A treatise of the divine essence and attributes. By Thomas Iackson Doctor in Divinitie, chaplaine to his Majestie in ordinary, and vicar of S. Nicolas Church in the towne of Newcastle upon Tyne. The first part

CHAP. 28.

Why God is called the Lord of Hosts, or the Lord mighty in Battaile. Of his speciall providence in managing Warres.

1 ALBEIT the sole authority of Scripture without the assigne∣ment of any reason, be a warrant alsufficient for us to enstyle our God the Lord of Hosts: yet why he is so often in Scripture thus enstyled, as by a most speciall and peculiar at∣tribute, these reasons may without offence bee gi∣ven. His peculiar hand is not in any subject of hu∣mane contemplation more conspicuous, then in the managing of Warres. Why it should bee more conspicuous in this then in other busi∣nesses, wherein men are much imployed, the reason is plaine: for Contingences are no where more ticklish than in Warre, not is their number in any other subject so incomprehensible to the wit of man. It is hard to use wit and valour both at once; hard to spie an errour upon the first

commission of it, harder to redeeme the time, or regaine opportunities lost. It is a grosse errour which hath insinuated it selfe into some Politicians thoughts, if wee may judge of their thoughts by their writings; that the chances which may fall out contrary to Warriours expectations, are not so many but that they may be forecast or numbred. It is the Politicians errour likewise, (though would to God it were his alone) to think all occurrences which are casuall in respect of man, to be from the first occasions of warre begun, so determined by him, which gives successe in battaile, as that victo∣ry must in deed and truth (though to men she seeme not so) incline to one party more than to the other. These casualties of War, or doubtfull inclinations of victorie, are in succession infinite. Their possibi∣lities one way or other, may every moment in∣crease from misdemeanours either of them which fight the battailes, or of the parties for whom they fight. The fairest probabilitie of good successe may be abated from every good act or reformati∣on of the adversarie. Gods eternall freedome ei∣ther in determining new occurrences, or altering the combinations of others already extant, cannot be prejudiced by any Act past. He hath not so be∣fore all time decreed them, that hee doth not still decree them, at his pleasure, as well during all the time of warre and fight, as before. Ita accidit* 1.1 sae∣penumero, ut fortuna ad utrum{que} victoriam transfe∣rat, quò Bellum extrahatur, animos{que} nunc horum, nunc illorum accendat. So it oftentimes falls out, that Fortune makes faire profer of victory to both sides,

and one while incourageth this partie, another while that, by which meanes warres are usually prolonged. Now whatsoever in these cases befals men either beyond their expectation, or contrary to their fore∣cast, is counted fortunate, if it be for their good; or fatall, if it be for their harme. Hence men not on∣ly of most accurate booke-learning amongst the Romanes, but of best experience in matters of war, have given more to Fortune, then by-standers or Historicall Relators usually acknowledge to bee her due.

Had Caesar upon a diligent and accurate survey of the meanes, by which he got his victories, allot∣ted Fortune her just part in severall, or told us truly how much fell out beyond or above his expectati∣on, how much just according to his reckoning: the world (I think) would have beene of the same minde with Machiavel in his* 1.2 forementioned contemplations of Romes surprisal by the Gaules, which was, That the most victorious do not deserve much glory either for wit or valour, nor the con∣quered much dispraise for the contrarie imperfec∣tions; seeing Fate or Fortune have alwayes the chiefest stroke as well in the exaltation of the one, as in the dejection of the other. Notwithstanding it is no part of mine, whatsoever it was of Machia∣vels meaning, to have any man deprived of that commendation which is due to him in respect of other men. And it is not the least title unto true praise, to be in favour with the supreame disposer of Martiall successe. In respect of him the victorious have no cause to boast, but rather to condemne

their sloath and negligence in that the fruites of their successe, was no better then usually it proves, they having so good assistance, and sure pledges of divine favour.

2 Wheresoever Cicero, Caesar, Vegetius, or o∣ther heathens, could suspect or descrie the secret assistance of fate or fortune, specially in matters more remarkeable, as are the usuall consequents of warre; there we may without solecisme say, the finger of the Lord of hoasts did worke. For if the least wound that is given or taken in fight, doe not make it selfe, but is made by the vigilant and working hand of man; shall not the chiefe stroke or sway of battaile, which usually falls without War∣riers comprehension, lead us to a direct, a certaine and positive cause? Now if this cause were other∣waies unknown, by what name could we more pro∣perly call it, then by the Lord of hoasts, or great Moderator of warre.

If wee may guesse at Gods working in all, by the manifestation of his speciall hand in some: I am perswaded there was never any great battaile fought since the world began, much lesse any fa∣mous warre accomplished with such facilitie or speed, but that if it had pleased the Historians to expresse all circumstances of speciall moments, or could the reader survey such as they expresse, with as diligent and curious eyes, as one Artificer will anothers worke: the consultations of their chiefe managers, & the executions w^ch seem to have most dependance on them; would beare no better pro∣portion w^th their entire successe, then the day labo∣rers

work doth with a curious edifice, or then the Pioners paines doth w^th the defence or expugnation of strōg forts or Castles. And yet even in the matu∣rest deliberations or most exact consultations of warre; related by ordinary historians, the finall de∣termination, may for the most part be resolved in∣to some speciall Divine instinct: the execution of that which men by such instinct determine and re∣solve upon, essentially depends upon the dispositi∣on of Gods peculiar providence, who hath an au∣thentique negative in the use of every meanes, which men make choice of; albeit in using them he admit men, as his coworkers, but not as sha∣rers in production of the principall effect or end. He alone bestoweth victorie where hee pleaseth, by what meanes or whose agency hee pleaseth, but not alwayes with victorie and successe, unlesse such as be his agents or instruments in the execu∣tion of his consequent will upon others, be ready to doe his antecedent will or pleasure themselves.

3 This is a subject whose fuller explication would require a larger volume, then this whole Treatise in my intendment shall be. I will there∣fore instance especially in one battaile, and another warre, of the greatest consequences, that the histo∣ries of these three hundred yeares past present un∣to us. The first shall be in that fierce and violent conflict at Grūwald betweene Iagello or Vladislaus King of Poland and Lituania, and the Crucigeri or Knights of Prussia, about the yeare one thou∣sand foure hundred. Should a Politician or Souldier, that will beleeve no more, then hee sees

grounds for out of his owne Art, have seene, the mighty preparation and couragious resolution of both parties, hee would haply have demanded a signe of Gods providence, and said in his heart, Let us see either of these two Armies take flight upon a conceipted noise of Chariots or Horsemen, or an imagination of an Army not really existent: or what Gedeon is hee now alive, that dare ad∣venture on the weaker of them, with three hun∣dred men, although hee had thrice three hun∣dred Trumpeters to encourage them. We will not therefore presse any with beleefe of Mi∣racles in these later times, but rather perswade them with us to acknowledge, that those extraor∣dinary manifestations of power more then naturall, in battailes fought for Israell and Iudah by Gedeon or Sampson, by the Angels, by the Hoast of Hea∣ven, or by inferiour Elements, were not more pre∣gnant documents of Gods immediate hand in ma∣naging warres, nor better proofes of his just title to be the Lord of Hosts; than the contrivances of ordinary causes and occurrences in martiall affaires of moderne times, doth or might afford to all such as rightly survey them. To make a mighty armie fall by the free and unimpeached exercise of their owne valour and strength, can be no lesse wonder∣full to unpartiall eyes, than to scatter them by fire and lightning, than to beat them downe by mighty hailestones from heaven. To cause the stronger and more skilfull in warre to faint, without dimi∣nishing of their courage and strength, is no lesse the Lords doing, than if their hearts had beene

surprised with a panick terrour, or their armes sud∣denly deprived of life and motion, as Ieroboams was. Yet this was the case of the Prussian Knights of the Crosse, and the Germane Forces which as∣sisted them against Iagello.

4 The conduct of the right wing of Iagelloes Army, which did consist of Lituanians, was com∣mended to his brother Vitoudus, not out of any foresight of advantage, but in honour of his per∣son, or of that Nation; which was perhaps an o∣versight in point of warre. However, this wing was fiercely assaulted by the opposite wing of the Germane Armie, which was a great deale the stronger, especially for horsemen. God by his se∣cret * 1.3providence did so dispose that this advantage should redound unto their greater overthrow. For the Lituanians being the farre weaker part of Ia∣gello his Army, both for want of skill and of Ar∣mour, after a furious encounter fled the faster: and the Germane wing, which had put them to flight, not suspecting but that their other wing had beene as able to match the Polonian, as they had beene to defeat the Lituanian; pursued the victorie so long and so farre, that they were neither able ful∣ly to succour the other wing being scattered and broken by the Polonians, before their returne, nor to flye from their enemies with that speed they de∣sired; as being over wearied with the former chase. Of the Germans, by this oversight and pre∣sumption, fiftie thousand were slaine, and (as some relate) almost as many taken prisoners. They had put their confidence in the valour, skill and mul∣titude

of their Armie, which did consist of an hundred and fortie thousand choice souldiers. The good King Iagello his trust was in his praiers to God; and in the presumption of his Enemy, which had beene so triumphant before the victo∣ry, so certaine of victorie before the joyning of the battaile; that they would not give Iagello leave to say his prayers, or doe his wonted service unto God, but sent him two swords in mockerie, one for himselfe, and another for his brother Vitou∣dus, as if they had wanted weapons to defend themselves; profering him withall, that if the place wherein hee then was, were too strait for ordering his men they would goe back, as in con∣tempt and scorne they did, and make him roome. This insolent message was by the religious King embraced, as a welcome prognostique that they should give him place against their wils. And so it fell out, that they were not able to defend them∣selves within their trenches; their Tents and cari∣ages became a prey to Polonians, being so well fraught with all manner of provision, not for ne∣cessitie onely, but for pleasure, that Iagello caused a great number of Wine-vessels to bee burst in pieces, lest his souldiers should be overcome with plenty of wine, after they had overcome their po∣tent enemies, or at lest be hindred from further pursuite of victorie. There a man might have seen a strange spectacle, a flood or stream not of blood or wine, but as if it had bin of gore by the mixture of the wine and the blood alike violently shed in the Germane Camp. The gaudinesse of their Ar∣mour

would not suffer such as escaped by flight, toly hid in the fennes or reeds into which they ranne. This was the issue of their unhallowed confidence, which had in their Tents abundance of Torches and of chaines; the one provided ••or leading the Nobles of Poland Captives, the o∣ther for firing their Cities.

5 There is a storie mentioned by Salvianus, ex∣actly paralleld to the former, for the different d••s∣positions of the parties conflictant, and for the con∣trary successe which befell their contrary demea∣nours before the battaile. The conflict was be∣twixt the Goathes and the Gaules. The Goathes were a kinde of Christians, but Arrians, through default of their Instructors. The Gaules were Catholiques, as good as Rome had any in those dayes; so were the Prussian Knights: Iagello was a late convert••Christian, and very devout in his kinde, yet not quite purged from some Heathe∣nish inbred superstition. It was a custome with him, to turne thrice round about, and to breake a straw in three pieces before he went abroad. How much more acceptable or lesse displeasing unto God, how much more availeable in the day of bat∣tell un••ained humilitie, fear & devotion, (though in part tainted with e••roneous opinion, and supersti∣tion) are, than confidence in the puritie of opini∣ons, or profession of Orthodoxall religion, with∣out correspondency of practise, cannot better be expressed than it is by* 1.4 Salvianus. That saying of our Saviour, Hee that exalts himselfe shall bee brought lowe, was evidently experienced in the

Goaths and in us: they h••mbled themselves and were exalted; we exalted our selves and were dejected. This our Generall found true in himselfe, being led captive into that Citie of the Enemies, into which he presumed he should the same day have entred as Conquerour. Herein the judgement of God was apparent upon him, that hee should suf∣fer, whatsoever hee had presumed or undertaken to doe. The King of the Goathes (as hee con∣cludes,) fought with prayers and supplications be∣fore he came to fight with the arme of flesh; and he therefore went out with confidence unto Bat∣taile, as having obtained victorie in his prayer.

A second parallel to the former battaile, for the alternant inclinations of victorie▪ or sudden turning of wofull and sad beginnings unto joyfull issue, might bee taken from that famous battaile of Flodden, if wee may beleeve eyther the ordina∣rie Scottish Historie, or the constant report of the English, which were then alive, and tooke the Relation from the mouthes of such as were imployed in that service, being men of note & no way partiall. In their observati∣on, it was the extraordinary valour the of Scottish

vauntguard in the very first onset or joyning of battaile, which brought victory (otherwise doubt∣full or declining from them) to the English. For the sudden discomfiture and confused flight of the English Vantguard unto the maine Battaile, made that unfortunate King beleeve, that the Eng∣lish Army began to reele; and out of this mistake, as one that had prepared himselfe to follow the chase, rather then to order his owne Battaile, hee was encompassed by the English in that very place (as some report) which he had beene forewarned, but in termes generall and ambiguous, to eschue.

6 That great warre betweene Charles the fift, and the confederate Princes of Germany, begun in the yeare 1546. was more lingring. For as the Iu∣dicious * 1.5Historian observes, we shall hardly finde any record in antiquity of two such great Armies lying so neare one to the other, so long as these two armies did without a ful battel. The war was mana∣ged, as if it had bin a game at Chess, wherein divers oversights were cōmitted on both sides; & yet the disadvantage given or taken, still so recoverable, that the old Maxime, Non licet bis peccare in bello, may seeme by the event of this warre, to be restrai∣ned to praelium, rather to a set battaile then to war▪ Charles the Emperour, did in the esteeme of War∣riours, manage his businesses more cautelously than the Confederates did: and yet if wee should speake in the ordinary Politician or Souldiers lan∣guage, was more beholding to Fortune, than to prudence or counsell of Warre. It was a great o∣versight to expose himselfe unto such imminent

danger, as he did at* 1.6 Genge, out of a desire to view his Enemies Army. For (as the Spaniards con∣fesse) if the confederate Princes had beene as vi∣gilant to take advantage, as he was carelesse to give it; they might have put an end to this war, as soone as it was begunne. It is noted likewise, as a great oversight in them, that they did not assault him, whilest hee was encamped about Ingolstade and R••••isborne, expecting fresh supplies out of Italy and the Low Countries: yet the losse of this op∣portunity they had easily redeemed not long after, had not their project beene disclosed to Charles, who removed his Camp before they had notice, and, by favour of the great windes, which that night hapned, surprized Donaverd, a place of good importance for his present designes; That Count Egmond with his Netherland forces, on whose skill and valour Charles did most relye, should e∣scape the surprisall intended by the Landgrave, was more from good hap and Caesar Magius his extemporary sophisme, than from any forecast ei∣ther of the Emperour himselfe, or of Count Eg∣mond. For unlesse his Souldiers had been perswa∣ded that the Landgrave was nearer to them over night, than indeed he was; hee had beene nearer to them, or sooner upon them in the morning, than they could have wished. But this false Alarum, gi∣ven by Magius, made them willing, though much wearied, to march all night. Not long after their safe conduct unto the maine Campe, the chiefe Counsellors of warre were instant with Charles to dissolve his Army for that w••nter, untill the next

Spring. That his resolution to the contrary, pro∣ved so successefull, was more than in humane wis∣dome could be forecast; so long as the successe of Maurice Duke of Saxony, and the Bohemians which had invaded the Territories of Iohn Duke of Saxonie, was uncertaine. But the prevailing power of this unexpected enemie, being a known Professor of that Religion for whose maintenance his noble Vncle and Father in Law had taken arms, enforced the Confederates to divide their Army, which could not but give advantage to Charles. But that Henry the eight of England, and Francis the first of France, (neither of them likely to have stood as by-standers in this great businesse, if they had lived) should both dye in this interim, this was the Lords doing, not Fortunes. Charles could not ground any resolution upon the hope of it, nor could the confederate Princes foresee the disad∣vantage, which from their death did redound unto them. Yet after all these prejudices on the con∣federate Princes behalfe, Charles his expedition into Saxony against Iohn Prince Elector, who had retired thither with part of the Army, to prevent Maurice his further proceedings; was very doubt∣full and full of danger: and yet was Charles (who before had shewed himselfe to bee more timorous and backward) more resolute and forward, in this expedition, than any of his Captaines or Com∣manders.

7 Doubtlesse lest his Captaines, his Souldiers, or Counsell of Warre should boast, as if their own right hands, their policy and strength had gotten

the victory; the Lord of Hosts, the Lord mighty in Battaile, did so dispose that the Emperour one while should feare, where no feare was, and ano∣ther while be couragiously wilfull or resolute, a∣gainst his grave Counsell of Warre, and against all probabilitie of hopefull successe. At Nordling, when his Army was full, and his Souldiers fresh, when the Spaniards (after some difficult passages had beene conquered by their undaunted Resolu∣tion,) were perswaded that victorie was hard be∣fore them; Charles would not give them leave to overtake it, or (as if it had beene snatched out of their jawes) they did gnash with their teeth for very indignation; nor was this hope of victory in the Spaniards conceived from intemperate heate of warre, or longing desire to fight without good grounds of reason. For Maximilian Egmond, a wise and well experienced Commander, was so taken with the same perswasion, that when the Emperour called him back, he pulled his Helmet off his head, and for anger and indignation, threw it with violence against the ground. Had Egmond followed his advantage and presently overcome his enemies, this might have beene attributed to Scipioes valour in him. Or, if Charles himselfe had continually sought to drive away danger by delay, he might have beene reputed another Fabius. But this ••••mper changed with the time, Versâ tabulâ cu••••ebat, qui modo stabat, & stabant qui modo cur∣rebant. They drew back, which formerly could hardly be recalled from fighting; and hee which recalled them, drawes them forwards against their

wills. For comming neere to* 1.7 Mulberg, where Iohn Prince Elector of Saxony was taken; albeit the Duke of Alva (one at that time as notoriously knowne for his resolution, as for his cruelty after∣wards) and the rest of the Counsell of Warre, did utterly mislike his intended passage, over the Ri∣ver of E••ve that day, as an attempt too adven∣trous and desperate, which might yeeld great ad∣vantage to his enemy; no perswasion could move or weaken his resolution, but fight he would upon that very day upon what termes soever. And it af∣terwards appeared that unlesse he had put this his unseasonable desire of battaile (as to them it see∣med) in present execution, he might long have wai∣ted, before he had laid hold on the like opportuni∣tie againe. For some few houres start, might ei∣ther have secured the Duke of Saxony from a ne∣cessity of battaile, or assured him of victory, if hee had beene enforced to fight. The next morning, after his overthrow, the Emperour met with new supplies, which had received the Duke in a well-fenced place, whereas it was Caesars good fortune to take the Duke the day before, beyond all expe∣ctation, in such a place, as he could not fight upon equall termes, nor make from him but by a dis∣gracefull flight.

8 Alva out of his experience and skill might foresee much hazard and danger in his Masters ad∣ventrous resolution to passe over an unknowne Ri∣ver in such haste; and his Master, out of some hu∣mour or restlesse instinct, might be pusht forwards to fight that day, without apprehension of any

just reason why: but who besides him alone, which appointeth the occurrences and opportunities of time, could foresee or forecast, that the Duke of Alva, being sent on a sudden to seek a guide, should forthwith light on a Man, from whom some of the Duke of Saxonies followers (a few dayes before) had taken two Colts, and made him ready and willing in hope of revenge, or recovery of his loss, to discover an unknowne passage of that uncouth River. They had reason to enstyle him, as they did, Dux via: for he stood the Emperour in more stead, than any ten Captaines in his Army, he be∣ing resolved to try the fortune of Battaile that day. Thus the Lord of Hoasts, as skilfull as mighty in battaile, can turne and winde the whole fabrick of Warre with the least finger of his hand, and over∣throw or establish the cunningest projects of grea∣test Princes, and their Counsels of Watre, by the experience and information of a silly▪ Countrey Swaine. Captaines may consult, but he determines; they throw the Dice, he appoints the chance; they may set their men as it pleaseth them, but he in the issue will play the game as it pleaseth Him. When we see great Statesmen, or subtile Politicians more grossely infatuated in some particulars of greatest consequence, then ordinary men usually are; this is a sure token, that the wisdome which they for∣merly used, was not their owne: but when we see them wittingly cunning to worke their owne o∣verthrow, this is an argument that there is one wi∣ser then they, which sometimes gives wisedome, sometimes onely lends it so, as he will require sa∣tisfaction

for the mis-imployment of it. And it is not so great a wonder, to see a wise man infatua∣ted, or utterly deprived of wisedome, as to see his wit and skill continually imployed in weaving a net, to insnare himselfe in, and such as rely upon his projects and power.

9 Hitherto Charles the fift had the fortune of good Dice, and played the fore-game exceeding well. But seeing Religion lay at the stake, God in∣structs others to play the after-game a great deale better against him; albeit he had two great Coun∣sellors, the one for matters of State, the other for Warre, to wit, the Duke of Alva, and Granvel the Chancellor, as by-standers to helpe him. The sum of their advice, was to account severity the best fruits of victory; and to keepe them under by strong hand, whom hee had conquered; and to bring them in by cunning, which had yet some op∣portunity to stand out against him. His first over∣sight, was in committing the ever-renowned Duke of Saxony, to the custody of a Spaniard, to Al∣fonsus Vives, brother to the famous Ludovicus. This bred great alienation of affection and discon∣tent in some Nobles of Germany, of whose fide∣litie and good service in this Warre, he had proofe sufficient. But more mightily overseene he was, in the cunning draught of those Articles, upon which the Landgrave of Hessen did yeeld himselfe, not as a Prisoner, but as a reconciled friend, or Subject, as he presumed. The Emperour and his Counsell, had wit enough to take this man prisoner, but not to foresee the blot, which would hereupon follow,

not to the stayning onely of the Emperours honour, but to the hazard of the maine game, and utter losse of his late Conquest. They did not consider that Maurice of Saxonie, sonne in Law to the Landgrave, was as subtill as valorous, and being as ambitious as subtill, would meditate as full a requitall of this reall disgrace and delusion, (he being interested in the reconcile∣ment) as hee had done of a friendly but sharpe check, given by his Vncle and Guardian (the now captive Duke of Saxonie) for being too prodigall of his patrimony in his nonage. But Maurice his disposition and abilities, were happily un∣knowne unto the Emperour: and it was not usu∣all, for a forward young Captaine, not above twentie six yeares of age, to be of as deepe a reach in matters of State, as his gray headed and most ex∣perienced Counsellors. The more patient hee was for the present, the more deeply hee layed his plot, the more vigilant hee was to entertaine all opportunities which should be offered for the re∣demption of his Father in Law, and the libertie of his Countrie. The making of Maurice Prince Elector in his captive Vncles stead, did adde much to his power: the Spanyards securitie and inso∣lency expressed in their printed bookes of the conquest in Germanie as of some meaner pro∣vince, or appendix to their affected Monarchie, did much exasperate the Germane Princes especi∣ally, all but of Brandeburgh hitherto a faithfull adherent unto Charles the fift, and a trusty friend and companion unto Maurice, to whom he was

now more neerely li••kt by the sure tye of common discontent. The first opportunitie, which Mau∣rice had for effecting his long concealed plot, was the manifestation of Charles his purpose for redu∣cing the Romish religion into the free States and Cities of Germanie (which had abandoned it) con∣trary to his former promises, when hee solicited their ayde against the Duke of Saxonie and Land∣grave of Hessen, not as the chiefe maintainers or patrons of reformed religion, but as rebels against his imperiall Majestie. This unexpected purpose of Charles was most clearely bewrayed in the siege of Magdeburge, against which Citie, no occasion of hostility could be pretended, besides her Citi∣zens resolution to maintaine that religion, which by publique Authoritie had beene established. The whole body of Germany besides, was in a manner so drowned and choaked, that libertie (es∣pecially in points of religion) could scantly draw breath, save onely through Flaccus Illyricus▪ his penne. For subduing this Citie, which for a while had held out stoutly against others set to be∣sige it, Maurice of Saxony was adjudged the fit∣test man, who being imployed in this service, gaines opportunity by protraction of the warre to make leagues as well with the French King as with some Princes and States of Germany: but af∣ter many suspitions and jealousies taken against him, so cunningly goes on with his project, that he came upon Charles the Emperour on such a sudden manner at Inchborrouh, as made him and his Courtiers, with the forraine Embassadours

there attending, to leave the Supper which had beene provided for them unto Maurice and his company. There was a horse-liter and torches pro∣vided for the Emperour himselfe with some few attendants, but such scarcity of horses for the rest, that a man might have seene that common resem∣blance of Princes, of Nobles, and common peo∣ple, to a company of Chesse men promiscuously put up into a cō••on bag, when the game is ended, really acted in the confused flight of this great Em∣perours amazed Court. Dukes, Earles, & Lords, great Commanders in Warre, common Souldiers and Kitchin Boyes, were glad to trudge it on foot in the mire hand in hand; a Duke or Earle not dis∣daining to support or helpe up one of the blacke Guard ready to fall, lest he himselfe might fall in the mire, and have none to helpe him. This was the issue of the greatest Warre which Germany had seene or knowne since the dayes of Charles the Great; in the managing and prosequution where∣of more excellent Commanders were imployed by Charles the fift, than any Prince in Christen∣dome since hath had to imploy.

10 Vnto many is given power and wit suffici∣ent for compassing the conquest of their potent enemies, unto whom the wisedome of using the victorie aright (which they oftentimes purchased at too deare a rate) is denyed. The same Lord of Hoasts which put his hooke into Senacheribs no∣strills, and thereby dragged this furious Monster, which had ranged farre and neere to devoure o∣thers, into his owne Land; there to fall by his

owne bowells in the house of his false gods; had all this while led Charles the fift (a Prince of more calme and moderate spirit,) as it were in a silken string, yet strong enough to bring this roving pro∣jector back againe within the Rheine, where he is now to encounter with the French. And being thus overwearied in the Germane Warre, the Duke of Guise at the siege of Metz, beates his Souldiers out of heart and breath, and makes Charles himselfe thus to pant: Iam me desertum & circa me nullos viros video; Now I see I am a man forsaken, and have no men about me. Few there were besides himselfe, that were willing to have the siege continued any longer: and one of his common Souldiers, out of the bitternesse of his discontented soule and diseased body, calls him the sonne of a mad woman to his face, for continuing it so long. But whether his undertaking or prose∣quuting this siege, did relish more of his mothers disposition, than of his owne; let Warriours judge: he never shewed more wisedome in any enterprise before, then he did in this; that he sought not from this time, to wooe his wonted fortunes, by wrest∣ling with Fates. But after he perceived the Lord of Hoasts did not goe out with his Armies, as be∣fore he had done; he willingly puts off his imperi∣all Robes with his Armour, and betakes himselfe to a private retired life. How much happier in this resolution, than either the Davus or Diabolus Ger∣maniae, than the often mentioned Maurice of Saxony, surnamed the Victorious, or the turbu∣lent Albert of Brandeburgh, which had brought

him into these straits! As these two Princes in all their undertakings, in their secret confederacies, whether for Charles the fift, or against him, had aymed more at their private ends, than at the pub∣lique weale of Germany: so it pleased the Lord of Hoasts (after he had by their joynt forces, so tur∣ned the seales of the Germane Warre, as is before set downe) to settle the publique peace, by their fatall discord. So I terme it, partly because they had beene so deare friends,* 1.8 partly because a re∣concil••ation betwixt them was so earnestly sought by many, and would have beene readily embraced by Maurice, had not Albert, more out of the strength of wine, than either of wit or courage, provoked him to battaile by a most gross and most unseasonable challenge. Maurice had given good tokens of his inclination to peace, and the like was expected from Albert. Buta 1.9 the messenger be∣ing dispatched after dinner, when Bacchus was more predominant with Albert, than either Mi∣nerva or Mars; in stead of a pledge of peace, hee sent his colours to Maurice, and so after they had eaten and drunk, they rose up to play, after such a manner as Abners young men and Ioabs did, 2 Sam. 2. 14, 15. The manner of their mutuall assault, was more like a butchery, than a sober warre. Al∣bert in this furious conflict was so foyled, that hee never recovered root or branch againe: but after some few attempts, lived as a perpetuall Exile or Vagabond; his memory being as hatefull to his Country in his absence, as his presence had beene terrible, whilest he was able to gather forces. And

* 1.10Maurice who deservedly enjoyed the title of Vic∣torious, did take up victory upon exchange of life; having so much use of sense and memory, as to have his Enemies colours presented to his eyes, now ready to be closed up in perpetuall darknesse. This was the end of this victorious Prince, which had outstripe the greatest Statesmen of those times in maturitie of wit, and deepnesse of judgement, in matters Martiall or Civill, before his body was come to its full growth: in so much that Policy (whom Caesars in their greatnesse are oft-times for∣ced to serve) did seeme to attend on him, enabling him to atchieve those projects with an heroicall carelesse resolution and majestique grace, for the purchase of which, many powerfull Monarchs have beene often drawne to use untowardly shifts and slye coll••sions, odious and contemptible to their inferiours. He was the only man of his age (as one writes of him) that had the skill to take oc∣casion (when it offered it selfe) by the very point, and to carve opportunities out of perplexities. Yet for all this ••ad no skill or forecast to prevent; no fence to put by the sudden stroke of Death, which se•• a short period to his farre reaching plots, and dashed the masterpiece of his projects, when it was come to the very height, and ready to fall upon the marke it aymed at. The Spaniards have more cause to blesse the day of this Princes death, then the day of their victory over the Duke of Saxony his uncle. For if he had lived but a little longer, the wings of Austria and Spaine had (in all probability) beene cut a great deale shorter throughtout Germany and

the Low-Countries, than since they have beene, by the confederacy which the French King and he had made lately for ruinating Charles the fift. But whatsoever devices were in their hearts, the coun∣sell of the Lord was against them: and that must stand, though by the sudden fall of the Confe∣derates.

11 To reflect a little upon the more speciall in∣terpositions of Gods providence in moderating the proceedings and issues of this warre. The Ro∣manists have small cause to brag (though many of them doe so) of Charles his victorie over the two confederate Princes, as of some speciall token of Gods favour to their Church and religion.* 1.11 Chy∣treus, a most unpartiall Writer, and well acquain∣ted with the State of Germany as then it stood, and with the severall dispositions of the chiefe confederates; ingenuously confesseth as a speciall argument of Gods favour towards the professors of the reformed Religion throughout Germany, that the Duke of Saxony and Landgrave of Hessen had not the victory which they expected over the Emperour. Hee might have more reason thus to write, then I know or now remember: but cer∣tainly their agreement during the time of the war, was not altogether so good, as to promise any lasting concord or sure establishment of true Christian peace throughout the severall Provin∣ces of Germany, if they had prevailed. Sherteli∣us, who commanded in chiefe for the free Cities, did (as some write) forsake the Campe, as being wearie of their wranglings. However their

few yeares captiuitie, was a fatherly chastisement, no plague or token of Gods wrath against them. As the unjust detention of the Landgrave, brought greater dishonour to the Emperour Charles, then any one Act that ever he did: so the Duke of Sa∣xonie wonne himselfe more honour by his du∣rance, then the Emperour could bestow upon him. Victorie in battaile, abundance of wealth, and titles of honour, are gifts and blessings from the Lord; yet of which Pagans and Infidels are ca∣pable; and such, as many Heathen have scorned or not affected. But for a Prince by birth, which had beene continually borne upon the wings of better Fortune, alwayes reputed the chiefe stay and pillar of his Country; to endure captivity in an uncouth Court, with such constancy of minde, as could turne the intended contempt and scorne of his witty enemies, into kindnesse and admira∣tion, and cause such as had led him captive, not on∣ly to pitie but to honour him, and propagate his fame unto posterity. This was a blessing peculiar to Gods Saints. That character which forraigne Writers have put upon him, will hardly befit any that is not a Christian inwardly and in heart; [Ne∣que in prosperis elatum, neque in adversis deje∣ctum sui hostes unquam vidêre:] His enemies did never see him either puft up with prosperitie, or de∣jected with adversity. But was it not the greater pitie, (if we may speake after the manner of most men, and as many Germanes in those times did,) that so noble a Prince should be punished with the perpetuall losse of his Electorall dignity? Yet even

this (that we may with veneration rather admire than question the secret wayes of Gods provi∣dence) was no losse, but gaine unto Gods Church, and the publique weale of Saxony, which he more sought, than his owne ends or commodities. For by his falling into Charles his hands, the Electorall dignity of Saxony fell into another Collaterall line, which proved as beneficiall and favourable to good learning and Reformed Religion, as any o∣ther Princely Family of Germany in those times. Witnesse (to omit their other good deeds in this kinde) that Princely munificence of Duke Augu∣stus (brother and heyre to Maurice the victorious) annually exhibited to Ministers Orphans, related by* 1.12 Polycarpus Lyserus. How well those good ex∣amples which Maurice himselfe, and his brother Augustus had set, have beene followed by their Successors, falls not within my reading or obser∣vation.* 1.13 But surely these two advancers of this se∣cond Line did better imitate the princely vertues of their deprived Vncle, than his owne sons were likely to have done. For the judicious unpartiall French Historian, assignes this as one speciall rea∣son, why the fame and memory of Iohn Duke of Saxony did not continue so fresh and pretious af∣ter his death, as he deserved, Quia reliquit filios sui dissimillimos.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Lazius.
• * 1.2

  Cha. 27. §. 7.
• * 1.3

  Vide Var∣sevicii pa∣ral. in vita Iagell.
• * 1.4

  Non ita Gothi, non ita Vuanda∣li, qui & in discrimine positi opem a ••eo postu∣lant, & prosperitatis suae munus divinis no∣minibus ap∣pellant. Deni{que} pro∣bavit hoc, bello Proxi∣mo infelici∣tas nostra. Cum enim Gothi me∣tuerent, praesumpsi∣mus ••os: nos in viri∣bus spem ponere, illi in Deo: cum pax ab illis postulare∣tur, a nobis negaretur: illi Episco∣pos mitte∣rent, nos repellere∣mus: illi etiam in ali∣enis Sacerdotibus Deum honorarent, nos etiam in nostris contemneremus: prout actus utriusque partis, ita & rerum terminus fuit. Illis data est in summo timore palma; nobis in summa elatione confusio. Ve••è & in nobis tunc & in illis evidenter probatum fuit illud Domini nostri d••ctum: quoniam, qui se exaltat, humiliabitur, & qui se humiliat, ex∣altabitur. Illis enim exaltatio data est pro humilitate; nobis pro elatione dejectio. Nam{que} agnovit hoc ille dux nostrae partis, qui c••ndem urbem hostium, quam ••odem die victorem se intrat••rum ••sse prasumpsit, captivus intravit &c. In quo quidem pr••ter ipsam rerum infelicitatem, praesens judicium Dei patuit, ut quicquid facturum se usurparat, ipse pate∣retur. &c. Salvian. lib. 7.
• * 1.5

  Thuanus Anno 1546▪
• * 1.6

  Thuanus ibidem.
• * 1.7

  Thuanus anno 1547▪
• * 1.8

  Inter Mauritiū et Albertum, cum essent aequales, maxima sē∣per fuerat necessitude; sic ut nihil esset illis cō∣junctiu••. Tribus enim bellis a••bo simul Caesari militarunt, Gallico, Smalcaldico Magdebur∣gi••o deinde, quartū at{que} postremum hoc in Caesa∣rem suscepe∣runt. Sed natis offen∣sionib{us}, hunc tam funestū habuit exi∣tum ipsorū amicitia. Sleidanus Comment. li. 25. anno 1553. See the occasi∣ons of their out fall. lib. 24. anno 1552.
• a 1.9

  Vide Thuanum anno. 1553▪
• * 1.10

  Sig••a mi∣litaria sunt hostibus e∣recta, & ad ipsum ex prael••o rela∣ta: Pedestria quidē quin∣qu aginta quatu••r, equestria vero qu••tu∣ordecim. Mauritius ergo vitam quidem ipse profudit, sed Alberti tamen vires at{que} r••bur admodum fregit: nam ab eo praelio vix••••quam ille potuit vel m••••dio∣cres recolli∣gere copius. Sleidanus▪ comment. lib. 25. an∣no 1553. Vide plur•• Thuanum.
• * 1.11

  In the life of Charles the fift.
• * 1.12

  In his Preface or Epistle de∣dicatorie to the con∣tinuation of Chemni∣tius his Harmony.
• * 1.13

  Of Mau∣rice his mu∣nificence and good affection towards learning and Reli∣gion, see Sleidan. lib. 19. anno 1547.