A treatise of the divine essence and attributes. By Thomas Iackson Doctor in Divinitie, chaplaine to his Majestie in ordinary, and vicar of S. Nicolas Church in the towne of Newcastle upon Tyne. The first part

CHAP. 26.

Of the erection of the Chaldean Empire, and of the sudden destruction of it by the Persian, with the re∣markable documents of Gods speciall providence in raysing up the Persian by the ruine of the Chalde∣an Monarchy.

1 THe weapons of war woūd more or lesse, according to their skill or strength that weild thē. So is the whole strength of warre it selfe; so is the might and poli∣cie of every Kingdome more or lesse successefull to friends, or hurtfull to foes, ac∣cording to the proportion which it holds, with his will or purpose, who is enstyled the Lord of hosts, the Lord mighty in battaile.* 1.1 Vnlesse the Grecians had beene generally lyable to the Aegyptians cen∣sure [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Grecians are alwayes chil∣dren] in true antiquity, Aristotle might have in∣formed himselfe and his followers, that the Assy∣rians, and other inhabitants of the southerne coasts of Asia, had sometimes beene a people so fierce and terrible in war, that Alexander attended with the whole strength of Macedon, would have beene but as a flock of Sheepe or an herd of Goats to an host of Wolves or Lyons. Whilest Tiglath Pele∣zer,

Senacherib, and other Kings of Assyria, were Hammers in the hand of God, who could resist them? The strength of these Assyrians was so great, that the Prophet foresaw the sudden advancement of the Chaldeans to the like or greater height or strength, would hardly be beleeved by neighbour Nations, Iew or Gentiles, untill they felt it to their smart.* 1.2 Behold ye among the Heathen, and regard, and wonder marvellously: for I will worke a worke in your dayes which ye will not beleeve, though it be told you. For loe, I raise up the Chaldeans, that bitter and hasty nation, which shall march through the bredth of the Land, to possesse the dwelling places that are not theirs. They are terrible and dreadfull: their judgement and their dignity shall proceed of themselves. Their horses also are swifter then the Leopards, & are more fierce then the evening Wolves, and their horsemen shall come from far, they shall flye as the Eagle that hasteth to eate. They shall come all for violence: their faces shall sup up as the East winde, and they shall gather the captivity as the sand. And they shall scoffe at the Kings, and the Princes shall bee a scorne unto them: they shall deride every strong hold, for they shall heape dust and take it.

The true and finall reason, as well of the Assy∣rians as the Chaldeans sudden greatnesse and suc∣cesse in battaile, was the accomplishment of Gods consequent will upon Israel and other neighbour Countries, growne, by speedy increase of their iniquitie, slaughter-ripe. Howbeit, the power it selfe or successe of these two Monarchies was a sure pledge of Gods antecedent* 1.3 will for their

owne greater good; so they had gratefully ac∣knowledged his goodnes in making them so great. But when these Battaile-Axes began to lift up themselves against him, which hewed the Nations with them; he abated their edge and softned their temper. Of Nebuchadnezzar, whose excessive pride had made him prouder then the rest, that O∣racle was verified in an exquisite sense:* 1.4 Man be∣ing in honour had no understanding, but became like the beast that perisheth. And that other remnant of the last forecited prophecie, was literally fulfil∣led in him, of whom it was meant; Then shall his minde change, and he shall passe over, and offend, im∣puting this his power unto his God. Habak. 1. v. 11. And Balshashar his sonne not taking warning by his humiliation, nor by the hand writing upon the wall, was surprized with sudden destruction, ei∣ther the selfe same night wherein the hand was seene writing, or (which is more probable) the same night of some yeare following. He had filled the measure of his fathers sinnes, as full with ini∣quity, as the boules wherein he caroused were with wine; and that being full, to drinke the cup of Gods wrath was to him at that time, necessary.

2 Now according to the Chaldeans growth in former iniquity, the prosperity of the Medes and Persians did daily increase, and their successe in warre, become every day more assured, than for∣merly it had beene, and at length (in such a sense as hath beene observed) altogether fatall. The fru∣gality of their private life, and publique discipline, specially in warre, were qualifications without

which (perhaps) the Lord would not so highly have advanced them, or used them as his instru∣ments in this service. But even these, and all other morall vertues, unto which the Politician ascribes their good successe, were proper effects of Gods consequent will, now absolutely set to plague the Chaldeans, and of his antecedent will for Israels re∣demption; sure tokens withall, of his love unto these Conquerors.

The Historicall syncerity of Xenophons intenti∣ons, or literall truth of his ingenuous relations, have not beene so much disparaged by any other pretences what soever, (if by any other at all) as by the heroicall sweet exemplary disposition of his admired Cyrus, by his dexterity in consultations, and the extraordinary speedy successe of what hee put in execution. Whatsoever Xenophon hath said concerning his successe, it doth not so farre exceed the unsuspected stories of Alexanders swift growth in fame and greatnesse, as that did the greatest in∣crease or excesse, which any one Generall, (though much longer live'd than Alexander was) or which any one age did ever bring into the Romane State. The* 1.5 best spirits which Rome had bred, whilest they lookt on Alexanders picture, and the Map of his conquest, were ashamed of their owne dulnesse and slow progresse of their victories. The Parthi∣an though not so masculine and valorous as in A∣lexanders

time he had beene, was able, in Pompeys. judgement, to have given Caesar the check, after his Pharsalian victory. And in this perswasion Pom∣pey had sought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from him, had not Ca••••es indignation at the motion deterred him:

Si servère potes, miserum quid decipis urbem?

3 The ods of antiquity betweene Cyrus, Alex∣ander, Caesar and Pompey, and other circumstances of severall times, being rightly allowed (according to the rate of* 1.6 former discussions to this purpose,) will make the credit of Xenophon in his institution of Cyrus, of Arianus, and Quintus Curtius, in their Histories of Alexander, and of the best Romane Writers from Livie downewards, to any unparti∣all Examiner, much what eaven. Or what if Cy∣rus, as he is set forth by Xenophon, did in his infan∣cie, youth, or maturity, (all odds and allowances of antiquity rightly made) farre excell Alexander, Pompey, Caesar, or any other whosoever that lived after him, as well in dexterity of wit, as in exem∣plary disposition of life, military or civill: all this may, without any just suspition of Poeticall ficti∣on, without the least transgression of a faithfull Historians bounds, bee referred unto a more inti∣mate, more placid, and more loving touch of that Spirit, wherewith, all that much excelled others in any age, have beene in some measure or other inspired, and incited to those exploits which have beene performed by them. I cannot blame the lat∣ter Romane Heathen for mistrusting Xenophons

relations in the forementioned booke; but surely, that Christian which will not acknowledge some extraordinary* 1.7 fruits of Gods peculiar calling, of his professed fatherly institution, instruction, and protection of Cyrus, shall much forget himselfe.

Thus saith the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue Nations before him: and I will loose the loynes of Kings to o∣pen before him the two leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut. I will goe before thee, and make the crooked places straight; I will breake in pieces the gates of brasse, and cut in sunder the barres of iron. And I will give thee the treasures of darknesse, and hidden riches of secret places, that thou maist know, that I the Lord which call thee by thy name, am the God of Israel. For Iacob my servants sake, and Israel mine elect; I have even called thee by thy name: I have surnamed thee, though thou hast not knowne me. I am the Lord and there is none else, there is no God besides me: I girded thee, though thou hast not knowne me. That they may know from the rising of the Sunne, and from the West, that there is none be∣sides me; I am the Lord, and there is none else. Isai. 45. ver. 1. usque ad 7.

The Spirit of God (so farre as my remembrance or observation serves mee) doth not elsewhere vouchsafe to grace any Heathen Prince with such honourable titles, or affable speeches as these here mentioned are. Of Gods owne people, but few were called by their names, before these were im∣posed

by men. This is the prerogative of such as were types of the true Emanuel. The very* 1.8 cha∣racters, which the Heathen have made of Cyrus his amiable cariage towards men, his devotion, and vigilant care to testifie his thankfulnesse to∣wards the Gods for his good speed, are evident tokens of this his speciall calling to the present ser∣vice, and of his seeking to expresse himselfe in out∣ward* 1.9 performances: albeit young Samuel-like, he could not distinguish the callers voice, wanting an Ely to instruct him; yet can no Atheist bee so impudent as to surmis•• that Esay, leremy, and Xeno∣phon, should conspire like partners to make a faire game by seeing one anothers hands. For what common stake could they hope to gaine by this practice? but to omit generalities for justifying Xenophon and Herodotus in relating such rare docu∣ments of Cyrus his infancy (albeit these being com∣pared with the former prophecie and sacred relati∣ons concerning Salomon, or others whom God hath called by name, are in themselves capable e∣nough of credit:) we will descend to such particu∣lars

in Heathen Writers, as are consonant to the sacred passages, concerning the Babylonian warre, and may serve to set forth the wisedome and pro∣vidence of God in effecting his good purpose to∣wards the captive seed of Abraham. for (accor∣ding to the intent and purport of the former Pro∣phecy) the Reader is alwayes to beare in minde, that the true and finall cause of Gods extraordina∣rie blessings upon Cyrus, and of his conquest of the Babylonians, was the appointed deliverance of his chosen people, and the manifestation of his power and wisdome to the ends of the world.

4 A man of moderne experience in treatise of Leagues, and but of speculative acquaintance with the difficulties which interpose to hinder the asso∣ciation of lesser Segniories against mighty neigh∣bour Monarcks, would happely deeme that Xeno∣phon had framed his relations of Cyrus his successe, in linking bordering Nations to the Medes and Persians, by the modell of some Academicall can∣vas, or suit for some annuall office amongst fellow Citizens. The Armenians, the Hyrcanians, the Cedrosians, with many other naturall subjects to the Babylonian, all unacquainted with the project at the beginning, come over unto Cyrus with as great facility and speed, as if there had beene no greater danger in undertaking this doubtfull and (in common experience) most desperate war, than in giving a free voice to one competitor before a∣nother in a free and popular State.

But Xenophon was not so meane a contempla∣tive Scholar, as to commit so foule a solaecisme as

this had beene; albeit his pupose had beene to poe∣tize in these narrations. Poeticall fictions must beare a true resemblance of probability. Truths themselves must bee set forth in their native co∣lours, although they appeare to ordinary experi¦ence, most incredible. Such was the successe of Cyrus in the former businesse; if it were to bee de∣riued onely from his owne witt or contriuance. But Xenophon might have good historicall reasons not to suspect the Persian annalls or Persians re∣ports of Cyrus, as we haue sacred authoritie to be∣leeue the matters reported by them. He that cal∣led Cyrus by his name before hee was borne, and had now set him vp as Competitor with the Baby∣lonian, for the Asiaticke Monarchie, had layd the plot, and made the canvas for him before hee set forth: and (which is principally to bee obserued) had giuen publick warning to those Nations, which Xenophon mentions (more then threescore yeares before) to bee ready with others in armes against Babell:* 1.10 Set up a standard (saith Ieremie) in the land, blow the Trumpet among the nations: prepare the nations against her: call together against her the kingdomes of* 1.11 Ararat, Minni, and Ash∣chenash: appoint a Captaine against her: cause her horses to come up as the rough Caterpillers. Prepare against her the nations with the Kings of the Medes,

the Captaines thereof, and all the Rulers thereof, and all the land of his Dominion. And the land shall tremble and sorrow: for every purpose of the Lord shall be performed against Babylon, to make the Land of Babylon a desolation without an Inhabitant. It is intimated by another* 1.12 Prophet, that the Lord would have these prophesies concerning Babylon so remarkeably fulfilled, that all the world might take notice of them: The Lord answered mee and said; Write the vision, and make it plaine upon ta∣bles, that he may runne that readeth it. For the vi∣sion is yet for an appointed time, but at the end it shall speake, and not lye: though it tarry, waite for it, be∣cause it will surely come, it will not tarry. Behold his soule which is lifted up, is not upright in him; but the just shall live by his faith. Yea also, because he transgresseth by wine, hee is a proud man, neither keepeth at home, who inlargeth his desire as Hell, and is as death and cannot be satisfied, but gathereth un∣to him all nations, and unto him all people. Shall not these take up a parable against him, and a tanting proverbe against him and say; woe to him that increa∣seth that which is not his: how long? and to him that ladeth himselfe with thick clay? Shall they not rise up suddenly that shall bite thee? and awake, that shall vex thee? and thou shalt be for booties unto thē? Because thou hast spoyled many nations, all the remnāt of the people shall spoyle thee: because of mens blood and for the violence of the land, of the Citie, and of all that dwell therein.

Cyrus in the beginning of this expedition was but Cyaxarez his agent, to regaine the revolted

Armeneans. The warre was managed in the King of Media his name, albeit God (according to Esai∣as Prophesie) did prosper Cyrus under him, as hee did David under Saul. The same did goe of Cy∣rus amongst the Medes and Persians, as it had of Dauid through the host of Israell, Cyaxarez hath slaine his thousand, and Cyrus his tenne thousand. The Monarchy was to be setled on the Persian; Cy∣axarez was feoffee in trust for Cyrus, as Saul was, by Gods appointment, for Dauid.

5 Their* 1.13 taking of armes was just, and in their owne defense. Their first resolutions did reach no further, then to the safeguard of their borders, much trespassed upon by the Caldeans, untill un∣expected successe & hopefull opportunities of bet∣ter, daily presenting themselves without seeking, did invite them to come neerer. After they had gotten secret intelligence of the enemies estate, many new associates, and qui•• possession of so much of his dominions, as would suffice to main∣taine their doubled armie; they had no hope to conquer, no purpose to besiege the Metropolies of the kingdome. That, which after a doubtfull consultation, did chiefly sway them in the height of all their strength to continue their war, was the complaint of their trusty* 1.14 confederates, justly fea∣ring

lest they should become a prey to the insolent Tyrant, (much exasperated by their revolt) as rea∣dy, as able to take revenge upon them, if once their armie should be dissolued. The overthrow of Crae∣sus, following upon their resolution to continue the warre, brought great accesse of new associ∣ates and fresh supplies unto their armie. Had Cyrus or his confederates understood the tenour of the Commission which the Lord of hoasts had sealed them before they undertooke this warre; they had no question giuen the onset upon Baby∣lon before the overthrow of Craesus, at that time when they marched by it. Their written warrant, if they could have read it, was very expresse, and their invitation to attempt, full of hope: Remove out of the midst of Babylon, and goe forth out of the Land of the Caldeans, and be as the hee goates before the flocks. For loe, I will raise and cause to come up against Babylon, an assembly of great nations from the North countrey, and they shall set themselves in array against her, from thence she shall be taken: their arrowes shall be as of a mightie expert man: none shall returne in vaine. And Caldea shall be aspoile: all that spoile her shall bee satisfied saith the Lord. Ier. 50. vers. 8, 9, 10. But such is the infinite wisedome of the Lord, that ignorance or concealement of his purpose from men whom hee imploies in his service, is oft-times the best meane to have it spe∣dily executed by them. In this assembly of great Nations from the North, foretold by* 1.15 Esaiah; be∣sides the Armenians and Hyrcanians, the Lydi∣ans and the Cappadocians, with others menti∣oned

by Xenophon, were included, without whose presence and assistance the enterprise had beene in vaine. The opportunitie which Cyrus after his conquest of Craesus tooke, was the definite time, appointed by God, but concealed from men, perhaps from the Prophet himselfe, which pe••ned the Commission. The entire presence of these nations now assembled, and skilfully set in array, before the Citie (as God had commanded, for representing their terrour and strength) was yet nothing so terrible to the besieged spectators as the fame of their absence had beene, when they were ••ewer. The* 1.16 magnificence of Babylons wals, did seeme to outface them in the height of their bravery, & made them contemptible in her proud childrens eyes. Cyrus himselfe despaired of doing any good by violent assault; his chiefe hopes, were, not in the multitude of his souldiers, but in the multitude of his enemies, more easie to bee van∣quished by famine, then if they had beene fewer. But this his project seemed to them ridiculous, be∣ing stored with provision for twenty yeares; with∣in which space, some of those companies which hee had set by course to keepe quarter before the City, would forsake him, others they hoped would

become their friends, as they anciently had beene: and in this confidence, they rest secure, as if they had thought to have out-laughed their sudden de∣struction.

6 The doome which our Saviour gave upon the Foole in the Gospell, doth so well befit the King of Babylon, his wisest Counsellors and Fol∣lowers, as if it had beene framed of purpose for them. Each of them had said unto his soule, Soule thou hast store of provision layd up for many yeares, take thine ease, eate, drinke, and be merry: but the Lord had said unto them all, by his Prophet Da∣niel, Yee Fooles, in this night of your merriment and solemnity of your God, shall your soules bee taken from you, and whose then shall those things be, that you have provided? The hand which wrote that dreadfull sentence upon the wall, Mene, Mene, Tekel, Vpharsin; was not more visible to Belshazzar himselfe, then the finger of God in all this businesse, is, or may be to such, as will con∣ferre Xenophons Historicall Narrations, with Pro∣pheticall Predictions.

7 First* 1.17 Cyrus casts his trenches neere the Ri∣ver, whether w^th purpose to interrupt or divide its course, or only for more commodious defence of his army, or annoyance of his enemy, Xenophon ex∣presseth

a 1.18not; Herodotus is of opinion, that this op∣portunity was rather taken when it offered it selfe, then sought by Cyrus, when he first began to cast his trenches. However, the trenches being made, were ready, when opportunity served, to rob the City of the deepe streame, whose naturall course was through the midst of it; and the streame di∣verted from its wonted chanell, left an easie en∣trance for Cyrus and his army, under the wals and ••loodgate through which it passed. His stratagem to make this entrance into the City now drowned with wine, opens to us the literall meaning of di∣vers aenigmaticall prophecies: A drought is upon her waters, and they shall be dryed up: for it is the Land of graven Images, and they are madde upon their Idols. Ier. 50. v. 38. Whatsoever Cyrus might intend, it was Ierusalems and Syons curse upon Babylon, which gave successe unto his stratagem. The violence done to me, and to my flesh, be upon Ba∣bylon, shall the inhabitants of Zion say; and my blood upon the inhabitants of Chaldea, shall Ierusalem say. Therefore thus saith the Lord, Behold I will plead thy

cause, and take vengeance for thee, and I will dry up her sea, and make her springs dry. Ier. 51. ver. 35, 36. All these plagues here threatned, are exactly fitted to the patternes of cruelty which Nebuchadnezzar had exhibited in the destruction of the holy City, and the derision of her and other captivated Prin∣ces. Ierusalem in the present sense and fresh me∣mory of her griefe had thus complained: Nebu∣chadnezzar the King of Babylon hath devoured me, he hath crushed me, he hath made mee an empty ves∣sell: (therefore must Babylon bee drawne dry of water) he hath swallowed mee up like a Dragon; hee hath filled his belly with my delicates, he hath cast me cut. Ier. 51. vers. 34. Therefore must Babylon become as heapes, a dwelling place for Dragons, an astonishment, and an hissing without an Inhabitant. vers. 37. It is significantly foretold by Habakkuk that Nebuchadnezzar had consulted shame to his house. Habak. 2. And it is the opinion of good in∣terpreters, that the woe following should be parti∣culatly directed unto him and to his family: Woe unto him that giveth his neighbour drinke; that put∣test thy bottle to him, and makest him drunke also; that thou maist looke on their nakednesse. Thou art filled with shame for glorie; drinke thou also, and let thy foreskinne bee uncovered: the cup of the Lords right hand shall be turned unto thee, and shamefull spewing shall be on thy glorie. Habak. 2. vers. 15, 16. Divers Authors of good note have left written, whether upon any better authoritie then tradition of the Hebrews, I know not (though that I know in many cases worthy of respect and credence) that

Nebuchadnezzar did use to make himselfe sport, by making his captive Princes drunke. This and the like insolencies the Lord avengeth upon his sonne and people: In their heate I will make their feasts, and I will make them drunken, that they may rejoyce, and sleepe a perpetuall sleepe, and not awake, saith the Lord. Ier. 51. vers. 39. and when the time appointed was come (whether that were the first or second yeare after the hand writing upon the wall) the Lord gave Cyrus notice of the Babylonians intended aniversary revellings, whom hee had now more infatuated, then they at other times used to infatuate themselves. Cyrus his stra∣tagem to drie up the water, either first conceived or put in execution upon this notice of their drunken festivall, and whatsoever purposes of his that tooke effects, are all directed to the accom∣plishing of Gods revealed purpose or consequent will upon Babylon, as it were so many arrowes to their marke. The Lord of hoasts was the Ar∣cher, and Cyrus his bow, whose intentions a∣gainst Babylon must therefore prosper, because, The Lord of hoasts hath sworne by himselfe, saying, Surely I will fill thee with men, as with caterpillers; and they shall lift up a shout against ••hee. Ier. 51. vers. 14. There is not one clause of Cyrus his ad∣vise or exhortation to his followers, after they had found the river to bee passable, or of his pro∣clamation after their entrance through the water∣gate which Xenophon relates, but is parallell to some part or other of Ieremies Prophesies. Wee may boldly say all that Cyrus commanded, was

faithfully executed, that the scripture might bee fulfilled.

8 That* 1.19 which in reason might most daunt or deterre his souldiers from raunging the streets of Babylon, was opportunitie of annoyance from the tops of their flat-roofed houses. But this incon∣venience Cyrus by his good foresight turnes to his advantage. If any (sath hee) clime up to the tops of their houses (as it is likely many of them would) we have God Vulcan our confederate: for their porches are very apt to take fire, their gates being made of palmetrees, & asphaltites inunctae, which will serve as oyle to cause them to take fire, and wee have store enough of torches pitch and straw to inlarge the flame after the fire be once kindled. By this meanes either we may enforce them to forsake their houses or burne both together. The execution of this stratagem would quickly amate men already affrighted with the sudden surprisall of the Citie. To this purpose, the Lord had spoken long before: The mightie men of Babylon have forborne to fight:* 1.20 they have remained in their holds: their might hath failed, they became as women: they have burnt their dwelling places: her barres are broken. Ier. 51. vers. 30. One post shall runne to meete another, and one messenger to meet another, and shew the King of Babylon that

his citie is taken at one end. And that the passages are stopped, and the reedes they have burnt with fire, and the men of warre are affrighted. verse 31, 32. Xenophon tels us, that after Cyrus had given Gobri∣as and Gadatas in charge to conduct the Armie with all speede to the Kings Palace: Si qui occurre∣bant, of such as* 1.21 came in their way, some were slaine, others retired againe into the citie, others cryed out. That which made the noyse more con∣fused and the danger lesse apprehended, was, that Gobrias and his souldiers being Babylonians by birth, did counterfaite the roaring of that unru∣ly night. Whatsoever occasion of distast or impla∣cable discontent the proud King had given to these two captaines, (whether those which Xenophon re∣ports or others) the finall cause of that successe, which their bloody intentions against their native King did finde, was the accomplishment of Gods will reuealed against him for his Grandfathers cru∣eltie against Ierusalem, whereof being gently war∣ned by Gods Prophet, he no way repented, but ad∣ded gall to wormwood, and thirst to drunkennes, O thou King, the most high God gave Nebuchadnez∣zar thy* 1.22 father a kingdome, and majestie, and glorie,

and honor. And for the Majestie that he gave him; all people, nations, and languages trembled and feared before him: whom he would, he slew; and whom hee would, he kept alive; and whom hee would, hee set up; and whom hee would, hee put downe. But when his heart was lifted, and his minde hardened in pride: he was deposed from his Kingly throne, and they took his glorie from him. And hee was driven from the sonnes of men, and his heart was made like the Beasts, and his dwelling was with the wild Asses: they fed him with grasse like Oxen, and his body was wet with the dew of heaven, till hee knew that the most high God ruled in the kingdome of men, and that hee ap∣pointeth over it whomsoeuer he will. And thou his sonne O Belshazzar, hast not humbled thine heart, though thou knewest all this: but hast lifted up thy selfe against the Lord of heaven, and they have brought the vessels of his house before thee, and thou and thy Lords, thy wives and thy Concubines have drunke wine in them, and thou hast praysed the gods of silver, and gold, of brasse, yron, wood and stone, which see not, nor heare, nor know: and the GOD in whose hand thy breath is, and whose are all thy wayes, hast thou not glorified. Then was the part of the hand sent from him, and this writing was written. And this is the writing that was written, MENE, MENE, TEKEL, VPHARSIN. This is the interpretation of the thing, MENE, God hath num∣bred thy kingdome, and finished it. TEKEL, thou art weighed in the balances, and art found wanting. PERES, thy kingdome is divided, and given to the Medes and Persians. Dan. 5. vers. 18. to 29.

9 Thus wold Daniel have cured Babel, but she was not cured by him; howbeit Belshazzar was more kinde to Daniel then to himselfe, then most great Princes are to Gods best Prophets that reprove them: For he commanded and they cloathed Daniel with scarlet, and put a chain of gold about his neck, & made a proclamation concerning him, that he should be the third Ruler in the kingdome. In that night was Belshazzar the King of the Caldeans s••aine. And Darius the Median tooke the kingdome being about threescore and two yeere old. Dan. 5. vers. 29, 30, 31. For it is not the bestowing of a Scarlet robe, of Court holy water, or of reall honour in greatest measure upon Gods servants, that can couer a scarlet sinne in Princes. The staine of blood can never be washed off, nor the crie of the oppressed blowne away (though the whole element of wa∣ter, winde, & ayre were at their commands) with∣out the teares and sighs of the oppressors, whose hearts cannot be cleansed without repentant pray∣ers. Ierusalems sighs and teares in her sorrow had sunke too deepe into the Almighties eares, to be expiated without the sacrifice of many sorrow∣full hearts and contrite spirits throughout Babel: Israel is a scattered sheepe, the Lyons have driuen him away: first the king of Assyria hath devoured him, and last this Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon hath broken his bones. Therefore thus saith the Lord of hosts the God of Israel, behold I will punish the King of Babylon and his Land, as I have punished the king of Assyria. And I will bring Israel againe to his ha∣bitation. &c. Ier. 50. vers. 17, 18, 19. Thus Israel

is revolved from Gods consequent wil to his antece∣dent, & Babylon from his antecedent to his conse∣quent will. And for the speedy execution of both parts of this his will, for Israels good, and Baby∣lons hurt, the Persian Monarchy is with such speed erected.

10 But some happily will here demand, where∣in the similitude mentioned by Ieremie, betweene the King of Assyria and the King of Babylons pu∣nishments, did consist? Senacharib is the onely Assyrian King, whose disastrous end is regi∣stred in sacred story: and Belshazzer is the onely King of Babylon, that did parallell him in his plagues. Senacharib was slaine by his owne sons, Belshazzar by his naturall subjects, sometimes his dearest friends, but made his enemyes by his un∣naturall * 1.23cruelty. Senacharib for blaspheming the God of Israel was murthered whilest he offered sa∣crifice in the house of Nisroch his god: this was one remarkable branch or issue of Hezekiah his praiers against him in the Temple, to wit, That the Lord would declare himselfe to bee a God above all the gods of the nations. Beshazzar is slaine in his royall pal∣lace, whilest he solemnizeth the feast of his great God Bell; Part of whose ceremonies were to praise the gods of silver and gold, of brasse, wood, yron, and stone, &c; and to sawce this Idolatrous luxu∣ry, with such sacriledge and blasphemie, as* 1.24 Da∣niel had forewarned them to avoyd. Senacharib had a large time of repentance allotted, from the sudden destruction of his armie untill his death. Belshazzars disaster and dissolution of his empire,

fell out both in one houre;both (it may be) were more sudden, because his warning to desist from oppression, sacriledg and Idolatry, were more ex∣presse and solemn. The justice of God, though ex∣ecuted upon the Assyrian hoast, by the more immediate hand of his power, upon Babylon by his wisedome; in managing the opportunities and moments of warre, was in both alike remarka∣ble; in that both had their fatall sudden blow in that very night, wherein they had lifted up them∣selves against the God of heaven, and blasphemed the holy one of Israel: It came to passe that night (not imediately after Ezekias had received Zennache∣ribs blasphemous message, but in the same night some two yeares after) that the Angell of the Lord went out, and smote in the campe of the Assyrians, an hundred fourescore and five thousand, &c.* 1.25 2 King. 19. 35. And in that night (saith Daniel) was Bel∣shazzar the King of the Caldeans slaine, to wit, in that night, which was solemnly consecrated unto the Caldeans God, and solemnized by aniversarie custome; but whether in that night tweluemonth, wherein the handwriting was sent from God, or more yeares after, is not certaine: that it should be the selfe same night, is from many sacred circum∣stances, most improbable, if not impossible.

11 In what night soever it was; the sudden sur∣prizall of Belshazzers court and kingdome, though to moderne politicians it may seeme strange; yet no circumstance related by any sacred writer is in it selfe so incredible, as that which Aristotle in his second booke of his politicks reports, as credited

by him; to wit, that some parts of this great Citie did not perceive the deadly blow, which the principall parts of it had felt, till three dayes after it was given. It is a very inconsiderate note which Ramus, or he that set forth his translation of Ari∣stotles politiques, hath left in the margine of this text: Hic locus indicat post Alexandri victorias hos libros scriptos esse, & tamen permirum sit in his Al∣exandri nullam mentionē fieri. A judicious Criticke would rather have conjectured that these bookes had been written before Alexander tooke Babylon from Darius; in that, there is no mention in all these bookes of Alexanders projects or successe; fit matters (specially being fresh) for politick discourse or instance. At the least, he which had read and re∣membred the Prophesies of Ieremie or Daniel con∣cerning. Babylons destruction, stood bound in Christian charitie to have demurred upon the point (before he had giuen sentence) whether this place were not to bee understood rather of Babylons surprizall by Cyrus thē of Alexanders ta∣king of it; though it had beene out of question that Alexander had taken it before Aristotle wrote his politicks. Aristotle might haue more good Authors then one, for this report. Herodotus, wee know, (whom Aristotle had read) relates the like; whose entire narration concerning the taking of Babylon by Cyrus I have transcribed, that the Reader may compare his historicall relations with the prophe∣cies before rehearsed, or hereafter to be cited.

[Cyrus quum Gyndem mulctasset in trecentos & sexaginta rivos diductum, & alterum ver illuxisset, ita porro ire Babylonem pergit, Babyloniis eum pro∣ducto exercitu praestolantibus. Qui, ubi propiùs ur∣bem ille promovit, cum eo conflixerunt, praelio{que} fu∣gati, in oppidum compulsi fuerunt. Ii tamen, quia Cyrum jampridem animadverterant inquietum esse, viderant{que} omnes pariter gentes aggredientem, com∣portaverant permultorum annorum commeatus: ideo{que} tunc obsidionem nihili faciebant. Et Cyrus, quum jam longo tempore nihil admodum res ipsius proficerent, inops consilij erat. Tandem sive alius ei anxio suggessit, sive ipsi in mentem venit quid in rem esset, sic statuit faciendum: Instructis universis co∣piis, partim quà fluvius urbem ingreditur, partim à tergo quà egreditur, praecipit ut, quum cernerent al∣veum posse transiri, illac urbem invaderent. Ita in∣structis atque admonitis suis, cum inutiliori exerci∣tus parte abijt ad paludem. Eò ubi pervenit, quae Ba∣byloniorum Regina fecerat circa flu••en & circa pa∣ludem, eadem & ipse fecit. Nam revocato flumine, alveum ejus pristinum vado transibilem reddidit. Quod quum ita factum esset, Persae qui ad hoc ipsum instructi erant, per alveum unde fluvius Euphrates abscesserat mediorum ferè femorū tenus fortiter Baby∣lonem introierunt. Quos Babylonij, si factum Cyri priùs aut audissent, aut sensissent, haud dubiè con∣tempto eorum ingressu, pessimo exitio affecissent. Nam obseratis omnibus quae ad flumen ferunt portulis, con∣scensis{que} septis, ipsi pro ripis stantes illos progressos ve∣luti in cavea excepisset. Nunc ex inopinato eis Persae ••stiterunt: & quum capti essent qui media urbis in∣colebant

Babylonij, propter ejus tamen magnitudi∣nem non sentiebatur (ut fertur) ab iis qui circa extre∣ma habitabant. Sed quòd fortè dies festus eis esset, exercendis choreis atque oblectationibus operam da∣bant, donec planè hoc resciverunt. Atque ita pri∣mò capta est Babylon. Herodotus Lib. 1.]

One materiall circumstance there is in Herodo∣tus, which is not so much as intimated by Xeno∣phon; and it is this: Albeit the Babylonians could neither have prevented Cyrus in diverting the course of the River, nor withstood his entrance by its chanell; yet might they with ease have stopped his passage along the chanell, or his entrance into any street of the Citie, had they beene mindfull to shut those gates, which at the end of everie street did open upon the river. But that night being con∣secrated to revelling, the passage by water from one part of the City to another was freely permit∣ted. They had a solemne custome of leaving those gates open that night, which on other nights were to be shut. And by this meanes, destruction found a more easie entrance into that great City.

12 Some modern Politicians have discoursed in folio, against the vastnesse of Cities as most incom∣modious for defence, taking occasion from Ari∣stotles exceptions against Babylon, which in his censure was a Region; no more a Citie then Pelo∣ponesus should be, if it were walled about. But it was not Babylons vastnesse which bred this insen∣sibility when the day of destruction was come, that some members of her should not so much as feele any paine when others were utterly cut off. Should

any Prince now living, in confidence of this ex∣periment, attempt the like upon Quinzie, Moscho, or if any other greater Cities there be in the world, he might finde their Citizens better prepared up∣pon few houres warning then Babylon was in three dayes, unlesse perhaps he made his assault up∣on Moscho upon some great Festivall, wherein her citizens enjoy the liberty of Lacedemonian slaves, to be beastly drunke without censure. Cities farre lesse then Babylon, onely her matches in impiety, have beene surprised with Babylonish stupidity, when the ful measure of their iniquity had brought forth the day of visitation. Carthage was farre greater and fuller stuft with all sorts of people when Scipio razed it, then when the Vandals tooke it. And yet no member of it, in the former cala∣mity, was so senselesse of their fellow-members, or of their common mothers griefe, as the whole body was, when most of its naturall members were cut off by the Vandall.

[Fragor ut ita dixerim, extra muros & intra mu∣ros praeliorum & ludicrorum confundebatur; vox mo∣rientium vox{que} Bacchantium: ac vix discerni forsi∣tan poterat, plebis ejulatio, quae cadebat in bello, & so∣nus populi qui clamabat in circo. Et cum haec omnia fierent, quid aliud talis populus agebat, nisi ut, cum eum Deus perdere adhuc fortasse nollet, tamen ipse ex∣igeret ut periret. Salvianus Lib. 6.] The noise of bat∣taile without the wals, and the noise of sporting with∣in the walls; the voice of dying men, and the voice of riotous or drunken men, were so mingled and confoun∣ded, that a man could hardly have distinguished the

outcries of such as fell in battaile from the noise or cry of the multitude in the game-court. And by such do∣ings, what did this people else, but solicite their owne destruction at Gods hands, who otherwise would not (haply) have destroyed them; or not at this time. With the like stupidity was Treers taken, none of the greatest Cities then in Europe, though one of wealthiest amongst the Gaules, after she had beene thrice lanced. The very Babylonish madnesse did possesse another Citie not farre from Treers: such a lethargie had over-spred the whole Corporati∣on, Vt Principes illius urbis, ne tunc quidem de con∣vivijs surgerent, cum urbem hostis intraret: Ideo enim Deus ipsis evidenter, uti credo, manifestare vo∣luit cur perirent, cum per quam rem ad perditionem ultimam venerant, eam ipsam agerent cum perirent. Salvi••nus ibidem. Her Governours did not breake off their feasting and banqueting, when the enemie did enter the City. God (as I conjecture) did purpose∣ly manifest the reason why they perished, in that they were doing that very thing when they perished, which had brought them to utter destruction.

13 But of the causes, symptomes, or signes of divine infatuation, elsewhere. Thus much I thought expedient in this place for the young Readers in∣formation; that albeit Babylon had beene much greater in compasse, then she was, so that the mea∣sure of her iniquity had beene lesse; the date of her prosperity might have beene much longer. Chal∣dea might have sate as Queene of Nations, in de∣spight of all politicke prognostications, which have beene framed since her overthrow. The best

service which this kinde of Critick usually per∣formes to States or Kingdomes, is to fixe their bol••s upon the gates of great Cities, after they have beene ransacked by the enemy. But Baby∣lons iniquity being grown unto that setled height, at which it stood in Ieremies and Daniels times; although her strength, her wealth, provision, and policie, had beene farre greater then they were, and contracted into a narrower roome, than the compasse of her walls; the date of her soueraignty would have beene as short; the device of the Lord would have beene performed against her by other meanes, as sure, and speedy, as Cyrus used, if his stratagem had beene defeated. For* 1.26 strength of body, or strength of wit, skill in armes, or skill in policie; all of them are but the gifts of God, hee can either deny them when he pleaseth, or inhibit the use of them where they most abound. He that commanded the fire not to touch his Saints in the furnace, can as easily prohibite the strong to use his strength, the swift his flight, and intoxicate the politicians braine that shall displease him. This is the word of the Lord which came to Ieremiah the Pro∣phet, against the Gentiles, against Aegypt, against the armie of Pharaoh Necho King of Aegypt, which was by the River Euphrates in Carchemish, which Nebuchadrezzar King of Babylon smote in the fourth yeare of Iehoiakim the sonne of Iosiah King of Iudah. Order yee the buckler and shield, and draw neere to battaile. Harnesse the horses, and get up yee horsemen, and stand forth with your helmets, furbish the speares, and put on the brigandines. Wherefore

have I seene them dismaid, and turned away backe? and their mighty ones are beaten down, and fled apace, and looke not back: for feare was round about, saith the Lord. Let not the swift flee away, nor the mighty man escape, they shall stumble and fall towards the North by the River Euphrates. Ier. 46. vers. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. Goe up into Gilead, and take balme, O Virgin, the daughter of Egypt: in vaine shalt thou use many medicines: for thou shalt not be cured. The Nations have heard of thy shame, and thy cry hath filled the Land: for the mightie man hath stumbled against the mightie, and they are fallen both toge∣ther. vers. 11, 12. If a few shall chase a multitude, we know the reason, the one was either lesse vali∣ant, or lesse skilfull then the other; But why the valiant should turne their backs in the day of bat∣tell, it is Gods Prophet, not the Politician must resolve us: They could not stand because the Lord did drive them. vers. 15.

14 The Lord had given Moab wit and strength and wealth abundance: Hee had beene at ease from his youth, and he had setled on his lees, and had not beene emptied from vessell to vessell, neither had hee gone into captivity: therefore his tast remained in him, & his sent is not changed. Ier. 48. 11. But when he begun to ascribe his prosperitie to his strength or policie, to trust in wealth, and deride his poore neighbour Israel now going into captivitie, the Lord who is debtor to none; bereft him of all: Therefore behold, the dayes come, saith the Lord, that I will send unto him wanderers that shall cause him to wander, and shall emptie his vessels, and breake

their bottles. And Moab shall bee ashamed of Che∣mosh, at the house of Israel was ashamed of Bethel their confidence. How say yee, we are mightie and strong men for the warre? Moab is spoyled and gone up out of her cities, and his chosen young men are gone downe to the slaughter, saith the King, whose name is the Lord of hoasts. The calamitie of Moab is neere to come, and his affliction hasteth fast. Ier. 48. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, &c. The horne of Moab is cut off, and his arme is broken, saith the Lord. Make yee him drunken: for he magnified himselfe against the Lord. Moab also shall wallow in his vomit, and he also shall be in derision. For was not Israel a deri∣sion unto thee? was he found among theeves? for since thou spakest of him, thou skippedst for joy. ver. 25, 26, 27. They shall howle, saying; How is it bro∣ken downe? how hath Moab turned the backe with shame? so shall Moab be a derision, and a dismaying to al them about him. For thus saith the Lord, Behold he shall flee as an Eagle, & shall spread his wings over Moab. Kerioth is takē, & the strōg holds are surprised & the mightie mens hearts in Moab at that day shall be as the heart of a woman in her pangs. v. 39. 40, 41

As for Babylon, if she were stupid and blinde, without all foresight, feare or apprehension of that hideous stormes approach, wherein shee peri∣shed: the wonder is lesse to any Christian, then their stupiditie; who thinke her destruction might by rules of policy have bin prevēted. For,* 1.27 though

her defendants had beene more in num∣ber then her proud wals could containe, though every one had beene more stout then Hector, ar∣med with more hands then Briarius had; though every one of her sta••gazing statesmen had had more politick eyes then Argos had, all had beene one, totidem{que} occulos nox occupatuna. A messen∣ger from the Lord of hoasts, had called for a dim∣nesse of sight upon her Seers, and sung a lullaby to her souldiers everlasting sleepe: I will make drunke her Pinces and her Wisemen, her Captains and her Rulers, and her mightie men: and they shall sleepe a perpetuall sleepe, and not awake saith the King, whose name is the Lord of hoasts. Ier. 51, vers. 57. So in∣fallibly doth divine Iustice observe the rule of re∣taliation, whereof I shall hereafter speake: Though Babylon should mount up to heaven, and though shee should fortifie the height of her strengh, yet from me shall spoylers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unto her; saith the Lord. Ier. 51. ver. 53. For, seeing her people hath entred into the sanctuary of the Lords house, the Lord wil doe judge∣ment upon her grauen Images. vers. 52.

15 To conclude, The reason of Babels stupi∣ditie, and whatsoever oversights the Politician can discover in her (related by Xenophon or Herodotus) was, that the fulfilling of Ieremies Prophesies a¦gainst her, might become more manifest to succee∣ding ages: How is the hammer of the whole earth cut asunder and broken? how is Babylon become a desola∣tion among the nations? I have layd a snare for thee, and thou art also taken, O Babylon, and thou wast not aware: thou are founde and also caught, because

thou hast striven against the Lord. The Lord hath o∣pened his armorie, & hath brought forth the weapons of his indignation; for this is the worke of the Lord God of hoasts, in the land of the Caldeans. Come a∣gainst her from the utmost border, open her storehou∣ses, cast her up as heapes, and destroy her utterly, let nothing of her bee left. Ier. 50. vers. 23, 24, 25, 26. For she had carried away all that was in Ezekias house, all that his father had laid up in store, no∣thing was left, as Esaiah had foretold. c. 59. v. 36. the exact fulfilling of whose Prophecie is registred by the sacred Historian. 2 Chron. 6. verse 18. The sudden surprizall of the Citie and Court of Baby∣lon made the finding of the treasure of Darkenesse and the riches of secret places, which the Lord by his Prophet had promised to Cyrus, more easie, then if his entrance at that time had beene suspe∣cted or feared: for so the besieged might have had leisure to have hid their treasure where the enemy should hardly have found it.

16 But what speciall comfort is this to Sion, that Cyrus had done to Babylon, as Babylon had done to her. This might satiate or somewhat al∣lay the boyling heat of a revengefull minde. But is the miserie of an enemy of like use unto Gods people, as was the Brazen serpent? Can the sight of it cure their griefe, or beget true happinesse in such as looke on it? It is very probable that Babylons spoiles did helpe to reedifie Ierusalem. And albeit, the God of Sion, had other meanes in store (more by many, then man can number or conceive) for reducing his people into their owne

Land; we may, notwithstanding, without censure of curiositie, safely conjecture, that the disgraces w^ch Nebuchadnezzar & his successors has done unto the royall seed of Iudah, were the first seedes of their speciall favour and grace with Cyrus. Of the plagues threatned by Esaiah unto Ezekiah for shewing his treasures unto the Babylonians, it was one part that of his sonnes some should bee Eu∣nuches in the Palace of the King of Babylon. Is. 39. 7. Now it is unlikely that Cyrus would eyther make the Persians Eunuches, or trust the Caldeans about his bodie. Daniel and other his fellowes of the royall seed of Iudah, being made such unto his hand, were men as fit for his purpose as hee could seeke. And it was his purpose upon consultation (as* 1.28 Xenophon tels us) to have Eunuches next a∣bout him, as men most likely to be trusty. Daniel or others of good note amongst this people, being admitted to favour, for to be of Cyrus bedcham∣ber; would not bee defective in procuring their countries good. And easie it was for him, that cau∣seth darkenesse to bring forth light, that tur∣neth the shadow of death into the morning, to raise vp a blessing unto his people out of their ex∣piring curse. But whether by this meanes or

others, certaine it is, that such of Iudah as escaped Nebuchadnezzars sword, were detained captives to him and his sonnes untill the erection of the Persian monarchy. 2 Chron. cap. 36. vers. 20. Now in the first yeare of Cyrus King of Persia (that the word of the Lord spoken by the mouth of Ieremiah, might bee accomplished) the Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus King of Persia, that he made a proclamation through∣out all his kingdome, and put it also in writing, say∣ing; Thus saith Cyrus King of Persia, All the king∣domes of the earth hath the Lord God of heaven gi∣ven mee, and he hath charged mee to build him an house in Ierusalem, which is in Iudah, who is there among you of all his people? the Lord his God be with him, and let him goe up. vers. 22, 23. This last pas∣sage compared with the forecited Prophecie, E∣saiah 45. vers. 4, 5, 6. may acquit Iosephus his report of Daniels conference with Cyrus, from all suspition of fiction or uncertainty of tradition.

Blessed be the name of God for ever and ever: for wisdome and might are his: and hee changeth the times and the seasons, he removeth Kings and setteth up Kings. Dan 2. vers. 20, 21. He hath yet a fourth hammer in his hand, to bruize and crush these Westerne Nations, as the three first had done the Easterne, and yet appointed to take fuller venge∣ance upon these Iewes (whom he had now redee∣med by Cyrus) then the Chaldean had done; after the second measure of their iniquity, became more full then the former had beene.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Behold, they shall surely ga∣ther toge∣ther, but not by me: whosoever shal gather together against thee, shall fall for thy sake. Be∣hold I have created the Smith that bloweth the coales in the fire, and that bringeth forth an instrument for his worke, and I have created the waster to destroy. No weapon that is framed against thee, shall prosper, and every tongue that shall rise against thee in judgement, thou shalt condemne. This is the heritage of the servants of the Lord, and their righteousnesse is of me, saith the Lord. Isaiah 54. vers. 15, 16, 17.
• * 1.2

  Hab. 1. v. 5. to 10.
• * 1.3

  Vide S. Hieron. in cap. Isai. 45 v. 2. & 3.
• * 1.4

  Psal. 49, 20.
• * 1.5

  Fama est [Caesarem] quū alio tē∣pore in Hi∣spania, lege∣ret per oti∣um Alexan∣dri historia, diu eum se∣cum cogita∣bundum se∣disse, inde lachrymas profudisse, Mirantibus causam amicis dixisse; Annon videtur vobis gemen∣dum, quum hae aetate, Alexander tot jam regna subegerit, me nihildum gessisse prae∣clari? Vt ergo Hispaniam attigit, mox accinxit se operi, atque intra paucos dies cobortes decem ad priores viginti conscripsit. Plutarch. in vita Iul. Caesaris.
• * 1.6

  See the first Booke upon the Creed. pag. 59. &c.
• * 1.7

  It is me∣morable which Xe∣nophon re∣lates in his fourth book, at the time when Cyrus did prose∣cute the victory, which he had gotten over the Babylo∣nians in the first conflict, where∣in their King was slaine. Quum au∣tem progre∣derentur, & nox a••∣petiisset; proditum est; Cyro & exercitui Lucem clae∣rissimam caelitus ab∣latam fu∣isse: quo factum ut in animis ••mnium quidam horror erga numen divinum, & in hostes confidentia existeret. Xeno∣pon. Lib. 4.
• * 1.8

  Ego vero sic ••io, mi Rex, inquit. Nam regem natura ni∣••ilo te mi∣nil•• ortum arbitror: quam ille rex est, qui dux apum in alveo nascitur. Illi enim semper apes ultro parēt, ac quocun{que} loco ma••se∣rit, ab eo nulla earum discedit. Quod si aliquò pro∣dierit, nul∣la ipsum de∣serit. lam mirisicus eis amor er∣ga princi∣pem hunc suum innascitur. Itidem erga te mihi quodam modo videntur hi homines ad∣fecti esse. Xenophon. lib. 5. p. 118.
• * 1.9

  Cyrus autem domum reversus, precatus{que} vestam patriam, & Iovem patrium, & Deos caeteros in militiam domo profectus est, quum quidem & pater eum una prosequeretur. Ac postquam domo egressi essent, fulgura tonitrua{que} dextraei oblata fuisse perhibentur. Quae quum adparuissent, alio praeterca nullo captato augurio perrexere; quod maximi Dei signa nemini obscura esse possent. Xenophon lib. 1. p. 25. Hee knew by experience that he was set on worke by some divine instinct, and this made him seeke to please all which he tooks for Gods or Divine Powers. So Xenophon relates in his third book: Bonis avibus hostile solum invasit; ut vero primum fiaes transierat, Tellurem libationibus prepitiam sibi reddidit, & Deos atque Heroas regionem Assyriorum incolentes sacrificiis placa••••t. Quibus peractis rursum Iovi patrio rem divinam fe••it, nec si quis alius se Deorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ullum neglexit. The watchword which he gave unto his Souldiers in that battell wherein the King of Babylon was slaine, was, Iupiter auxiliaris & Dux. Xe∣nophon. lib. 3.
• * 1.10

  Ier. 51. 27, 28, 29.
• * 1.11

  The first occasion of Cyrus his expedition was to re∣gaine the revolting Armenians unto his uncle Cyaxarez, King of the Medes. And these hee won to their allegiance, partly by love, partly by sleight, having ••ur prized some parts of their country (under pretence of hunting) before they were aware. See Xenophon, book 2. and 3. how Cyrus won the Chaldeans which bordered upon the Armenians to his side. And his 4. book, how the Hircanians, after the King of Babylon was slaine in battaile, revolted to him, and of the good service which they did him. And after them the Sacae and the Ca∣dusii, with Gobrias and Godatas two great Princes.
• * 1.12

  Hab. 2. v. 2, 3, &c.
• * 1.13

  Pr••ceden∣te vero tem∣pore mori∣tur apud Medos A∣styages, & Cyaxares Astyagis fi∣lius, matris∣que Cyri frater, Me∣dorum im∣perio poti∣tur. Rex autem As∣syriorum quum Cyros universos, non exigu∣am sane na∣tionem, sub∣egisset, A∣rabum re∣gem impe∣rio suo sub∣jecisset, Hyrcani••s subditos ha∣beret, Bactrios appug••aret; futurum existimabat, ut si Medorum vires d••bilitasset, facile finitimis omnibus imperaret. Xenophon. lib. 1 p. 22.
• * 1.14

  The Medes themselves were unwilling to follow the warres after the King of Babylon was slaine, untill the Hyrcanians did perswade them; and Cyrus himselfe was doubtfull what to doe, untill he saw in what desperate estate he should leave Gobryas, if his army were dissolved. See Xenophon in the 5. book.
• * 1.15

  Esa. 48. 20.
• * 1.16

  Qui au∣tem in mu∣re stabant, obsidionem hanc irri∣debant, quòd ei•• commeatus esset copio∣sior, quam in annos vi∣ginti. Quae Cyrus quum audiisset, in partes duodecim exercitum divisit, ut pars quaeli∣bet unum anni men∣sem in ex∣cubiis esset. Quibus iterum auditis, multo etiam Babylonii magis irridebant, qui cogitarent secum, Phryges ac Lycios & Arabes, & Cappadoces futur••s c••ntra se in excubiis; quos omnes arbi∣trabantur animia erga se magis esse benevolus, quam erga Pers••••. Ac Fossae quidem jam actae erant. Cyrus vero quum audiisset, celebrari Babylone festum, quendam ejusmodi diem quo Babylonii omnes nocte tota potarent & comessarentur: quamprimum eo die tenebrae accessis∣sent, magna mortaliam multitudine adhibita, Fossarum ostia versus amnem aperuit. Hoc quum factum esset, aqua noctu in Fossa•• manabat, & alueus fluvii per urbem tendens homi∣nibus permeabilis esse cepit. &c. Xenoph. de instir. Cyri Histor. lib. 7. pag. 190.
• * 1.17

  Ac pri∣mum qui∣dem turres propter flu∣men exstru∣••bat palmis ••undatas, quarum non minor erat, quam jugeri longitudo. Nam hac majorem etiam in longitudi∣nem excrescunt. Has autem pa••mas operi propterea subjiciebat, ut quam maxime videre∣tur id facere quod solent, qui ad urbem obsidendam sese comparant, ut tametsi flumen in fossem dilaberetur, ipsas turres non everteret. Etiam multas, alias supra terram ege∣stam excitabat, ut quam plurima essent excubiarum loca. Xenophon. de instit. Cyri lib. 7. Histor. pag. 190.
• a 1.18

  Yet it seemes by Cyrus his answer to Chrysantas, that he had no hope to finde any entrance into the citie, other∣wise then by famish∣ing the be∣sieged. Vbi jam in Ca∣stris essent Cyrus ijs, quos opor∣teret, con∣vocatis, di∣xit: urbem socij undi{que} contemplati fuimus: at{que} equidem, quo pact•• quis adeò firmos & excelsos muros oppugnando capere possit, videre mihi non videor. Quanto autem plures homines in urbe sunt, quando ad pugnandum non exeunt, tanto citi••s fieri arbitror ut fame in potestatem redigantur. Nisi igitur aliquem alium modum habetis, quem nobis ostendatis, hoc ipso nobis istos expugnandos esse autumo. Et Chrysantas inquit: Hic••ine fluvius per ur∣bem mediam labitur, cujus latitudo ••••adia duo superat? Ita profecto, ait Gobryas, ac tan∣ta quoque prefunditas ejus est, ut ne duo quidem viri, alter alteri insistentes, supra aquam exstare possint. Quo fit, ut fluvio sit urbs etiam munitior, quam moenibus. Et Cyrus: Missa faciamus haec, ait mi Chrysanta, quae viribus nostris potiora sunt. Xenophon. de instit. Cyri lib. 7. pag. 190. The reason why Cyrus did cast his trenches so wide and deepe, was in his first intention, as it seemes, onely for the more commodious de∣fence of his Souldiers against the sallies of their enemies. Adibita vero mensura quam∣primum fossa latissima profunditissima{que} vobis erit agenda, pro parte cui{que} ••ua; quo paucis∣simis custodibus vobis sit opus. Xenophon. ibid.
• * 1.19

  At si hoc in mente•• alicui venit quod fertur esse formi∣dabile ur∣bem intran∣tibus; ne tectis illi conscensis hinc inde tela in nos conjiciant: id ipsum maxime vo∣bis animos addat. Nam si qui con∣scendent aedes, opitu∣lator nobis est deus Vulcanus. Et sunt eo∣rum vesti∣bula crema∣tu facilia. Nam januae palmarum è materìa fabricatae sunt, quae ingens in∣cendium ci∣tò parient; & copia pici•• ac stuppae, quae citè magnam flammam eliciunt. Quo fiet, ut vel celeriter ne∣cesse sit hos ab ••dibus aufugere, vel celeriter exuri. Verum agite, arma capite, Diis equi∣dem juvantibus praeibo. Xenophon. de instit. Cyri Histor. lib. 7. p. 191.
• * 1.20

  Cyrus autem co••ortes equitum per vias passim dimittebat, edicens, ut si quos extra do∣mos invenirent, ••cciderent: at illis, qui adhuc in aedibus essent, per Syriacae linguae peritos 〈…〉〈…〉 jussit, ut intus manerent. Quod si quis foris deprehenderetur, enus morte mult a••dum. Et ••i quidem haec exs••quebantur. Xenophon. ibidem. pag. 192.
• * 1.21

  Atqui, aiebant illi, qui erant cum Go∣brya, Demō∣strate nobis i••inera quū vob••s ea cognitasint. Vrbs enim tota, hac nocte comes∣sationi est intenta. Sed in excubias tamen ante regiae portas incidemus, quod cae semper i••tic coll••centur. Non negli∣genda res est, ait Cy∣rus, sed eun∣dum, ut quam maxi∣me impara∣tos offend i∣mus. Quae quum essent dicta, perge∣bant. Si qui eis obviam venirent, partim caesi peribant, partim retrò vicissim fugiebant, partim clamorem edebant. Cum his & Gobrya••i clamores edebant ••osdem, velut ipsi quo{que} comessationum socii. Simul pergentes, quà celerrime progredi poterant, ad regiam perve∣niunt. Et hi quidem Gobryae Gadatae{que} adjuncti portas regiae clausa•• invoniunt: qui verò adversus Regiae custodes ire jussi f••erant, irr••unt in eos in ignem luculentum potantes, sta∣tim{que} hostili cum eis more agunt. Xenophon ibidem.
• * 1.22

  So Grandfathers are usually called Fathers in Scriptures, specially in respect of such as inherit after them. It is evident from Ier. 52. vers. 51. that Evil-Merodach did immediately succeed Nabuchadnezzar. This Evil-Merodach was that King of As••yria which was slain in the battaile betwixt Cyrus and the Babylonians related by Xenophon in his 4. book. A King much better beloved of his subjects than his son Belshazzar.
• * 1.23

  He had slaine Go∣brias his sonne, be∣cause hee was a bet∣ter Archer than him∣selfe: and gelded Gadatas being jea∣lous lest he should prove his corriuall▪
• * 1.24

  Dan. 5. 21.
• * 1.25

  See Abu∣lensis and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in their Com∣ments up∣on this place.
• * 1.26

  See Sec∣tion 1. cha. 9 parag. 3. & chap 10. parag. 2.
• * 1.27

  Orto au∣tem clamore ac strepitu, quum ij, qui erant in••us, tumultum sentirent, & inspici rex juberet quid illud esset rei; a∣pertis aliqui portis, so∣ras procur∣runt. Eas quum pate∣factas Ga∣datai con∣spicerent, iruunt & illos rursus fugientes intro sequu∣ti, ac feri∣entes, ad regem accedunt: eum{que} jam er••ctum cum acinac••, quē strictum tenebat, inveniunt. Hunc Gadataei & Gobriani numer•• plures opprimunt, interfectis etiam jis, qui regi aderāt ac partim aliquid objiciebant, partim fugiebant, partim se quacunque re peterant, tueban∣tur. Xenophon. l. 7. pag. 192.
• * 1.28

  Quum{que} in mentem ei veniret, quid in se nego••ij sus∣e episset, qui multis mor∣talibus im∣perare ni∣teretur, & habere do∣micilium in urbe inter illustres am∣plissima in∣stitueret, quam sic adfecta in eum esset, ut urbs ali∣cui maxime infesta: quum haec inquam ex∣penderet, corporis sibi custodia opus esse ex∣istimavit. Quod item sciret, ho∣mines opprimi faciliùs non posse, quam inter vescendum, bibendum, lavandum in cubili & somno: circumspiciebat, quos••am in his sibi maxime sidos habere posset. Arbitrabatur au∣tem, non posse fidum hominem unquam esse, qui magis amaret al um, quam illum, qui ejus custodia indigeret. Quamobrem ••lios, quibus essent liberi, vel conjuges genio congruentes, vel amores alij, naturae quadam coactione judicabat ad eos maxime diligendos impelli. At Eunuchos omnibus his carere cernens maximi facturos putabat illos, à quibus locupletari plurimum possent, & opem habere, si injuriis adficerentur, atque etiam honoribus ornari. A quo autem beneficiis in hos conferendis ipse superari posset, neminem fore censebat. Xe∣nophon. lib. 7. pag. 192.