the Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus King of Persia, that he made a proclamation through∣out all his kingdome, and put it also in writing, say∣ing; Thus saith Cyrus King of Persia, All the king∣domes of the earth hath the Lord God of heaven gi∣ven mee, and he hath charged mee to build him an house in Ierusalem, which is in Iudah, who is there among you of all his people? the Lord his God be with him, and let him goe up. vers. 22, 23. This last pas∣sage compared with the forecited Prophecie, E∣saiah 45. vers. 4, 5, 6. may acquit Iosephus his report of Daniels conference with Cyrus, from all suspition of fiction or uncertainty of tradition.

Blessed be the name of God for ever and ever: for wisdome and might are his: and hee changeth the times and the seasons, he removeth Kings and setteth up Kings. Dan 2. vers. 20, 21. He hath yet a fourth hammer in his hand, to bruize and crush these Westerne Nations, as the three first had done the Easterne, and yet appointed to take fuller venge∣ance upon these Iewes (whom he had now redee∣med by Cyrus) then the Chaldean had done; after the second measure of their iniquity, became more full then the former had beene.

CHAP. 27.

Of Gods speciall providence in raising and ruinating the Roman Empire.

1 THe lingring growth of the Ro∣mane Monarchy hath made the print of Gods speciall hand in erecting it, lesse discernable, then it had beene in the sudden advancement of the three for∣mer. Nor was it come to any competent height before Prophecie did cease in Iewry. So that we are (for the most part) destitute of such Comments, as God had furnished us with, upon the histories of other Monarchies. But whatsoever the registers of Romes successe have ascribed to Fortune, wee may recover it, by the former ruled cases, as entire∣ly due unto Gods providence. Now the ancient Romans were not of their later Satyricall Poets minde: Nullum Numen abest, si sit prudentia. Not Felicity her selfe, whom they tooke for a Goddesse, much lesse was Prudence, or any other supposed patronesse of inferiour vertues, so much honoured by them as Lady Fortune; the multitude of whose Temples testified they tooke her for their sove∣raigne Mistris. From this reall testimony of the ancient Romans, (who best knew by what meanes their state was raised, or at least perceived it to bee often held up and inlarged by meanes in particular unknowne to them;) Livie and Plutarch give

Fortune* 1.43 precedence of vertue (civil or martiall) in the Roman territories, as being a more speciall Be∣nefactresse or principall Foundresse of their Em∣pire. Machiavel is of a contrary minde, perswa∣ded thereto, by such a reason, as argues he had not God or his providence in his thoughts; that his thoughts were not his owne, when he conceived it: so dissonant it is to truth and his owne politick principles. His words are these; If no other State did ever compasse such a mighty Empire as Rome did, why should this be attributed to Fortune, rather then to good lawes and discipline?

2 With Plutarch and Machiavel it fares just so in this controversie, as it usually doth with other controversors; each of them hath the truth under his levell, whiles he oppugnes the adverse opinion; both of them overshoot it whilst they deliver their owne. Plutarch rightly denies the morall or civill goodnesse, whether of Romane lawes or lives, to have brought forth their greatnesse. Hee erreth as much in adjudging all that to Roman fortune, whereto Roman vertue had no just title. Notwith∣standing if by Fortune hee meant any certaine la∣tent cause more then humane, which did convay success to the current of Roman policies, by secret

and hidden passages; his meaning is better then his manner of expressing it. To thinke thus charita∣bly of this ingenuous Philosopher, wee have rea∣son, as knowing him to be a perfect enemy, aswell to Epicurean chance, as to Stoycall Fate: and therefore no adversary of Divine Providence. In favour of Machiavels opinion, who deserves no favour himselfe, thus much on the other side might be said; If the auncient Romans had beene as vaine as the Graecians, as luxurious as the Asi∣aticks, as perfidious as the Carthagineans, as un∣civill and barbarours as many nations, which they conquered: they should not have beene so con∣stantly fortunate in their enterprises at home, and abroad, as Livie and Plutarch had observed them to bee. That is, in our language, Divine Provi∣dence would not have destined them unto that greatnesse, unto which at length they grew, if they had beene alwayes, or for the most part, as bad, as in the period of their prosperitie, they pro∣ved. For albeit God be debtor unto none; yet the abandant riches of his bountie, will no suffer him to leave morall vertues or constant execution of Lawes comparativly good, vnrewarded with blessings temporall. All this, notwithstanding will not inferre, what Machiavell undertooke to prove that the Romans did raise themselves, more by vertue, then they were raised by Fortune; if wee take Fortune (as in all probabilitie Plutarch did) for an hidden fountaine, secretly feeding those courses which the Romans tooke for their good, with successe and speed farre above their expecta∣tion.

Vnder this indefinite latitude of unknowne causes, the Divine Providence or coelestic fortuna (as the Pythagorians terme it) may bee compre∣hended, and this divine providence or celestiall Fortune it was, which raised the Romans: they did not raise themselves by their vertues. For wee do not use to say that Princes favorites do advance themselves, albeit Princes would not advāce them to such great dignities as they enjoy, unless they were in some measure qualified unto their liking.

3 Some nations have beene, others might have beene more observant of better Lawes then the Romans knew, and have used the same discipline of peace and warre, even all their policies, with greater sinceritie of good intentions then they did; & yet not have propagated their soveraignty ouer others, halfe so farre, as the Romane Empire was (by Gods speciall Providence) propagated. For vertues morall, and ciuill discipline, or refor∣mation of misdemeanors, (though all more exact, then the practise of any nation could hitherto pat∣ternize) are no such meritorious causes of tempo∣rall prosperitie or Dominion, as may binde God in justice, to dispense the one in greatest plentie, where the other most aboundeth. Without these qualifications the Romans had not beene capable of such prosperitie, as God in bountie bestowed upon them; but the true positive cause of their extraordinary greatnesse, was the speciall service, whereto his wisedome had appointed them. The rule of his liberalitie in disposing kingdomes, is the correspondency or proportion, which tem∣porall

greatnesse holds with the execution of his will, whether for punishing those which have made up the measure of their Iniquitie, or for the propagating or preservation of his Church alrea∣dy planted, or for preparing or ploughing up the hearts of wilde and unnurtured Nations, for better receiving the seed of his Gospell.

4 When the measure of that prosperitie, which GOD for these and like purposes had allotted Rome heathen, and her iniquitie became full; shee and her Provinces became a swifter prey to Bar∣barous Nations, some scarce so much as heard of before, then any neighbour countries had beene to her. The incredible successe of the Goaths and Vandals, of the Franks and Almaines &c, but specially of the Hunnes, (whose furious progresse was like to the Vultures flight, & seem'd to presage the slaughter which they made) will justifie the probability either of Xenophons stories concerning Cyrus, or of Curtius, Arianus, or other writers of Alexanders conquests. Was it then naturall po∣licy or skill in warre, which did seate all, or most of these barbarous Nations in these westerne coun∣tries? Vertues they had not many amongst them, yet each of them some one or other commendable qualitie, which did manifest the contrary predo∣minant vice or outcrying sin in the Christian peo∣ple, which God had appointed them to plague, as* 1.44 Salvianus hath excellently observed. How∣beit this great power was not given them altoge∣ther to destroy others, but withall to edifie them∣selves in the faith, and to bee made partakers of

Gods Vineyard which hee had now in a manner taken from these vngratefull husbandmen, whom they conquered. The Francks became Christians through feare of the* 1.45 Almaines; dread of the Hunnes did drive the Burgundi••ns to seeke san∣ctuary in the same profession And no question, but such of the ancient Christian Inhabitants, as outlived th••se stormes, did beleeve God and his servants better afterward, then they had done be∣fore. Never were there any times more apt or more powerfull to kindle devotion in such as were not altogether frozen in unbeliefe, or be∣nummed with the custome of sinning, then these times were. Rome, which had beene the watch tower of politicke wisdome, became more stupid then Babylon had beene, when the day of her vi∣sitation did come upon her. Her Citizens, (were a meere politician to be their judge) deserved to be buried in their Cities ruines, for not awaking up∣on such and so many dreadfull warnings as shee had. Extraordinary Prophets the Christian world at that time had none, because it needed none: the Prophecies of ancient times did so well befit them, as if they had beene made of purpose onely for them. Nor Senacherib, nor Nebuchad∣nezzar in the prime of their strength and power could better have brooked that title (though gi∣ven them in expresse termes by GOD) which Attilas (as it seemes from certaine* 1.46 apprehension

of his extraordinary calling to doe the like ser∣vice,) had inserted into his royall titles,a 1.47 Malleūs Orbis & Flagellum Dei; The Hammer of the World and Scourge of God. The fame of Alexanders first victories, was nothing so terrible to Asia, as the noise of this Scythian Thunderbolt was to the ut∣most parts of Europe, and would have beene to Africa and Asia, unlesse the Lord had put his hook into his jawes, when he begunne to swallow these and other Nations in his greedie hopes. But when the time of his commission drew neare to an end, this Sampson had a Dalilah to abate his strength. H•• that had made himselfe sport with others mi∣serie, and counted it his greatest glorie to shed much blood, was choaked with his* 1.48 owne, in his mariage bed: these were the first fruits of his luxu∣rious nuptiall feasts; what the after crop was, wee leave to God.

5 The knowne successe of these Hunnes, throughout Hungary and other parts of Europe, may serve as a leading case to determine the que∣stion proposed betweene Plutarch and Machiavel; Their valour or strength of warre was not so much as knowne by fame to Europeans, until they felt it. The passages into Europe, out of these places of Scythia, which they inhabited, was unknowne un∣to themselves, much lesse did they dream of inva∣ding the Roman Empire, untill he that had decreed to make them a scourge to Europe, did lay a traine to teach them the ready way unto it.* 1.49 The man∣ner of their introduction was in the Philosophers language by as meere a chance or fortune, as if a

Sexton should finde a casket of Gold, whilest hee digs a grave. They had no other intention, that very morning wherein they first became acquain∣ted with the confines of Europe, then to chase the Hart, and the Hart no other desire, than which was meerly naturall, to save his life. That this reason∣lesse creature by seeking thus to satisfie his naturall de••ire, should shew these Hunnes a safe passage through the Fens of Maeotis, into Europe; was meere Chance in respect of them or their shallow forecast, but providence in respect of him, who hath the product or issue of every attempt possible, in nu∣merato, as we say, in ready coyne: who can so tem∣per all occurrences at his pleasure, as that the selfe same ingredients may be an wholesome potion un∣to some, and deadly poison unto others; and so combine the carelesse intentions of men, and the desire of brute Beasts, as they shall become more faithfull cofederates for accomplishing his will, then men can bee (albeit they purposely conspire together, and binde themselves by solemne oath or Sacrament) for effecting their owne designes.

6 The report which these roving Hunters had made to their Countrimen of that pleasant Land, into whose confines the chased Hart had led them, did invite the chiefe heads of their Clans, with their severall rascalities, to flock into Europe like beg∣gers dismist out of a prison, invited to a solemne banquet. And their hunger-starved appetites, be∣ing once fed with variety of uncouth pleasures, did whet their wits and arme their spirits, to attempt greater matters then they could conceive before.

Artis magister ingenii{que} larg••torventer. Their bel∣lies taught them new Arts, and practice of inven∣tions unsuspected unto Christians. The mixt In∣habitants of that Country, which from them was after termed Hungary, having sufficient warning of their intended invasion, had prepared a compe∣tent army, whose Leaders presumed, they were more safely guarded against the sudden assault of their barbarous enemies for one night, by the Ri∣ver of Danow which ranne betweene them; then they could be by any wall or trench. And in this presumption they rested as secure for that night, of the Hunnes, as the Babylonians were of Cyrus. It is very likely, that Detricus Generall for the Ro∣mance, and Matrinus, alias Martinus, (or Ma∣crinus) chiefe Commander for the Pavonians, one or both had read how Cyrus had divided the River Gyndis, and so turned the course of Euphrates in one night, that the usuall Chanell of it became passable to his foot Souldiers before the morning. But that the like should be attempted upon* 1.50 Da∣now was not credible; to be effected by their ene∣mies, they knew it impossible. And what other passage there was possible for these Hunnes to find, being utterly destitute of Ship or Boat, they could not suspect. But they bought the knowledge of their new invention a great deale too deare; with the losse of the better part of their armie, which encamping in the open fields, were pittifully slaughtred like wandring sheepe by the* 1.51 Hunnes, who with the helpe of bladders had swum over to the number of an hundred thousand, in the deadest

time of the night. This sudden disaster, which be∣ing now past, might in some moderne politicians judgement easily have beene prevented, did so les∣sen the Roman forces, that albeit they became cōquerors in the next conflict, yet purchased they victorie with the losse of so many souldiers, that they were not able to stand before the multitude of their furious enemies in the third encounter: And to try them the fourth time, they had no cou∣rage. The stumpe of that arrow, which Detricus carried in his forehead to Rome, in witnesse that he had confronted his enemies, and was not wounded in the backe, did pierce the hearts of some and daunt the spirits of other Romans. And the fresh bleeding experiments of these Hunnes incredible fury, might well occasion, that genera∣tion and their children, to flatter their cowardly fancies, with forged tales, as if it were no dispa∣ragement to the Romans (though as yet in highest esteeme for valour amongst the sonnes of men) to bee outdared by an inchanted generation of infer∣nall monsters, borne of witches and begot by De∣vils. For such legends of these Hunnes originall, have gone for currant amongst* 1.52 good writers,

and are not altogether out of date in some places unto this present day. But the Romanes did want a Marius, Sylla, or Camillus, to be their Dictator in these times; Detricus was no Iulius or Germani∣cus: what the best of these could haue done, or durst haue attempted, had they been living then, is more then the spirit of any now living can divine; hee that had made these in their times valo∣rous, had now decreed the beggerly Hunnes should bee victorious, and there is neither counsell nor might against the Lord.

7 Or if this bee not canonicall scripture with politician, let us examine whether the evidence of truth manifested in the historicall narrations, whereon Machiavel comments, have not extor∣ted as much from him in a manner against his will, and contrary to his purposed conclusions, as the author of truth in this point hath taught vs. Hee, * 1.53saith Machiavel, that wil compare the Romans wise carriage of state-businesses for many yeares together, with their ill managing of matters, whē they were in∣vaded by the Gauls, shal find them so different, as that the latter grosse error may seem to haue bin commit∣ted by another people, not by the same. So stangely doth Fortune (so he now accords in termes with Livie, whom herein he contradicted before) blind the

judgements of men, when it is her pleasure not to have her power controuled, whose authority is so great, that neither they which are commonly exposed to danger deserve much blame, nor they much praise, which en∣joy perpetuall felicity. Fates may so strongly draw both parties this way or that way, as the policie of the one shall not be able to prevent the evils which happen, nor the others vertue be sufficient to bring forth good successe. In fine, taking Fortune and Fates for terms equivalent, throughout his whole Discourse, hee * 1.54concludes for Plutarch; That the greatnesse of the Romane Empire was decreed by Fate; and with refe∣rence to this end, as Rome could not in her growing age be overthrowne, so it was expedient that she should often be oppressed and afflicted, that her Statesmen might become more wary and wise, for procuring that greatnesse which Fates had decreed to accomplish by them. Wherefore, that all these might take place: the Fates (which as he grants, use meanes conveni∣ent for effecting their purpose) had put Camillus to exile, not to death; suffered the City to bee taken by the Gaules, but not the Capitoll: and that the Citie might be taken with lesse adoe, they had likewise or∣dained that the greatest part of the Romane army, be∣ing discomfited by the Gaules, should not retire to Rome, but flye to Veios. To knit up all (as he speakes)

in a bundell, it was the ordinance of Fates, that the Romanes should for this turne use neither their won∣ted wit, nor discretion, for averting the evills which befell them, and yet have all things made ready to their hands, for defending the Capitoll and recove∣ring of the City. By the forecast of Fates, not of the Romanes, it was, that exiled Camillus, who was no way guilty of the wrongs which the Senate had done unto the Gaules, no way obnoxious unto them, but free from all obligements, should bee at Ardea with one army, and expected at Veios by another, that they might with joynt forces assault the Gaules, when they least expected, and so recover the City.

8 Had Machiavel told us what hee meant by Fates or Fortune, wee might either quickly agree with him, or easily confute him, as disagreeing most from himselfe: whatsoever hee meant by them, it had beene a point of honesty in him, to have craved pardon of Plutarch for contradicting him in the former discourse; seeing hee borrow∣eth Plutarchs owne language in this Comment of Romes surprizall by the Gauls. If Machiavel by Fate or Fortune, understand some branch of Gods decree or providence, mentem teneat, lin∣guam corrigat. For though he comment upon a Heathen writer, it would no way misbeseeme him sometime so to speak, as men might suspect him to be a Christian. But not to question in what sig∣nification he used the words Fates or Fortune; the reall attributes which he gives to Fate or Fortune, cannot belong to any power in heaven or earth, save onely to the onely wise invisible GOD, for

who can blinde the mindes of men, of such politicke wise••men as the Romanes were, save onely hee who made our soules, and giveth wisdome to whom he plea∣seth, who can make choise of excellent spirits, for ma∣naging humane affaires present, or entertaine occasi∣ons offered for great atchievances? who againe can deprive such men (men so qualified as Machiavel would have them) of life, depose them from their dig∣nities, or so abate their strength; as they shall not bee able to make resistance when evills are determined? That power onely can doe all these, which know∣eth all things, worketh all things, determines all things, ruleth all things. Yet all these attributes here specified hath Machiavel, bestowed on Fate. Either was this man stricken with heathe∣nish blindnesse for detaining the truth in unrighte∣ousnesse, or else in seeing thus farre into events, in his judgement, Fatall, hee might have seene Gods providence ruling in them, and disposing of all hu∣mane affaires whatsoever. The like contemplation of fatall or fortunate events, led Commineus, a man aswell seen in matters of state, as Machiavel was, un∣to a distinct view of Divine Prouidence, as shall be shewed* 1.55 heareafter. Whatsoever effect these ob∣servations wrought in Machiavel; the perusall of them will lift up the Christian Readers heart to sing with Daniel: Blessed bee the name of God for ever and ever, for wisedome and might are his. Hee changeth the times and seasons, he giveth wisdome unto the wise, and knowledge to them that know un∣derstanding.

9 But though wee could make this or the like

orthodoxall construction of Machiavels meaning, in this discourse, though fate and fortune in his language were the same that Gods providence is in ours; Yet the use which hee makes of this his doctrine, would neither be consonant to his owne principles elsewhere delivered, not to the eternall truth: Hoc unum pronunciabo de fortunae viribus & fati necessitate, quod historias omnis generis per∣currenti facile apparebit, homines fati necessitatem evitare non posse: sed faciliorem eventum ijs, quae ab eo impendent, efficere, eum{que} promovere; adeo{que} parcarum ••elas texere, non retexere, aut rumpere. Quod etsi ita se habeat, non decet tamen, ut animum abjiciamus, nos{que} plane committamus fato; sed, qua∣cun{que} fortunâ aspirante, bene speremus, diligenter prudenter{que} rebus nostris provideamus: quòd fatorum viae & rationes producendorum effectuum, obscurio∣res sint, quam ut a nobis intelligi qu••ant. Machiavil. in fine lib. 2. What great matter is this, which is so plainely witten in histories of every kinde, as he•• that runnes may reade it? His resolution is this, that men cannot avoid the necessitie of fate, but rather fa∣cilitate the events by it decreed: So vnable are they to undoe the contrivances or contextures of destinie, that by how much the more they struggle with them, they weave and knit them faster. But shall state-pi∣lots for this reason strike saile to Fortune, and suf∣fer the world to floate, whether fates doe drive it? No, rather beare out against all blasts of chance, be∣cause the wayes of fate, and manner how it brings its matter about, are so obscure, that no wit of man can discerne them. But what bootes it us to know the

wayes of Fates to be so obscure, that they cannot be knowne, if neither knowne nor unknowne, they can bee avoided▪ It would inspire our indea∣vours with greater alacrity, and our indeavours would be blessed with better successe, were wee taught (as the truth is) that such events as Politici∣ans terme fatall, are in their nature, alterable, though not by us, or by any humane skill or poli∣cie, yet by him whose almighty ayd, is alwayes ready for us, so we seeke it with due humilitie. But Machiavel (if I mistake him not) was once of opi∣nion, that Fates and Fortune interpose their autho∣rity only in some more principall humane affaires; he acknowledgeth no generall providence over all. The generall Maxime whence hee falsely de∣rives his fruitlesse inference, is, That Gods Decree (whereof Fates good or bad, are necessary bran∣ches) is altogether immutable. The most necessary, immediate, and most usefull consequent of which truth, is this, As long as the parties against whom he decrees evill, continue the same; the evill de∣creed, is as immutable as his decree, and men by seeking to avoid it by their wit or strength, doe draw it more speedily, or more heavily upon them. For, it is impossible, that humane power should not bee foiled, whilest it opposeth it selfe against Omnipotency; or the devices of humane wisedome not be defeated, whilest they counterplot Wisdome infinite. But though in the Almighty, or in his decree, there be no shadow of change; yet as Da∣niel speakes, he changeth times and seasons; and in that his mercy is immutable, he is alwayes ready to

repent him of the evills forethreatned, when men repent them of the evill, for which hee threatneth them. Or, in termes (perhaps) more proper, it is one essentiall part of his immutable decree to alter the events decreed, or foresignified, (bee they good or bad) according as men alter their mindes for better or worse. But how Fates are invited or may be avoyded, wee are to speake more particularly hereafter.

10 The very instance whence Machiavel fra∣med his forementioned Aphorisme, will bee a fit example for illustrating our present rule. The Romanes (as he observes) were usually most reli∣gious observers of the Law of nations, and whilest they continued thus, Gods blessings did rest upon their policies: But at the time when the Gaules inuaded Italy; the Fahii, being sent Embassadours in a Treaty of peace, unaduisedly put on the girdle of warre, and slew a standard-bearer of the Gaules in defence & quarrell of the Clusini, betwixt whō they should have been indiferent arbitrators. And in stead of just punishment (which by the Law of nations was, to have beene delivered up unto the Enemies whom they had wronged,) the Romans did grace them with the office of Tribunes, at their returne, and appointed them chiefe managers of that warre with the Gaules, which* 1.56 their inso∣lencie

had provoked. The successe whereof was such, as the Israelites had, before Achans sacri∣ledge was punished by Iosuah. Romes present ca∣lamitie had spred much farther, if the whole State had beene as deepely infected with this foule crime, as the whole Senate and people,* 1.57 then resident at Rome were: Sed Veios habitante Ca∣millo, illic Roma fuit: In as much, as the life and soule of the Roman estate did then reside in the exi∣led Camillus and his company, (who had suffered much wrong from the Romanes, but had done none unto the Gaules;) it pleased the Lord to raise up his spirit, to rescue the Citie from their tyranny, who would have revenged the offence committed, with greater severitie, then this aeternall aequitie had appointed for this time, wherein Romes iniquitie was not fully ripe for utter de∣struction.

11 To doe justice, though to a publick enemy, is a fundamentall rule of Propheticall and Christi∣an policy, whereto Machiavel hath one, and Plu∣tarch another discourse very pertinent. Thus to doe, is good and acceptable in the sight of God, without whose speciall direction and benediction, the practise of most approved rules of policy, prove more fruitlesse, if not more dangerous to great Estates, then choisest receipts doe to illiterate or ordinarie patients, being administred without the Physitians advise or prescript.* 1.58 To a Patient

demanding why the same medicine, which had once done him much good, did at the second time doe him harme; Vindicianus a learned Physitian in S. Augustines time answered, because at the first time, I gave it you; you tooke it the second time your selfe, being of that age, in which I would not have given it. Now as diversitie of times, alte∣ration of humors, or constitution of mens bodies, may cause the selfe same medicine, which at some times brought health, at another time to bring forth Death or dangerous sicknesse to one and the selfe same body: so may Kingdomes, whether for forme or government the same, or different, be speedily overthrowne, by following that method of reformation, or the selfe same rules of policy, by which most States formerly have beene preserved. Hee that changeth times and seasons, disposeth the concurrents, or dissolveth the com∣bination of occurrent circumstances or opportu∣nities; must give his approbation or allowance, be∣fore any contrivance of man can be effectuall. He is the supreame Physitian of mens soules, the pre∣server of States and Kingdomes. The greatest statesmen are at the best, but his Chyrurgions, or his Apothecaries, and if they adventure upon any difficult cure without consulting him; the same hand which healed this yeare, may wound the next; the same receipt which gave life to day, may kill to morrow. From these Collections, Machiavel, so hee would bee constant unto him∣selfe, cannot vary.

12 The diversitie of Fortune much furthering

some, and crossing others,* 1.59 he derives from these originalls: As there be divers kindes of proceedings in managing the affaires of peace or warre, with whose diversities the dispositions of men, by nature or cu∣stome much different, suit, some with one, some with another: so have different times their seasons and op∣portunities. Some times require quick dispatch, others delay of businesse; some businesses speedy execution, others maturity of consultation and long forecast. Now seeing no one man is fitted for all kindes of proceedings, nor no one kinde of proceeding can befit all or most times, but all have their limits, which without errour or danger they cannot trans∣gresse. Hence it is that those men least erre, and become most fortunate in their atchievements, which have the hap to be imployed in such times and seasons, as best agree with their naturall and accustomed manner of projecting. Statefortune then by Machiavels conclusion, is no bastard brood, no fatherlesse bratt, but the true and legi∣timate ofspring of Time, fitly matched with the peculiar disposition of experienced practickes. On the contrary, publique misfortune or ill successe, is the naturall issue of mens endeavours, when they are undertaken in an unfit time. The onely questi∣on then remaining, is, whether there bee any, or if any, who is the chiefe author of all fit matches or disagreements betweene the severall dispositions of men, and the opportunities of times? It is a point unquestionable, that the prime author of such matches, is the first author of all successe, be it good or bad, in humane affaires. The greatest amongst

the sonnes of men cannot command what op∣portunities they please, but must bee content with such as time affords them: nor are the wisest of men alwaies able to make choyse of the best which time presents. Time likewise, though thus affording opportunities, cannot appoint the men, that are most fit to entertain them. So that neither is time the fountaine or author, nor can men bee their owne Carvers of good successe. Doth this office then belong to Goddesse Fortune? If shee could see this, she might see all things; and were no longer to bee reputed Fortune: wisdome and prouidence should be her titles. It is That wisdome by which all things were made, which disposeth their operations. It is that Providence, which was before all times, that dispenseth the times and op∣portunities, that are. These sit supreame scrutators in consultations of state, and have more casting voyces, then the world takes notice off. They se∣cretly sway every election: other suffragants may freely declare their opinions, and vent their breath; which these tune and moderate as they please.

13 That we may descend to Machiavels in∣stance; The Romanes appointed no generall with∣out publick consultation. Whether Fabius Maxi∣mus were chosen generall by unanimous consent of the Senate, or with difficultie and contradicti∣on, we have not observed, or doe not remember. Even such as were most forward, or factious for him, did little thinke how well his peculiar tem∣per did sute with the opportunitie of those times, wherein he was appointed to cope with Hannibal.

The common rumors, which run of him through∣out Rome, argue a generall dislike of his procee∣dings; if lingring, might in their censures be called proceedings rather then cowardly delay or detre∣ctation. The best proofe he gave for a long time of his courage, was his constant contempt of others censures.* 1.60 But after, the event did as farre sur∣passe their hopes of his slow proceedings, as these had come short of their first expectations; their note was changed. Fabius was now the a 1.61onely man, and (as some of them make him) more then a man; inb 1.62 common esteeme the onely Author of their Cities preserva∣tion. Howbeit, to such as can resolve effects into their prime and native causes, children might more justly be fathered up∣on the woman that beares them, then this joyfull issue, which was brought forth by his lingring, can be upon his forecast or wisedome. For this cunctation, of which the peculiar opportunities of these times begat good successe; was to Fabius (* 1.63 as

Machiavel well observes) a disposition naturall: he could not have changed with the times, nor fa∣shioned himselfe to new occasions. Hee had held the same byas still, though on another much diffe∣rent ground: and so might he well have lost his late purchased fame, and Rome her prize; unlesse there had beene more skill used in playing the game, than the supposed Roman Gamesters pra∣ctised. As suppose Fabius had beene sent to have bid Hannibal play in Africk, and Scipio appointed to keepe the goale in Italie: Rome and Carthage, by the misplacing of these two men, might have changed Fates and Fortunes. Rome, in all likeli∣hood, had beene taken, when Fabius saved it; and Carthage inriched with Romane spoiles, at the time when Scipio ransacked it. Rome could not have found a surer buckler to beare off Hannibals blowes in Italy, then lingring Fabius: nor a fitter sword to beat him in his native soile, then forward Scipio. And yet was Fabius the most forward man to oppose Scipio his expedition into Africk: and it may be some of Scipio his friends had bandied as earnestly against Fabius. Either of them liked his owne course best: if haply either liked any other besides. Neither of them knew, what temper was fittest for every season; nor is it possible for the wisedome of man to match these alwayes aright, because albeit the temper or dispositions of men did never alter, ye•• the occasions or opportunities of times are more changeable than the Moone.

14 The Aphorisme which Machiavel gathers from the former discussions is not so false, as im∣perfit,

and it is this: Seeing different times require different manners of proceedings, and state-agents cannot easily change their manner, whereto they have beene most accustomed; it were most expe∣dient for States to change their agents, that their severall dispositions might more exactly sute with the alterations of times and opportunities. The facilitie of observing or practising this rule in Aristocratis, is in his judgement, one speciall cause why, that kinde of government is more du∣rable then Monarchicall. For Princes will hold their wonted wayes, they will not change their resolutions, much lesse will they give place to o∣thers, that are better fitted for entertaining the opportunities or change of times.* 1.64 Petrus Sode∣rinus, a man for his moderation and wisedome fit to have governed an Empire, did (as hee thinkes) overthrow himselfe and the Florentine estate, by continuing his authoritie, being unable to put off his wonted lenitie and patience, in times requiring austere imperious reformation. Whereas Pope Iu∣lius the second, plaied the Lyon all his time with the Foxes luck: the more he was cursed for his im∣petuous insolency, the stronger hee grew: no thankes to him or his witt, but to the times, which had they changed, he must have fallen. But was not Septimius Afer, for his native severitie, aswell fitted to the impetuous disposition of the Roman Empire when he undertook it, as any medicine can be to the malady, for which it is by art prepared? And yet his practise (though exactly answering ••o Machiavels rules of reformation (here and else∣where

set downe) found but the Mountebankes successe; hee cured some present mischiefes, but procured more grievous, secret, and more perma∣nent inconveniences. The barbarous nations which longed most for Romes destruction, lear∣ned the use and art of making the Romans wea∣pons and artillerie, from the discontented Exiles, which his severitie thrust upon them. Nor did Constantine the great (though Leunclavius be wil∣ling to preferre the unsanctified Zozimus his bill against him, to Christian Princes) halfe so much weaken the Empire, by his largesse towards the Christians, as Septimius did wound it, by seeking to restore or rather to intend the rigour of ancient discipline amongst moderne dissolute Romans. Many like practises, in the issue became meanes of the Empires more speedy dissolution; though all, (as farre as the eye of policy could see,) most con∣venient for the present season, but it is not for po∣liticians to know the exact temper of times & sea∣sons, which the father hath put in his owne power, as cases reserved for infinite Wisdome.

15 Had Rome in the dayes of Arcadius and Honorius stood at the same point of liking with God, as she sometimes had done: these oversights (as it pleaseth posteritie now to censure them) of Constantine and Septimius with infinite other parti∣culars of like nature, falling out before and after them, should have added much to the measure of her wonted prosperitie. But being now decli∣ned from Gods favour to the aspect of his Iustice, all conspire against her: and her best supporters

become stumbling-blocks, to cause her to fall. And, although it had beene possible for the severall suc∣cessions of her ancient and choisest Senators, to have beene assembled together in counsell for her good; yet what possibilitie was there left to pre∣vent the combination of second causes secretly con∣spiring her destruction, when as the unavoidable mischances of Nations, which they knew not, e∣ven the disasters of her enemies became confede∣rates with domestick miscariages to worke her mischiefe. If we consider onely the visible causes, or meanes observable, by which this mightie Em∣pire came to miserable ruine: not all the over∣sights committed by any one, though the very worst of al her Governours or Counsellors; not all the devises of any one natiō or cōmon enemy, did sow the seedes of so much evill and mishap, as be∣fel her from one example of severitie, unseasonably practised by the* 1.65 King of Goathes, upon a wicked woman, that sought to cover her adultery, by her abused husbands blood. The fact indeed deser∣ved the height of Princely indignation, and more then an ordinary death, but to pull her in peeces with horses (as Hermanarichus commanded) was so indignely taken by her brethren, that in re∣venge they killed this grave and auncient King; by whose wisedome and authoritie the Goathes had beene able so well to have matched the Huns, as the Romanes might have stood as arbitrators to moderate the quarrell as they saw fit, or to have devided the prey. But the Goathes, being sud∣denly deprived of their▪ Governour in the very

nicke▪ when the warre was begun, left their habita∣tion to the Hunnes, and (upon protestations of more then ordinary fidelitie and good service) got to be admitted as naturall subjects within the Em∣pire, which by this meanes became exposed to a double mischiefe. It hath the Hunnes as neare, but more insolent and noisome neighbours, then the Goathes had beene: and through the folly and greedinesse of the Imperiall officers, the Goath in short time of a former open enemy, became a treacherous friend. The Romans nurst this young snake in their bosome, after such an unpleasant and untowardly fashion, as they might bee sure, hee would be ready to use his sting, when God should send him one. And albeit the Goath and Hun, did naturally worse agree, then the Toade & Spider: yet in relation to the execution of Gods justice up∣on the Roman Empire, they hold this exact sub∣ordination, that wheresoever the one had broken skinne, the other was ready to infuse his poyson; the one alwaies ready to inlarge the wounds, which the other had made, before they closed. Howbeit, when both these enemies had done the worst to Rome that they intended, (for both of them had power in respect of any help that man could make, to do her as much harm, as they listed) yet the Pro∣phets speech concerning Israel, was remarkably true of her, Perditio tua ex te O Roma, Romes de∣struction was from her selfe. Her very enemies would have healed her, but Babylon-like shee would not be healed. Alaricus the Goath had taken the Citie, but made conscience of defacing

it: he spared the suppliants for the Temples sake. Attilas was kindly intreated by Pope Leo not to visit it; the rather thereto perswaded, because God had visited Alaricus for polluting it. It was the crie of the noble Aetius his blood treacherous∣ly shed, not by the Enemy, but by the Emperour Valentinian, at the instigation of Maximus, which did solicite Gensericus King of Vandals to come out of Afrique to visit Rome, now sunke so lowe by Aetius his fall, that she could never bee raised againe.

16 The concatenation of sinister Fates, that is, (in better language) the combination of second causes designed by God for the execution of his consequent Will upon the Roman Empire, is in this case so pregnant: that I cannot make a fitter close of this discourse, then by relating the histori∣call Circumstances, occasion and consequence of Aetius his death. Maximus a Roman Senator, and principall Favorite of Valentinian the Emperour, * 1.66sporting with him on a time in his Palace, chan∣ced to leave his ring behind. The Emperour, by this token invites Maximus his Lady to come and visit his Empresse Eudoxia, his intention be∣ing to visit her in such a manner, as was no way pleasing to her, but most displeasing to her Hus∣band, unto whō she disclosed their joynt wrong & her speciall griefe. The indignity of the Fact (be∣ing done by so deare a friend as he supposed Valen∣tinian was) made so deepe impression in his heart, that an ordinary revenge could not suffice. The Emperors life seemed too small a recōpence, with∣out

hopes of succeding him: & his hopes of succes∣sion (he saw) were but vain if Aetius should survive Valentinian: Maximus therefore, smoothly dissem∣bling his discontent for the present, perswades the Emperour that Aetius was too potent in the opini∣on of the State, and become more popular than before, by the happy successe of his late employ∣ment against Attilas the common enemie and ter∣rour of Christendome.* 1.67 The Emperours weakness is easily wrought to put Aetius to death, which (as one observes) was in effect to cut off his owne right hand with his left, and to expose himselfe to publike hatred and danger, without a Defendant. Thrasilas, a Centurion to Aetius, knowing his Ge∣neralls loyalty and innocency, in ••••venge of his un∣deserved death, kills Valentinian▪ And Maximus not content to usurpe the Empire, unlesse he might have the Empresse Eudoxia in to the bragaine, abu∣seth her as Valentinian had done his Lady. Eu∣doxia more impatient than Maximus his wife had beene,* 1.68 sollicites Gensericus King of the Vandalls to revenge her husbands death, and her wrongs. In the execution of Gods will or wrath upon Maxi∣mus, the Roman•••• prevent him, for they stone him to death; but ••ould not prevent the ransacking of the City by him, and the finall overthrow of the Romane Empire. As for those imperiall titles which some afterwards tooke upon them, these were but as ominous formalities for the more le∣gall resigning up of the Romane Soveraignty into the hands of strangers, as Momillus surnamed Au∣gustulus (the last of Italian blood which bare rule

in Rome) did it into the hands of the Hunnes, the reliques of Attilas his race, their inveterate ene∣mies; whose rage and cruelty when it was at the height of its strength, had beene broken by Aetius his valour. As the Romane Rulers and Senate had done to him: so hath the Lord now done to them.

CHAP. 28.

Why God is called the Lord of Hosts, or the Lord mighty in Battaile. Of his speciall providence in managing Warres.

1 ALBEIT the sole authority of Scripture without the assigne∣ment of any reason, be a warrant alsufficient for us to enstyle our God the Lord of Hosts: yet why he is so often in Scripture thus enstyled, as by a most speciall and peculiar at∣tribute, these reasons may without offence bee gi∣ven. His peculiar hand is not in any subject of hu∣mane contemplation more conspicuous, then in the managing of Warres. Why it should bee more conspicuous in this then in other busi∣nesses, wherein men are much imployed, the reason is plaine: for Contingences are no where more ticklish than in Warre, not is their number in any other subject so incomprehensible to the wit of man. It is hard to use wit and valour both at once; hard to spie an errour upon the first

commission of it, harder to redeeme the time, or regaine opportunities lost. It is a grosse errour which hath insinuated it selfe into some Politicians thoughts, if wee may judge of their thoughts by their writings; that the chances which may fall out contrary to Warriours expectations, are not so many but that they may be forecast or numbred. It is the Politicians errour likewise, (though would to God it were his alone) to think all occurrences which are casuall in respect of man, to be from the first occasions of warre begun, so determined by him, which gives successe in battaile, as that victo∣ry must in deed and truth (though to men she seeme not so) incline to one party more than to the other. These casualties of War, or doubtfull inclinations of victorie, are in succession infinite. Their possibi∣lities one way or other, may every moment in∣crease from misdemeanours either of them which fight the battailes, or of the parties for whom they fight. The fairest probabilitie of good successe may be abated from every good act or reformati∣on of the adversarie. Gods eternall freedome ei∣ther in determining new occurrences, or altering the combinations of others already extant, cannot be prejudiced by any Act past. He hath not so be∣fore all time decreed them, that hee doth not still decree them, at his pleasure, as well during all the time of warre and fight, as before. Ita accidit* 1.69 sae∣penumero, ut fortuna ad utrum{que} victoriam transfe∣rat, quò Bellum extrahatur, animos{que} nunc horum, nunc illorum accendat. So it oftentimes falls out, that Fortune makes faire profer of victory to both sides,

and one while incourageth this partie, another while that, by which meanes warres are usually prolonged. Now whatsoever in these cases befals men either beyond their expectation, or contrary to their fore∣cast, is counted fortunate, if it be for their good; or fatall, if it be for their harme. Hence men not on∣ly of most accurate booke-learning amongst the Romanes, but of best experience in matters of war, have given more to Fortune, then by-standers or Historicall Relators usually acknowledge to bee her due.

Had Caesar upon a diligent and accurate survey of the meanes, by which he got his victories, allot∣ted Fortune her just part in severall, or told us truly how much fell out beyond or above his expectati∣on, how much just according to his reckoning: the world (I think) would have beene of the same minde with Machiavel in his* 1.70 forementioned contemplations of Romes surprisal by the Gaules, which was, That the most victorious do not deserve much glory either for wit or valour, nor the con∣quered much dispraise for the contrarie imperfec∣tions; seeing Fate or Fortune have alwayes the chiefest stroke as well in the exaltation of the one, as in the dejection of the other. Notwithstanding it is no part of mine, whatsoever it was of Machia∣vels meaning, to have any man deprived of that commendation which is due to him in respect of other men. And it is not the least title unto true praise, to be in favour with the supreame disposer of Martiall successe. In respect of him the victorious have no cause to boast, but rather to condemne

their sloath and negligence in that the fruites of their successe, was no better then usually it proves, they having so good assistance, and sure pledges of divine favour.

2 Wheresoever Cicero, Caesar, Vegetius, or o∣ther heathens, could suspect or descrie the secret assistance of fate or fortune, specially in matters more remarkeable, as are the usuall consequents of warre; there we may without solecisme say, the finger of the Lord of hoasts did worke. For if the least wound that is given or taken in fight, doe not make it selfe, but is made by the vigilant and working hand of man; shall not the chiefe stroke or sway of battaile, which usually falls without War∣riers comprehension, lead us to a direct, a certaine and positive cause? Now if this cause were other∣waies unknown, by what name could we more pro∣perly call it, then by the Lord of hoasts, or great Moderator of warre.

If wee may guesse at Gods working in all, by the manifestation of his speciall hand in some: I am perswaded there was never any great battaile fought since the world began, much lesse any fa∣mous warre accomplished with such facilitie or speed, but that if it had pleased the Historians to expresse all circumstances of speciall moments, or could the reader survey such as they expresse, with as diligent and curious eyes, as one Artificer will anothers worke: the consultations of their chiefe managers, & the executions w^ch seem to have most dependance on them; would beare no better pro∣portion w^th their entire successe, then the day labo∣rers

work doth with a curious edifice, or then the Pioners paines doth w^th the defence or expugnation of strōg forts or Castles. And yet even in the matu∣rest deliberations or most exact consultations of warre; related by ordinary historians, the finall de∣termination, may for the most part be resolved in∣to some speciall Divine instinct: the execution of that which men by such instinct determine and re∣solve upon, essentially depends upon the dispositi∣on of Gods peculiar providence, who hath an au∣thentique negative in the use of every meanes, which men make choice of; albeit in using them he admit men, as his coworkers, but not as sha∣rers in production of the principall effect or end. He alone bestoweth victorie where hee pleaseth, by what meanes or whose agency hee pleaseth, but not alwayes with victorie and successe, unlesse such as be his agents or instruments in the execu∣tion of his consequent will upon others, be ready to doe his antecedent will or pleasure themselves.

3 This is a subject whose fuller explication would require a larger volume, then this whole Treatise in my intendment shall be. I will there∣fore instance especially in one battaile, and another warre, of the greatest consequences, that the histo∣ries of these three hundred yeares past present un∣to us. The first shall be in that fierce and violent conflict at Grūwald betweene Iagello or Vladislaus King of Poland and Lituania, and the Crucigeri or Knights of Prussia, about the yeare one thou∣sand foure hundred. Should a Politician or Souldier, that will beleeve no more, then hee sees

grounds for out of his owne Art, have seene, the mighty preparation and couragious resolution of both parties, hee would haply have demanded a signe of Gods providence, and said in his heart, Let us see either of these two Armies take flight upon a conceipted noise of Chariots or Horsemen, or an imagination of an Army not really existent: or what Gedeon is hee now alive, that dare ad∣venture on the weaker of them, with three hun∣dred men, although hee had thrice three hun∣dred Trumpeters to encourage them. We will not therefore presse any with beleefe of Mi∣racles in these later times, but rather perswade them with us to acknowledge, that those extraor∣dinary manifestations of power more then naturall, in battailes fought for Israell and Iudah by Gedeon or Sampson, by the Angels, by the Hoast of Hea∣ven, or by inferiour Elements, were not more pre∣gnant documents of Gods immediate hand in ma∣naging warres, nor better proofes of his just title to be the Lord of Hosts; than the contrivances of ordinary causes and occurrences in martiall affaires of moderne times, doth or might afford to all such as rightly survey them. To make a mighty armie fall by the free and unimpeached exercise of their owne valour and strength, can be no lesse wonder∣full to unpartiall eyes, than to scatter them by fire and lightning, than to beat them downe by mighty hailestones from heaven. To cause the stronger and more skilfull in warre to faint, without dimi∣nishing of their courage and strength, is no lesse the Lords doing, than if their hearts had beene

surprised with a panick terrour, or their armes sud∣denly deprived of life and motion, as Ieroboams was. Yet this was the case of the Prussian Knights of the Crosse, and the Germane Forces which as∣sisted them against Iagello.

4 The conduct of the right wing of Iagelloes Army, which did consist of Lituanians, was com∣mended to his brother Vitoudus, not out of any foresight of advantage, but in honour of his per∣son, or of that Nation; which was perhaps an o∣versight in point of warre. However, this wing was fiercely assaulted by the opposite wing of the Germane Armie, which was a great deale the stronger, especially for horsemen. God by his se∣cret * 1.71providence did so dispose that this advantage should redound unto their greater overthrow. For the Lituanians being the farre weaker part of Ia∣gello his Army, both for want of skill and of Ar∣mour, after a furious encounter fled the faster: and the Germane wing, which had put them to flight, not suspecting but that their other wing had beene as able to match the Polonian, as they had beene to defeat the Lituanian; pursued the victorie so long and so farre, that they were neither able ful∣ly to succour the other wing being scattered and broken by the Polonians, before their returne, nor to flye from their enemies with that speed they de∣sired; as being over wearied with the former chase. Of the Germans, by this oversight and pre∣sumption, fiftie thousand were slaine, and (as some relate) almost as many taken prisoners. They had put their confidence in the valour, skill and mul∣titude

of their Armie, which did consist of an hundred and fortie thousand choice souldiers. The good King Iagello his trust was in his praiers to God; and in the presumption of his Enemy, which had beene so triumphant before the victo∣ry, so certaine of victorie before the joyning of the battaile; that they would not give Iagello leave to say his prayers, or doe his wonted service unto God, but sent him two swords in mockerie, one for himselfe, and another for his brother Vitou∣dus, as if they had wanted weapons to defend themselves; profering him withall, that if the place wherein hee then was, were too strait for ordering his men they would goe back, as in con∣tempt and scorne they did, and make him roome. This insolent message was by the religious King embraced, as a welcome prognostique that they should give him place against their wils. And so it fell out, that they were not able to defend them∣selves within their trenches; their Tents and cari∣ages became a prey to Polonians, being so well fraught with all manner of provision, not for ne∣cessitie onely, but for pleasure, that Iagello caused a great number of Wine-vessels to bee burst in pieces, lest his souldiers should be overcome with plenty of wine, after they had overcome their po∣tent enemies, or at lest be hindred from further pursuite of victorie. There a man might have seen a strange spectacle, a flood or stream not of blood or wine, but as if it had bin of gore by the mixture of the wine and the blood alike violently shed in the Germane Camp. The gaudinesse of their Ar∣mour

would not suffer such as escaped by flight, toly hid in the fennes or reeds into which they ranne. This was the issue of their unhallowed confidence, which had in their Tents abundance of Torches and of chaines; the one provided ••or leading the Nobles of Poland Captives, the o∣ther for firing their Cities.

5 There is a storie mentioned by Salvianus, ex∣actly paralleld to the former, for the different d••s∣positions of the parties conflictant, and for the con∣trary successe which befell their contrary demea∣nours before the battaile. The conflict was be∣twixt the Goathes and the Gaules. The Goathes were a kinde of Christians, but Arrians, through default of their Instructors. The Gaules were Catholiques, as good as Rome had any in those dayes; so were the Prussian Knights: Iagello was a late convert••Christian, and very devout in his kinde, yet not quite purged from some Heathe∣nish inbred superstition. It was a custome with him, to turne thrice round about, and to breake a straw in three pieces before he went abroad. How much more acceptable or lesse displeasing unto God, how much more availeable in the day of bat∣tell un••ained humilitie, fear & devotion, (though in part tainted with e••roneous opinion, and supersti∣tion) are, than confidence in the puritie of opini∣ons, or profession of Orthodoxall religion, with∣out correspondency of practise, cannot better be expressed than it is by* 1.72 Salvianus. That saying of our Saviour, Hee that exalts himselfe shall bee brought lowe, was evidently experienced in the

Goaths and in us: they h••mbled themselves and were exalted; we exalted our selves and were dejected. This our Generall found true in himselfe, being led captive into that Citie of the Enemies, into which he presumed he should the same day have entred as Conquerour. Herein the judgement of God was apparent upon him, that hee should suf∣fer, whatsoever hee had presumed or undertaken to doe. The King of the Goathes (as hee con∣cludes,) fought with prayers and supplications be∣fore he came to fight with the arme of flesh; and he therefore went out with confidence unto Bat∣taile, as having obtained victorie in his prayer.

A second parallel to the former battaile, for the alternant inclinations of victorie▪ or sudden turning of wofull and sad beginnings unto joyfull issue, might bee taken from that famous battaile of Flodden, if wee may beleeve eyther the ordina∣rie Scottish Historie, or the constant report of the English, which were then alive, and tooke the Relation from the mouthes of such as were imployed in that service, being men of note & no way partiall. In their observati∣on, it was the extraordinary valour the of Scottish

vauntguard in the very first onset or joyning of battaile, which brought victory (otherwise doubt∣full or declining from them) to the English. For the sudden discomfiture and confused flight of the English Vantguard unto the maine Battaile, made that unfortunate King beleeve, that the Eng∣lish Army began to reele; and out of this mistake, as one that had prepared himselfe to follow the chase, rather then to order his owne Battaile, hee was encompassed by the English in that very place (as some report) which he had beene forewarned, but in termes generall and ambiguous, to eschue.

6 That great warre betweene Charles the fift, and the confederate Princes of Germany, begun in the yeare 1546. was more lingring. For as the Iu∣dicious * 1.73Historian observes, we shall hardly finde any record in antiquity of two such great Armies lying so neare one to the other, so long as these two armies did without a ful battel. The war was mana∣ged, as if it had bin a game at Chess, wherein divers oversights were cōmitted on both sides; & yet the disadvantage given or taken, still so recoverable, that the old Maxime, Non licet bis peccare in bello, may seeme by the event of this warre, to be restrai∣ned to praelium, rather to a set battaile then to war▪ Charles the Emperour, did in the esteeme of War∣riours, manage his businesses more cautelously than the Confederates did: and yet if wee should speake in the ordinary Politician or Souldiers lan∣guage, was more beholding to Fortune, than to prudence or counsell of Warre. It was a great o∣versight to expose himselfe unto such imminent

danger, as he did at* 1.74 Genge, out of a desire to view his Enemies Army. For (as the Spaniards con∣fesse) if the confederate Princes had beene as vi∣gilant to take advantage, as he was carelesse to give it; they might have put an end to this war, as soone as it was begunne. It is noted likewise, as a great oversight in them, that they did not assault him, whilest hee was encamped about Ingolstade and R••••isborne, expecting fresh supplies out of Italy and the Low Countries: yet the losse of this op∣portunity they had easily redeemed not long after, had not their project beene disclosed to Charles, who removed his Camp before they had notice, and, by favour of the great windes, which that night hapned, surprized Donaverd, a place of good importance for his present designes; That Count Egmond with his Netherland forces, on whose skill and valour Charles did most relye, should e∣scape the surprisall intended by the Landgrave, was more from good hap and Caesar Magius his extemporary sophisme, than from any forecast ei∣ther of the Emperour himselfe, or of Count Eg∣mond. For unlesse his Souldiers had been perswa∣ded that the Landgrave was nearer to them over night, than indeed he was; hee had beene nearer to them, or sooner upon them in the morning, than they could have wished. But this false Alarum, gi∣ven by Magius, made them willing, though much wearied, to march all night. Not long after their safe conduct unto the maine Campe, the chiefe Counsellors of warre were instant with Charles to dissolve his Army for that w••nter, untill the next

Spring. That his resolution to the contrary, pro∣ved so successefull, was more than in humane wis∣dome could be forecast; so long as the successe of Maurice Duke of Saxony, and the Bohemians which had invaded the Territories of Iohn Duke of Saxonie, was uncertaine. But the prevailing power of this unexpected enemie, being a known Professor of that Religion for whose maintenance his noble Vncle and Father in Law had taken arms, enforced the Confederates to divide their Army, which could not but give advantage to Charles. But that Henry the eight of England, and Francis the first of France, (neither of them likely to have stood as by-standers in this great businesse, if they had lived) should both dye in this interim, this was the Lords doing, not Fortunes. Charles could not ground any resolution upon the hope of it, nor could the confederate Princes foresee the disad∣vantage, which from their death did redound unto them. Yet after all these prejudices on the con∣federate Princes behalfe, Charles his expedition into Saxony against Iohn Prince Elector, who had retired thither with part of the Army, to prevent Maurice his further proceedings; was very doubt∣full and full of danger: and yet was Charles (who before had shewed himselfe to bee more timorous and backward) more resolute and forward, in this expedition, than any of his Captaines or Com∣manders.

7 Doubtlesse lest his Captaines, his Souldiers, or Counsell of Warre should boast, as if their own right hands, their policy and strength had gotten

the victory; the Lord of Hosts, the Lord mighty in Battaile, did so dispose that the Emperour one while should feare, where no feare was, and ano∣ther while be couragiously wilfull or resolute, a∣gainst his grave Counsell of Warre, and against all probabilitie of hopefull successe. At Nordling, when his Army was full, and his Souldiers fresh, when the Spaniards (after some difficult passages had beene conquered by their undaunted Resolu∣tion,) were perswaded that victorie was hard be∣fore them; Charles would not give them leave to overtake it, or (as if it had beene snatched out of their jawes) they did gnash with their teeth for very indignation; nor was this hope of victory in the Spaniards conceived from intemperate heate of warre, or longing desire to fight without good grounds of reason. For Maximilian Egmond, a wise and well experienced Commander, was so taken with the same perswasion, that when the Emperour called him back, he pulled his Helmet off his head, and for anger and indignation, threw it with violence against the ground. Had Egmond followed his advantage and presently overcome his enemies, this might have beene attributed to Scipioes valour in him. Or, if Charles himselfe had continually sought to drive away danger by delay, he might have beene reputed another Fabius. But this ••••mper changed with the time, Versâ tabulâ cu••••ebat, qui modo stabat, & stabant qui modo cur∣rebant. They drew back, which formerly could hardly be recalled from fighting; and hee which recalled them, drawes them forwards against their

wills. For comming neere to* 1.75 Mulberg, where Iohn Prince Elector of Saxony was taken; albeit the Duke of Alva (one at that time as notoriously knowne for his resolution, as for his cruelty after∣wards) and the rest of the Counsell of Warre, did utterly mislike his intended passage, over the Ri∣ver of E••ve that day, as an attempt too adven∣trous and desperate, which might yeeld great ad∣vantage to his enemy; no perswasion could move or weaken his resolution, but fight he would upon that very day upon what termes soever. And it af∣terwards appeared that unlesse he had put this his unseasonable desire of battaile (as to them it see∣med) in present execution, he might long have wai∣ted, before he had laid hold on the like opportuni∣tie againe. For some few houres start, might ei∣ther have secured the Duke of Saxony from a ne∣cessity of battaile, or assured him of victory, if hee had beene enforced to fight. The next morning, after his overthrow, the Emperour met with new supplies, which had received the Duke in a well-fenced place, whereas it was Caesars good fortune to take the Duke the day before, beyond all expe∣ctation, in such a place, as he could not fight upon equall termes, nor make from him but by a dis∣gracefull flight.

8 Alva out of his experience and skill might foresee much hazard and danger in his Masters ad∣ventrous resolution to passe over an unknowne Ri∣ver in such haste; and his Master, out of some hu∣mour or restlesse instinct, might be pusht forwards to fight that day, without apprehension of any

just reason why: but who besides him alone, which appointeth the occurrences and opportunities of time, could foresee or forecast, that the Duke of Alva, being sent on a sudden to seek a guide, should forthwith light on a Man, from whom some of the Duke of Saxonies followers (a few dayes before) had taken two Colts, and made him ready and willing in hope of revenge, or recovery of his loss, to discover an unknowne passage of that uncouth River. They had reason to enstyle him, as they did, Dux via: for he stood the Emperour in more stead, than any ten Captaines in his Army, he be∣ing resolved to try the fortune of Battaile that day. Thus the Lord of Hoasts, as skilfull as mighty in battaile, can turne and winde the whole fabrick of Warre with the least finger of his hand, and over∣throw or establish the cunningest projects of grea∣test Princes, and their Counsels of Watre, by the experience and information of a silly▪ Countrey Swaine. Captaines may consult, but he determines; they throw the Dice, he appoints the chance; they may set their men as it pleaseth them, but he in the issue will play the game as it pleaseth Him. When we see great Statesmen, or subtile Politicians more grossely infatuated in some particulars of greatest consequence, then ordinary men usually are; this is a sure token, that the wisdome which they for∣merly used, was not their owne: but when we see them wittingly cunning to worke their owne o∣verthrow, this is an argument that there is one wi∣ser then they, which sometimes gives wisedome, sometimes onely lends it so, as he will require sa∣tisfaction

for the mis-imployment of it. And it is not so great a wonder, to see a wise man infatua∣ted, or utterly deprived of wisedome, as to see his wit and skill continually imployed in weaving a net, to insnare himselfe in, and such as rely upon his projects and power.

9 Hitherto Charles the fift had the fortune of good Dice, and played the fore-game exceeding well. But seeing Religion lay at the stake, God in∣structs others to play the after-game a great deale better against him; albeit he had two great Coun∣sellors, the one for matters of State, the other for Warre, to wit, the Duke of Alva, and Granvel the Chancellor, as by-standers to helpe him. The sum of their advice, was to account severity the best fruits of victory; and to keepe them under by strong hand, whom hee had conquered; and to bring them in by cunning, which had yet some op∣portunity to stand out against him. His first over∣sight, was in committing the ever-renowned Duke of Saxony, to the custody of a Spaniard, to Al∣fonsus Vives, brother to the famous Ludovicus. This bred great alienation of affection and discon∣tent in some Nobles of Germany, of whose fide∣litie and good service in this Warre, he had proofe sufficient. But more mightily overseene he was, in the cunning draught of those Articles, upon which the Landgrave of Hessen did yeeld himselfe, not as a Prisoner, but as a reconciled friend, or Subject, as he presumed. The Emperour and his Counsell, had wit enough to take this man prisoner, but not to foresee the blot, which would hereupon follow,

not to the stayning onely of the Emperours honour, but to the hazard of the maine game, and utter losse of his late Conquest. They did not consider that Maurice of Saxonie, sonne in Law to the Landgrave, was as subtill as valorous, and being as ambitious as subtill, would meditate as full a requitall of this reall disgrace and delusion, (he being interested in the reconcile∣ment) as hee had done of a friendly but sharpe check, given by his Vncle and Guardian (the now captive Duke of Saxonie) for being too prodigall of his patrimony in his nonage. But Maurice his disposition and abilities, were happily un∣knowne unto the Emperour: and it was not usu∣all, for a forward young Captaine, not above twentie six yeares of age, to be of as deepe a reach in matters of State, as his gray headed and most ex∣perienced Counsellors. The more patient hee was for the present, the more deeply hee layed his plot, the more vigilant hee was to entertaine all opportunities which should be offered for the re∣demption of his Father in Law, and the libertie of his Countrie. The making of Maurice Prince Elector in his captive Vncles stead, did adde much to his power: the Spanyards securitie and inso∣lency expressed in their printed bookes of the conquest in Germanie as of some meaner pro∣vince, or appendix to their affected Monarchie, did much exasperate the Germane Princes especi∣ally, all but of Brandeburgh hitherto a faithfull adherent unto Charles the fift, and a trusty friend and companion unto Maurice, to whom he was

now more neerely li••kt by the sure tye of common discontent. The first opportunitie, which Mau∣rice had for effecting his long concealed plot, was the manifestation of Charles his purpose for redu∣cing the Romish religion into the free States and Cities of Germanie (which had abandoned it) con∣trary to his former promises, when hee solicited their ayde against the Duke of Saxonie and Land∣grave of Hessen, not as the chiefe maintainers or patrons of reformed religion, but as rebels against his imperiall Majestie. This unexpected purpose of Charles was most clearely bewrayed in the siege of Magdeburge, against which Citie, no occasion of hostility could be pretended, besides her Citi∣zens resolution to maintaine that religion, which by publique Authoritie had beene established. The whole body of Germany besides, was in a manner so drowned and choaked, that libertie (es∣pecially in points of religion) could scantly draw breath, save onely through Flaccus Illyricus▪ his penne. For subduing this Citie, which for a while had held out stoutly against others set to be∣sige it, Maurice of Saxony was adjudged the fit∣test man, who being imployed in this service, gaines opportunity by protraction of the warre to make leagues as well with the French King as with some Princes and States of Germany: but af∣ter many suspitions and jealousies taken against him, so cunningly goes on with his project, that he came upon Charles the Emperour on such a sudden manner at Inchborrouh, as made him and his Courtiers, with the forraine Embassadours

there attending, to leave the Supper which had beene provided for them unto Maurice and his company. There was a horse-liter and torches pro∣vided for the Emperour himselfe with some few attendants, but such scarcity of horses for the rest, that a man might have seene that common resem∣blance of Princes, of Nobles, and common peo∣ple, to a company of Chesse men promiscuously put up into a cō••on bag, when the game is ended, really acted in the confused flight of this great Em∣perours amazed Court. Dukes, Earles, & Lords, great Commanders in Warre, common Souldiers and Kitchin Boyes, were glad to trudge it on foot in the mire hand in hand; a Duke or Earle not dis∣daining to support or helpe up one of the blacke Guard ready to fall, lest he himselfe might fall in the mire, and have none to helpe him. This was the issue of the greatest Warre which Germany had seene or knowne since the dayes of Charles the Great; in the managing and prosequution where∣of more excellent Commanders were imployed by Charles the fift, than any Prince in Christen∣dome since hath had to imploy.

10 Vnto many is given power and wit suffici∣ent for compassing the conquest of their potent enemies, unto whom the wisedome of using the victorie aright (which they oftentimes purchased at too deare a rate) is denyed. The same Lord of Hoasts which put his hooke into Senacheribs no∣strills, and thereby dragged this furious Monster, which had ranged farre and neere to devoure o∣thers, into his owne Land; there to fall by his

owne bowells in the house of his false gods; had all this while led Charles the fift (a Prince of more calme and moderate spirit,) as it were in a silken string, yet strong enough to bring this roving pro∣jector back againe within the Rheine, where he is now to encounter with the French. And being thus overwearied in the Germane Warre, the Duke of Guise at the siege of Metz, beates his Souldiers out of heart and breath, and makes Charles himselfe thus to pant: Iam me desertum & circa me nullos viros video; Now I see I am a man forsaken, and have no men about me. Few there were besides himselfe, that were willing to have the siege continued any longer: and one of his common Souldiers, out of the bitternesse of his discontented soule and diseased body, calls him the sonne of a mad woman to his face, for continuing it so long. But whether his undertaking or prose∣quuting this siege, did relish more of his mothers disposition, than of his owne; let Warriours judge: he never shewed more wisedome in any enterprise before, then he did in this; that he sought not from this time, to wooe his wonted fortunes, by wrest∣ling with Fates. But after he perceived the Lord of Hoasts did not goe out with his Armies, as be∣fore he had done; he willingly puts off his imperi∣all Robes with his Armour, and betakes himselfe to a private retired life. How much happier in this resolution, than either the Davus or Diabolus Ger∣maniae, than the often mentioned Maurice of Saxony, surnamed the Victorious, or the turbu∣lent Albert of Brandeburgh, which had brought

him into these straits! As these two Princes in all their undertakings, in their secret confederacies, whether for Charles the fift, or against him, had aymed more at their private ends, than at the pub∣lique weale of Germany: so it pleased the Lord of Hoasts (after he had by their joynt forces, so tur∣ned the seales of the Germane Warre, as is before set downe) to settle the publique peace, by their fatall discord. So I terme it, partly because they had beene so deare friends,* 1.76 partly because a re∣concil••ation betwixt them was so earnestly sought by many, and would have beene readily embraced by Maurice, had not Albert, more out of the strength of wine, than either of wit or courage, provoked him to battaile by a most gross and most unseasonable challenge. Maurice had given good tokens of his inclination to peace, and the like was expected from Albert. Buta 1.77 the messenger be∣ing dispatched after dinner, when Bacchus was more predominant with Albert, than either Mi∣nerva or Mars; in stead of a pledge of peace, hee sent his colours to Maurice, and so after they had eaten and drunk, they rose up to play, after such a manner as Abners young men and Ioabs did, 2 Sam. 2. 14, 15. The manner of their mutuall assault, was more like a butchery, than a sober warre. Al∣bert in this furious conflict was so foyled, that hee never recovered root or branch againe: but after some few attempts, lived as a perpetuall Exile or Vagabond; his memory being as hatefull to his Country in his absence, as his presence had beene terrible, whilest he was able to gather forces. And

* 1.78Maurice who deservedly enjoyed the title of Vic∣torious, did take up victory upon exchange of life; having so much use of sense and memory, as to have his Enemies colours presented to his eyes, now ready to be closed up in perpetuall darknesse. This was the end of this victorious Prince, which had outstripe the greatest Statesmen of those times in maturitie of wit, and deepnesse of judgement, in matters Martiall or Civill, before his body was come to its full growth: in so much that Policy (whom Caesars in their greatnesse are oft-times for∣ced to serve) did seeme to attend on him, enabling him to atchieve those projects with an heroicall carelesse resolution and majestique grace, for the purchase of which, many powerfull Monarchs have beene often drawne to use untowardly shifts and slye coll••sions, odious and contemptible to their inferiours. He was the only man of his age (as one writes of him) that had the skill to take oc∣casion (when it offered it selfe) by the very point, and to carve opportunities out of perplexities. Yet for all this ••ad no skill or forecast to prevent; no fence to put by the sudden stroke of Death, which se•• a short period to his farre reaching plots, and dashed the masterpiece of his projects, when it was come to the very height, and ready to fall upon the marke it aymed at. The Spaniards have more cause to blesse the day of this Princes death, then the day of their victory over the Duke of Saxony his uncle. For if he had lived but a little longer, the wings of Austria and Spaine had (in all probability) beene cut a great deale shorter throughtout Germany and

the Low-Countries, than since they have beene, by the confederacy which the French King and he had made lately for ruinating Charles the fift. But whatsoever devices were in their hearts, the coun∣sell of the Lord was against them: and that must stand, though by the sudden fall of the Confe∣derates.

11 To reflect a little upon the more speciall in∣terpositions of Gods providence in moderating the proceedings and issues of this warre. The Ro∣manists have small cause to brag (though many of them doe so) of Charles his victorie over the two confederate Princes, as of some speciall token of Gods favour to their Church and religion.* 1.79 Chy∣treus, a most unpartiall Writer, and well acquain∣ted with the State of Germany as then it stood, and with the severall dispositions of the chiefe confederates; ingenuously confesseth as a speciall argument of Gods favour towards the professors of the reformed Religion throughout Germany, that the Duke of Saxony and Landgrave of Hessen had not the victory which they expected over the Emperour. Hee might have more reason thus to write, then I know or now remember: but cer∣tainly their agreement during the time of the war, was not altogether so good, as to promise any lasting concord or sure establishment of true Christian peace throughout the severall Provin∣ces of Germany, if they had prevailed. Sherteli∣us, who commanded in chiefe for the free Cities, did (as some write) forsake the Campe, as being wearie of their wranglings. However their

few yeares captiuitie, was a fatherly chastisement, no plague or token of Gods wrath against them. As the unjust detention of the Landgrave, brought greater dishonour to the Emperour Charles, then any one Act that ever he did: so the Duke of Sa∣xonie wonne himselfe more honour by his du∣rance, then the Emperour could bestow upon him. Victorie in battaile, abundance of wealth, and titles of honour, are gifts and blessings from the Lord; yet of which Pagans and Infidels are ca∣pable; and such, as many Heathen have scorned or not affected. But for a Prince by birth, which had beene continually borne upon the wings of better Fortune, alwayes reputed the chiefe stay and pillar of his Country; to endure captivity in an uncouth Court, with such constancy of minde, as could turne the intended contempt and scorne of his witty enemies, into kindnesse and admira∣tion, and cause such as had led him captive, not on∣ly to pitie but to honour him, and propagate his fame unto posterity. This was a blessing peculiar to Gods Saints. That character which forraigne Writers have put upon him, will hardly befit any that is not a Christian inwardly and in heart; [Ne∣que in prosperis elatum, neque in adversis deje∣ctum sui hostes unquam vidêre:] His enemies did never see him either puft up with prosperitie, or de∣jected with adversity. But was it not the greater pitie, (if we may speake after the manner of most men, and as many Germanes in those times did,) that so noble a Prince should be punished with the perpetuall losse of his Electorall dignity? Yet even

this (that we may with veneration rather admire than question the secret wayes of Gods provi∣dence) was no losse, but gaine unto Gods Church, and the publique weale of Saxony, which he more sought, than his owne ends or commodities. For by his falling into Charles his hands, the Electorall dignity of Saxony fell into another Collaterall line, which proved as beneficiall and favourable to good learning and Reformed Religion, as any o∣ther Princely Family of Germany in those times. Witnesse (to omit their other good deeds in this kinde) that Princely munificence of Duke Augu∣stus (brother and heyre to Maurice the victorious) annually exhibited to Ministers Orphans, related by* 1.80 Polycarpus Lyserus. How well those good ex∣amples which Maurice himselfe, and his brother Augustus had set, have beene followed by their Successors, falls not within my reading or obser∣vation.* 1.81 But surely these two advancers of this se∣cond Line did better imitate the princely vertues of their deprived Vncle, than his owne sons were likely to have done. For the judicious unpartiall French Historian, assignes this as one speciall rea∣son, why the fame and memory of Iohn Duke of Saxony did not continue so fresh and pretious af∣ter his death, as he deserved, Quia reliquit filios sui dissimillimos.

CHAP. 29.

Of Gods speciall providence in making unexpected peace, and raising unexpected warre.

1 THE hand of the Almighty is not more conspicuous in mana∣ging warres begunne by men, than his finger is in contriving their first beginnings. Love is his nature, and friendship or mutuall love betwixt man and man, Princes or Nations, is a blessing which descends from him a∣lone, who is the onely Author of all true peace, but not the Author onely of peace. Sometimes hee kindles unquenchable dissentions where the seeds of secular peace have been sowne with grea∣test policy, and watered with continuall care and circumspection. Sometimes againe hee maketh sudden unexpected concord between spirits which jarre by nature, and joynes the right hand of inve∣terate foes, to strengthen the stroke of Iustice up∣on his enemies.

2 Later Chronicles will hardly afford any ex∣ample of worse consort betweene neighbour Prin∣ces, than was betweene Charles of Burgundy, and Lewes of France; whether wee respect the contra∣rietie of their naturall dispositions, or the incom∣possibilitie of their projects or engagements. Na∣ture had planted, and policie had nourished a kinde of Antipathy betwixt them. And yet how quickly

and unexpectedly did these two great Princes (af∣ter irreconcileable variances) close and agree toge∣ther to crush the wise, the rich, and martiall Earle of Saint Paul, then High Constable of France. He that had beene of both these Princes Courts, and of both their Counsels, hath left it observed, that they could never bee brought in all their life time to concurre in any other action or project besides this: albeit they had often greater motives to en∣tertaine peace betweene themselves, than provo∣cations to conspire against this Earle. Perhaps his experience of their ill consort made him more confident than otherwise hee would have beene; though confident he might have beene upon bet∣ter grounds than most great Subjects or inferiour Princes can be, if wit, if wealth, if policie, if marti∣all power or authority could secure any from the execution of Gods Iustice.

3 The best use which Machiavel or his Scholars make of this Potentates mishap, is to forewarne great Subjects or inferiour Princes not to inter∣pose as Arbitrators or Vmpires upon advantage, when their betters fall at variance. The advice I confesse is very good, and ignorance hereof, or want of like con••ideration (it may be) was some part of this great Earles folly, not his principall fault; some occasion, no tue or prime cause of these two great Princes combination against him. For besides Lewes and Charles,* 1.82 Cominaeus, a man no way inferiour to Machiavel in politique wit, had espied a third principall actor in this Tragedy, whose first appearance was (to his apprehension)

in the likenesse of Lady Fortune, but was discove∣red upon better review to be Divine Providence.* 1.83 This good Authors Comment upon this accident is so full and lively, as it will not admit any para∣phrase of mine, without wrong, not onely to him, but to the Reader. Onely of one clause pertinent as well to the Discourse following, as to that or the like passage of sacred Writ, [As every man sowes, so shall he reape,] I must give the Reader speciall no∣tice. This Earle was alwayes delighted to sow the seeds of warre, war being (as he and the World thought) the chiefe field or surest ground of his glory, and he ends his thus honoured life with a bloody and unglorious death. This was by Gods appointment the most naturall crop and proper harvest of such a seed-time as he had made. Yet was not the finger of God more remarkable in knitting these two Princes, which al their life times had stood (as we say) at the staffes end, than in loo∣sing the strict link of mutuall amity between other ancient Friends, and sworne Confederates; albeit the Politician seeke in this case, as in the former, altogether to cover or obliterate all impression of it. For it is his manner or humour, as was obser∣ved

before, to bring as much grist as he can, and more then he ought, to his owne Mill; to entitle such partiall and subordinate meanes, as fall within the compasse of his profession, sole or prime causes of those effects which are immediately produced by Divine Providence.

4 He spake merrily that said, A man could not bestow his almes worse than on blinde men, seeing they could finde in their hearts to see their best benefactors hanged. But it hath beene delivered in good ear∣nest as a cautelous rule by some politique Discour∣sers, that the most thanklesse office any great Per∣sonage can doe to his dearest friend, were to make him King. It is a lesson of every dayes teaching, The greater men grow, the more they scorne to bee thought to be beholden unto others. The very sight of such as they have beene more beholding unto, than they can handsomely requite, seemes to up∣braid ambitious minds. Hee is a meane Historian that cannot instance in divers upstart Princes, which could not long suffer the heads of those men, whose hands had put Crownes on theirs, unto which they had no lawful title, to stand where nature had given them lawfull possession, (••i.) upon their owners shoulders. Politique rules or Apho∣rismes grounded upon historicall observations of this kinde, are not altogether without use. But the doctrine inveiled in Poeticall fictions, is in this and many other cases more Catholique than the Historians or Politicians observation. Vsuall it is with the Poets when they represent the originall and progresse of tragicall dissentions betweene

quondam friends; in the first place to dispatch the Furies abroad with fire-brands in their hands to kindle or blow the coales of cruell and (without the mutuall blood of the Actors) unquenchable hatred. And to speake the truth without fiction, it seemes scarce possible that such light sparkles of humane anger as are usually the first seeds of quar∣rels betweene neighbour Princes or confederate States, should grow unto such raging and devou∣ring flames as they often doe, unlesse some spirit more potent than the spirit or breath of man did blow them. Now if by Furies the Poets meane in∣fernall Fiends or evill Spirits, their language doth not varie much from the ancient dialect of Canaan. God (saith the Author of the Booke of Iudges, cap. 9. ver. 23, 24.) sent an evill spirit betweene Abime∣lech and the men of Schechem: and the men of She∣chem dealt treacherously with Abimelech: That the cruelty done to the threescore and ten sonnes of Ierub∣baal might come, and their blood be layd upon Abi∣melech their brother which flew them, and upon the men of Shechem which ayded him in the killing of his brethren. The mutuall disasters of both parties re∣lated in the verses following, is but the just award of lothams imprecation. vers. 19, 20. If yee then have dealt truly and sincerely with Ierubbaal, and with his house this day, then rejoyce ye in Abimelech, and let him also rejoyce in you. But if not, let fire come out from Abimelech, and devoure the men of Shechem, and the house of Millo: and let fire come out from the men of Shechem, and from the house of Millo, and devoure Abimelech.

5 It would be more easie than safe, out of the Histories of times ancient and moderne, dome∣stique and forraine, to parallell this last instance so exactly as well for successe as practise, as might be sufficient, if not to perswade the irreligious Politi∣cian, yet to leave him without excuse for not being perswaded, that there is an immortall King of Kings and Lord of Lords, from whose jurisdiction no corner of the Earth can be exempted; an ever∣lastingly wise and righteous Iudge, which oversees the inventions of mans heart with a stedfast eye, and measures their actions with a constant hand; one that visiteth the same irregularities by the same rule or canon, and fitteth like sinnes with like punishments, after thousand of yeares distance in time, in places distant some thousand of miles. But leaving the collection of parallell examples or ex∣periments sutable to the rule proposed unto the Readers private observation: the proofe of the last mentioned conclusion will bee more apparent and concludent from the examples or instances in the last Section concerning the rule of retaliation.

CHAP. 30.

Of Gods speciall providence in defeating cunning plots and conspiracies, and in accomplishing ex∣traordinary matters by meanes ordinary.

1 WHen it is said that In God we live, wee move, and have our beeing, this is not to be understood on∣ly of being or life naturall, or of motion properly so called, but is to be extended unto life and operations purely intellectuall. So that the incom∣prehensible Nature in respect of our apprehensions, is as properly an agent superartificiall, as supernatu∣rall. All the skill wherewith any intelligent Crea∣ture is or can be endowed, all the devises and pro∣jects of mens hearts, are as essentially subordinate to his incomprehensible wisedome, or counsell of his will, as the life, being, and motions of things naturall, are to his creative, conservative, or coope∣rative power. Howbeit this subordination of the rationall creatures cogitations to his infinite wise∣dome, doth no way deprive it of all liberty or free∣dome, in projecting, devising or consulting; but onely of power to appoint successe unto its owne projects or devises. Thus much, to my apprehen∣sion, is included in the wise Kings Maxime,* 1.84 Many devises are in the heart of man: but the counsell of the Lord, that shall stand. This freedome or liberty of mans wil in devising or projecting, and the want of all liberty or power to allot successe unto his

projects, doth more truly argue, that which the Latines call servum arbitrium, that is, mans servi∣tude so misery and sinne, than if he had no more li∣berty in the one case than in the other. The more ample the spheare of his liberty in projecting or devising, is, or (by divine permission) may be; the more admirable doth the Counsell of the Lord ap∣peare in directing and ordering his free courses, most infallibly unto such ends as hee appoints, by meanes for their kinde, ordinary and naturall. And if we would diligently consider the works of God in our dayes, they are as apt to establish true be∣leefe unto the rules of Christianity set downe in Scripture, as were the Miracles of former ages, wherein Gods extraordinary power was most seene: yea the ordinary events of our times, are more apt for this purpose in this age, than use of miracles could be. For the manifestations of Gods most extraordinary power, cease, by very frequen∣cie, to be miraculous; and men (such is the curio∣sity of corrupted nature) would suspect, that such events (were they frequent or continuall) did pro∣ceed from some alteration in the course of nature, rather than from any voluntary exercise of extra∣ordinary power in the God of nature. But the con∣tinuance of these ordinary events, which the all-seeing wisedome of our God daily and hourely brings to passe, is most apt to confirme the faith of such as rightly consider them. For by their succes∣sive variety, the amplitude of his unsearchable wisdome is daily more and more discovered, and by their frequency the hidden fountaine of his

Counsell, whence this multiplicity flowes, ap∣peares more clearly to be inexhaustible. Only the right observation or live-apprehension of these his works of wisedome, is not so easie and obvious un∣to such as minde earthly things, as his workes of extraordinary power are. For such works amate the sense, and make entrance into the soule, as it were by force; whereas the effects of his Wise∣dome or Counsell, make no impression upon the sense, but upon the understanding only, nor upon it, save onely in quiet and deliberate thoughts. For this reason, true faith was first to be planted and in∣grafted in the Church by Miracles, but to be nou∣rished and strengthned in succeeding ages, by con∣templation of his providence. The limits of this present contemplation, shall be by example or instance to shew in what manner the wisedome of God doth sometimes defeat the cunningest con∣trivances or deepest plots of Politicians, and some∣times accomplish matters of greatest consequence by meanes or occurrences light and slender in the esteeme of men. But how weake or slender soever they bee for their particular nature, or in them∣selves, yet the combination or contexture of them must needs be strong, because it is woven by the finger of God.

2 What plot could have been invented against any land or people, more deadly, then that of Ha∣mans against the people of God, storied Ester 3. 8, 9. His information against them was bitter, and easie to finde entrance into an absolute Monarchs eares, whose words must be a Law to all, especi∣ally

to his captivate and conquered subjects. And the Iewes on the other side more likely to change their lives, than the lawes of their God, for any Princes pleasure. What hope (in humane sight) for Mordecai to finde any favour, when as He was to execute this bloody Law, whose particular spleene and revengefull mind against Mordecai, had for his sake procured it, in most absolute forme a∣gainst the whole Iewish Nation? You will say, that Ester lately received to greatest favour with the King, and now made consort of his bed, might prevaile much. And for a barbarous King to shew mercy, at his Queenes entreaty, unto such as had done him so good service, as Mordecai had done Assuerus, is but an ordinary thing. I confesse as much, that many occurrences, which seem to con∣spire for Mordecai and his peoples deliverance, are not extraordinary. For a King in his cups, to take a displeasure at his former Queene, that would not consent unto his folly; or for his displeasure unto the divorced, to shew greater love unto his late espoused Queene, is a matter neither strange nor unusuall: but that Queene Vashti should bee dis∣placed, and Ester (unknowne to bee of the captive Hebrewes kinde) admitted to be Assuerus his mate, just at that time, when Haman, the Iewes sworne enemy, was exalted next to the King and Queene in dignity; this can only be ascribed to him, who, as the wise sonne of Syrach speakes, hath made all things double, one against another, Ecclus, 42. v. 24. Againe, that the King, the very night before hee came to the banquet which Ester had prepared,

should take no rest; this was the Keeper of Israels vigilant care over his people, who neither slum∣bers nor sleepes, whilest his enemies are a plotting mischiefe against them. Againe, that the King ta∣king no rest should seeke to solace his restlesse thoughts by reading the Chronicles, that reading them hee should light on that place, wherein the now distressed Mordecaies faithfull service, in be∣wraying the treason intended against his person, by Bigtan and Teresh his Eunuches, was registred: All this doubtlesse, was only from his wisedome, that hath the disposition of al the lots, much more of all the plots which man can cast. Many other occur∣rences might here be considered, no one of which considered apart, from the rest, but is ordinary and usuall; and yet the entire frame or composture of them, such as cannot bee referred to any but his workmanship, who hath created all things in num∣ber, waight, and measure.

Yet a Politician that should have read this story in the Persian Chronicles, could at the first sight have discovered a great oversight in Haman, in not putting sooner in execution this his absolute com∣mission; Semper nocuit differre paratis. Perhaps this conditionall proposition may bee true, that if he had executed his Commission with speed, the Iewes had fared worse; but for this cause the Lord did not suffer him to entertaine this resolution. Yet, let us see whether haste in execution could accomplish the like designes against a State in like case.

3 Fliscus that nobly descended and potent Ge∣noesi,

with his familiar Verina, had enacted as cru∣ell a Law against the Dorian Family, and the other Nobility of Genoa; which they had resolved to have writen, first with characters of blood upon their pretended enemies brests, & after their death, to have condemned them by proclamation, when as Fliscus through popularity should have got the Diadem.* 1.85 Their plot for effecting their enemies death and their owne advancement, was layed as exactly as policy could devise; their practise and execution of meanes invented, was more exact then the patterne which Machiavel gives for like designes. First, because store of armour and muni∣tion was necessary for such an action, and provision of such store of munition would be suspicious for a private man to undertake in a popular and factious State; Fliscus perswades young Doria (whose death he especially sought) to be his partner in set∣ting out a Man of Warre against the Turkes. Do∣ria kindly accepts the offer, altogether ignorant of the others intent, which was by this colour to fur∣nish himselfe with armour and munition out of the Countrie for Doriaes overthrow. And being once furnished with such tragicall attire, without suspi∣tion of any tragedy to ensue: for to provide him∣selfe of sutable actors; hee invites a multitude of the Commons to a night feast, where in stead of thanksgiving before meat, hee makes a patheticall oration, exhorting them to banquet it that night in the Nobilities blood, assuring them that they should bee their owne carvers for ever after, of the good things of that Citie. Some for love to

Fliscus, others for hate to the Nobility, some for feare of present danger, and others for hope of greater dignities; for one cause or other, all at length, save two (who desired to be spared for their faint hearts) offer themselves to Fliscus his service. And by their forwardnesse, the City gates, next to the key, whose command made most for their pur∣pose, are presently surprised: yet not without some noise, which comming unto Doriaes eare, makes him suspect that his Mariners were quarrelling; and rifing out of his bed to compose the supposed quarrell by his presence, he falls immediately into his enemies hands before he was sought for. But however this yong gallant had committed no actu∣all crime, that by course of humane law, deserved a violent death by such executioners; yet the right hand of the Lord had found him out, for consen∣ting by Piracy to disturbe the publique peace lately concluded betwixt Charles the fift and the Turke: which peace the Genoezes amongst others, the Dorian faction above other Genoezes, but especi∣ally this young Doria & his Fathers house (which had stood for Caesar against the French) were bound in conscience to observe. But leaving the cause of his death unto the righteous Iudge: his sudden end in any Politicians judgement was a good begin∣ning to Fliscus mischievous designes. And what more could Machiavel have in the next place given in charge, but that the Gallies which made some stirre at the noise, should with all speed bee boor∣ded to make all sure, untill the Tragedy were fully acted. This Fliscus sought to put in execution with

as great speed as Machiavel in like case could have wished. But haste (as wee say) makes waste: his forward minde had made him forget, that his body was not so nimble in armour, as out of it; not so apt either to avoid a slip, or to recover himselfe when he began to slide. By his hasty treading up∣on a loose plank (as if the snare had been set for his soule by the Almighties hand) he, and one or two of his companions, fell some yard or two short of their purpose, and drowned themselves and their plot, even whilest it was come to such perfection, that the younger Fliscus yet hoped to make him∣selfe Duke of Genoa, as haply he might have done, if the Lord had lent him so much wit as to have concealed his elder brothers death, scarce knowne to any till he bewrayed it to such as enquired for him, in hope to finish all instantly by his presence. But they partly amazed with the elder brothers sudden disaster, and seeing no sufficiency in the younger, to satisfie their expectation, dissolve the rout, and ceasing to project the ruine of others, be∣gin every one to seek the best meanes for his owne safety. Thus hath this politique Gentleman con∣sulted shame unto his house, his stately Palace is de∣molished, and his Noble Family almost extinct. Yet were all the conditions which greatest plot∣masters require in such projects, exactly observed in this: the plot it selfe as acurate as could by the reach of man be devised, their counsell communi∣cated but to a few at the first, the execution of it so speedy, that the appointed actors could have no leisure to deliberate whether it were better to re∣lent,

or goe forwards; and yet the successe more dismal and sudden, than their enemies could expect or wish. Thus Machiavels rules have their ex∣ceptions, but the Prophets Calendar is never out of date; Non est viri dirigere gressus ejus. Not Ma∣chiavel himselfe had he been present, could so have directed Fliscus his steps, that his treadings should not slip; yea, he should have fallen, though Ma∣chiavel had held the plank. For his iniquity had overgrown his plot, and being come to ful height, it strikes upon that immutable & irresistible doome which God by Moses had pronounced, Deut. 32. v. 35. Vengeance and recompence are mine, their feet shall slide in due time, and the day of their destru∣ction is at hand, and the things that shall come upon them, make haste. These men we spake of, hastned their owne destruction, by making too much haste to destroy others.

4 Perhaps the Politician will reply: As Haman was too slow, so Fliscus was too hasty, and should have observed the contrary rule,

Differ; habent parvae commoda magna morae.

Suppose this hot-spur were revived, to re-act his former or the like cunning plot, and for his better remembrance should take the Dolphin and Harrow for his devise, with this inscription, Festina lente; it were not possible his speed should be better, so long as his intentions were as bad, or worse then they had beene; and his adversaries no worse then they were, when he conspired their death.

To omit more examples ancient or foraigne: the fresh memory of the Powder treason eclipseth all that have gone before it. No Politician can justly accuse the Actors of this intended Tragedy, either of Hamans too long delay, or of Fliscus his haste. Such maturity and secrecie they used in their actions and consultations, as none on earth could have used more, considering the many lets and im∣pediments which did crosse their projects. Hell it selfe had gone so long with this hideous monster, that it was weary and well content to make an ab∣ortive brood, as fearing the pangs that must have accompanied the full delivery of what had beene conceived within her bowels, would be unsuffera∣ble. But Achitophel had wit at will, to plot a trea∣son to his Soveraignes overthrow; yet herein blin∣ded by him, that gave him sight in other projects, that he could not forecast what harmes might be∣fall him by Absoloms folly. And though the Arch∣plotter were Vir profundae dissimulationis, one that could give traiterous counsell, as the destroying Angell of the Lord, and hide his counsell as deep as Hell; though he had this extraordinary quality in him, of making his friends so sure unto him, that they would adventure both body and soule at any time for his sake: yet thus farre infatuated he was, as not to consider, that some of them which were so willing to worke a publique mischiefe for his pleasure, might also have a desire to secure their private friends from danger, by giving them some generall or ambiguous admonition, albeit against their oaths of secrecie. That one of them should

seeke to admonish his Honourable friend of the in∣stant danger, was a thing not extraordinary, ex∣cept in this, that so much good nature could be left in his brest, that could consent unto his Countries ruine. That a man of the Iesuites instruction, should finde an evasion in an oath, which he held lawfull, is a matter usuall. And who knowes whether hee that permits evill, because he knowes to turne it unto good, did not at this time make use of the Ie∣suites doctrine of playing fast and loose with his sacred and dreadfull name, to animate this Disco∣verer to dispense with that solemne oath of secre∣cy which he had taken, and afterward to forsweare the fact so deeply. I do not think he durst have ad∣ventured upon either, without some secret mentall reservation. But without all question, it was his counsell which moderateth the maine devises of mans heart, that moved him to expresse his minde in such termes, as might represent or call the fathers disaster, unto the remembrance of his royall sonne, whom nature had taught to make jealous constru∣ctions of every speech, word, or circumstance, that might revive the memory of the intendments against his father, and to forecast all possible inter∣pretations of all occurrences, which might por∣tend or intimate the like designes against himselfe. As the sincerity of his royall heart and conscious∣nesse of clemency towards all, especially towards that faction which deserved none; had brought our Soveraigne asleepe in security: so the collecti∣ons which he made out of the disclosers aenigma∣tical admonitions, were such as a man would make,

that had heard the Letter read in a dreame or slum∣ber, not such as so wise and learned a Prince would in other cases have made in his vigilant and waking thoughts. But from what cause soever the dreame came, the interpretation was from the Lord, and Let it be unto the Kings enemies for ever. The event hath proved the discloser to have beene a false Pro∣phet, and to have spoken presumptuously when he said, that God and man had concurred to punish the iniquity of those times, by such a blow as he meant. We must with the true Prophet make confession: Not unto us Lord, not unto us, but unto thy Name give the glorie. It was not God and man, but God alone, that did sute and order the severall occurren∣ces by which the intended blow was prevented. It was not God, but the devill, that did intend it.

5 That the Iewes in the dayes of Mordecai, that the Genoezes within this age, that this Land and people within our memory, have not become a prey unto their malicious enemies, was meerely from the counsell of the Lord, which must stand, for our good, if we decline not unto evill. It is not the breath or vapour of Hell, that can undermine our State, or shake our Princes Throne; whilest God is with us. But if he be against us, what can be for us? If he doe but speake the word, even the least word of mortall man, whose breath is in his nostrils, shall be sufficient to blow up or overturne a Kingdome.

If subjects should rebell, as often as Princes breake jests upon them, they might worke their owne greater real disgrace, and wrong both them∣selves

and their posterities farre more in deed, than the other had done in words. But opportunitie makes a theefe, and want of opportunitie oftimes keepes great mindes much discontent, from rebel∣lion. But when it shall please him that hath reser∣ved the perfect knowledge of times and seasons to himselfe, not to dispose their opportunities to any Land or peoples good; a womans unseasonable word may breed mightiest Empires greater reall mischiefe, than Emperours Swords for many ge∣nerations can redresse. So it fell out, when Iustin the Emperour had removed Narses the Eunuch from his regency of State upon importunate accusa∣tions, which, for the present, he could not put off, but only by putting him from his place. Sophia his Empresse (not so wise herein, as after-experience might have taught her to have beene) whether wil∣ling (as the old proverb is) to adde scathe to scorn, or whether desirous to sooth Narses his calumnia∣tors in their humour;* 1.86 said she would have Narses come unto Constantinople, there to spin amongst her maids. The jest, being brought unto his eares, provoked him to give her proofe of his masculine spleene and indignation. For he thus resolved, See∣ing it hath pleased her Excellency to appoint mee this taske, I shall shortly spinne her such a threed, as shee and her Husband shall hardly bee able all the dayes of their life to untwist. Not he, but the Lord by his mouth had spoken the word, and it was done. For Alboinus King of the Lombards comes instantly out of Hungary at Narses his call, who could not disswade him from entring into Italy, after it re∣pented

him of his former spleene against Sophia, and of his encouraging of this King to revenge his wrong. The Easterne Empire had received many wounds before this time, but lately cured of the most dangerous by Narses his good service. This was the first perpetuall and irrecoverable maime: the second more grievous did follow upon as light occasions, but where in the concourse of many cir∣cumstances were more notable.

6 When* 1.87 Mahomet first begun to counter∣feit extaticall visions, and practise Sorcery; he ay∣med perhaps, at no greater matters than Simon Magne did, onely to be accounted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, some great one among his fellow Badgers and Camel-drivers. He did not so much as dreame of Nesto∣rius or his heresie. And Sergius the Monke, when he began to maintaine that heresie at Constanti∣nople, did think as little of Arabian Sorcery. Af∣ter these two, by Satans instigation, and Gods per∣mission, had made a medley of Iewish infidelity and Grecian heresie, as if it had beene a garment of English wool and out landish••••int; they least thought of any mutinie towards, in Heraclius his camp for want of pay. The Romane Quaestor was altoge∣ther ignorant of Mahomets visions or his new coi∣ned Lawes, when he thus disgracefully intreated the Arabians or Sarazens: There is scarce sufficient provision for the Romane and Grecian Souldiers, and must this rascality of Dogs be so importunately impu∣dent, in demanding their pay? Sed habet & Musca splenem. These poore Barbarians were such hungry Dogs, as looked to be cherished where they faw∣ned,

and could be content to change many masters, rather then be continually raited thus. Now albeit the Romane Quaestor did thus uncourteously dis∣misse them, without a pasport or direction whither to goe: yet the Lord by his harsh language did hisse for these Hornets, unto Mahomets Campe; who had beene lately foiled by the Persian, untill these fugitives raised him up, and made him Lord of Aegypt. Thus of the heresie of Sergius (by birth an Italian, by profession a Monke) and of Ma∣homets sorcery, and of these Sarazens mutiny, hath the Divine Providence, made up a triple cord, which cannot to this day be broken, having conti∣nued almost these thousand years, as a fatall scourge to Christendome.

7 A meere Politican, that considers the causes of Iustinus his losse, by the discontent of Narses, or of Heraclius his prejudice by these Sarazens revolt, would from both draw that Aphorisme which di∣vers have done, from a trusty* 1.88 Gascoignes an∣swer unto Charles the 7. French King. The Apho∣risme is that Princes must beware what speeches they use unto great Souldiers or men of valour, seeing that Gascoigne ingenuously told his Lord and Master, that for a foule disgrace he could turne Traytor, though all the riches of France, though the French Kingdome it selfe would not suffice for a bribe to make him prove false, or to corrupt his loyall minde. The Rule or Aphorisme is in many cases good. Yet if this and all other like caveats were strictly observed, and other matters not a∣mended; he that at his appointed time turnes dis∣gracefull

speeches unto the speakers overthrow, can make the mildest words, which Generalls or other Confederates in Armes can utter, for accomplishing their joynt purposes, to effect their owne ruine, and delivery of their ene∣mies.

8 It is a knowne story of a Family or faction in Perusium, who having gathered a competent ar∣mie of their Allies, to surprise the citie from which they had beene lately banished; made their forci∣ble entrance into it by night, but sting all the chains that otherwise would have hindred the passage of the horsemen, untill they came unto the Market stead or chiefe place to bee surprized. But here their Hercules, wanting roome (by reason of the presse) to fetch a full blow with his club, for bur∣sting that chaine, much stronger (in all likelihood) than the rest, cries* 1.89 Back, back, unto those that were next unto him, and they the like unto such as were behinde them, untill the same words had run like an eccho to the hindmost ranks or reere; who imagining that those in the front had descried some danger, resolved to be the first in retiring, as they had beene the last in entring: and hence they in the front perceiving themselves suddenly desti∣tuted of their company, give their enterprize for lost, which one blow more, or one word lesse, had presently effected. But perpetuall exile was by Divine justice the enterprisers due; and though iron chaines may be burst by the strength of man, yet the Counsell of the Lord, that shall stand, more firme than walls of brasse, or rocks of Adamant;

that his enemies at the appointed time may fall before it.

The onely use which the Politician hath made of this and like experiments, is this: First, that Ge∣neralls should bee very wary what words should passe throughout their army, and for this purpose to keepe servants, women, or other talkative or clamorous creatures, farre from the army, when any service is toward. Secondly, to accustome their Souldiers, onely to respect their Comman∣ders speeches, and to account of others as winde, that blowes afarre off. These caveats were given above 70 yeares agoe; and yet have greater forces than these Italians had, beene upon as light occasi∣ons defeated in their intended surprisalls of Cities by night, after they had blowne open their Gates with Petars. However, the admonition hath its use and seasons, though oftentimes observed with∣out successe, because it is too much relyed upon. Mordecai spake with confidence unto Ester; If thou holdest thy peace at this time, comfort and deli∣verance shall appeare unto the Iew out of another place; because as he supposed, the counsell of God was for their good. But though Souldiers should hold their peace, and Generalls speake nothing but what the Politician should prompt, yet shall destru∣ction come upon them upon other occasions; if the counsell of the Lord bee once against them. Yea though the parties disagreeing should lay all en∣mity aside, and consult for the establishing of peace, yet shall they conclude in blood, if the Lord of Hosts be displeased with them.

9 A fit instance to this purpose is registred, as Camerarius tels us in foraigne Annalls, though not intimated by our English Historians, who had as much reason as any other to have recorded it, if the story had beene true. But seeing they have o∣mitted it, I will not expect the Readers historicall assent unto it, but only commend it unto him as an example for illustrating the probability of the last observation. The English and French Army be∣ing ready to joyn battell in Normandy, the French Captaines perswade their King to intreat a parley with the King of England, that so all matters might be compromised without further harme or dan∣ger to either partie. The place agreed upon for the parley was a ruinated Chappell, a little distant from both armies. A friendly compromise was by both Kings resolved upon to be further ratified up∣on deliberation of their severall Counsells. But before their parting, a huge Snake, whether stir∣red up by the noise of their attendants which wai∣ted without, or upon other occasions, seemed by her hissing and swelling necke to make towards them. Both of them alike afraid, draw their swords, and yet neither willing to trust other within the walls, run out with their naked Swords in their hands: their attendants upon this sight misdeem∣ing some outfall in the Chappell betweene them, doe the like; and the Armies upon this view joyne battaile, and could not bee recalled, untill much blood on both parties was, and more had beene spilt, unlesse the night had come vpon them.

10 Be this, as it may be, a true story, or a fiction:

the possibility of such unexpected occurrences (all which are at the Almighties disposition) are infi∣nite, and cannot be comprehended, much lesse pre∣vented by the wit of man which is but finite. So that although the plots and devises of mans heart be many, yet hath the Lord more counterplots perpetually in store, and therefore of all counsells, the counsell of the Lord it shall stand.

Whilest I reade some speculative Politicians, that seeke by observing the errors of former times in managing civill affaires or projects, to rectifie or correct their oversights, and take upon them to make an Ephimerides of future events: their Dis∣courses in my slender observation, argue a greater ignorance in them, of divine Providence, than their practises would in the Mathematicks, that would labour out of a surd number to extract a perfect square. He that knowes the rules of Arithmeticall division, might in every working or attempt of re∣solving a full number into its proper square, come nearer and nearer to the square number, and yet be sure not to finde it, though he spent Nestors yeares in dividing and subdividing the same number, or resolving fractions into fractions. The reason is this, how little soever a surd number exceeds the next square, yet the overplus is in division infinite. And so are the events which the Politician seeks to rectifie or determine of, and therefore not certain∣ly rectifiable or determinable; save onely by him whose wisdome is actually infinite. It is an errour incident to little children to think they might ea∣sily shake hands with the man in the Moone, or

with Endymion kisse the Moone it selfe, if they were upon the next hill where it seemes to them to set: and if you bring them thither, they think they came but a little too late; if they could bee now at the next hill where they see it goe downe, they imagine they might doe so yet. Such for all the world is the practicall Politicians errour, the cause of both in proportion the same. Children are thus deceived, because they imagine no di∣stance betweene heaven and earth, or betweene heaven and that part of earth which terminates their sight. And so the secular Politicians minde, reacheth no farther than the hemisphere of his owne facultie. Either he knowes not, or considers not, how farre the height and depth of his wise∣dome and counsell that sits in the heavens, and rules the earth; exceeds the utmost bounds or ho¦rizon of his foresight and limited skill: in this only different from the childe, that his wit is more swift and nimble than the others body, so that he is not so soone weary of his pursuit. But if hee misse of his purpose at the first, he hopes at his next flight to speed, and thus in seeking after true felicity (which was hard by him, when hee beganne his course) he runnes round all the dayes of his life, even as he is led by him that daily compasseth the earth. Better might Painters hope, by looking on the multitude of men now living, to draw accurate pictures of such as shal be in the Age to come; than any Politician can expect, either by observation of former times, or experience of his owne, to pre∣scribe exact rules for managing of future projects.

For if we consider the whole frame or compositi∣on of circumstances, or all the ingredients, (if I may so speake) of every event; there is as great a varietie in humane actions, as there is in mens fa∣ces. Never were there two events of moment up∣on earth altogether alike; each differs from other, either in the substance, number, or quality of oc∣currences, or in the proportion of their consonan∣cie or dissonancy unto the counsell of the Lord; as there is no visage but differs from another, if not in colour or complexion, yet in shape or figure. I have beene perhaps rather too long, then too bold in decyphering the vanity of this proud Criticke, which accuseth Christianity of cowardize in acti∣ons, and devotion of stupiditie and dulnesse in con∣sultation of State. But so might Bats and Owles condemne the Eagle of blindnesse, were tryall of sight to be made in that part of twilight, wherein darknesse hath gotten the victory of light. Some men not able to discern a friend from a foe, at three paces distance in the open Sunne, will reade their Pater noster written in the compasse of a shilling by moone shine, much better than others clearer sighted, can reade a Proclamation print. The pur∣blinde see best by night, yet not therefore better sighted than others are, because the absolute triall of ••ight is best made by day. So is the meere Poli∣tician more quick fighted, than Gods children in matters permitted by divine providence, to the managing of the Prince of darknesse. For albeit the righteous Lord do in no case permit, or dis∣pense with perjury, fraud, or violence; yet he suf∣fers

many events to be compassed by all or some of these, or worse meanes. Now when matters usu∣ally managed by speciall providence, come by di∣vine permission once to catching; hee that makes least conscience of his wayes, will shew most wit and resolution. For whatsoever falls to Satans disposalls, shall assuredly bee collated on him that will adventure most. It is his trade and profession to lend wit, might, and cunning, for satisfying pre∣sent desires, upon the mortgage of soules and con∣sciences. And his Scholar or Client (the politique Atheist) perceiving fraud and violence to prosper well in some particulars, imagines these or like meanes throughly multiplied to be able to conquer all things, which he most desires. But when Sa∣tans commission is recalled, or his power by Gods providence contracted; the cunningest intentions or violent practises of Politicians, prove much like to a peremptory warrant out of date, which being directed to one County is served in another. Both indanger the party prosecuting, and turne to the advantage of the prosecuted. I conclude this Chapter and Section with the observation of a namelesse Author, but set downe in verses, related by Camerarius.

Si vitam spectes hominum, si denique mores, Artem, vim, fraudem, cuncta putes agere. Si propius spectes, Fortuna est arbitra rerum: Nescis quam dicas, & tamen esse vides. At penitus si introspicias, atque ultima primis Connectas, tantum est Rector in orbe Deus.

Who looks on men, and on their manners vile, Weenes nought is wrought, nought got sans force or guile: Who nearer looks, spyes (who knows what?) her wheele Who coozneth fraud, and oft makes force to reele. But Eagle sights which pierce both far and neare, Eye One who onely ruleth all this Spheare.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Homer. Ili∣ad. 1.
• * 1.2

  In the Treatise of Christs an∣swer to Iohn.
• * 1.3

  See Iose∣phus in the history of Iehoiakim. Et Seder Olam.
• * 1.4

  See Jose∣phus in the Historie of Zedekiah.
• * 1.5

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Arist. l. 7. cap. 7. polit.
• * 1.6

  Pa••san.
• * 1.7

  In the fulfilling of that pro∣phesie, Zac. 9. v. 9.
• * 1.8

  The Per∣sian Rams, as some re∣late, are of an extraor∣dinary greatnesse, and might serve as an Embleme of Darius his exces∣sive power in respect of Alexan∣ders, if it were to be measured by visible cōjecture.
• * 1.9

  Non sum facturus verba, Ma∣cedones, ut vos abista domum re∣deundi cu∣piditale de∣moveam (siquidem per me integrum vobis est quò libuerit abire) sed ut intelligatis, quid ego vobis praestiterim, & qualē vos mihi vicē rependentes discedatis. Ac primum à Philippo patre (ut par est) ordi∣ar. Philippus enim vos incertis sedibus errantes atque inopes, & pleres{que} sub Pellibus degen∣tes, exiguos{que} ovium greges in montibus pascentes, ac pro ijs parum feliciter adversùs Illyrios, Triballos, & finitimos Thracas bellum gerentes; pro Pellibus Chlamydes gestendas dedit, ex montibus in planitiem deduxit, pares{que} hostibus ad pugnandum effecit, ut non tam in Locerū munitione deinceps, quā in vestra virtute sal••tē collocaretis urbes vobi•• habitādas dedit, op∣timis{que} legibus at{que} institutis ornavit. Idem vobis in eos ipsos barbaros qui vos assiduis popula∣tionibus lacessebant, imperium acquisivit, & dominos èservis effecit: magnam Thraciae par∣tem Macedoniae adjecit oppidis{que} ad marit••mam oram peroppor tunis in potestatem suam re∣dactis, commerciorum sacultatem aperuit, & tutas metallorum fodinas suppeditavit. Thes∣salos praeterea, quorum metu olim exanimati eratis, vestro imperio subjecit: Gente Phocen∣sium afflicta, aditum in Graeciam amplum & expeditum pro angusto & difficili vobis pate∣fecit. Arrian▪ de expedit. Alex. lib. 7. p. 151.
• * 1.10

  Darius in∣terea cum exercitu ca∣stris locum delegerat, Assyriae cā∣pum planū omni{que} ex parte aper∣tum, qui & magnitudi∣ni exercitus maxime commodus esset, & ad ducen∣dum equi∣tatum per∣opportunus visus fuerat. A quo qui∣dem loco ne recederet, Amyntas Antiochi fi∣lius, ab A∣lexandr•• transfuga, su••serat. Loci enim amplitudi∣nem, & multitudini Persarum & impedimentis percommodam esse. Et mansit quidem eo Loci Darius. Caeterū quum Alexander longiorem moram Tarsi ob aegritudinem sa••••ret, ne{que} minorem Solis, ubi & sacrificarat & Ludos fecerat; mullum etiam temp••ris in expeditione adversùs Cilicas montanos posuisset: Darium à sententia sua abduxit, ne{que} invitus adid quod maxime cordi erat credendum, protractus est. Siquidem ab ijs qui ad voluptatem tantam loquuntur (ma∣xim•• semper regibus, cum quibus versantur, damno futuri) impulsus, Alexandrum ulteri∣us progredi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sibi 〈…〉〈…〉 adventûs perculsum. Arrian. de expedit. Alex. lib. 2. pag. 35.
• * 1.11

  Hoc etiā modo ejus animum commove∣rant, quòd Darij E∣quitatum facile uni∣versas Ma∣cedonum copias pro∣culcatu∣rum dice∣bant: quan∣tumvis A∣myntas A∣lexandrum, ubicun{que} is Darium esse audi•• et, venturum affirmasset: ibi{que} eum opperiri suasisset. Caeterum deterior sententia, quod primo accessu gra∣tior auribus accideret, vicit. Ac fortasse De∣us illum eo Loci addu∣xit, ubi nec equitatus magno usui esse posset, ut nec infinita hominum pariter & jaculorū ac telorum multitudo; sed nec ipsam quidem excercitus magni ficentiam ostendere poterat: sed Alexandro facilem omnino victori∣am praebebat. Oportebat enim Asiae imperiū Persis à Macedonibus adi••i, quemadmodum Per∣sa Medis ac prius Medi Assyriis ademerant. Arrian, ibid.
• * 1.12

  Postquam nam{que} è longinque vidit can∣didatum po∣pulum, & Sacerdotes ante agmen in amictu byssino, Pon∣tificem{que} in stola hyacin∣thina auro distincta, tiaram in capite ge∣stantem, prae fix•• aureâ lami∣na Dei no∣mine in∣script••, vix mentis com∣pos, solus accedens ad Pontificem ••lexander, comiter sa∣lutans nomen Dei adoravit, quem se in Macedonia vidisse memoravit, dum deliberaret quo pa••to Asiam posset subigere, ejusque ••ortatu expeditionem suscepisse. Quare & Deo immolavit▪ salvis vitibus in templum ascendens, gavisus admodum o••••enso sibi libro D••••••e∣lis, in qu•• Graecum quendum Pers•••• debellaturum significabatur. Lib. antiq. 11. cap. 8.
• * 1.13

  Duplici∣ter in illa Hispanorū captivitate Deus osten∣dere veluit, quantum & ••disset acrius libi∣dinem, & diligeret ••••stitatem, cum et Van∣dalos ob so∣lam maximè pudicitiam illis superponeret, & Hispanos ob solam vel maxime impudiciti∣am subjugaret. Quid enim? Nanquid non erant in omni orbe terrarum b••rberi fortiares, quibus Hispaniae traderentur? multi abs{que} dubio, imo ni fall••r, omnes. Sed id••o ille infir∣missimi•• hostibus cuncta tradidit, ut ostenderet scilicet, non vires valere, sed causam; ne{que} no•• tunc ignavissimorum qu••rundam hostium fortitudine obrui, sed sola 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nostrorum impuritate superari. De gubern. Dei. lib. 7.
• * 1.14

  Parag. 4.
• * 1.15

  Behold, they shall surely ga∣ther toge∣ther, but not by me: whosoever shal gather together against thee, shall fall for thy sake. Be∣hold I have created the Smith that bloweth the coales in the fire, and that bringeth forth an instrument for his worke, and I have created the waster to destroy. No weapon that is framed against thee, shall prosper, and every tongue that shall rise against thee in judgement, thou shalt condemne. This is the heritage of the servants of the Lord, and their righteousnesse is of me, saith the Lord. Isaiah 54. vers. 15, 16, 17.
• * 1.16

  Hab. 1. v. 5. to 10.
• * 1.17

  Vide S. Hieron. in cap. Isai. 45 v. 2. & 3.
• * 1.18

  Psal. 49, 20.
• * 1.19

  Fama est [Caesarem] quū alio tē∣pore in Hi∣spania, lege∣ret per oti∣um Alexan∣dri historia, diu eum se∣cum cogita∣bundum se∣disse, inde lachrymas profudisse, Mirantibus causam amicis dixisse; Annon videtur vobis gemen∣dum, quum hae aetate, Alexander tot jam regna subegerit, me nihildum gessisse prae∣clari? Vt ergo Hispaniam attigit, mox accinxit se operi, atque intra paucos dies cobortes decem ad priores viginti conscripsit. Plutarch. in vita Iul. Caesaris.
• * 1.20

  See the first Booke upon the Creed. pag. 59. &c.
• * 1.21

  It is me∣morable which Xe∣nophon re∣lates in his fourth book, at the time when Cyrus did prose∣cute the victory, which he had gotten over the Babylo∣nians in the first conflict, where∣in their King was slaine. Quum au∣tem progre∣derentur, & nox a••∣petiisset; proditum est; Cyro & exercitui Lucem clae∣rissimam caelitus ab∣latam fu∣isse: quo factum ut in animis ••mnium quidam horror erga numen divinum, & in hostes confidentia existeret. Xeno∣pon. Lib. 4.
• * 1.22

  Ego vero sic ••io, mi Rex, inquit. Nam regem natura ni∣••ilo te mi∣nil•• ortum arbitror: quam ille rex est, qui dux apum in alveo nascitur. Illi enim semper apes ultro parēt, ac quocun{que} loco ma••se∣rit, ab eo nulla earum discedit. Quod si aliquò pro∣dierit, nul∣la ipsum de∣serit. lam mirisicus eis amor er∣ga princi∣pem hunc suum innascitur. Itidem erga te mihi quodam modo videntur hi homines ad∣fecti esse. Xenophon. lib. 5. p. 118.
• * 1.23

  Cyrus autem domum reversus, precatus{que} vestam patriam, & Iovem patrium, & Deos caeteros in militiam domo profectus est, quum quidem & pater eum una prosequeretur. Ac postquam domo egressi essent, fulgura tonitrua{que} dextraei oblata fuisse perhibentur. Quae quum adparuissent, alio praeterca nullo captato augurio perrexere; quod maximi Dei signa nemini obscura esse possent. Xenophon lib. 1. p. 25. Hee knew by experience that he was set on worke by some divine instinct, and this made him seeke to please all which he tooks for Gods or Divine Powers. So Xenophon relates in his third book: Bonis avibus hostile solum invasit; ut vero primum fiaes transierat, Tellurem libationibus prepitiam sibi reddidit, & Deos atque Heroas regionem Assyriorum incolentes sacrificiis placa••••t. Quibus peractis rursum Iovi patrio rem divinam fe••it, nec si quis alius se Deorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ullum neglexit. The watchword which he gave unto his Souldiers in that battell wherein the King of Babylon was slaine, was, Iupiter auxiliaris & Dux. Xe∣nophon. lib. 3.
• * 1.24

  Ier. 51. 27, 28, 29.
• * 1.25

  The first occasion of Cyrus his expedition was to re∣gaine the revolting Armenians unto his uncle Cyaxarez, King of the Medes. And these hee won to their allegiance, partly by love, partly by sleight, having ••ur prized some parts of their country (under pretence of hunting) before they were aware. See Xenophon, book 2. and 3. how Cyrus won the Chaldeans which bordered upon the Armenians to his side. And his 4. book, how the Hircanians, after the King of Babylon was slaine in battaile, revolted to him, and of the good service which they did him. And after them the Sacae and the Ca∣dusii, with Gobrias and Godatas two great Princes.
• * 1.26

  Hab. 2. v. 2, 3, &c.
• * 1.27

  Pr••ceden∣te vero tem∣pore mori∣tur apud Medos A∣styages, & Cyaxares Astyagis fi∣lius, matris∣que Cyri frater, Me∣dorum im∣perio poti∣tur. Rex autem As∣syriorum quum Cyros universos, non exigu∣am sane na∣tionem, sub∣egisset, A∣rabum re∣gem impe∣rio suo sub∣jecisset, Hyrcani••s subditos ha∣beret, Bactrios appug••aret; futurum existimabat, ut si Medorum vires d••bilitasset, facile finitimis omnibus imperaret. Xenophon. lib. 1 p. 22.
• * 1.28

  The Medes themselves were unwilling to follow the warres after the King of Babylon was slaine, untill the Hyrcanians did perswade them; and Cyrus himselfe was doubtfull what to doe, untill he saw in what desperate estate he should leave Gobryas, if his army were dissolved. See Xenophon in the 5. book.
• * 1.29

  Esa. 48. 20.
• * 1.30

  Qui au∣tem in mu∣re stabant, obsidionem hanc irri∣debant, quòd ei•• commeatus esset copio∣sior, quam in annos vi∣ginti. Quae Cyrus quum audiisset, in partes duodecim exercitum divisit, ut pars quaeli∣bet unum anni men∣sem in ex∣cubiis esset. Quibus iterum auditis, multo etiam Babylonii magis irridebant, qui cogitarent secum, Phryges ac Lycios & Arabes, & Cappadoces futur••s c••ntra se in excubiis; quos omnes arbi∣trabantur animia erga se magis esse benevolus, quam erga Pers••••. Ac Fossae quidem jam actae erant. Cyrus vero quum audiisset, celebrari Babylone festum, quendam ejusmodi diem quo Babylonii omnes nocte tota potarent & comessarentur: quamprimum eo die tenebrae accessis∣sent, magna mortaliam multitudine adhibita, Fossarum ostia versus amnem aperuit. Hoc quum factum esset, aqua noctu in Fossa•• manabat, & alueus fluvii per urbem tendens homi∣nibus permeabilis esse cepit. &c. Xenoph. de instir. Cyri Histor. lib. 7. pag. 190.
• * 1.31

  Ac pri∣mum qui∣dem turres propter flu∣men exstru∣••bat palmis ••undatas, quarum non minor erat, quam jugeri longitudo. Nam hac majorem etiam in longitudi∣nem excrescunt. Has autem pa••mas operi propterea subjiciebat, ut quam maxime videre∣tur id facere quod solent, qui ad urbem obsidendam sese comparant, ut tametsi flumen in fossem dilaberetur, ipsas turres non everteret. Etiam multas, alias supra terram ege∣stam excitabat, ut quam plurima essent excubiarum loca. Xenophon. de instit. Cyri lib. 7. Histor. pag. 190.
• a 1.32

  Yet it seemes by Cyrus his answer to Chrysantas, that he had no hope to finde any entrance into the citie, other∣wise then by famish∣ing the be∣sieged. Vbi jam in Ca∣stris essent Cyrus ijs, quos opor∣teret, con∣vocatis, di∣xit: urbem socij undi{que} contemplati fuimus: at{que} equidem, quo pact•• quis adeò firmos & excelsos muros oppugnando capere possit, videre mihi non videor. Quanto autem plures homines in urbe sunt, quando ad pugnandum non exeunt, tanto citi••s fieri arbitror ut fame in potestatem redigantur. Nisi igitur aliquem alium modum habetis, quem nobis ostendatis, hoc ipso nobis istos expugnandos esse autumo. Et Chrysantas inquit: Hic••ine fluvius per ur∣bem mediam labitur, cujus latitudo ••••adia duo superat? Ita profecto, ait Gobryas, ac tan∣ta quoque prefunditas ejus est, ut ne duo quidem viri, alter alteri insistentes, supra aquam exstare possint. Quo fit, ut fluvio sit urbs etiam munitior, quam moenibus. Et Cyrus: Missa faciamus haec, ait mi Chrysanta, quae viribus nostris potiora sunt. Xenophon. de instit. Cyri lib. 7. pag. 190. The reason why Cyrus did cast his trenches so wide and deepe, was in his first intention, as it seemes, onely for the more commodious de∣fence of his Souldiers against the sallies of their enemies. Adibita vero mensura quam∣primum fossa latissima profunditissima{que} vobis erit agenda, pro parte cui{que} ••ua; quo paucis∣simis custodibus vobis sit opus. Xenophon. ibid.
• * 1.33

  At si hoc in mente•• alicui venit quod fertur esse formi∣dabile ur∣bem intran∣tibus; ne tectis illi conscensis hinc inde tela in nos conjiciant: id ipsum maxime vo∣bis animos addat. Nam si qui con∣scendent aedes, opitu∣lator nobis est deus Vulcanus. Et sunt eo∣rum vesti∣bula crema∣tu facilia. Nam januae palmarum è materìa fabricatae sunt, quae ingens in∣cendium ci∣tò parient; & copia pici•• ac stuppae, quae citè magnam flammam eliciunt. Quo fiet, ut vel celeriter ne∣cesse sit hos ab ••dibus aufugere, vel celeriter exuri. Verum agite, arma capite, Diis equi∣dem juvantibus praeibo. Xenophon. de instit. Cyri Histor. lib. 7. p. 191.
• * 1.34

  Cyrus autem co••ortes equitum per vias passim dimittebat, edicens, ut si quos extra do∣mos invenirent, ••cciderent: at illis, qui adhuc in aedibus essent, per Syriacae linguae peritos 〈…〉〈…〉 jussit, ut intus manerent. Quod si quis foris deprehenderetur, enus morte mult a••dum. Et ••i quidem haec exs••quebantur. Xenophon. ibidem. pag. 192.
• * 1.35

  Atqui, aiebant illi, qui erant cum Go∣brya, Demō∣strate nobis i••inera quū vob••s ea cognitasint. Vrbs enim tota, hac nocte comes∣sationi est intenta. Sed in excubias tamen ante regiae portas incidemus, quod cae semper i••tic coll••centur. Non negli∣genda res est, ait Cy∣rus, sed eun∣dum, ut quam maxi∣me impara∣tos offend i∣mus. Quae quum essent dicta, perge∣bant. Si qui eis obviam venirent, partim caesi peribant, partim retrò vicissim fugiebant, partim clamorem edebant. Cum his & Gobrya••i clamores edebant ••osdem, velut ipsi quo{que} comessationum socii. Simul pergentes, quà celerrime progredi poterant, ad regiam perve∣niunt. Et hi quidem Gobryae Gadatae{que} adjuncti portas regiae clausa•• invoniunt: qui verò adversus Regiae custodes ire jussi f••erant, irr••unt in eos in ignem luculentum potantes, sta∣tim{que} hostili cum eis more agunt. Xenophon ibidem.
• * 1.36

  So Grandfathers are usually called Fathers in Scriptures, specially in respect of such as inherit after them. It is evident from Ier. 52. vers. 51. that Evil-Merodach did immediately succeed Nabuchadnezzar. This Evil-Merodach was that King of As••yria which was slain in the battaile betwixt Cyrus and the Babylonians related by Xenophon in his 4. book. A King much better beloved of his subjects than his son Belshazzar.
• * 1.37

  He had slaine Go∣brias his sonne, be∣cause hee was a bet∣ter Archer than him∣selfe: and gelded Gadatas being jea∣lous lest he should prove his corriuall▪
• * 1.38

  Dan. 5. 21.
• * 1.39

  See Abu∣lensis and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in their Com∣ments up∣on this place.
• * 1.40

  See Sec∣tion 1. cha. 9 parag. 3. & chap 10. parag. 2.
• * 1.41

  Orto au∣tem clamore ac strepitu, quum ij, qui erant in••us, tumultum sentirent, & inspici rex juberet quid illud esset rei; a∣pertis aliqui portis, so∣ras procur∣runt. Eas quum pate∣factas Ga∣datai con∣spicerent, iruunt & illos rursus fugientes intro sequu∣ti, ac feri∣entes, ad regem accedunt: eum{que} jam er••ctum cum acinac••, quē strictum tenebat, inveniunt. Hunc Gadataei & Gobriani numer•• plures opprimunt, interfectis etiam jis, qui regi aderāt ac partim aliquid objiciebant, partim fugiebant, partim se quacunque re peterant, tueban∣tur. Xenophon. l. 7. pag. 192.
• * 1.42

  Quum{que} in mentem ei veniret, quid in se nego••ij sus∣e episset, qui multis mor∣talibus im∣perare ni∣teretur, & habere do∣micilium in urbe inter illustres am∣plissima in∣stitueret, quam sic adfecta in eum esset, ut urbs ali∣cui maxime infesta: quum haec inquam ex∣penderet, corporis sibi custodia opus esse ex∣istimavit. Quod item sciret, ho∣mines opprimi faciliùs non posse, quam inter vescendum, bibendum, lavandum in cubili & somno: circumspiciebat, quos••am in his sibi maxime sidos habere posset. Arbitrabatur au∣tem, non posse fidum hominem unquam esse, qui magis amaret al um, quam illum, qui ejus custodia indigeret. Quamobrem ••lios, quibus essent liberi, vel conjuges genio congruentes, vel amores alij, naturae quadam coactione judicabat ad eos maxime diligendos impelli. At Eunuchos omnibus his carere cernens maximi facturos putabat illos, à quibus locupletari plurimum possent, & opem habere, si injuriis adficerentur, atque etiam honoribus ornari. A quo autem beneficiis in hos conferendis ipse superari posset, neminem fore censebat. Xe∣nophon. lib. 7. pag. 192.
• * 1.43

  Existima∣runt multi, & inter cae∣teros Plu∣tarchus gravissimus autor, popu∣lum Roma∣num in ac∣quirendo tanto impe∣rio majore fortune prosperitate, quàm vir∣tute usum esse; idque vel ipsius∣met populi Romani au∣toritate con∣stare. Neque enim fortu∣nae tot Tem∣pla dedicas∣set, nisi ei victorias suas accep∣tas tulisset. Nam Romae nulli Deo∣rum, Dea∣rumve tot erant posita templa, uti Fortunae. Eidem huic sentiae videtur Livius quoque suffragari, eò quòd in recitandis orationibus Imperatorum, nunquam solius virtutis mentionem facit, sed fortunae auxilium adjungit. Ego vero contrarinm sentio, neque Plutarchi hanc opini∣onem defendi posse contendo. Nam si nulla extitit Respublica quae tantum Imperium, uti Roma acquisivit: cur id fortunae potiùs, quam bonis ipsius legibus & institutis tribuamus? virtus exercituum, & Imperatorum singularis industria Imperium Romanum peperêre: res autem p••rtas conservarunt bona rei••: institutio, recta{que} gubernandi ratio à primo Legisla∣tore constituta: uti deinceps copiosiùs disseremus. Disput. Nic. Machiavel. Lib. 2. Cap. 1. in initio.
• * 1.44

  De provi∣dentia. lib. 7
• * 1.45

  Vide An∣nonium lib. 1. cap. 15. See the Treatise containing the Origi••nall of Vn∣beliefe, &c. cap. 18. §. 1
• * 1.46

  Other Barbarians had the like appre∣hension of their cal∣ling to the like service as Salvia∣nus witnes∣seth. Po∣tuerant (Wandal••) ergo ille de∣gere, nec ti∣mebant: sed illa uti∣que coelestis manus, quae eos ad puni∣euda Hispa norum fla∣gitia illuc traxerat, etiam ad vastandam Africam transire co∣gebat. Ipsi denique fatebantur, non suum esse quod facerent. Agi enim se divino jussu at perurgeri. Ex quo intelligi potest quanta sint mala nostra, ad quos vastandos atque cruciandos ire bar∣ba••i compelluntur invi••i, secundùm illud quod vastator terrae Israeliticae Rex Assyriorum ait. Esa. 35. & Ier. 25. Salv. lib. 7. de Gubern. Dei.
• a 1.47

  Chronica Hungaro∣rum.
• * 1.48

  Vide Chro∣nica Hun∣garorum. Et Bonfin. lib. 7. dec. 1.
• * 1.49

  Bonfin. lib. 2. dec. 1.
• * 1.50

  See chap∣ter 26. pa∣rag. 11.
• * 1.51

  Bonfini∣us. lib. 3. dec. 1.
• * 1.52

  Aëtius postquam audivit At∣tilam exer∣citum infi∣nitae multi∣tudinis du∣ctare in Gallias, ob∣viandum maturè pu∣tavit: &, ut ipse dice∣re solebat, enitendum, ut Ala••to∣res, seu mali genii procul ferro exter∣minarentur: alludens ad naturam umbrarum & Daemo∣num, qui gladium e∣ductum ti∣ment & minus, ut Psellius ait; ac praeterea scite allu∣dens ad originem decantatam Hunnorum ad Daemones referendam. Nam cum Filimer Rex Gothorum post egressum Scanziae insulae terram Scythicam ingressus, reperisset mulieres quasdam magas maleficâ arte populum vexare, longè fugatas adegit in solitudinem, ubi spurci ac vagi spiritus in complexum suumeas illexere, humanae, figurae, sed in humanae pror∣sus mentis & impietatis supremae edituri sobolem, nempe Hu••nos, rapto & venatu ali con∣suetos. Forcatulus. lib 5. pag. 72••. ex Iornande in lib. rerum Getic. Fabulosum pu∣tarem, nisi D. Augustinus Sylvanos & Faunos, agrestia veterum numina, improbos exti∣tisse mulieribus, appetisse & peregisse concubitum retulisset: & Daemones quosdam, quos inquit, Dusios Galli nuncupant, eadem cupidine inquinatos pr•• comperto haber••tur. Ibid. ex Augustino. lib. 5. de Civit. Dei. cap. 23.
• * 1.53

  Disput. lib. 2. cap. 29. Quod si quis igi∣tur animo comprehen∣dat res à populo Ro∣mano, prius tam praecla∣rè, longo an∣norum nu∣mero, ge∣stas: iis{que} has conferat, quas adversùs Gallos gessere: tam diversat esse comperiet, ut non ab uno eodem{que} sed diversis populis, g••estae esse videantur. Vsque ad••o scilicet, occaecat fortuna ani∣mos hominum, ait Livius: cum vim suam ingru••entem ref••ngi non vult. Quo ••it, ut qui in perpetuis pericul•• versantur, min••s vit••perari debeant; & min••s laudari qui continuâ foeli••itate fruuntur: cum & illos & hosfata tr••••ere videantur•• ne{que} consilium illorum ad resistendum malis; neque horum virtus ad comparandam foelicitatem multum facere queat. &c.
• * 1.54

  He con∣cludes; Cum urbi Romae tanta Imperii magnitudo fatalis esset; opprimi, ac vehementis∣sime affligi ••am opor∣tuit, ut de∣inceps cau∣tior, pru∣dentior{que} fieret, ac tantam im∣perij molem acquiren∣dam: dele∣re tamen planè non debuit. Ita{que} ut omnia h••ec ita suc∣cederent, Fata Ca∣millum in exilium misêre, non necaverunt, urbem à Gallis permisêre occupari non Capito∣lium: ut{que} commodiùs occupari urbs posset, efficêre, ut major exercitus pars, ex praelio non Romam, sed Veios fugeret. Et (ut omnia uno quasi fasce comprehendam) effecerunt, ut ad avertendum à Republica tantam malorum molem, nihil à pepulo Romano prudenter sapien∣ter{que} fieret: ad defendendum Capitolium & recuperandam urbem jam captam omnia com∣modissima instructa essent. Disput. Nic. Machiavel. lib. 2. cap. 29.
• * 1.55

  See cha. 29. parag. 1.
• * 1.56

  Imprimis igitur ha∣benda ratio est earum rerum, quae fato ipso, seu astro∣rum in∣fluxu, eve∣nire viden∣tur, & qui∣bus ut resi∣stamus, for∣tuna non permittit. Quarum exemplum luculentissimum est id, quod, populus Romanus, in clade Gal∣lica accepit. Nam cum fatis urgentibus, tanta moles mali instaret: primam occasionem, ad illam accelerandam dederunt tres Fabij Legati, qui cum agere debuissent de pace, inter Clu∣sinos & Gallos; contra jus gentium, pro Clusinis, adversùs Gallos praelio decertarunt: at{que} ita Gallorum iram, adversùs populum Romanum provocarunt. Machiavel. lib. 2. cap. 29.
• * 1.57

  Magnus ille nostrorū temporum Medicus Vindicia∣nus, consul∣tus à quo∣dam; dolori ejus adhibe∣ri jussit, quod in tempore congruere videbatur: adhibitum sanitas con∣secuta est. Deinde, post annos ali∣quot eádem cursus cor∣poris causâ commotus, hoc idem ille putavit adhibendū: adhibitum vertit in pejus. Mira∣••us, curr••t ad Medicū, indicat fa∣ctum: at ille, ut erat acer∣rimus, ita respondit; Ide•• ••a••è acceptus e••, quia ego non jus••••: ut omnes qui audîssent, parum{que} hominem nossent, non eum arte medicinali fidere, sed nesci•• qua illicitâ potentiâ putarent. Vnde, quum esset à quibusdam postea stupentibus interrogatus, aperuit quod non intellexerant, videlicet illi atati jam non hoc se fuisse jussu∣rum. August. Epist. 5. ad Marcellinum.
• * 1.58

  Magnus ille nostrorū temporum Medicus Vindicia∣nus, consul∣tus à quo∣dam; dolori ejus adhibe∣ri jussit, quod in tempore congruere videbatur: adhibitum sanitas con∣secuta est. Deinde, post annos ali∣quot eádem cursus cor∣poris causâ commotus, hoc idem ille putavit adhibendū: adhibitum vertit in pejus. Mira∣••us, curr••t ad Medicū, indicat fa∣ctum: at ille, ut erat acer∣rimus, ita respondit; Ide•• ••a••è acceptus e••, quia ego non jus••••: ut omnes qui audîssent, parum{que} hominem nossent, non eum arte medicinali fidere, sed nesci•• qua illicitâ potentiâ putarent. Vnde, quum esset à quibusdam postea stupentibus interrogatus, aperuit quod non intellexerant, videlicet illi atati jam non hoc se fuisse jussu∣rum. August. Epist. 5. ad Marcellinum.
• * 1.59

  Dum sa∣pe multum{que} ipse mecum cogito de fortunae di∣versitate quae aliis secundam, aliis adver∣sam se in eorum acti∣onibus, in∣stitutis{que} exhibet: hanc ejus causam in∣venisse mihi videor, quòd ut di∣versi sunt agendi mo∣di, aliis at{que} aliis homi∣nibus con∣sueti ac na∣turales: ita aliae atque aliae sunt temporum rationes, oc∣casiones{que}▪ Quidam in rebus ge∣rendis, ad∣ministran∣dis{que} ferocia quadam u∣tuntur, & omnia cum impetu a∣gunt. &c. Mac••iavel. lib. 3. cap. 9 in initio.
• * 1.60

  Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem.
• a 1.61

  Vnus home nobis cunctande restituit r••m. Ennius.
• b 1.62

  —Sed mens humana major; nec t••la nec enses Nec fortes spectabat equos, tot millia contra Poenorum invictum{que} ducem, tot in agm••ne, solus Ibat, & in sese cuncta arma viros{que} gerebat. Sillius Italicus. lib. 7.
• * 1.63

  Ne{que} Fa∣bius sua cūctatione, ••llâ cōmo∣diori tēporū occasione uti potuit, quam illâ ipsâ: cum tamen na∣turalis esset in Fabio illa cunctatio, non ex praesenti temporum statu su••pta. Id enim vel eo ipso satis declaravit, quòd cum Scipio in Africam postea ad conficiendū bellum trajicere vel∣let: Fabius ei vehementer resistebat, & omnibus modis impedire conabatur: ut qui naturâ suâ magis ad cunctandum, arcenda{que} praesentia pericula ferretur, quàm ad alia majorasub∣eunda. Ita{que} per Fab••um non stetit, quò minus Punicum bellum absolvi fini••i{que} non posset, quòd is non animadverteret alia jam tempora esse, & aliam belli gerendi rationem commo∣dam existere. Quod si solus rerum potitus fuisset, victoriam de Carthaginensibus obtinere ne∣quivisset, quod belli gerendi rationes temporum diversitati nescivisset accommodare. Se•• ••um in ea republica totessent insignes Imperatores, ac rei militaris peritissimi homines, voluit fortuna, ut sicuti difficilibus illis temporibus Fabius bellum sustinere, ac pericula arcere; ita postea, commodiori rerū statu, Scipio id conficere, & victoriā obtinere pot••erit. Ma••h••. 3 c. 9.
• * 1.64

  Petrus So∣derinus, cu∣jus alias eti∣am mentio∣nē fecimus, naturâ hu∣manus erat, et patientiâ suâ multas injurias fe∣rebat, quae res salutaris fuit Reip. si∣mul at{que} ipsi quandiu tē∣pora clemē∣tiora fuere. Sed cum tē∣porū muta∣tione ferrea quaedā aetas adesset, quae severitatem postulabat: at{que} ille à cō∣sueta sua pa∣tiētia & bo∣nitate disce∣dere nesci∣ret, semet∣ipsum simul, atque patri∣am perdi∣dit. Machi∣avel. lib. 3. cap. 9.
• * 1.65

  Bonfin. lib. 2 dec. 1.
• * 1.66

  Vide Pr••∣cop. l. 3. de bell•• Van∣dalico.
• * 1.67

  Paulus Dia∣conus. lib. 15
• * 1.68

  Vide Bonfi∣nium lib. V. dec. 1. & Niceph. l. 15 hist. Eccles. cap. 11.
• * 1.69

  Lazius.
• * 1.70

  Cha. 27. §. 7.
• * 1.71

  Vide Var∣sevicii pa∣ral. in vita Iagell.
• * 1.72

  Non ita Gothi, non ita Vuanda∣li, qui & in discrimine positi opem a ••eo postu∣lant, & prosperitatis suae munus divinis no∣minibus ap∣pellant. Deni{que} pro∣bavit hoc, bello Proxi∣mo infelici∣tas nostra. Cum enim Gothi me∣tuerent, praesumpsi∣mus ••os: nos in viri∣bus spem ponere, illi in Deo: cum pax ab illis postulare∣tur, a nobis negaretur: illi Episco∣pos mitte∣rent, nos repellere∣mus: illi etiam in ali∣enis Sacerdotibus Deum honorarent, nos etiam in nostris contemneremus: prout actus utriusque partis, ita & rerum terminus fuit. Illis data est in summo timore palma; nobis in summa elatione confusio. Ve••è & in nobis tunc & in illis evidenter probatum fuit illud Domini nostri d••ctum: quoniam, qui se exaltat, humiliabitur, & qui se humiliat, ex∣altabitur. Illis enim exaltatio data est pro humilitate; nobis pro elatione dejectio. Nam{que} agnovit hoc ille dux nostrae partis, qui c••ndem urbem hostium, quam ••odem die victorem se intrat••rum ••sse prasumpsit, captivus intravit &c. In quo quidem pr••ter ipsam rerum infelicitatem, praesens judicium Dei patuit, ut quicquid facturum se usurparat, ipse pate∣retur. &c. Salvian. lib. 7.
• * 1.73

  Thuanus Anno 1546▪
• * 1.74

  Thuanus ibidem.
• * 1.75

  Thuanus anno 1547▪
• * 1.76

  Inter Mauritiū et Albertum, cum essent aequales, maxima sē∣per fuerat necessitude; sic ut nihil esset illis cō∣junctiu••. Tribus enim bellis a••bo simul Caesari militarunt, Gallico, Smalcaldico Magdebur∣gi••o deinde, quartū at{que} postremum hoc in Caesa∣rem suscepe∣runt. Sed natis offen∣sionib{us}, hunc tam funestū habuit exi∣tum ipsorū amicitia. Sleidanus Comment. li. 25. anno 1553. See the occasi∣ons of their out fall. lib. 24. anno 1552.
• a 1.77

  Vide Thuanum anno. 1553▪
• * 1.78

  Sig••a mi∣litaria sunt hostibus e∣recta, & ad ipsum ex prael••o rela∣ta: Pedestria quidē quin∣qu aginta quatu••r, equestria vero qu••tu∣ordecim. Mauritius ergo vitam quidem ipse profudit, sed Alberti tamen vires at{que} r••bur admodum fregit: nam ab eo praelio vix••••quam ille potuit vel m••••dio∣cres recolli∣gere copius. Sleidanus▪ comment. lib. 25. an∣no 1553. Vide plur•• Thuanum.
• * 1.79

  In the life of Charles the fift.
• * 1.80

  In his Preface or Epistle de∣dicatorie to the con∣tinuation of Chemni∣tius his Harmony.
• * 1.81

  Of Mau∣rice his mu∣nificence and good affection towards learning and Reli∣gion, see Sleidan. lib. 19. anno 1547.
• * 1.82

  Quid v. hoc loco di∣cas de For∣tuna, mund••i gubernatri∣ce? ut non∣nulli putāt▪
• * 1.83

  Obtinebat ille sum∣mā in Gal∣lijs authori∣tatem: fi∣nitimus e∣rat utrique principi; arcem habe∣bat muni∣tissimam, & rebus omni∣bus instru∣ctam. Prae∣secerat eum Rex qua∣dring entis cataphra∣ctis: valebat ingenio; & peritia rei bellicae prae∣stabat; magnum habebat re∣rum usum, & auri vim ingentem possidebat. Statuendū est igitur Fortunam, qua nihil est mutabilius, ei fuisse planè adversariam. Sed revera nihil aliud est Fortuna, quam sigmentum poeticum. Quin potius ita judicandum est iratum ei fuisse Deum & graviter offensum. Et si de consiliia arcanis fas esset ulli homini pronunciare, dicerem illum excitasse iram Dei adversum se, hac unare po••issimum quod per emnem vitam, mente & animo totus in hoc fuerat ut perpetuum bellum a••eret. Nam in eo positam esse putabat sua dignitatis materiam, ac v••luti segetem. Neque vero difficile ei erat istud perfi••••••. Tota enim natura & moribus & ingenio Principes in•••• se dissidebant. Vix igitur credendum est fortunam aliquam eo dementiae adduxisse virum longe prudentissimum, ut eos Principes adversum se concitaret, quorum fuerat per omnem vitam in rebus omnibus contraria, & di∣versa voluntas: qui nullam rem unquam simul ex animo comprobarunt nisi hanc in illius caput factam conjurationem. Cominaeus commentar. lib. 6. juxta finem.
• * 1.84

  Pro. 19. 21.
• * 1.85

  Vide Thuanum anno. 1547
• * 1.86

  See the Histories which write of Iustin the second.
• * 1.87

  See the writers of the Empe∣rours lives▪ in the life of Hera∣clius.
• * 1.88

  Camera∣rius ex Fer∣rono.
• * 1.89

  See Guic∣ciardine and Ma∣chiavel, lo∣cis citatis.