The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

Remembrances for master S. to giue him the better occasion to informe himselfe of some things in England, and after of some other things in Turkie, to the great profite of the Common weale of this Countrey. Written by the fore∣sayd master Richard Hakluyt, for a principall English Factor at Constantinople 1582.

SInce all men confesse (that be not barbarously bred) that men are borne as well to seeke the common commoditie of their Countrey, as their owne pri∣uate benefite, it may seeme follie to perswade that point, for each man meaneth so to doe. But wherein men should seeke the common commodi∣tie, and what way, and by what meane that is to bee brought about, is the point or summe of the matter, since euery good man is ready to imploy his labour. This is to bee done by an infinite sort of mèanes, as the number of things bee infinite that may bee done for common benefite of the Realme. And as the chiefe things so to bee done be diuers, so are they to bee done by diuers men, as they bee by wit and maner of education more fit, or lesse fit, for this and for that. And for that of many things that tend to the common benefite of the State, some tend more, and some lesse, I finde that no one thing, after our other, is greater then Clothing, and the things incident to the same. And vnder∣standing that you are of right good capacitie, and become a Factor at Constantinople, and in other partes i•• Turkie, I finde no man fitter of all the English Factors there, then you. And therefore I am so bold to put you in minde, and to tell you wherein with some indeuour you may chaunce to doe your Countrey much good, and giue an infinite sorte of the poore people occasion to pray for you here throughout the Realme: this that I meane is in matter of Cloth, &c.

1 FIrst, you cannot denie but that this Realitie yeeldeth the most fiue Wooll, the most soft, the most strong Wooll, the most durable in Cloth, and most apte of nature of all other to receiue Die, and that no Island or any one kingdome so small doeth yeeld so great abundance of the same: and that no Wooll is lesse subiect to mothes, or to fret∣ting in presse, then this, as the old Parliament robes of Kings, & of many noble Peeres to be shewed may plainly restifie.

2 There is no commoditie of this Realme that may set so many poore subiects on worke, as this doeth, that doeth bring in so much treasure, and so much ••nrich the merchant, and so much employ the Nauie of this Realme, as this commoditie of our Wooll doeth.

Ample and full Uent of this noble and rich commoditie is it that the common weale of this realme doeth require.

Spaine nowe aboundeth with Wools, and the same are Clothed. Turkie hath Wools, and so haue diuers prouinces of Christendome and of Heathenesse, and cloth is made of the s••me in diuers places.

1 But if England haue the most fine, and the most excellent Wools of the world in all re∣spects (as it cannot bee denied, but it hath) 2 If there may bee added to the same, excellent artificiall, and true making, and excellent dying, 3 Then no doubt but that we shall haue vent for our Clothes, although the rest of the world did abound much more with Wool then it doeth, and although their workemanship and their dying were in degree equal with ours of Eng∣land, vnlesse the labour of our people imployed that way, and the materials vsed in dying should be the cause of the contrary by dearth.

But if Forren nations turne their Wools, inferiour to ours, into truer and more excellent made cloth, and shall die the same in truer, surer, and more excellent and more delectable colours, then shall they sell and make ample vent of their Clothes, when the English cloth of better wooll shall rest vnsold, to the spoyle of the Merchant, of the Clothier, and of the breeder of the wooll, and to the turning to bag and wallet of the infinite number of the poore people imploied in clothing in seuerall degrees of labour here in England.

Which things wayed, I am to tell you what things I wish you in this Realme, and after in Turkie, to indeuour from time to time, as your laisure may permit the same.

Before you goe out of the Realme, that you learne:

1 TO know wooll, all kind of clothes made in this realme, and all other employments of wooll, home or forren, be y^e same in Felt clokes, felt hats, in the red knit cap for Barbarie, called Bonettos rugios colorados, or whatsoeuer, &c.

All the deceits in Clothmaking; as the sorting together of Wools of seuerall natures, some of nature to shrinke, some to hold out, which causeth clothed to cockle and lie vneuen.

The euill sorting of threed of good or bad wooll, some tootoo hard spun, some tootoo soft spun deliuered to be wouen.

The faults in Weauing.

The faults in Walking, Rowing, and Burling, and in Racking the Clothes aboue measure vpon the Teintors: all which faults may be learned of honest men, which faults are to be know∣en to the merchant, to be shunned and not to be vsed.

2 Then to learne of the Diers to discerne all kind of colours; as which be good and sure, and which will not hold: which be faire, which not; which colours by the dearth of the substances bee deare, and which by reason of the cheapenesse of the Materials with which they be died, be cheape colours.

3 Then to take the names of all the materials and substaunces vsed in this Citie or in the realme, in dying of cloth or silke.

To learne to know them, as which be good, which bad.

And what colours they die.

And what prices they be of.

And of them which bee the Naturals of this Realme, and in what part of the Realme they are to be had.

And of all the forren materials vsed in dying to know the very naturall places of them, and the plentie or the starcenesse of each of them.

These things superficially learned in the realme before you goe, you are the sitter in forren parts to serue your Countrey, for by this meanes you haue an enterie into the thing that I wish you to trauell in.

What you shall doe in Turkie, besides the businesse of your Factorship.

1 FOrasmuch as it is reported that the Woollen clothes died in Turkie bee most excellent∣ly died, you shall send home into this realme certaine Mowsters or pieces of Shew to be brought to the Diershall, there to be shewed, partly to remoue out of their heads, the too too great opinion they haue conceiued of their owne cunning, and partly to mooue them for shame to endeuour to learne more knowledge to the honour of their countrey of England, and to the vni∣uersall benefit of the realme.

2 You shall deuise to amend the Dying of England, by carying hence an apte yoong man brought vp in the Arte, or by bringing one or other from thence of skill, or rather to deuise to bring one for Silkes, and another for Wooll and for Woollen cloth, and if you cannot worke this by ordinarie meanes, then to worke it by some great Bassas meane, or if your owne credite there be not sufficient by meane of your small abode in those parties, to worke it by the helpe of the French ambassador there resident, for which purpose you may infinuate your selfe into his ac∣quaintance, and otherwise to leaue no meane vnsought that tendeth to this end, wherein you are to doe as circumstances may permit.

3 Then to learne to know all the materials and substances that the Turkes vse in dying, be they of Herbes, simple or compound, be they Plants, Barkes, Wood, Berries, Seedes, Graines, or Minerall matter, or what els soeuer. But before all other, such things as yeeld those famous colours that carrie such speciall report of excellencie, that our Merchaunts may bring them to this realme by ordinarie trade, as a right meane for the better vent of our clothes.

4 To know the vse of those, and where the naturall place of them and of ech of them is, I meane the place where ech of them groweth or is bred.

5 And in any wise, if Anile that coloureth blew be a naturall commodity of these parts, and if it be compounded of an herbe, to send the same into this realme by seed or by root in barrell of earth, with all the whole order of sowing, setting, planting, replanting, and with the compound∣ing of the same, that it may become a naturall commodity in this realme as Wood is, to this end that the high price of forreine Wood (which deuoureth yeerely great treasure) may be brought

downe. So shall the marchant buy his cloth lesse deare, and so he shalbe able to occupy with lesse stocke, be able to afoord cloth cheaper, make more ample vent, and also become a greater gainer himselfe, and all this to the benefit of this realme.

6 To do the like with herbe & plant, or tree that in dying is of any excellent vse, as to send the same by seed, berry, root, &c: for by such meanes Saffron was brought first into this realme, which hath set many poore on worke, and brought great wealth into this realme. Thus may Su∣mack, the plane wherewith the most excellent blacks be died in Spaine, be brought out of Spaine, and out of the Ilands of the same, if it will grow in this more colde climat. For thus was Woad brought into this realme, and came to good perfection, to the great losse of the French our olde enemies. And it doth maruellously import this realme to make naturall in this realme such things as be special in the dying of our clothes. And to speake of such things as colour blew, they are of greatest vse, and are grounds of the most excellent colours, and therefore of all other to be brought into this realme, be it Anile or any other materiall of that quality.

7 And because yellowes and greenes are colours of small prices in this realme, by reason that Olde and Greenweed wherewith they be died be naturall here, and in great plenty, therefore to bring our clothes so died to common sale in Turkie were to the great benefit of the marchant, and other poore subiects of this realme, for in sale of such our owne naturall colours we consume not our treasure in forren colours, and yet we sell our owne trifles dearely perhaps.

8 The woolles being naturall, and excellent colours for dying becomming by this meanes here also naturall, in all the arte of Clothing then we want but one onely speciall thing. For in this so temperate a climat our people may labor the yere thorowout, whereas in some regions of the world they cannot worke for extreme heat, as in some other regions they cannot worke for ex∣treme colde a good part of the yere. And the people of this realme by the great and bless••d abun∣dance of victuall are cheaply fed, and therefore may afoord their labour cheape. And where the Clothiers in Flanders by the flatnesse of their riuers cannot make Walkmilles for their clothes, but are forced to thicken and dresse all their clothes by the foot and by the labour of men, where∣by their clothes are raised to an higher price, we of England haue in all Shires store of milles vpon falling riuers. And these riuers being in temperate zones are not dried vp in Summer with drought and heat as the riuers be in Spaine and in hotter regions, nor frozen vp in Winter as all the riuers be in all the North regions of the world: so as our milles may go and worke at all times, and dresse clothes cheaply. Then we haue also for scowring our clothes earths and claies, as Walkers clay, and the clay of Oborne little inferior to Sope in scowring and in thick∣ing. Then also haue we some reasonable store of Alum and Copporas here made for dying, and are like to haue increase of the same. Then we haue many good waters apt for dying, and people to spin and to doe the rest of all the labours we want not. So as there wanteth, if colours might be brought in and made naturall, but onely Oile:* 1.1 the want whereof if any man could deuise to supply at the full with any thing that might become naturall in this realme, he whatsoeuer he were that could bring it about, might deserue immortall fame in this our Common wealth, and such a deuise was offered to the Parliament and refused, becaused they denied to endow him with a certaine liberty, some others hauing obtained the same before, that practised to worke that effect by Radish seed, which onely made a triall of small quantity, and that went no further, to make that Oile in plenty: and now he that offered this deuise was a marchant, and is ••ead, and withall the deuise is dead with him.

It is written by one that wrote of Afrike,* 1.2 that in Egyptin a city called Muhaisira there be ma∣ny milles imployed in making of Oile of the seed of an herbe called Sesanium. Pena and Lobell, Physicians, write in our time, that this herbe is a codded herbe full of oily seed, and that there is plenty of this seede brought out of Egypt to diuers Cities in Italy. If this herbe will prosper in this realme, our marchants may easily bring of it, &c.

9 Hauing heerein thus troubled you by raising to your minde the consideration of certaine things, it shall not be impertinent to tell you that it shall not be amisse that you note all the order of the degrees of labour vsed in Turky, in the arte of Clothing, and to see if any way they excell in that profession our people of these parts, and to bring notice of the same into this realme.

10 And if you shall finde that they make any cloth of any kind not made in this realme, that is there of great vse, then to bring of the same into this realme some Mowsters, that our people may fall into the trade, and prepare the same for Turkie: for the more kinds of cloth we can de∣uise to make, the more ample vent of our commoditie we shall haue, and the more sale of the la∣bour of our poore subiects that els for lacke of labour become idle and burdenous to the common weale, and hurtfull to many: and in England we are in our clothing trade to frame our selues according to the desires of forren nations, be it that they desire thicke or thinne, broad or narowe,

long or short, white or blacke. 11 But with this prouiso alwayes, that our cloth passe out with as much labour of our people as may be, wherein great consideration ought to be had: for (if vent might so admit it) as it were the greatest madnesse in the world for vs to vent our wooll not clothed, so were it madnesse to vent our wooll in part or in the whole turned into broad cloth, if we might vent the same in Rersies: for there is great difference in profit to our people betweene the clothing of a sacke of wooll in the one, and the like sacke of wooll in the other, of which I with the marchant of England to haue as great care as he may for the vniversall benefit of the poore: and the turning of a sacke of wooll into Bonets is better then both &c. And also not to cary out of the realme any cloth white, but died if it may be, that the subiects of this realme may ••ake as much benefit as is possible, and rather to seeke the vent of the clothes died with the naturall colours of England, then such as be died with forren colours.

12 And if of necessity we must be forced to receiue certaine colours from forren parts, for that this climat will not breed them, I wish that our marchants procure Anile and such other things to be planted in like climats where now it growes, in diuers other places, that this realme may haue that brought in for as base prices as is possible, and that falling out with one place we may receiue the same from another, and not buy the same at the second or the third hand &c. For if a commodity that is to be had of meere necessity, be in one hand, it is dearely purchased.

1 How many seuerall colours be died is to be learned of our Diers before you depart.

2 Then how many of those colours England doth die of her owne naturall home materials and substances, and how many not.

3 Then to bring into this realme herbs and plants to become naturall in cursoiles, that may die the rest of the colours, that presently of our owne things here growing we can not yet die, and this from all forren places.

4 There is a wood called Logwood or Palo Campechio, it is cheape and yeeldeth a glori∣ous blew, but our workmen can not make it sure. This wood you must take with you, and see whether the Silke diers or Wooll diers in Turky can doe it, with this one you may inrich your selfe very much, and therefore it is to be endeuoured earnestly by you. It may bring downe the price of Woad and of Anile.

Other some things to be remembred.

If you can finde out at Tripoly in Syria or elsewhere a vent for the Cappes called in Barbarie, Bonettos colorados rugios, which is a red Scottish cap as it were without brims, you should do your countrey much good: for as a sacke of wooll turned into fine Deuonshire kersies doth set many more people on worke then a sacke spunne for broad cloth in a grosser threed, so a sacke of wooll turned into those Bonets doth set many more poore people on worke, then a sacke turned into ••ersies, by reason of the knitting. And therefore if you can indeuour that, you worke great effect. And no doubt that a maruel••ous vent may be found out of them into Afrike by the way of Alexandria, and by Alcayer Southeast and Southwest thence.

2 And by the ••ent of our knit bose of Woollen yarne, Woorsted yarne, and of Linnen thred, great benefit to our people may arise, and a great value in fine Kersies and in those knit wares may be couched in a small roome in the ship. And for these things our people are growen apt, and by indeuour may be drawen to great trade.

3 Saffron the best of the vniuersall world groweth in this realme, and for asmuch as it is a thing that requireth much labour in diuers sorts, and setteth the people on worke so plentifully, I wish you to see whether you can finde out ample vent for the same, since it is gone out of great vse in those parts. It is a spice that is cordiall, and may be vsed in meats, and that is excellent in dying of yellow silks. This commodity of Saffron groweth fifty miles from Tripoli in Syria, on an high hill called in those parts Garian, so as there you may learne at that port of Tripoli the va∣lue of the pound, the goodnesse of it, and the places of the vent. But it is sayd that from that hill there passeth yerely of that commodity fifteene moiles laden, and that those regions notwithstan∣ding lacke sufficiencie of that commodity. But if a vent might be found, men would in Essex about Saffronwalden and in Cambridge shire reuiue the trade for the benefit of the setting of the poore on worke. So would they doe in Hereford shire by Wales, where the best of all England is, in which place the soile yeelds the wilde Saffron commonly, which sheweth the naturall in∣clination of the same soile to the bearing of the right Saffron, if the soile be manured and that way employed.

* 1.34 There is a walled towne not farre from Barbarie, called Hubbed, toward the South from the famous towne Telensin, about six miles: the inhabitants of which towne in effect be all

Diers. And it is sayd that there about they haue plenty of Anile, & that they occupy that, and also that they vse there in their dyings, of the Saffron aforesayd. The trueth whereof, in the Sou∣therly ports of the Mediteran sea, is easily learned in your passage to Tripoli,* 1.4 or in returne from thence homeward you may vnderstand it. It is reported at Saffron walden that a Pilgrim pur∣posing to do good to his countrey, stole an head of Saffron, and hid the same in his Palmers staffe, which he had made hollow before of purpose, and so he brought this root into this realme, with venture of his life: for if he had bene taken, by the law of the countrey from whence it came, he had died for the fart. If the like loue in this our age were in our people that now become great trauellers, many knowledges, and many trades, and many herbes and plants might be brought into this realme that might doe the realme good. And the Romans hauing that care, brought from all coasts of the world into Italie all arts and sciences, and all kinds of beasts and fowles, and all herbs, trees, busks and plants that might yeeld profit or pleasure to their countrey of Ita∣lie. And if this care had not bene heretofore in our ancesters, then had our life bene sauage now, for then we had not had Wheat nor Rie, Peaze nor Beanes, Barley nor Oats, Peare nor Apple, Uine nor many other profitable and pleasant plants, Bull nor Cow, Sheepe nor Swine, Horse nor Mare, Cocke nor Hen, nor a number of other things that we inioy, without which our life were to be sayd barbarous: for these things and a thousand that we vse more the first inhabitors of this Iland found not here. And in time of memory things haue bene brought in that were not here before, as the Damaske rose by Doctour Linaker king Henry the seuenth and king Henrie the eights Physician, the Turky cocks and hennes about fifty yeres past, the Artichowe in time of king Henry the eight, and of later time was procured out of Italy the Muske rose plant, the plumme called the Perdigwena, and two kindes more by the Lord Cromwell after his crauell, and the Abricot by a French Priest one Wolfe Gardiner to king Henry the eight: and now within these foure yeeres there haue bene brought into England from Vienna in Austria diuers kinds of flowers called Tulipas, and those and other procured thither a little before from Con∣stantinople by an excellent man called M. Carolus Clusius. And it is sayd that since we traded to Zante that the plant that beareth the Coren is also brought into this realme from thence; and although it bring not fruit to perfection, yet it may serue for pleasure and for some vse, like as our vines doe, which we cannot well spare, although the climat so colde will not permit vs to haue good wines of them. And many other things haue bene brought in, that haue degenerated by rea∣son of the colde climat, some other things brought in haue by negligence bene lost. The Arch∣boshop of Canterburie Edmund Grindall, after he returned out of Germany, brought into this realme the plant of Tamariske from thence, and this plant he hath so increased that there be here thousands of them: and many people haue receiued great health by this plant: and if of things brought in such care were had, then could not the first labour be lost. The seed of Tabacco hath bene brought hither out of the West Indies, it groweth heere, and with the herbe many haue bene eased of the remnes, &c. Each one of a great number of things were woorthy of a iour∣ney to be made into Spaine, Italy, Barbarie, Egypt, Zante, Constantinople, the West Indies, and to diuers other places neerer and further off then any of these, yet forasmuch as the poore are not able, and for that the rich setled at home in quiet will not, therefore we are to make sute to such as repaire to forren kingdomes, for other businesses, to haue some care heerein, and to set before their eyes the examples of these good men, and to endeuour to do for their parts the like, as their speciall businesses may permit the same. Thus giuing you occasion by way of a little rememembrance, to haue a desire to do your countrey good, you shall, if you haue any inclination to such good, do more good to the poore ready to starue for reliefe, then euer any subiect did in this realme by building of Almeshouses, and by giuing of lands and goods to the reliefe of the poore. Thus may you helpe to driue idlenesse the mother of most mischiefs out of the realme, and winne you perpetuall fame, and the prayer of the poore, which is more woorth then all the golde of Pe∣ru and of all the West Indies.

The voyage of the Susan of London to Constantinople, wherein the worshipfull M. William Harborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Sultan Murad Can, the great Turke, with whom he continued as her Maiesties Ligier al∣most sixe yeeres.

THe 14 of Nouember 1582, we departed from Blackewall, bound for the Citie of Constantinople, in the tall shippe called the Susan of London: the Master whereof was Richard Parsons, a very excellent and skilfull man in his facultie. But by occa∣sion of contrary weather we spent two moneths before we could recouer the Rowes

in the Isle of Wight. Where the 14 of Ianuary* 1.5 following we tooke in the worshipfull M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassadour to the Turke, and his company, and sailed thence to Yarmouth in the foresayd Isle of Wight. The 19 we put from Wight. The 26 we did see Cauo de Sant Vincente.* 1.6 The same day we were thwart of Cauo Santa Maria.* 1.7 The 27 we passed by Tariffa,* 1.8 and Gibraltar. The 28 in the morning we passed by Velez Malaga:* 1.9 and that night were thwart of Cauo de Gates.* 1.10 The 29•• at night we had sight of Cauo de Palos.* 1.11 The 30 in the morning we did see the high land of Denia,* 1.12 in the kingdome of Valentia, and that night we had sight of the Iland Formentera.* 1.13 The 31 in the morning appeared the Iland of Ca∣brera.* 1.14 The first of February we put into a Port in Mallorca,* 1.15 called Porto de Sant Pedro:* 1.16 where they would haue euill intreated vs for comming into the Harbour: we thought we might haue bene as bolde there as in other places of Christendome. but it proued farre otherwise. The first man we met on land was a simple Shepheard, of whom we demanded whether we might haue a sheepe or such like to refresh our selues, who tolde vs yea. And by such conference had with him, at the last he came aboord once or twise, and had the best cheare that we could make him: and our Ambassadour himselfe talked with him, and still he made vs faire promises, but nothing at all meant to performe the same, as the end shewed. In the meane time came in a shippe of Mar∣seils, the Master whereof did know our Ambassadour very well, with whom our Ambassadour had conference, and with his Marchants also. They came from Alger in Barbarie, which is vn∣der the gouernement of the Great Turke. They did present our Ambassadour with an Ape,* 1.17 wherefore he made very much of them, and had them often aboord. By them I suppose, he was bewrayed of his purpose as touching his message, but yet still we had faire words of the Shep∣heard aforesayd, and others. So that vpon their words, our Purser and another man went to a Towne which was three or foure miles from the port, and there were well entertained, and had of the people very faire speeches, and such small things as could be gotten vpon the sudden, and so returned to the shippe that day. Then wee were emboldened, and thought all had bene well, according to their talke. The next day, being the sixth day of Februarie,* 1.18 two of our Gentle∣men, with one of our Marchants, and the Purser, and one of the Ambassadours men went to the Towne aforesayd, thinking to doe as the Purser and the other had done before, but it prooued contrary: for at their comming thither they had faire wordes a while, and had bread and wine, and such necessaries for their money, vntill such time as they were beset with men, and the Ma∣iorcans neuer shewed in their countenance any such matter, but as the maner of all the people in the dominions of Spaine is, for the most part to be trecherous to vs, if they thinke they haue any aduantage. For vpon the sudden they layed handes on them, and put them in holde, as sure as might be in such a simple Towne.* 1.19 Then were they well guarded with men both day and night, and still deluded with faire words, & they sayd to our men it was for no hurt, but that the Viceroy of the Iland would come aboord to see the shippe. But they presently sent the Purser to the Towne of Maiorca, where he was examined by the Viceroy very straightly, what their shippe and captaine were, and what voyage they intended, but he confessed nothing at all. In the meane time they in the Towne were likewise straightly examined by a Priest and other officers vpon their othes: who for their othes sake declared the whole estate of their voyage. The Ambassa∣dours man was a French man, and therefore was suffered to goe to the shippe on a message, but he could tell the Ambassadour none other newes, but that the Viceroy would come aboord the shippe, and that our men should come with him, but they had another meaning. For the Mar∣seilian Marchants were stayed in like maner in the Towne, onely to make a better shew vnto vs. But in the meane time, being there three of foure dayes, there came men vnto vs euery day, more or lesse, but one day especially there came two men on horsebacke, whom we tooke to be officers, being lusly men, and very well horsed. These men desired to speake with our Captaine (for all things that passed there were done in the name of our Captaine Iohn Gray) for it was sayd by vs there, that he was Captaine of one of her Maiesties shippes: wherefore all things passed in his name: and the Ambassadour not seene in any thing but rather concealed, and yet did all, be∣cause of his tongue and good inditing in that language. For he himselfe went on land clothed in Ueluet, and talked with these men, and with him ten or twelue lusly fellowes well weapon∣ed, ech one hauing a Boatespeare or a Caliuer, the Captaine Iohn Gray being one of them, and our boat lying by very warely kept and ready. For then wee began to suspect, because the place was more frequented with men then it was woont.* 1.20 The men on horsebacke were in doubt to come neere, because hee came so well weaponed. But they bade him welcome, and gaue him great salutations in words as their maner is: and demanded why he came so strong, for they sayd he needed not to feare any man in the Iland. Answere was made, that it was the maner of Eng∣lish Captaines to goe with their guard in strange places. Then they tolde our Ambassador (thin∣king

him to be the Captaine) that they were sent from the Viceroy to know what they did lacke, for they promised him beefe or mutton, or any thing that was in the Iland to be had, but their purpose was to haue gotten more of our men if they could, and they sayde that wee should haue our men againe the next day: with such prety delusions they fed vs still. Then our Ambassa∣dour did write a letter to the Viceroy in her Maiesties name, and in our Captaine Iohn Grayes name, and not in his owne, and sent it by them, desiring him to send his men, and not to trouble him in his voyage, for he had giuen him no such cause, nor any of his. So these men departed with great courtesie in words on both parts. And in all this time we did see men on horsebacke and on foot in the woods and trees more then they were accustomed to be, but we could perceiue no∣thing thereby. The next day, or the second, came either foure or sixe of the best of them as wee thought (the Viceroy excepted) and very many men besides in the fieldes, both on foot and on horse, but came not neere the water side. And those in like order desired to speake with the Cap∣taine,* 1.21 and that when he came on land the trumpets might sound: but then the Ambassadour, whom they thought to be Captaine, would not goe, nor suffer the trumpets to be sounded, for that he thought it was a trappe to take himselfe, and more of his company. But did send one of the principall of the Marchants to talke with them. And the Captaine Iohn Gray went also with him, not being knowen of the Spaniards, for he went as a souldiour. Thus they receiued of those men the like wordes as they had of the other before mentioned, who sayd we should haue our men againe, for they meant vs no hurt. Then our Ambassadour did write another letter,* 1.22 and sent it by them to the Viceroy, in like order as he did before, but he receiued no answere of any of them. In all this time they had priuily gathered together the principall men of the Iland, and had laboured day and night to bring downe ordinance, not making any shew of their treche∣rie towards vs. But the same night following, we saw very many lights passe in the woods a∣mong the trees. And in the morning when the watch was broken vp, being Saturday the ninth of Februarie,* 1.23 at faire day light, one of our men looked foorth, and saw standing on land the cari∣age of a piece: then was one commanded to goe into the toppe, and there he did deserie two or three pieces, and also many men on the shoare, with diuers weapons that they brought. Then they suddenly tooke foure or fiue brasse pieces, and placed them on either side of the harborough where we should go out, and hid them with stones and bushes that we should not see them. Now I thinke the harborough not to be aboue the eight part of a mile ouer. Thus perceiuing their meaning which was most plaine; wee agreed to take vp our anker and goe out, and leaue our men there, hauing none other way to take. Then our Ambassadour intreated the Master of the Marseilian, his friend, to goe on land with his boat, and to know the trueth: who satisfied his request. And at his returne he tolde vs that it was very true, that they would lay holde of vs if they could. Then we weighed our ankers: but hauing little winde, we towed the shippe for∣ward with the boat. The Viceroy himselfe was at the water side with more then fiue hundred men on both sides of the harbour as we thought. And when we came out with our shippe as far as their ordinance, our Ambassadour and the Captaine being in their armour, the Master com∣manding of the company, and trimming of the sailes,* 1.24 the Pilot standing on the poope, attending to his charge, with other very well furnished, and euery man in order about their businesse very ready, they on land on the contrary part hauing a very faire piece mounted on the North side openly in all our sights, as the shippe passed by, they trauersed that piece right with the maine mast or after-quarter of the shippe, and a Gunner standing by, with a lintstorke in his hand, about foureteene or fifteene foot long, being (as we thought) ready to giue fire. Our whole noise of trumpets were sounding on the poope with drumme and flute, and a Minion of brasse on the sum∣mer decke, with two or three other pieces, alwayes by our Gunners trauersed mouth to mouth with theirs on land, still looking when they on land should shoot, for to answere them againe. The Pilot standing on the poope, seeing this readinesse, and the shippe going very softly, because of the calmenesse of the winde, he called to them on the South side, where the Viceroy was, and sayd vnto him: Haue you warres with vs: If you haue, it is more then we know; but by your prouision it seemeth so: if you haue, shoot in Gods name, and spare not, but they held all fast and shot not. Then the Viceroy himselfe held vp a paper, and sayd he had a letter for our Captaine, and desired vs to stay for it. Then we answered and sayd we would not, but willed him to send it by the Marseilians boat, and our men also. All this while, our trumpets, drum and flute soun∣ded, and so we passed out in the face of them all. When they perceiued that they could lay no holde on vs, they presently sent to the Towne for our men, whom within lesse then three houres af∣ter they sent aboord with the sayd letter,* 1.25 wherein he desired our Captaine and his company not to take it in ill part, for he meant them no harme, but would haue seene our shippe. His letter did import these and such like faire speeches: for it altogether contained courteous salutations,

saying that he might boldly come into any port within his Iland, and that he and his would shew him what friendship they might: and that the iniury that was offered was done at the request of the Shepheards and poore people of the countrey, for the more safegard of their flockes, and be∣cause it was not a thing vsuall to haue any such shippe to come into that port, with many other de∣ceitfull words in the sayd letter. Then our Ambassadour wrote vnto him another letter to an∣swere that,* 1.26 and gaue him thanks for his men that he had sent him, and also for his good will, and sent him a present. This done, we shot off halfe a dozen pieces, hoised our sailes, and departed on our voyage. Then ••he Purser and the rest of our men that had beene in holde, tolde vs that they did see the Captaine, and other gentlemen of the Iland, hauing their buskins and slockings torne from their legges, with labouring in the bushes day and night to make that sudden proui∣sion. The 12 of February we saw an Iland of Africa side called Galata,* 1.27 where they vse to drag out of the Sea much Corall, and we saw likewise Sardinia, which is an Iland subiect to Spaine. The 13 in the morning we were hard by Sardinia.* 1.28 The 15 we did see an Iland neere Sicilia, and an Iland on Africa side called Cysimbre.* 1.29 The same day likewise we saw an Iland called Pantalaria,* 1.30 and that night we were thwart the middle of Sicilia.* 1.31 The 16 at night we were as farre as Capo Pas••aro,* 1.32 which is the Southeast part of Sicilia. The 24 we were put into a port called Porto de Conte, in an Iland called Cephalonia:* 1.33 it is an out Iland in the dominions of Grecia, and now at this present gouerned by the Signory of Venice, as the rest of Grecia is vnder the Turke, for the most part. The 27 we came from thence, and that day arriued at Zan∣te which is also in Grecia;* 1.34 for at this present wee entred the parts of Grecia. The second of March we came from Zante; and the s••me day were thwart of an Iland called Prodeno:* 1.35 and the 4 we were thwart of an Iland called Sapientia.* 1.36 There standeth a faire Towne and a Ca∣stle on the maine ouer against it, called Modon.* 1.37 The same day by reason of contrary windes we put backe againe to Prodeno, because we could not fetch Sapientia. The ninth we came from thence, and were as farre as Sapientia againe. The tenth we were as farre shot as Cauo Ma∣tapan;* 1.38 and that day we entred the Archipelago, and passed thorow betweene Cerigo and Ca∣uo Malio.* 1.39 This Cerigo is an Iland where one Menelaus did sometimes reigne,* 1.40 from whome was stollen by Paris faire Helena, and carried to Troy, as ancient Recordes doe declare. The same day we had sight of a little Iland called Bellapola,* 1.41 and did likewise see both the Milos,* 1.42 be∣ing Ilands in the Archipelago. The 11 in the morning we were hard by an Iland called Fal∣conara,* 1.43 and the Iland of Antemila.* 1.44 The 12 in the morning we were betweene Fermenia and Zea,* 1.45 bring both Ilands. That night wee were betweene Negroponte and Andri,* 1.46 being like∣wise Ilands. The 13 in the morning we were hard by Psara and Sarafo,* 1.47 being Ilands nine or tenne miles from Chio, and could not fetch Chio. So we put roome with a port in Metelin cal∣led Sigra,* 1.48 and about nine of the clocke at night we ankered there. The 15 we came from thence, the sixteenth we put into Porto Delfi••.* 1.49 This port is 9 English miles to the Northward of the City of Chio,* 1.50 (and it may be twelue of their miles) this night we stayed in the sayd port, being in the Iland of Chio. Then went our Marchant and one or two with him to the City of Chio. And when the By,* 1.51 who is the gouernour of the Iland (and is in their language a Duke) had com∣muned with the Marchant, and those that were with him, and vnderstood of our arriuall within his dominion, the day following he armed his gallies, and came to welcome our Ambassadour, accompanied with the Ermine,* 1.52 that is, the Kings Customer, and also the French Consull, with diuers of the chiefe of the City, and offered him as much friendship as he could or would desire: for he did offer to attend vpon vs, and towe vs if need were to the Castles. The 21 we departed from thence, and that day passed by port Sigra againe. This Iland of Metelin is part of Asia, and is neere to Natolia. The 22 we passed by a head land called Baberno,* 1.53 and is also in Asia. And that day at night we passed by the Isle of Tenedo,* 1.54 part of Asia, and by another Iland cal∣led Maure.* 1.55 And the same day we passed thorow the straights of Galipoli,* 1.56 and by the Castles, and also by the Towne of Galipoli it selfe, which standeth in Europa. And that night we were in sight of Marmora which is neere Natolia,* 1.57 and part of Asia. The 23 in the morning we were thwart of Araclia,* 1.58 and that night we ankered in Silauria.* 1.59 The 24 in the morning the Marchant and the Pilot were set on land to goe to the City about the Ambassadours businesse, but there they could not land because we had the winde faire. That place of some is called Ponte grande,* 1.60 and is foure and twenty miles on this side of Constantinople, and because of the winde, they fol∣lowed in the skiffe vntill they came to a place called Ponte picola,* 1.61 and there is a little bridge, it standeth eight Turkish miles from Constantinople, there the Marchant and the Pilot landed. At this bridge is an house of the great Turkes with a faire Garden belonging vnto it, neere the which is a point called Ponta S. Stephano,* 1.62 and there the shippe ankered that day. The 26 day the ship came to ••••e seuen Towers, and the 27 we came neerer. The 29 there came three gallies

to bring vs vp further: and when the shippe came against the great Turks palace,* 1.63 we shot off all our ordinance to the number of foure and thirty pieces. Then landed our Ambassadour, and then we discharged foure and twenty pieces, who was receiued with more then fifty or threescore men on horsebacke. The ninth of April he presented the great Bassa with si••e clothes,* 1.64 foure cannes of siluer double gilt, and one piece of fine holland, and to three other Bassas, that is to say, the se∣cond Bassa, which is a gelded man, and his name is Mahomet Bassa, to the third who maried the great Turks sister, and to the fourth whom they call Abraham Bassa, to euery one of these he gaue foure clothes. Now, before the great Bassa,* 1.65 and Abraham Bassa, at their returne from the Court (and as we thinke at other times, but at that time for a certaine) there came a man in maner of a foole, who gaue a great shout three or foure times, crying very hollowly, the place re∣bounded with the sound, and this man, say they, is a prophet of Mahomet, his armes and legges naked, on his feet he did weare woodden pattens of two sorts, in his hand, a flagge, or streamer set on a short speare painted, he carried a mat and bottels, and other trumpery at his backe, and sometimes vnder his arme, on his head he had a cappe of white Camels haire, flat like an hel∣met, written about with letters, and about his head a linnen rowle. Other seruingmen there were with the sayd Bassas, with red attire on their heads, much like French hoods, but the long flappe somewhat smaller towardes the end, with scuffes or plates of mettall, like vnto the chape of an ancient arming sword, standing on their foreheads like other Ianisaries. These Bassas entertained vs as followeth:* 1.66 First, they brought vs into a hall, there to stand on one side, and our Ambassadour and gentlemen on the other side, who sate them downe on a bench couered with car∣pets, the Ambassadour in the midst; on his left hand sate our gentlemen, and on his right hand the Turkes, next to the doore where their master goeth in and out: the common sort of Turkes stayed in the Court yard, not suffered to come neere vs. When our Ambassadour had sitten halfe an houre, the Bassas (who sate by themselues in an inner small roome) sent for him; to whom the Ambassadour and his gentlemen went: they all kissed his hand, and presently returned (the Am∣bassadour onely excepted, who stayed there, and a Turks chaus with him) with the Ambassadour and his gentlemen went in also so many of our men as there were presents to cary in, but these neither kissed his hand nor taried. After this I went to visit the church of Santa Sophia,* 1.67 which was the chiefe church when it was the Christians, and now is the chiefe see and church of prima∣cie of this Turke present: before I entred I was willed to put off my shoes, to the end I should not prophane their church,* 1.68 I being a Christian. The pillers on both sides of the church are very costly and rich, their Pulpets seemely and handsome, two are common to preach in, the third re∣serued onely for their Paschall. The ground is couered with Mats, and the walles hanged with Tapistry. They haue also Lamps in their churches, one in the middle of the church of ex∣ceeding greatnesse, and another in another part of the church of cleane golde, or double gilded, full as bigge as a barrel. Round about the church there is a gallery builded vpon rich and stately pillers. That day I was in both the chappels, in one of the which lieth the Turkes father, and fiue of his sonnes in tombes right costly, with their turbents very white and cleane, shifted (as they say) euery Friday, they be not on their heads, but stand on mouldes made for that purpose. At the endes, ouer, and about their tombes are belts, like girdles, beset with iewels. In the o∣ther chappell are foure other of his sonnes, and one daughter, in like order. In the first chappell is a thing foure foot high, couered with greene, beset with mother of pearle very richly. This is a relique of Mahomet, and standeth on the left side of the head of the great Turks tombe. These chappels haue their floores couered, and their walles hanged with Tapistrie of great price, I could value the couering and hangings of one of the chappels, at no lesse then fiue hundred poundes, besides their lamps hanging richly gilded. These chappels haue their roofes curiously wrought with rich stone, and gilded. And there lie the bookes of their Lawes for euery man to reade. The 11 day of April the shippe came to the Key of the Custome house.* 1.69 The 16 the Am∣bassadour and we his men went to the Captaine Bassa, who is Admirall of the seas, his name is Vchali,* 1.70 he would not receiue vs into his house, but into his gallie, to deliuer our present, which was as followeth: Foure pieces of cloth, and two siluer pots gilt & grauen. The poope or sterne of his gally was gilded both within and without, and vnder his feet, and where he sate was all couered with very rich Tapistry. Our Ambassadour and his gentlemen kissed his hand, and then the gentlemen were commanded out, and our Ambassadour sate downe by him on his left hand, and the chaus stood before him. Our men might walke in the gally fore and after, some of vs ca∣ried, and some went out againe.* 1.71 The gally had seuen pieces of brasse in her prowe, small and great, she had thirty bankes or oares on either side, and at euery banke or oare seuen men to rowe. The 18 day the shippe went from the Key. And 21 the Admirall tooke his leaue of the great Turke,* 1.72 being bound to the Sea with sixe and thirty gallies, very fairely beautified with

gilding and painting, and beset with flags and streamers, all the which gallies discharged their ordinance: and we for his farewell gaue him one and twenty pieces. Then he went to his house with his gallies, and the 22 he went to the Sea, and the Castle that standeth in the water gaue him foureteene or sixteene pieces: and when he came against the Turks Seraglio he shot off all his caliuers and his great pieces, and so hee went his way. The 24 our Ambassadour went to the Court,* 1.73 whose entertainement with the order thereof followeth. When wee came first on ••and there was way made for vs by two or three Bassaes and diuers chauses on horsebacke with their men on foot, to accompany our Ambassadour to the Court. Also they brought horses for him and his gentlemen for to ride, which were very richly furnished: and by the way there me•• with vs other chauses to accompany vs to the Court. When we came there wee passed thorow two gates, at the second gate there stood very many men with horses attending on their masters. When we came within that gate we were within a very faire Court yard, in compasse twise so bigge as Pauls Church-yard. On the right hand of the sayd Court was a faire gallerie like an Alley, and within it were placed railes and such other prouision. On the left side was the like, halfe the Court ouer: it was diuided into two parts, the innermost fairer then the other. The other part of that side is the place where the Councell doe vsually sit, and at the inner end of that is a faire place to sit in, much like vnto that place in Pauls Church-yard, where the Maior and his brethren vse to sit, thither was our Ambassadour brought, and set in that place. Within that sayde place is another like open roome, where hee did eate. Assoone as wee came in, wee were placed in the innermost alley of the second roome, on the left side of the Court, which was spread with carpets on the ground fourescore or fourescore and tenne foot long,* 1.74 with an hundred and fiftie seuerall dishes set thereon, that is to say, Mutton boiled and rosted, Rice diuersly dres∣sed, Fritters of the finest fashion, and dishes daintily dight with pritty pappe, with infinite o∣thers, I know not how to expresse them. We had also rosted Hennes with sundry sorts of fowles to me vnknowen. The gentlemen and we sate downe on the ground, for it is their maner so to feede. There were also Greekes and others set to furnish out the roome. Our drinke was made with Rose water and Sugar and spices brewed together. Those that did serue vs with it had a great bagge tied ouer their showlders, with a broad belt like an arming belt full of plates of cop∣per and gilt, with part of the sayd bagge vnder his arme, and the mouth in his hand: then he had a deuise to let it out when he would into cuppes, when we called for drinke. The Ambassadour when hee had eaten, passed by vs, with the chauses aforesayd, and sate him downe in an inner roome. This place where he sate was against the gate where we came in, and hard by the Coun∣cell chamber end, somewhat on the left side of the Court, this was at the East end of the Court, for we came in at the West. All this time our presents stood by vs vntill we had dined, and diner once ended, this was their order of taking vp the dishes. Certaine were called in, like those of the Blacke gard in the Court of England, the Turks call them Moglans. These came in like rude and rauening Mastifs, without order or fashion, and made clea••e riddance: for he whose hungry eye one dish could not fill turned two, one into the other, and thus euen on the sudden was made a cleane riddance of all. Then came certaine chauses and brought our gentlemen to sit with the Ambassadour. Immediatly came officers & appointed Ianisers to beare frō vs our presents, who caried them on the right side of the Court, and set them hard by the doore of the Priuy chamber, as we call it: there all things stoode for the space of an houre. Thus the Ambassadour and his gentlemen sate still, and to the Southward of them was a doore whereas the great Turke him∣selfe went in and out at, and on the South side of that doore sate on a bench all his chiefe lordes and gentlemen, and on the North side of the West gate stood his gard, in number as I gesse them a thousand men. These men haue on their heads round cappes of mettall like sculles, but sharpe in the toppe, in this they haue a bunch of Ostridge feathers, as bigge as a brush, with the corner or edge forward: at the lower end of these feathers was there a smaller feather, like those that are commonly worn here. Some of his gard had smal staues, & most of them were weaponed with bowes and arrowes. Here they waited•• during our abode at the Court, to gard their Lord. After the Ambassadour with his gentlemen had sitten an houre and more, there came three or foure chauses, and brought them into the great Turkes presence. At the Priuy chamber doore two noble men tooke the Ambassadour by ech arme one, and put their fingers within his sleeues, and so brought him to the great Turke where he sumptuously sate alone. He kissed his hand and stood by vntill all the gentlemen were brought before him in like maner, one by one, and ledde backewards againe his face towards the Turke; for they might neither tarry nor turne their backs, and in like maner returned the Ambassadour. The salutation that the Noble men did•• was taking them by the hands. All this time they trode on cloth of golde, most of the Noble men that sate on the South side of the Priuy chamber sate likewise on cloth of golde. Many

officers or Ianisaries there were with staues, who kept very good order, for no Turke whatsoe∣uer might goe any further then they willed him. At our Ambassadours entring they followed that bare his presents,* 1.75 to say, twelue fine broad clothes, two pieces of fine holland, tenne pi••ces of plate double gilt, one case of candle sticks, the case whereof was very large, and three foot high and more, two very great cannes or pots, and one lesser, one basin and ewer, two poppiniayes of siluer, the one with two heads: they were to drinke in: two bottles with chaines, three faire ma∣stifs in coats of redde cloth, three spaniels, two bloodhounds, one common hunting hound, two greyhounds, two little dogges in coats of silke: one clocke valued at fiue hundred pounds ster∣ling: ouer it was a forrest with trees of siluer, among the which were deere chased with dogs, and men on horsebacke following, men drawing of water, others carrying mine oare on bar∣rowes: on the toppe of the clocke stood a castle, and on the castle a mill. All these were of siluer. And the clocke was round beset with iewels. All the time that we stayed at the Councell cham∣ber doore they were telling or weighing of money to send into Persia for his Souldiours pay. There were carried out an hundred and three and thirty bags, and in euery bagge, as it was tolde vs, one thousand ducats, which amounteth to three hundred and thirty thousand *, and in sterling Engl••sh money to fourescore and nineteene thousand pounds. The Captaine of the guard in the meane time went to the great Turke, and returned againe, then they of the Court made obeisance to him, bowing downe their heads, and their hands on their breasts, and he in like order resaluted them: he was in cloth of siluer, he went and came with two or three with him and no more. Then wee went out at the first gate, and there we were commanded to stay vntill the Captaine of the guard was passed by and all his guard with him, part before him and part behinde him, some on horsebacke and som•• on foot, but the most part on foot carrying on their shoulders the money before mentioned, and so we passed home. There was in the Court during our abode there, for the most part a foole resembling the first, but not naked as was the other at the Bassas: but he turned him cōtinually, & cried Hough very hollowly. The third of May I saw the Turke go to the church: he had more then two hundred and fifty horses before and behinde him, but most before him. There were many empty horses that came in no order. Many of his Nobilitie were in cloth of golde, but himselfe in white sattin. There did ride behinde him sixe or seuen youches, one or two whereof carried water for him to drinke as they sayd. There were many of his guard running before him and behinde him, and when he alighted, they cried Hough very hollowly, as the aforesayd fooles.

A letter of Mustapha Chaus to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie.

SErenissima, prudentissima, & sacra Regia Maiestas, domina mihi semper clementis∣sima, meorum fidelium officiorum promptam paratissimámque commendationem. Generosus & virtuosus Gulielmus Hareborne legatus vestrae sacrae Maiestatis venit ad portam excelsissimam potentissimi & inuictissimi, & semper Augustissimi Caesa∣ris Sultan Murad Can, cui Deus omnipotens benedicat. Et quanto honore, quanta dignitate, quantáque humanitate aliorum confoederatorum legati accipiuntur, praefatus quoque legatus vester tanta reuerentia, tantáque amplitudine acceptus & collocatus est in porta excelsissima. Et posthac subditi & homines vestrae sacrae Maiestatis ad ditiones omnes Caesareas venire, & sua negocia tractare, & ad suam patriam redire sine impedimento, vt in literis excelsissimi, po∣tentissimi, & inuictissimi, & semper Augustissimi Caesaris ad vestram sacram Regiam Maiesta∣tem datis facile patet, tranquillè & pacificè possunt. Ego autem imprimis diligentem operam & fidele studium & nunc eodem confirmando nauaui, & in futurum quoque vsque in vltimum vitae spiritum in negotijs potentissimi & inuictissimi Caesaris, & vestrae sacrae Regiae Maiesta∣tis egregiam nauabo operam. Quod Deus omnipotens ad emolumentum & vtilitatem vtri∣úsque Reipublicae secunder. Amen. Sacram Regiam Maiestatem foelicissim è valere exopto. Datum Constantinopoli anno 1583, die octauo Maij.

A letter of the English Ambassadour to M. Haruie Millers, appoin∣ting him Consull for the English nation in Alexandria, Cairo, and other places of Egypt.

HAuing to appoint our Consull in Cayro, Alexandria, Egypt, and other parts adia∣cent, for the safe protection of body and goods of her Maiesties subiects; being well perswaded of your sufficient abilitie; in her Maiesties name I doe elect and make choise of you, good friend Haruie Millers, to execute the same worshipfull office, as

shall be required for her Maiesties better seruice, the commodity of her subiects, and my conten∣tation: hauing and inioying for merit of your trauell in the premisses the like remuneration inci∣dent to the rest of ours in such office in other parts of this Empire. Requiring you (all other af∣faires set aside) to repaire thither with expedition, and attend vpon this your charge, which the Almighty grant you well to accomplish. For the due execution whereof, we heerewith send you the Grand Signiors Patent of priuilege with ours, and what els is needfull therefore, in so am∣ple maner, as any other Consull whosoeuer doeth or may enioy the same. In ayd whereof, accor∣ding to my bounden duety to her Maiesty our most gracious Mistresse, I will be ready alwayes to employ my selfe to the generall benefit of her Maiesties subiects, for your maintenance in all iust causes incident to the same. And thus eftsoones requiring and commanding you as aboue∣sayd, to performe my request, I bid you most heartily well to fare, and desire God to blesse you. From my mansion Rapamat nigh Pera this 25 of April 1583.

Commission giuen by M. VVilliam Hareborne the English Am∣bassadour, to Richard Forster, authorising him Consul of the English na∣tion in the parts of Alepo, Damasco, Aman, Tripolis, Ierusalem, &c.

I William Harborne, her Maiesties Ambassadour, Ligier with the Grand Signior, for the affaires of the Leuant doe in her Maiesties name confirme and appoint Richard Forster Gentleman, my Deputie and Consull in the parts of Alepo, Damasco, Aman, Tripolis, Ierusalem, and all other ports whatsoeuer in the prouinces of Syria, Palestina, and Iurie, to execute the of∣fice of Consull ouer all our Nation her Maiesties subiects, of what estate or quality soeuer: giuing him hereby full power to defend, protect, and main∣taine all such her Maiesties subiects as to him shall be obedient, in all honest and iust causes whatsoeuer: and in like case no lesse power to imprison, punish, and correct any and all such as he shall finde disobedient to him in the like causes, euen in such order as I my selfe might doe by vertue of her Maiesties Commission giuen me the 26 of Nouember 1582, the copie whereof I haue annexed to this present vnder her Maiesties Seale deliuered me to that vse. Straightly charging and commanding all her Maiesties subiects in those parts, as they will auoid her High∣nesse displeasure and their owne harmes, to honour his authoritie, and haue due respect vnto the same, aiding and assisting him there with their persons and goods in any cause requisit to her Maiesties good seruice, and commoditie of her dominions. In witnesse whereof I haue confir∣med and sealed these presents at Rapamat my mansion house by Pera ouer against Constantino∣ple, the 20 of Iune 1583.

A letter of directions of the English Ambassadour to M. Richard Forster, appointed the first English Consull at Tripolis in Syria.

COusin Forster, these few words are for your remembrance when it shall please the Almighty to send you safe arriuall in Tripolis of Syria. When it shall please God to send you thither, you are to certifie our Nation at Tripolis of the cer∣taine day of your landing, to the end they both may haue their house in a readi∣nesse, and also meet you personally at your entrance to accompany you, being your selfe apparelled in the best maner. The next, second, or third day, after your comming, giue it out that you be crazed and not well disposed, by meanes of your tra∣uell at Sea, during which time, you and those there are most wisely to determine in what ma∣ner you are to present your selfe to the Beglerbi, Cadi, and other officers: who euery of them are to be presented according to the order accustomed of others formerly in like office: which after the note of Iohn Blanke, late Uice-consull of Tripolis for the French, deliuered you heerewith, is very much: and therefore, if thereof you can saue any thing, I pray you doe it, as I doubt not but you will. They are to giue you there also another Ianizarie according as the French hath; whose outward proceedings you are to imitate and follow, in such sort as you bee not his inferiour, according as those of our Nation heeretofore with him resi∣dent can informe you. Touching your demeanour after your placing, you are wisely to pro∣ceede considering both French and Uenetian will haue an enuious eye on you: whome if they perceiue wise and well aduised, they will feare to offer you any iniurie. But if they shall perceiue any insufficiencie in you, they will not omitte any occasion to harme you. They are subtile, malicious, and dissembling people, wherefore you must alwayes haue their

doings for suspected, and warily walke in all your actions: wherein if you call for Gods diuine assistance, as doth become ••uery faithfull good Christian, the same shall in such sort direct you as he shall be glorified, your selfe preserued, your doings blessed, and your enemies confounded. Which if contrarywise you omit and forget, your enemies malice shalbe satisfied with your con∣fusion, which God defend, and for his mercies sake keepe you. Touching any outlopers of our nation, which may happen to come thither to traffike, you are not to suffer, but to imprison the chiefe officers, and suffer the rest not to traffike at any time, and together enter in such bonds as you thinke meete, that both they shall not deale in the Grand Signiors dominions, and also not harme, during their voyage, and his subiects shippes, vessels, or whatsoeuer other, but quietly de∣part out of the same country without any harme doing. And touching those there for the compa∣ny, you are to defend them according to your priuiledge & such commandements as you haue had hence, in the best order you may. In all and euery your actions, at any hand, beware of rashnesse and anger, after both which repentance followeth. Touching your dealings in their affaires of marchandise, you are not to deale otherwise then in secret and counsell. You are carefully to foresee the charge of the house, that the same may be in all honest measure to the companies pro∣fit and your owne health through moderation in diet, and at the best hand, and in due time to prouide things needfull, to saue what may be: for he that buyeth euery thing when he needeth it, harmeth his owne house, and helpeth the retailer. So as it is, in mine opinion, wisdome to fore∣see the buying of all things in their natiue soile, in due time, and at the first hand euery yeere, as you are to send the company the particular accounts of the same expenses. Touching your selfe, you are to cause to be employed fifty or threescore ducats, videlicet, twenty in Sope, and the rest in Spices, whereof the most part to be Pepper, whereof we spend very much. The Spices are to be prouided by our friend William Barrat, and the Sope buy you at your first arriuall, for that this shippe lading the same commodity will cause it to amount in price. From our mansion Rapamat, the fift of September 1583.

A letter to the right honourable VVilliam Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassadour with the Grand Signior from Alger.

RIght honorable, we haue receiued your honors letters dated in Constantinople the 5 of Nouember, and accordingly deliuered that inclosed to the king of this place, requiring of him, according as you did command vs in her Maiesties name, that he would vouchsafe to giue order to all his Captaines & Raies that none of them should meddle with our English shippes comming or going to or from these parts, for that they haue order not to passe by the Christian coast, but vpon the coast of Barbary, and shewing him of the charter giuen by the Grand Signior, requiring him in like case that for the better fulfilling of the amity, friendship and holy league betweene the Grand Signior and her Maiesty, he would giue vs fiue or six safeconducts for our ships, that mee∣ting with any of his gallies or galliots, they might not meddle with them neither shoot at them: who made me answere he would neither giue me any safe conduct nor commission to his men of war not to meddle with them, for that he trusted to take some of them this yere, and made good account thereof. In like maner I spake to the chiefe of the Ianisers and the Leuents, who made me answere, the best hope they had this yere was to take some of them, and although they haue the Grand Signiors commandement we care not therefore: for we will by policy, or one meanes or other prouoke them to shoot some ordinance, which if they do but one piece, the peace is broken, and they be good prizes. And some of them say further, we care not for their safeconduct, for if they shew it vs, we will conuey it away, we are sure the dogs cannot be beleeued against vs. The premisses considered, your honor is with all speed to procure the Grand Signior his fauorable let∣ters directed to Hazan, the Cady, Captaines, Ianisers, & Leuents, & another like to Romadan Bassa, king of Tripolis, cōmanding them in no maner whatsoeuer to deale with our English ships bound into those parts or returning thence with their commodities, although they should shoot one at another: for when our ships shall meet them, for that, as your honor is aduertised, the gal∣lies of Carthagena, Florence, Sicilia and Malta haue made a league to take all our ships comming in or going out of the Grand Signiors dominions, therefore if they meet with any of these gallies of Alger or Tripolis, thinking they be of them, and not knowing them a far off, they may shoot at them, which if therefore they should make them prizes, were against Gods lawes, the Grand Signior his league, all reason and conscience, considering that all the world doth know that Mar∣chants ships laden with marchandise do not seeke to fight with men of warre, but contrariwise to defend themselues from them, when they would do them harme. Wherefore i•• your honor do not

get out two letters of the Grand Signior as aforesayd, & send them hither with all speed by some one of your gentlemen accompanied with a chaus of the Court, or some other of the Grand Sig∣niors seruants, it is impossible that our English ships can escape freely from these or the Christi∣ans: for either they must of force go on the Christian coast, and so fall into their hands, or els on this coast, and fall into the kings of this towne, or Tripolis, their hands, which if they should, will neuer be recouered. And if your honor cannot obtaine this thing, I beseech your honor in the be∣halfe of all the English marchants (who sent me hither to follow such order as your honor should giue me) to certifie her Maiesty, to the end that they may be commanded to leaue off traffique, and not to lose their goods, and her poore subiects the Mariners. And thus humbly taking my leaue, I desist from troubling your honor. From Algier the tenth of February 1583.

A letter of M. Harborne to Mustapha, challenging him for his dishonest dealing in translating of three of the Grand Signior his commandements.

DOmine Mustapha, nescimus quid sibi velit, cum nobis mandataad finem vti∣lem concessa perperàm reddas, quae male scripta, plus damni, quam vtilitatis adferant: quemadmodum constat ex tribus receptis mandatis, in quibus sum∣mum aut principale de est aut aufertur. In posterum noli itanobiscum agere. Ita enim ludibrio erimus omnibus in nostrum & tuum dedecus. Cum nos multarum actionum spem Turcicè scriptarum in tua prudentia reponimus, ita prouidere debes, vt non eueniant huius modi m••la. Quocirca deinceps cum mandatum aut scriptum aliquod accipias, verbum ad verbum conuertatur in Latinum sermonem, ne dam∣num insequatur. Nosti multos habere nos inimicos conatibus nostris inuidentes, quorum malitiae vestrae est prudentiae aduersari. Hi nostri, Secretarius & minimus interpres ex nostra parte dicent in tribus illis receptis mandatis errata. Vt deinceps similes errores non eueniant precamur. Ista emendes, & caetera Serenissimae regiae Maiestatis negocia, vti decet vestrae con∣ditionis hominem, meliùs cures. Nam vnicuique suo officio strenue est laborandum vt debito tramite omnia succedant: quod spero te facturum. Bene vale.

The Pasport in Italian granted to Thomas Shingleton Englishman, by the king of Algier. 1583.

NOi Assan Basha Vicere & lochotenente e capitan dellae iurisditicne de Algier doniamo e concediamo libero saluo condutto a Thomas Shingleron mercadante, che possi con suo vassello e marinari de che natione se siano, emercadantia di qualsi voglia natione, andare & venire, e negotiare, e contrattare liberamente in questa citta de Algier & altri lochi de la nostra iurisditione cosi di ponente comi di Le∣uante: & cosi anchora commandiamo al capitan di mare di Algier & d••altri lo∣chi de nostra iurisditione, Rais de Vasselli & capitani de Leuante, & altri capitani di vasselli tanto grossi como picholi, si commanda a qual si voglia, che trouando il sopradetto Thomas Shingleton Inglese nell•• mari di Genua, Francia, Napoli, Calabria, e Sardigna con suo vassello e mercantia, & homini de che nationi si siano, non gli debba molestare, nepiggliare, ne toccare cosa de nessuna manera tanto di denare, como di qualsi voglia al••ra robba, sotto la pena e disgratia di perdir la vita & lar••b∣ba: Et per quanto hauete a caro la gràtia del Gran Signor nostro patrone Soltan Murates Ottoma∣no, lo lasciarete andare per suo camino senza dargli nessuno impedimento. Dato in Algieri in no∣stro reggio Palazzo, sigillato del nostro reggio sigillo, e sermato della gran ferma, & scritto del no∣stro reggio Secretario, il di 23 de Ienaro, 1583.

The same in English.

WE Assan Bassha Uiceroy and lieutenant, and captaine of the iurisdiction of Algier, giue and grant free safeconduct to Thomas Shingleton marchant, that with his ship and ma∣riners, of what nation so euer they be, & with his marchandize of what countrey soeuer, he may go and come, and trade & traffike freely in this city of Algier, and other places of our iurisdiction, as well of the West as of the East. And in like sort we further command the captaine of the sea of Algier, and other places of our iurisdiction, the Reiz of vessels & captaines of the Leuant, & other captaines of vessels aswell great as small, whosoeuer they be, we do command them, that finding the foresayd Thomas Shingleton Englishman in the seas of Genua, France, Naples, Calabria,

and Sardinia, with his ship and merchandize, and men of what nation soeuer they be, that they mo∣lest thē not, neither take nor touch any kind of thing of theirs, neither money nor any other kind of goods, vnder paine and peril of loosing of their liues and goods: and as you make account of the fa∣uour of the Grand Signor our lord Sultan Murates Hottoman, so see you let him passe on his way without any maner of impediment. Dated at Alger in our kingly palace, signed with our prince∣ly Signet, and sealed with our great seale, and written by our Secretarie of estate, the 23. of Ia∣nuarie, 1583.

A letter written in Spanish by Sir Edward Osborne, to the king of Alger, the 20. of Iuly, 1584. in the behalfe of certaine English captiues there detained.

MVy alto y poderoso Rey,

Sea seruida vostra alteza. Como la muy alta y potentissima magestad del Gran Senor tiene hecho articulos de priuilegios con la Serenissima Magestad de nuestra Reyna d'Inglatierra, para los vassallos della poder libremente yr y boluer, y tratar por mar y tierra en los dominios de su potentissima Magestad, Como a la clara pa∣resee por los dichos articulos, de che embiamos el tractado al Senor Iuan Tipton nuestro commissario, parale muestrar a vostra Alteza. Contra el tenor de los quales articulos por dos galeras de su ciudad de Alger hasido hechado al fondo en la mar vn des nuestros nauios que venia de Patras, que es en la Morea, cargado de corintes y otras mercaderias, que allá se compraron, y las mas de la gente del la matados y abogados en la mar, y el resto estan detenidospor esclauos: cosa muy con∣traria a los dichos articulos y priuilegios. Que es occasion, que por esto supplicamos a vostra Alteza muy humilmente, que, pues que la potentissima magestad del Gran Sennor es seruida nos fauorescer por los dichos articulos, tambien sea seruida vostra Alteza assistirnos en ellos, otorg andonos por vostra au∣toridad su aiuda y fauor, segun que esperamos para que puedan estar libres, y boluer para aca aquellos pobres hombres ansi hechor esclauos, como dicho es. Y ansi mismo, que mande vostra Alteza dar orden a los capitanes, maestres y gente de las galeras, que nos dexen de aqui adelante hazer nuestro trafico conseys naos cada anno para Turquia a los dominios del gran Sennor a paz y asaluo, por no cōtrariar a los dichos nuestros priuilegios, Lleuando cada vna de nuestras dichas naos por se conoscer vn salno condutto de su alta & potentissima magestad. Y con esta vostra tan senallada merced y fauor que en esso reciberemos, quedaremos nosotros congrandissima obligation a vostra Alteza de seruirla por el∣lo, segun que el dicho Sennor Iuan Tipton, a quien nos reportamos de todo lo demas, mejor informera vostra Alteza: Cuya serenissima persona y estado supplicamos y pidimos a Dios omnipotente prospere y accrescente con toda felicitad y honra.

De la ciudad de Londres a los veynte dias de Iulio del mil y quinientos y ochenta y quatro annos.

Al seruitio de vuestra Alteza per y en nombre de todos les tratantes en Turquia, Io el Mayor de Londres, Edward Osborne

The same in English.

RIght high and mightie king,

May it please your highnesse to vnderstand, that the most high and most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor hath confirmed certaine articles of priuileges with the most excellent maiestie of our Queene of England, that her subiects may freely go and come, and traffike by sea and land in the dominions of his most mighty maiesty, as appeareth more at large by y^e said articles, where∣of we haue sent the copy vnto M. Ioh. Tipton our Commissarie, to shew the same vnto your high∣nes. Against the tenor of which articles, one of our ships which came from Patras which is in Mo∣rea, laden with corants and other merchandizes which were bought in those parts, was sunke by 2. gallies of your citie of Alger,* 3.1 and the greatest number of the men thereof were slain and drow∣ned in the sea, the residue being detained as slaues: An acte very contrary to the meaning of the aforesaid articles and priuileges: which is the occasiō that by these presents we beseech your high∣nesse very humbly, that since it hath pleased the most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor to fa∣uour vs with the sayd priuileges, it would please your Highnesse in like maner to assist vs in the same, graunting vs by your authoritie, your ayde and fauour, according as our hope is, that these poore men so detained in captiuitie, as is aforesaid, may be set at libertie, & returne into their coun∣trey. And likewise that your highnesse would send to giue order to the captaines, masters and peo∣ple of your gallies, that from hencefoorth they would suffer vs to vse our traffique with sixe ships yerely into Turkie vnto the dominions of the Grand Signor in peace and safetie, that they do not

withstand those our said priuileges, euery one of our foresaid ships carying with them a passeport of his most high and most mightie maiestie to be knowen by. And for that your so singular fauour and curtesie which in so doing we shall receiue, we on our part with all bounden duetie vnto your highnesse, will seeke to honour you in that behalfe, according as the sayd master Iohn Tipton (to whom wee referre our selues touching all other circumstances) shall more at large enforme your highnesse, whose most excellent person and estate, we pray and beseech almightie God to prosper and increase with all felicitie and honour.

From the Citie of London, the 20. of Iuly, 1584.

At the seruice of your highnesse, for and in the name of our whole company trading into Turkie, I Maior of London, Edward Osburne.

Notes concerning the trade of Alger.

* 3.2THe money that is coined in Alger is a piece of gold called Asiano, & Doublaes, and two Doublaes make an Asiano, but the Doubla is most vsed, for all things be sold by Doublaes, which Doubla is fiftie of their Aspers there.

The Asper there is not so good by halfe & more, as that in Constantinople: for the Chekin of gold of the Turkes made at Constantinople is at Alger worth an 150. Aspers, and at Constantinople it is but 66. Aspers.

The pistolet and roials of plate are most currant there.

The said pistolet goeth for 130. Aspers there: & the piece of 4. roials goeth for 40. Aspers, but oftentimes is sold for more, as men need them to cary vp into Turkie.

Their Asianos and Doublaes are pieces of course gold, worth here but 40. s. the ounce, so the same is currant in no place of Turkie out of the kingdom of Alger, neither the Aspers, for that they be lesse then others be, for they coine them in Alger.

* 3.3The custome to the king is inward 10. per centum, to the Turke, to be paid of the commoditie it selfe, or as it shall be rated.

There is another custome to the Ermine, of one & an halfe per centum, which is to the Iustice of the Christians: the goods for this custome are rated as they are for the kings custome.

Hauing paid custome inwards, you pay none outwards for any commoditie that you doe lade, more then a reward to the gate keepers.

* 3.4The waight there is called a Cantare for fine wares, as mettals refined, and spices, &c. which is here 120. li. subtil.

Mettall not refined, as lead, iron, and such grosse wares, are sold by a great Cantare, which is halfe as big againe: so it is 180. li. subtil of ours here.

* 3.5The measure of corne is by a measure called a Curtia, which is about 4. bushels of our mea∣sure, and corne is plentiful there and good cheape, except when there hapneth a very dry yeere.

The surest lodging for a Christian there is in a Iewes house: for if he haue any hurt, the Iew and his goods shall make it good, so the Iew taketh great care of the Christian and his goods that lieth in his house,* 3.6 for feare of punishment.

An Englishman called Thomas Williams, which is M. Iohn Tiptons man, lieth about trade of merchandize in the streete called The Soca of the Iewes.

Notes concerning the trade in Alexandria.

ALexandria in Egypt is a free port, and when a man commeth within the castles, presently the Ermyn sends aboord to haue one come and speake with him, to know what goods are aboord: and then hee will set guards aboord the ship to see all the goods discharged. And then from the Ermin you goe to the * 3.7 Bye, onely for that he will inquire newes of you, and so from thence to the Consuls house where you lie. The Uenetians haue a Consul themselues. But all other nations goe to the French nations Consul, who will giue you a chamber for your selues apart, if you will so haue it.

The customs inward of all commodities are ten in the hundred, & the custome is paid in wares also that you buy:* 3.8 for the same wares in barter you pay also ten in the hundred, at the lading of the wares. But if you sell for mony, you pay no more custome but the ten aforesaid, and one and a half in the hundred, which is for the custome of the goods you lade for the sayd mony, for more custome you pay not. But for all the money you bring thither, you pay nothing for the custome of the same. And if you sell your wares for mony, and with the same money buy wares, you pay but two in the hundred for the custome thereof. And if you steale any custome, if it be taken, you pay double cu∣stome for that you steale.

The weight of Alexandria is called Pois Forforeine, which is a kintal in that place, which ma∣keth at Marseils 109. li. of Marseils waight, at 15 ounces the pound, which is 103. li. of 16. oun∣ces to the li. There is another waight called Pois Gerrin, which is 150. li. of Marseils waight, by which are sold all things to eate: but spice is sold by the former waight.

From Alexandria to Cairo is three daies iourney,* 3.9 but you must take a Ianissarie with you: & to go vp thither by water it is 8. dayes iourney. Roials of Spaine are currant mony there, and are the best money you can cary. And 4. roials are woorth 13. Medins, and 2. Medins, are 3. Aspers. Pistolets and crownes of France and Doll••rs will goe, but of all Roials are best.

Rice is not permitted to goe out of the land, but is kept for a victuall. But with a present to the Bye and Ermine some may passe.

All sortes of spices be garbled after the bargaine is made, and they be Moores which you deale withall, which be good people and not ill disposed. And after you be searched & haue leaue to passe, you must presently depart out of the port, and if you doe not, they will search you againe. And you must depart in the day, for in the night the castles will not suffer you to depart. The duetie to the Consul is 2. in the hundred, for his aide, and meate and drinke and all. And the port of Alexandria is good when one is within it with good ankers and cables. Siluer is better currant then gold in Alexandria, but both are good.

Commonly the Carauans come thither in October from Mecca to Cairo, and from thence to Alexandria, where the merchants be that buy the spices, and therfore the spices are brought most to Alexandria, where each Christian nation remaineth at the Consuls houses. Yet oftentimes the christians go vp to Cairo to buy drugs & other commodities there, as they see cause. And the com∣modities there vendible are all sorts of kersies, but the most part blewes, and of clothes all colours except mingled colours and blacks. Pepper is vsually sold for 24. ducats the quintal, Ginger for 14. ducats. You must take canuas to make bags to put your commoditie in from Alexandria, for there is none. There is also fine flaxe, and good store of Buffe hides.

A letter of the English ambassador to M. Edward Barton.

MAster Barton I send you 3. commandements in Turkish, with a copy thereof in Eng∣lish, to the ende our ships might not come in danger of breach of league, if they should shoote at the gallies of those of Algier, Tunis, and Tripolis in the West: which after you haue shewed the Bassas, receiue againe into your hands, and see them registred, and then deliuer one of them to our friend M. Tipton, & the like you are to do with the priuilege which you cary with you, and see them iointly registred in the Cadies booke, deliuering the copy of the said priuilege sealed by the Cadi, also to the sayd our friend M. Tipton, taking a note of his hand for the receipt thereof, and for deliuerie at all times to vs or our assignes. And require them in her maiesties and the grand Signors name, that they will haue our ships passing too and fro vnder li∣cence and safeconduct for recommended in friendly maner. Touching your proceedings in Tri∣polis with Romadan, as I haue not receiued any aduise thereof, since your departure, so must I leaue you to God and my former directiō. The ship patronised of Hassan Rayes, which you wrote to be ours, prooued to be a Catalonian. As for ours, by report of that Hassan and other Iewes in his ship, it was affirmed to be sold to the Mal••eses, which with the rest you are to receiue there. And hauing ended these affaires and registred our priuilege, and these three commandements, in Tripolis, Tunis, and Alger, I pray you make speedy returne, and for that which may be recouered, make ouer the same either to Richard Rowed for Patrasso in Morea, or otherwise hither to Iohn Bate in the surest maner you may, if the registring of that your priuilege and these commande∣ments will not suffer you in person to returne with the same. From my Mansion Rapamat in Pera this 24. of Iune 1584.

The commaundement obtained of the Grand Signior by her Maie∣sties ambassador M. Will. Hareborne, for the quiet passing of her subiects to and frō his dominions, sent in An. 1584. to the Viceroyes of Algier, Tunis & Tripolis in Barbary.

To our Beglerbeg of Algier.

WE certifie thee by this our commandement, that the right honorable Will. Hareborne ambassador to the Queenes maiestie of England hath signified vnto vs, that the ships of that countrey in their comming and returning to and from our Empire, on the one part of the Seas haue the Spaniards, Florentines, Sicilians and Malteses, on the other part our countreis committed to your charge: which aboue said Christians will not quietly suf∣fer their egresse and regresse, into, and out of our dominions, but doe take and make the men cap∣tiues,

and forfeit the shippes and goods, as the last yeere the Malteses did one, which they tooke at Gerbi, and to that end do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction, whereupon they are constrained to stand to their defence at any such time as they might meet with them. Where∣fore considering by this means they must stand vpon their guard, when they shall see any gallie a∣farre off, whereby if meeting with any of your gallies and not knowing them, in their defence they do shoot at them, and yet after when they doe certainly know them, do not shoote any more, but re∣quire to passe peaceably on their voiage, which you would deny, saying, the peace is brokē because you haue shot at vs, and so make prize of them contrary to our priuileges, and against reason: for the preuenting of which inconuenience the said ambassador hath required this our commaundement. We therefore command thee, that vpon sight hereof thou doe not permit any such matter in any sort whatsoeuer, but suffer the sayd Englishmen to passe in peace according to the tenour of our commandement giuen, without any disturbance or let by any means vpon the way, although that meeting with thy gallies, and not knowing them afarre off, they taking them for enemies should shoot at them, yet shall you not suffer them to hurt them therfore, but quietly to passe. Wherefore looke thou that they may haue right, according to our priuilege giuen them, & finding any that ab∣senteth himself, & wil not obey this our commandement, presently certify vs to our porch, that we may giue order for his punishment, and with reuerence giue faithfull credite to this our comman∣dement, which hauing read, thou shalt againe returne it vnto them that present it. From our pa∣lace in Constantinople, t••e 1. of Iune 1584.

A letter of the honorable M. Wil. Hareborne her maiesties ambass. with the grand signior to M. Tipton, appointing him Consul of the English in Algier, Tunis, & Tripolis of Barbarie.

MAster Tipton, I haue receiued among others, yours of the 10. of Nouember 1584. by Soliman Sorda, certifying the receipt of mine of the 24. of Iune 1584. with the 3. com∣mandements, which not being registred, let it now be done. Where you write the force of the priuilege to be broken by our ships in shooting, & therfore be lawfully taken, you are deceiued, for of those taken in thē, hath the grand Signior now deliuered vs free, Wil. Moore, and Rob. Rawlings, & further promised the rest in like case, wheresoeuer they be, & that hereafter no violence shalbe shewed, considering ours be merchāts ships which go peaceably in their voiage, & were ignorant of the orders of Algier, neither knew afar off whether they were friends or the Christians gallies in league against vs, of whom they most doubted, who not suffring our ships to come into these parts, wil make prize of the goods & captiue the mē, so as they are not to let them come nigh them: & since ours haue not done contrary to the articles of the same priuilege, wherein is no order for Algier prescribed vs, as both by the originall now sent vs, & also by the copy now sent you frō London you may perceiue, they according to right are as abouesaid to be set free, and their goods restored, which if it be not there accomplished as the grand Signior hath now cōman∣ded & most faithfully premised, neither yet in case of their denial, those offenders punished here, and our iniuries redressed, we are to demand our Congie, & command our merchants her maiesties subiects, to end their traffike here, which in our countrey commodities is prooued & found by the grand Signior to be so beneficial to his countries as we are assured so well thereof, as also for the honor which his ancestors neuer had of friēdship w^t so mighty a prince as is her maiesty, he wil not but maintaine y^e faith promised her, & the intercourse in due force. And where you say y^t the grand Signor his letters, in the behalf of the French, were no more accepted there, then of a mean mā, nor tooke no place, that is not material to vs, our letters are after another sort much more effectuall. For our case & theirs be found far different, in y^t they be not onely now out of fauour with him, but also the commodities which they bring hither, as suger, paper, bracelets, ropes of bast almonds, &c. all which may be here welspared, & we contrarily so wel esteemed, as he neuer denied vs any thing since our comming demanded, which neither their ambassador, nor the Venetian could haue here, & therfore we rest perswaded, knowing the wisdom of the Beglerbeg, who is aduised by his friēds from hence, of this our credite w^t his master, he wil so respect his cōmandements, as to accōplish y^e tenor therof according to our desire. And where you say y^t the Ianizers rule all there, I know right wel y^t if things be not done as the grand Signior commandeth, his lieutenant must answer it. And therefore I am fully perswaded if he doe what he may they dare not resist him, for if they should, those rebels should not be vnpunished of y^e grand Signior. And though they speake their pleasures amōg themselues there, yet they be not so brutish, but they wel consider that their master y^e grand Signior may not be gainsaid or mocked of any. For vpon his word dependeth the life or death ••uē of the chiefest, as I haue seene since my comming hither. So whatsoeuer these Ianizaries say, they will be better aduised in their deedes then to withstand their Uiceroy, if he himselfe wil vse his lawfull power, which if hee doe not, hee cannot purge himselfe here of their euill procee∣dings against the grand Signiors friends: for the feet may not rule the bodie, but contrarywise,

the head, the feete, and all the rest of the members. And for that neither for feare, affection or other∣wise you omit as a faithfull true subiect to her maiestie to do your dutie, I do by my warrant go∣ing herewith charge you, & in her maiesties name, to the vttermost to vse your good and faithful en∣deuour, as becommeth a true subiect, & in all things that may concerne her maiesties good seruice, assisting the Chaus with the rest of our messengers in counsel, trauel, & what els shall be thought requisite for your good discharge of your dutie. And to y^e end you may boldly proceed herein as also for the good opinion sir Edward Osborne & the company haue of you, and I no lesse perswaded of your wisedom, vpright dealing, & good experience in those parts, do send you herewith the grand Signiors & our patents for exercising the office of Consul there, in Tripolis & Tunis: by vertue of which authoritie you may without feare proceed as the office doeth chalenge in defence of our pri∣uilege, to redresse all iniuries offred our nation. Which if you cannot get reformed there of y^e Beg∣lerbies vpon your complaint, I thereof aduertised, shal doe it here, and to the vttermost maintaine you in al rightful causes whatsoeuer, doubt you not. And hereafter according to your aduise, I wil and do giue our ships order not to fight with any gallies of Alger, but to hoise out their skiffe and and go aboord to shew them their safeconduct, & to present the captain with a garment, & you there in such like case are to take order that they do not forceably take any thing from them. Nothing doubting but the Uiceroy (whose friendship in her maiesties behalfe I desire) will not onely per∣forme the same your iust request, & according to right, restore to libertie our mē since the priuilege taken, but also cause those y^t tooke & sunke our ships to answere the value, which I haue set downe truly, and rather with the least in the Inuentorie translated into Turkish,* 3.10 whereof the inclosed is the copy in English, which I send to the end you may be the better informed of my demand by this our Chaus Mahomet, with whom in all things you are to conferre of matters expedient, for the honor of her maiesties country, & the commoditie, and libertie of poore captiues, which if the Uice∣roy do wel consider, according to his wisedom, as the grand Signior doeth thereof, he shal wel per∣ceiue it not onely a great honour to his master as aforesaid, to continue this amitie with her maie∣stie, but chiefly to the whole estate of his kingdom exceeding profitable, which by this means shall be abundantly serued with the chiefest commodities they want, with many other things of more importance to the grand Signior his contentation, not herein to be mentioned. For I know the Uiceroies experienced wisdom can wel consider thereof, in such sort as he wil not deny to accōplish his masters commandement, & our earnest request in so smal a matter as this we require, whereof I expect no refusall: for thereby he shall increase his honor with the grand Signior, be in credite with her maiestie, be void of trouble which hereafter by future suite against him may happen, and his gallies free of such doubtful issue as doeth chance, fighting with our ships. Which, as it is well knowen to all the world, haue so great hearts as neuer cowardly to yeeld to their enemies. And that therefore in that respect (after the prouerbe, like esteeme of their like) they are the more of such a valiant prince as is their Uiceroy and his couragious souldiers to be in all friendship che∣rished and better esteemed. If the captaine Bassa had bene returned from Capha, I would in like maner haue procured his letters, which for that he is not, I doubt nothing but that the grand Sig∣niors will suffise. Thus commending your selfe and these proceedings to the almighty his merci∣ful direction, I did you most heartily wel to fare. From my mansion Rapamat nigh Pera, this 30, of March 1585.

Series vel registrum valoris nauium, bonorum, & hominum per triremes Argerienses ereptorum, vna cum captiuorum hominum nominibus, Beglerbego Argeriensi Hassano.

1 SAlomon de Plimmouth habuit 36. homines, onerata cum sale, onere trecentorum doli∣orum, valore Florenorum 5600.

2 Elizabetha de Garnesey cum decem hominibus Anglis, reliquis Britonibus, valore Flore∣norum 2000.

3 Maria Martin de London onere centum & triginta doliorum, rectore Thoma More cum triginta quinque hominibus, reuertens de Patrasso cum mandato Caesareo, valore Floreno∣rum 1400.

4 Elizabeth Stokes de London, rectore Dauid Fillie de London, Patrassum veniens cum mā∣dato Caesareo: huius praecipuus valor eratin talleris numeratis, quos habuit Richardus Gib∣ben, qu•• adduxit etiam Serenissimae Regineae maiestatis literas Caesari & oratori. Valor reli∣quus in mercibus vna cum superiori in talleris effecit Florenorum 21500.

5 Nicolaus de London, rectore Thoma Forster, onerata cum vuis siecis, valore Floreno∣rum 4800.

In tempore Romadan Beglerbegi Argirae spoliatae & ereptae naues, merces, & homines.

1 IVdith de London, rectore Iacobo Beare, cum hominibus 24. valore Florenorum 3100.

2 Iesus de London, rectore Andraea Dier, cum 21. hominibus. Valorem ••uius & 14. homi∣nes, reliquis mortuis, reddidit Romadan Bassa Tripolitanus Secretario legati, Edwardo Bar∣ton, valore Florenorum 9000.

Nomina hominum mancipatorum & viuentium tunc temporis, quando Caesar illu∣strissimus, & dominus Orator Chauseum Mahumetem miserunt Algiram.

1 Ante foedus initum in naue Peter de Bristow.

• John Winter.
• Robert Barton.

2 In naue Swallow de London.

• Rich. Crawford.
• Anthony Eluers.
• Wil. Rainolds.

Post foedus initum in naue Britona.

James Yoong.

1 In naue Rabnet de Hampton.

Thomas Lisney.

2 In naue Salomon.

• John Tracie.
• Wil. Griffith.
• Wil. Cocke.

1 In naue Elizabeth.

Iohn Woodward, Giles Naper, Leonard Iames, Oliuer Dalli∣more, and Richard Maunsell.

2 In naue Maria Martin.

Thomas Moore, Wil. White, Wil. Palmer, Nich. Long, Peter March, Rich. Haslewood, Wil. Dewly, Wil. Cowel, Iohn Franke, Henry Parker, Iohn Cauendish, Moises Robinson, Iames Sotherich, Henry Howel, Nich. Smith, Henry Rag∣ster, Rich. Dauison, Rich. Palmer.

3 In naue Elizabeth Stokes.

Dauid Fillie, Walter Street, Laurence Wilkins, Morgan Dauis, Iohn Quinte, Ambrose Harison, Iohn Peterson, Tristram Uois, Roger Ribbe.

4 In naue Nicholas,

Thomas Forster rector nauis & eius nautae.

To Assan Aga, Eunuch & Treasurer to Hassan Bassa king of Alger, which Assan Aga was the sonne of Fran. Rowlie of Bristow merchant, taken in the Swalow.

I Receiued your letters of Will. Hamor gentleman my seruant very thankfully, aswel for the feruent faith that by his report I heare you haue in our lord Iesus Christ, by whose onely merits and bloodshedding, you together with vs and all other good Chri∣stians so truly beleeuing, shalbe saued, as also for your faithfull obedience like a true subiect to her Maiestie, naturally louing your countrey & countreymen, declared in your fauoura∣ble furtherance of the said Wil. Hamore, procuring their redemption. Of which your good & ver∣tuous actions, as I reioice to vnderstand, so wil I impart the same to your singuler cōmendation, both to our mistresse her Maiestie, & her most honorable counsellers the nobilit••e of England, to whom assure your selfe the report shalbe very welcome. And now this second time I am inforced by duetie to God & her maiesty, as also by the smal regard your master had of the Grand Signors former commandements, to complaine vnto him, though not so vehemently as I had occasion by his most vnworthy answer. But I hope, & the rather by your means, he will not contrary this se∣cond commandement, threatning him, not obseruing the same, losse of office & life. The due execu∣tion whereof by your vertuous & careful industry procured, wil manifest to all the world, especial∣ly to her maiesty, & me her ambassador, your true christian mind & English heart, intentiuely bent to Gods honor, & the libertie of the poore men, for which I trust you be ordained another Ioseph, to folow his example in true pietie, in such sort that notwithstāding your body be subiect to Turkish thraldom, yet your vertuous mind free frō those vices, next vnder God addict to y^e good seruice of your liege Lady & soueraigne princes, her most excellent maiesty, wil continually seeke by all good means to manifest y^e same in this & the like faithful seruice to your singuler cōmendation, wherby both my selfe & others in that place hauing found you in all good offices faithfully affectionated, may in like case performe the like towards you, when & where you may haue occasion to vse me: which as I for my part do assuredly promise, & wil no lesse faithfully performe; so accordingly I expect herein, and hereafter the like of you, whom most heartily saluted I commend to the diuine tuition and holy direction.

From my house Rapamat, this 28. of Iune 1586.

Your louing and good friend her Maiesties Ambassador with the Grand Signor, Will. Har••borne.

A petition exhibited to the Viceroy for reformation of sundry in∣iuries offered our nation in Morea, as also for sundry demaundes needefull for the establishing of the traffike in those parts.

1 FIrst that our people may be freed of such wonted molestation, as the Ia••isers of Patrasso haue alwayes from time to time offered them, not regarding the kings commandements to the contrary. That they be remoued and called a∣way from thence, and none other remaine in their place.

2 That where heretofore the kings commandements haue beene graunted to ours, that no person whatsoeuer shall forceably take from them any of their commodities, otherwise then paying them before the deliuerie thereof, for the same in rea∣die money, at such price as they themselues will, and sell ordinarily to others, as also that no of∣ficer whatsoeuer, of the kings or any other, shall force them to buy any commodities of that coun∣trey, otherwise then the needfull, at their owne will and pleasure, that the said commandements not heretofore obeyed may be renued with such straight charge for the execution of the same, as is requisite for their due effect.

3 That whereas sundry exactions and oppressions be offered ours by such Byes, Sanjacbies, iustices and Cadies, Ianizaries, Capagies, and others, officers of the kings comming downe into those parts, who finding there resident no other nation but only ours, will vnder the name of pre∣sents forceable take from them what they please: We do require to obuent these harmes, it may be specified by a commandement from the king to which of such his officers, presents may be gi∣uen, and their sundry values, whereby both they and ours may rest contented, seuerely prohibiting in the said commandement, that they take no more then that appointed them, and that no other of∣ficers but those onely specified in that commaundement, doe forcibly require of them any thing whatsoeuer.

4 That the Nadir and Customer of the port, hauing permitted our ship to lade, doe not after demand of the marchants any other then the outward custome due to the king for the same goods. And being so laden, may by them and the Cadie with other their inferiour officers be visued, re∣quiring for the visiting no more then formerly they were accustomed to pay at their first com∣ming. After which the said ship to depart at the Consuls pleasure, without any molestation of them, or any other officer whatsoeuer.

5 That Mahomet Chaus, sometime Nadir of Lepanto, and Azon Agon his substitute being with him may be seuerely punished to the example of others, for often and vniustly molesting our nation, contrarie to the kings commandement, which they disdainefully contemned, as also that the said Mahomet restore and pay vnto ours thirtie for 300 sack••s of currants nowe taken forcibly out of a barke, comming thither from the higher partes of Morea, to pay the king his custome, and that from hence forth, neither the said Mahomet, Azon Agon, nor any other officer or person whatsoeuer doe hinder or trouble any of ours going thither or to any other place about ther affaires.

6 That whereas certaine Iewes of Lepanto owing money to our marchants for commodities solde them, haue not hitherto satisfied them, notwithstanding ours had from the king a comman∣dement for the recouery of the same debts, but fled and absented themselues out of the Towne at the comming of the same, another more forcible commaundement may be graunted ours, that for nonpaiment, whatsoeuer may be fo••id of theirs in goods, houses, vineyards, or any other thing, may be sold, and ours satisfied of their said debt, according to equitie and reason.

A commandement to Patrasso in Morea.

VVHen this commandement shall come vnto you, know you, that the Consull of the Eng∣lish Nation in our port of Patrasso, hath giuen vs to vnderstand, that formerly we gran∣ted him a commandement that hauing paied once custome for the currants bought to lade in their ships, they shall not pay it againe: according to which they bringing it to the port of Petrasso, in∣forming thereof Mahomet the Nadir of Lepanto, he contrary to the tenor thereof and former order, doth againe take another custome of him, and requiring him to know why he so did contrary to our commandement, he answered vs, he tooke it not for custome, but for a present. Moreouer the sayd Consull certified vs how that the said Nadir contrary to to ancient custome doth not take for the kings right as he ought currents, but will haue of the poore men money at his pleasure, and therewith buyeth currents at a very low price, which after he doth forcibly sell to vs at a much higher price, saying it is remainder of the goods of the king, and by this meanes doth hurt the poore men and do them wrong. Wherefore I command you by this my commandement, that

you looke to this m••tter betweene this Consull, the Nadir, and this people, and do therein equally according to right. And see that our cōmandement in this matter be obserued in such sort, as they hauing once in the port paied full custome, do not pay it againe, neither that this Nadir do take a∣ny more money of them by the way of present, for that therein it is most certaine he doth them in∣iurie contrary to the Canon. And if with you shall be found to the value of one Asper taken here∣tofore wrongfully of them, see it presently restored to them, without any default. And from hence∣foorth see that he doe neither him nor his people wrong, but that he deale with them in all things according to our Canon, that the Consull and his hereafter haue no occasion any more to com∣plaine here in our Court, and that the Nadir proceed in gathering corants of the people after the old order and not otherwise. This know you for certaine, and giue credit to this my commaunde∣ment, which hauing read deliuer againe into the Consuls handes. From Constantinople the yeere of Mahomet 993.

A commandement for Chio.

VObis, Beg & Cadi & Ermini, qui estis in Chio, significamus: quòd serenissimae Regineae Maiestatis Angliae orator, qui est in excelsa porta per literas significauit nobis, quod ex na∣uibus Anglicis vna nauis venis••ec ad portum Chio, & illinc Constantinopolim recto cursu vo∣luisser venire, & contra priuilegium derinuistis, & non siuistis venire. Hec praedictus orator sig∣nificauit nobis: & petiuit a nobis in hoc negocio hoc mandatum, vt naues Anglicae veniant & redeant in nostras ditiones Caesareas. Priuilegium datum & concessum est ex parte Serenitatis Caesareae nostrae: & huius priuilegij copia data est sub insigni nostro: Et contra nostrum priuile∣gium Caesareum quodita agitur, quae est causa? Quando cum hoc mandato nostro homines illorum ad vos venerint ex praedicta Anglia, si nauis venerit ad portum vestrum, & sires & mer∣ces ex naue exemerint, & vendiderint, & tricessimam secundam partem reddiderint, & res quae manserint Constantinopolim auferre velint, patiantur: Et si aliquis contra priuilegium & arri∣culos eius aliquid ageret, non sinatis, nec vos facite: & impediri non sinatis eos, vt rectà Con∣stantinopolim venientes in suis negotiationibus sine molestia esse possint. Et quicunque con∣tra hoc mandatum & priuilegium nostrum aliquid fecerit, nobis significate. Huic mandato no∣stro & insigni fidem adhibete. In principio mensis Decembris.

A commandement for Baliabadram.

SErenissimae Reginae Angliae orator literis supplicatorijs in porta nostra fulgida significauit, quod Balia••adram venientes mercatores, naues & homines eorum, contra priuilegium im∣pedirentur & molestarentur. Inter nos enim & Reginam cum foedus sit, vt mercatores, homi∣nes & naues eorum contra priuilegium impediantur aut molestentur, nullo vnquam pacto con∣cedimus. Mandamus igitur, vt literae nostrae Caesareae, quàm primum tibi exhibitae fuerint, has in persona propria cures, secundum quod conuenit, videas{que} ex Anglia Baliabadram cum mer∣cibus venientibus mercatoribus, & alias ob causas venientibus hominibus, in summa Anglien∣sibus & nauibus eorum, & in nauibus existentibus mercibus & rebus contra foedus & priuile∣gium, iniuria, vis aut damnum non inferatur: sed, vt conuenit, defendas, vt naues, mercatores, & homines, nostri velut proprij subditi, liberi ab omni vi & iniuria permaneant, & negotijs suis incumbant. Et quod illius loci Ianisseri illos impedirent, significatum est: vt illi illis nocumen∣to sint nullo modo concedimus. Iuxta tenorem mandati huius illos commonefacias, vt nihil quicquam contra foedus faciant, ita vt nunquam huiusmodi querela huc veniat, quia quicquid acciderit, a te expostulabimus. Negligentiam postponito, & insigni Cesareo fidem adhibeto.

A commaundement for Egypt.

SCito, quod orator Reginae Angliae in porta mea existens libellum supplicem ad portam no∣stram mittens significauit, quod cum ex AEgypto Consul eorum abesset, Consulillic Gal∣licus existens, Vento nuncupatus, quamuis ante haec tempora ne manus in Anglos mitteret mandatum nostrum fuerit datum, Angli sub vexillo & tutela nostra sunt inquiens, mandatum Caesareum vili existimans, non cessauit perturbare Anglos. Quare scito quod Reginae Angliae priuilegium nostrum est datum. Iuxta illud priuilegium Anglis nulla ratione Consul Gallicus Consulatum agat, neue manus immittat, mandatum nostrum postulauit eius legatus. Quare mando, vt contra priuilegium nostrum Consul Gallicus Anglis iniuriam non inferat, neue Consulatum agat. Iudici AEgypti literae nostrae sunt datae: hanc ob causam mando tibi quoque, vt iuxta illud mandatum nostrum, contra priuilegium nostrum Anglis Gallum Consulatum agere nunquam patiare, Sic scito, & insigni meo fidem adhibeto.

A commaundement of the Grand Signior to the Cadie or Iudge of Alexandria.

THe Embassadour for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of England certified vs howe that at the death of one of their marchants in Alexandria called Edward Chamberlaine, the French Consul Vento sealing vp his fondego and chamber, tooke vnder his seale al his goods and marchandise into his power, and required our commandement that all the goods might be resto∣red againe according to iustice vnto the Englishmen: wherefore we commaund you that hauing receiued this our commandement, you assemble those of the one part and of the other together, and if it be not passed fiue yeeres, if you haue not looked to it heretofore, now carefully looke to it, & if it be according to their Arz or certificate presented vnto vs, that the foresaid French Consull Vento hath wrongfu••ly token into his power the goods of the deceased English marchant vn∣der h••s seale, that then you cause him to restore all the said goods and marchandise sealed by him, and make good that which is thereof wanting vnto the English marchants: doe in this matter according to iustice, and credite this our seale.

A commandement to the Bassa of Alexandria.

THe Embassadour for the Queenes most excellent Maiesty of England by supplication cer∣tified vs, how that notwithstanding our priuilege granted them to make Consuls in al parts of our dominions to gouerne their nation according to their owne custome & law, to defend them against all wrongs and iniuries whatsoeuer; yet that the French Consull affirming to thee that art Bassa, that they were vnder his banner, and that he should gouerne them, and ouersee their bu∣sinesse, and hauing got a new priuilege, mentioning therein the English men to be vnder his ban∣ner, did by all meanes molest & trouble them, insomuch that their Consull oppressed with many iniuries fled away, and that thou which art Beglerbie didst maintaine the French Consul here∣in; whereupon the Embassadour required our commandement, that they might haue iustice for these iniuries: wherefore we command thee that hauing receiued this our commandement, you examine diligently that his priuilege, and send the copie thereof hither, and if it be found that the French Consull Vento hath by subtiltie got the aforesaid priuilege written, that you then see him punished, and suffer not hereafter the French or Uenetian Consuls to intermeddle with their businesse, Obey this our commaundement, and giue credite to the seale.

A commaundement to the Byes, and Cadies of Metelin and Rhodes, and to all the Cadies and Byes in the way to Constantinople.

TO the Saniakbies of Rhodes and Metelin, to the Saniacbies bordering on the sea-coast, and to the Cadies in Rhodes and Metelin, and to the Ermins in the other ports and coastes. This commaundement comming to you, know that the Embassadour of England required of vs our commaundement that their ships comming to Chio, & from thence to Constantinople, no man should hurt them or offer any violence, either in the way on the sea or on the land, or in the portes. I haue commaunded, that their ships comming to any of the said places or ports with marchan∣dise, if they themselues will, they may sell their commodities, & as much, and as litle as they will, and if it be in a place where custome was not woont to be taken, hauing taken the custome due by the olde Canon you suffer them not to bee iniuried, either in the way, portes, or other pla∣ces, but that they may come in quietnesse to Constantinople, and certifie vs of those that be diso∣bedient to our commaundement, and giue credite to our seale. And hauing read this our com∣mandement, giue it to them againe.

A commaundement for Aleppo.

WHen my letters shal come vnto you, know that the Queene of England her Embassador by supplication certified how that before this time we had giuen our cōmandement that the summe of 70 ducats, & other marchandize belonging to one William Barret in Aleppo, now bead, saying he was a Uenetian, should be giuen to the Uenetians. And if they did find that he was not a Uenetian, my will was that they should send all his goods and marchandize to our port into my treasurie. But because that man was an Englishman, the Embassadour required that the sayde goods might not be diminished, but that they might be restored to one of their English∣men. This businesse was signified vnto vs in the nine hundred ninety & fourth yere of Mahomet,

and in the moneth of May the 10 day. This businesse pertaineth to the Englishmen, who haue in their handes our priuilege, according to which priuilege being in their hands let this matter be done. Against this priuilege do nothing, aske nothing of them, but restore to euery one his goods. And I command that when my cōmandement shall come vnto you, you doe according to it. And if it be according as the Ambassadour certified, and that they haue the priuilege, peruse the same, looke that nothing be committed against it and our league, and let none trouble them contrarie to it, restore them their goods according to iustice, and take heede diligently in this businesse: if another strange marchant be dead, and his goods and marchandize be taken, if he be neither Ue∣netian, nor Englishman, let not his goods perish among you. Before this time one of our Chauses called Cerkes Mahomet chaus was sent with our commaundement to sende the mo∣ney and marchandize of a dead marchant to our port, and hitherto no letters or newes is come of this matter, for which you shall be punished. Wherefore beware, and if he that is dead be nei∣ther Uenetian nor Englishman in veritie, doe not loose the goods of the said dead marchant vn∣der the name of a Uenetian or Englishman, doe not to the discommoditie of my treasurie, for af∣ter it will be hard to recouer it.

The voyage made to Tripolis in Barbarie, in the yeere 1583. with a ship called the Iesus, wherein the aduentures and distresses of some Eng∣lishmen are tr••ely reported, and other necessary circumstances obserued. Written by Thomas Sanders.

THis voyage was set foorth by the right worshipfull sir Edward Osborne knight, chiefe merchant of all the Turkish company, and one master Richard Staper, the ship being of the burden of one hundred tunnes, called the Iesus, she was builded at Farmne a riuer by Portsmouth. The owners were master Thomas Thomson, Nicholas Carnaby, and Iohn Gilman. The master was one Aches Hellier of Black-wall, and his Mate was one Richard Morris of that place: their Pilot was one Antho∣nie Ierado a French man, of the prouince of Marseils: the purser was one William Thomson our owners sonne: the merchants factors were Romane Sonnings a Frenchman, and Richard Skegs seruant vnto the said master Staper. The owners were bound vnto the merchants by char∣ter partie thereupon, in one thousand markes, that the said ship by Gods permission should goe for Tripolis in Barbarie, that is to say, first from Portsmouth to Newhauen in Normandie, from thence to S Lucar, otherwise called Saint Lucas in Andeluzia, and from thence to Tripolie, which is in the East part of Africa, and so to returne vnto London.* 4.1 But here ought euery man to note and consider the workes of our God, that many times what man doth determine God doth disappoint. The said master hauing some occasion to goe to Farmne, tooke with him the Pi∣lot and the Purser, and returning againe by meanes of a perrie of winde, the boat wherein they were, was drowned, with the said master, the purser, and all the company: onely the said Pilot by experience in swimming saued himselfe: these were the beginnings of our sorrowes. After which the said masters mate would not proceed in that voiage, and the owner hearing of this mis∣fortune, and the vnwillingnesse of the masters mate,* 4.2 did send downe one Richard Deimond, and shipped him for master, who did chuse for his Mate one Andrew Dier, and so the said ship depar∣ted on her voiage accordingly: that is to say, about the 16 of October, in An. 1583. she made saile from Portsmouth, and the 18 day then next following she arriued at Newhauen, where our saide last master Deimond by a surfeit died.* 4.3 The factors then appointed the said Andrew Dier, being then masters mate, to be their master for that voiage, who did chuse to be his Mates the two quar∣ter masters of the same ship, to wit, Peter Austine, and Shillabey, and for Purser was shipped one Richard Burges. Afterward about the 8 day of Nouember we made saile forthward, and by force of weather we were driuen backe againe into Portesmouth, where we renued our victuals and other necessaries, and then the winde came faire. About the 29 day then next following we depar∣ted thence, and the first day of December by meanes of a contrarie winde, wee were driuen to Plimmouth. The 18 day then next following, we made foorthward againe, & by force of weather we were driuen to Falmouth, where we remained vntill the first day of Ianuary: at which time the winde comming faire, we departed thence, and about the 20 day of the said moneth we arriued safely at S. Lucar. And about the 9 day of March next following, we made saile from thence, and about the 18 day of the same moneth we came to Tripolis in Barbarie,* 4.4 where we were verie well intertained by the king of that countrey, and also of the commons. The commodities of that place are sweete oiles: the king there is a merchant, and the rather (willing to preferre himselfe before his commons) requested our said factors to traffique with him, and promised them that if they

would take his oiles at his owne price, they should pay no maner of custome, and they tooke of him certaine tunnes of oile: and afterwarde perceiuing that they might haue farre better cheape not∣withstanding the custome free, they desired the king to licence them to take the oiles at the plea∣sure of his commons, for that his price did exceede theirs: whereunto the king would not agree, but was rather contented to abate h••s price, insomuch that the factors bought all their oyles of the king custome free, and so laded the same aboord.

In the meane time there came to that place one Miles Dickenson in a ship of Bristow,* 4.5 who to∣gother with our said Factors tooke a house to themselues there. Our French Factor Romane Sonnings desired to buy a commodity in the marke••, and wanting money, desired the saide Miles Dickenson to lend him an hundred Chikinoes vntill he came to his lodging, which he did, and af∣terward the same Sonnings mette with Miles Dickenson in the streete, and deliuered him mo∣ney bound vp in a napkin: saying, master Dickenson there is the money that I borowed of you, and so thanked him for the same: hee doubted nothing lesse then falshoode, which is seldome knowne among marchants, and specially being together in one house, and is the more detestable betweene Christians, they being in Turkie among the heathen. The said Dickenson did not tell the money presently, vntill he came to his lodging, and then finding nine Chikinoes lacking of his hundred, which was about three pounds, for that euery Chikino is woorth seuen shillings of English money, he came to the sayde Romane Sonnings and deliuered him his handkerchiefe, and asked him howe many Chikinoes hee had deliuered him? Sonnings answered, an hundred: Dickenson said no: and so they protested and swore on both parts. But in the end the sayd Ro∣mane Sonnings did sweare deepely with detestable othes and curses, and prayed God that hee might shewe his workes on him, that other might take ensample thereby, and that he might be hanged like a dogge, and neuer come into England againe, if he did not deliuer vnto the sayde Dickenson an hundred Chikinoes. And here beholde a notable example of all blasphemers, cur∣sers and swearers, how God rewarded him accordingly: for many times it commeth to passe, that God sheweth his miracles vpon such monstrous blasphemers, to the ensample of others, as nowe hereafter you shall heare what befell to this Romane Sonnings.

There was a man in the said towne a pledge, whose name was Patrone Norado, who the yere before had done this Sonnings some pleasure there. The foresaid Patrone Norado was indebted vnto a Turke of that towne, in the summe of foure hundred and fiftie crownes, for certain goods sent by him into Christendome in a ship of his owne, and by his owne brother, and himselfe remai∣ned in Tripolis as pledge vntill his said brothers returne: and, as the report went there, after his brothers arriuall into Christendome, he came among lewde companie, and lost his brothers said ship and goods at dice, and neuer returned vnto him againe.

The said Patrone Norado being voyde of all hope,* 4.6 and finding now opportunitie, consulted with the said Sonnings for to swimme a seaboorde the Islands, and the ship being then out of dan∣ger, should take him in (as after was confessed) and so to goe to Tolon in the prouince of Marseills with this Patrone Norado, and thereto take in his lading.

The shippe being readie the first day of May, and hauing her sayles all aboorde, our sayde Factors did take their leaue of the king, who very courteously bidde them farwell, and when they came aboorde, they commaunded the Master and the companie hastily to get out the ship: the Master answered that it was vnpossible, for that the winde was contrary and ouerblowed. And he required vs vpon forfeiture of our bandes, that we should doe our indeuour to get her foorth. Then went wee to warpe out the shippe, and presently the king sent a boate aboord of vs, with three men in her, commaunding the saide Sonnings to come a shoare: at whose com∣ming, the king demaunded of him custome for the oyles: Sonnings answered him that his high∣nesse had promised to deliuer them custome free. But notwithstanding the king weighed not his said promise, and as an infidell that hath not the feare of God before his eyes, nor regarde of his worde, albeit hee was a king, hee caused the sayde Sonnings to pay the custome to the vtter∣most penie. And afterwarde willed him to make haste away, saying, that the Ianizaries would haue the oyle ashoare againe.

These Ianizaries are souldiers there vnder the great Turke, and their power is aboue the Kings. And so the saide Factor departed from the king, and came to the waterside, and called for a boate to come aboorde, and he brought with him the foresaid Patrone Norado.* 4.7 The com∣panie inquisitiue to know what man that was, Sonnings answered, that he was his countreyman, a passenger: I pray God said the companie, that we come not into trouble by this man. Then said Sonnings angerly, what haue you to do with any matters of mine: if any thing chance other∣wise then well, I must answere for all.

Nowe the Turke vnto whom this Patrone Norado was indebted, missing him (supposed

him to be aboorde of our shippe) presently went vnto the King, and tolde him that hee thought that his pledge Patrone Norado was aboord of the English ship, whereupon the King presently sent a boat aboord of vs, with three men in her, commanding the said Sonnings to come a shoare, and not speaking any thing as touching the man, he saide that hee would come presently in his owne boate, but assoone as they were gone, he willed vs to warpe foorth the ship, and saide that he would see the knaues hanged before he would goe a shoare. And when the king sawe that he came not a shoare, but still continued warping away the shippe, he straight commaunded the gunner of the bulwarke next vnto vs, to shoote three shootes without ball. Then we came all to the said Sonnings, and asked of him what the matter was that we were shot at, he said that it was the Ianizaries who would haue the oyle a shoare againe, and willed vs to make haste away, and af∣ter that he had discharged three shots without ball, he commaunded all the gunners in the towne to doe their indeuour to sinke vs, but the Turkish gunners could not once strike vs, wherefore the king sent presently to the Banio:(this Banio is the prison wheras all the captiues lay at night) and promised if that there were any that could either sinke vs, or else cause vs to come in againe, he should haue a hundred crownes, and his libertie. With that came foorth a Spaniard called Sebastian, which had bene an old seruitour in Flanders, and he said, that vpon the performance of that promise, hee would vndertake either to sinke vs, or to cause vs to come in againe, and ther∣to he would gage his life, and at the first shotte he split our rudders head in pieces, and the second shotte he strake vs vnder the water, and the third shotte he shotte vs through our foremast with a Coluering shot, and thus he hauing rent both our rudder and maste, and shot vs vnder water, we were inforced to goe in againe.

This Sebastian for all his diligence herein, had neither his liberty, nor an hundred crownes, so promised by the said king, but after his seruice done was committed againe to prison, whereby may appeare the regard that the Turke or infidell hath of his worde, although he be able to per∣forme it, yea more, though he be a king.

Then our merchants seeing no remedie, they together with fiue of our companie went a shoare, and then they ceased shooting: they shot vnto vs in the whole, nine and thirtie shootes, with∣out the hurt of any man.

And when our marchants came a shoare, the King commaunded presently that they with the rest of our companie that were with them, should be cheined foure & foure, to a hundred waight of yron, and when we came in with the ship, there came presently aboue an hundred Turks aboord of vs, and they searched vs, and stript our very clothes from our backes, & brake open our chests, and made a spoyle of all that we had: and the Christian caitifes likewise that came aboord of vs made spoyle of our goods, and vsed vs as ill as the Turkes did. And our masters mate hauing a Geneua Bible in his hand, there came the kings chiefe gunner, and tooke it out from him, who shewed me of it, and I hauing the language, went presently to the kings treasurer, and tolde him of it, saying, that sith it was the will of God that we should fall into their handes, yet that they should grant vs to vse our consciences to our owne discretion, as they suffered the Spaniards and other nations to vse theirs, and he graunted vs: then I told him that the maister gunner had ta∣ken away a Bible from one of our men: the Treasurer went presently and commaunded him to deliuer vp the Bible againe, which he did: & within a litle after he tooke it from the man againe, and I shewed the Treasurer of it, and presently he commaunded him to deliuer it againe: saying, thou villaine, wilt thou turne to Christianitie againe? for he was a Renegado, which is one that first was a Christian, and afterwards becommeth a Turke, and so he deliuered me the Bible the second time. And then I hauing it in my hand, the gunner came to me, and spake these wordes, saying, thou dogge, I will haue the booke in despight of thee, and tooke it from me, saying: If thou tell the kings treasurer of it any more, by Mahomet I will be reuenged of thee. Notwithstan∣ding I went the third time vnto the kings Treasurer, and tolde him of it, and he came with me, saying thus vnto the gunner: by the head of the great Turke, if thou take it from him againe, thou halt haue an hundred bastonadoes. And foorthwith he deliuered me the booke, saying, he had not the value of a pin of the spoyle of the ship, which was the better for him, as hereafter you shall heare: for there was none, neither Christian nor Turke that tooke the value of a peniworth of our goods from vs, but perished both bodie and goods within seuenteene moneths following, as hereafter shall plainely appeare.

Then came the Guardian Basha, which is the keeper of the kings captiues, to fetch vs all a shoare, and then I remembring the miserable estate of poore distressed captiues, in the time of their bondage to those infidels, went to mine owne chest, and tooke out thereof a iarre of oyle, and filled a basket full of white Ruske to carie a shoare with me, but before I came to the Banio, the Turkish boyes had taken away almost all my bread, and the keeper saide, deliuer me the iarre of

oyle, and when thou commest to the Banio thou shalt haue it againe, but I neuer had it of him any more.

But when I came to the Banio, and sawe our Marchants and all the rest of our company in chaines, and we all ready to receiue the same reward, what heart in the world is there so hard, but would haue pitied our cause, hearing or seeing the lamentable greeting there was betwixt vs: all this happened the first of May, 1584.

And the second day of the same moneth, the King with all his counsell sate in iudgement vpon vs.* 4.8 The first that were had forth to be arraigned, were the Factors, and the Masters, and the King asked them wherefore they came not a shoare when he sent for them. And Romaine Sonnings an∣swered, that though he were king on shoare, and might commaunde there, so was hee as touching those that were vnder him: and therefore said, if any offence be, the fault is wholy in my selfe, and in no other. Then foorthwith the king gaue iudgement, that the saide Romaine Sonnings should be hanged ouer the Nor••heast bulwarke, from whence he conueyed the forenamed Patrone No∣rado, and then he called for our Master Andrew Dier, and vsed fewe wor••es to him, and so con∣demned him to be hanged ouer the walles of the Westermost bulwarke.

Then fell our other Factor (named Richard Skegs) vpon his knees before the king, and said, I beseech your highnesse either to pardon our Master, or else suffer me to die for him, for he is ig∣norant of this cause. And then the people of that countrey fauouring the said Richard Skegs be∣sought the king to pardon them both. So then the king spake these wordes: Beholde, for thy sake, I pardon the Master. Then presently the Turkes shouted, and cried, saying: Away with the Master from the presence of the king. And then he came into the Banio whereas we were, and tolde vs what had happened, and we all reioyced at the good hap of master Skegs, that hee was sa∣ued, and our Master for his sake.

But afterward our ioy was turned to double sorrow, for in the meane time the kings minde was altered: for that one of his counsell had aduised him, that vnlesse the Master died also, by the lawe they could not confiscate the ship nor goods, neither captiue any of the men: whereupon the king sent for our Master againe,* 4.9 and gaue him another iudgement after his pardon for one cause, which was that hee should be hanged. Here all true Christians may see what trust a Christian man may put in an infidels promise, who being a King, pardoned a man nowe, as you haue heard, and within an houre after hanged him for the same cause before a whole multitude: and also pro∣mised our Factors their oyles custome free, and at their going away made them pay the vtter∣most penie for the custome thereof.

And when that Romai••e Sonnings saw no remedy but that he should die, he protested to turne Turke, hoping thereby to haue saued his life. Then saide the Turke, If thou wilt turne Turke,* 4.10 speake the words that thereunto belong: and he did so. Then saide they vnto him, Now thou shalt die in the faith of a Turke, and so hee did, as the Turkes reported that were at his execution. And the forenamed Patrone Norado, whereas before he had libertie and did nothing, he then was con∣demned slaue perpetuall, except there were paiment made of the foresaid summe of money.

Then the king condemned all vs, who were in number sixe and twentie, of the which, two were hanged (as you haue heard) and one died the first day wee came on shoare, by the visitation of Almightie God: and the other three and twentie he condemned slaues perpetually vnto the great Turke, and the ship and goods were confiscated to the vse of the great Turke: and then we all fell downe vpon our knees, giuing God thankes for this sorrowfull visitation, and giuing our selues wholy to the Almightie power of God, vnto whom all secrets are knowen, that he of his goodnesse would vouchsafe to looke vpon vs.

Here may all true Christian hearts see the wonderfull workes of God shewed vpon such infi∣dels, blasphemers, whoremasters, and renegate Christians, and so you shall reade in the ende of this booke, of the like vpon the vnfaithfull king and all his children, and of as many as tooke any portion of the said goods.

But first to shewe our miserable bondage and slauerie,* 4.11 and vnto what small pittance and al∣lowance wee were tied, for euery fiue men had allowance but fiue aspers of bread in a day, which is but two pence English: and our lodging was to lye on the bare boords, with a very simple cape to couer vs, wee were also forceably and most violently shauen, head and beard, and within three dayes after. I and sixe more of my fellowes, together with fourescore Italians and Spaniards were sent foorth in a Galeot to take a Greekish Carmosell, which came into Africa to steale Ne∣groes, and went out of Tripolis vnto that place, which was two hundred and fourtie leagues thence, but wee were chained three and three to an oare, and wee rowed naked aboue the girdle, and the Boteswaine of the Galley walked abaft the maste, and his Mate afore the maste, and eche of them a bulls pissell dried in their handes, and when their diuelish choller rose, they would strike

the Christians for no cause: And they allowed vs but halfe a pound of bread a man in a day with∣out any other kinde of sustenance, water excepted. And when we came to the place whereas wee saw the Carmosell, we were not suffered to haue neither needle, bodkin, knife, or any other wea∣pon about vs, nor at any other time in the night, vpon paine of one hundred bastonadoes: wee were then also cruelly manackled in such sort, that we could not put our handes the length of one foote asunder the one from the other, and euery night they searched our chaines three times, to see if they were fast riueted: Wee continued fight with the Carmosell three houres, and then wee tooke it, and lost but two of our men in that fight, but there were slaine of the Greekes fiue, and foureteene were cruelly hurt, and they that were sound, were presently made slaues, and chai∣ned to the oares: and within fifteene dayes after we returned againe into Tripolis, and then wee were put to all maner of slauerie. I was put to hewe stones, and other to cary stones, and some to draw the Cart with earth, and some to make morter, and some to draw stones, (for at that time the Turkes builded a church:* 4.12) And thus we were put to all kinde of slauerie that was to be done. And in the time of our being there, the Moores that are the husbandmen of the countrey, rebelled against the king, because he would haue constrained them to pay greater tribute then heretofore they had done, so that the Souldiours of Tripolis marched foorth of the towne to haue ioyned bat∣tell against the Moores for their rebellion, and the King sent with them foure pieces of Ordi∣nance, which were drawen by the captiues twentie miles into the Countrey after them, and at the sight thereof the Moores fled, and then the Captaines returned backe againe. Then I and cer∣taine Christians more were sent twelue miles into the countrey with a Cart to lode timber, and we returned againe the same day.

* 4.13Nowe the king had 18. captiues, which three times a weeke went to fetch wood thirtie miles from the towne: and on a time he appointed me for one of the 18. and wee departed at eight of the clocke in the night, and vpon the way as wee rode vpon the camels, I demaunded of one of our company, who did direct vs the way? he sayd, that there was a Moore in our company which was our guide: and I demaunded of them how Tripolis and the wood bare one off the other? and hee said, East Northeast, and West Southwest. And at midnight or neere thereabouts, as I was ri∣ding vpon my camel, I fell asleepe, and the guide and all the rest rode away from me, not thinking but I had bene among them. When I awooke, and finding my selfe alone durst not call nor hal∣low, for feare least the wilde Moores should heare me, because they holde this opinion, that in kil∣ling a Christian they do God good seruice: and musing with my selfe what were best for me to do, if I should doe foorth, and the wilde Moores should hap to meete with mee, they would kill mee: and on the other side, if I should returne backe to Tripolis without any wood or company, I should be most miserably vsed: therefore of two euils, rather I had to goe foorth to the loosing of my life, then to turne backe and trust to their mercie, fearing to bee vsed as before I had seene o∣thers: for vnderstanding by some of my company before, howe Tripolis and the saide wood did lie one off another, by the North starre I went forth at aduenture, and as God would haue it, I came right to the place where they were, euen about an houre before day: there altogether wee rested and gaue our camels prouender, and assoone as the day appeared, we rode all into the wood: and I seeing no wood there, but a sticke here and a sticke there, about the bignesse of a mans arme grow∣ing in the sand, it caused mee to marueile how so many camels should be loden in that place. The wood was Iuniper, we needed no axe nor edge toole to cut it, but pluckt it vp by strength of hands rootes and all, which a man might easily do, and so gathered it together, a little at one place and so at another, and laded our camels, and came home about seuen of the clocke that night folowing: be∣cause I fell lame, and my camel was tired, I left my wood in the way.

* 4.14There was in Tripolis that time a Venetian, whose name was Benedetto Venetiano, and seuenteene captiues more of his company, which ranne away from Tripolis in a boate, and came in sight of an Island called Malta, which lieth fourtie leagues from Tripolis right North, and be∣ing within a mile of the shoare, & very faire weather, one of their company said, In dispetto de dio adesso venio a pilliar terra,* 4.15 which is as much to say: In the despite of God I shall now fetch the shoare, and presently there arose a mighty storme, with thunder and raine, and the wind at North, their boate being very small, so that they were inforced to beare vp roome, and to sheare right afore the winde ouer against the coast of Barbarie from whence they came, and rowing vp and downe the coast, their victuals being spent, the 21. day after their departure they were inforced through the want of food to come ashoare, thinking to haue stolne some sheepe: but the Moores of the countrey very craftily perceiuing their intent, gathered togeth••r a threescore horsemen, and hid themselues behinde a sandie hill, and when the Christians were come all a shoare, and past vp halfe a mile into the countrey, the Moores rode betwixt them and their boate, and some of them pursued the Christians, and so they were all taken and brought to Tripolis, from whence they

had before escaped: and presently the king commaunded that the foresaide Benedetto with one more of his company should lose their eares, and the rest should be most cruelly beaten, which was presently done. This king had a sonne which was a ruler in an Island called Gerbi, whereunto arriued an English shippe called the Greene Dragon,* 4.16 of the which was Master one M. Blonket, who hauing a very vnhappy boy in that shippe, and vnderstanding that whosoeuer would turne Turke should be well enterteined of the kings sonne, this boy did runne a shoare, and voluntarily turned Turke. Shortly after the kings sonne came to Tripolis to visite his father, and seeing our company, hee greatly fancied Richard Burges our Purser, and Iames Smith: they were both yong men, therefore he was very desirous to haue them to turne Turkes, but they would not yeeld to his desire, saying: We are your fathers slaues, and as slaues wee will serue him. Then his fa∣ther the king sent for them, and asked them if they would turne Turkes? And they saide: If it please your highnesse, Christians we were borne, and so we will remaine, and beseeched the king that they might not bee inforced thereunto. The king had there before in his house a sonne of a yeoman of our Queenes guard, whom the kings sonne had inforced to turne Turke, his name was Iohn Nelson: him the king caused to be brought to these yong men, and then said vnto them:* 4.17 Wil not you beare this your countreyman company, and be Turke as hee is: And they saide, that they would not yeeld thereunto during life. But it fell out, that within a moneth after, the kings sonne went home to Gerbi againe, being sixe score miles from Tripolis, and caried our two fore∣said yong men with him, which were Richard Burges, and Iames Smith: and after their departure from vs, they sent vs a letter, signifying that there was no violence shewed vnto them as yet, but within three dayes after they were violen••ly vsed, for that the kings sonne demaunded of them againe, if that they would turne Turke? Then answered Richard Burges, a Christian I am, and so I will remaine. Then the kings sonne very angerly said vnto him: By Mahomet thou shalt presently be made Turke. Then called he for his men, and commanded them to make him Turke, and they did so, and circumcised him, and would haue had him speake the wordes that thereunto belonged, but he answered them stoutly that he would not: and although they had put on him the habite of a Turke, yet sayd he, A Christian I was borne, and so I will remaine, though you force me to doe otherwise.

And then he called for the other, and commaunded him to be made Turke perforce also: but he was very strong, for it was so much as eight of the kings sonnes men could doe to holde him, so in the ende they circumcised him, and made him Turke. Now to passe ouer a litle, and so to shewe ••he maner of our deliuerance out of that miserable captiuitie.

In May aforesaid,* 4.18 shortly after our apprehension, I wrote a letter into England vnto my fa∣ther dwelling in Eauistoke in Deuonshire, signifying vnto him the whole estate of our calami∣ties: and I wrote also to Constantinople to the English Embassadour, both which letters were faithfully deliuered. But when my father had receiued my letter, and vnderstood the trueth of our mishap, and the occasion thereof, and what had happened to the offenders, he certified the right ho∣nourable the earle of Bedford thereof, who in short space acquainted her highnesse with the whole cause thereof, and her Maiestie like a most mercifull princesse tendering her Subiects, presently tooke order for our deliuerance. Whereupon the right worshipful sir Edward Osborne knight directed his letters with all speed to the English Embassadour in Constantinople, to procure our deliuery: and he obteined the great Turkes Commission, and sent it foorthwith to Tripolis, by one Master Edward Barton, together with a Iustice of the great Turkes, and one souldiour, and another Turke, and a Greeke which was his interpretour, which could speake besides Greeke, Turkish, Italian, Spanish and English. And when they came to Tripolis, they were well inter∣teined. And the first night they did lie in a Captaines house in the towne: all our company that were in Tripolis came that night for ioy to Master Barton and the other Commissioners to see them. Then master Barton said vnto vs, welcome my good countreymen, and louingly intertei∣ned vs, and at our departure from him, he gaue vs two shillings, and said, Serue God, for to mor∣row I hope you shall be as free as euer you were; We all gaue him thankes and so departed.

The next day in the morning very early, the King hauing intelligence of their comming, sent word to the keeper, that none of the Englishmen (meaning our company) should goe to worke. Then he sent for Master Barton and the other Commissioners, and demaunded of the saide Ma∣ster Barton his message: the Iustice answered, that the great Turke his Souereigne had sent them vnto him, signifying that he was informed that a certaine English shippe, called the Iesus, was by him the saide king confiscated, about twelue moneths since, and nowe my saide Souereigne hath here sent his especiall commission by vs vnto you, for the deliuerance of the saide shippe and goods, and also the free libertie and deliuerance of the Englishmen of the same shippe, whom you haue taken and kept in captiuitie. And further the same Iustice saide, I am authorized by my

said soueraigne the great Turke to see it done: And therefore I commaund you by vertue of this commission, presently to make restitution of the premisses or the value thereof: and so did the Iu∣stices deliuer vnto the King the great Turkes commission to the effect aforesaide, which commis∣sion the king with all obedience receiued:* 4.19 and after the perusing of the same, he foorthwith com∣manded all the English captiues to be brought before him, and then willed the keeper to strike off all our yrons, which done, the king said, You Englishmen, for that you did offend the lawes of this place, by the same lawes therefore some of your company were condemned to die as you knowe, and you to bee perpetuall captiues during your liues: notwithstanding, seeing it hath pleased my soueraigne lord the great Turke to pardon your said offences, and to giue you your freedome and libertie, beholde, here I make deliuery of you to this English Gentleman: so hee deliuered vs all that were there, being thirteene in number, to Master Barton, who required also those two yong men which the Kings sonne had taken with him. Then the king answered that it was against their lawe to deliuer them, for that they were turned Turkes: and touching the ship and goods, the king said, that he had solde her, but would make restitution of the value, and as much of the goods as came vnto his hands, and so the king arose and went to dinner, and commaunded a Iew to goe with Master Barton and the other commissioners, to shew them their lodging, which was a house prouided and appointed them by the said king. And because I had the Italian & Spanish tongues, by which their most trafique in that countrey is, Master Barton made me his Cater to buy his vi∣ctuals for him and his company, and deliuered me money needfull for the same. Thus were wee set at libertie the 28. day of April, 1585.

* 4.20Nowe to returne to the kings plagues and punishments, which Almighty God at his will and pleasure sendeth vpon men in the sight of the worlde, and likewise of the plagues that befell his children and others aforesaide. First when wee were made bondmen, being the second day of May 1584. the king had 300. captiues, and before the moneth was expired, there died of them of the plague 150. And whereas there were 26. men of our company, of whom two were hanged, and one died the same day that wee were made bondslaues: that present moneth there died nine more of our company of the plague, and other two were forced to turne Turkes as before is re∣hearsed: and on the fourth day of Iune next following the king lost 150. camels, which were ta∣ken from him by the wilde Moores:* 4.21 and on the 28. day of the saide moneth of Iune, one Geffrey Maltese, a renegado of Malta, ranne away to his countrey, and stole a Brigandine which the king had builded for to take the Christians withall, and caried with him twelue Christians more which were the kings captiues. Afterward about the tenth day of Iuly next following, the king road foorth vpon the greatest and fairest mare that might be seene, as white as any swanne: hee had not ridden fourtie paces from his house, but on a sudden the same mare fell downe vnder him starke dead, and I with sixe more were commaunded to burie her, skinne, shoes and all, which we did. And about three moneths after our deliuerie, Master Barton, with all the residue of his company, departed from Tripolie to Zante, in a vessell, called a Settea, of one Marcus Segoorus, who dwelt in Zante, and after our arriuall at Zante wee remained fifteene dayes there aboorde our vessell, before wee coulde haue Platego, (that is, leaue to come a shoare) because the plague was in that place, from whence wee came: and about three dayes after we came a shoare, thither came another Settea of Marseils bound for Constantinople. Then did Master Barton, and his company, with two more of our company, shippe themselues as passengers in the same Settea, and went to Constantinople.* 4.22 But the other nine of vs that remained in Zante, about three mo∣neths after, shipt our selues in a shippe of the said Marcus Segoorus, which came to Zante, and runs bound for England.* 4.23 In which three moneths, the souldiers of Tripolie killed the said king. And then the Kings sonne, according to the custome there, went to Constantinople, to surren∣der vp all his fathers treasure, goods, captiues, and concubines, vnto the great Turke, and tooke with him our saide Purser Richard Burges, and Iames Smith, and also the other two English∣men, which he the said kings sonne had inforced to become Turkes, as is aforesayd. And they the said Englishmen finding now some opportunitie, concluded with the Christian captiues which were going with them vnto Constantinople, being in number about one hundred and fiftie, to kill the kings sonne, and all the Turkes which were aboorde of the Galley, and priuily the saide Englishmen conueyed vnto the saide Christian captiues, weapons for that purpose. And when they came into the maine Sea, towarde Constantinople (vpon the faithfull promise of the sayde Christian captiues) these foure Englishmen lept suddenly into the Crossia, that is, into the middest of the Galley, where the canon lieth, and with their swordes drawne, did fight against all the foresaid Turkes, and for want of helpe of the saide Christian captiues, who falsly brake their promises, the said Master Blonkets boy was killed, and the sayde Iames Smith, and our Pursser Richard Burges, and the other Englishmen, were taken and bound into chaines, to be hanged at

their arriuall in Constantinople: and as the Lordes will was, about two dayes after, passing through the gulfe of Venice, at an Island called Cephalonia, they met with two of the duke of Venice his Gallies, which tooke that Galley, and killed the kings sonne, and his mother, and all the Turkes that were there, in number 150. and they saued the Christian captiues,* 4.24 and would haue killed the two Englishmen because they were circumcised, and become Turkes, had not the other Christian captiues excused them, saying that they were inforced to be Turkes, by the kings sonne, and shewed the Venetians also, how they did enterprise at sea to fight against all the Turks, and that their two fellowes were slaine in that fight. Then the Venetians saued them, and they, with all the residue of the said captiues, had their libertie, which were in number 150. or there a∣bouts, and the saide Gallie, and all the Turkes treasure was confiscated to the vse of the state of Venice. And from thence our two Englishmen traueiled homeward by land, and in this, meane time we had one more of our company, which died in Zante, and afterward the other eight shipped themselues at Zante, in a shippe of the said Marcus Segorus, which was bound for England: and before we departed thence, there arriued the Assension, and the George Bonauenture of Lon∣don in Cephalonia, in a harbour there, called Arrogostoria, whose Marchants agreed with the Marchants of our shippe; and so laded al the marchandise of our shippe into the said ships of Lon∣don, who tooke vs eight in as passengers, and so we came home, and within two moneths after our arriuall at London, our said Purser Richard Burges, and his fellow-rame home also: for the which we are bound to praise Almightie God, during our liues, and as duetie bindeth vs, to pray for the preseruation of our most gracious Queene, for the great care her Maiestie had ouer vs, her poore Subiects, in seeking and procuring of our deliuerance aforesaide: and also for her ho∣nourable priuie Counsell, and I especiall for the prosperitie and good estate of the house of the late deceased, the right honourable the Earle of Bedford, whose honour I must confesse, most diligent∣ly at the suite of my father now departed, traueiled herein: for the which I rest continually boun∣den to him, whose soule I doubt not, but is already in the heauens in ioy, with the Almightie, vnto which place he vouchsafe to bring vs all, that for our sinnes suffered most vile and shameful death vpon the Crosse, there to liue perpetually world without ende,

Amen.

The Queenes letters to the Turke 1584. for the restitution of the shippe called the Iesus, and the English captiues detained in Tripolie in Barbarie, and for certaine other prisoners in Argier.

ELIZABETHA, Deiter maximi & vnici, coeli terreque conditoris gra∣tia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, fidei Christianae contra omnes omnium inter Christianos degentium, Christíque nomen falsò profiten∣tium idololatrias, inuictissima & potentissima defensatrix: augustissimo, inuictissimóque principi, Zultan Murad Can, Musulmanici regni domi∣natori potentissimo, imperijque Orientis Monarchae, supra omnes soli & supremo salutem, & multos cum summa rerum optimarum affluentia foe∣lices & fortunatos annos.

Augustissime & potentissime Imperator, biennio iam peracto, ad Caesaream vestram Maie∣statem scripsimus, vt dilectus noster famulus Guilrelmus Harebornus, vir ornatissimus pro le∣gato nostro Constantinopoli, alijsque Musulmanici imperij ditionibus, sublimi vestra authori∣tate reciperetur: simuletiam Angli subditi nostri commercium & mercaturam, in omnibus illis prouincijs exerceant, non minùs liberè quàm Galli, Poloni, Veneti, Germani, caeteríque vestri confoederati, qui varias Orientis partes peragrant, operam nauantes, vt mutuis commercijs coniungatur Oriens cum Occidente.

Quae priuilegia, cum nostris subditis Anglis inuictissima vestra Maiestas literis & diplomate suo liberalissimè indulserit, facere non potuimus, quin quas maximas animus noster capere potest gratias, eo nomine ageremus: sperantes fore, vt haec insti••uta commerciorum ratio max∣imas vtilitates, & commoda vtrinque, tam in imperij vestri ditiones, quàm regni nostri prouin∣cias secum adferat.

Id vt planè fiat, cùm nuper subditi nostri nonnulli Tripoli in Barbaria & Argellae ab eius loci incolis volūtatem vestram fortè nescientibus malè habiti fuerint, & immaniter diuexati, Cesa∣ream vestram Maiestatem beneuolè rogamus, vt per Legatum nostrum eorum causam cognos∣cas, & postremò earum prouinciarum proregibus ac praefectis imperes, vt nostri liberè in illis locis, sine vi autiniuria deinceps versari, & negotia gerere possint.

Et nos omni opera vicissim studebimus ea omnia praestare, quae Imperatoriae vestrae Maie∣stati vllo pacto grata fore intelligemus: quam Deus vnicus mundi conditor optimus maxi∣mus

diutissime incolumem & florentem seruet. Da••ae in palatio nostro Londini, quinto d••e Mensis Septembris: anno IESV CHRISTI Seruatoris nostri, 1584. Regni verò nostri vices∣simo sexto.

The same in English.

ELizabeth, by the grace of the most high God, and onely maker of heauen and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queene, and of the Christian faith, against all the Idola∣ters and false professors of the Name of CHRIST dwelling among the Christians, most inuincible and puissant defender: to the most valiant and inuincible Prince Zul∣tan Murad Can, the most mightie ruler of the kingdome of Musulman, and of the East Empire the onely and highest Monarch aboue all, health, and many happy and fortunate yeres, with great aboundance of the best things.

Most noble and puissant Emperour, about two yeeres nowe passed, wee wrote vnto your Im∣periall Maiestie, that our welbeloued seruant, William Har••borne, a man of great reputation and honour, might be receiued vnder your high authoritie, for our Ambassadour in Constantinople, and other places, vnder the obedience of your Empire of Musulman: And also that the English∣men, being our Subiects, might exercise entercourse and marchandize in all those Prouinces, no lesse freely then the French, Polonians, Venetians, Germanes, and other your confederats, which traueile through diuers of the East parts: endeuouring that by mutuall trafique, the East may be ioyned and knit to the West.

Which priuileges; when as your most puissant Maiestie, by your letters and vnder your dis∣pensation most liberally and fauourably granted to our Subiects of England, wee could no lesse doe, but in that respect giue you as great thankes, as our heart could conceiue, trusting that it wil come to passe, that this order of trafique, so well ordeined, will bring with it selfe most great pro∣fits and commodities to both sides, as well to the parties subiect to your Empire, as to the Pro∣uinces of our kingdome. Which thing that it may be done in plaine and effectuall maner, where∣as some of our Subiects of late at Tripolis in Barbarie, and at Argier, were by the inhabitants of those places (being perhaps ignorant of your pleasure) euill intreated and grieuously vexed, wee doe friendly and louingly desire your Imperiall Maiestie, that you will vnderstand their causes by our Ambassadour, and afterward giue commaundement to the Lieutenants and Presidents of those Prouinces, that our people may henceforth freely, without any violence, or iniurie, traueile, and do their businesse in those places.

And we againe with all endeuour, shall studie to performe all those things, which we shall in a∣ny wise vnderstand to be acceptable to your Imperiall Maiestie, which God, the onely maker of the world, most best and most great, long keepe in health, and flourishing. Giuen in our pallace at London, the fift day of the moneth of September, in the yeere of IESVS CHRIST our Sa∣uiour, 1584. And of our raigne, the 26.

The Turkes letter to the King of Tripolis in Barbarie, commanding the restitution of an English ship, called the Iesus, with the men, and goods, sent from Constantinople, by Mahomet Beg, a Iustice of the Great Turkes, and an Eng∣lish Gentlemen, called Master Edward Barton. Anno 1584.

HOnourable, and worthy Bassa Romadan Beglerbeg, most wise and prudent Iudge of the West Tripolis, wee wish the ende of all thy enterprises, happie, and prosperous. By these our highnesse letters, wee certifie thee, that the right honourable, William Hareborne, Ambassadour in our most famous Porch, for the most excellent Queenes Maiestie of England, in person, and by letters hath certified our highnesse, that a certaine shippe, with all her fur∣niture, and artillerie, worth two thousand and duckets, arriuing in the port of Tripolis, and discharged of her lading and marchandize, paide our custome according to order, and againe, the marchants laded their shippe with oyle, which by constraint they were inforced to buy of you, & hauing answered in like maner the custome for the same, determined to depart: a French∣man assistant to the Marchant, vnknowen to the Englishmen, caried away with him another Frenchman indebted to a certaine Moore in foure hundred duckets, and by force caused the Eng∣lishmen, and shippe to depart: who neither suspecting fraude, nor deceite, hoised sailes. In the meane time, this man, whose debter the Frenchman had stollen away, went to the Bassa with the supplication, by whose meanes, and force of the Castle, the Englishmen were constrained to re∣turne into the port, where the Frenchman, author of the euill, with the Master of the ship an Eng∣lishman,

innocent of the crime were hanged, and sixe and twentie Englishmen cast into prison, of whom through famine, thrist, and stinke of the prison, eleuen died, and the rest like to die. Further, it was signified to our Maiestie also, that the marchandise and other goods, with the shippe, were worth 7600. duckets: which things if they be so, this is our commandement, which was granted and giuen by our Maiestie, that the English shippe, and all the marchandize, and whatsoeuer else taken away bee wholy restored, and that the Englishmen be let goe free, and suffered to returne into their Countrey. Wherefore when this our commaundement shall come vnto th••e, wee straightly commaund, that the foresaid businesse be diligently looked vnto, and discharged. And if it be so, that a Frenchman, and no Englishman hath done this craft, and wickednesse vnknowen to the Englishmen, and as authour of the wickednesse is punished, and that the Englishmen com∣mitted nothing against the peace and league, or their articles: also if they payd custome according to order, it is against law, custome of Countreys, and their priuilege, to hinder or hurt them. Nei∣ther is it meete, their shippe, marchandise, and all their goods taken, should be withholden. Wee will therefore, that the English shippe, marchandize, and all other their goods, without excep••••on, be restored to the Englishmen: also that the men bee let goe free, and if they will, let none hinder them, to returne peaceably into their Countrey: do not commit, that they another time complaine of this matter, and how this businesse is dispatched, certifie vs at our famous porche.

Dated in the Citie of Constantinople, in the 992. yeere of Mahomet, and in the ende of the moneth of October; and in the yeere of IESVS 1584.

A letter of Master VVilliam Hareborne, the English Am••assadour, Ligier in Constantinople, to the Bassa Romadan, the Beglerbeg of Tripolis in Barbarie, for the restoring of an English shippe called the Iesus, with the goods, and men, detained as slaues, Anno 1585.

MOlto magnifico Signor,

Not ha stato significato per diuerse lettere di quanto ha passato circa divnanaue nostra chiamata Iesus, sopra il quale in agiuto di Ricciardo Skegs, vno de gli nostri mercanti di essagia morto, veniua vn certo Franceseper sopra cargo, chi∣amato Romano Sonings, il quale per non esser ben portato secondo che douena, volendo importar seco vn altro Francese debitore a certi vostri sensa pagarce∣ne, per giusticia era appiccato col patron Inglese Andre Dier, che come sim∣plice credendo al detto Francese, senza auedercene de la sua ria malitia, non restornaua, quando da vostra magnifica Signoria gli era mandato. La morte del detto tristo Francese approaimo co∣mo cosa benfatta. Ma al contrario, doue let ha confiscato la detta naue e mercantia en essa, & fatto sciaui li marinari, como cosa molto contraria a li priuilegij dal Gran Signor quattro anni passati concessi, & da noi confirmati di parte de la Serenissima Magesta d'Ingiltetra nostra patrona, e molto contraria a la liga del detto Gran Signor, il quale essendo dal sopra detto a pieno informato, noi ha conceduto il suo regale mandamento di restitutione, la qual mandiamo a vostra magnifica Signoria col presente portator Edoardo Barton,* 5.1 nostro Secretario, & Mahumed Beg. droguemano di sua porta excelsa, con altre lettere del excellentissimo Vizir, & inuictissimo capitan di mar: chiedendo, tanto di parte del Gran Signor, quanto di sua Serenissima Magesta di V. S. M. che gli huomini, oglij, naue col fornimento, danari, & tutti altri beni qualconque, da lei & per vestro ordine da gli nostri tolti siano resi à questo mio Secretario liberamente senza empacho al••u∣no, como il Gran Signor da sua gratta noi ha conceduto, specialmente per esser detti oglij compra∣ti per ordine di sua Serenissima Magestà, per prouisione della Corte sua. Il qual non facendo, prote∣stiamo per questa nostra al incontra di esso tutti futuri danni che puono succedere per questa ca∣gione, como authore di quelli, contrario à la Santa liga giurata de li dnoi Rei, patroni nostri, como per li priuilegij, che lei mostrerà il nostro, constra: per obseruatione de gli quali no••stramo d•• fermo en questa excelsa Porta. Et cosi responderete nel altro mondo al solo Iddio, & quà al Gran Signor questo massimo peccato commesso da lei al incontra di tanti poueracchi, che per quest a crudeltà sono in parte morti, in parte retenuti da esso en duro cattiuerio. Al contrario, piacendo lei euitar questo incommodo & restarcene en gratia del Signor Iddio, & li nostri patroni, amicheuolmente, (como conuien à par vostro di mostrarsi prudente gouernatore, & fidel seruitor al patrono) adimpirete questa nostra giustissima domanda, per poter resultarui à grand honore & commodo per la tratta di mar∣chantia, che faronno a laduenire li nostri in quella vostra prouincia. Li quali generalmente, tanto quelli, como tutti altri che nelmar riscontrarete, siano, secondo che manda il Grand Signor, de vo∣stra Signoria magnifica amicheuolmente recolti & receunti: Et no•• non mancharemo al debito di ottimo amico en qualconche occurrenza vostra, piacendo lei amicitia nostra, como desideramo. Il

Signor Iddio lei conceda (adimpiendo questa nostra giusta rechiesta, per ca••ar noi d•• piu futura fati∣ca in questo negocio, & lei di disgratia) ogni vera felicitá, & supremo honore.

Data in palazzono∣stro che fu da Rapamat appresso Pera di 15. di Genero 1585

.

Il Ambassiatore de la Majesta Serenissima d'Ingilterra, amico de vostra Signoria magnifica, piacendo lei.

The same in English.

RIght honourable Lord, it hath bene signified vnto vs by diuers letters, what hath fallen out, concerning a certaine shippe of ours, called the Iesus, into which, for the helpe of Richard Skegs, one of our Marchants in the same, nowe deceased, there was admitted a certaine French∣man called Romaine Sonnings, which for his ill behauiour, according to his deserts, seeking to cary away with him another Frenchman, which was indebted to certaine of your people, without paying his creditours, was hanged by sentence of iustice, together with Andrew Dier, the Master of the said ship, who simply and without fraude, giuing credite to the said Frenchman, without any knowledge of his euil fact, did not returne when hee was commaunded, by your honourable Lord∣ship. The death of the said lewde Frenchman we approoue as a thing well done, but contrary∣wise, whereas your Lordship hath confiscated the said ship with the goods therein, and hath made slaues of the Mariners, as a thing altogether contrary to the priuileges of the Grand Signior, granted foure yeeres since, and confirmed by vs on the behalfe of the most excellent the Queenes Maiestie of England our Mystresse, and altogether contrary to the league of the saide Grand Signior, who being fully informed of the aforesaid cause, hath granted vnto vs his royall comman∣dement of restitution, which we send vnto your honourable Lordship, by the present bearer Ed∣ward Barron our Secretarie, and Mahomet Beg, one of the Iustices of his stately Court, with other letters of the most excellent Admirall, and most valiant Captaine of the Sea, requiring your honourable Lordship, as well on the behalfe of the Grand Signior, as of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie my Mystresse, that the men, oyles, shippe, furniture, money, and all other goods whatso••uer, by your Lordship, and your order taken from our men, be restored vnto this my Se∣cretary freely, without delay, as the Grand Signior of his goodnesse hath graunted vnto vs, espe∣cially in regard that the same oyles were bought by the commaundement of our Queenes most excellent Maiestie, for the prouision of her Court. Which if you performe not, wee protest by these our leters against you, that you are the cause of all the inconueniences which may ensue vpon this occasion, as the authour thereof, contrary to the holy league sworne by both our Prin∣ces, as by the priuileges, which this our seruant will shewe you, may appeare. For the seeing of which league performed, wee remaine here as Ligier in this stately Court. And by this meanes you shall answere in another world vnto God alone, and in this world vnto the Grand Signior, for this hainous sinne committed by you against so many poore soules, which by this your cruelty are in part dead, and in part detained by you in most miserable captiuitie. Contrarywise, if it shall please you to auoyd this mischiefe, and to remaine in the fauour of Almighty God, and of our Prin∣ces, you shall friendly fulfill this our iust demaund (as it behoueth you to shew your selfe a prudent Gouernour, and faithfull seruant vnto your Lord) and the same may turne to your great honour, and profite, by the trade of marchandize, which our men in time to come, may vse in that gouern∣ment of yours: which generally, as well those poore men, as all others, which you shall meete at the sea, ought to be according to the commandement of the Grand Signior, friendly entertained and receiued of your honourable Lordship, and we will not faile in the dueties of a speciall friend, whensoeuer you shal haue occasion to vse vs, as we desire. Almighty God grant vnto your Lord∣ship (in the fulfilling of this our iust request, whereby wee may be deliuered from further trouble in this matter, and your selfe from further displeasure) all true felicitie, and increase of honour.

G••uen in our Pallace from Rapamat in Pera, the 15. of Ianuarie 1585.

The voyage of Master Henry Austell by Venice and thence to Ragu∣sa ouer land, and so to Constantinople: and from thence by Moldauia, Polonia, Silesia and Germanie to Hamburg, &c.

THe 9. of Iune we tooke shipping at Harewich and the next day landed at the Ra∣mekins in the Isle of Walcheren with very stormy weather, and that night went to Middleburch in the same Island.

The twelft we tooke shipping for Holland, and the 13. we landed at Schiedam: and the same day went to Delft by boat, and so that night to the Hage.

The 17. we tooke shipping at Amsterdam, and the 18. we landed at Enckhuysen.

The 19. we tooke shipping and by the Zuydersee we passed that day the Vlie, and so into the

maine sea; And the next day we entred into the riuer of Hamburg called the Elbe.

The 21. we came to anker in the same riuer before a towne of the bishop of Br••me called Sta∣den, where they pay a certaine toll, and specially for wine, and so that night wee landed at Ham∣burg,* 5.2 where we stayde three dayes.

The 24. wee departed from Hamburg in the company of Edward Parish Marchant, and that day wee baited at Wyntson, and so ouer the heathes we left Lunenburg on the l••f•• hand, and tra∣uailed all that night.

The 25. we met with Master Sanders vpon the heathes, and passed by a towne of the duke of Lunenborg called Geffherne, and from thence through many waters, wee lay that night within an English mile of Brunswig.* 5.3

The 27. we lay at Halberstat,* 5.4 which is a great towne subiect to the bishop of that towne.

The 28. we ba••ted at Erinsleiben: and there wee entred into the duke of Saxon his countrey: and the same night we lay at a towne called Eisleben,* 5.5 where Martine Luther was borne.

The 29. we passed by Mansfield, where there are many Copper mines:* 5.6 and so that night went to Neuburg vpon the riuer of Sala; and at that time there was a great faire.

The 30. we baited at a proper towne called Iena vpon the same riuer,* 5.7 and the same night wee lay at Cone vpon that riuer.

The first of Iuly we baited at Salfeld: and the same day we entred first into the great woods of firre trees,* 5.8 and that night to Greuandal; The second to dinner to Neustat.

The 3. day to dinner at Bamberg:* 5.9 and before wee came to the towne wee passed the riuer of Mayne that runneth towards Arnfurt, and that night to Forchaim.

The 4. we came to Nurenberg,* 5.10 and there stayed two dayes. The 6. to bed to Blayfield.

The 7. we passed without Weissenburg to dinner at Monhaim, and that night we passed the ri∣uer of Danubius at Tonewertd, and so to bed to Nurendof.

The 8. we came to Augspurg,* 5.11 otherwise called Augusta, vpon the riuer of Lech.

The 9. we lay at Landsberg vpon the said riuer, in the duke of Bauars countrey.

The 10. to dinner at Suanego, and that night to Hamber against the mountaines, where the small toyes be made.

The 11. to dinner to Parcberk, & that night to Sefelt in the Archduke of Austria his countrey.

The 12. to dinner at Inspruck, & that night to bed at Landeck, where there is a toll, and it is the place where Charles the fift and his brother Ferdinand did meet. And there is a table of brasse with Latine letters in memorie thereof.

The 13. we passed by Stizen, and dined at Prisena, and so that night to Clusen.

The 14. to dinner at Bolsan and to bed at Neumark, and by the way we passed the dangerous place, where so many murthers haue bene committed.

The 15. to dinner at Trent: That day we entred the borders of Italy,* 5.12 that night to Lenigo,

The 16. to dinner at Grigno, where the last toll of the Emperour is: and so we came by Chur∣sa, which is a streight passage. And the keeper thereof is drawne vp by a cord into his holde. And that night we went to Capana to bed in the countrey of the Venetians.

The 17. to dinner at castle Franco: by the way we stayed at Taruiso, and there tooke coche, and that night came to Mestre to bed.

The 18. in the morning we came to Venice, and there we stayed 15. dayes. In which time the duke of Venice called Nicolas de Ponte died,* 5.13 and we saw his burial. The Senators were conti∣nually shut vp together, as the maner is, to chuse a newe duke, which was not yet chosen when we departed from thence.

The 2. of August at night wee did embarke our selues vpon the Frigate of Cattaro, an hauen neere Ragusa. The 3. we came to a towne in Istria called Citta noua.

The 4. we came to Parenzo, and so that night to Forcera of the bishop.

The 5. we passed by Rouigno: and a litle beyond we met with 3. Galies of the Venetians: we passed in the sight of Pola; and the same day passed the gulfe that parteth Istria from Dalmatia.

The 6. of August we came to Zara in Dalmatia, a strong towne of the Venetians; and so that night to Sebenico, which standeth in a marueilous goodly hauen, with a strong castle at the en∣trie thereof.

The 7. we came to Lezina, and went not on shoore, but traueiled all night.

The 8. we passed by a very wel seated town called Curzola, which standeth in an island of that name. The 9. in the morning be times we landed at Ragusa,* 5.14 and there stayed three daies, where we found many friendly gentlemen.

The 11. being prouided of a Ianizarie we departed from Ragusa in the company of halfe a do∣sen Marchants of that towne: and within 6. miles we entred into the countrey of Seruia.* 5.15 So1

trauelling in barren and craggie mountaines for the space of foure dayes, wee came by a small Towne of the Turkes called Chiernisa,* 5.16 being the 14. of the moneth; and there wee parted from the Marchants.

* 5.17The 16. we dined in a Cauarsara in a Towne called Focea, being then greatly infected with the plague.

The 17. we lay by a Towne called Taslizea.

* 5.18The 20. we came to Nouibazar.

The 21. we parted frō thence, trauailing stil in a countrey very ill inhabited, & lying in y^e fields.

* 5.19The 22. we passed within sight of Nicea.

The 23. we passed in sight of another towne called Circui: and about those places wee began to leaue the mountaines, and to enter into a very faire and fertile countrey, but as euill inhabited as the other, or worse.

* 5.20The 27. we came to Sophia, where wee stayed three da••es, being our Ianizaries home: and by good chance we lay in a Marchants house of Ragusa, that came in company with vs from Noui∣bazar; and also wee had in company, euer since wee came from Focea, a Turke which was a very good fellow, and he kept company with vs till we came very neere Constantinople.

* 5.21The first of September we came to Philippopoli, which seemeth to be an ancient towne, and standeth vpon the riuer of Stanuch.

* 5.22The 4. we came to Andrinopoli, a very great and ancient towne, which standeth in a very large and champion countrey, and there the great Turks mother doth lye, being a place, where the Em∣perous of the Turkes were wont to lye very much.

The 5. we lay in one of the great Cauarzaras, that were built by Mahomet Bassha with so many goodly commodities.

The 6. we lay in another of them.

* 5.23The 8. we came to Siliueri, which by report was the last towne that remained Christian.

* 5.24The 9. of September wee arriued at the great and most stately Citie of Constantinople, which for the situation and proude ••eate thereof, for the beautifull and commodious hauen, and for the great and sumptuous buildings of their Temples, which they call Moschea, is to be pre∣ferred before all the Cities of Europe. And there the Emperour of the Turkes then liuing, whose name was Amurat, kept his Court and residence, in a marueilous goodly place, with diuers gar∣dens and houses of pleasure, which is at the least two English miles in compasse, and the three parts thereof ioyne vpon the sea: and on the Northeast part of the Citie on the other side of the water ouer against the Citie is the Towne of Pera, where the most part of the Christians dolye. And there also wee did lye. And on the North part of the ••aide Towne is the Arsenal, where the Galies are built and doe r••maine: And on the Southside is all the Ordinance, artilerie, and houses of munition. Note that by the way as wee came from Ragusa to Constantinople, wee left on our right hand the Countreys of Albania, and Macedonia, and on the left hande the countreys of Bosnia, Bulgaria, and the riuer of Danubius.

The 14. of September was the Turkes Beyram, that is, one of their chiefest feastes.

The 15. we went to the blacke Sea called Pontus Euxinus, and there vpon a rocke we sawe a piller of white Marble that was set vp by Pompeius:* 5.25 and from thence wee passed to the other side of the water, vpon the shore of Asia and there we dined.

The 25. we departed from Constantinople.

The 29. we came to an ancient Towne called Cherchisea, that is to say, fourtie Churches, which in the olde time was a very great City, now full of scattered buildings.

* 5.26The 4. of October wee came to Prouaz, one dayes iourney distant from Varna vpon the Blacke Sea.* 5.27

The 9. we came to Saxi vpon the riuer of Danubius.

The 10. we passed the said riuer which in that place is about a mile ouer, and then we entred in∣to the countrey of * 5.28 Bogdania: they are Christians but subiects to the Turke.

* 5.29The 12. we came to Palsin vpon the riuer Prut.

* 5.30The 14. wee came to Yas the principall Towne of Bogdania, where Peter the Vayuoda prince of that Countrey keepeth his residence, of whom wee receiued great courtesie, and of the gentlemen of his Court: And he caused vs to be safe conducted through his said Countrey, and conueyed without coste.

The 17. we came to Stepanitze.

* 5.31The 19. we came to Zotschen, which is the last towne of Bogdania vpon the riuer of Niester, that parteth the said countrey from Podolia.

* 5.32The 20. we passed the riuer of Nyester and came to Camyenetz in the countrey of Podoli••,

subiect to the king of Poland: this is one of the strongest Townes by nature and situation that can be seene.

The 21. we came to Skala.* 5.33

The 22. to Slothone, or Sloczow.

The 24. to Leopolis which is in Russia alba,* 5.34 and so is the most part of the countrey betwixt Camyenetz and it. And it is a towne very well built, well gouerned, full of trafique and plenti∣full: and there we stayed fiue dayes.

The 30. we baited at Grodecz,* 5.35 and that night at Vilna.* 5.36

The 31. we dined at Mostiska, and that night at Rodmena.

The first of Nouember in the morning before day wee passed without the Towne of Ia∣roslaw,* 5.37 where they say is one of the greatest faires in all Poland, and chiefly of horses, and that night to Rosdnoska.

The second to dinner at Lanczut,* 5.38 at night to Retsbo••.

The thirde to Sendxizow, at night to sarnow, and that night wee mette with the Palatine Laski.

The fourth to Vonuez, and that night to Brytska.

The fifth to Kuhena.

The 6. to Cracouia the principall Citie of all Poland:* 5.39 at which time the King was gone to Lituania: for he doeth make his residence one yeere in Poland, and the other in Lituania. Craco∣uia standeth on the riuer of Vistula.

The 9. wee departed from Cracouia, and that night wee came to a village hard by a Towne called Ilkusch,* 5.40 where the leade Mines are.

The 10. wee passed by a Towne called Slawkow: where there are also leade Mines, and bai∣ted that day at Bendzin,* 5.41 which is the last towne of Poland towards Silesia; and there is a toll.

Note that all the Countreys of Poland, Russia alba, Podolia, Bogdania, and diuers other Countreys adioyning vnto them, doe consume no other salt but such as is digged in Sorstyn mountaine neere to Cracouia which is as hard as any stone;* 5.42 it is very good, and goeth further then any other salt. That night we lay at Bitom,* 5.43 which is the first Towne of Silesia.

The 12. we passed by a great towne called Strelitz, and that night we lay at Oppelen vpon the riuer of Odera.* 5.44

The 13. we passed by Schurgasse,* 5.45 and that night wee lay without the towne of Brigk:* 5.46 for wee coulde not bee suffered to come in by reason of the plague which was in those partes in diuers Townes.

The 14. wee passed by Olaw, and that night wee came to the Citie of Breslaw,* 5.47 which is a faire towne, great, well built and well seated vpon the riuer of Odera.

The 16. we baited at Neumarg••.

The 17. wee passed by Lignizt and by Hayn, and that night to Buntzel.

The 18. wee passed by Naumburg through Gorlitz vpon the riuer of Neiss, and that night lay without Reichenbach.

The 19. we passed by Baudzen and Cannitz, and that night to Rensperg.

The 20. we passed by Hayn, by Strelen, where we should haue passed the riuer of Elbe, but the boate was not there, so that night we lay at a towne called Mulberg.

The 21. we passed the said riuer, wee went by Belgern, by Torga, by Dumitch; and at night to Bretsch.

The 22. wee passed the Elbe againe at Wittenberg, which is a very strong towne, with a good Uniuersitie: and that day we passed by Coswig.

The 23. wee passed through Zerbst in the morning, and that night to Magdeburg,* 5.48 a very strong Towne, and well gouerned as wee did heare. The most part of the Countrey, after wee were come one dayes iourney on this side Breslawe to this place, belongeth to the Duke of Saxon.

The 24. wee passed by a castle of the Marques of Brandenburg called Wolmerstat, and that night we lay at Garleben.

The 25. wee lay at Soltwedel.

The 26. at Berg.

The 27. we baited at Lunenborg,* 5.49 that night we lay at Winson.

The 28. we came to Hamborg,* 5.50 and there stayed one weeke.

The 5. of December wee departed from Hamborg, and passed the Elbe by boate being much frosen, and from the riuer went on foote to Boxtehoede, being a long Dutch mile off, and there we lay; and from thence passed ouer land to Emden.

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Thence hauing passed through Friseland and Holland, the 25. being Christmas day in the morning we came to Delft: where wee found the right honourable the Earle of Leicester with a goodly company of Lords, knights, gentlemen, and souldiers.

The 28. at night to Roterodam.

The 29. to the Briel, and there stayed eight dayes for passage.

The fifth of Ianuary we tooke shipping.

The 7. we landed at Grauesend, and so that night at London with the helpe of almightie God.

The Turkes passeport or safeconduct for Captaine Austell, and Iacomo Manuchio.

KNow thou which art Voyuoda of Bogdania, & Valachia, & other our officers abiding and dwelling on the way by which men commonly passe into Bog∣dania, and Valachia, that the Embassador of England hauing two English gentlemen desirous to depart for England, the one named Henry Austel, and the other Iacomo de Manuchio, requested our highnesse letters of Safecon∣duct to passe through our dominions with one seruant to attende on them. Wherefore wee straightly charge you and all other our seruants by whom they shall passe, that hauing receiued this our commandement, you haue diligent care and regard that they may haue prouided for them in this their iourney (for their money) all such necessary pro∣uision as shalbe necessary for themselues and their horses, in such sort as they may haue no cause hereafter to complaine of you. And if by chaunce they come vnto any place, where they shal stand in feare either of their persons or goods, that then you carefully cause them to bee guarded with your men, and to be conducted through all suspected places, with sufficient company; But haue great regard that they conuey not out of our countrey any of our seruiceable horses. Obey our commandement, and giue credite to this our Seale.

A Passeport of the Earle of Leicester for Thomas Forster gen∣tleman trauailing to Constantinople.

RObertus Comes Leicestriae, baro de Denbigh, ordinum Garterij & Sancti Mi∣chaelis eques auratus, Serenissimae Regine Angliae a Secretioribus consilijs, & magister equorum, dux & capitaneus generalis exercitus eiusdem Regiae maiestatis in Belgio, & gubernator generalis Hollandiae, Zelandiae, & pro∣uinciarum vnitarum & associatarum, omnibus and quos praesentes literae pet∣uenerint, salutem. Cùm lator praesentium Thomas Forster nobilis Anglus necessarijs de causis hinc Constantinopolim profecturus si••, & inde ad nos quanta potest cele∣ritate reuersurus: petimus ab omnibus & singulis Regibus, principibus, nobilibus, magistra∣tibus, & alijs, mandent & permittant dicto Thomae cum duobus famulis liberum transirum per corum ditiones & territoria sine detentione aut impedimento iniusto, & prouideri sibi de ne∣cessarijs iustum precium reddenti, ac aliter conuenienter & humaniter tractari, vt occasiones eius eundi & redeundi requirent: Sicut nos Maiestates, Serenitates, Celsitudines, & domina∣tiones vestrae paratos inuenietis, vt vestratibus in similibus casibus gratum similiter faciamus.

Datum in castris nostris Duisburgi, decimo die Septembris, anno 1586. stylo veteri.

A description of the yeerely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahu∣mitans, Turkes and Moores vnto Mecca in Arabia.

Of the Citie of Alexandria.

ALexandria the most ancient citie in Africa situated by the seaside containeth seuen miles in circuite, and is enuironed with two walles one neere to the o∣ther with high towers, but the walles within be farre higher then those with∣out, with a great ditch round about the same: yet is not this Citie very strong by reason of the great antiquitie, being almost halfe destroyed and ruinated. The greatnesse of this Citie is such, that if it were of double habitation, as it is compassed with a double wall, it might be truely said, that there were two Alexandrias one builded vpon another, because vnder the foundations of the saide City are great habitations, and incredible huge pillers. True it i••, that this part vnderneath remaineth at this

day inhabitable, because of the corrupt aire, as also for that by tune, which consumeth all things, it is greatly ruinated. It might well be sayd, that the founder hereof, as he was worthy in all his enterprises, so likewise in building hereof he did a worke worthy of himselfe, naming it after his owne name. This Citie hath one defect, for it is subiect to an euill ayre, which onely proceedeth of that hollownesse vnderneath, out of the which issueth infinite moisture: and that this is true the ayre without doth euidently testifie, which is more subtile and holesome then that beneath. The waters hereof be salt, by reason that the soile of it selfe is likewise so. And therefore the inhabi∣tants, at such time as the riuer Nilus floweth, are accustomed to open a great ditch, the head wher∣of extendeth into the said riuer, and from thence they conueigh the same within halfe a mile of Alexandria, and so consequently by meanes of conduct-pipes the water commeth vnto the ce∣sternes of Alexandria, which being full serue the citie from one inundation to another. Within the citie is a Pyramide mentioned of in Histories, but not of great importance. Without the citie is La colonna di Pompeio, or the pillar of Pompey, being of such height and thicknesse, that it is supposed there is not the like in the whole world besides. Within the citie there is no∣thing of importance saue a litle castle which is guarded with 60 Ianizaries. Alexandria hath three portes, one towardes Rossetto, another to the land ward, & the third to the sea ward, which is called Babelbar, without which appeareth a broad Iland called Ghesira in the Moores tongue, which is not wholy an Iland, because a litle point or corner thereof toucheth the firme lande, and therefore may be called Peninsula, that is to say, almost an Iland. Hereupon are builded many houses of the Iewes, in respect of the aire. This Peninsula is situate betweene two very good ports, one of them being much more safe then the other, called The old port, into the which only the vessels of Barbarie, and the sixe Gallies of the Grand Signior deputed for the guard of Alex∣andria doe enter. And this port hath vpon the right hand at the mouth or enterance thereof a ca∣stle of small importance, and guarded but with fifteene men or thereabouts. On the other side of this Iland is the other called The new port, which name is not vnfitly giuen vnto it, for that in all mens iudgement in times past there hath not beene water there, because in the midst of this port, where the water is very deepe, there are discouered and found great sepulchres and other buildings, out of the which are dayly digged with engines Iaspar and Porphyrie stones of great value, of the which great store are sent to Constantinople for the ornament of the Mesquitas or Turkish Temples, and of other buildings of the Grand Signior. Into this port enter all such vessels as traffique to this place. This port hath on ech side a castle, whereof that vpon the Penin∣sula is called Fa••aone, vpon the toppe whereof euery night there is a light set in a great lanterne for direction of the ships, and for the guard thereof are appointed 200 Ianizaries: the other on the other side is but a litle castle kept by 18 men. It is certaine, that this hauen of Alexandria is one of the chiefest hauens in the world: for hither come to traffique people of euery Nation, and all sorts of vessels which goe round about the citie. It is more inhabited by strangers, mar∣chants, and Christians, then by men of the countrey which are but a few in number. Within the citie are fiue Fontechi,* 5.51 that is to say, one of the Frenchmen, where the Consul is resident, & this is the fairest and most commodious of all the rest. Of the other foure, two belong to the Vene∣tians, one to the Raguseans, and the fourth to the Genoueses. And all strangers which come to traffique there, except the Venetians, are vnder the French Consull. It is also to be vnderstood, that all the Christians dwell within their Fontechi, and euery euening at the going downe of the sunne, they which are appointed for that office goe about and shut all the gates of the saide Fontechi outward, and the Christians shut the same within: and so likewise they doe on the Fri∣day (which is the Moores and the Turkes Sabboth) till their deuotions be expired. And by this meanes all parties are secure and voide of feare: for in so doing the Christians may sleepe quietly and not feare robbing, and the Moores neede not doubt whiles they sleepe or pray, that the Chri∣stians should make any tumult, as in times past hath happened.

Of the coast of Alexandria.

ON the side towardes Barbarie along the sea-coast for a great space there is founde neither hold, nor any thing worthy of mention: but on the other side towards Syria 13 miles from Alexandria standeth a litle castle called Bichier kept by fiftie Turkes,* 5.52 which castle is very olde and weake, and hath a port which in times past was good, but at this present is vtterly decayed and full of sand, so that the vessels which come thither dare not come neere the shoare, but ride far off into the sea. Fortie miles further is Rossetto,* 5.53 which is a litle towne without walles, and is situate vpon the banke of Nilus three miles from the sea, at which place many times they build ships and other vessels, for gouernement whereof is appointed a Saniacbey, without any other

guard: it is a place of traffique, and the inhabitants are very rich, but naughtie varl••ts and traytours. Further downe along the sea-side and the riuer ba••ke is another litle castle like vnto the aboue sayde, and because the Moores beleeue, that Mecca will in short time be con∣quered by the Christians, they holde opinion, that the same being lost shall be renued in this place of Rossetto, namely, that all their prayers, vowes, and pilgrimages shall be transpor∣ted to Rossetto, as the religious order of Saint Iohn of the Rhodes is translated thence to Malta. Further forwarde thirtie miles standes another castle of small importance called Brulles, kept continually by fourtie Turkes, which hath a good and secure port, in forme like to a very great lake or ponde, wherein is taken great quantitie of fish, which they salt, and the marchants of Candie and Cyprus come thither to lade the same, and it is greatly esteemed, especially of the Candio••s, who hauing great abundance of wine aduenture abroad to seeke meate fitte for the taste of the sayd wine. Distant from Brulles fiue and thirtie miles there is another castle like vnto the aboue sayd kept by an Aga with fourtie men or thereabout. More within the la••de by the riuers side is Damiata an auncient citie enuironed with walles contay∣ning fiue miles in circuit, and but of small strength. For the gouernem••nt of this place is a Sanjaco with all his housholde and no other companie. This citie is very large, delightfull, and pleasant, abounding with gardens and faire fountaines. Other fortie miles further is Lat∣ma, a castle of very small importance, and kept as other with fortie Turkes vnder an Aga. In this place is no port, but a roade very daungerous, and without other habitation. Passing this place we enter ••udea. But because our intent is to reason simply of the voyage to M••cca, we will proceede no further this way, but returning to our first way, let it suffice to say, that ••rom Alexandria to Cairo are two hundred miles, in which way I finde nothing woorthie of memorie.

Of the mightie Citie of Cairo.

CAiro containeth in circuit eighteene miles, being so inhabited and replenished with peo∣ple, that almost it cannot receiue more; and ther••fore they haue begunne to builde n••we houses without the citie and about the walles. In Cairo are people of all Nations, as Chri∣stians, Armenians, Abexins, Turkes, Moores, Iewes, Indians, Medians, Persians, Ara∣bians, and other sortes of people, which resort thither by reason of the great traffique. This citie is gouerned by a Basha, which ministreth iustice, together with the Cadie throughout the whole kingdome. Also there are two and twentie Saniackes, whose office is onely to ouer∣see and guarde the kingdome for euery good respect. There are also seuen thousand Turkes in pay, to wit, three thousand Ianizaries, and foure thousand horsemen: The rest of the peo∣ple in Cairo are for the most part marchants which goe and come, and the remnant are Moores and other base people. About two miles from Cairo there is another little Cairo called The olde Cairo, which containeth in circuit litle more then tenne miles, and the better halfe is not inhabited•• but destroyed, whereof I neede not make any other mention. The new Cairo answe∣reth euery yeere in tribute to the grand Signior, 600000 ducates of golde, neat and free of all charges growing on the same, which money is sent to Constantinople, about the fine of Sep∣tember, by the way of Aleppo, alwayes by lande, vnder the custodie of three hundred horsemen, and two hundred Ianizaries footmen. The citie of Cairo is adorned with many faire Mesquitas rich, great, an•• of goodly and gorgeous building, among which are fiue principall. The first is called Morastan••, that is to say, The hospitall, which hath of rent fiue hundred ducats of golde euery day left vnto it by a king of Damasco from auncient times; which king hauing conquered Cairo, for the space o•• fiue dayes continually put the people thereof to the sword, and in the end repenting him of so great manslaughter, caused this cruelty to cease, and to obtaine remission for his sinne commi••ted, caused this hospitall to be built, enriching it as is aboue said. The second fa∣mous monument of Cairo is called Neffisa•• of one Neffisa buried there, who was a Dame of ho∣nour, and mooued by lust, yeelded her body voluntarily without rewarde, to any that re∣quired the same, and sayde she bestowed this almes for the loue of her Prophet Mahomet, and therefore at this day they adore her, reuerence her, and finally haue canonized her for a Saint, affirming that shee did many miracles. The third is called Zauia della Innachari, who was one of the foure Doctors in the law. The fourth is called Imamsciafij, where is buried Sciafij the second Doctor of this law. Of the other two Doctors one is buried in Damasco, the other in Aleppo. The fift & last famous monument is Giamalazar, that is, the house of Lazarus: and this is the generall Uniuersity of the whole kingome of Egypt. In this place Anno 1566 in the moneth of Ianuary by misfortune of fue were burned nine thousand bookes of great value,* 5.54

as well for that they were written by hand, as also wrought so richly with golde, that they were worth 300 and 400 ducats a piece, one with another. And because it could neuer be knowen yet how this fire beganne, they haue and doe holde the same for a most sinister augurie, and an eui∣dent and m••nifest signe of their vtter ruine. The houses of Cairo without are v••ry faire, & with∣in the greater number richly adorned with hangings wrought with golde. Euery person which resorteth to this place for traffiques sake, is bound to pay halfe a duckat, except the gentl••men Venetians, Siotes, and Rhaguseans, because they are tributarie to the Grand Signior. Cairo is distant from the riuer Nilus a mile and more,* 5.55 being situate on a plaine, saue that on the one side it hath a faire little hill, on the toppe whereof stands a faire castle, but not strong, for that it may be battered on euery side, but very rich & large, compassed about with faire gardens into the which they conueigh water for their necessitie out of Nilus, with certaine wheeles & other like engines. This magnificent citie is adorned with very fruitfull gardens both pleasant and commodious, with great plenty of pondes to water the same. Notwithstanding the great pleasures of Cairo are in the moneth of August, when by meanes of the great raine in Ethiopia the riuer Nilus ouer∣floweth and watereth all the countrey, and then they open the mouth of a great ditch, which ex∣tendeth into the riuer, and passeth through the midst of the citie, and entring there are innumera∣ble barkes rowing too and fro laden with gallant girles and beautifull dames, which with sing∣ing, eating, drinking and feasting, take their solace. The women of this countrey are most beau∣tifull, and goe in rich attire bedecked with gold, pretious stones, and iewels of great value, but chiefely perfumed with odours, and are very libidinous, and the men likewise, but foule and hard fauoured. The soile is very fertile and abundant, the flesh fat which they sell without bones, their candles they make of the marowe of cattell, because the Moores eate the tallow. They vse also certaine litle furnaces made of purpose, vnder the which they make fire, putting into the furnace foure or fiue hundred ••gges, and the said fire they nourish by litle and litle, vntill the chickens be hatched, which after they be hatched, and become somewhat bigger, they sell them by measure in such sort, as we sell and measure nuts and chestnuts and such like.

Of certaine notable monuments without the citie of Cairo.

WIthout the Citie, sixe miles higher into the land, are to be seene neere vnto the riuer diuerse Piramides, among which are three marueilous great, and very artificially wrought. Out of one of these are dayly digged the bodies of auncient men, not rotten but all whole, the cause whereof is the qualitie of the Egyptian soile, which will not consume the flesh of man, but rather dry and harden the same, and so alwayes conserueth it. And these dead bodies are the Mummie which the Phisitians and Apothecaries doe against our willes make vs to swal∣low. Also by digging in these Pyramides oftentimes are found certaine Idoles or Images of golde, siluer, and other mettall, but vnder the other piramides the bodies are not taken vp so whole as in this, but there are found legges and armes comparable to the limmes of giants. Neare to these piramides appeareth out of the sand a great head of stone somewhat like marble, which is discouered so farre as the necke ioyneth with the shoulders, being all whole, sauing that it wan∣teth a little tippe of the nose. The necke of this head contayneth in circuit about sixe and thirty foot, so that it may be according to the necke considered, what greatnesse the head is of. The riuer Nilus is a mile broad, wherein are very many great Croccodiles from Cairo vpward, but lower then Cairo passeth no such creature: and this, they say, is by reason of an inchantment made long since which hindereth their passage for comming any lower then Cairo. Moreouer of these creatures there are sometimes found some of an incredible bignesse, that is to say, of fourtie foot about. The males haue their members like to a man, and the females like to a woman. These monsters oftentimes issue out of the water to feede, and finding any small beasts, as sheepe, lambes, goates, or other like, doe great harme. And whiles they are foorth of the water, if they happen at vnwares vpon any man, woman or childe, whom they can ••∣uercome, they spare not their liues. In the yeere of our Lorde one thousand fiue hundred and sixtie it happened, that certaine poore Christians trauelling by Cairo towardes the countrey of Prete Ianni to rescue certaine slaues, were guided by a Chaus, and iourneyed alongst the banke of the said riuer. The Chaus remained lingering alone behinde to make his prayers (as their custome is) at a place called Tana, whom being busie in his double deuotion one of these Croco∣diles ceazed by the shoulders, and drew him vnder water, so that he was neuer after seene. And for this cause they haue made in sundry places certaine hedges as bankes within the water, so that betwixt the hedge and banke of the riuer there remaineth so much water, that the women washing may take water without danger at their pleasure. This countrey is so fruitfull, that

it causeth the women as also other creatures to bring foorth one, two, and oft-times three at a birth. Fiue miles southwarde of Cairo is a place called Matarea, where the balme is refined: and therefore some will say, that the trees which beare the balme growe in the said place, where∣in they are deceiued: for the sayde trees growe two dayes iourney from Mecca, in a place called Bedrihone, which yeeldeth balme in great plenty, but saluage, wilde, and without ver∣tue, and therefore the Moores carying the same within litle chests from Bedrihone to Mata∣rea, where the trees being replanted (be it by vertue of the soyle, or the water, aire, or any o∣ther thing whatsoeuer) it sufficeth that here they beare the true balme and licour so much in these dayes esteemed of. In this place of Matarea there are certaine little houses, with most goodly gardens, and a chappell of antiquity, where the very Moores themselues affirme, that the mother of the blessed Christ fleeing from the fury of wicked Herode there saued her selfe with the childe, wherein that saying of the Prophet was fulfilled, Ex AEgypto voca••i silium meum. The which Chappell in the yeare of our Lorde one thousand fiue hundred and foure, the Magnifico Daniel Barbaro first Consull of that place went to visite, and caused it to be renued and reedified, so that in these dayes there resort thither many Christians, who oftentimes bring with them a Priest, to say masse there. Also about an Harquebuz-shotte from Matarea is a spire of great height like to that at Rome, and more beautifull to beholde. Neere vnto the olde Cairo are yet twelue storehouses of great antiquitie, but now very much decayed, and these till late dayes serued to keepe corne for behoofe of the kingdome, concerning which many are of opinion, that the founder hereof was Ioseph the sonne of Iacob, for consideration of the seuen deare yeeres. Also passing higher vp by the banke of Nilus, there is to bee seene a fayre Citie ouerflowed with water, the which at such time as Nilus floweth lyeth vnder wa∣ter, but when the water returneth to the marke, there plainely appeare princely palaces, and stately pillars, being of some called Thebes,* 5.56 where they say that Pharao was resident. More∣ouer three dayes iourney higher vp are two great images of speckled marble, all whole, and some what sunke into the earth, being things wonderfull to consider of, for the nose of either is two spa••nes and an halfe long, and the space from one eare to the other conteineth tenne spannes, the bodies being correspondent to their heads, and grauen in excellent propor∣tion, so that they are shapes of maruellous hugenesse, and these they call The wife, and The daughter of Pharao.

Of the patriarke of Greece.

IN Cairo are two Patriarkes, one of the Greekes, and another of the Iacobites. The Greeke Patriarke called Gioechni, being about the age of one hundred and thirteene yeeres, was a very good and holy man. They say, that when Soldan Gauri of Egypt reigned, there was done this miracle following: this good patriarke being enuied at by the Iewes of the countrey, for none other cause, but for his good workes, and holy life, it happened (I say) that being in dis∣putation with certaine of the Hebrewes in presence of the Sultan, and reasoning of their lawe and faith, it was sayd vnto him by one of these Miscreants: sith thou beleeuest in the faith of Christ, take and drinke this potion which I will giue thee; and if thy Christ be true Messias and true God, he will (sayd he) deliuer thee from daunger. To whom the auncient patriarke an∣swered, that he was content: whereupon that cursed Iewe brought him a cuppe of the most ve∣nemous and deadly poyson that could be found, which the holy Patriarke hauing perceiued, said: In the name of the father, of the sonne, and of the holy Ghost: and hauing so sayde he dranke it quite vp; which done, he tooke a droppe of pure water, putting it into that very cup, and gaue it vnto the Iewe, saying vnto him. I in the name of my Christ haue drunke thy poyson, and there∣fore in the name of thy expected Messias drinke this water of mine within thine owne cuppe. Whereupon the Iewe tooke the cup out of the hand of the Patriarke, and hauing drunke the wa∣ter, within halfe an houre burst a sunder. And the Patriarke had none other hurt, saue that he became somewhat pale in sight, and so remained euer after. And this miracle (which meriteth to be called no lesse) was done to the great commendation of the holy Patriarke in the presence of a thousand persons, and namely of the Soldan of Egypt: who seeing the despight of the Iewes, vnto their owne cost and confusion compelled them to make the conduct, which with so many engines commeth into the castle from Nilus aboue mentioned. And this triumphant Pa∣triarke not long since was aliue, and in perfect health, which God continue long time.

Of the preparation of the Carouan to goe to Mecca.

AS touching the Carouan which goeth to Mecca, it is to be vnderstoode, that the Mahu∣metans obserue a kinde of lent continuing one whole moone, and being a moueable cere∣monie, which sometimes falleth high, sometimes lowe in the yeere called in their tongue Ra∣mazan, and their feast is called Bairam. During this time of lent all they which intende to goe vnto Mecca resort vnto Cairo, because that twentie dayes after the feast the Carouan is rea∣die to depart on the voyage: and thither resort a great multitude of people from Asia, Gre∣cia, and Barbaria to goe on this voyage, some mooued by deuotion, and some for traffiques sake, and some to passe away the time. Nowe within fewe dayes after the feast they which goe on the voyage depart out of the citie two leagues vnto a place called Birca, where they expect the Captaine of the Carouan. This place hath a great pond caused by the inundation of Nilus, and so made, that the camels and other beastes may drinke therein: whereof, name∣ly, of Mules, Camels, and Dromedaries there are at least fortie thousand, and the persons which followe the Carouan euerie yeere are about fiftie thousand, fewe more or lesse, according to the times. Moreouer euery three yeeres they renue the Captaine of the Carouan, called in the Arabian tongue Amarilla Haggi, that is, the Captaine of the Pilgrimes, to whom the Grand Signior giueth euery voiage eighteene purses, conteyning each of them sixe hundred twentie and fiue ducates of golde, and these be for the behoofe of the Carouan, and also to doe almes vnto the needfull pilgrimes. This Captaine, besides other seruingmen which follow him, hath also fo••re Chausi to serue him. Likewise he hath with him for the securitie of the Carouan foure hundred souldiers, to wit, two hundred Spachi or horsemen mounted on Dromedaries, and two hundred Ianizaries riding vpon Camels. The Chausi and the Spachi are at the charge of the Captaine, but the Ianizaries not so, for their prouision is made them from Cairo. The Spa∣chi weare caps or bonnets like to the caps of Sergeants, but the Ianizaries after another sort, with a lappe falling downe behinde like a French-hoode, and hauing before a great piece of wrought siluer on their heads. The charge of these is to cause the Carouan to march in good array when neede requireth; these are not at the commaundement of any but of the Captaine of the Carouan. Moreouer the Captaine hath for his guide eight pilots, the office of whom is al∣wayes stable and firme from heire to heire, and these goe before guiding the Carouan, and shew∣ing the way, as being well experienced in the place, and in the night they gouerne them as the mariners, by the starre. These also vse to sende before foure or fiue men carrying pieces of dry wood which giue light,* 5.57 because they should not goe out of the way, and if at any time through their ill hap they wander astray out of the way, they are cast downe and beaten with so many ba∣stonadoes vpon the soles of their feete, as serue them for a perpetuall remembrance. The Cap∣taine of the Carouan hath his Lieutenant accompanied continually with fifteene Spachi, and he hath the charge to set the Carouan in order, and to cause them to depart on their iourney when neede requireth: and during the voyage their office is some whiles to goe before with the fore∣warde, sometimes to come behinde with the rereward, sometimes to march on the one side, and sometimes on the other, to spy, that the coast be cleare. The Carouan carrieth with it sixe pieces of ordinance drawen by 12 camels, which serue to terrifie the Arabians, as also to make triumph at Mecca, and other places. The marchants which followe the Carouan, some carry for mar∣chandise cloth of silke, some Corall, some tinne, others wheat, rise, and all sorts of graine. Some sell by the way, some at Mecca, so that euery one bringeth something to gaine by, because all marchandise that goeth by land payeth no custome, but that which goeth by sea is bound to pay tenne in the hundred.

The beginning of the voyage.

THe feast before the Carouan setteth forth, the Captaine with all his retinue and officers re∣sort vnto the castle of Cairo before the Basha, which giueth vnto euery man a garment, and that of the Captaine is wrought with golde, and the others are serued according to their degree. Moreouer he deliuereth vnto him y^e Chisua Talnabi, which signifieth in the Arabian tongue, The garment of the Prophet: this vesture is of silke, wrought in the midst with letters of gold, which signifie: La illa ill alla Mahumet Resullala: that is to say, There are no gods but God, and his ambassadour Mahumet. This garment is made of purpose to couer from top to botome a litle house in Mecca standing in the midst of the Mesquita, the which house (they say) was builded by Abraham or by his sonne Ismael. After this he deliuereth to him a gate made of purpose for the foresaid house of Abraham wrought all with fine golde, and being of excellent workmanship, and

it is a thing of great value. Besides, he deliuereth vnto him a c••uering of gr••ene v••lu••t made in maner of a pyramis, about nine palmes high, and artificially wrought with most fine golde, and this is to couer the tombe of their prophet within Medina, which tombe is built in manner of a pyramis: and besides that couering there are brought many others of golde and silke, for the or∣nament of the sayde tombe. Which things being consigned, the Basha departeth not from his place; but the Captaine of the Carouan taketh his leaue with all his officers and souldiers, and departeth accompanied with all the people of Cairo orderly in manner of a procession, with sing∣ing, shouting and a thousand other ceremonies too long to recite. From the castle they goe to a gate of the citie called Bab-Nassera, without the which standes a Mosquita, and ther••in they lay vp the sayd vestures very well kept and guarded. And of this ceremony they make so great ac∣count, that the world commeth to see this sight, yea the women great with childe, and o••hers with children in their armes, neither is it lawfull for any man to forbid his wife the going to this feast, for that in so doing the wife may separate her selfe from her husband, and may lie with any other man, in regard of so great a trespasse. Now this procession proceeding from the castle to∣wardes the Mosquita, the Camels which bring the vestures are all adorned with cloth of golde, with many little belles, and passing along the str••ete you may see the multitude casting vpon the said vestures thousands of beautifull flowers of diuers colours, & sweete water, others bringing towels & fine cloth touch the same, which euer af••er they keepe as reli••ues with great reuerence. Afterward hauing left the vesture in the Mosquita, as is aforesaid, they returne againe into the ci∣tie, where they remaine the space of 20 dayes, and then the captaine departeth with his company, and taking the vestures out of the Mosquita, carieth the same to the foresaid place of Birca, where the Captaine hauing pitched his tent with the standard of the grand Signior ouer the gate, & the other principall tents stan••ing about his, stayeth there some tenne dayes and no more: in which time all those resort thither that meane to follow the Carouan in this voyage to Mecca. Where you shall see certaine women which intend to goe on this voiage accompanied with their parents and friends mounted vpon Camels, adorned with so many tryfles, cassels, and knots, that in be∣holding the same a man cannot refraine ••rom laughter. The last night before their departure they make great feasting and triumph within the Carouan, with castles and other infinite deuises of sireworke, the Ianizaries alwayes standing round about the tent of the Captaine with such shou∣ting and ioy, that on euery side the earth resoundeth, and this night they discharge all their ordi∣nance, foure or si••e times, and after at the breake of the day vpon the sound of a trumpet they march forward on their way.

What times the Carouan trauelleth, and when it resteth.

IT is to be noted, that from Cairo to Mecca they make 40 dayes iourney or thereabout, & the same great dayes iourneies. For the custome of the Carouan is to trauell much and rest little, and ordinarily they iourney in this maner: They trauell from two a clocke in the morning vntill the sunne rising, then hauing rested till noone, they set forward, and so continue till night, & then also rest againe, as is abouesaid, till two of the clocke: and this order they obserue vntill the end of the voiage, neuer changing the same, except in some places, whereof we will hereafter speake, where for respect of water they rest sometimes a day and an halfe, and this they obserue to refresh themselues, otherwise both man and beast would die.

In what order the Carouan trauelleth.

THe maner and order which the Carouan obserueth in marching is this. It goeth diuided in∣to three parts, to wit, the foreward, the maine battell, and the rereward. In the foreward go the 8 Pilots before with a Chaus, which hath foure knaues, & ech knaue carrieth a sinew ••f a bul, to the end that if occasion requireth, y^e bastonado may be giuen to such as deserue the same. These knaues cast offendours downe, turning vp the soles of their feete made fast to a staffe, giuing them a perpetuall remembrance for them & the beholders. This Chaus is as the Captaine of the fore∣ward, which commandeth lights to be carried before when they trauell in the night. Also there go in this foreward 6 Santones with red turbants vpon their heads, & these eat and ride at the cost of the Captaine of the Carouan. These Santones when the Carouan arriueth at any good lodging, suddenly after they haue escried the place, cry with an horrible voyce saying, good cheare, good cheare, we are neere to the wished lodging. For which good newes the chiefe of the company be∣stow their beneuolence vpon them. In this foreward goeth very neere the third part of the peo∣ple of the Carouan, behind whom go alwayes 25 Spachi armed with swords, bowes & arrowes

to d••fend them from thieues. Next vnto the foreward, within a quarter of a mile, followeth the maine battell, and before the same are drawen the sayd sixe pieces of ordinance, with their gun∣ners, and fifteene Spachi Archers. And next vnto these commeth the chiefe physicion, who is an olde man of authoritie, hauing with him many medicines, oyntments, salues, and other like refreshings for the sicke, hauing also camels with him for the sicke to ride on, which haue no horse nor beast. Next vnto him goeth one Camell alone, the fairest that can be found: for with great industrie is sought the greatest and fairest which may be found within the dominions of the Grand Signior. This camell also is decked with cloth of golde and silke, and carieth a litle chest made of pure Legmame made in likenesse of the arke of the olde Testament: but, as is abouesayd, made of pure Legmame, without golde or any other thing of cost. Within this chest is the Alcoran all written with great letters of golde, bound betweene two tables of massie golde, and the chest during their voyage is couered with Silke, but at their entring in∣to Mecca it is all couered with cloth of golde, adorned with iewels, and the like at the enterance into Medina. The Camell aforesayd which carrieth the chest, is compassed about with many Arabian singers and musicians, alwayes singing and playing vpon instruments. After this fo∣low fifteene other most faire Camels, euery one carying one of the abouesayd vestures, b••ing couered from toppe to toe with silke. Behind these goe twentie other Camels which carrie the money, apparell, and prouision of the Amir el Cheggi captaine of the Carouan. After foloweth the royall Standard of the grand Signior, accompanied continually with the musicians of the captaine, and fiue and twentie Spachi archers, with a Chaus before them, and about these mar∣ueilous things goe all the people and Camels which follow the Carouan. Behind these, lesse then a mile, foloweth the rereward, whereof the greater part are pilgrimes: the occasion where∣of is, for that the merchants seeke alwayes to be in the foreward for the securitie of their goods, but the pilgrimes which haue litle to loose care not though they come behind. Behind these al∣wayes goe fiue and twentie other Spachi well armed with another Chaus their captaine, and fortie Arabians all Archers for guard of the rereward. And because the Carouan goeth alwayes along the red sea banke, which in going forth they haue on their right hand, therfore the two hun∣dred Ianissaries parted into three companies goe vpon their left hand well armed and mounted vpon Camels bound one to another, for vpon that side is all the danger of thieues, and on the other no danger at all, the captaine of the Carouan alwayes going about his people, sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other, neuer keeping any firme place, being continually ac∣companied with a Chaus and 25. Spachi, armed and mounted vpon Dromedaries, and 8. musi∣cians with violes in their handes, which cease not sounding till the captaine take his rest, vpon whom they attend, till such time as he entreth his pauillion, and then licencing all his attendants and folowers to depart, they goe each man to their lodging.

Of things notable which are seene in this voyage by the way.

BEcause in the way there are not many things found woorthie memorie, for that the Caro∣uan seldome resteth in places of habitation, of which in the way there are but fewe, yea rather the Carouan resteth altogether in the field: therefore in this our voyage wee will one∣ly make mention of certaine Castles found in the way, which bee these, namely, Agerut, Na∣chel, Acba, Biritem, Muel, and Ezlem. Of which fiue, the two first are kept of Moores, and the other three of Turkes, and for guard they haue eight men or tenne at the most in euery Ca∣stle, with foure or fiue Smerigli, which serue to keepe the water from the Arabians, so that the Carouan comming thither, may haue wherewithall to refresh it selfe. Agerut is distant from Suez a port of the red Sea eight miles, where are alwayes resident fiue and twentie gallies of the Grand Signior for the keeping of that Sea. Nachel is distant from the Sea a dayes iourney. The walles of Acba are founded vpon the red Sea banke. Biritem and Muel likewise are dashed with the waues of the Sea. Ezlem is distant from thence aboue a dayes iourney. These fiue Castles abouesayd are not of force altogether to defend themselues agaynst an hundred men. The Carouan departing from Birca vntill Agerut findeth no water by the way to drinke, neither from Agerut till Nachel, nor from Nachel till Ac∣ba, but betweene Acba and Biritem are found two waters, one called Agium el Cas∣sap, and the other Magaraxiaibi, that is to say, the riuer of Iethro the father in lawe of Moses, for this is the place mentioned in the second chapter of Exodus, whither it is sayd that Moses fledde from the anger of Pharao, who would haue killed him, b••cause hee had

slaine the AEgyptian, which fought with the Hebrew, in which place stoode the cite o•• Midian; and there are yet the pondes, neere vnto the which Moses sate downe. And from that place for∣ward they finde more store of water by the way, and in more places, though not so good. It is also to bee noted, that in this voiage it is needfull and an vsuall thing, that the captaine put his hand to his purse in these places, and bestow presents, garments, and turbants vpon certaine of the chiefe of the Arabians, to the ende they may giue him and his Carouan free passage: who also promise, that their followers likewise shall doe no damage to the Carouan, and bind them∣selues to accomplish the same, promising also by worde of mouth, that if the Carouan bee rob∣bed, they will make restitution of such things as are stollen: but notwithstanding, the Caro∣uan is by them oftentimes damnified, and those which are robbed haue no other restitution at the Arabians handes then the shewing of them a paire of heeles, flying into such places as it is im∣possible to finde them. Nowe the Carouan continuing her accustomed iourneys, and hauing passed the abouesayd castles, and others not woorthie mention, at length commeth to a place called Iehbir, which is the beginning and confine of the state and realme of Serifo the king of Mecca: where, at their approching issueth out to meete them the gouernour of the land, with all his people to receiue the Carouan, with such shouting and triumph, as is impossible to ex∣presse, where they staie one whole day. This place aboundeth with fresh and cleare waters, which with streames fall downe from the high mountaines. Moreouer, in this place are great store of dates, and flesh great store and good cheape, and especially laced muttons which wil∣lingly fall downe, and here the wearie pilgrimes haue commoditie to refresh themselues, say∣ing, that this wicked fact purgeth them from a multitude of sinnes, and besides increaseth de∣uotion to prosecute the voiage. Touching the building in these places, it is to bee iudged by the houses halfe ruinated, that it hath bene a magnificent citie: but because it was in times past inhabited more with thieues then true men, it was therefore altogether destroyed by Sol∣dan Gauri king of AEgypt, who going on pilgrimage vnto Mecca, and passing by this place, there was by the inhabitants here of s••me iniurie done vnto his Carouan, which hee vnderstan∣ding of, dissembled till his returned from Mecca, and then caused it to bee burned and destroy∣ed in pitifull ••ort for reuenge of the iniurie done vnto the Carouan. The Carouan hauing re∣sted and being refreshed as is abouesayd, the next day departeth on the way, and the first place they arriue at woorthy mention is called Bedrihonem, in which place (as is aforesayd) grow those little shrubbes whereout Balme issueth. And before the Carouan arriueth at this place, a mile from the citie is a large and great field enuironed about with most high and huge moun∣taines. And in this field, according to the Alcoran, their prophet Mahomet had a most fierce and cruell battell giuen by the Christians of the countrey and other people which set themselues agaynst them, and withstood his opinion, so that hee was ouercome and vanquished of the Chri∣stians, and almost halfe of his people slaine in the battell. Whereupon, the prophet seeing himselfe in such extremitie, fell to his prayers, and they say, that God hauing compassion vpon his deare friend and prophet, heard him, and sent him infinite thousands of angels, wherewith returning to the battell, they conquered and ouercame the conquerour. And therefore in me∣morie of this victorie, the Carouan lodgeth euery yeere one night in this place, making great bonefires with great mirth. And they say that as yet there is heard vpon the mountaines a li∣tle drumme, which while the Carouan p••sseth, neuer ceaseth sounding. And they say further, that the sayd drumme is sounded by the angels in signe of that great victory graunted of God to their prophet. Also the Mahumetan writings affirme, that after the ende of the sayd battell, the prophet commaunded certaine of his people to goe and burie all the Mahumetans which were dead in the fields, who going, knew not the one from the other, because as yet they vsed not circumcision, so they returned vnto him, answering, that they had bene to doe his com∣maundement, but they knew not the Musulmans from the Christians. To whom the prophet answered, saying: Turne againe, and all those which you shall finde with their faces downe∣ward, leaue them, because all they are misbeleeuers; and the other which you shall finde with their faces turned vpward, them burie, for they are the true Musulmani, and so his commaun∣dement was done.

The next morning by Sunne rising, the Carouan arriueth at Bedrihonem, in which place euery man washeth himselfe from toppe to toe, as well men as women, and leauing off their ap∣parell, hauing each one a cloth about their priuities, called in their tongue Phorah, and another white one vpon their shoulders, all which can goe to Mecca in this habite, do so, and are thought to merite more then the other, but they which cannot doe so make a vowe to sacrifice a Ramme at the mountaine of pardons: and after they bee washed, it is not lawfull for any man or wo∣man

to kill either flea or lowse with their handes, neither yet to take them with their nailes, vn∣till they haue accomplished their vowed orations in the mountaine of pardons abouesayd: and therefore they cary with them certaine stickes made of purpose in maner of a File, called in their language Arca, Cassah Gu••h, with which they grate their shoulders. And so the Carouan mar∣ching, commeth within two miles of Mecca where they rest that night. In the morning at the breake of day, with all pompe possible they set forward toward Mecca, and drawing neere there∣unto, the Seripho issueth foorth of the citie with his guard, accompanied with an infinite num∣ber of people, shouting, and making great triumph. And being come out of the citie a bowe∣shoote into a faire field, where a great multitude of tents are pitched, and in the middest the pa∣uillion of the captaine, who meeting with the Serifo, after salutations on each side, they light from their horses and enter into the pauillion, where the king of Mecca depriueth himselfe of all authoritie and power, and committeth the same to the aboue-named captaine, giuing him full licence and authoritie to commaund, gouerne, and minister iustice during his aboad in Mec∣ca with his company, and on the other side the captaine to require this liberalitie vsed toward him by the Serifo, giueth him a garment of cloth of gold of great value, with certaine iewels and other like things. After this, sitting downe together vpon carpets and hides they eate toge∣ther, and rising from thence with certaine of the chiefest, and taking with them the garment and gate abouesayd, they goe directly to the Mosquita, attended on but with a fewe, and being entered, they cause the olde to be pulled downe, and put the newe couerture vpon the house of Abraham, and the olde vesture is the eunuchs which serue in the sayde Mosquita, who after sell it vnto the pilgrimes at foure or fiue serafines the pike: and happy doth that man thinke him∣selfe, which can get neuer so litle a piece thereof, to conserue euer after as a most holy relique: and they say, that putting the same vnder the head of a man at the houre of his death, through ver∣tue thereof all his s••••••es are forgiuen. Also they take away the old doore, setting in the place the new doore, and the old by custome they giue vnto the Serifo. After hauing made their praiers with certaine ordinarie and woonted ceremonies, the Serifo remaineth in the citie, and the captaine of the pilgrimage returneth vnto his pauillion.

Of the Serifo the king of Mecca.

THe Serifo is descended of the prophet Mahomet by Fatma daughter of that good pro∣phet, and Alli husband to her, and sonne in lawe to Mahumet, who had no issue male, saue this stocke of the Serifo, to the eldest sonne whereof the realme commeth by succession. This realme hath of reuenues royall, euery yeere halfe a million of golde, or litle more: and all such as are of the prophets kinred, or descended of that blood (which are almost innumerable) are called Emyri, that is to say, lordes. These all goe clothed in greene, or at the least haue their turbant greene, to bee knowen from the other. Neither is it permitted that any of those Christians which dwell or traffique in their Countrey goe clothed in greene, neither may they haue any thing of greene about them: for they say it is not lawfull for misbeleeuers to weare that colour, wherein that great friend and prophet of god Mahomet was woont to be apparelled.

Of the citie of Mecca.

THe Citie of Mecca in the Arabian tongue is called Macca, that is to say, an habitation. This citie is inuironed about with exceeding high and barren mountaines, and in the plaine betweene the sayde mountaines and the citie are many pleasaunt gardens, where grow∣eth great abundaunce of figges, grapes, apples, and melons. There is also great abundance of good water and fleshe, but not of bread. This citie hath no walles about it, and containeth in circuite fiue miles. The houses are very handsome and commodious, and are built like to the houses in Italie. The palace of the Serifo is sumptuous and gorgeously adorned. The women of the place are courteous, ••ocund, and louely, faire, with alluring eyes, being hote and libidinous, and the most of them naughtie packes. The men of this place are giuen to that abhominable, cursed, and opprobrious vice, whereof both men and women make but small account by reason of the pond Zun Zun, wherein hauing washed themselues, their opinion is, that although like the dog they returne to their vomite, yet they are clensed from all sinne whatsoeuer, of which sin we will hereafter more largely discourse. In the midst of the city is y^e great Mosquita,

with the house of Abraham standing in the very middest thereof, which Mosquita was built in the time when their prophet liued. It is foure square, and so great, that it containeth two miles in circuit, that is to say, halfe a mile each side. Also it is made in maner of a cloister, for that in the midst thereof separate from the rest, is the abouesayd house of Abraham, also the galleries round about are in maner of 4. streetes, and the partitions which diuide the one street from the o∣ther are pillars, whereof some are of marble, and others of lime and stone. This famous and sump∣tuous Mosquita hath 99. gates, and 5. steeples, from whence the Talismani call the people to the Mosquita. And the pilgrimes which are not prouided of tents, resort hither, and for more deuoti∣on the men and women lie together aloft and beneath, one vpō another, so that their house of praier becommeth worse sometimes then a den of thieues.

Of the house of Abraham.

THe house of Abraham is also foure square, and made of speckled stone, 20. paces high, and 40 in circuit. And vpon one side of this house within the wall, there is a stone of a span long, and halfe a span broad, which stone (as they say) before this house was builded, fell downe from heauen, at the fall whereof was heard a voyce, that wheresoeuer this stone fell, there should be built the house of God, where in God will heare sinners. Moreouer, they say that when this stone fe••l from heauen, it was not blacke as now, but as white as the whitest snow, and by reason it hath bene so oft kissed by sinners, it is there with become blacke: for all the pilgrimes are bound to kisse this stone, otherwise they cary their sinnes home with them again. The entrance into this house is ve∣ry small, made in maner of a window, and as high from the ground as a man can reach, so that it is painful to enter. This house hath without 31. pillars of brasse, set vpon cubike or square stoues being red and greene, the which pillars sustaine not ought els saue a threed of copper, which rea∣cheth from one to another, whereunto are fastened many burning lampes. These pillars of brasse were caused to be made by Sultan Soliman grandfather to Sultan Amurath now Emperor. Af∣ter this, hauing entred with the difficultie aboue sayd, there stand at the entrance two pillars of marble, to wit, on each side one. In the midst there are three of Aloes-wood not very thicke, and couered with tiles of India of 1000. colours which serue to vnderproppe the Terratza. It is so darke, that they can hardly see within for want of light, not without an euill smell. Without the gate fiue pases is the aboue sayd pond Zun Zun, which is that blessed pond that the angell of the lord shewed vnto Agar whiles she went seeking water for her sonne Ismael to drinke.

Of the ceremonies of the pilgrimes.

IN the beginning we haue sayd how the Mahumetans haue two feasts in the yeere. The one they call Pascha di Ramazaco, that is to say, The feast of fasting, and this feast of fasting is holden thirtie dayes after the feast, wherein the Carouan traueileth to Mecca. The other is cal∣led the feast of the Ramme, wherein all they which are of abilitie are bound to sacrifice a Ramme, and this they call Bine Bairam, that is to say, The great feast. And as the Carouan departeth from Cairo thirtie dayes after the little feast, so like wise they come hither fiue or sixe dayes be∣fore the great feast, to the ende the pilgrimes may haue time before the feast to finish their rites and ceremonies, which are these. Departing from the Carouan, and being guided by such as are experienced in the way, they goe vnto the citie twentie or thirtie in a company as they thinke good, walking through a streete which ascendeth by litle and litle till they come vnto a certaine gate, whereupon is written on each side in marble stone, Babel Salema, which in the Ara∣bian tongue signifieth, the gate of health. And from this place is descried the great Mosquita, which enuironeth the house of Abraham, which being descried, they reuerently salute twise, saying, Salem Ale••h lara sul Alla, that is to say, Peace to thee, ambassadour of God. This sa∣lutation being ended, proceeding on the way, they finde an arche vpon their right hand, where∣on they ascend fiue steps, vpon the which is a great voyd place made of stone: after, descending other fiue steps, and proceeding the space of a flight-shoot, they finde another arche like vnto the first, and this way from the one arche to the other they go and come 7. times, saying alwaies some of their prayers, which (they say) the afflicted Agar sayd, whiles she sought and found not water for her sonne Ismael to drinke. This ceremonie being ended, the pilgrimes enter into the Mos∣quita, and drawing neere vnto the house of Abraham, they goe round about it other seuen times, alwayes saying: This is the house of God, and of his seruaunt Abraham; This done, they goe to kisse that blacke stone abouesayd. After they go vnto the pond Zun Zun, and in their

apparell as they be, they wash themselues from head to foote, saying, Tobah Allah, Tobah Allah, that is to say, Pardon lord, Pardon lord, drinking also of that water, which is both muddie, fil∣thie, and of an ill ••auour, and in this wise washed and watered, euery one returneth to his place of abode, and these ceremonies euery one is bound to doe once at the least. But those which haue a mind to ouergoe their fellowes, and to go into paradise before the rest, doe the same once a day while the Carouan remaineth there.

What the Carouan doeth after hauing rested at Mecca:

THe Carouan hauing abode within the citie of Mecca fiue dayes, the night before the euening of their feast, the captaine with all his company setteth forward towards the mountaine of pardons,* 5.58 which they call in the Arabian tongue, Iabel Arafata. This mountaine is distant from Mecca 15. miles, and in the mid way thereto is a place called Mina, that is to say, The hauen, and a litle from thence are 4. great pillars, of which hereafter we will speake. Now first touching the mountaine of Pardons, which is rather to be called a litle hill, then a mountain, for that it is low, litle, delightful and pleasant, containing in circuit two miles, and enuironed round about with the goodliest plaine that euer with mans eie could be seen, and the plaine likewise compassed with ex∣ceeding high mountains, in such sort, that this is one of the goodliest situations in the world: and it seemeth verily, that nature hath therein shewed all her cunning, in making this place vnder the mountaine of pardons so broad and pleasant. Upon the side towards Mecca there are many pipes of water cleare, faire, and fresh, and aboue all most wholesome, falling down into certaine vessels made of purpose, where the people refresh and wash themselues, and water their cattel. And when Adam and Euah were cast out of paradise by the angel of the Lord, the Mahumetans say, they came to inhabite this litle mountaine of pardons. Also they say, that they had lost one another, and were seperated for the space of 40. yeeres, and in the end met at this place with great ioy & glad∣nesse, and builded a litle house vpon the top of this mountaine, the which at this day they call Beyt Adam, that is to say, the house of Adam.

Of the three Carouans.

THe same day that the Carouan of Cairo commeth to this place, hither come 2. Carouans al∣so, one of Damasco, the other of Arabia, and in like maner all the inhabitants for ten dayes iourney round about, so that at one time there is to be seen aboue 200000, persons, and more thē 300000. cattell. Now all this company meeting together in this place the night before the feast, the three hostes cast themselues into a triangle, setting the mountaine in the midst of them: and all that night there is nothing to be heard nor seene, but gunshot and fireworkes of sundry sortes, with such singing, sounding, shouting, h••lowing, rumors, feasting, and triumphing, as is wonder∣full. After this, the day of the feast being come, they are all at rest and silence, and that day they at∣tend on no other thing, then to sacrifice oblations and prayers vnto God, and in the euening all they which haue horses mount thereon, and approch as nigh vnto the mountaine as they can, and those which haue no horses make the best shift they can on foote, giuing euer vnto the captaine of Cairo the chiefe place, the second to the captaine of Damasco, and the third to the captaine of A∣rabia, & being all approched as is abouesayd, there commeth a square squire, one of the Santones, mounted on a camell well furnished, who at the other side of the mountain ascendeth fiue steps in∣to a pulpit made for that purpose, and all being silent, turning his face towards the people, he ma∣keth a short sermon of the tenour folowing.

The summe of the Santones sermon.

THe summe of this double doctors sermon is thus much in briefe. He sheweth them how ma∣ny and how great benefits God hath giuen to the Mahumetan people by the hand of his belo∣ued friend and prophet Mahomet, hauing deliuered them from the seruitude of sinne & from idola∣try, in which before time they were drowned, and how he gaue vnto them the house of Abraham wherein they should be heard, and likewise the mountaine of pardons, by meanes whereof they might obtaine grace and remission of their sinnes: adding, that the mercifull God, who is a libe∣rall giuer of all good things, commaunded his secretarie Abraham to build him an house in Mec∣ca, where his successours might make their prayers vnto him and bee heard, at which time all the mountains in the world came together thither with sufficiencie of stones for building hereof, except that litle and low hill, which for pouertie could not go to discharge this debt, for the which

it became sorrowfull, weeping beyond all measure for the space of thirtie yeeres, at the ende whereof the eternall God hauing pitie and compassion vpon this poore Mountaine, saide vnto it: Weepe no more (my daughter) for thy bitter plaints haue ascended vp into mine eares, there∣fore comfort thy selfe: for I will cause all those that shall goe to visite the house of my friend Abraham, that they shall not be absolued from their sinnes, vnlesse they first come to doe thee reuerence, and to keepe in this place their holiest feast. And this I haue commanded vnto my people by the mouth of my friend and prophet Mahumer. This said, he exhorteth them vnto the loue of God, and to prayer and almes. The sermon being done at the Sunne-setting they make 3. prayers, namely, the first for the Serifo, the second for the Grand Signior with his hoste, and the third for all the people: to which prayers all with one voyce cry saying; Amni la Alla, Amni la Alla, that is to say, Be it so Lord, be it so Lord. Thus hauing had the Santones blessing and saluted the Mountaine of pardons, they returne the way they came vnto Mina, whereof wee haue made mention. In returning at the end of the plaine are the abouesaid 4. pillers, to wit, two on ech side of the way, through the midst whereof they say it is needfull that euery one passe, say∣ing, that who so passeth without looseth all that merit which in his pilgrimage he had gotten. Also from the mountaine of pardons vntil they be passed the said pillers none dare looke backward, for feare least the sinnes which he hath left in the mountains returne to him againe. Being past these pillers euery one lighteth downe, seeking in this sandy field 50. or 60. litle stones, which being ga∣thered, and bound in an handkerchiffe they carry to the aboue said place of Mina, where they stay 5. dayes, because at that time there is a faire free and franke of al custome. And in this place are o∣ther 3. pillers, not together, but set in diuers places, where (as their prophet saith) were the three apparitions which the diuel made vnto Abraham, and to Ismael his sonne; for amongst them they make no mention of Isaac, as if he had neuer bene borne. So they say, that the blessed God hauing commanded Abraham his faithfull seruant to sacrifice his first begotten Ismael, the old Abraham went to do according to Gods wil, and met with the infernal enemie in the shape of a man, and be∣ing of him demanded whither he went, he answered, that he went to sacrifice his sonne Ismael, as God had commanded him. Against whom the diuel exclaiming said: Oh doting old man, sith God in thine old age hath marueilously giuen thee this son (in whom all nations shalbe blessed) where∣fore giuing credite vnto vaine dreames, wilt thou kill him whom so much thou hast desired, and so intirely loued. But Abraham shaking him off proceeded on his way, whereupon the diuel seeing his words could not preuaile with the father attempted the sonne, saying; Ismael, haue regard vn∣to thy selfe betimes in this thing which is so dangerous. Wherefore? answered y^• childe. Because (saith the diuel) thy doting father seeketh to take away thy life. For what occasion, said Ismael? Because (saith the enemie) he faith, that God hath commanded him. Which Ismael hearing hee tooke vp stones and threw at him, saying, Auzu billahi minal scia itanil ragini, which is to say, I defend me with God from the diuel the offender, as who would say, wee ought to obey the com∣mandement of God and resist the diuel with al our force. But to returne to our purpose, the pil∣grimes during their aboad there goe to visite these three pillers, throwing away the little stones which before they gathered, whiles they repeat the same words which they say, that Ismael said to the diuell, when hee withstoode him. From hence halfe a mile is a mountaine, whither Abraham went to sacrifice his sonne, as is abouesaid. In this mountaine is a great den whither the pilgrims resort to make their prayers, and there is a great stone naturally separated in the midst; and they say, that Ismael, while his father Abraham was busie about the sacrifice, tooke the knife in hand to prooue how it would cut, and making triall diuided the stone into two parts. The fiue dayes being expired, the captaine ariseth with all the Carouan, and returneth againe to Mecca, where they remaine other fiue dayes. And while these rest, we will treat of the city and port of Grida vpon the Red Sea.

Of Grida.

* 5.59THerefore wee say that from Mecca to Grida they make two small dayes iourney: and be∣cause in those places it is ill traueiling in the day-time by reason of the great heat of the Sunne, therefore they depart in the euening from Mecca, and in the morning before Sunne∣rising they are arriued halfe way, where there are certaine habitations well furnished, and good Innes to lodge in, but especially women ynough which voluntarily bestowe their almes vpon the poore pilgrims; like wise departing the next euening, the morning after, they come vnto Grida. This citie is founded vpon the Red Sea banke, enuironed with wals & towers to the land-ward, but through continuance of time almost, cōsumed and wasted: on the side to seaward it stands vn∣walled. Grida hath three gates, one on eche side, and the thirde in the midst towarde the land, which is called, The port of Mecca, neere vnto which are 6•• or 7. Turks vpon the old towers for

guard thereof with foure faulcons vpon one of the corners of the city to the land-ward. Also to sea-ward where the wall ioyneth with the water, there is lately made a fort like vnto a bulwarke, where they haue planted 25 pieces of the best ordinance that might be had, which are very well kept and quarded. More outward towards the sea vpon the farthest olde tower are other fiue good pieces with 30 men to guard them. On the other side of the city at the end of the wall there is lately builded a bulwarke strong and well guarded by a Saniaccho with 150 Turks wel pro∣uided with ordinance and all other necessaries and munition, and all these fortifyings are for none other cause then for feare and suspition of the Portugals.* 5.60 And if the port were good all this were in vaine: but the port cannot be worse nor more dangerous, being all full of rocks and sands, in such wise, that the ships cannot come neere, but perforce ride at the least two miles off. At this port arriue euery yeere forty or fifty great shippes laden with spices and other rich marchandize which yeeld in custome 150000 ducats,* 5.61 the halfe whereof goeth vnto the Grand Signior, and the other halfe to the Serifo. And because there is none other thing worthy mention in Grida we wil returne to our Carouan which hath almost rested enough.

Of their going to Medina.

THe Carouan departeth for Medina returning the same way they came vnto Bedrihonem abouesayd, where they leaue their ordinance and other cariages, whereof they haue no need, with the pilgrims which haue seene Medina aforetime, and desire not to see it againe, but stay in that place, expecting the carouan, and resting vntill the carouan go from Bedrihonem to Medi∣na, where they alwayes finde goodly habitations, with abundance of sweet waters, and dates e∣nough, and being within foureteene miles of Medina they come vnto a great plaine called by them Iabel el salema, that is to say, the mountaine of health, from which they begin to des••ry the city and tombe of Mahomet, at which sight they light from their horses in token of reuerence. And being ascended vp the sayd mountaine with shouting which pierceth the skies they say, Sala tuua salema Alaccah larah sul Allah. Sala tuua Salema Alaccah Ianabi Allah, Sala tuua Sale∣ma Alaccha Iahabit Allah: which words in the Arabian tongue signifie: Prayer and health be vnto thee, oh prophet of God: prayer and health be vpon thee, oh beloued of God. And hauing pronounced this salutation, they proceed on their iourney, so that they lodge that night within three miles of Medina: and the next morning the captaine of the pilgrimage ariseth, & proceeding towards the city, and drawing neere, there commeth the gouernour vnder the Serifo, accompa∣nied with his people to receiue the Carouan, hauing pitched their tents in the midst of a goodly field where they lodge.

Of Medina.

MEdina is a little city of great antiquity, containing in circuit not aboue two miles, hauing therein but one castle, which is olde and weake, guarded by an Aga with fifty pieces of ar∣tillery, but not very good. The houses thereof are faire and well situated, built of lime and stone, and in the midst of the city stands a foure square Mosquita, not so great as that of Mecca, but more goodly, rich, and sumptuous in building. Within the same in a corner thereof is a tombe built vpon foure pillers with a vault, as if it were vnder a pauement, which bindeth all the foure pil∣lers together. The tombe is so high, that it farre exceedeth in heighth the Mosquita, being coue∣red with lead, and the top all inamelled with golde, with an halfe moone vpon the top: and with∣in the pauement it is all very artificially wrought with golde. Below there are round about ve∣ry great staires of yron ascending vp vntill the midst of the pillers, and in the very midst thereof is buried the body of Mahomet, and not in a chest of yron cleauing to the adamant, as many affirme that know not the trueth thereof. Moreouer, ouer the body they haue built a tombe of speckled stone a| 5.62 brace and an halfe high, and ouer the same another of Legmame fouresquare in maner of apyramis. After this, round about the sepulture there hangeth a curtaine of silke, which letteth the sight of those without, that they cannot see the sepulture. Beyond this in the same Mosquita are other two sepulchres couered with greene cloth, and in the one of them is buried Fatma the daughter of Mahomet, and Alli is buried in the other, who was the husband of the sayd Fatma. The attendants vpon these sepulchres are fifty eunuches white and tawny, neither is it granted to any of them to enter within the tombe, sauing to three white eunuches the oldest and best of credit; vnto whom it is lawfull to enter but twise in the day, to light the lamps, and to doe other seruices. All the other eunuchs attend without to the seruice of the Mosquita, and the other two sepulchres of Fatma, and Alli, where euery one may go and touch at his pleasure, and take of the earth for deuotion, as many do.

Of things without the City.

WIthout the city and on euery side are most faire gardens, with many fountaines of most sweet water, infinite pondes, abundance of fruit, with much honest liuing, so that this place is very pleasant and delightfull. This city hath three gates, one of which is an hospitall caused to be built by Cassachi, called the Rose, who was wife to Sultan Soliman grandfather to this emperour. The sayd hospitall hath nought els woorthy mention, saue that it is fairely built, and hath large reuenues belonging thereunto, and nourisheth many poore people. A mile from the city are certaine houses whereof they affirme one to be the same, where Mahumet in his life∣time dwelt. This house hath on euery side very many faire date trees, amongst which there are two which grow out of one stocke exceeding high, and these, they say, their Prophet graffed with his owne hand: the fruit thereof is alwayes sent to Constantinople, to be presented vnto the Grand Signior, and is sayd to be that blessed fruit of the Prophet. Here vnto the date trees is a faire fountaine of cleere and sweet water, the which by a conduct pipe is brought into the city of Medina. Also there is a little Mosquita, wherein three places are counted holy, and greatly re∣uerenced: the first they affirme, that their Prophet made his first prayer in, after he knew God: the second is that whither he went when he would see the holy house of Abraham, where when he sate downe to that intent, they say the mountaines opened from the toppe to the bottome to shew him the house, and after closed againe as before: the third holy place is in the midst of the sayd Mosquita, whereis a tombe made of lime and stone fouresquare, and full of sand, wherein, they say, was buried that blessed camell which Mahumet was alwayes woont to ride vpon. On the other side of the city are other tombes of holy Mahumetans, and euery one of them hath a tombe built vpon foure pillers, amongst which three were the companions of Mahumet, to wit, Abubacar, Ottoman, and Omar; all which are visited of the pilgrims as holy places.

The offering of the vestures vnto the sepulchres.

THe Carouan being come to Medina two houres before day, and resting there till the eue∣ning, the captaine then with his company and other pilgrims setteth forward, with the grea∣test pompe possible: and taking with him the vesture which is made in maner of a pyramis, with many other of golde and silke, departeth, going thorow the midst of the city, vntill he come to the Mosquita, where hauing praied, he presenteth vnto the t••mbe of his prophet (where the eunuchs receiuing hands are ready) the vesture for the sayd tombe: and certaine eunuchs entring in take away the old vesture, and lay on the new, burning the olde one, and diuiding the golde thereof into equall portions. After this are presented other vestures for the ornament of the Mosquita. Also the people without deliuer vnto the eunuchs ech man somewhat to touch the tombe therewith, which they keepe as a relique with great deuotion. This ceremony being ended, the captaine resteth in Medina two dayes, to the end the pilgrims may finish their deuotion and ceremonies: and after they depart to Iambor. A good dayes iourney thence is a steepe mountaine, ouer which is no passage, sauing by one narrow path called Demir Capi, which was in times past called the yron gate. Of this gate the Mahumetans say, that Ally the companion and sonne in law of Ma∣humet, being here pursued by many Christians, and comming vnto this mountaine, not seeing a∣ny way whereby to flee, drew out his sword, and striking the said mountaine, diuided it in sunder, and passing thorow saued his life on the other side. Moreouer, this Alli among the Persians is had in greater reuerence then Mahumet, who affirme, that the sayd Alli hath done greater things and more miraculous then Mahumet, and therefore they esteeme him for God almighty his fel∣low. But to returne to our matter, the captaine with the carouan within two dayes after retur∣neth for Cairo, and comming to Ezlem, findeth there a captaine with threescore horses come thi∣ther to bring refreshments to the said captaine of the pilgrimage, as also to sell vnto the pilgrims some victuals. From thence they set forward, and comming to Birca within two leagues of Cairo, there is the master of the house of the Bassha of Cairo with all his horsemen come thither to receiue him, with a sumptuous and costly banket made at the cost of the Basha for the captaine and his retinue, who after he is well refreshed departeth toward the castle of Cairo to salute the Basha, who receiuing him with great ioy and gladnesse in token of good wil presenteth him with a garment of cloth of golde very rich: and the captaine taking the Alcaron out of the chest presen∣teth it to the Basha, who hauing kissed it, commandeth to lay it vp againe. Some there are which affirme, that being arriued at Cairo, they kill that goodly camell which carried the Alcaron, and eate him; which is nothing so: for they are so superstitious to the contrary, that to gaine all the

world they would not kill him. But if by casualty he should die, in this case happy and blessed they thinke themselues, which can get a morsell to eat. And thus much concerning the voyage of the captaine of the carouan of Cairo.

The voyage and trauell of M. Caesar Fredericke, Marchant of Venice, into the East India, and beyond the Indies. Wherein are conteined the cu∣stomes and rites of those countries, the merchandises and commodities, aswell of golde and siluer, as spices, drugges, pearles, and other iewels: translated out of Italian by M. Thomas Hickocke.

Caesar Fredericke to the Reader.

I Hauing (gentle Reader) for the space of eighteene yeeres continually coa∣sted and trauelled,* 5.63 as it were, all the East Indies, and many other countreys beyond the Indies, wherein I haue had both good and ill successe in my tra∣uels: and hauing seene & vnderstood many things woorthy the noting, and to be knowen to all the world, the which were neuer as yet written of any: I thought it good (seeing the Almighty had giuen me grace, after so long pe∣rils in passing such a long voyage to returne into mine owne countrey, the noble city of Ve∣nice) I say, I thought it good, as briefly as I could, to write and set forth this voyage made by me, with the maruellous things I haue seene in my trauels in the Indies: The mighty Princes that gouerne those countreys, their religion and faith that they haue, the rites and customes which they vse, and liue by, of the diuers successe that happened vnto me, and how many of these countreys are abounding with spices, drugs, and iewels, giuing also profitable aduertise∣ment to all those that haue a desire to make such a voyage. And because that the whole world may more commodiously reioyce at this my trauell, I haue caused it to be printed in this order: and now I present it vnto you (gentle & louing Readers) to whom for the varieties of things heerein conteined, I hope that it shall be with great delight receiued. And thus God of his goodnesse keepe you.

A voyage to the East Indies, and beyond the Indies, &c.

IN the yere of our Lord God 1563, I Caesar Fredericke being in Venice,* 5.64 and ve∣ry desirous to see the East parts of the world, shipped my selfe in a shippe cal∣led the Grada••ge of Venice, with certaine marchandise, gouerned by M. Iaco∣mo Vatica, which was bound to Cyprus with his ship, with whom I went: and when we were arriued in Cyprus, I left that ship, and went in a lesser to Tripoly in Soria, where I stayed a while. Afterward I tooke my iourney to Alepo, and there I acquain∣ted my selfe with marchants of Armenia, and Moores, that were marchants, and consorted to go with them to Ormus, and wee departed from Alepo, and in two dayes iourney and a halfe, wee came to a city called Bir.

Of the city called Bir.

BIr is a small city very scarse of all maner of victuals, and nere vnto the walles of the city run∣neth the riuer of Euphrates. In this city the marchants diuide themselues into companies, according to their merchandise that they haue, and there either they buy or make a boat to carry them and their goods to Babylon downe the riuer Euphrates,* 5.65 with charge of a master and ma∣riners to conduct the boat in the voyage: these boats are in a maner flat bottomed, yet they be ve∣ry strong: and for all that they are so strong, they will serue but for one voyage. They are made according to the sholdnesse of the riuer, because that the riuer is in many places full of great stones, which greatly hinder and trouble those that goe downe the riuer. These boats serue but for one voyage downe the riuer vnto a village called Feluchia, because it is impossible to bring them vp the riuer backe againe. At Feluchia the marchants plucke their boats in pieces, or else sell them for a small price, for that at Bir they cost the marchants forty or fifty chickens a piece, and they sel them at Feluchia for seuen or eight chickens a piece,* 5.66 because that when the marchants returne from Babylon backe againe, if they haue marchandise or goods that oweth custome, then they make their returne in forty dayes thorow the wildernesse, passing that way with a great deale lesser charges then the other way. And if they haue not marchandise that oweth custome, then they goe by the way of Mosul,* 5.67 where it costeth them great charges both the Carouan and

company. From Bir where the marchants imbarke themselues to Feluchia ouer against Baby∣lon, if the riuer haue good store of water, they shall make their voyage in fifteene or eighteene dayes downe the riuer, and if the water be lowe, and it hath not rained, then it is much trouble, and it will be forty or fifty dayes iourney downe, because that when the barks strike on the stones that be in the riuer, then they must vnlade them, which is great trouble, and then lade them a∣gaine when they haue mended them: therefore it is not necessary, neither doe the marchants go with one boat alone, but with two or three, that if one boat split and be lost with striking on the sholdes, they may haue another ready to take in their goods, vntill such time as they haue mended the brokē boat, and if they draw the broken boat on land to mend her, it is hard to de••end her in the night from the great multitude of Arabians that will come downe there to robbe you: and in the riuers euery night, when you make fas•• your boat to the banckeside, you must keepe good watch against the Arabians which are theeues in number like to ants,* 5.68 yet when they come to robbe, they will not kill, but steale & run away. Harquebuzes are very good weapons against them, for that they stand greatly in feare of the shot. And ••s you passe the riuer Euphrates from Bir to Feluchia, there are certein places which you must passe by, where you pay custome certaine medines vpon a bale, which custome is belonging to the sonne of Aborise king of the Arabians and of the desert, who hath certaine cities and villages on the riuer Euphrates.

Feluchia and Babylon.

FEluchia is a village where they that come from Bir doe vnbarke themselues and vnlade their goods, and it is distant from Babylon a dayes iourney and an halfe by land: Babylon is no great city,* 5.69 but it is very populous, and of great trade of strangers because it is a great thorow∣fare for Persia, Turkia, and Arabia: and very often times there goe out from thence Carouans into diuers countreys: and the city is very copious of victuals, which comme out of Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris, on certaine Zattares or Raffes made of blowen hides or skinnes cal∣led Vtrij. This riuer Tygris doeth wash the walles of the city. These Raffes are bound fast toge∣ther, and then they lay boards on the aforesayd blowen skinnes, and on the boards they lade the commodities, and so come they to Babylon where they vnlade them, and being vnladen, they let out the winde out of the skinnes, and lade them on cammels to make another voyage. This city of Babylon is situate in the kingdome of Persia, but now gouerned by the Turks. On the other side of the riuer towards Arabia, ouer against the city, there is a faire place or towne, and in it a faire Bazarro for marchāts, with very many lodgings, where the greatest part of the marchants strangers wich come to Babylon do lie with their marchandize.* 5.70 The passing ouer Tygris from Babylon to this Borough is by a long bridge made of boates chained together with great chaines: prouided, that when the riuer waxeth great with the abundance of raine that falleth, then they open the bridge in the middle, where the one halfe of the bridge falleth to the walles of Babylon, and the other to the brinks of this Borough, on the other side of the riuer: and as long as the bridge is open, they passe the riuer in small boats with great danger, because of the smal∣nesse of the boats, and the ouerlading of them, that with the fiercenesse of the streame they be o∣uerthrowen, or els the streame doth cary them away, so that by this meanes, many people are lost and drowned: this thing by proofe I haue many times seene.

Of the tower of Babylon.

THe Tower of Nimrod or Babel is situate on that side of Tygris that Arabia is, and in a very great plaine distant from Babylon seuen or eight miles: which tower is ruinated on euery side, and with the falling of it there is made a great mountaine: so that it hath no forme at all, yet there is a great part of it standing,* 5.71 which is compassed and almost couered with the afore∣sayd fallings: this Tower was builded and made of foure square Brickes, which Brickes were made of earth, and dried in the Sunne in maner and forme following: first they layed a lay of Brickes, then a Mat made of Canes, square as the Brickes, and in stead of lime, they daubed it with earth: these Mats of Canes are at this time so strong, that it is a thing wonderfull to be∣holde, being of such great antiquity: I haue gone round about it, and haue not found any place where there hath bene any doore or entrance: it may be in my iudgement in circuit about a mile, and rather lesse then more.

This Tower in effect is contrary to all other things which are seene afar off, for they seeme small, & the more nere a man commeth to them the bigger they be: but this tower afar off seemeth a very great thing, and the nerer you come to it the lesser. My iudgement & reason of this is, that

because the Tower is set in a very great plaine, and hath nothing more about to make any shew sauing the ruines of it which it hath made round about, and for this respect descrying it a farre off, that piece of the Tower which yet standeth with the mountaine that is made of the substance that hath fallen from it, maketh a greater shew then you shall finde comming neere to it.

Babylon and Basora.

FRom Babylon I departed for Basora, shipping my selfe in one of the barks that vse to go in the riuer T••gris from Babylon to Basora, and from Basora to Babylon: which barks are made after the maner of Fusts or Galliots with a Speron and a couered poope: they haue no pumpe in them because of the great abundance of pitch which they haue to pitch them with all:* 5.72 which pitch they haue in abundance two dayes iourney from Babylon. Nere vnto the riuer Euphrates, there is a city called Heit, nere vnto which city there is a great plaine full of pitch, very maruellous to beholde, and a thing almost incredible, that out of a hole in the earth, which continually throweth out pitch into the aire with continuall smoake, this pitch is throwen with such force, that being hot it falleth like as it were sprinckled ouer all the plaine, in such abundance that the plaine is al∣wayes full of pitch: the Mores and the Arabians of that place say, that that hole is the mouth of hell: and in trueth, it is a thing very notable to be marked: and by this pitch the whole people haue great benefit to pitch their barks, which barks they call Daneck and Saffin. When the ri∣uer of Tygris is well replenished with water, you may passe from Babylon to Basora in eight or nine dayes, and sometimes more and sometimes lesse: we were halfe so much more which is 14 or 15 daies, because the waters were low: they may saile day & night, and there are some places in this way where you pay so many medins on ••aile: if the waters be lowe, it is 18 dayes iourney.

Basora.

BAsora is a city of the Arabians, which of olde time was gouerned by those Arabians called Zizarij,* 5.73 but now it is gouerned by the great Turke where he keepeth an army to his great charges.

The Arabians called Zizarij haue the possession of a great countrey, and cannot be ouercome of the Turke, because that the sea hath diuided their countrey into an Iland by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the sea, and for that cause the Turke cannot bring an army against them, neither by sea nor by land, and another reason is, the inhabitants of that Iland are very strong and warlike men. A dayes iourney before you come to Basora, you shall haue a little castle or fort, which is set on that point of the land where the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris meet toge∣ther,* 5.74 and the castle is called Corna: at this point, the two riuers make a monstrous great riuer, that runneth into the sea, which is called the gulfe of Persia, which is towards the South: Baso∣ra is distant from the sea fifteene miles, and it is a city of great trade of spices and drugges which come from Ormus. Also there is great store of corne, Rice, and Dates, which the countrey doth yeeld. I shipped my selfe in Basora to go for Ormus, and so we sailed thorow the Persian sea sir hundred miles, which is the distance from Basora to Ormus,* 5.75 and we sailed in small ships made of boards, bound together with small cords or ropes, and in stead of calking they lay betweene eue∣ry board certaine straw which they haue, and so they sowe board and board together, with the straw betweene, wherethorow there commeth much water, and they are very dangerous. De∣parting from Basora we passed 200 miles with the sea on our right hand, along the gulfe, vntil at length we arriued at an Iland called Carichij,* 5.76 fro whēce we sailed to Ormus in sight of the Persi∣an shore on the left side, and on the right side towards Arabia we discouered infinite Ilands.

Ormus.

ORmus is an Iland in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles,* 5.77 and it is the barrenest and most drie Iland in all the world, because that in it there is nothing to be had, but salt wa∣ter, and wood, all other things necessary for mans life are brought out of Persia twelue miles off, and out of other Ilands neere thereunto adioyning, in such abundance and quantity, that the city is alwayes replenished with all maner of store: there is standing neere vnto the waters side a ve∣ry faire castell, in the which the captaine of the king of Portugall is alwayes resident with a good band of Portugalles, and before this castell is a very faire prospect: in the city dwell the maried men, souldiers and marchants of euery nation, amongst whom there are Moores and Gentiles.* 5.78 In this city there is very great trade for all sorts of spices, drugges, silke, cloth of silke, brocar∣do,

and diuers other sorts of marchandise come out of Persia: and amongst all other trades of merchandise, the trade of Horses is very great there, which they carry from thence into the In∣dies. This Iland hath a Moore king of the race of the Persians, who is created and made king by the Captaine of the castle, in the name of the king of Portugall. At the creation of this king I was there,* 5.79 and saw the ceremonies that they vse in it, which are as followeth. The olde King being dead, the Captaine of the Portugals chuseth another of the blood royall, and maketh this election in the castle with great ceremonies, and when hee is elected, the Captaine sweareth him to be true and faithfull to the King of Portugall, as his Lord and Gouernour, and then he gi∣ueth him the Scepter regall. After this with great feasting & pompe, and with great company, he is brought into the royall palace in the city. This King keepeth a good traine, and hath suf∣ficient reuenues to maintaine himselfe without troubling of any, because the Captaine of the castle doeth mainteine and defend his right, and when that the Captaine and he ride together, he is honoured as a king, yet he cannot ride abroad with his traine, without the consent of the Cap∣taine first had: it behooueth them to doe this, and it is necessary, because of the great trade that is in the city: their proper language is the Persian tongue. There I shipped my selfe to goe for Goa, a city in the Indies, in a shippe that had fourescore horses in her. This is to aduertise those Marchants that go from Ormus to Goa to shippe themselues in those shippes that carry horses, because euery shippe that carrieth twenty horses or vpwards is priuileged,* 5.80 that all the marchan∣dise whatsoeuer they carry shall pay no custome, whereas the shippes that carry no horses are bound to pay right per cento of all the goods they bring.

Goa, Diu, and Cambaia.

GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies, where is resident the Uiceroy with his Court and ministers of the King of Portugall. From Ormus to Goa is nine hundred foure score and ten miles distance, in which passage the first city that you come to in the Indies, is called Diu,* 5.81 and is situate in a little Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia, which is the greatest strength that the Portugals haue in all the Indies, yet a small city, but of great trade, because there they lade very many great ships for the straights of Mecca and Ormus with marchandise, and these shippes belong to the Moores and Christians, but the Moores can not trade neither saile into those seas without the licence of the Uiceroy of the king of Portugall, o∣therwise they are taken and made good prises. The marchandise that they lade these ships with∣all commeth frō Cambaietta a port in the kingdome of Cambaia,* 5.82 which they bring from thence in small barks, because there can no great shippes come thither, by reason of the sholdn••sse of the water thereabouts, and these sholds are an hundred or fourescore miles about in a straight or gulfe, which they call Macareo, which is as much to say, as a race of a tide, because the waters there run out of that place without measure, so that there is no place like to it, vnlesse it be in the kingdome of Pegu, where there is another Macareo, where the waters run out with moreforce then these doe. The principall city in Cambaia is called Amadauar, it is a dayes iourney and an halfe from Cambaietta, it is a very great city and very populous, and for a city of the Gentiles it is very well made and builded with faire houses and large streets, with a faire place in it with many shippes, and in shew like to Cairo, but not so great: also Cambaietta is situate on the seas side, and is a very faire city. The time that I was there, the city was in great calamity & scarse∣nesse, so that I haue seene the men of the countrey that were Gentiles take their children, their sonnes and their daughters, and haue desired the Portugals to buy them, and I haue seene them solde for eight or ten larines a piece, which may be of our money x.s. or xiii. s. iiii. d. For all this, if I had not seene it, I could not haue beleeued that there should be such a trade at Cambaietta as there is: For in the time of euery new Moone and euery full Moone, the small barks (innume∣rable) come in and out, for at those times of the Moone the tides and waters are higher then at other times they be. These barkes be laden with all sorts of spices, with silke of China, with Sandols, with Elephants teeth, Ueluets of Vercini, great quantity of Pannina, which com∣meth from Mecca, Chickinos which be pieces of golde woorth seuen shillings a piece sterling, with money, and with diuers sorts of other marchandize. Also these barks lade out, as it were, an infinite quantity of cloth made of Bumbast of all sorts, as white stamped and painted, with great quantity of Indico, dried ginger & conserued, Myrabolans drie and condi••e, Boraso in paste, great store of sugar, great quantity of Cotton, abundance of Opium, Assa Fe••ida, Puchio, with many other sorts of drugges, turbants made in Dui, great stones like to Corneolaes, Granats, Agats, Diaspry, Calcidonij, Hematists, and some kinde of naturall Diamonds. There is in the city of Cambaietta an order, but no man is bound to keepe it, but they that will;

but all the Portugall marchants keepe it, the which is this. There are in this city certaine Bro∣kers which are Gentiles and of great authority, and haue euery one of them fifteene or twenty seruants, and the Marchants that vse that countrey haue their Brokers, with which they be ser∣ued: and they that haue not bene there are informed by their friends of the order, and of what bro∣ker they shall be serued. Now euery fifteene dayes (as abouesayd) that the fleet of small shippes entreth into the port, the Brokers come to the water side, and these Marchants assoone as they are come on land, do giue the cargason of all their goods to that Broker that they will haue to do their businesse for them, with the marks of all the fardles and packs they haue: and the marchant hauing taken on land all his furniture for his house, because it is needfull that the Marchants that trade to the Indies cary prouision of housholde with them,* 5.83 because that in euery place where they they come they must haue a new house, the Broker that hath receiued his cargason, comman∣deth his seruants to carry the Marchants furniture for his house home, and load it on some cart, and carry it into the city, where the Brokers haue diuers empty houses meet for the lodging of Marchants, furnished onely with bedsteds, tables, chaires, and empty iarres for water: then the Broker sayth to the Marchant, Goe and repose your selfe, and take your rest in the city. The Broker carrieth at the water side with the cargason, and causeth all his goods to be discharged out of the ship, and payeth the custome, and causeth it to be brought into the house where the mar∣chant lieth, the Marchant not knowing any thing thereof, neither custome, nor charges. These goods being brought to this passe into the house of the Marchant, the Broker demandeth of the Marchant if he haue any desire to sell his goods or marchandise, at the prises that such wares are worth at that present time? And if he hath a desire to sell his goods presently, then at that instant the Broker selleth them away. After this the Broker sayth to the Marchant, you haue so much of euery sort of marchandise neat and cleare of euery charge, and so much ready money. And if the Marchant will imploy his money in other commodities, then the Broker telleth him that such and such commodities will cost so much, put aboord without any maner of charges. The Marchant vnderstanding the effect, maketh his account; and if he thinke to buy or sell at the pri∣ses currant, he giueth order to make his marchandise away: and if he hath commodity for 20000 duckets, all shalbe bartred or solde away in fifteene dayes without any care or trouble: and when as the Marchant thinketh that he cannot sell his goods at the prise currant, he may tary as long as he will, but they cannot be solde by any man but by that Broker that hath taken them on land and payed the custome: and perchance tarying sometimes for sale of their commodity, they make good profit, and sometimes losse: but those marchandise that come not ordinarily euery fifteene dayes, in tarying for the sale of them, there is great profit. The barks that lade in Cambaietta go for Diu to lade the ships that go from thence for the streights of Mecca and Ormus, and some go to Chaul and Goa: and these ships be very wel appointed, or els are guarded with the Arma∣da of the Portugals, for that there are many Corsaries or Pyrats which goe coursing alongst that coast, robbing and spo••ling:* 5.84 and for feare of these theeues there is no safe sailing in those seas, but with ships very well appointed and armed, or els with the fleet of the Portugals, as is a∣foresayd. In fine, the kingdome of Cambaia is a place of great trade, and hath much doings and traffique with all men, although hitherto it hath bene in the hands of tyrants, because that at 75 yeeres of age the true king being at the assault of Diu, was there slaine; whose name Sultan Ba∣du. At that time foure or fiue captaines of the army diuided the kingdome amongst themselues, and euery one of them shewed in his countrey what tyranny he could: but twelue yeeres ago the great Mogol a Moore king of Agra and Delly, forty dayes iourny within the land of Amadauar, became the gouernour of all the kingdome of Cambaia without any resistance, because he being of great power and force, deuising which way to enter the land with his people, there was not any man that would make him any resistance, although they were tyrants and a beastly people, they were soone brought vnder obedience. During the time I dwelt in Cambaietta I saw very mar∣uellous things:* 5.85 there were an infinite number of artificers that made bracelets called Mannij, or bracelets of elephants teeth, of diuers colours, for the women of the Gentiles, which haue their armes full decked with them. And in this occupation there are spent euery yeere many thou∣sands of crownes: the reason whereof is this, that when there dieth any whatsoeuer of their kin∣dred, then in signe and token of mourning and sorrow, they breake all their bracelets from their armes, and presently they go and buy new againe, because that they had rather be without their meat then without their bracelets.

Daman. Basan. Tana.

HAuing passed Diu, I came to the second city that the Portugals haue, called Daman, situ∣ate in the territory of Cambaia, distant from Diu an hundred and twenty miles: it is no

towne of merchandise, saue Rice and corne, and hath many villages vnder it, where in time of peace the Portugals take their pleasure, but in time of warre the enemies haue the spoile of them; in such wise that the Portugals haue little benefit by them. Next vnto Daman you shall haue Basan, which is a filthy place in respect of Daman: in this place is Rice, Corne, and Timber to make shippes and gallies. And a small distance beyond Basan is a little Iland called Tana,* 5.86 a place very populous with Portugals, Moores, and Gentiles: these haue nothing but Rice, there are many makers of Armesine, and weauers of girdles of wooll and bumbast blacke and redde like to Moocharies.

Of the cities of Chaul, and of the Palmer tree.

BEyond this Iland you shall finde Chaul in the firme land; and they are two cities, one of the Portugals, and the other of the Moores: that city which the Portugals haue is situate low∣er then the other, and gouerneth the mouth of the harbour, and is very strongly walled: and as it were a mile and an halfe distant from this is the city of Moores, gouerned by their king Zamal∣luco. In the time of warres there cannot any great ships come to the city of the Moores, because the Portugals with their ordinance will sincke them, for that they must perforce passe by the ca∣stles of the Portugals: both the cities are ports of the sea, and are great cities, and haue vnto them great traffique and trade of merchandise, of all sorts of spices, drugges, silke, cloth of silke, Sandols, Marsine, Versine, Porcelane of China, Ueluets and Scarlets that come from Por∣tugall, and from Meca: with many other sortes of merchandise. There come euery yeere from Cochin, and from Cananor tenne or fifteene great shippes laden with great Nuts cured, and with Sugar made of the selfe same Nuts called Giagra: the tree whereon these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree: and thorowout all the Indies, and especially from this place to Goa, there is great abundance of them, and it is like to the Date tree. In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is, neither doe men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they do of this, there is not any part of it but serueth for some vse, and none of it is woorthy to be burnt. With the timber of this tree they make shippes with∣out the mixture of any other tree, and with the leaues thereof they make sailes, and with the fruit thereof, which be a kinde of Nuts, they make wine, and of the wine they make Sugar and Pla∣cetto, which wine they gather in the spring of the yeere: out of the middle of the tree where con∣tinually there goeth or runneth out white liquour like vnto water, in that time of the yeere they put a vessell vnder euery tree, and euery euening and morning they take it away full, and then di∣stilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquour: and then they put it into buts, with a quanti∣ty of Zibibbo, white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect wine. After this they make of the Nuts great store of oile: of the tree they make great quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings. Of the barke of this tree they make cables, ropes, and other furniture for shippes, and, as they say, these ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe. They make of the bowes, bedsteds, after the Indies fashion, and Scauasches for merchandise. The leaues they cut very small, and weaue them, and so make sailes of them, for all maner of shipping, or els very fine mats. And then the first rinde of the Nut they stampe, and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke shippes, great and small: and of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other ves∣sels for meat, in such wise that there is no part thereof throwen away or cast to the fire. When these Mats be greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to drinke: and if a man be thirsty, with the liquour of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe: and as this Nut ripeneth, the liquor thereof turneth all to kernell. There goeth out of Chaul for Mallaca, for the Indies, for Macao, for Portugall, for the coasts of Melinde, for Ormus, as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia, as cloth of bumbast white, painted, printed, great quantity of Indico, Opium, Cotton, Silke of euery sort, great store of Boraso in Paste, great store of Fetida, great store of yron, corne, and other merchandise. The Moore king Zamalluco is of great power, as one that at need may command, & hath in his camp, two hundred thousand men of warre, and hath great store of artillery, some of them made in pie∣ces,* 5.87 which for their greatnesse can not bee carried to and fro: yet although they bee made in pie∣ces, they are so commodious that they worke with them maruellous well, whose shotte is of stone, and there hath bene of that shot sent vnto the king of Portugall for the rareness of the thing. The city where the king Zamalluco hath his being, is within the land of Chaul seuen or eight dayes iourney, which city is called Abneger. Threescore and tenne miles from Chaul, towards the Indies, is the port of Dabul, an hauen of the king Zamallaco: from thence to Goa is an hun∣dred and fifty miles.

Goa.

GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies,* 5.88 wherein the Uiceroy with his royall Court is resident, and is in an Iland which may be in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles: and the city with the boroughs is reasonable bigge, and for a citie of the Indies it is reasonable faire, but the Iland is farre more fairer: for it is as it were full of goodly gardens, re∣plenished with diuers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesayd. This city is of great tra∣fique for all sorts of marchandise which they trade withall in those parts: and the fleet which comm••th euery yeere from Portugall, which are fiue or sixe great shippes that come directly for Goa, arriue there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September, and there they remaine forty or fifty dayes, and from thence they goe to Cochin, where they lade for Portugall, and often times they lade one shippe at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugall. Cochin is distant from Goa three hundred miles. The city of Goa is situate in the kingdome of Dialcan a king of the Moores, whose chiefe city is vp in the countrey eight dayes iourney, and is call••d Bisapor: this king is of great power, for when I was in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570, this king came to giue assault to Goa, being encamped neere vnto it by a riuer side with an army of two hundred thousand men of warre, and he lay at this siege foureteene moneths: in which time there was peace concluded, and as report went amongst his people, there was great calamity and mortali∣ty which bred amongst them in the time of Winter, and also killed very many elephants. Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567, I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the kingdome of Narsinga eight dayes iourney from Goa, within the land, in the company of two other mer∣ch••nts which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king: because the horses of that countrey are of a small stature, and they pay well for the Arabian horses: and it is requisite that the merchants sell them well, for that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus, and from Ormus to Goa, where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and vp∣wards payeth no custome, neither ship nor goods whatsoeuer; whereas if they bring no horses, they pay 8 per cento of all their goods: and•• at the going out of Goa the horses pay custome, two and forty pagodies for euery horse, which pagody may be of sterling money sixe shillings eight pence, they be pi••ces of golde of that value. So that the Arabian horses are of great value in those countreys, as 300,400,500 duckets a horse, and to 1000 duckets a horse.* 5.89

Bezeneger.

THe city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565, by foure kings of the Moores, which were of great power and might: the names of these foure kings were these following, the first was called Dialcan, the second Zamaluc, the third Cotamaluc, and the fourth Viridy: and yet these foure kings were not able to ouercome this city and the king of Bezeneger, but by trea∣son.* 5.90 This king of Bezeneger was a Gentile, and had, amongst all other of his captaines, two which were notable, and they were Moores: and these two captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten or fourescore thousand men. These two captaines being of one religion with the foure kings which were Moores, wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands. The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies, but went out of his city to wage battell with them in the fieldes; and when the armies were ioyned, the battell lasted but a while not the space of foure houres, because the two traitourous captaines, in the chiefest of the fight, with their compaines turned their faces against their king, and made such disorder in his army, that as astonied they set themselues to flight. Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were tyrants, the which keeping the rightfull king in prison, it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people, and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed. These brethren were three captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison, which when he died, left his sonne very yong, and then they tooke the gouern∣ment to themselues. The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio, and sate in the royall throne, and was called the king: the second was called Temiragio, and he tooke the gouernment on him: the third was called Bengatre, and he was captaine generall of the army. These three brethren were in this battell, in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead. Onely Temiragio fled in the battel, hauing lost one of his eyes: when the newes came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell,* 5.91 the wiues and children of these three tyrants, with their lawfull king (kept prisoner) f••ed away, spoiled as they were, & the foure kings of the Moores en∣tred the city Bezeneger with great triumph, & there they remained sixe moneths, searching vnder houses & in all places for money & other things that were hidden, and then they departed to their

owne kingdomes, because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was, so farre distant from their owne countrey.

When the kings were departed from Bezeneger, this Temiragio returned to the city, and then beganne for to repopulate it, and sent word to Goa to the Merchants, if they had any hor∣ses, to bring them to him, and he would pay well for them, and for this cause the aforesayd two Merchants that I went in company withall, carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger. Also this Tyrant made an order or lawe,* 5.92 that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesayd battell or warres, although they were of his owne marke, that he would giue as much for them as they would: and beside he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them. When by this meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto him, hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes, vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more. Then he licenced the Merchants to depart, without giuing them any thing for their hor∣ses, which when the poore men saw, they were desperate, and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe.

I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths, although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse, for it was necessary to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of theeues, which at that time ranged vp and downe. And in the time I rested there, I saw many strange and beast∣ly d••eds done by the Gentiles. First, when there is any Noble man or woman dead, they burne their bodies: and if a married man die, his wife must burne herselfe aliue, for the loue of her husband, and with the body of her husband: so that when any man dieth, his wife will take a moneths leaue, two or three, or as shee will, to burne her selfe in, and that day being come, wherein shee ought to be burnt, that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely, either on horsebacke or on an eliphant, or else is borne by eight men on a smal stage: in one of these orders she goeth, being apparelled like to a Bride, carried round about the City, with her haire downe about her shoulders, garnished with iewels and flowers, according to the estate of the party, and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials: shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse, and in her right hand an arrow, and singeth thorow the City as she passeth, and sayth, that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband. She is accom∣panied with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone, then they goe out of the City,* 5.93 and going along the riuers side called Nigondin, which runneth vnder the walles of the City, vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of wo∣men, being widdowes, there is prepared in this place a great square caue, with a little pinna∣cle hard by it, foure or fiue steppes vp: the foresayd caue is full of dried wood. The woman be∣ing come thither, accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing, then they make ready a great banquet,* 5.94 and she that shall be burned eateth with as great ioy and glad∣nesse, as though it were her wedding day: and the feast being ended, then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time, according as she will. After this, the woman of her owne accord, commandeth them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is, and when it is kindled, they come and certifie her thereof, then presently she leaueth the feast, and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand, and they both goe together to the banke of the fore∣sayd riuer, where shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes, and giueth them to her pa∣rents or kinsefolke, and couering herselfe with a cloth, because she will not be seene of the people being naked, she throweth herselfe into the riuer, saying: O wretches, wash away your ••innes. Comming out of the water, she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of foureteene braces long: and againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand, and they go both together vp to the pin∣nacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made. When she is on the pinnacle, shee talketh and reasoneth with the people, recommending vnto them her children and kindred. Before the pin∣nacle they vse to set a mat, because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire, yet there are many that will haue them plucked away, shewing therein an heart not fearefull, and that they are not affrayd of that sight. When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content, there is another woman that taketh a pot with oile, and sprinckleth it ouer her head, and with the same she anoynteth all her body, and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace, and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire, and presently the people that are round about the fornace throw after her into the caue great pieces of wood, so by this meanes, with the fire and with the blowes that she hath with the wood throwen after her, she is quickly dead, and after this there groweth such sorrow and such lamentation among the people, that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping,* 5.95 in such wise, that a man could scarse beare the hearing of it. I haue seene many burnt in this maner, because my house was neere to the gate where they goe out to the place of burning: and when there dieth any great man, his wife with all his slaues

with whom hee hath had carnall copulation, burne themselues together with him. Also in this kingdome I haue seene amongst the base sort of people this vse and order, that the man being dead, hee is carried to the place where they will make his sepulchre, and setting him as it were vpright, then commeth his wife before him on / her knees, casting her armes about his necke, with imbracing and clasping him, vntill such time as the Masons haue made a wall round about them, and when the wall is as high as their neckes, there commeth a man behinde the woman and strangleth her: then when she is dead, the workemen finish the wall ouer their heads, and so they lie buried both together. Besides these, there are an infinite number of beastly qualities a∣mongst them, of which I haue no desire to write. I was desirous to know the cause why these women would so wilfully burne themselues against nature and law, and it was tolde mee that this law was of an ancient time, to make prouision against the slaughters which women made of their husbands. For in those dayes before this law was made,* 5.96 the women for euery little displeasure that their husbands had done vnto them, would presently poison their husbands, and take other men, and now by reason of this law th••y are more faithfull vnto their husbands, and count their liues as deare as their owne, because that after his death her owne followeth pre∣sently.

In the yeere of our Lord God 1567, for the ill successe that the people of Bezeneger had, in that their City was sacked by the foure kings, the king with his Court went to dwell in a ca∣stle eight dayes iourney vp in the land from Bezeneger, called Penegonde.* 5.97 Also sixe dayes iour∣ney from Bezeneger, is the place where they get Diamants: I was not there, but it was tolde me that it is a gr••at place, compassed with a wall, and that they s••ll the earth within the wall, for so much a squadron, and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall digge. Those Diamants that are of a certeine sise and bigger then that sise are all for the king, it is many yeeres agone, since they got any there, for the troubles that haue beene in that kingdome. The first cause of this trouble was, because the sonne of this Temeragio had put to death the lawfull king which he had in prison, for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their King, and by this meanes there are many kings, and great diui∣sion in that kingdome, and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether destroyed, yet the houses stand still, but empty, and there is dwelling in them nothing, as is reported, but Tygers and other wilde beasts. The circuit of this city is foure & twentie miles about, and within the walles are certeine mountaines. The houses stand walled with earth, and plaine, all sauing the three pa∣laces of the three tyrant brethren, and the Pagodes which are idole houses: these are made with lime and fine marble. I haue seene many kings Courts, and yet haue I seene none in greatnesse like to this of Bezeneger, I say, for the order of his palace, for it hath nine gates or ports. First when you goe into the place where the king did lodge, there are fiue great ports or gates: these are kept with Captaines and souldiers: then within these there are foure lesser gates, which are kept with Porters. Without the first gate there is a little porch, where there is a Captaine with fiue and twenty souldiers, that keepeth watch and ward night and day: and within that another with the like guard, where thorow they come to a very faire Court, and at the end of that Court there is another porch as the first, with the like guard, and within that another Court. And in this wise are the first fiue gates guarded and kept with those Captaines: and then the lesser gates within are kept with a guard of Porters: which gates stand open the greatest part of the night, because the custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse, and make their feasts in the night, rather then by day. The city is very safe from theeues, for the Portugall merchants sleepe in the streets, or vnder porches, for the great heat which is there, and yet they neuer had a∣ny harme in the night. At the end of two moneths, I determined to go for Goa in the company of two other Portugall Marchants, which were making ready to depart, with two palanchines or little litters, which are very commodious for the way, with eight Falchines which are men hi∣red to cary the palanchines, eight for a palanchine, foure at a time: they carry them as we vse to carry barrowes. And I bought me two bullocks, one of them to ride on,* 5.98 and the other to carry my victuals and prouision, for in that countrey they ride on bullocks with pannels, as we terme them, girts and bridles, and they haue a very good commodious pace. From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight dayes iourney, but we went in the midst of Winter, in the moneth of Iu∣ly, and were fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the sea coast, so in eight dayes I had lost my two bullocks: for he that carried my victuals, was weake and could not goe, the other when I came vnto a riuer where was a little bridge to passe ouer, I put my bullocke to swimming, and in the middest of the riuer there was a little Iland, vnto the which my bullocke went, and find∣ing pasture, there he remained still, and in no wise we could come to him: and so perforce, I was forced to leaue him, and at that time there was much raine, and I was forced to go seuen dayes

a foot with great paines: and by great chance I met with Falchines by the way, whom I hired to carry my clothes and victuals. We had great trouble in our iourney, for that euery day wee were taken prisoners, by reason of the great dissension in that kingdome: and euery morning at our departure we must pay rescat foure or fiue pagies a man. And another trouble wee had as bad as this, that when as wee came into a new gouernours countrey, as euery day we did, al∣though they were al tributary to the king of Bezeneger, yet euery one of them stamped a seueral coine of Copper, so that the money that we tooke this day would not serue the next: at length, by the helpe of God, we came safe to Ancola, which is a country of the queene of Gargopam, tribu∣tary to the king of Bezeneger. The marchandise that went euery yere from Goa to Bezeneger were Arabian Horses, Ueluets, Damasks, and Sattens, Armesine of Portugall,* 5.99 and pieces of China, Saffron, and Skarlets: and from Bezeneger they had in Turky for their commodities, iewels, a••d Pagodies which be ducats of golde: the appar••ll that they vse in Bezeneger is Uel∣uet, Satten, Damaske, Scarlet, or white Bumbast cloth, according to the estate of the person with long hats on their heads,* 5.100 called Colae, made of Ueluet, Satten, Damaske, or Scarlet, gir∣ding themselues in stead of girdles with some fine white bombast cloth: they haue breeches after the order of the Turks: they weare on their feet plaine high things called of them Aspergh, and at their eares they haue hanging great plenty of golde.

Returning to my voyage, when we were together in Ancola, one of my companions that had nothing to lose, tooke a guide, and went to Goa, whither they goe in foure dayes, the other Por∣tugall not being disposed to go, taried in Ancola for that Winter. The Winter in those parts of the Indies beginneth the fifteenth of May, and lasteth vnto the end of October:* 5.101 and as we were in Ancola, there came another Marchant of horses in a palanchine, and two Portugall souldiers which came from Zeilan, and two cariers of le••ters, which were Christians borne in the Indies: all these consorted to goe to Goa together, and I determined to goe with them, and caused a pal∣lanchine to be made for me very poorely of Canes; and in one of them Canes I hid priuily all the iew••ls I had, and according to the order, I tooke eight Falchines to cary me: and one day about el••uen of the clocke wee set forwards on our iourney, and about two of the clocke in the after∣noone, as we passed a mountaine which diuideth the territory of Ancola and Dialcan, I being a little behinde my company, was assaulted by eight theeues, foure of them had swordes and tar∣gets, and the other foure had bowes and arrowes. When the Falchines that carried me vnder∣stood the noise of the assault, they let the pallanchine and me fall to the ground, and ranne away and left me alone, with my clothes wrapped about me: presently the theeues were on my necke, and rifeling me, they stripped me starke naked, and I fained my selfe sicke, because I would not leaue the pallanchine, and I had made me a little bedde of my clothes; the theeues sought it very narrowly and subtilly, and found two pursses that I had, well bound vp together. wherein I had put my Copper money which I had changed for foure pagodies in Ancola. The theeues thin∣king it had beene so many duckats of golde, searched no further: then they threw all my clothes in a bush, and hied them away, and as God would haue it, at their departure there fell from them an handkercher, and when I saw it, I rose from my pallanchine or couch, and tooke it vp, and wrapped it together within my pallanchine. Then these my Falchines were of so good conditi∣on, that they returned to seeke mee, whereas I thought I should not haue found so much good∣nesse in them: because they were payed their mony aforehand, as is the vse, I had thought to haue seene them no more. Before their comming I was determined to plucke the Cane wherein my iewels were hidden, out of my coutch, and to haue made me a walking staffe to carry in my hand to Goa, thinking that I should haue gone thither on foot, but by the faithfulnes of my Falchines, I was rid of that trouble, and so in foure dayes they carried me to Goa, in which time I made hard fare, for the theeues left me neither money, golde, nor siluer, and that which I did eat was giuen me of my men for Gods sake: and after at my comming to Goa I payed them for euery thing royally that I had of them. From Goa I departed for Cochin, which is a voyage of three hundred miles, and betweene these two cities are many holdes of the Portugals, as Onor, Man∣galor, Barzelor, and Cananor.* 5.102 The Holde or Fort that you shall haue from Goa to Cochin that belongeth to the Portugals, is called Onor, which is in the kingdome of the queene of Bat∣tacella, which is tributary to the king of Bezenegar: there is no trade there, but onely a charge with the Captaine and company he keepeth there. And passing this place, you shall come to ano∣ther small castle of the Portugals called Mangalor, and there is very small trade but onely for a little Rice: and from thence you goe to a little fort called Barzelor, there they haue good store of Rice which is carried to Goa: and from thence you shall goe to a city called Cananor, which is a harquebush shot distant from the chiefest city that y^e king of Cananor hath in his kingdome being a king of the Gentiles: and he & his are very naughty & malicious people, alwayes hauing delight

to be in warres with the Portugales, and when they are in peace, it is for their inter••st to let their merchandize passe: there goeth out of this kingdom of Cananor, all the Cardamomū, great store of Pepper, Ginger, Honie, ships laden with great Nuts, great quantitie of Archa, which is a fruit of the bignesse of Nutmegs, which fruite th••y eate in all those partes of the Indies and be∣yond the Indies, with the leafe of an Herbe which they call Bettell,* 5.103 the which is like vnto our Iuie leafe, but a litle lesser and thinner: they eate it made in plaisters with the lime made of Oi∣stershels, and thorow the Indies they spend great quantitie of money in this composition, and it is vsed daily, which thing I would not haue beleeued, if I had not seene it. The customers get great profite by these Herbes, for that they haue custome for them. When this people eate and chawe this in their mouthes, it maketh their spittle to bee red like vnto blood, and they say, that it maketh a man to haue a very good stomacke and a sweete breath, but sure in my iudgement they eate it rather to fulfill their filthie lustes, and of a knauerie, for this Herbe is moyst and hote, & maketh a very strong expulsion. Frō Cananor you go to Cranganor, which is another smal Fort of the Portugales in the land of ••he king of Cranganor,* 5.104 which is another king of the Gentiles, and a countrey of small importance, and of an hundreth and twentie miles, full of thieues, be∣ing vnder the king of Calicut, a king also of the Gentiles, and a great enemie to the Portu∣gales, which when hee is alwayes in warres, hee and his countrey is the nest and resting for stranger theeues, and those bee called Moores of Carposa, because they weare on their heads long red hats, and these thieues part the spoyles that they take on the Sea with the king of Ca∣licut, for hee giueth leaue vnto all that will goe a rouing, liberally to goe, in such wise, that all along that coast there is such a number of thieues, that there is no saillng in those Seas but with great ships and very well armed, or els they must go in company with the army of the Portugals. From Cranganor to Cochin is 15. miles.

Cochin.

COchin is, next vnto Goa, the chiefest place that the Portugales haue in the Indies,* 5.105 and there is great trade of Spices, brugges, and all other sortes of merchandize for the king∣dome of Portugale, and there within the land is the kingdome of Pepper, which Pepper the Portugales lade in their shippes by bulke, and not in sackes: the Pepper that goeth for Portu∣gale is not so good as that which goeth for Mecca,* 5.106 because that in times past the officers of the king of Portugale made a contract with the king of Cochin, in the name of the king of Portu∣gale, for the prizes of Pepper, and by reason of that agre••ment betweene them at that time made, the price can neither rise nor fall, which is a very lowe and base price, and for this cause the vil∣laines bring it to the Portugales, greene and full of filthe. The Moores of Mecca that giue a better price, haue it cleane and drie, and better conditioned. All the Spices and drugs that are brought to Mecca, are stollen from thence as Contrabanda. Cochin is two cities, one of the Portugales, and another of the king of Cochin: that of the Portugales is situate neerest vn∣to the Sea, and that of the king of Cochin is a mile and a halfe vp higher in the land, but they are both set on the bankes of one riuer which is very great and of a good depth of water, which riuer commeth out of the mountaines of the king of the Pepper, which is a king of the Gen∣tiles, in whose kingdome are many Christians of saint Thomas order: the king of Cochin is al∣so a king of the Gentiles and a great faithfull friend to the king of Portugale, and to those Por∣tugales which are married, and are Citizens in the Citie Cochin of the Portugales. And by this name of Portugales throughout all the Indies, they call all the Christians that come out of the West, whether they bee Italians, Frenchmen, or Almaines, and all they that marrie in Co∣chin do get an office according to the trade he is of: this they haue by the great priuileges which the Citizens haue of that city,* 5.107 because there are two principal commodities that they deale withal in that place, which are these. The great store of Silke that commeth from China, and the great store of Sugar which commeth from Bengala: the married Citizens pay not any custome for these two commodities: for / all other commodities they pay 4. per cento custome to the king of Cochin, rating their goods at their owne pleasure. Those which are not married and strangers, pay in Cochin to the king of Portugale eight per cento of all maner of merchandise. I was in Cochin when the Uiceroy of the king of Portugale wrought what hee coulde to breake the priuilege of the Citizens, and to make them to pay custome as other did: at which time the Citizens were glad to waigh their Pepper in the night that they laded the ships with∣all that went to Portugale and stole the custome in the night. The king of Cochin hauing vn∣derstanding of this, would not suffer any more Pepper to bee weighed. Then presently after this, the marchants were licensed to doe as they did before, and there was no more speach of

this matter, nor any wrong done. This king of Cochin is of a small power in respect of the other kings of the Indies, for hee can make but seuentie thousand men of armes in his campe: hee hath a great number of Gentlemen which hee calleth Amochi, and some are called Nairi: these two sorts of men esteeme not their liues any thing, so that it may be for the honour of their king, they will thrust themselues forward in euery danger, although they know they shall die. These men goe naked from the girdle vpwardes, with a clothe rolled about their thighs, going barefooted, and hauing their haire very long and rolled vp together on the toppe of their heads, and alwayes they carrie their Bucklers or Targets with them and their swordes naked, these Nairi haue their wiues common amongst themselues, and when any of them goe into the house of any of these women, hee leaueth his sworde and target at the doore, and the time that hee is there, there dare not any bee so hardie as to come into that house. The kings children shall not inherite the kingdome after their father, because they hold this opinion, that perchance they were not begotten of the king their father, but of some other man, therefore they accept for their king, one of the sonnes of the kings sisters, or of some other woman of the blood roial, for that they be sure they are of the blood roiall.

* 5.108The Nairi and their wiues vse for a brauerie to make great holes in their eares, and so bigge and wide, that it is incredible, holding this opinion, that the greater the holes bee, the more noble they esteeme themselues. I had leaue of one of them to measure the circumference of one of them with a threed, and within that circumference I put my arme vp to the shoulder, clothed as it was, so that in effect they are monstrous great. Thus they doe make them when they be litle, for then they open the eare, & hang a piece of gold or lead thereat, & within the ope∣ning, in the hole they put a certaine leafe that they haue for that purpose, which maketh the hole so great. They lade ships in Cochin for Portugale and for Ormus, but they that goe for Or∣mus carrie no Pepper but by Contrabanda, as for Sinamome they easilie get leaue to carrie that away, for all other Spices and drugs they may liberally carie them to Ormus or Cambaia, and so all other merchandize which come from other places, but out of the kingdom of Cochin properly they cary away with them into Portugale great abundance of Pepper, great quantitie of Ginger dried and conserued, wild Sinamom, good quantitie of Arecca, great store of Cor∣dage of Cairo, made of the barke of the tree of the great Nut, and better then that of Hempe, of which they carrie great store into Portugale.

* 5.109The shippes euery yeere depart from Cochin to goe for Portugall, on the fift day of Decem∣ber, or the fift day of Ianuary. Nowe to follow my voyage for the Indies: from Cochin I went to Coulam, distant from Cochin seuentie and two miles, which Coulam is a small Fort of the king of Portugales, situate in the kingdom of Coulam, which is a king of the Gentiles, and of small trade: at that place they lade onely halfe a ship of Pepper, and then she goeth to Cochin to take in the rest, and from thence to Cao Comori is seuentie and two miles, and there endeth the coast of the Indies: and alongst this coast, neere to the water side, and also to Cao Comori, downe to the lowe land of Chilao, which is about two hundred miles, the people there are as it were all turned to the Christian faith: there are also Churches of the Friers of S. Pauls order, which Friers doe very much good in those places in turning the people, and in conuerting them, and take great paines in instructing them in the law of Christ.

The fishing for Pearles.

* 5.110THe Sea that lieth betweene the coast which descendeth from Cao Comori, to the lowe land of Chilao, and the Iland Zeilan, they call the fishing of Pearles, which fishing they make euery yeere, beginning in March or Aprill, and it lasteth fiftie dayes, but they doe not fishe euery yeere in one place, but one yeere in one place, and another yeere in another place of the same sea. When the time of this fishing draweth neere, then they send very good Di∣uers, that goe to discouer where the greatest heapes of Oisters bee vnder water, and right a∣gaynst that place where greatest store of Oisters bee, there they make or plant a village with houses and a Bazaro, all of stone, which standeth as long as the fishing time lasteth, and it is furnished with all things necessarie, and nowe and then it is neere vnto places that are inhabi∣ted, and other times farre off, according to the place where they fishe. The Fishermen are all Christians of the countrey, and who so will may goe to fishing, paying a certaine dutie to the king of Portugall, and to the Churches of the Friers of Saint Paule, which are in that coast. All the while that they are fishing, there are three or foure Fostes armed to defend the Fisher∣men from Rouers. It was my chance to bee there one time in my passage, and I saw the order

that they vsed in fishing, which is this. There are three or foure Barkes that make consort to∣gether, which are like to our litle Pilot boates, and a litle lesse, there goe seuen or eight men in a boate: and I haue seene in a morning a great number of them goe out, and anker in fifteene or eighteene fadome of water, which is the Ordinarie depth of all that coast. When they are at an∣ker, they cast a rope into the Sea, and at the ende of the rope, they make fast a great stone, and then there is readie a man that hath his nose and his eares well stopped, and annointed with oyle, and a basket about his necke, or vnder his left arme, then hee goeth downe by the rope to the bottome of the Sea, and as fast as he can hee filleth the basket, and when it is full, he shaketh the rope, and his fellowes that are in the Barke hale him vp with the basket: and in such wise they goe one by one vntill they haue laden their barke with oysters, and at euening they come to the village, and then euery company maketh their mountaine or heape of oysters one distant from another, in such wise that you shall see a great long rowe of mountaines or heapes of oy∣sters, and they are not touched vntill such time as the fishing bee ended, and at the ende of the fi∣shing euery companie sitteth round about their mountaine or heape of oysters, and fall to ope∣ning of them, which they may easilie doe because they bee dead, drie and brittle: and if euery oyster had pearles in them, it would bee a very good purchase, but there are very many that haue no pearles in them: when the fishing is ended, then they see whether it bee a good gathering or a badde: there are certaine expert in the pearles whom they call Chitini,* 5.111 which set and make the price of pearles according to their carratts, beautie, and goodnesse, making foure sortes of them. The first sort bee the round pearles, and they be called Aia of Portugale, because the Por∣tugales doe buy them. The second forte which are not round, are called Aia of Bengala. The third sort which are not so good as the second, they call Aia of Canara, that is to say, the king∣dome of Bezeneger. The fourth and last sort, which are the least and worst sort, are called Aia of Cambaia. Thus the price being set, there are merchants of euery countrey which are rea∣die with their money in their handes, so that in a fewe dayes all is bought vp at the prises set ac∣cording to the goodnesse and caracts of the pearles.

In this Sea of the fishing of pearles is an Iland called Manar, which is inhabited by Chri∣stians of the countrey which first were Gentiles, and haue a small hold of the Portugales being situate ouer agaynst Zeilan: and betweene these two Ilands there is a chanell, but not very big, and hath but a small depth therein: by reason whereof there cannot any great shippe passe that way, but small ships, and with the increase of the water which is at the change or the full of the Moone, and yet for all this they must vnlade them and put their goods into small vessels to ligh∣ten them before they can passe that way for feare of Sholdes that lie in the chanell, and after lade them into their shippes to goe for the Indies, and this•• doe all small shippes that passe that way, but those shippes that goe for the Indies Eastwardes, passe by the coast of Coromandel, on the other side by the land of Chilao which is betweene the firme land and the Iland Manor: and going from the Indies to the coast of Coromandel, they loose some shippes, but they bee emp∣tie, because that the shippes that passe that way discharge their goods at an Iland called Peri∣patane, and there land their goods into small flat bottomed boates which drawe litle water, and are called Tane, and can run ouer euery Shold without either danger or losse of any thing, for that they tarrie in Peripatane vntill such time as it bee faire weather. Before they depart to passe the Sholdes, the small shippes and flat bottomed boates goe together in companie, and when they haue sailed sixe and thirtie miles, they arriue at the place where the Sholdesare, and at that place the windes blowe so forciblie, that they are forced to goe thorowe, not hauing any other refuge to saue themselues. The flat bottomed boates goe safe thorow, where as the small shippes if they misse the aforesayd chanell, sticke fast on the Sholdes, and by this meanes many are lost: and comming backe from the Indies, they goe not that way, but passe by the chanell of Manar as is abouesayd, whose chanell is Oazie, and if the shippes sticke fast, it is great chance if there be any danger at all. The reason why this chanell is not more sure to goe thither, is, because the windes that raigne or blowe betweene Zeilan and Manar, make the chanell so sha∣low with water, that almost there is not any passage. From Cao Comori to the Iland of Zei∣lan is 120. miles ouerthwart.

Zeilan.

ZEilan is an Iland, in my iudgement, a great deale bigger then Cyprus: on that side to∣wards the Indies lying Westward is the citie called Columba, which is a hold of the Por∣tugales, but without walles or enimies. It hath towards the Sea a free port, the lawfull king

of that Iland is in Columbo, and is turned Christian and maintained by the king of Portu∣gall, being depriued of his kingdome. The king of the Gentiles, to whom this kingdome did belong, was called Madoni, which had two sonnes, the first named Barbinas the prince; and the second Ragine. This king by the pollicie of his yoonger sonne, was depriued of his kingdome, who because hee had entised and done that which pleased the armie and souldiours, in despight of his father and brother being prince, vsurped the kingdome, and became a great warriour. First, this Iland had three kings; the king of Cotta with his conquered prisoners: the king of Candia, which is a part of that Iland, and is so called by the name of Candia, which had a reasonable power,•• and was a great friend to the Portugals, which sayd that hee liued se∣cretly a Christian; the third was the king of Gianifampatan. In thirteene yeeres that this Ra∣gine gouerned this Iland, he became a great tyrant.

In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom, great store of Pepper, great store of Nuttes and Arochoe: there they make great store of Cairo to make Cordage:* 5.112 it bringeth foorth great store of Christall Cats eyes, or Ochi de Gati, and they say that they finde there some Rubies, but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Sinamom, or take it from the tree that it groweth on, and so much the ra∣ther, because the time that I was there, was the season which they gather it in, which was in the moneth of Aprill, at which time the Portugals were in armes, and in the field, with the king of the countrey; yet I to satisfie my desire, although in great danger, tooke a guide with mee and went into a wood three miles from the Citie, in which wood was great store of Sina∣mome trees growing together among other wilde trees;* 5.113 and this Sinamome tree is a small tree, and not very high, and hath leaues like to our Baie tree. In the moneth of March or A∣prill, when the sappe goeth vp to the toppe of the tree, then they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise. They cut the barke of the tree round about in length from knot to knot, or from ioint to ioint, aboue and belowe, and then easilie with their handes they take it away, lay∣ing it in the Sunne to drie,* 5.114 and in this wise it is gathered, and yet for all this the tree dieth not, but agaynst the next yeere it will haue a new barke, and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamome: for that which groweth two or three yeeres is great, and not so good as the o∣ther is; and in these woods groweth much Pepper.

Negapatan.

FRom the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small shippes to Negapatan, within the firme land, and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie, and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the countrey, and part Gentiles: it is a countrey of small trade, neither haue they any trade there, saue a good quantitie of Rice, and cloth of Bumbast which they carie into diuers partes: it was a very plentifull countrey of victuals, but now it hath a great deale lesse; and that abundance of victuals caused many Portugales to goe thither and build houses, and dwell there with small charge.

This Citie belongeth to a noble man of the kingdome of Bezeneger being a Gentile, neuer∣thelesse the Portugales and other Christians are well intreated there, and haue their Churches there with a monasterie of Saint Francis order, with great deuotion and very well accommo∣dated, with houses round about: yet for all this, they are amongst tyrants, which alwayes at their pleasure may doe them some harme, as it happened in the yeere of our Lord God one thou∣sand fiue hundred, sixtie and fiue: for I remember very well, how that the Nayer, that is to say, the lord of the citie, sent to the citizens to demaund of them certaine Arabian horses, and they hauing denied them vnto him, and gainesayd his demaund, it came to passe that this lord had a desire to see the Sea, which when the poore citizens vnderstood, they doubted some euill, to heare a thing which was not woont to bee, they thought that this man would come to sacke the Citie,* 5.115 and presently they embarked themselues the best they could with their mooueables, mar∣chandize, iewels, money, and all that they had, and caused the shippes to put from the shore. When this was done, as their euill chance would haue it, the next night following, there came such a great storme that it put all the shippes on land perforce, and brake them to pieces, and all the goods that came on land and were saued, were taken from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which came downe with him to see the Sea, and were attendant at the Sea side, not thinking that any such thing would haue happened.

Saint Thomas or San Tome.

FRom Negapatan following my voyage towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles, I found the house of blessed Saint Thomas,* 5.116 which is a Church of great deuotion, and greatly regarded of the Gentiles for the great miracles they haue heard to haue bene done by that blessed Apostle: neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded them a Citie in the countrey sub∣iect to the king of Bezeneger, which citie although it bee not very great, yet in my iudgement it is the fairest in all that part of the Indies: and it hath very faire houses and faire gardens in vacant places very well accommodated: it hath streete•• large and streight, with many Chur∣ches of great deuotion, their houses be set close one vn 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other, with little doores, euery house hath his defence, so that by that meanes it is of force sufficient to defend y^e Portugals against the people of that countrey. The Portugals there haue no other possession but their gardens and houses that are within the citie: the customes belong to the king of Bezeneger, which are very small and easie, for that it is a countrey of great riches and great trade: there come euery yeere two or three great ships very rich, besides many other small ships: one of the two great ships goeth for Pegu, and the other for Malacca, laden with fine Bumbast cloth of euery sort, painted,* 5.117 which is a rare thing, because those kinde of clothes shew as they were gilded with diuers co∣lours, and the more they be washed, the liuelier the colours will shew. Also there is other cloth of Bumbast which is wouen with diuers colours, and is of great value: also they make in Sant Tome great store of red Yarne, which they die with a roote called Saia, and this colour will neuer waste, but the more it is washed, the more redder it will shew: they lade this yarne the greatest part of it for Pegu, because that there they worke and weaue it to make cloth according to their owne fashion, and with lesser charges. It is a maruelous thing to them which haue not seene the lading and vulading of men and merchandize in S. Tome as they do: it is a place so dangerous, that a man cannot bee serued with small barkes, neither can they doe their businesse with the boates of the shippes, because they would be beaten in a thousand pieces, but they make certaine barkes (of purpose) high, which they call Masadie, they be made of litle boards; one board being sowed to another with small cordes, and in this order are they made. And when they are thus made, and the owners will embarke any thing in them, either men or goods, they lade them on land, and when they are laden, the Barke-men thrust the boate with her lading into the streame, and with great speed they make haste all that they are able to rowe out against the huge waues of the sea that are on that shore, vntill that they carie them to the ships: and in like maner they lade these Masadies at the shippes with merchandise and men. When they come neere the shore, the Barke-men leap out of the Barke into the Sea to keepe the Barke right that she cast not thwart the shore, and being kept right, the Suffe of the Sea setteth her lading dry on land without any hurt or danger, and sometimes there are some of them that are ouerthrowen, but there can be no great losse, because they lade but a litle at a time. All the marchandize they lade outwards, they emball it well with Ore hides, so that if it take wet, it can haue no great harme.

In my voyage, returning in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand, fiue hundred, sixtie and sixe, I went from Goa vnto Malacca, in a shippe or Gallion of the king of Portugal, which went vnto Banda for to lade Nutmegs & Maces:* 5.118 from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight hundred miles, we passed without the Iland Zeilan, and went through the chanell of Nicubar, or els through the chanell of Sombrero, which is by the middle of the Iland of Sumatra, called in olde time Taprobana: and from Nicubar to Pegu is as it were a rowe or chaine of an infi∣nite number of Ilands, of which many are inhabited with wilde people, and they call those I∣lands the Ilands of Andemaon,* 5.119 and they call their people sauage or wilde, because they eate one another: also these Ilands haue warre one with another, for they haue small Barkes, and with them they take one another, and so eate one another: and if by euil chance any ship be lost on those Ilands, as many haue bene, there is not one man of those ships lost there that escapeth vneaten or vnslaine. These people haue not any acquaintance with any other people, neither haue they trade with any, but liue onely of such fruites as those Ilands yeeld: and if any ship come neere vnto that place or coast as they passe that way, as in my voyage it happened as I came from Ma∣lacca through the chanell of Sombrero, there came two of their Barkes neere vnto our ship la∣den with fruite, as with Mouces which wee call Adams apples, with fresh Nuts, and with a fruite called Inani, which fruite is like to our Turneps, but is very sweete and good to eate: they would not come into the shippe for any thing that wee could doe: neither would they take any money for their fruite, but they would trucke for olde shirtes or pieces of olde linnen breeches, these ragges they let downe with a rope into their Barke vnto them, and looke

what they thought those things to bee woorth, so much fruite they would make fast to the rope and let vs hale it in: and it was told me that at sometimes a man shall haue for an old shirt a good piece of Amber.

Sumatra.

THis Iland of Sumatra is a great Iland and deuided and gouerned by many kings, and deui∣ded into many chanels, where through there is passage: vpon the headland towardes the West is the kingdom of Assi gouerned by a Moore king:* 5.120 this king is of great force and strength, as he that beside his great kingdom, hath many Foists and Gallies. In his kingdom groweth great store of Pepper, Ginger, Beniamin: he is an vtter enemy to the Portugals, and hath diuers times bene at Malacca to fight against it, and hath done great harme to the boroughts thereof, but the citie alway withstood him valiantly, and with their ordinance did great spoile to his campe. At length I came to the citie of Malacca.

The Citie Malacca.

* 5.121MAlacca is a Citie of marueilous great trade of all kind of marchandize, which come from diuers partes, because that all the shippes that saile in these seas, both great and small, are bound to touch at Malacca to paie their custome there, although they vnlade nothing at all, as we doe at Elsinor: and if by night they escape away, and pay not their custome, then they fall into a greater danger after: for if they come into the Indies and haue not the seale of Malacca, they pay double custome. I haue not passed further then Malacca towards the East, but that which I wil speake of here is by good information of them that haue bene there. The sailing from Ma∣lacca towards the East is not common for all men, as to China and Iapan, and so forwards to go who will, but onely for the king of Portugall and his nobles, with leaue granted vnto them of the king to make such voiages, or to the iurisdiction of the captaine of Malacca, where he expecteth to know what voiages they make from Malacca thither, & these are the kings voiages, that euery yere there departeth frō Malacca 2. gallions of the kings, one of thē goeth to y^e Moluccos to lade Cloues,* 5.122 and the other goeth to Banda to lade Nutmegs and Maces. These two gallions are la∣den for the king, neither doe they carie any particular mans goods, sauing the portage of the Ma∣riners and souldiers, and for this cause they are not voiages for marchants, because that going thither, they shal not haue where to lade their goods of returne; and besides this, the captaine will not cary any marchant for either of these two places. There goe small shippes of the Moores thi∣ther, which come from the coast of Iaua, and change or guild their commodities in the kingdom of Assa,* 5.123 and these be the Maces, Cloues, and Nutmegs, which go for the streights of Mecca. The voiages that the king of Portugall granteth to his nobles are these, of China and Iapan, from China to Iapan, and from Iapan to China, and from China to the Indies, and the voyage of Bengala, Maluco, and Sonda, with the lading of fine cloth, and euery sort of Bumbast cloth. Sonda is an Iland of the Moores neere to the coast of Iaua, and there they lade Pepper for Chi∣na. The ship that goeth euery yeere from the Indies to China, is called the ship of Drugs,* 5.124 be∣cause she carieth diuers drugs of Cambaia, but the greatest part of her lading is siluer. From Malacca to China is eighteene hundred miles: and from China to Iapan goeth euery yeere a shippe of great importance laden with Silke, which for returne of their Silke bringeth barres of siluer which they trucke in China. The distance betweene China and Iapan is foure and twen∣tie hundred miles, and in this way there are diuers Ilands not very bigge, in which the Friers of saint Paul, by the helpe of God, make many Christians there like to themselues. From these Ilands hitherwards the place is not yet discouered for the great sholdnesse of Sandes that they find.* 5.125 The Portugals haue made a small citie neere vnto the coast of China called Macao, whose church and houses are of wood, and it hath a bishoprike, but the customs belong to the king of Chi∣na, and they goe and pay the same at a citie called Canton, which is a citie of great importance and very beautifull two dayes iourney and a halfe from Macao. The people of China are Gen∣tiles, and are so iealous and fearefull, that they would not haue a stranger to put his foote within their land: so that when the Portugals go thither to pay their custome, and to buy their marchan∣dize, they will not consent that they shall lie or lodge within the citie, but send them foorth into the suburbes. The countrey of China is neere the kingdom of great Tartaria,* 5.126 and is a very great countrey of the Gentiles and of great importance, which may be iudged by the rich and precious marchandize that come from thence, then which I beleeue there are not better nor in greater quantitie in the whole world besides.

First, great store of golde, which they carie to the Indies, made in plates like to little shippes, and in value three and twentie caracts a peece, very great aboundance of fine silke, cloth of damaske and taffata, great quantitie of muske, great quantitie of Occam in barres, great quantitie of quicksiluer and of Cinaper, great store of Camfora, an infinite quantitie of Por∣cellane, made in vessels of diuerse sortes, great quantitie of painted cloth and squares, infi∣nite store of the rootes of China: and euery yeere there commeth from China to the Indies, two or three great shippes, laden with most rich and precious marchandise. The Rubarbe com∣meth from thence ouer lande, by the way of Persia, because that euery yeere there goeth a great Carouan from Persia to China,* 5.127 which is in going thither sixe moneths. The Carouan arriueth at a Citie called Lanchin, the place where the king is resident with his Court. I spake with a Persian that was three yeeres in that citie of Lanchin, and he tolde me that it was a great Citie and of great importance. The voiages of Malacca which are in the iurisdiction of the Captaine of the castle, are these: Euery yeere he sendeth a small shippe to Timor to lade white San∣dols, for all the best commeth from this Iland: there commeth some also from Solor, but that is not so good: also he sendeth another small ship euery yere to Cauchin China, to lade there wood of Aloes, for that all the wood of Aloes commeth from this place, which is in the firme land neere vnto China, and in that kingdome I could not knowe how that wood groweth by any meanes. For that the people of the countrey will not suffer the Portugales to come within the land, but onely for wood and water, and as for all other things that they wanted, as victuals or marchan∣dise, the people bring that a boord the ship in small barkes, so that euery day there is a mart kept in the ship,* 5.128 vntill such time as she be laden: also there goeth another ship for the said Captaine of Malacca to Sion, to lade Uerzino: all these voiages are for the Captaine of the castle of Malac∣ca, and when he is not disposed to make these voiages, he selleth them to another.

The citie of Sion, or Siam.

SIon was the imperiall seat, and a great Citie, but in the yeere of our Lord God one thou∣sand fiue hundred sixtie and seuen, it was taken by the king of Pegu, which king made a voyage or came by lande foure moneths iourney with an armie of men through his lande, and the number of his armie was a million and foure hundreth thousand men of warre:* 5.129 when hee came to the Citie, he gaue assault to it, and besieged it one and twentie monethes before he could winne it, with great losse of his people, this I know, for that I was in Pegu sixe moneths after his departure, and sawe when that his officers that were in Pegu, sent fiue hundreth thou∣sand men of warre to furnish the places of them that were slaine and lost in that assault: yet for all this, if there had not beene treason against the citie, it had not beene lost: for on a night there was one of the gates set open, through the which with great trouble the king gate into the citie, and became gouernour of Sion: and when the Emperour sawe that he was betrayed, and that his enemie was in the citie, he poysoned himselfe: and his wiues and children, friends and noble∣men, that were not slaine in the first affront of the entrance into the citie, were all caried captiues into Pegu, where I was at the comming home of the king with his triumphs and victorie, which comming home & returning from the warres was a goodly sight to behold, to see the Elephants come home in a square, laden with golde, siluer, iewels, and with Noble men and women that were taken prisoners in that citie.

Now to returne to my voyage: I departed from Malacca in a great shippe which went for Saint Tome, being a Citie situate on the coast of Coromandel: and because the Captaine of the castles of Malacca had vnderstanding by aduise that the king of * 5.130 Assi would come with a great armie and power of men against them, therefore vpon this he would not giue licence that any shippes should depart: Wherefore in this ship wee departed from thence in the night, without making any prouision of our water: and wee were in that shippe foure hundreth and odde men: we departed from thence with intention to goe to an Iland to take in water, but the windes were so contrary, that they would not suffer vs to fetch it, so that by this meanes wee were two and fortie dayes in the sea as it were lost, and we were driuen too and fro, so that the first lande that we discouered, was beyonde Saint Tome, more then fiue hundreth miles which were the moun∣taines of Zerzerline,* 5.131 neere vnto the kingdome of Orisa, and so wee came to Orisa with many sicke, and more that were dead for want of water: and they that were sicke in foure dayes dyed: and I for the space of a yeere after had my throat so sore and hoarse, that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in drinking of water: I iudge the reason of my hoarse∣nesse to bee with soppes that I wet in vineger and oyle, wherewith I susteyned my selfe many dayes. There was not any want of bread nor of wine: but the wines of that countrey

are so hot that being drunke without water they will kill a man: neither are they able to drinke them: when we beganne to want water, I sawe certaine Moores that were officers in the ship, that solde a small dish full for a duckat, after this I sawe one that would haue giuen a barre of Pepper, which is two quintalles and a halfe, for a litle measure of water, and he could not haue it. Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue, whom then I had to serue mee, which cost mee verie deare: but to prouide for the daunger at hand, I solde my slaue for halfe that he was worth, because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke, to serue my owne pur∣pose, and to saue my life.

Of the kingdome of Orisa, and the riuer Ganges.

ORisa was a faire kingdome and trustie, through the which a man might haue gone with golde in his hande without any daunger at all, as long as the lawefull King reigned which was a Gentile, who continued in the citie called Catecha, which was within the land sixe dayes iourney. This king loued strangers marueilous well, especially marchants which has traffique in and out of his kingdome, in such wise that hee would take no custome of them, neither any other grieuous thing. Onely the shippe that came thither payde a small thing ac∣cording to her portage, and euery yeere in the port of Orisa were laden fiue and twentie or thir∣tie ships great and small, with ryce and diuers sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth,* 5.132 oyle of Zer∣zeline which they make of a seed, and it is very good to eate and to fry fish withal, great store of butter, Lacca, long pepper, Ginger, Mirabolans dry and condite, great store of cloth of herbes, which is a kinde of silke which groweth amongst the woods without any labour of man,* 5.133 and when the bole thereof is growen round as bigge as an Orenge, then they take care onely to ga∣ther them. About sixteene yeeres past, this king with his kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane, which was also king of the greatest part of Bengala, and when he had got the king∣dome, he set custome there twenty pro cento, as Marchants paide in his kingdome: but this tyrant enioyed his kingdome but a small time, but was conquered by another tyrant, which was the great Mogol king of Agra, Delly, and of all Cambaia, without any resistance. I departed from Orisa to Bengala, to the harbour Piqueno, which is distant from Orisa towardes the East a hundred and seuentie miles. They goe as it were rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles, and then we enter into the riuer Ganges:* 5.134 from the mouth of this riuer, to a citie called Satagan, where the marchants gather themselues together with their trade, are a hundred miles, which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the water: in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis, and when the ebbing water is come, they are not able to rowe against it, by reason of the swiftnesse of the water, yet their barkes be light and armed with oares, like to Foistes, yet they cannot preuaile against that streame, but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the riuer vntill the next flowing water, and they call these barkes Bazaras and Patuas: they rowe as well as a Galliot, or as well as euer I haue seene a∣ny. A good tides rowing before you come to Satagan, you shall haue a place which is called But∣tor, and from thence vpwards the ships doe not goe, because that vpwardes the riuer is very shallowe, and litle water. Euery yeere at Buttor they make and vnmake a Uillage, with houses and shoppes made of strawe, and with all things necessarie to their vses, and this village stan∣deth as long as the ships ride there, and till they depart for the Indies, and when they are depar∣ted, euery man goeth to his plot of houses, and there setteth fire on them, which thing made me to maruaile. For as I passed vp to Satagan, I sawe this village standing with a great num∣ber of people, with an infinite number of ships and Bazars, and at my returne comming downe with my Captaine of the last ship, for whom I carried, I was al amazed to see such a place so soone razed and burnt, & nothing left but the signe of the burnt houses. The small ships go to Sa∣tagan, and there they lade.

Of the citie of Satagan.

IN the port of Satagan euery yeere lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small, with rice, cloth of Bombast of diuerse sortes, Lacca, great abundance of sugar, Mirabolans dri∣ed and preserued, long pepper, oyle of Zerzeline, and many other sorts of marchandise. The ci∣tie of Satagan is a reasonable faire citie for a citie of the Moores,* 5.135 abounding with all things, and was gouerned by the king of Patane, and now is subiect to the great Mogol. I was in this kingdome foure moneths, whereas many marchants did buy or fraight boates for their bene∣fites, and with these barkes they goe vp and downe the riuer of Ganges to faires, buying their

commoditie with a great aduantage, because that eueryday in the weeke they haue a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, now in one place, and now in another, and I also hired a barke and went vp and downe the riuer and did my businesse, and so in the night I saw many strange things. The kingdome of Bengala in times past hath bene as it were in the power of Moores, neuerthelesse there is great store of Gen∣tiles among them; alwayes whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles, is to be vnderstood Idolaters, and wheras I speak of Moores I meane Mahomets sect.* 5.136 Those people especially that be within the land doe greatly worship the riuer of Ganges: for when any is sicke, he is brought out of the countrey to the banke of the riuer, and there they make him a small cottage of strawe, and euery day they wet him with that water, whereof there are many that die, and when they are dead,* 5.137 they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon, and putting fire thereunto, they let the bodie a••ne vntill it be halfe rosted, and then they take it off from the fire, and make an emptie iarre fast about his necke, and so throw him into the riuer. These things euery night as I passed vp and downe the riuer I saw for the space of two moneths, as I passed to the fayres to buy my commodities with the marchants. And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the water of the riuer Ganges, yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is. From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin, and from Cochin to Malacca, from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant. That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or thirtie dayes, but we were foure moneths, and at the ende of three moneths our ship was without victuals. The Pilot told vs that wee were by his altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary, in the kingdome of Pegu, and these his words were not true, but we were (as it were) in the middle of many Ilands, and many vninhabited rockes, and there were also some Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land, and knewe also where the citie of Tanasari was.

This citie of right belongeth to the kingdome of Sion, which is situate on a great riuers side, which commeth out of the kingdome of Sion: and where this riuer runneth into the sea, there is a village called Mirgim, in whose harbour euery yeere there lade some ships with Uerzi∣na, Nypa, and Beniamin, a few cloues, nutmegs and maces which come from the coast of Sion,* 5.138 but the greatest marchandise there is Uerzin and Nypa, which is an excellent wine, which is made of the floure of a tree called Nyper. Whose liquour they distill, and so make an excellent drinke cleare as christall, good to the mouth, and better to the stomake, and it hath an excellent gentle vertue, that if one were rotten with the french pockes, drinking good store of this, he shall be whole againe, and I haue seene it proued, because that when I was in Cochin, there was a friend of mine, whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease,* 5.139 and he was counselled of the doctors of phisicke, that he should goe to Tanasary at the time of the new wines, and that he should drinke of the nyper wine, night and day, as much as he could before it was distilled, which at that time is most delicate, but after that it is distilled, it is more strong, and if you drinke much of it, it will fume into the head with drunkennesse. This man went thither, and did so, and I haue scene him after with a good colour and sound. This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies, and for that it is brought so farre off, it is very deare: in Pegu ordinarily it is good cheape, because it is neerer to the place where they make it, and there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof. And returning to my purpose, I say, being amongst these rockes, and farre from the land which is ouer against Tanasary, with great scarcitie of victuals, and that by the saying of the Pylot and two Portugales, holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayd harbour, we determined to goe thither with our boat and fetch victuals, and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place assigned. We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for victuals, and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship, assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port, wee rowed all that day, and a great part of the next night, and all the next day without finding harbour, or any signe of good landing, and this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that were with vs.

For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs, in such wise that we had lost the lande inhabited, together with the shippe, and we eight and twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate, but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a litle rice with him in the boate to barter away for some other thing, and it was not so much but that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale: I tooke the gouernment of this Ryce,* 5.140 promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place that was inhabited: & when I slept I put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me: we were nine daies rowing alongst the coast, without finding any thing but countreys vninhabited, & desert Ilands, where if we had found but grasse it would haue seemed

sugar vnto vs, but wee could not finde any, yet we found a fewe leaues of a tree, and they were so hard that we could not chewe them, we had water and wood sufficient, and as wee rowed, we could goe but by flowing water, for when it was ebbing water, wee made fast our boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes, and in these nine dayes that we rowed, we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges, wherein were one hundred fortie and foure egges, the which was a great helpe vnto vs: these egges are as bigge as a hennes egge, and haue no shell aboue them but a tender skinne, euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges, with an handfull of rice in the broth thereof: it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes we discouered certaine fisher men, a fishing with small barkes, and we rowed towardes them, with a good cheare, for I thinke there were neuer men more glad then we were, for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie, that we could scarce stande on our legges. Yet according to the order that we set for our ryce, when we sawe those fisher men, there was left sufficient for foure dayes. The first village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay, vnder the king of Pegu,* 5.141 whereas we found great store of victuals: then for two or three dayes after our arriuall there, we would eate but litle meate any of vs, and yet for all this, we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to Martauan, in the kingdome of Pegu, are seuentie two miles. We laded our bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths, from whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan, where in short time we arriued, but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should, from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her. And they found her in great calamitie, and neede of water, being at an anker with a contrary winde, which came very ill to passe, because that she wanted her boat a moneth, which should haue made her prouision of wood and water, the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid port of Martauan.

The Citie of Martauan.

* 5.142WE found in the Citie of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base men, which had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie, and all for this cause, that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue falchines of the king of Pegu, which chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere the kingdome of Sion. They haue for custome in this Countrey and kingdome, the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his king∣dome,* 5.143 that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of Falchines, with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or other delicates of refreshings, and with cleane clothes: it chaunced that this Carouan passing by Martauan, and resting themselues there a night, there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight, and from wordes to blowes, and because it was thought that the Portugales had the worse, the night following, when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie, the Portugales went and cut off fiue of their heads.* 5.144 Now there is a lawe in Pegu, that whosoeuer killeth a man, he shall buy the shed blood with his money, according to the estate of the person that is slaine, but these Falchines being the seruants of the king, the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter, without the consent of the king, because it was necessarie that the king should knowe of such a matter. When the king had knowledge thereof, he gaue commaundement that the male factors should be kept vntill his comming home, and then he would duely minister iustice, but the Captaine of the Portugales would not deliuer those men, but rather set himselfe with all the rest in armes, and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and ensignes displayd. For at that time the Citie was emptie of men, by reason they were gone all to the warres and in businesse of the king: in the middest of this rumour wee came thither,* 5.145 and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugales vse such insolencie in another mans Citie. And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe, and would not vnlade my goods be∣cause that they were more sure in the shippe then on the land, the greatest part of the la∣ding was the owners of the shippe, who was in Malacca, yet there were diuerse marchants there, but their goods were of small importance, all those marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there, vnlesse I would vnlade first, yet after they left my coun∣sell and followed their owne, and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit. The Rector with the customer sent for mee, and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande, and payed my custome as other men did? To whom I answered, that I was a marchant that was newly come thither, and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales, I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare, with the sweate of my face, and for this cause I was determined not

to put my goods on lande, vntill such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king, that I should haue no losse, and although there came harme to thē Portugales, that nei∣ther I nor my goods should haue any hurt, because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult: my reason sounded well in the Retors eares, and so presently he sent for the Bargits, which are as Counsellers of the Citie, and there they promised mee on the kings head or in the behalfe of the king, that neither I nor my goods should haue any harme, but that we should be safe and sure: of which promise there were made publike notes. And then I sent for my goods and had them on land, and payde my custome, which is in that countrey ten in the hundreth of the same goods, and for my more securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house. The Captaine of the Portugales, and all the Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie, and I with twentie and two poore men which were officers in the shippe, had my dwelling in the Citie. After this, the Gentiles deuised to be reuenged of the Portu∣gales;* 5.146 but they would not put it in execution vntill such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods, and then the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some Elephants of warre; and before that they made any tumult in the citie, the Retor sent, and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie, when they heard any ru∣mour or noyse, that for any thing they should not goe out of their houses, as they tendered their owne health. Then foure houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre, with Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales, and their houses of wood and strawe, in the which tumult there were some Portugales woun∣ded, and one of them slaine; and others without making proofe of their manhoode, which the day before did so bragge, at that time put themselues to flight most shamefully, and saued themselues a boord of litle shippes, that were at an anker in the harbour, and some that were in their beds fled away naked, and that night they caried away all the Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie, and those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes also. After this the Portugales that were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues, tooke a newe courage to themselues, and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes, which houses be∣ing made of boorde and strawe, and the winde blowing fresh, in small time were burnt and consumed, with which fire halfe the Citie had like to haue beene burnt; when the Portugales had done this, they were without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe, which goods might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats, which, if they had not set fire to the towne, they might haue had againe withont any losse at all. Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king, but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie ware very ill content, knowing that they had made a great fault, yet the next mor∣ning following, the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against the Citie, which batterie of theirs continued foure dayes, but all was in vaine, for the shotte neuer hit the Citie, but lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it, so that the citie had no harme. When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against the Citie, hee tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie, and sent them foure miles into the Countrey, there to tarry vntill such time as the other Portugales were departed, that made the batterie, who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any harme done vnto them. I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor, that no man should doe me iniurie, nor harme me nor my goods; in such wise that hee perfourmed all that he had promised me in the name of the king, but he would not let me depart before the com∣ming of the king, which was greatly to my hinderance, because I was twenty and one moneths sequestred, that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of marchandize. Those commodities that I brought thither, were peper, sandols, and Porcellan of China: so when the king was come home, I made my supplication vnto him, and I was licenced to depart when I would.

From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the kingdome of Pegu, which is al∣so called after the name of the kingdome, which voyage is made by sea in three or foure daies; they may goe also by lande, but it is better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea and lesser charge. And in this voyage you shall haue a Macareo, which is one of the most marueilous things in the world that nature hath wrought, and I neuer saw any thing so hard to be beleeued as this, to wit, the great increasing & diminishng of the water there at one push or instant,* 5.147 and the horrible earthquake and great noyse that the said Macareo maketh where it commeth. We departed from Martauan in barkes, which are like to our Pylot boates, with the increase of the water, and they goe as swift as an arrowe out of a bow, so long as the tide runneth with them, and when the water is at the highest, then they drawe themselues out of the Chanell towardes some banke, and there they come to anker, and when the water is diminished, then they rest on dry land:

and when the barkes rest dry, they are as high from the bottome of the Chanell, as any house top is high from the ground. They let their barkes lie so high for this respect, that if there should any shippe rest or ride in the Chanell, with such force commeth in the water, that it would ouerthrowe shippe or barke:* 5.148 yet for all this, that the barkes be so farre out of the Chan∣nell, and though the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high, yet they make fast their prowe to the streme, and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull, and if the anker did not holde her prow vp by strength, shee would be ouerthrowen and lost with men and goods. When the water beginneth to increase, it maketh such a noyse and so great that you would thinke it an earthquake, and presently at the first it maketh three waues.* 5.149 So that the first washeth ouer the barke, from stemme to sterne, the second is not so furious as the first, and the thirde rayseth the Anker, and then for the space of sixe houres while the water encrea∣seth, they rowe with such swiftnesse that you would thinke they did fly: in these tydes there must be lost no iot of time, for if you arriue not at the stagious before the tyde be spent, you must turne backe from whence you came. For there is no staying at any place, but at these stagions, and there is more daunger at one of these places then at another, as they be higher and lower one then another. When as you returne from Pegu to Martauan, they goe but halfe the tide at a time, because they will lay their barkes vp aloft on the bankes, for the reason aforesayd. I could ne∣uer gather any reason of the noyse that this water maketh in the increase of the tide, and in de∣minishing of the water. There is another Macareo in Cambaya,* 5.150 but that is nothing in compa∣rison of this. By the helpe of God we came safe to Pegu, which are two cities, the olde and the newe, in the olde citie are the Marchant strangers,* 5.151 and marchantes of the Countrey, for there are the greatest doings and the greatest trade. This citie is not very great, but it hath very great suburbes. Their houses be made with canes, and couered with leaues, or with strawe, but the marchants haue all one house or Magason, which house they call Godon which is made of brickes,* 5.152 and there they put all their goods of any valure, to saue them from the often mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe. In the new citie is the pallace of the king, and his abiding place with all his barons and nobles, and other gentlemen; and in the time that I was there, they finished the building of the new citie:* 5.153 it is a great citie, very plaine and flat, and foure square, walled round about, and with ditches that compasse the wals about with water, in which diches are many crocodils, it hath no drawe bridges, yet it hath twentie gates, fiue for euery square on the walles, there are many places made for centinels to watch, made of wood and coue∣red or guilt with gold, the streetes thereof are the fayrest that I haue seene, they are as streight as a line from one gate to another, and standing at the one gate you may discouer to the other, and they are as broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them: and those streetes that be thwart are faire and large, these streetes, both on the one side and on the other, are planted at the doores of the houses, with nut trees of India, which make a very commodious shadowe, the houses be made of wood and couered with a kind of tiles in forme of cups, very necessary for their vse, the kings pa∣lace is in the middle of the citie, made in forme of a walled castle,* 5.154 with ditches full of water round aboue it, the lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded, with fine pinacles, and very cost∣ly worke, couered with plates of golde. Truely it may be a kings house: within the gate there is a faire large court, from the one side to the other, wherein there are made places for the stron∣gest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the seruice of the kings person, and amongst all other Eliphants,* 5.155 he hath foure that be white, a thing so rare that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any such, and if this king knowe any other that hath white Eliphantes, he sen∣deth for them as for a gift. The time that I was there, there were two brought out of a farre Countrey, and that cost me something the sigth of them, for that they commaund the marchants to goe to see them, and then they must giue somewhat to the men that bring them: the brokers of the marchants giue for euery man halfe a duckat, which they call a Tansa,* 5.156 which amoun∣teth to a great summe, for the number of merchants that are in that citie; and when they haue payde the aforesayde Tansa, they may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no, because that when they are in the kings stall, euery man may see them that will: but at that time they must goe and see them, for it is the kings pleasure it should be so. This King amongst all other his titles, is called the King of the white Eliphants, and it is repor∣ted that if this king knewe any other king that had any of these white Eliphantes, and would not send them vnto him, that he would hazard his whole kingdome to conquer them, he estee∣meth these white Eliphants very deerely, and they are had in great regard, and kept with very meete seruice, euery one of them is in a house, all guilded ouer, and they haue their meate gi∣uen them in vessels of siluer and golde, there is one blacke Eliphant the greatest that hath bene seene, and he is kept according to his bignesse, he is nine cubi••es high, which is a marueilous thing,

It is reported that this king hath foure thousand Elephants of warre, and all haue their ••eeth, and they vse to put on their two vppermost teeth sharpe pikes of yron, and make them fast with rings,* 5.157 because these beastes fight, and make battell with their teeth; hee hath also very many yong Eli∣phants that haue not their teeth sprowted foorth: also this king hath a braue deuise in hunting to take these Eliphants when hee will,* 5.158 two miles from the Citie. He hath builded a faire pallace all guilded, and within it a faire Court, and within it and ••ounde about there are made an infi∣nite number of places for men to stande to see this hunting: neere vnto this Pallace is a migh••y great wood, through the which the hun••s-men of the king ride continually o•• the backs of the fe∣minine Eliphants, teaching them in this businesse. Euery hunter carieth out with him fiue or si••e of these feminines, and they say that they anoynt the secret place with a certaine composition that they haue, that when the wilde Eliphant doeth smell there••nto, they followe the f••mini••es and cannot leaue them: when the hunts-men haue made prouision, & the Eliphant is so entangled, th••y guide the feminines towards the Pallace which is called Tambell, and this Pallace hath a doore which doth open and shut with engines, before which doore there is a long streight way with trees on both the sides, which couereth the way in such wise as it is like darkenesse in a corner: the wilde Eliphant when he commeth to this way, thinketh that he is in the woo••s. At the end of this darke way there is a great field, when the hunters haue gotten this praye, when they first come to this field, they send presently to giue knowledge thereof to the Citie, and with all speed there go out fiftie or sixtie men on horsebacke, and doe beset the fielde rounde about: in the great fielde then the females which are taught in this businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way, and when as the wilde Eliphant is entred in there, the hunt••rs shoute and make a great noyse, as∣much as is possible, to make the wilde Eliphant enter in at the gate of that Pallace, which is then open, and assoone as hee is in, the gate is shut without any noyse, and so the hunters with the fe∣male Eliphants•• and the wilde one are all in the Court together, and then within a small time the females withdraw themselues away one by one out of the Court, leauing the wilde Eliphant a∣lone:* 5.159 and when he perceiueth that he is left alone, he is so madde that for two or three houres to see him, it is the greatest pleasure in the world: he weepeth, hee flingeth, hee runneth, he iustleth, hee thrusteth vnder the places where the people stand to see him, thinking to kil some of them, but the posts and timber is so strong and great, that hee cannot hurt any body, yet hee oftentimes brea∣keth his teeth in the grates; At length when hee is weary and hath laboured his body that hee is all wet with sweat, then he plucketh in his truncke into his mouth, and then hee throweth out so much water out of his belly, that he sprinckleth it ouer the heades of the lookers on, to the vtter∣most of them, although it bee very high: and then when they see him very weary, there goe cer∣taine officers into the Court with long sharpe canes in their ha••ds,* 5.160 and prick him that they make him to goe into o••e of the houses that is made alongst the Court for the same purpose: as there are many which are made long and narrow, that when the Eliphant is in, he cannot turne himself to go backe againe. And it is requisite that these men should be very wary and swift, for although their canes be long, yet the Eliphant would kill them if they were not swift to saue themselues: at length when they haue gotten him into one of those houses, they stand ouer him in a loft and get ropes vnder his belly and about his necke, and about his legges, and binde him fast, and so let him stand foure or fiue dayes, and giue him neither meate nor drinke. At the ende of these foure or fiue dayes, they vnloose him and put one of the females vnto him,* 5.161 and giue them meate and drinke, and in eight dayes he is become tame. In my iudgment there is not a beast so intellectiue as are these Eliphants, nor of more vnderstanding in al the world: for he wil do all things that his keeper saith, so that he lacketh nothing but humaine speech.

It is reported that the greatest strength that the king of Pegu hath is in these Eliphants, for when they goe to battell, they let on their backes a Castle of wood bound thereto,* 5.162 with hands vn∣der their bellies: and in euery Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with hargubushes, with bowes and arrowes, with darts and pikes, and other launcing weapons: and they say that the skinne of this Eliphant is so hard, that an harquebusse will not pierce it, vnlesse it bee in the eye, temples, or some other tender place of his body. And besides this, they are of great strength, and haue a very e••cellent order in their battel,* 5.163 as I haue seene at their feastes which they make in the yeere, in which feastes the king maketh triumphes, which is a rare thing and worthy memo∣rie, that in so barbarous a people there should be such goodly orders as they haue in their a••••ies, which be distinct in squares of Eliphants, of horsemen, of harquebushers and pikemen,* 5.164 that ••••uly the number of them are infinite: but their armour and weapons are very nought and weake as well the one as the other: they haue very had pikes, their swords are worse made, like long kniues without points, his harquebushes are most excellent, and alway in his warres he hath eightie thou∣sand harquebushes, and the number of them encreaseth dayly. Because the king will haue them

shoote euery day at the Plancke, and so by continuall exercise they become most excellent shot: al∣so hee hath great Ordinance made of very good mettall; to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath more power or strength then this king of Pegu, because hee hath twentie and sixe crowned kings at his commaunde.* 5.165 He can make in his Campe a million and an halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies. The state of his kingdome and maintenance of his ar∣my, is a thing incredible to consider, & the victuals that should maintaine such a number of people in the warres: but he that knoweth the nature and qualitie of that people, will easily beleeue it. I haue seene with mine eyes, that those people and souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wild beasts that are on the earth, whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all serueth for their mouthes: yea, I haue seene them eate Scorpions and Serpents,* 5.166 also they feed of all kinde of herbes and grasse. So that if such a great armie want not water and salt, they wil maintaine themselues a long time in a bush with rootes, flowers and leaues of trees, they cary rice with them for their voyage, & that serueth them in stead of com••its, it is so daintie vnto them. This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by sea, but in the land, for people, dominions, golde and siluer, he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength. This king hath diuers Magasons ful of treasure, as gold, & siluer, and euery day he encreaseth it more and more, and it is neuer diminished. Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies, Safires & Spinels.* 5.167 Neere vnto his royal pallace there is an inesti∣mable treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt, for that it standeth in such a place that euery one may see it, and the place where this treasure is, is a great Court walled round about with walls of stone, with two gates which stand open euery day. And within this place or Cour•• are foure gil∣ded houses couered with lead, & in euery one of these are certaine heathenish idoles of a very great valure. In the first house there is a stature of the image of a man of gold very great, & on his head a crowne of gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires, and round about him are 4. litle children of gold. In the second house there is the stature of a man of siluer, that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money: whose stature in height, as hee sitteth, is so high, that his highnesse exceedes the height of any one roofe of an house; I measured his feete, and found that they were as long as all my body was in height, with a crowne on his head like to the first. And in the thirde house, there is a stature of brasse of the same bignesse, with a like crowne on his head. In the 4. and last house there is a stature of a man as big as the other, which is made of Gansa, which is the metall they make their money of, & this metall is made of copper & leade mingled together. This stature also hath a crowne on his head like the first: this treasure being of such a value as it is, standeth in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may go & see it: for the keepers therof neuer forbid any man the sight thereof. I say as I haue said before, that this king euery yere in his feastes trium∣pheth: & because it is worthy of the noting, I thinke it meet to write therof, which is as foloweth. The king rideth on a triumphant cart or wagon all gilded, which is drawen by 16. goodly horses:* 5.168 and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy ouer it, behind the cart goe 20. of his Lords & no∣bles, with euery one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart for to hold it vpright that it fal not. The king sitteth in the middle of the cart; & vpon the same cart about the king stande 4. of his nobles most fauored of him, and before this cart wherein the king is goeth all his army as aforesaid, and in the middle of his army goeth all his nobilitie, round about the cart, that are in his dominions, a marueilous thing it is to see so many people, such riches & such good order in a people so barba∣rous as they be. This king of Pegu hath one principal wife which is kept in a Seralio, he hath 300 concubines, of whom it is reported that he hath 90. children. This king sitteth euery day in person to heare the suites of his subiects, but he nor they neuer speake one to another, but by supplicati∣ons made in this order.* 5.169 The king sitteth vp aloft in a great hall, on a tribunall seat, and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about, then those that demaund audience enter into a great Court before the king, and there set them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the kings person,* 5.170 and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of audience before the king, but all alike, and there they sit with their supplications in their hands, which are made of long leaues of a tree, these leaues are 3. quarters of a yard long, & two fingers broad, which are written with a sharpe iron made for y^t purpose, & in those leaues are their supplications written, & with their sup∣plications, they haue in their hands a present or gift, according to the waightines of their matter. Then come y^e secretaries downe to read these supplications, taking them & reading them before the king, & if the king think it good to do to them that fauour or iustice that they demaund, then he cōmandeth to take the presents out of their hands: but if he thinke their demand be not iust or ac∣ding to right, he commandeth them away without taking of their gifts or presents. In the In∣dies there is not any marchandise that is good to bring to Pegu, vnlesse it bee at some times by chance to bring Opium of Cambaia, and if he bring money he shall lose by it. Now the commodi∣ties that come from S. Tome are the onely marchandize for that place, which is the great quantity

of cloth made there, which they vse in Pegu;* 5.171 which cloth is made of bomba•••• wouen and pa••••ted, so that the more that kinde of cloth is washed, the more liuelie they shewe their colours, which is a rare thing, and there is made such accompt of this kinde of cloth which is of so great importance, that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duckets. Also from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne, of bombast died with a roote which they call Saia, as aforesayd, which co∣lour will neuer out. With which marchandise euery yeere there goeth a great shippe from S. Tome to Pegu, of great importance, and they vsually depart from S. Tome to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September, & if she stay vntil the twelfth, it is a great hap if she returne not without making of her voiage. Their vse was to depart the sixt of September,* 5.172 and then they made sure voyages, and now because there is a great labour about that kind of cloth to bring it to perfection, and that it be well dried, as also the greedinesse of the Captaine that would make an extraordinary gaine of his fraight, thinking ••o haue the wind alwayes to serue their turne, they stay so long, that at some∣times the winde turneth. For in those parts the windes blow firmely for certaine times, with the which they goe to Pegu with the winde in poope, and if they arriue not there before the winde change, and get ground to anker, perforce they must returne backe againe: for that the gales of the winde blowe there for three or foure moneths together in one place with great force. But if they get the coast & anker there, then with great labour they may saue their voyage. Also there go∣eth another great shippe from Bengala euery yeere, laden with fine cloth of bombast of all sorts, which arriueth in the harbour of Pegu, when the ship that commeth from S. Tome departeth. The harbour where these two ships arriue is called Cosmin. From Malaca to Martauan, which is a port in Pegu,* 5.173 there come many small ships, and great, laden with pepper, Sandolo, Procellan of China, Camfora, Bruneo, and other marchandise. The ships that come from Mecca enter into the port of Pegu and Cirion, and those shippes bring cloth of Wooll, Scarlets, Ueluets, Opium, and Chickinos,* 5.174 by the which they lose, and they bring them because they haue no other thing that is good for Pegu: but they esteeme not the losse of them, for that they make such great gaine of their commodities that they cary from thence out of that kingdome. Also the king of Assi his ships come thither into the same port laden with peper; from the coast of S. Tome of Bengala out of the Sea of Bara to Pegu are three hundreth miles, and they go it vp the riuer in foure daies, with the encreasing water, or with the flood, to a City called Cosmin, and there they discharge their ships, whither the Customers of Pegu come to take the note and markes of all the goods of euery man, & take the charge of the goods on them, and conuey them to Pegu, into the kings house, wherin they make the custome of the marchandize. When the Customers haue taken the charge of the goods & put them into barks, the Retor of the City giueth licence to the Marchants to take barke, and goe vp to Pegu with their marchandize; and so three or foure of them take a barke and goe vp to Pegu in company.* 5.175 God deliuer euery man that hee giue not a wrong note, and entrie, or thinke to steale any custome: for if they do, for the least trifle that is, he is vtterly vndone, for the king doeth take it for a most great affront to bee deceiued of his custome; and therefore they make diligent searches, three times at the lading and vnlading of the goods, and at the taking of them a land. In Pegu this search they make when they goe out of the ship for Diamonds, Pearles, and fine cloth which taketh little roome: for because that all the iewels that come into Pegu, and are not found of that countrey, pay custome, but Rubies, Safyres and Spinels pay no custome in nor out: because they are found growing in that Countrey. I haue spoken before, how that all Marchants that meane to goe thorow the Indies, must cary al maner of houshold stuffe with them which is necessary for a house, because that there is not any lodging nor Inues nor hostes, nor chamber roome in that Countrey, but the first thing a man doth when he commeth to any City is to hier a house, either by the yeere or by the moneth, or as he meanes to stay in those parts.

In Pegu their order is to hire their houses for sixe moneths. Nowe from Cosmin to the Citie of Pegu they goe in sixe houres with the flood, and if it be ebbing water, then they make fast their boate to the riuer side,* 5.176 and there cary vntil the water flow againe. It is a very commodious and pleasant voyage, hauing on both sides of the riuers many great villages, which they call Cities: in the which hennes, pigeons, egges, milke, rice, and other things be very good cheape. It is all plaine, and a goodly Countrey, and in eight dayes you may make your voyage vp to Macceo, di∣stant frō Pegu twelue miles, & there they discharge their goods, & lade them in Carts or waines drawen with oxen, and the Marchants are caried in a closet which they call Deling,* 5.177 in the which a man shall be very well accommodated, with cushions vnder his head, and couered for the defence of the Sunne and raine, and there he may sleepe if he haue wil thereunto: and his foure Falchines cary him running away, changing two at one time and two at another. The custome of Pegu and fraight thither, may amount vnto twentie or twentie two per cento, and 23. according as he hath more or lesse stolen from him that day they custome the goods. It is requisite that a man haue his

eyes watchfull, and to be carefull, and to haue many friendes, for when they custome in the great hall of the king, there come many gentlemen accompanied with a number of their slaues, and these gentlemen haue no shame that their slaues rob strangers: whether it be cloth in shewing of it or any other thing, they laugh at it. And although the Marchants helpe one another to keepe watch, & looke to their goods, they cannot looke therto so narrowly but one or other wil rob some∣thing, either more or lesse, according as their marchandise is more or lesse: and yet on this day there is a worse thing then this: although you haue set so many eyes to looke there for your benefit, that you escape vnrobbed of the slaues, a man cannot choose but that he must be robbed of the officers of the custome house. For paying the custome with the same goods oftentimes they take the best that you haue, & not by rate of euery sort as they ought to do, by which meanes a man payeth more then his dutie. At length when the goods be dispatched out of the custome house in this order, the Mar∣chant causeth them to be caried to his house, and may do with them at his pleasure.

There are in Pegu 8. brokers of the kings, which are called Tareghe, who are bound to sell all the marchandize which come to Pegu, at the common or the currant price: then if the marchants wil sell their goods at that price, they sel them away, and the brokers haue two in the hundreth of euery sort of marchandise, and they are bound to make good the debts of those goods, because they be sold by their hands or meanes, & on their wordes, and oftentimes the marchant knoweth not to whom he giueth his goods, yet he cannot lose any thing thereby, for that the broker is bound in any wise to pay him, and if the marchant sel his goods without the consent of the broker, yet neuerthe∣lesse he must pay him two per cento, and be in danger of his money: but this is very seldom seene, because the wife, children, and slaues of the debtor are bound to the creditor, and when his time is expired and paiment not made, the creditor may take the debtor and cary him home to his house, and shut him vp in a Magasin, whereby presently he hath his money, and not being able to pay the creditor,* 5.178 he may take the wife, children, and slaues of the debtor, and sel them, for so is the lawe of that kingdome. The currant money that is in this city, and throughout all this kingdom is called Gansa or Ganza, which is made of Copper and leade: It is not the money of the king, but euery man may stamp it that wil, because it hath his iust partition or value: but they make many of them false,* 5.179 by putting ouermuch lead into them, and those will not passe, neither will any take them. With this money Ganza, you may buy golde or siluer, Rubies and Muske, and other things. For there is no other money currant amongst them. And Golde, siluer and other marchandize are at one time dearer then another, as all other things be.

This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze, & this name of Byza goeth for y^e accompt of the weight, and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our accompt) halfe a ducat, litle more or lesse: and albeit that Gold and siluer is more or lesse in price, yet the Byza neuer changeth: euery Byza maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight, and so the number of the money is Byza. He that goeth to Pegu to buy Iewels, if he wil do well, it behoueth him to be a whole yere there to do his businesse. For if so be that he would return with the ship he came in,* 5.180 he cānot do any thing so cōueniently for the breuitie of the time, because that when they custome their goods in Pegu that come from S. Tome in their ships, it is as it were about Christmas: and when they haue customed their goods, then must they sell them for their credits sake for a moneth or two: and then at the beginning of March the ships depart. The Marchants that come from S. Tome take for the paiment of their goods,* 5.181 gold, and siluer, which is neuer wanting there. And 8. or 10. dayes before their departure they are all satisfied: also they may haue Rubies in paiment, but they make no accompt of them: and they that will winter there for another yere, it is needfull that they be aduertized, that in the sale of their goods, they specifie in their bargaine, the terme of two or 3. moneths paiment, & that their paiment shalbe in so many Ganza, and neither golde nor siluer: because that with the Ganza they may buy & sel euery thing with great aduātage. And how needful is it to be aduertized, when they wil recouer their paiments, in what order they shal receiue their Ganza? Because he that is not experienced may do himselfe great wrong in the weight of the Gansa, as also in the falsenesse of them: in the weight he may be greatly deceiued, because that from place to place it doth rise and fall greatly: and therefore when any wil receiue money or make paiment, he must take a publique wayer of money, a day or two before he go about his businesse, and giue him in paiment for his la∣bour two Byzaes a moneth, and for this he is bound to make good all your money, & to maintaine it for good, for that hee receiueth it and seales the bags with his seale: and when hee hath recei∣ued any store, then hee causeth it to bee brought into the Magason of the Marchant, that is the owner of it.

That money is very weightie, for fourtie Byza is a strong Porters burden; and also where the Marchant hath any payment to be made for those goods which he buyeth, the Common wayer of money that receiueth his money must make the payment thereof. So that by this meanes, the

Marchant with the charges of two Byzes a moneth, receiueth and payeth out his money wi••hout losse or trouble. The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu are Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Saphyres,* 5.182 Spinelles, great store of Beniamin, long peper, Leade, Lacca, rice, wine, some sugar, yet there might be great store of sugar made in the Countrey, for that they haue aboundance of Canes, but they giue them to Eliphants to eate, and the people consume great store of them for food, and ma∣ny more doe they consume in vaine things, as these following. In that kingdome they spend ma∣ny of these Sugar canes in making of houses and tents which they call Varely for their idoles, which they call Pagodes, whereof there are great aboundance, great and smal, and these houses are made in forme of little hilles, like to Sugar loaues or to Bells, and some of these houses are as high as a reasonable steeple, at the foote they are very large, some of them be in circuit a quar∣ter of a mile. The saide houses within are full of earth, and walled round about with brickes and dirt in steade of lime, and without forme, from the top to the foote they make a couering for them with Sugar canes, and plaister it with lime all ouer, for otherwise they would bee spoyled, by the great aboundance of raine that falleth in those Countreys. Also they consume about these Varely or idol houses great store of leafe-gold, for that they ouerlay all the tops of the houses with gold, and some of them are couered with golde from the top to the foote:* 5.183 in couering whereof there is great store of gold spent, for that euery 10. yeeres they new ouerlay them with gold, from the top to the foote, so that with this vanitie they spend great aboundance of golde. For euery 10. yeres the raine doeth consume the gold from these houses. And by this meanes they make golde dearer in Pegu then it would bee, if they consumed not so much in this vanitie. Also it is a thing to bee noted in the buying of iewels in Pegu, that he that hath no knowledge shall haue as good iewels, and as good cheap, as he that hath bene practized there a long time, which is a good order, and it is in this wise. There are in Pegu foure men of good reputation, which are called Tareghe, or bro∣kers of Iewels. These foure men haue all the Iewels or Rubies in their handes, and the Mar∣chant that wil buy commeth to one of these Tareghe and telleth him, that he hath so much money to imploy in Rubies. For through the hands of these foure men passe all the Rubies:* 5.184 for they haue such quantitie, that they knowe not what to doe with them, but sell them at most vile and base prices. When the Marchant hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or Tareghe, they cary him home to one of their Shops, although he hath no knowledge in Iewels: and when the Iew∣ellers perceiue that hee will employ a good round summe, they will make a bargaine, and if not, they let him alone. The vse generally of this Citie is this; that when any Marchant hath bought any great quantitie of Rubies, and hath agreed for them, hee carieth them home to his house, let them be of what value they will, he shall haue space to looke on them and peruse them two or three dayes: and if he hath no knowledge in them, he shall alwayes haue many Marchants in that Citie that haue very good knowledge in Iewels; with whom he may alwayes conferre and take coun∣sell, and may shew them vnto whom he will; and if he finde that hee hath not employed his money well, hee may returne his Iewels backe to them whom hee had them of, wi••hout any losse at all. Which thing is such a shame to the Tareghe to haue his Iewels returne, that he had rather beare a blow on the face then that it should be thought that he solde them so deere to haue them ••eturned. For these men haue alwayes great care that they affoord good peniworths, especially to those that haue no knowledge. This they doe, because they woulde not loose their credite: and when those Marchants that haue knowledge in Iewels buy any, if they buy them deere, it is their own faults and not the brokers: yet it is good to haue knowledge in Iewels, by reason that it may somewhat ease the price.* 5.185 There is also a very good order which they haue in buying of Iewels, which is this; There are many Marchants that stand by at the making of the bargaine, and because they shall not vnderstand howe the Iewels be solde, the Broker and the Marchants haue their hands vnder a cloth,* 5.186 and by touching of fingers and nipping the ioynts they know what is done, what is bidden, and what is asked. So that the standers by knowe not what is demaunded for them, al∣though it be for a thousand o•• 10. thousand duckets. For euery ioynt and euery finger hath his sig∣nification. For if the Marchants that stande by should vnderstand the bargaine, it would breede great controuersie amongst them. And at my being in Pegu in the moneth of August, in Anno 1569. hauing gotten well by my endeuour, I was desirous to see mine owne Coun••rey, and I thought it good to goe by the way of S. Tome, but then I should tary vntil March.

In which iourney I was counsailed, yea, and fully resolued to go by the way of Bengala, with a shippe there ready to depart for that voyage. And then wee departed from Pegu to Chati∣gan a great harbour or port, from whence there goe smal ships to Cochin, before the fl••ete depart for Portugall in which ships I was fully determined to goe to Lisbon, and so to Venice. When I had thus resolued my selfe, I went aboord of the shippe of Bengala, at which time it was the yeere of Touffon:* 5.187 concerning which Touffon ye are to vnderstand, that in the East Indies often

times, there are not stormes as in other countreys; but euery 10. or 12. yeres there are such tem∣pests and stormes, that it is a thing incredible, but to those that haue seene it, neither do they know certainly what yeere they wil come.

* 5.188Unfortunate are they that are at sea in that yere and time of the Touffon, because few there are that escape that danger. In this yere it was our chance to be at sea with the like storme, but it hap∣pened well vnto vs, for that our ship was newly ouer-plancked, and had not any thing in her saue victuall and balasts, Siluer and golde, which from Pegu they cary to Bengala, and no other kinde of Marchandise. This Touffon or cruel storme endured three dayes and three nights: in which time it caried away our sailes, yards, and rudder; and because the shippe laboured in the Sea, wee cut our mast ouer boord: which when we had done she laboured a great deale more then before, in such wise, that she was almost full with water that came ouer the highest part of her and so went downe: and for the space of three dayes and three nights sixtie men did nothing but hale water out of her in this wise, twentie men in one place, and twentie men in another place, and twentie in a thirde place: and for all this storme, the shippe was so good, that shee tooke not one iot of wa∣ter below through her sides, but all ran downe through the hatches, so that those sixtie men did no∣thing but cast the Sea into the Sea. And thus driuing too and fro as the winde and Sea would, we were in a darke night about foure of the clocke cast on a sholde: yet when it was day, we could neither see land on one side nor other, and knew not where we were. And as it pleased the diuine power, there came a great waue of the Sea, which braue vs beyonde the should. And when wee felt the shippe aflote,* 5.189 we rose vp as men reuiued, because the Sea was calme and smooth water, and then sounding we found twelue fadome water, and within a while after wee had but sixe fa∣dome, and then presently we came to anker with a small anker that was left vs at the s••erne, for all our other were lost in the storme: and by and by the shippe strooke a ground, and then wee did prop her that she should not ouerthrow.

When it was day the shippe was all dry, and wee found her a good mile from the Sea on drie land. This Touffon being ended, we discouered an Island not farre from vs, and we went from the shippe on the sands to see what Island it was:* 5.190 and wee found it a place inhabited, and, to my iudgement, the fertilest Island in all the world, the which is diuided into two parts by a chanell which passeth betweene it, & with great trouble we brought our ship into the same chanel, which patteth the Island at flowing water, and there we determined to stay 40. dayes to refresh vs. And when the people of the Island saw the ship, and that we were cōming a land: presently they made a place of bazar or a market, with shops right ouer against the ship with all maner of prouision of victuals to eate, which they brought downe in great abundance, and sold it so good cheape, that we were amazed at the cheapenesse thereof. I bought many salted kine there, for the prouision of the ship, for halfe a Larine a piece, which Larine may be 12. shillings sixe pence, being very good and fat; and 4. wilde hogges ready dressed for a Larine; great fat hennes for a Bizze a piece, which is at the most a penuie: and the people told vs that we were deceiued the halfe of our money, because we bought things so deare. Also a sacke of fine rice for a thing of nothing, and consequently all o∣ther things for humaine sustenance were there in such aboundance, that it is a thing incredible but to them that haue seene it. This Island is called Sondiua belonging to the kingdome of Benga∣la,* 5.191 distant 120. miles from Chatigan, to which place wee were bound. The people are Moores, and the king a very good man of a Moore king, for if he had bin a tyrant as others be, he might haue robbed vs of all, because the Portugall captaine of Chatigan was in armes against the Retor of that place, & euery day there were some slaine, at which newes we rested there with no smal feare, keeping good watch and ward aboord euery night as the vse is, but the gouernour of the towne did comfort vs, and bad vs that we should feare nothing, but that we should repose our selues securely without any danger, although the Portugales of Chatigan had slaine the gouernour of that City, and said that we were not culpable in that fact; and moreouer he did vs euery day what pleasure he could, which was a thing contrary to our expectations considering that they & the people of Chati∣gan were both subiects to one king.* 5.192 We departed from Sondiua, & came to Chatigan the great port of Bengala, at the same time when the Portugales had made peace and taken a truce with the gouernours of the towne, with this condition that the chiefe Captaine of the Portugales with his ship should depart without any lading: for there were then at that time 18. ships of Portugales great and small. This Captaine being a Gentleman and of good courage, was notwithstanding contended to depart to his greatest hinderance, rather then hee would seeke to hinder so many of his friends as were there, as also because the time of the yeere was spent to go to the Indies. The night before he departed, euery ship that had any lading therein, put it aboord of the Captaine to helpe to ease his charge and to recompence his courtesies. In this time there came a messenger from the king of Rachim to this Portugal Captaine,* 5.193 who saide in the behalfe of his king, that hee

had heard of the courage and valure of him, des••••ing him gently that he would vouchsafe to come with the ship into his port, and comming thither he should be very wel intreated. This Portugal went thither and was very well satisfied of this King.

This King of Rachim hath his seate in the middle coast betweene Bengala and Pegu, and the greatest enemie he hath is the king of Pegu: which king of Pegu deuiseth night and day how to make this king of Rachim his subiect, but by no meanes hee is able to doe it: because the king of Pegu hath no power nor armie by Sea. And this king of * 5.194Rachim may arme two hundreth Gal∣leyes or Fusts by Sea, and by land he hath certaine sluses with the which when the king of Pegu pretendeth any harme towards him, hee may at his pleasure drowne a great part of the Countrey. So that by this meanes hee cutteth off the way whereby the king of Pegu should come with his power to hurt him.

From the great port of Chatigan they cary for the Indies great store of Rice,* 5.195 very great quan∣titie of Bombast cloth of euery sort, Suger, corne, and money, with other marchandize. And by reason of the warres in Chatigan, the Portugall ships caried there so long, that they arriued not at Cochin so soone as they were wont to doe other yeeres. For which cause the fleete that was at Cochin was departed for Portugal before they arriued there,* 5.196 and I being in one of the small shippes before the fleete, in discouering of Cochin, we also discouered the last shippe of the Fleete that went from Cochin to Portugall, where shee made saile, for which I was maruelously dis∣comforted, because that all the yeere following, there was no going for Portugale, and when we arriued at Cochin I was fully determined to goe for Venice by the way of Ormus, and at that time the Citie of Goa was besieged by the people of Dialcan, but the Citizens forced not this as∣sault, because they supposed that it would not continue long. For all this I imbarked my selfe in a Galley that went for Goa,* 5.197 meaning there to shippe my selfe for Ormus: but when we came to Goa, the Viceroy would not suffer any Portugal to depart, by reason of the warres. And being in Goa but a small time, I fell sicke of an infirmitie that helde mee foure moneths: which with phisicke and diet cost me eight hundreth duckets, and there I was constrained to sell a smal quan∣titie of Rubies to sustaine my neede: and I solde that for fiue hundreth duckets, that was worth a thousand. And when I beganne to waxe well of my disease, I had but little of that money left, euery thing was so scarse: For euery chicken (and yet not good) cost mee seuen or eight Liuers, which is sixe shillings, or sixe shillings eight pence. Beside this great charges, the Apothecaries with their medicines were no small charge to me. At the ende of sixe moneths they raised the siege, and then I beganne to worke, for Iewels were risen in their prices: for, whereas before I sold a few of refused Rubies, I determined then to sell the rest of all my Iewels that I had there, and to make an other voyage to Pegu. And for because that at my departure from Pegu, Opium was in great request, I went then to Cambaya to imploy a good round summe of money in Opi∣um,* 5.198 and there I bought 60. percels of Opium, which cost me two thousand & a hundreth duckets, euery ducket at foure shillings two pence. Moreouer I bought three bales of Bombast cloth, which cost me eight hundred duckats, which was a good cōmoditie for Pegu: when I had bought these things, the Viceroy commanded that the custome of the Opium should be paide in Goa, and paying custome there I might cary it whither I would. I shipped my 3. bales of cloth at Chaul in a shippe that went for Cochin, and I went to Goa to pay the aforesaid custome for my Opium, and from Goa I departed to Cochin in a ship that was for the voyage of Pegu, and went to win∣ter then at S. Tome. When I came to Cochin, I vnderstood that the ship that had my three bales of cloth was cast away and lost, so that I lost my 800. Serafins or duckats: and departing from Cochin to goe for S. Tome, in casting about for the Island of Zeilan the Pilote was deceiued, for that the Cape of the Island of Zeilan lieth farre out into the sea, and the Pilot thinking that he might haue passed hard aboord the Cape, and paying roomer in the night; when it was morning we were farre within the Cape, and past all remedy to go out, by reason the winds blew so fiercely against vs. So t••at by this meanes we lost our voyage for that yere, and we went to Manar with the ship to winter there, the ship hauing lost her mastes, and with great diligence we hardly saued her, with great losses to the Captaine of the ship, because he was forced to fraight another ship in S. Tome for Pegu with great losses and interest, and I with my friends agreed together in Ma∣nar to take a bark to cary vs to S. Tome; which thing we did with al the rest of the marchants; and ariuing at S. Tome I had news through or by the way of Bengala, that in Pegu Opium was very deare, and I knew that in S. Tome there was no Opium but mine to go for Pegu that yere, so that I was holden of al the marchants there to be very rich: and so it would haue proued, if my aduerse fortune had not bin contrary to my hope, which was this. At that time there went a great ship from Cambaya, to the king of Assi, with great quantitie of Opium, & there to lade peper: in which voyage there came such a storme, that the ship was forced with wether to goe roomer 800. miles,

and by this meanes came to Pegu, whereas they ariued a day before mee; so that Opium which was before very deare, was now at a base price: so that which was sold for fiftie Bizze before, was solde for 2. Bizze & an halfe, there was such quantitie came in that ship; so that I was glad to stay two yeres in Pegu vnlesse I would haue giuen away my commoditie: and at the end of two yeres of my 2100. duckets which I bestowed in Cambaya, I made but a thousand duckets. Then I departed againe from Pegu to goe for the Indies and for Ormus with great quantitie of Lacca, and from Ormus I returned into the Indies for Chaul, and from Chaul to Cochin, and from Cochin to Pegu. Once more I lost occasion to make me riche, for whereas I might haue brought good store of Opium againe, I brought but a little, being fearefull of my other voyage before. In this small quantitie I made good profite. And now againe I determined to go for my Countrey, and departing from Pegu, I tarried and wintered in Cochin, and then I left the Indies and came for Ormus.

I thinke it very necessary before I ende my voyage, to reason somewhat, and to shewe what fruits the Indies do yeeld and bring forth. First, in the Indies and other East parts of India there is Peper and ginger, which groweth in all parts of India. And in some parts of the Indies, the greatest quantitie of peper groweth amongst wilde bushes, without any maner of labour: sauing, that when it is ripe they goe and gather it.* 5.199 The tree that the peper groweth on is like to our I∣uie, which runneth vp to the tops of trees wheresoeuer it groweth: and if it should not take holde of some tree, it would lie flat and rot on the ground. This peper tree hath his floure and berry like in all parts to our Iuie berry, and those berries be graines of peper: so that when they gather them they be greene, and then they lay them in the Sunne, and they become blacke.

* 5.200The Ginger groweth in this wise: the land is tilled and sowen, and the herbe is like to Paniz∣zo, and the roote is the ginger. These two spices grow in diuers places.

* 5.201The Cloues come all from the Moluccas, which Moluccas are two Islands, not very great, and the tree that they grow on is like to our Lawrell tree.

* 5.202The Nu••megs and Maces, which grow both together, are brought from the Island of Ban∣da, whose tree is like to our walnut tree, but not so big.

* 5.203All the good white Sandol is brought from the Island of Timor. Canfora being compound commeth all from China, and all that which groweth in canes commeth from Borneo, & I thinke that this Canfora commeth not into these parts: for that in India they consume great store, and that is very deare. The good Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina.* 5.204

* 5.205The Beniamin commeth from the kingdome of Assi and Sion.

* 5.206Long peper groweth in Bengala, Pegu, and Iaua.

Muske commeth from Tartaria, which they make in this order, as by good information I haue bene told.* 5.207There is a certaine beast in Tartaria, which is wilde and as big as a wolfe, which beast they take aliue, & beat him to death with small staues y^t his blood may be spread through his whole body, then they cut it in pieces, & take out all the bones, & beat the flesh with the blood in a morter very smal, and dry it, and make purses to put it in of the skin, and these be the cods of muske.

Truely I know not whereof the Amber is made, and there are diuers opinions of it, but this is most certaine, it is cast out of the Sea, and throwne on land, and found vpon the sea bankes.

* 5.208The Rubies, Saphyres, and the Spinels be gotten in the kingdome of Pegu. The Diamants come from diuers places; and I know but three sorts of them. That sort of Diamants that is called Chiappe, commeth from Bezeneger. Those that be pointed naturally come from the land of Delly, and from Iaua, but the Diamants of Iaua are more weightie then the other. I could ne∣uer vnderstand from whence they that are called Balassicome.* 5.209

Pearles they fish in diuers places, as before in this booke is showne.

* 5.210 From Cambaza commeth the Spodiom which congeleth in certaine canes, whereof I found many in Pegu, when I made my house there, because that (as I haue said before) they make their houses there of wouen canes like to mats. From Chaul they trade alongst the coast of Melinde in Ethiopia, within the land of Cafraria:* 5.211 ••n that coast are many good harbors kept by the Moores. Thither the Portugals bring a kinde of Bombast cloth of a low price, and great store of Pater∣nosters or beads made of paltrie glasse, which they make in Chaul according to the vse of the Countrey: and from thence they cary Elephants teeth for India, slaues called Cafari, and some Amber and Gold. On this coast the king of Portugall hath his castle called Mozambique, which is of as great importance as any castle that hee hath in all his Indies vnder his protection, and the Captaine of this castle hath certaine voyages to this Cafraria, to which places no Marchants may goe, but by the Agent of this Captaine:* 5.212 and they vse to goe in small shippes, and trade with the Cafars, and their trade in buying and selling is without any speach one to the other. In this wise the Portugals bring their goods by litle and litle alongst the Sea coast, and lay them downe:

and so depart, and the Cafar Marchants come and see the goods, & there they put downe as much gold as they thinke the goods are worth, and so goe their way and leaue their golde and the goods together, then commeth the Portugal, and ••inding the golde to his content, hee taketh it and goeth his way into his ship, and then commeth the Cafar and taketh the goods and carieth them away: and if he finde the golde there still, it is a signe that the Portugals are not contented, and if the Ca∣far thinke he hath put too little, he addeth more, as he thinketh the thing is worth: and the Portu∣gales must not stand with them too strickt; for if they doe, then they will haue no more trade with them: For they disdaine to be refused, when they thinke that they haue offered ynough, for they be a peeuish people, and haue dealt so of a long time: and by this trade the Portugals change their commodities into gold,* 5.213 and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique, which is in an Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria on the coast of Ethiopia, and is distant from India 2800. miles. Now to returne to my voyage, when I came to Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin of Venice, and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for 70. duckets, and with vs there went other Marchants, which did ease our fraight, and very commodiously wee came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for prouiding a Carouan of barks to go to Babylon, because they vse not to goe two or 3. barkes at once, but 25. or 30. because in the night they cannot go, but must make them fast to the banks of the riuer, and then we must make a very good & strong guard, and be wel prouided of armor, for respect & safegard of our goods, because the number of theeues is great that come to spoile and rob the marchants. And when we depart for Babylon we goe a litle with our saile, and the voyage is 38. or 40. dayes long, but we were 50. dayes on it. When we came to Babylon we stayed there 4. moneths, vntil the Carouan was ready to go ouer the wilder∣nes, or desert for Alepo; in this citie we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together, fiue Ve∣netians and a Portugal; whose names were as followeth, Messer Florinasa with one of his kins∣men,* 5.214 Messer Andrea de Polo•• the Portugal & M. Francis Berettin and I, and so wee furnished our selues with victuals and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes; and wee bought horses and mules, for that they bee very good cheape there, I my selfe bought a horse there for 11. akens, and solde him after in Alepo for 30. duckets. Also we bought a Tent which did vs very great pleasure: we had also amongst vs 32. Camels laden with marchandise: for the which we paid 2. duckets for e∣uery camels lading, and for euery 10. camels they made 11, for so is their vse and custome. We take also with vs 3. men to serue vs in the voyage, which are vsed to goe in those voyages for fiue Dd. a man, and are bound to serue vs to Alepo: so that we passed very well without any trouble: when the camels cried out to rest, our pauilion was the first that was erected. The Carouan ma∣keth but small iourneis about 20. miles a day, & they set forwards euery morning before day two houres, and about two in the afternoone they sit downe. We had great good hap in our voyage, for that it rained: For which cause we neuer wanted water, but euery day found good water, so that we could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet we caried a camel laden alwayes with wa∣ter for euery good respect that might chance in the desert, so that wee had no want neither of one thing, nor other that was to bee had in the countrey. For wee came very well furnished of euery thing, and euery day we eat fresh mutton, because there came many shepheards with vs with their flocks, who kept those sheepe that we bought in Babylon, and euery marchant marked his sheepe with his owne marke, and we gaue the shepheards a Medin, which is two pence of our money, for the keeping and feeding our sheep on the way, and for killing of them. And beside the Medin they haue the heads, the skinnes, and the intrals of euery sheepe they kil. We sixe bought 20. sheepe, and when we came to Alepo we had 7. aliue of them. And in the Carouan they vse this order, that the marchants doe lende flesh one to another, because they will not cary raw flesh with them, but pleasure one another by lending one one day, and another another day.

From Babylon to Alepo is 40. dayes iourney, of the which they make 36. dayes ouer the wil∣dernes,* 5.215 in which 36. dayes they neither see house, trees, nor people that inhabite it, but onely a plaine, and no signe of any way in the world. The pilots go before, and the Carouan followeth af∣ter. And when they sit downe all the Carouan vnladeth and sitteth downe, for they know the stati∣ons where the wells are. I say, in 36. dayes we passe ouer the wildernesse. For when wee depart from Babylon two dayes we passe by villages inhabited vntil we haue passed the riuer Euphrates. And then within two dayes of Alepo we haue villages inhabited. In this Carouan there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Iustice vnto all men:* 5.216 and euery night they keepe watch about the Ca∣rouan, and comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli, whereas Master Florin, and Master Andrea Polo, and I, with a Frier, went and hired a barke to goe with vs to Ierusalem. Departing from Tripolie, we arriued at Iaffa: from which place in a day and halfe we went to Ierusalem, and we gaue order to our barke to tary for vs vntill our returne. Wee stayed in Ierusalem 14. dayes, to visite those holy places: from whence we returned to Iaffa, and from Iaffa to Tripolie, and there

wee shipped our selues in a ship of Venice called the Bagazzana: And by the helpe of the diuine power, we arriued safely in Venice the fift of Nouember 1581.* 5.217 If there be any that hath any de∣sire to goe into those partes of India, let him not be astonied at the troubles that I haue passed: be∣cause I was intangled in many things: for that I went very poore frō Venice with 1200. duc∣kets imployed in marchandize, and when I came to Tripolie, I fell sicke in the house of Master Regaly Oratio, and this man sent away my goods with a small Carouan that went from Tripo∣lie to Alepo, and the Carouan was robd, and all my goods lost sauing foure chests of glasses which cost me 200. duckets, of which glasses I found many broken: because the theeues thinking it had bene other marchandize, brake them vp, and seeing they were glasses they let them all alone. And with this onely stocke I aduentured to goe into the Indies: And thus with change and rechange, and by diligence in my voyage, God did blesse and helpe mee, so that I got a good stocke. I will not be vnmindfull to put them in remembrance,* 5.218 that haue a desire to goe into those parts, how they shall keepe their goods, and giue them to their heires at the time of their death, and howe this may be done very securely. In all the cities that the Portugales haue in the Indies, there is a house cal∣led the schoole of Sancta misericordia comissaria: the gouernours whereof, if you giue them for their paines, will take a coppy of your will and Testament, which you must alwayes cary about you; and chiefly when you go into the Indies. In the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles, in those voyages alwayes there goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Por∣tugales. Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants that by chance die in those voyages, and they that haue not made their Wills and registred them in the aforesaide schooles, the Captaines wil consume their goods in such wise, that litle or nothing will be left for their heires and friends. Also there goeth in these same voyages some marchants that are com∣missaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia, that if any Marchant die and haue his Wil made, and hath giuen order that the schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them, then they sende the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone, with that copie of his Testament, then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof, into what part of Christendome soeuer it be, and the heires of such a one comming thither; with testimoniall that they be heires, they shall receiue there the value of his goods: in such wise that they shall not loose any thing. But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of their goods by ancient custome of the Countrey, that if any Christian dieth in the kingdome of Pegu, the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde of his goods, and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this matter. I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu, and in their age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there, and haue departed with al their goods and substance with∣out let or trouble.

* 5.219In Pegu the fashion of their apparel is all one, as well the Noble man, as the simple: the one∣ly difference is in the finenes of the cloth, which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another, and they weare their apparell in this wise: First, a white Bombast cloth which serueth for a shirt, then they gird another painted bombast cloth of foureteene brases, which they binde vp betwixt their legges, and on their heads they weare a small tock of three braces, made in guize of a myter, and some goe without tocks, and cary (as it were) a hiue on their heades, which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare, when it is lifted vp: they goe all bare footed, but the Noble men neuer goe on foote, but are caried by men in a seate with great reputation, with a hat made of the leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne, or otherwise they ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops.* 5.220 All sorts of women whatsoeuer they be, weare a smocke downe to the girdle, and from the girdle downewards to the foote they weare a cloth of three brases, open be∣fore; so straite that they cannot goe, but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft, and in their going they faine to hide it with their hand, but they cānot by reason of the straitnes of their cloth. They say that this vse was inuented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men the vices against nature, which they are greatly giuen vnto: which sight should cause them to regard women the more. Also the women goe bare footed, their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels: And their fingers full of precious rings, with their haire rolled vp a∣bout their heads. Many of them weare a cloth about their shoulders in stead of a cloacke.

Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write, I say, that those parts of the Indies are very good, because that a man that hath litle, shall make a great deale thereof; alwayes they must go∣uerne themselues that they be taken for honest men. For why? to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe wel, but he that is vicious, let him tary at home and not go thither, because he shall alwayes be a begger, and die a poore man.

Letters concerning the voyage of M. Iohn Newbery and M. Ralph Fitch, made by the way of the Leuant Sea to Syria, and ouerland to Balsara, and then••e into the East Indies, and beyond, In the yeere 1583.

¶ A letter written from the Queenes Maiestie, to Zelabdim Echebar King of Cambaia, and sent by Iohn Newbery. In February Anno 1583.

ELizabeth by the grace of God, &c. To the most inuincible, and most mightie prince, lord Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaya. Inuincible Emperor, &c. The great affection which our Subiects haue, to visit the most distant places of the world, not without good will and intention to introduce the trade of marchandize of al nations whatsoeuer they can, by which meanes the mutual and friendly trafique of marchandize on both sides may come, is the cause that the bearer of this letter Iohn Newbery, ioyntly with those that be in his company, with a curteous and honest boldnesse, doe repaire to the borders and countreys of your Empire, we doubt not but that your imperial Maiestie through your royal grace, will fauourably and friendly accept him. And that you would doe it the rather for our sake, to make vs greatly be∣holding to your Maiestie; wee should more earnestly, and with more wordes require it, if wee did think it needful. But by the singular report that is of your imperial Maiesties humanitie in these vttermost parts of the world, we are greatly eased of that burden, and therefore we vse the fewer and lesse words: onely we request that because they are our subiects, they may be honestly intrea∣ted and receiued. And that in respect of the hard iourney which they haue vndertaken to places so far distant, it would please your Maiestie with some libertie and securitie of voiage to gratifie it, with such priuileges as to you shall seeme good: which curtesie if your Imperiall maiestie sha•• to our subiects at our requests performe, wee, according to our royall honour, wil recompence the same with as many deserts as we can. And herewith we bid your Imperial Maiestie to farewel.

A letter written by her Maiestie to the King of China, In Februarie 1583.

ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, &c. Most Imperial and inuincible prince, our honest subiect Iohn Newbery the bringer hereof, who with our fauour hath taken in hand the voyage which nowe hee pursueth to the parts and countreys of your Empire, not trusting vpon any other ground then vpon the fauour of your Imperiall clemencie and humanitie, is mooued to vndertake a thing of so much difficultie, being perswaded that hee hauing entred into so many perils, your Maiestie will not dislike the same, especially, if it may appeare that it be not damageable vnto your royall Maiestie, and that to your people it will bring some profite: of both which things he not doubting, with more willing minde hath prepared himselfe for his destinated voyage vnto vs well liked of. For by this meanes we perceiue, that the profit which by the mutual trade on both sides, al the princes our neighbors in y^e West do receiue, your Imperial maiestie & those that be subiect vnder your dominion, to their great ioy and benefit shal haue the same, which consisteth in the transporting outward of such things whereof we haue plenty, & in bringing in such things as we stand in need of. It cannot otherwise be, but that seeing we are borne and made to haue need one of another, & that wee are bound to aide one another, but that your imperial Maiestie wil wel like of it, & by your subiects w^t like indeuor wil be accepted. For the increase whereof, if your imperial Maiestie shall adde the securitie of passage, with other priuileges most necessary to vse the trade with your men, your maiestie shall doe that which belon∣geth to a most honorable & liberal prince, and deserue so much of vs, as by no cōtinuance or length of time shalbe forgotten. Which request of ours we do most instantly desire to be takē in good part of your maiestie, and so great a benefit towards vs & our men, we shall endeuor by diligence to re∣quite when time shal serue thereunto. The God Almighty long preserue your Imperial maiestie.

A letter of M. Iohn Newbery, written from Alepo, to M. Richard Hakluit of Oxford, the 28. of May, Anno 1583.

RIght welbeloued, and my assured good friend, I heartily commend me vnto you, hoping of your good health, &c. After we set saile from Grauesend, which was the 13. day of February last, wee remained vpon our coast vntill the 11. day of March, and that day we set saile from Falmouth, and neuer ankered till wee arriued in the road of Tripolie in Syria, which was the last day of Aprill last past, where wee stayed 14. dayes: and the twentie

of this present we came hither to Alepo, and with Gods helpe, within fiue or sixe dayes goe from hence towards the Indies. Since my comming to Tripolis I haue made very earnest inquirie both there and here, for the booke of Cosmographie of Abilfada Ismael,* 6.1 but by no meanes can heare of it. Some say that possibly it may be had in Persia, but notwithstanding I will not faile to make inquirie for it, both in Babylon, and in Balsara, and if I can finde it in any of these places, I wil send it you from thence. The letter which you deliuered me for to copy out, that came from M. Thomas Steuens in Goa, as also the note you gaue mee of Francis Fernandes the Portugal, I brought thence with me among other writings vnawares, the which I haue sent you here in∣closed. Here is great preparation for the warres in Persia, and from hence is gone the Bassa of a towne called Rahemet, and shortly after goeth the Bassa of Tripolis, and the Bassa of Damasco, but they haue not all with them aboue 6000. men from hence, and they goe to a towne called As∣merome, which is three dayes iourney from Trapezunde, where they shal meete with diuers cap∣taines and souldiers that come from Constantinople and other places thereabout, which goe al∣together into Persia. This yeere many men goe into the warres, and so hath there euery yeere since the beginning thereof, which is eight yeeres or thereabouts, but very fewe of them returne againe. Notwithstanding, they get of the Persians, and make castles and holds in their countrey. I pray you make my hearty commendations to master Peter Guillame, and master Philip Iones, and to M. Walter Warner, and to all the rest of our friends. Master Fitch hath him heartily com∣mended vnto you: and so I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie, who blesse and keepe you, and send vs a ioyfull meeting.

From Alepo, the 28. of May 1583.

Your louing friend to command in all that I may, Iohn Newberie.

Another letter of the said M. Newberie, written to Master Leo∣nard Poore of London, from Alepo.

RIght welbeloued, my very heartie commendations vnto you, and the rest of my friend•• remembred. My last I sent you was the 25. of February last, from Dele out of the Downes, after which time with contrary windes wee remained vpon our owne coast, vntill the 11. day of March,* 7.1 and then wee set sa••le from Falmouth, and the thirteenth day the winde came contrary with a very great storme, which continued eight dayes, and in this great storme wee had some of our goods wette, but God bee thanked no great hurt done. After which time we sailed with a faire wind within the Streights, and so remained at Sea, and ankered at no place vntil our comming into the roade of Tripolis in Syria, which was the last day of April.* 7.2 This was a very good passage. God make vs thankfull for it. The foureteenth day of this pre∣sent wee came from Tripolis, and the twentieth day arriued here in Alepo, and with the helpe of God to morrowe or next day, wee beginne our voyage towards Babylon and Balsara, and so into India. Our friend Master Barret hath him commended to you, who hath sent you in the Ema∣nuel a ball of Nutmegs for the small trifles you sent him, which I hope long since you haue re∣ceiued. Also hee hath by his letter certified you in what order hee solde those things, whereof I can say nothing, because I haue not seene the accompt thereof, neither haue demaundedit: for euer since our comming hither hee hath bene still busie about the dispatch of the shippe, and our voyage, and I likewise in buying of things here to cary to Balsara, and the Indies. Wee haue bought in currall for 1200. and odde ducats, and amber for foure hundreth ducates,* 7.3 and some sope and broken glasse,* 7.4 with all other small trifles, all which things I hope will serue very wel for those places that wee shall goe vnto. All the rest of the accompt of the Barke Reinolds was sent home in the Emanuel, which was 3600. ducats, which is 200. pound more then it was rated. For master Staper rated it but 1100. li. and it is 1300. pound, so that our part is 200. pound. Besides such profit as it shall please God to sende thereof: wherefore you shall doe very well to speake to M. Staper for the accompt. And if you would content your selfe to trauell for three or foure yeeres, I would wish you to come hither or goe to Cairo, if any goe thither. For wee doubt not if you had remained there but three or foure moneths, you would like so well of the place, that I thinke you would not desire to returne againe in three or foure yeeres. And, if it should be my chance to remaine in any place out of England, I would choose this before all other that I know. My reason is, the place is healthfull and pleasant, and the gaines very good, and no doubt the profit will bee hereafter better, things being vsed in good order: for there should come in euery ship the fourth part of her Cargason in money, which would helpe to put away our commodities at a very good price. Also to haue two very good ships to come together, would doe very well: for in so do∣ing, the danger of the voyage might be accompted as little as from London to Antwerpe. Master

Giles Porter and master Edmund Porter, went from Tripolis in a small barke to Iaffa, the same day that we came from thence, which was the 14. day of this present, so that no doubt but long since they are in Ierusalem: God send them and vs safe returne. At this instant I haue receiued the account of M. Barret, and the rest of the rings, with two and twentie duckats, two medines in readie money. So there is nothing remaining in his hands but a few bookes, and with Tho∣mas Bostocke I left certaine small trifles, which I pray you demaund. And so once againe with my hearty commendations I commit you to the tuition of the almightie, who alwayes preserue vs.

From Aleppo the 29 of May 1583.

Yours assured, Iohn Newberie.

Another letter of Master Newberie to the aforesaide M. Poore, written from Babylon.

MY last I sent you, was the 29 of May last past from Aleppo, by George Gill the purser of the Tiger, which the last day of the same moneth came from thence, & arriued at Foluge the 19 day of Iune, which Foluge is one dayes iourney from hence. Notwithstanding some of our company came not hither till the last day of the last moneth, which was for want of Camels to cary our goods: for at this time of the yeere, by reason of the great heate that is here, Camels are very scant to be gotten. And since our comming hither we haue found very small sales, but diuers say that in the winter our commodities will be very well sold, I pray God their words may prooue true. I thinke cloth, kersies & tinne, haue neuer bene here at so low prices as they are now. Not∣withstanding, if I had here so much readie money as the commodities are woorth, I would not doubt to make a very good profite of this voiage hither, and to Balsara, and so by Gods helpe there will be reasonable profite made of the voiage. But with halfe money & halfe commoditie, may be bought here the best sort of spices, and other commodities that are brought from the Indies, and without money there is here at this instant small good to be done.* 8.1 With Gods helpe two dayes hence, I minde to goe from hence to Balsara, and from thence of force I must goe to Ormus for want of a man that speaketh the Indian tongue.* 8.2 At my being in Aleppo I hired two Nazara∣nies, and one of them hath bene twise in the Indies, and hath the language very well, but he is a very lewde fellow, and therefore I will not take him with me.

Here follow the prices of wares as they are worth here at this instant.

• CLoues and Maces, the bateman, 5 duckats.
• Cynamon 6 duckats, and few to be gotten.* 8.3
• Nutmegs, the bateman, 45 medins, and 40 medins maketh a duckat.
• Ginger, 40 medins.
• Pepper, 75 medins.
• Turbetta, the bateman, 50 medins.
• Neel the churle, 70 duckats, and a churle is 27 rottils and a halfe of Aleppo.
• Silke, much better then that which commeth from Persia, 11 duckats and a halfe the bateman, and euery bateman here maketh 7 pound and 5 ounces English waight.

From Babylon the 20 day of Iuly, 1583

.

Yours, Iohn Newberie.

Master Newberie his letter from Ormus, to M. Iohn Eldred and William Shals at Balsara.

RIght welbeloued and my assured good friends, I heartily cōmend me vnto you, hoping of your good healths, &c. To certifie you of my voiage, after I departed frō you, time wil not permit: but the 4 of this present we arriued here, & the 10 day I with the rest were committed to prison, and about the middle of the next moneth, the Captaine wil send vs all in his ship for Goa. The cause why we are taken, as they say, is, for that I brought letters from Don Antonio. But the trueth is, Michael Stropene was the onely cause, vpon letters that his brother wrote him from A∣leppo. God knoweth how we shall be delt withall in Goa, and therfore if you can procure our ma∣sters to send the king of Spaine his letters for our releasement, you should doe vs great good: for they cannot with iustice put vs to death. It may be that they will cut our throtes, or keepe vs long

in prison: Gods will be done. All those commodities that I brought hither, had beene very well sold, if this trouble had not chanced. You shall do well to send with all speed a messenger by land from Balsara to Aleppo, for to certifie of this mischance, although it cost thirtie or forty crownes, for that we may be the sooner released, and I shalbe the better able to recouer this againe which is now like to be lost: I pray you make my hearty commendations, &c. From out of the prison in Ormuz, this 21 of September, 1583.

His second Letter to the foresaid Master Iohn Eldred and William Shales.

THe ••arke of the Iewes is arriued here two daies past, by whom I know you did write, but your letters are not like to come to my handes. This bringer hath shewed me here very great courtesie, wherfore I pray you shew him what fauor you may. About the middle of the next moneth I thinke we shall depart from hence, God be our guide. I thinke Andrew will goe by land to Aleppo, where∣in I pray you further him what you may: but if he should not goe, then I pray you dispatch away a messenger with as much speede as possible you may. I can say no more, b••t do for me as you would I should do for you in the like cause, and so with my very hearty commen∣dations, &c. From out of the prison in Ormuz, this 24 day of September, 1583.

Yours, Iohn Newberi••.

His third Letter to Maister Leonard Poore, written from Goa.

* 9.1MY last I sent you was from Ormuz, wherby I certified you what had happened there vnto me, and the rest of my company, which was, that foure dayes after our arriuall there, we were all committed to prison, except one Italian which came with me from Aleppo, whom the Captaine neuer examined, onely de∣maunded what countryman he was, but I make account Michael Stropene, who accused vs, had informed the Captaine of him. The first day we arriued there, this Stropene accused vs that we were spies sent from Don Antonio, besides diuers other lies: notwithstanding if we had beene of any other countrey then of England, we might freely haue traded with them. And although we be Englishmen, I know no reason to the contrary, but that we may trade hither and thither as well as other nations, for all nations doe, and may come freely to Ormuz, as Frenchmen, Flemmings, Almains, Hungarians, Italians, Greekes, Arme∣nians, Nazaranies, Turkes and Moores, Iewes & Gentiles, Persians, Moscouites, and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble, except ours: wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them, and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation, except it be to go out of the countrey, which thing as yet I desire not. But I thinke hereafter, and before it be long, if I shall be desirous to go from hence, that they wil not deny me licence. Before we might be suffered to come out of prison, I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus, not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy: otherwise ex∣cept this, we haue as much libertie as any other nation, for I haue our goods againe, & haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towne, called the Rue dre••ie, where we sell our goods.

* 9.2There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs, & afterwards to send vs hither. The first was, because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters, which were most false. And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco, caused two pie∣ces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall, as they say. But of these things I did not know at Ormus: and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest iustice in Ormus, who was called Aueador generall of that place, he had beene there three yeeres, so that now his time was expired: which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus, who, cer∣taine dayes after our comming from thence, sent for mee into his chamber, and there beganne to demaund of me many things, to the which I answered: and amongst the rest, he said, that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships, and came to Maluco, and there laded cloues, and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall, hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordi∣nance to be shot at the same: and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them, I asked, if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done? To the which he answered, No: al∣though his meaning was to the contrary.

He said moreouer, that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa, was, for that the Uiceroy would vnderstand of mee, what newes there was of Don Antonio, and whether he were in England, yea or no, and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither, the which I trust in God wil so fall out, although contrary to his expectation: for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls colledge to stand our friends, we might haue rotted in prison. The archbishop is a very good man, who hath two yong men to his seruantes, the one of them was borne at Hamborough, and is called Bernard Borgers: and the other was borne at Enchuy••en, whose name is Iohn Linscot,* 9.3 who did vs great pleasure: for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. And the two good fa∣thers of S. Paul, who trauelled very much for vs, the one of them is called Padre Marke, who was borne in Bruges in Flanders, and the other was borne in Wilshire in England, and is called ‖ 9.4 Padre Thomas Steuens.

Also I chanced to finde here a young man, who was borne in Antwerpe, but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London, his name is Francis de Rea, and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo, who also hath done me great pleasure here.

In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes, also we lay a long time at sea comming hi∣ther, and forthwith at our arriuall here were caried to prison, and the next day after were se•••• for before the Aueador, who is the chiefest iustice, to be examined: and when we were examined, he presently sent vs backe againe to prison.

And after our being here in prison 13 daies, Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul,* 9.5 where he remaineth, and is made one of the company, which life he liketh very well.

And vpon S. Thomas day (which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here) I came out of prison,* 9.6 and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch, and William Bets.

If these troubles had not chanced, I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money. Many of our things I haue solde very well, both here and at Ormus in prison, notwithstanding the cap••aine willed me (if I would) to sell what I could before we imbarked: & so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning, and solde things, and at night returned againe to the prison, and all things that I solde they did write, and at our imbarking from thence, the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano, or purser of the ship, which I did, and the scriuano made a remembrance, which he left there with the captaine, that my selfe and the rest with money & goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India: but at our arriuall here, the A∣ueador would neither meddle with goods nor money, for that he could not proue any thing against vs: wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriuall, and then, for that the ship was to saile from thence, the scriuano sent the goods on shore, and here they remained a day and a night, and no body to receiue them. In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them, who came with me from Ormus, and put them into an house which he had hired for me, where they remained foure or fiue daies. But afterward when they should deliuer the money, it was con∣cluded by the iustice, that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands, where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out of prison. At my being in Aleppo, I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt, sixe kniues, sixe spoones, and one forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins, which the captaine of Ormus did take, and payed for the same twentie pardaos, which is one hundred larines, and was worth there or here one hundred che∣kins. Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde, which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes, and payed for the same an hundred pardaos. Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth, which cost in London twenty shillings the pike, and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike, and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike. Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies, which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece, and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece: be∣sides diuers other trifles, that the officers and others had in the like order, and some for nothing at all. But the cause of all this was Michael Stropene, which came to Ormus not woorth a penie, and now hath thirtie or fortie thousand crownes, and he grieueth that any other stranger should trade thither but himselfe. But that shall not skill, for I trust in God to goe both thither and hi∣ther, and to buy and sell as freely as he or any other. Here is very great good to be done in diuers of our commodities, and in like manner there is great profite to be made with commodities of this countrey, to be carried to Aleppo.

It were long for me to write, and tedious for you to read of all things that haue passed since my parting from you. But of all the troubles that haue chanced since mine arriuall in Ormus, this bringer is able to certifie you. I mind to stay here: wherefore if you will write vnto me, you may send your letters to some friend at Lisbone, & frō thence by the ships they may be conueyed hither.

Let the direction of your letters be either in Portuguise or Spanish, whereby they may come the better to my hands. From Goa this 20 day of Ianuarie. 1584.

A Letter written from Goa by Master Ralph Fitch to Master Leonard Poore abouesaid.

LOuing friend Master Poore, &c. Since my departure from Aleppo, I haue not written vnto you any letters, by reason that at Babylon I was sicke of the fluxe, and being sicke, I went from thence for Balsara, which was twelue dayes iour∣ney downe the riuer Tygris, where we had extreame hot weather, which was good for my disease, ill fare, and worse lodging, by reason our boat was pestered with people. In eight daies, that which I did eate was very small, so that if we had stayed two dayes longer vpon the water, I thinke I had died: but comming to Balsara, pre∣sently I mended, I thanke God. There we stayed 14 dayes, and then we imbarked our selues for Ormuz, where we arriued the fifth of September, and were put in prison the ninth of the same moneth, where we continued vntill the 11 of October, and then were shipt for this citie of Goa in the captaines ship, with an 114 horses, and about 200 men: and passing by Diu & Chaul,* 10.1 where we went on land to water the 20 of Nouember, we arriued at Goa the 29 of the said mo∣neth, where for our better intertainment we were presently put into a faire strong prison, where we continued vntill the 22 of December. It was the will of God that we found there 2 Padres, the one an Englishman, the other a Flemming. The Englishmans name is Padre Thomas Ste∣uens, the others Padre Marco, of the order of S. Paul. These did sue for vs vnto the Uiceroy and other officers, and stood vs in as much stead, as our liues and goods were woorth: for if they had not stucke to vs, if we had escaped with our liues, yet we had had long imprisonment.

After 14 dayes imprisonment they offered vs, if we could put in suerties for 2000 duckats, we should goe abroad in the towne: which when we could not doe, the said Padres found suerties for vs, that we should not depart the countrey without the licence of the Uiceroy. It doth spite the Italians to see vs abroad:* 10.2 and many maruell at our deliuery. The painter is in the cloister of S. Paul, and is of their order, and liketh there very well. While we were in prison, both at Ormuz and here, there was a great deale of our goods pilfered and lost, and we haue beene at great char∣ges in gifts and otherwise, so that a great deale of our goods is consumed. There is much of our things which wil sell very well, & some we shall get nothing for. I hope in God that at the returne of the Uiceroy, which is gone to Chaul and to Diu, they say, to winne a castle of the Moores, whose returne is thought will be about Easter, then we shall get our libertie, and our suerties discharged. Then I thinke it wil be our best way, either one or both to returne, because our trou∣bles haue bene so great, & so much of our goods spoyled and lost. But if it please God that I come into England, by Gods helpe, I will returne hither againe. It is a braue and pleasant countrey, and very fruitfull. The summer is almost all the yeere long, but the chiefest at Christmas.

The day and the night are all of one length, very litle difference, and marueilous great store of fruits. For all our great troubles, ye•• are we fat and well liking, for victuals are here plentie and good cheape. And here I will passe ouer to certifie you of strange things, vntill our meeting, for it would be too long to write thereof.

And thus I commit you to God, who euer preserue you and vs all.

From Goa in the East Indies the 25 of Ianuarie 1584.

Yours to command, Ralph Fitch.

The voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria, to Ormus, and so to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, and all the kingdome of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor, to the mighty riuer Ganges, and downe to Bengala, to Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to Iamahay in the kingdome of Siam, and backe to Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the coast of the East India: begunne in the yeere of our Lord 1583, and ended 1591, wherein the strange rites, maners, and customes of those people, and the exceeding rich trade and commodities of those countries are faithfully set downe and diligently described, by the aforesaid M. Ralph Fitch.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1583, I Ralph Fitch of London marchant being desi∣rous to see the countreys of the East India, in the company of M. Iohn Newberie marchant (which had beene at Ormus once before) of William Leedes Ieweller, and Iames Story Painter, being chiefl•• set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir Ed∣ward

Osborne knight, and M. Richard, Staper citizens and marchants of London, did ship my selfe in a ship of London called the Tyger, wherein we went for Tripolis in Syria: & from thence we tooke the way for Aleppo, which we went in seuen dayes with the Carouan. Being in Alep∣po, and finding good company, we went from thence to Birra, which is two dayes and an halfe trauaile with Camels.

Birra is a little towne,* 10.3 but very plentifull of victuals: and neere to the wall of the towne run∣neth the riuer of Euphrates. Here we bought a boate and agreed with a master and bargemen, for to go to Babylon. These boats be but for one voiage; for the streame doth runne so fast downe∣wardes that they cannot returne. They carie you to a towne which they call Felugia, and there y••u sell the boate for a litle money, for that which cost you fiftie at Birra you sell there for seuen or eight. From Birra to Felugia is sixteene dayes iourney, it is not good that one boate goe a∣lone, for if it should chance to breake, you should haue much a doe to saue your goods from the Arabians, which be alwayes there abouts robbing: and in the night when your boates be made fast, it is necessarie that you keepe good watch. For the Arabians that bee theeues, will come swimming and steale your goods and flee away, against which a gunne is very good, for they doe feare it very much. In the riuer of Euphrates from Birra to Felugia there be certaine pla∣ces where you pay custome, so many Medines for a some or Camels lading, and certaine ray∣sons and sope, which is for the sonnes of Aborise, which is Lord of the Arabians and all that great desert, and hath some villages vpon the riuer. Felugia where you vnlade your goods which come from Birra is a little village:* 10.4 from whence you goe to Babylon in a day.

Babylon is a towne not very great but very populous, and of great traffike of strangers,* 10.5 for that it is the way to Persia, Turkia and Arabia: and from thence doe goe Carouans for these and other places. Here are great store of victuals, which come from Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris. They are brought vpon raftes made of goates skinnes blowne full of winde and bordes layde vpon them: and thereupon they lade their goods which are brought downe to Ba∣bylon, which being discharged they open their skinnes, and carry them backe by Camels, to serue another time. Babylon in times past did belong to the kingdome of Persia, but nowe is subiect to the Turke. Ouer against Babylon there is a very faire village from whence you passe to Babylon vpon a long bridge made of boats, and tyed to a great chaine of yron, which is made fast on either side of the riuer. When any boates are to passe vp or downe the riuer, they take a∣way certaine of the boates vntill they be past.

The Tower of Babel is built on this side the riuer Tygris,* 10.6 towardes Arabia from the towne about seuen or eight miles, which tower is ruinated on all sides, and with the fall therof hath made as it were a litle mountaine, so that it hath no shape at all: it was made of brickes dried in the sonne, and certaine canes and leaues of the palme tree layed betwixt the brickes. There is no entrance to be seene to goe into it. It doth stand vpon a great plaine betwixt the riuers of Eu∣phrates and Tygris.

By the riuer Euphrates two dayes iourney from Babylon at a place called Ait,* 10.7 in a fielde neere vnto it, is a strange thing to see: a mouth that doth continually throwe foorth against the ayre boyling pitch with a filthy smoke: which pitch doth runne abroad into a great fielde which is alwayes full thereof. The Moores say that it is the mouth of hell. By reason of the great quantitie of it, the men of that countrey doe pitch their boates two or three inches thicke on the out side, so that no water doth enter into them. Their boates be called Danec. When there is great store of water in Tygris you may goe from Babylon to Basora in 8 or 9 dayes: if there be small store it will cost you the more dayes.

Basora in times past was vnder the Arabians, but now is subiect to the Turke. But some of them the Turke cannot subdue, for that they holde certaine Ilandes in the riuer Euphrates which the Turke cannot winne of them. They be theeues all and haue no setled dwelling, but remoue from place to place with their Camels, goates, and horses, wiues and children and all. They haue large blew gownes, their wiues eares and noses are ringed very full of rings of cop∣per and siluer, and they weare rings of copper about their legs.

Basora standeth neere the gulfe of Persia, and is a towne of great trade of spices and drugges which come from Ormus. Also there is great store of wheate, ••yce, and dates growing there∣about, wherewith they serue Babylon and all the countrey, Ormus, and all the partes of In∣dia. I went from Basora to Ormus downe the gulfe of Persia in a certaine shippe made of boordes, and sowed together with cayro, which is threede made of the huske of Cocoes, and certaine canes or strawe leaues sowed vpon the seames of the bordes which is the cause that they leake very much. And so hauing Persia alwayes on the left hande, and the coast of Arabia on the right hande we passed many Ilandes, and among others the famous Ilande

Baharim from whence come the best pearles which be round and Orient.

* 10.8Ormus is an Island in circuit about fiue and twentie or thirtie miles, and is the driest Island in the world: for there is nothing growing in it but onely salt; for their water, wood, or victu∣als, and all things necessary come out of Persia, which is about twelue miles from thence. All the Ilands thereabout be very fruitfull, from whence all kinde of victuals are sent vnto Ormus. The Portugales haue a castle here which standeth neere vnto the sea, wherein there is a Cap∣taine for the king of Portugale hauing vnder him a conuenient number of souldiers, wherof some part remaine in the castle, and some in the towne. In this towne are marchants of all Nations, and many Moores and Gentiles. Here is very great trade of all sortes of spices, drugs, silke, cloth of silke, fine tapestrie of Persia, great store of pearles which come from the Isle of Baharim, and are the best pearles of all others, and many horses of Persia, which serue all India. They haue a Moore to their king which is chosen and gouerned by the Portugales. Their women are very strangely attyred, wearing on their noses, eares, neckes, armes and legges many rings set with iewels, and lockes of siluer and golde in their eares, and a long barre of golde vpon the side of their noses. Their eares with the weight of their iewels be worne so wide, that a man may thrust three of his fingers into them. Here very shortly after our arriuall wee were put in pri∣son, and had part of our goods taken from vs by the Captaine of the castle, whose name was Don Mathias de Albuquerque; and from hence the eleuenth of October he shipped vs and sent vs for Goa vnto the Uiceroy, which at that time was Don Francisco de Mascarenhas. The shippe wherein we were imbarked for Goa belonged to the Captaine, and carried one hundred twentie and foure horses in it. All marchandise carried to Goa in a shippe wherein are horses pay no custome in Goa. The horses pay custome, the goods pay nothing; but if you come in a ship which bringeth no horses, you are then to pay eight in the hundred for your goods. The first citie of India that we arriued at vpon the fift of Nouember, after we had passed the coast of Zin∣di, is called Diu,* 10.9 which standeth in an Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia, and is the strongest towne that the Portugales haue in those partes. It is but litle, but well stored with marchan∣dise; for here they lade many great shippes with diuerse commodities for the streits of Mecca, for Ormus, and other places, and these be shippes of the Moores and of Christians. But the Moores cannot passe, except they haue a passeport from the Portugales. Cambaietta is the chiefe citie of that prouince, which is great and very populous, and fairely builded for a towne of the Gentiles: but if there happen any famine, the people will sell their children for very little. The last king of Cambaia was Sultan Badu, which was killed at the siege of Diu, and shortly after his citie was taken by the great Mogor, which is the king of Agra and of Delli, which are for∣tie dayes iourney from the country of Cambaia. Here the women weare vpon their armes in∣finite numbers of rings made of Elepsants teeth, wherein they take so much delight, that they had rather be without their meate then without their bracelets. Going from Diu we come to Daman the second towne of the Portugales in the countrey of Cambaia which is distant from Diu fortie leagues.* 10.10 Here is no ••rade but of corne and rice. They haue many villages vnder them which they quietly possesse in time of peace, but in time of warre the enemie is maister of them. From thence we passed by Basaim,* 10.11 and from Basaim to Tana,* 10.12 at both which places is small trade but only of corne and rice. The tenth of Nouember we arriued at Chaul which stan∣deth in the firme land.* 10.13 There be two townes, the one belonging to the Portugales, and the other to the Moores. That of the Portugales is neerest to the sea, and commaundeth the bay, and is walled round about. A little aboue that is the towne of the Moores which is gouerned by a Moore king called Xa-Maluco. Here is great traffike for all sortes of spices and drugges, silke, and cloth of silke, sandales, Elephants teeth, and much China worke, and much sugar which is made of the nutte called Gagara: the tree is called the palmer: which is the profitablest tree in the worlde: it doth alwayes beare fruit, and doth yeeld wine, oyle, sugar, vineger, cordes, coles, of the leaues are made thatch for the houses, sayles for shippes, mats to sit or lie on: of the bran∣ches they make their houses, and broomes to sweepe, of the tree wood for shippes. The wine doeth issue out of the toppe of the tree. They cut a branch of a bowe and binde it hard, and hange an earthen pot vpon it, which they emptie euery morning and euery euening, and still it and put in certaine dried raysins, and it becommeth very strong wine in short time. Hi∣ther many shippes come from all partes of India, Ormus, and many from Mecca: heere be manie Moores and Gentiles. They haue a very strange order among them, they worshippe a cowe, and esteeme much of the cowes doung to paint the walles of their houses. They will kill nothing not so much as a louse: for they holde it a sinne to kill any thing. They eate no flesh, but liue by rootes, and ryce, and milke. And when the husbande dieth his wife is burned with him, if shee be aliue: if shee will not, her head is shauen, and then is neuer any account made

of her after. They say if they should be buried, it were a great sinne, for o•• their bodies there would come many wormes and other vermine, and when their bodies were consumed, those wormes would lacke sustenance, which were a sinne, therefore they will be burned. In Cambaia they will kill nothing, nor haue any thing killed: in the towne they haue hospitals to keepe lame dogs and cats, and for birds. They will giue meat to the Ants.

Goa is the most principal citie which the Portugals haue in India,* 10.14 wherin the Uiceroy remai∣neth with his court. It standeth in an Iland, which may be 25. or 30. miles about. It is a f••••e citie, and for an Indian towne very faire. The Iland is very faire, full of orchards and gardens, and many palmer trees, and hath some villages. Here bee many marchants of all nations. And the Fleete which commeth euery yeere from Portugal, which be foure, fiue, or sixe great shippes, commeth first hither. And they come for the most part in September, and remaine there fortie or fiftie dayes; and then goe to Cochin, where they lade their Pepper for Portugall. Oftentimes they lade one in Goa, the rest goe to Cochin which is from Goa an hundred leagues southward. Goa standeth in the countrey of Hidalcan, who lieth in the countrey sixe or seuen dayes iourney.* 10.15 His chiefe citie is called Bisapor. At our comming we were cast into the prison, and examined be∣fore the Iustice and demanded for letters, and were charged to be spies, but they could prooue no∣thing by vs. We continued in prison vntill the two and twentie of December, and then we were set at libertie, putting in sureties for two thousand duckats not to depart the towne; which sure∣ties father Steuens an English Iesuite which we found there, & another religious mā a friend of his procured for vs. Our sureties name was Andreas Taborer, to whom we paid 2150. duckats, and still he demaunded more: whereupon we made sute to the Uiceroy and Iustice to haue our money againe, considering that they had had it in their hands neere fiue moneths and could prooue nothing against vs. The Uiceroy made vs a very sharpe answere, and sayd wee should be better sifted before it were long, and that they had further matter against vs. Whereupon we presently determined rather to seeke our liberties, then to bee in danger for euer to be slaues in the coun∣try, for it was told vs we should haue y^e strapado. Wherupon presently, the fift day of April 1585. in the morning we ranne from thence. And being set ouer the riuer, we went two dayes on foote not without feare, not knowing the way nor hauing any guide, for we durst trust none. Oue of the first townes which we came vnto, is called Bellergan,* 10.16 where there is a great market kept of Diamants, Rubies, Saphires, and many other soft stones. From Bellergan we went to Bisa∣por which is a very great towne where the king doeth keepe his court. Hee hath many Gen∣tiles in his court and they bee great idolaters. And they haue their idols standing in the Woods, which they call Pagodes. Some bee like a Cowe, some like a Monkie, some like Buffles, some like peacockes, and some like the deuill. Here be very many elephants which they goe to warre withall. Here they haue good store of gold and siluer: their houses are of stone very faire and high. From hence wee went for Gulconda,* 10.17 the king whereof is called Cu••up de lashach. Here and in the kingdome of Hidalcan, and in the countrey of the king of Decan bee the Dia∣mants found of the olde water. It is a very faire towne, pleasant, with faire houses of bricke and timber, it aboundeth with great store of fruites and fresh water. Here the men and the wo∣men do go with a cloth bound about their middles without any more apparell. We found it here very hote.

The winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these partes is a porte or hauen called Masulipatan,* 10.18 which standeth eight dayes iourney from hence toward the gulfe of Bengala, whe∣ther come many shippes out of India, Pegu, and Sumatra, very richly laden with Pepper, spices, and other commodities. The countrie is very good and fruitfull. From thence I went to Serui∣dore which is a fine countrey,* 10.19 and the king is called, the king of Bread. The houses here bee all th••tched and made of lome. Here be many Moores and Gentiles, but there is small religion a∣mong them. From thence I went to Bellapore,* 10.20 and so to Barrampore, which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar. In this place their money is made of a kind of siluer round and thicke, to the value of twentie pence, which is very good siluer. It is marueilous great and a populous coun∣trey. In their winter which is in Iune, Iuly, and August, there is no passing in the streetes but with horses, the waters be so high. The houses are made of lome and thatched. Here is great store of cotton cloth made, and painted clothes of cotton wooll: here groweth great store of corne and Rice. We found mariages great store both in townes and villages in many places where wee passed, of boyes of eight or ten yeeres, and girles of fiue or six yeeres old.* 10.21 They both do ride vpon one horse very trimly decked, and are caried through the towne with great piping and playing, and so returne home and eate of a banket made of Rice and fruits, and there they daunce the most part of the night and so make an ende of the marriage. They lie not together vntill they be ten yeeres old. They say they marry their children so yoong, because it is an order that when

the man dieth, the woman must be burned with him: so that if the father die, yet they may haue a father in lawe to helpe to bring vp the children which bee maried: and also that they will not leaue their sonnes without wiues, nor their daughters without husbands. From thence we went to Mandoway,* 10.22 which is a very strong towne. It was besieged twelue yeeres by Zelabdim E∣chebar before hee could winne it. It standeth vpon a very great high rocke as the most part of of their castles doe, and was of a very great circuite. From hence wee went to Vgini and Ser∣ringe,* 10.23 where wee ouertooke the ambassadour of Zelabdim Echebar with a marueilous great company of men, elephants, and camels. Here is great trade of cotton and cloth made of cotton, and great store of drugs. From thence we went to Agra passing many riuers, which by reason of the raine were so swollen, that wee waded and swamme oftentimes for our liues. Agra is a very great citie and populous,* 10.24 built with stone, hauing faire and large streetes, with a faire ri∣uer running by it, which falleth into the gulfe of Bengala. It hath a faire castle and a strong with a very faire ditch. Here bee many Moores and Gentiles, the king is called Zelabdim Echebar: the people for the most part call him The great Mogor.* 10.25 From thence wee went for Fatepore, which is the place where the king kept his court. The towne is greater then Agra, but the hou∣ses and streetes be not so faire. Here dwell many people both Moores and Gentiles. The king hath in Agra and Fatepore as they doe cr••dibly report 1000. elephants, thirtie thousand horses, 1400. tame Deere, 800. concubines: such store of Ounces, Tigera, Buffles, Cocks & Haukes, that is very strange to see. He keepeth a great court, which they call Dericcan, Agra and Fate¦pore are two very great cities, either of them much greater then London and very populous. Be∣tweene Agra and Fatepore are 12. miles,* 10.26 and all the way is a market of victuals & other things, as full as though a man were still in a towne, and so many people as if a man were in a market. They haue many fine cartes, and many of them carued and gilded with gold, with two wheeles which be drawen with two litle Buls about the bignesse of our great dogs in England, and they will runne with any horse, and carie two or three men in one of these cartes: they are couer••d with silke or very fine cloth, and be vsed here as our Coches be in England. Hither is great re∣sort of marchants from Persia and out of India, and very much marchandise of silke and cloth, and of precious stones, both Rubies, Diamants, and Pearles. The king is apparelled in a white Cabie made like a shirt tied with strings on the one side, and a litle cloth on his head colou∣red oftentimes with red or yealow. None come into his house but his eunuches ••hich keepe his women. Here in Fatepore we staied all three vntill the 28. of September 1585. and then master Iohn Newberie tooke his iourney toward the citie of Lahor, determining from thence to goe for Persia and then for Aleppo or Constantinople, whether hee could get soonest passage vnto, and directed me to goe for Bengala and for Pegu, and did promise me, if it pleased God, to meete me in Bengala within two yeeres with a shippe out of England. I left William Leades the ieweller in seruice with the king Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore,* 10.27 who did entertaine him ve∣ry well, and gaue him an house and fiue slaues, an horse, and euery day sixe S. S. in money. I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala, in the companie of one hundred and fourescore boates laden with Salt, Opium, Hinge, Lead, Carpets, and diuers other commodities downe the riuer Ieme∣na. The chiefe marchants are Moores and Gentiles. In these countries they haue many strange ceremonies.* 10.28 The Bramanes which are their priests, come to the water and haue a string about their necks made with great ceremonies, and lade vp water with both their hands, and turne the string first with both their hands within, and then one arme after the other out. Though it be ne∣uer so cold, they will wash themselues in cold water or in warme. These Gentiles will eate no flesh nor kill any thing. They liue with rice, butter, milke, and fruits. They pray in the water na∣ked, and dresse their meat & eate it naked, and for their penance they lie flat vpon the earth, and rise vp and turne themselues about 30. or 40. times, and vse to heaue vp their hands to the sunne, & to kisse the earth, with their armes and legs stretched along out, and their right leg alwayes before the left. Euery time they lie downe, they make a score on the ground with their finger to know when their stint is finished. The Bramanes marke themselues in the foreheads, eares and throates with a kind of yellow geare which they grind, & euery morning they do it. And they haue some old men which go in the streetes with a boxe of yellow pouder, and marke men on their heads & necks as they meet them. And their wiues do come by 10.20. & 30. together to the water side singing, & there do wash themselues, & then vse their ceremonies, & marke themselues in their foreheds and faces, and cary some with them, and so depart singing. Their daughters be maried, at, or before the age of 10. yeres. The men may haue 7. wiues. They be a kind of craftie people, worse then the Iewes. When they salute one another, they heaue vp their hands to their heads, and say Rame, Rame. Frō Agra I came to Prage, where the riuer Iemena entreth into the mightie riuer Gan∣ges,* 10.29 and Iemena looseth his name. Ganges commeth out of the Northwest, & runneth East into

the gulfe of Bengala. In those parts there are many Tigers and many partriges & turtle-doues, and much other foule. Here be many beggers in these countries which goe naked, and the people make great account of them: they call them Schesche. Here I sawe one which was a monster a∣mong the rest. He would haue nothing vpon him, his beard was very long, and with the haire of his head he couered his priuities. The nailes of some of his fingers were two inches long, for he would cut nothing from him, neither would he speake. He was accompanied with eight or tenne, and they spake for him. When any man spake to him, he would lay his hand vpon his brest and bowe himselfe, but would not speake. Hee would not speake to the king. We went from Prage downe Ganges, the which is here very broad. Here is great store of fish of sundry sorts, & of wild foule, as of swannes, geese, cranes, and many other things. The countrey is very fruitfull and po∣pulous. The men for the most part haue their faces shauen, and their heads very long, except some which bee all shauen saue the crowne: and some of them are as though a man should set a dish on their heads, and shaue them round, all but the crowne. In this riuer of Ganges are many I∣lands. His water is very sweete and pleasant, and the countrey adioyning very fruitfull. From thence wee went to Bannaras which is a great towne,* 10.30 and great store of cloth is made there of cotton, and Shashes for the Moores. In this place they be all Gentiles, and be the greatest idola∣ters that euer I sawe. To this towne come the Gentiles on pilgrimage out of farre countreys.* 10.31 Here alongst the waters side bee very many faire houses, and in all of them, or for the most part they haue their images standing, which be euill fauoured, made of stone and wood, some like lions, leopards, and monkeis, some like men & women, and pecocks, and some like the deuil with foure armes and 4. hands. They sit crosse legged, some with one thing in their hands, & some another, & by breake of day and before, there are men & women which come out of the towne and wash thē∣selues in Ganges. And there are diuers old men which vpon places of earth made for the purpose, sit praying, and they giue the people three or foure strawes, which they take & hold them betweene their fingers when they wash themselues: and some sit to marke them in the foreheads, and they haue in a cloth a litle Rice, Barlie, or money, which, when they haue washed themselues, they giue to the old men which sit there praying. Afterwards they go to diuers of their images, & giue them of their sacrifices. And when they giue, the old men say certaine prayers, and then is all holy. And in diuers places there standeth a kind of image which in their language they call Ada. And they haue diuers great stones carued, whereon they poure water, & throw thereupon some rice, wheate, barly, and some other things. This Ada hath foure hands with clawes. Moreouer, they haue a great place made of stone like to a well with steppes to goe downe; wherein the water standeth very foule and stinketh: for the great quantitie of flowers, which continually they throwe into it, doe make it stinke. There be alwayes many people in it: for they say when they wash themselues in it, that their sinnes be forgiuen them, because God, as they say, did wash himselfe in that place. They gather vp the sand in the bottome of it, and say it is holy. They neuer pray but in the wa∣ter, and they wash themselues ouerhead, and lade vp water with both their handes, and turne themselues about, and then they drinke a litle of the water three times, and so goe to their gods which stand in those houses. Some of them will wash a place which is their length, and then will pray vpon the earth with their armes and legs at length out, and will rise vp and lie downe, and kisse the ground twentie or thirtie times, but they will not stirre their right foote. And some of them will make their ceremonies with fifteene or sixteene pots litle and great, and ring a litle bel when they make their mixtures tenne or twelue times: and they make a circle of water round a∣bout their pots and pray, and diuers sit by them, and one that reacheth them their pots: and they say diuers things ouer their pots many times, and when they haue done, they goe to their gods, and strowe their sacrifices which they thinke are very holy, and marke many of them which sit by, in the foreheads, which they take as a great gift. There come fiftie and sometime an hundred toge∣ther, to wash them in this well, and to offer to these idols.

They haue in some of these houses their idoles standing, and one sitteth by them in warme weather with a fanne to blowe winde vpon them. And when they see any company comming, they ring a litle bell which hangeth by them, and many giue them their almes, but especially those which come out of the countrey. Many of them are blacke and haue clawes of brasse with long nayles, and some ride vpon peacockes and other foules which be euill fauoured, with long haukes bils, and some like one thing and some another, but none with a good face. Among the rest there is one which they make great account of: for they say hee giueth them all things both foode and apparell, and one sitteth alwayes by him with a fanne to make wind towards him. Here some bee burned to ashes, some scorched in the fire and throwen into the water, and dogges and fores doe presently eate them. The wiues here doe burne with their husbands when they die, if they will not, their heads be shauen, and neuer any account is made of them afterward.

The people goe all naked saue a litle cloth bound about their middle. Their women haue their necks, armes and eares decked with rings of siluer, copper, tinne, and with round hoopes made of Iuorie, adorned with amber stones, and with many agats, and they are marked with a great spot of red in their foreheads, and a stroke of red vp to the crowne, and so it runneth three maner of wayes. In their Winter, which is our May, the men weare quilted gownes of cotton like to our mattraces and quilted caps like to our great Grocers morters, with a slit to looke out at, and so tied downe beneath their eares. If a man or a woman be sicke and like to die, they will lay him before their idols all night, and that shall helpe him or make an ende of him. And if he do not mend that night, his friends will come and sit with him a litle and cry, and afterwards will cary him to the waters side and set him vpon a litle raft made of reeds, and so let him goe downe the riuer. When they be maried the man and the woman come to the water side, and there is an olde man which they call a Bramane, that is, a priest, a cowe, and a calfe, or a cowe with calfe. Then the man and the woman, cowe and calfe, and the olde man goe into the water together, and they giue the olde man a white cloth of foure yards long, and a basket crosse bound with diuers things in it: the cloth hee laieth vpon the backe of the cowe, and then he taketh the cowe by the ende of the taile, and saieth certaine wordes: and she hath a copper or a brasse pot full of water, and the man doeth hold his hand by the olde mans hand, and the wiues hand by her husbands, and all haue the cowe by the taile, and they poure water out of the pot vpon the cowes taile, and it runneth through all their hands, and they lade vp water with their handes, and then the olde man doeth tie him and her together by their clothes.* 10.32 Which done, they goe round about the cowe and calfe, and then they giue somewhat to the poore which be alwayes there, and to the Bramane or priest they giue the cowe and calfe, and afterward goe to diuers of their idoles and offer money, and lie downe flat vpon the ground and kisse it diuers times, and then goe their way. Their chiefe idoles bee blacke and euill fauoured, their mouthes monstrous, their eares gilded, and full of iewels, their teeth and eyes of gold, siluer, and glasse, some hauing one thing in their handes, and some another. You may not come into the houses where they stand, with your shooes on. They haue continually lampes burning before them. From Bannaras I went to Patenaw downe the riuer of Ganges:* 10.33 where in the way we passed many faire townes, and a countrey ve∣ry fruitfull: and many very great riuers doe enter into Ganges, and some of them as great as Ganges, which cause Ganges to bee of a great breadth, and so broad that in the time of raine you cannot see from one side to the other. These Indians when they bee scorched and throwen into the water, the men swimme with their faces downewards, the women with their faces vp∣wards, I thought they tied something to them to cause them to doe so: but they say no. There be very many thieues in this countrey, which be like to the Arabians: for they haue no certaine abode, but are sometime in one place and sometime in another. Here the women bee so decked with siluer and copper, that it is strange to see, they vse no shooes by reason of the rings of siluer and copper which they weare on their toes. Here at Patanaw they finde gold in this maner.* 10.34 They digge deepe pits in the earth, and wash the earth in great bolles, and therein they finde the gold, and they make the pits round about with bricke, that the earth fall not in. Patenaw is a very long and a great towne. In times past it was a kingdom, but now it is vnder Zelabdim, Echebar the great Mogor. The men are tall and slender, and haue many old folks among them: the houses are simple, made of earth and couered with strawe, the streetes are very large. In this towne there is a trade of cotton, & cloth of cotton, much sugar, which they cary from hence to Ben∣gala and India, very much Opium & other commodities. He that is chiefe here vnder the king is called Tipperdas, and is of great account among the people. Here in Patenau I saw a dissembling prophet which sate vpon an horse in the market place, and made as though he slept, and many of the people came and touched his feete with their hands, and then kissed their hands. They tooke him for a great man, but sure he was a lasie lubber. I left him there sleeping. The people of these countries be much giuen to such prating and dissembling hypocrites.

* 10.35From Patanaw I went to Tanda which is in the land of Gouren. It hath in times past bene a kingdom, but now is subdued by Zelabdim Echebar. Great trade and traffique is here of cot∣ton, and of cloth of cotton. The people goe naked with a litle cloth bound about their waste. It standeth in the countrey of Bengala. Here be many Tigers, wild Bufs, and great store of wilde foule: they are very great idolaters. Tanda standeth from the riuer Ganges a league, because in times past the riuer flowing ouer the bankes, in time of raine did drowne the countrey and many villages, and so they do remaine. And the old way which the riuer Ganges wan woont to run, re∣maineth drie, which is the occasion that the citie doeth stand so farre from the water. From Agra downe the riuer Iemena, and downe the riuer Ganges, I was fiue moneths comming to Benga∣la, but it may be sailed in much shorter time.

I went from Bengala into the country of Couche,* 10.36 which lieth 25. dayes iourny Northwards from Tanda. The king is a Gentile, his name is Suckel Counse: his countrey is great, and lieth not far from Cauchin China: for they say they haue pepper from thence. The port is called Cac∣chegate. All the countrie is set with Bambos or Canes made sharpe at both the endes & driuen into the earth, and they can let in the water & drowne the ground aboue knee deepe, so that mē nor horses can passe. They poison all the waters if any wars be. Here they haue much silke & muske, and cloth made of cotton. The people haue eares which be marueilous great of a span long, which they draw out in length by deuises when they be yong. Here they be all Gentiles,* 10.37 and they will kil nothing. They haue hospitals for sheepe, goates, dogs, cats, birds, & for all other liuing creatures. When they be old & lame, they keepe them vntil they die. If a man catch or buy any quicke thing in other places & bring it thither, they wil giue him mony for it or other victuals, & keepe it in their hospitals or let it go. They wil giue meat to the Ants. Their smal mony is almonds, which often∣times they vse to eat. From thence I returned to Hugeli,* 10.38 which is the place where the Portugals keep in the country of Bengala which standeth in 23. degrees of Northerly latitude, and standeth a league from Satagan: they cal it Porto Piqueno. We went through the wildernes, because the right way was full of thieues, where we passed the countrey of Gouren, where we found but few villages, but almost all wildernes, & saw many buffes, swine & deere, grasse longer then a mā, and very many Tigers. Not far from Porto Piqueno southwestward, standeth an hauen which is cal∣led Angeli,* 10.39 in the countrey of Orixa. It was a kingdom of it selfe, & the king was a great friend to strangers. Afterwards it was taken by the king of Patan which was their neighbour, but he did not enioy it long, but was taken by Zelabdim Echebar, which is king of Agra, Delli, & Cambaia. Orixa standeth 6. daies iourney from Satagan southwestward. In this place is very much Rice, and cloth made of cotton, & great store of cloth which is made of grasse,* 10.40 which they call Yerua, it is like a silke. They make good cloth of it which they send for India & diuers other places. To this hauen of Angeli come euery yere many ships out of India, Negapatan, Sumatra, Malacca, and di∣uers other places; & lade from thence great store of Rice, & much cloth of cotton wooll, much su∣gar, & long pepper, great store of butter & other victuals for India. Satagam is a faire citie for a citie of the Moores,* 10.41 and very plentifull of all things. Here in Bengala they haue euery day in one place or other a great market which they call Chandeau, and they haue many great boats which they cal pericose, wherewithall they go from place to place and buy Rice and many other things: these boates haue 24. or 26. oares to rowe them, they be great of burthen, but haue no couerture. Here the Gentiles haue the water of Ganges in great estimation, for hauing good water neere them, yet they will fetch the water of Ganges a great way off, and if they haue not sufficient to drinke, they will sprinkle a litle on them, and then they thinke themselues well. From Satagam I trauelled by the countrey of the king of Tippara or porto Grande,* 10.42 with whom the Mogores or Mogen haue almost continuall warres. The Mogen which be of the kingdom of Recon and Rame, be stronger then the king of Tippara, so that Chatigan or porto Grande is oftentimes vnder the king of Recon.

There is a country 4. daies iournie from Couche or Quicheu before mentioned, which is cal∣led Bottanter and the citie Bottia,* 10.43 the king is called Dermain; the people whereof are very tall and strong, and there are marchants which come out of China, & they say out of Muscouia or Tar∣tarie. And they come to buy muske, cambals, agats, silke, pepper and saffron like the saffron of Per∣sia. The countrey is very great, 3. moneths iourney. There are very high mountains in this coun∣trey, & one of them so steep that when a man is 6. daies iourney off it, he may see it perfectly. Upon these mountains are people which haue eares of a spanne long:* 10.44 if their eares be not long, they call them apes. They say that when they be vpon the mountaines, they see ships in the Sea sayling to and fro; but they know not from whence they come, nor whether they go. There are marchants which come out of the East, they say, from vnder the sunne, which is from China, which haue no beards, and they say there it is something warme. But those which come from the other side of the mountains which is from the North, say there it is very cold. These Northren merchants are apparelled with woollen cloth and hats, white hosen close, and bootes which be of Moscouia or Tartarie.* 10.45 They report that in their countrey they haue very good horses, but they be litle: some men haue foure, fiue, or sixe hundred horses and kine: they liue with milke and fleshe. They cut the tailes of their kine, and sell them very deere, for they bee in great request,* 10.46 and much estee∣med in those partes. The haire of them is a yard long, the rumpe is aboue a spanne long: they vse to hang them for brauerie vpon the heades of their Elephants: they bee much vsed in Pegu and China: they buie and sell by scores vpon the ground. The people be very swift on foote.

From Chatigan in Bengala, I came to Bacola;* 10.47 the king whereof is a Gentile, a man

very well disposed and delighteth much to shoot in a gun. His countrey is very great and fruitful, and hath store of Rice, much cotton cloth, and cloth of silke. The houses be very faire and high builded, the streetes large, the people naked, except a litle cloth about their waste. The women weare great store of siluer hoopes about their neckes and armes, and their legs are ringed with siluer and copper, and rings made of elephants teeth.

* 10.48From Bacola I went to Serrepore which standeth vpon the riuer of Ganges, the king is called Chondery. They be all hereabout rebels against their king Zebaldim Echebar: for here are are so many riuers & Ilands, that they flee from one to another, whereby his horsemen cannot preuaile against them. Great store of cotton cloth is made here.

* 10.49Sinnergan is a towne sixe leagues from Serrepore, where there is the best and finest cloth made of cotton that is in all India. The chiefe king of all these countries is called Isacan, and he is chiefe of all the other kings, and is a great friend to all Christians. The houses here, as they be in the most part of India, are very litle, and couered with strawe, and haue a fewe mats round a∣bout the wals, and the doore to keepe out the Tygers and the Foxes. Many of the people are ve∣ry rich. Here they will eate no flesh, nor kill no beast: they liue of Rice, milke, and fruits. They goe with a litle cloth before them, and all the rest of their bodies is naked. Great store of Cotton cloth goeth from hence, and much Rice, wherewith they serue all India, Ceilon, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra, and many other places.

I went from Serrepore the 28. of Nouember 1586. for Pegu in a small ship or foist of one Albert Carauallos, and so passing downe Ganges, and passing by the Island of Sundiua,* 10.50 porto Grande, or the countrie of Tippera, the kingdom of Recon and Mogen, leauing them on our left side with a faire wind at Northwest: our course was South & by East, which brought vs to the barre of Negrais in Pegu: if any contrary wind had come, we had throwen many of our things o∣uer-boord: for we were so pestered with people & goods, that there was scant place to lie in. From Bengala to Peguis 90. leagues. We entred the barre of Negrais,* 10.51 which is a braue barre & hath 4. fadomes water where it hath least. Three dayes after we came to Cosmin,* 10.52 which is a very pre∣tie towne, and standeth very pleasantly, very well furnished with all things. The people be very tall & well disposed; the women white, round faced, with litle eies: the houses are high built, set vpon great high postes, & they go vp to them with long ladders for feare of the Tygers which be very many.* 10.53 The countrey is very fruitful of all things. Here are very great Figs, Orenges, Co∣coes, and other fruits. The land is very high that we fall withall, but after we be entred the barre, it is very lowe and full of riuers, for they goe all too and fro in boates,* 10.54 which they call paroes, and keepe their houses with wife and children in them.

From the barre of Nigrais to the citie of Pegu is ten dayes iourney by the riuers. Wee went from Cosmin to Pegu in Paroes or boates, and passing vp the riuers wee came to Medon,* 10.55 which is a prety towne, where there be a wonderfull number of Paroes, for they keepe their houses and their markets in them all vpon the water. They rowe too and fro, and haue all their marchan∣dizes in their boates with a great Sombrero or shadow ouer their heads to keepe the sunne from them, which is as broad as a great cart wheele made of the leaues of the Coco trees and fig trees, and is very light.

* 10.56From Medon we went to Dela, which is a very faire towne, and hath a faire port into the sea, from whence go many ships to Malacca, Mecca, and many other places. Here are 18. or 20. ve∣ry great and long houses, where they tame and keep many elephants of the kings: for there about in the wildernesse they catch the wilde elephants. It is a very fruitfull countrey. From De∣la we went to Cirion,* 10.57 which is a good towne, and hath a faire porte into the sea, whither come ma∣ny ships from Mecca, Malacca, Sumatra, and from diuers other places. And there the ships staie and discharge, & send vp their goods in Paroes to Pegu. From Cirion we went to Macao,* 10.58 which is a pretie towne, where we left our boats or Paroes, & in the morning taking Delingeges, which are a kind of Coches made of cords & cloth quilted, & caried vpon a stang betweene 3. or 4. men: we came to Pegu the same day.* 10.59 Pegu is a citie very great, strong, and very faire, with walles of stone, and great ditches round about it. There are two townes, the old towne and the newe. In the olde towne are all the marchants strangers, and very many marchants of the countrey. All the goods are sold in the olde towne which is very great, and hath many suburbes round about it, and all the houses are made of Canes which they call Bambos, and bee couered with strawe. In your house you haue a Warehouse which they call Godon, which is made of bricke to put your goods in, for oftentimes they take fire and burne in an houre foure or fiue hundred houses: so that if the Godon were not, you should bee in danger to haue all burned, if any winde should rise, at a trice. In the newe towne is the king, and all his Nobilitie and Gentrie. It is a ci∣tie very great and populous, and is made square and with very faire walles, and a great ditch

round about it full of water, with many crocodiles in it: it hath twenty gates, and they bee made of stone, for euery square fiue gates. There are also many Turrets for Centinels to watch, made of wood, and gilded with golde very faire. The streets are the fairest that euer I saw, as straight as a line from one gate to the other, and so broad that tenne or twelue men may ride a front thorow them. On both sides of them at euery mans doore is set a palmer tree which is the nut tree, which make a very faire shew and a very commodious shadow, so that a man may walke in the shade all day. The houses be made of wood, and couered with tiles. The kings house is in the middle of the city, and is walled and ditched round about: and the buildings with∣in are made of wood very sumptuously gilded, and great workemanship is vpon the forefront, which is likewise very costly gilded. And the house wherein his Pagode or idole standeth is co∣uered with tiles of siluer, and all the walles are gilded with golde. Within the first gate of the kings house is a great large roome, on both sides whereof are houses made for the kings ele∣phants, which be maruellous great and faire, and are brought vp to warres and in seruice of the king. And among the rest he hath foure white elephants,* 10.60 which are very strange and rare: for there is none other king which hath them but he: if any other king hath one, hee will send vnto him for it. When any of these white elephants is brought vnto the king, all the merchants in the city are commanded to see them, and to giue him a present of halfe a ducat, which doth come to a great summe: for that there are many merchants in the city. After that you haue giuen your present you may come and see them at your pleasure, although they stand in the kings house. This king in his title is called the king of the white elephants.* 10.61 If any other king haue one, and will not send it him, he will make warre with him for it: for he had rather lose a great part of his kingdome, then not to conquere him. They do very great seruice vnto these white elephants; e∣uery one of them standeth in an house gilded with golde, and they doe feede in vessels of siluer and gilt. One of them when he doth go to the riuer to be washed, as euery day they do, goeth vnder a canopy of cloth of golde or of silke carried ouer him by sixe or eight men, and eight or ten men goe before him playing on drummes, shawmes, or other instruments: and when he is washed and com∣meth out of the riuer, there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer basin: which is his office giuen him by the king. There is no such account made of any blacke elephant, be he neuer so great. And surely there be woonderfull faire and great, and some be nine cubites in height. And they do report that the king hath aboue fiue thousand elephants of warre, besides many other which be not taught to fight. This king hath a very large place wherein he taketh the wilde ele∣phants. It standeth about a mile from Pegu, builded with a faire court within, and is in a great groue or wood: and there be many huntsmen, which go into the wildernesse with she elephants: for without the she they are not to be taken. And they be taught for that purpose: and euery hun∣ter hath fiue or sixe of them: and they say that they anoint the she elephants with a certaine oint∣ment, which when the wild elephant doth smell, he will not leaue her. When they haue brought the wilde elephant neere vnto the place, they send word vnto the towne, and many horsemen and footmen come out and cause the she elephant to enter into a strait way which doeth goe to the pa∣lace, and the she and he do runne in: for it is like a wood: and when they be in, the gate doth shut. Afterward they get out the female: and when the male seeth that he is left alone, he weepeth and crieth, and runneth against the walles, which be made of so strong trees, that some of them doe breake their teeth with running against them. Then they pricke him with sharpe canes, & cause him to go into a strait house, and there they put a rope about his middle and about his feet, and let him stand there three or foure dayes without eating or drinking: and then they bring a female to him, with meat and drinke, and within few dayes he becommeth tame. The chiefe force of the king is in these elephants. And when they go into the warres they set a frame of wood vpon their backes, bound with great cordes, wherein sit foure or sixe men, which fight with gunnes, bowes and arrowes, darts and other weapons. And they say that their skinnes are so thicke that a pel∣let of an harquebush will scarse pearce them, except it be in some tender place. Their weapons be very badde. They haue gunnes, but shoot very badly in them, darts and swords short without points. The king keepeth a very great state: when he sitteth abroad as he doth euery day twise, all his noble men which they call Shemines sit on ech side, a good distance off, and a great guard without them. The Court yard is very great. If any man will speake with the king, he is to kneele downe, to heaue vp his hands to his head, and to put his head to the ground three times, when he entreth, in the middle way, and when he commeth neere to the king: and then he sitteth downe and talketh with the king: if the king like well of him, he sitteth neere him within three or foure paces: if he thinke not well of him, he sitteth further off. When he goeth to warre, he goeth very strong. At my being there he went to Odia in the countrey of Siam with three hun∣dred thousand men,* 10.62 and fiue thousand elephants. Thirty thousand men were his guard. These

people do eate roots, herbs, leaues, dogs, cats, rats, serpents, and snakes; they refuse almost no∣thing. When the king rideth abroad, he rideth with a great guard, and many noblemen, often∣times vpon an elephant with a fine castle vpon him very fairely gilded with gold; and sometimes vpon a great frame like an horsliter, which hath a little house vpon it couered ouer head, but open on the sides, which is all gilded with golde, & set with many rubies & saphires, whereof he hath infinite store in his country, and is caried vpon sixteene or eighteene mens shoulders.* 10.63 This coach in their language is called Serrion. Uery great feasting and triumphing is many times before the king both of men and women. This king hath little force by Sea, because hee hath but very few ships. He hath houses full of golde and siluer, and bringeth in often, but spendeth very little, and hath the mines of rubies and saphires, and spinelles. Neere vnto the palace of the king, there is a treasure woonderfull rich; the which because it is so neere, he doth not account of it: and it standeth open for all men to see in a great walled court with two gates, which be alwayes open. There are foure houses gilded very richly, and couered with leade: in euery one of them are Pa∣godes or images of huge stature and great value. In the first is the picture of a king in golde with a crowne of golde on his head full of great rubies and saphires, and about him there stand foure children of golde. In the second house is the picture of a man in siluer woonderfull great, as high as an house; his foot is as long as a man, and he is made sitting, with a crowne on his head very rich with stones. In the third house is the picture of a man greater then the other, made of brasse, with a rich crowne on his head. In the fourth and last house doth stand another, made of brasse, greater then the other, with a crowne also on his head very rich with stones. In another court not farre from this stand foure other Pagodes or idoles, maruellous great, of cop∣per, made in the same place where they do stand; for they be so great that they be not to be remoo∣ued: they stand in foure houses gilded very faire, and are themselues gilded all ouer saue their heads, and they shew like a blacke Morian. Their expences in gilding of their images are won∣derfull. The king hath one wife and aboue three hundred concubines, by which they say he hath fourescore or fourescore and ten children. He sitteth in iudgement almost euery day. They vse no speech, but giue vp their supplications written in the leaues of a tree with the point of an yron bigger then a bodkin.* 10.64 These leaues are an elle long, and about two inches broad: they are also double. He which giueth in his supplication, doth stand in a place a little distance off with a pre∣sent. If his matter be liked of, the king accepteth of his present, and granteth his request: if his sute be not liked of, he returneth with his present; for the king will not take it.

In India there are few commodities which serue for Pegu, except Opium of Cambala, pain∣ted cloth of S. Thome, or of Masulipatan, and white cloth of Bengala, which is spent there in great quantity. They bring thither also much cotton, yarne red coloured with a root which they call Saia,* 10.65 which will neuer lose his colour: it is very wel solde here, and very much of it commeth yerely to Pegu. By your mony you lose much. The ships which come from Bengala, S. Thome, and Masulipatan, come to the bar of Nigrais and to Cosmin. To Martauan a port of the s••a in the kingdome of Pegu come many ships from Malacca laden with Sandall, Porcelanes, and other wares of China, and with Camphora of Borneo, and Pepper from Achen in Sumatra. To Ci∣••ion a port of Pegu come ships from Mecca with woollen cloth,* 10.66 Scarlets, Ueluets, Opium, and such like. There are in Pegu eight Brokers, whom they call Tareghe, which are bound to sell your goods at the price which they be woorth, and you giue them for their labour two in the hun∣dred: and they be bound to make your debt good, because you sell your marchandises vpon their word. If the Broker pay you not at his day, you may take him home, and keepe him in your house: which is a great shame for him. And if he pay you not presently, you may take his wife and children and his slaues, and binde them at your doore, and set them in the Sunne; for that is the law of the countrey.* 10.67 Their current money in these parts is a kinde of brasse which they call Gansa, wherewith you may buy golde, siluer, rubies, muske, and all other things. The golde and siluer is marchandise, and is worth sometimes more, and sometimes lesse, as other wares be. This brasen money doeth goe by a weight which they call a biza; and commonly this biza a••ter our account is worth about halfe a crowne or somewhat lesse. The marchandise which be in Pe∣gu,* 10.68 are golde, siluer, rubies, saphires, spinelles, muske, beniamim or franckincense, long pepper, tinne, leade, copper, lacca whereof they make hard waxe, rice, and wine made of rice, and some sugar. The elephants doe eate the sugar canes, or els they would make very much. And they consume many canes likewise in making of their Uarellaes or Idole temples, which are in great number both great and small. They be made round like a sugar loafe,* 10.69 some are as high as a Church, very broad beneath, some a quarter of a mile in compasse: within they be all earth done about with stone. They consume in these Uarellaes great quantity of golde; for that they be all gilded aloft: and many of them from the top to the bottome: and euery ten or twelue yeeres they

must b•• new gilded, because the raine consumeth off the golde: for they stand open abroad. If they did not consume their golde in these vanities, it would be very plentifull and good cheape in Pe∣gu. About two dayes iourney from Pegu there is a Uarelle or Pagode, which is the pilgrimage of the Pegues: it is called Dogonne, and is of a woonderfull bignesse, and all gilded from the foot to the toppe. And there is an house by it wherein the Tallipoies which are their Priests doe preach.* 10.70 This house is fiue and fifty paces in length, and hath three pawnes or walks in it, and forty great pillars gilded, which stand betweene the walks; and it is open on all sides with a num∣ber of small pillars, which be likewise gilded: it is gilded with golde within and without. There are houses very faire round about for the pilgrims to lie in: and many goodly houses for the Tal∣lipoies to preach in, which are full of images both of men and women, which are all gilded ouer with golde. It is the fairest place, as I suppose, that is in the world: it standeth very high, and there are foure wayes to it, which all along are set with trees of fruits, in such wise that a man may goe in the shade aboue two miles in length. And when their feast day is, a man can hardly passe by water or by land for the great presse of people; for they come from all places of the king∣dome of Pegu thither at their feast. In Pegu they haue many Tallipoies or priests, which preach against all abuses. Many men resort vnto them. When they enter into their kiack, that is to say, their holy place or temple, at the doore there is a great iarre of water with a cocke or a ladle in it, and there they wash their feet; and then they enter in, and lift vp their hands to their heads first to their preacher, and then to the Sunne, and so sit downe.* 10.71 The Tallipoies go very strangely appa∣relled with one camboline or thinne cloth next to their body of a browne colour, another of yellow doubled many times vpon their shoulder: and those two be girded to them with a broad girdle: and they haue a skinne of leather hanging on a string about their ne••ks, whereupon they sit, bare headed & bare footed; for none of them weareth shooes; with their right armes bare and a great broad sombrero or shadow in their hands to defend them in the Summer from the Sunne, and in the Winter from the raine. When the Tallipoies or priests take their Orders first they go to schoole vntill they be twenty yeres olde or more, and then they come before a Tallipoie appointed for that purpose, whom they call Rowli: he is of the chiefest and most learned, and he opposeth them, and afterward examineth them many times, whether they will leaue their friends, and the company of all women, and take vpon them the habit of a Tallipoie. If any be content, then he ri∣deth vpon an horse about the streets very richly apparelled, with drummes and pipes, to shew that he leaueth the riches of the world to be a Tallipoie. In few dayes after, he is caried vpon a thing like an horstliter, which they call a serion, vpon ten or twelue mens shoulders in the apparell of a Tallipoie, with pipes and drummes, and many Tallipoies with him, and al his friends, and so they go with him to his house, which standeth without the towne, and there they leaue him. Euery one of them hath his house, which is very little, set vpon six or eight posts, and they go vp to them with a ladder of twelue or foureteene slaues. Their houses be for the most part by the hie wayes side, and among the trees, and in the woods. And they go with a great pot made of wood or fine earth, and couered, ti••d with a broad girdle vpon their shoulder, which commeth vnder their arme, wherewith they go to begge their victuals which they eate, which is rice, fish, and herbs. They demand nothing, but come to the doore, and the people presently doe giue them, some one thing, and some another: and they put all together in their potte: for they say they must eate of their almes, and therewith content themselues. They keepe their feasts by the Moone: and when it is new Moone they keepe their greatest feast:* 10.72 and then the people send rice and other things to that kiack or church of which they be; and there all the Tallipoies doe meete which be of that Church, and eate the victuals which are sent them. When the Tallipoies do preach, many of the people cary them gifts into the pulpit where they sit and preach. And there is one which sitteth by them to take that which the people bring. It is diuided among them. They haue none other ceremonies nor seruice that I could see, but onely preaching.

I went from Pegu to Iamahey,* 10.73 which is in the countrey of the Langeian••es, whom we call Iangomes; it is fiue and twenty dayes iourney Northeast from Pegu. In which iourney I pas∣sed many fruitfull and pleasant countreys. The countrey is very lowe, and hath many faire ri∣uers. The houses are very bad, made of canes, and couered with straw. Heere are many wilde buffes and elephants. Iamahey is a very faire and great towne, with faire houses of stone, well peopled, the streets are very large, the men very well set and strong, with a cloth about them, bare headed and bare footed: for in all these countreys they weare no shooes. The women be much fairer then those of Pegu. Heere in all these countreys they haue no wheat. They make some cakes of rice. Hither to Iamahey come many marchants out of China, and bring great store of muske, golde, siluer, and many other things of China worke. Here is great store of vic∣tuals: they haue such plenty that they will not milke the buffles, as they doe in all other places.

Here is great store of copper and beniamin. In these countreys when the people be sicke they make a bow to offer meat vnto the diuell, if they escape: and when th••y be recouered they make a banket with many pipes & drummes and other instruments, and dansing all the night, and their friends come and bring gifts, cocos, figges, arrecaes, and other fruits, and with great dauncing and reioycing they offer to the diuell, and say, they giue the diuel to eat, and driue him out. When they be dancing and playing they will cry & hallow very loud; and in this sort they say they driue him away. And when they be sicke a Tallipoy or two euery night doth sit by them & sing, to please the diuell that he should not hurt them.* 10.74 And if any die he is caried vpon a great frame made like a tower, with a couering all gilded with golde made of canes caried with foureteene or sixteene men, with drummes and pipes and other instruments playing before him to a place out of the towne and there is burned. He is accompanied with all his friends and neighbours, all men: and they giue to the tallipoies or priests many mats and cloth: and then they r••turne to the house and there make a feast for two dayes: and then the wife with all the neighbours wiues & her friends go to the place where he was burned, and there they sit a certaine time add cry and gather the pie∣ces of bones which be left vnburned and bury them, and then returne to their hous••s and make an end of all mourning. And the men and wom••n which be neere of kin do shaue their heads, which they do not vse except it be for the death of a friend: for they much esteeme of their haire.

* 10.75Caplan is the place where they finde the rubies, saphires, and spinelles: it stand••th sixe dayes iourney from Aua in the kingdome of Pegu. There are many great high hilles out of which they digge them. None may go to the pits but onely those which digge them.

In Pegu, and in all the countreys of Aua, Langeiannes, Siam, and the Bramas, the men weare bunches or little round valles in their priuy members: some of them weare two and s••me three. They cut the skin and so put them in, one into one side and another into the other side; which they do when they be 25 or 30 yeeres olde, and at their pleasure they take one or more of them out as they thinke good. When they be maried the husband is for euery child which his wife hath, to put in one vntill he come to three and then no more: for they say the women doe desire them. They were inuented because they should not abuse the male sexe. For in times past all those countries were so giuen to that villany, that they were very scarse of people. It was also ordained that the women should not haue past three cubits of cloth in their nether clothes, which they binde about th••m; which are so strait, that when they go in the streets, they shew one side of the leg bare aboue the knee. The bunches aforesayd be of diuers sorts:* 10.76 the least be as big as a litle walnut, and very round: the greatest are as big as a litle hennes egge: some are of brasse and some of siluer: but those of siluer be for the k••ng and his noble men. These are gilded and made with great cunning, and ring li••e a litle bell. There are some made of leade, which they call Selwy because they ring but litle: and these be of lesser price for the poorer sort. The king sometimes ••aketh his out, and giueth them to his noblemen as a great gift: and because he hath vsed them, they esteeme them greatly. They will put one in, and heale vp the place in seuen or eight dayes.

The Bramas which be of the kings countrey (for the king is a Brama) haue their legs or bel∣lies, or some part of their body, as they thinke good themselues, made black with certaine things which they haue: they vse to pricke the skinne, and to put on it a kinde of anile or blacking, which doth continue alwayes. And this is counted an honour among them: but none may haue it but the Bramas which are of the kings kinred.

* 10.77These people weare no beards: they pull out the haire on their faces with little pinsons made for that purpose. Some of them will let 16 or 20 haires grow together, some in one place of his face and some in another, and pulleth out all the rest: for he carieth his pinsons alwayes with him to pull the haires out assoone as they appeare. If they see a man with a bea••d they wonder at him. They haue their teeth blacked both men and women, for they say a d••gge hath his teeth white, therefore they will blacke theirs.

The Pegues if they haue a sute in the law which is so doubtfull that they cannot well deter∣mine it, put two long canes into the water where it is very deepe: and both the parties go into the water by the poles, and there sit men to iudge, and they both do diue vnder the water, and he which remaineth longest vnder the water doth winne the sute.

* 10.78The 10 of Ianuary I went from Pegu to Malacca, passing by many of the ports of Pegu, as Martauan, the Iland of Taui, from whence commeth great store of tinne which serueth all India, the Ilands of Tanaseri, Iunsalaon, and many others; and so came to Malacca the 8 of February, where the Portugals haue a castle which standeth nere the sea. And the countrey fast without the towne belongeth to the Malayos, which is a kinde of proud people. They go naked with a cloth about their middle, and a litle roll of cloth about their heads. Hither come many ships from Chi∣na & from the Malucos, Banda, Timor, and from many other Ilands of the Iauas, which bring

great store of spices and drugs, and diamants and other iewels. The voyages into many of these Ilands belong vnto the captaine of Malacca: so that none may goe thither without his licence: which yeeld him great summes of money euery yeere. The Portugals heere haue often times warres with the king of Achem which standeth in the Iland of Sumatra: from whence commeth great store of pepper and other spices euery yeere to Pegu and Mecca within the Red sea, and o∣ther places.

When the Portugals go from Macao in China to Iapan,* 10.79 they carry much white silke, golde, muske, and porcelanes: and they bring from thence nothing but siluer. They haue a great ca∣racke which goeth thither euery yere, and she bringeth from thence euery yere aboue sixe hundred thousand crusadoes: and all this siluer of Iapan, and two hundred thousand crusadoes more in sil∣uer which they bring yeerely out of India, they imploy to their great aduantage in China:* 10.80 and they bring from thence golde, muske, silke, copper, porcelanes, and many other things very costly and gilded. When the Portugals come to Canton in China to traffike, they must remaine there but certaine dayes: and when they come in at the gate of the city, they must enter their names in a booke, and when they goe out at night they must put out their names. They may not lie in the towne all night, but must lie in their boats without the towne. And their dayes being expired, if any man remaine there, they are euill vsed and imprisoned. The Chinians are very suspicious, and doe not trust strangers. It is thought that the king doth not know that any strangers come into his countrey. And further it is credibly reported that the common people see their king ve∣ry seldome or not at all, nor may not looke vp to that place where he sitteth. And when he rideth abroad he is caried vpon a great chaire or serrion gilded very faire, wherein there is made a little house with a latise to looke out at: so that he may s••e them, but they may not looke vp at him: and all the time that he passeth by them, they heaue vp their hands to their heads, & lay their heads on the ground, and looke not vp vntill he be passed. The order of China is when they mourne, that they weare white thread sh••es, and ha••s of straw. The man doth mourne for his wife two yeeres, the wife for her husband three yeeres: the sonne for his father a yeere, and for his mother two yeres. And all the time which they mourne they keepe the dead in the house, the bowels be∣ing taken out and filled with chownam or lime, and cosfined: and when the time is expired they carry them out playing and piping, and burne them. And when they returne they pull off their mourning weeds, and marry at their pleasure. A man may keepe as many concubines as he will, but one wife onely. All the Chineans, Iaponians, and Cauchin Chineans do write right down∣wards,* 10.81 and they do write with a fine pensill made of dogs or cats haire.

Laban is an Iland among the Iauas from whence come the diamants of the New water.* 10.82 And they finde them in the riuers: for the king will not suffer them to digge the rocke.

Iamba is an Iland among the Iauas also,* 10.83 from whence come diamants. And the king hath a masse of earth which is golde; it groweth in the middle of a riuer: and when the king doth lacke gold, they cut part of the earth and melt it, where of commeth golde.* 10.84 This masse of earth doth ap∣peare but once in a yere; which is when the water is low: and this is in the moneth of April.

Bima is another Iland among the Iauas,* 10.85 where the women trauell and labour as our men do in England, and the men keepe house and go where they will.

The 29 of March 1588, I returned from Malacca to Martauan,* 10.86 and so to Pegu, where I re∣mained the second time vntill the 17 of September, and then I went to Cosmin, and there tooke shipping; and passing many dangers by reason of contrary windes, it pleased God that we arri∣ued in Bengala in Nouember following:* 10.87 where I stayed for want of passage vntill the third of February 1589, and then I shipped my selfe for Cochin. In which voyage we endured great extremity for lacke of fresh water: for the weather was extreme hote, and we were many mar∣chants and passengers, and we had very many calmes, and hote weather. Yet it pleased God that we arriued in Ceylon the sixth of March,* 10.88 where we stayed fiue dayes to water, and to furnish our selues with other necessary prouision. This Ceylon is a braue Iland, very fruitfull & faire; but by reason of continuall warres with the king thereof, all things are very deare: for he will not suffer any thing to be brought to the castle where the Portugals be: wherefore often times they haue great want of victuals. Their prouision of victuals commeth out of Bengala euery yere. The king is called Raia, and is of great force; for he commeth to Columbo, which is the place where the Portugals haue their fort, with an hundred thousand men, and many elephants. But they be naked people all of them; yet many of them be good with their pieces which be mus∣kets. When the king talketh with any man, be standeth vpon one legge, and setteth the other foot vpon his knee with his sword in his hand: it is not their order for the king to sit but to stand. His apparell is a fine painted cloth made of cotton wooll about his middle: his haire is long and bound vp with a little fine cloth about his head: all the rest of his body is naked. His guard are a

thousand men, which stand round about him, and he in the middle; and when he marcheth, many of them goe before him, and the rest come after him. They are of the race of the Chingalayes, which they say are the best kinde of all the Malabars. Their eares are very large; for the grea∣ter they are, the more honourable they are accounted. Some of them are a spanne long. The wood which they burne is Cinamem wood, and it smelleth very sweet. There is great store of rubies, s••phires, and spinelles in this Iland: the best kinde of all be here; but the king will not suffer the inhabitants to digge for them, left his enemies should know of them, and make warres against him, and so driue him out of his countrey for them. They haue no horses in all the coun∣trey. The elephants be not so great as those of Pegu, which be monstrous huge: but they say all other elephants do feare them, and none dare fight with them, though they be very small. Their w••men haue a cloth bound about them from their middle to their knee: and all the rest is bare. All of them be blacke and but little, both men and women.* 10.89 Their houses are very little, made of the branches of the palmer or coco-tree, and couered with the leaues of the same tree.

* 10.90The eleuenth of March we sailed from Ceylon, and so doubled the cape of Comori. Not far from thence, betweene Ceylon and the maine land of Negapatan, they fish for pearles. And there is fished euery yere very much; which doth serue all India, Cambaia, and Bengala, it is not so orient as the pearle of Baharim in the gulfe of Persia. From cape de Comori we passed by Coulam,* 10.91 which is a fort of the Portugals: from whence commeth great store of pepper, which commeth for Portugall: for oftentimes there ladeth one of the caracks of Portugall. Thus passing the coast we arriued in Cochin the 22 of March,* 10.92 where we found the weather warme, but scarsity of victuals: for here groweth neither corne nor rice: and the greatest part commeth from Bengala. They haue here very bad water, for the riuer is farre off. This bad water cau∣s••th many of the people to be like lepers,* 10.93 and many of them haue their legs swollen as bigge as a man in the waste, & many of them are scant able to go. These people here be Malabars, and of the race of the Naires of Calicut: and they differ much from the other Malabars. These haue their h••ads very full of haire, and bound vp with a string: and there doth appeare a bush without the ••and wherewith it is bound. The men be tall and strong, and good archers with a long bow and a long arrow, which is their best weapon: yet there be some caliuers among them, but they handle them badly.

* 10.94Heere groweth the pepper; and it springeth vp by a tree or a pole, and is like our iuy berry, but something longer like the wheat eare: and at the first the bunches are greene, and as they ware ripe they cut them off and dry them. The l••afe is much lesser then the iuy leafe and thin∣ner. All the inhabitants here haue very little houses couered with the leaues of the coco-trees. The men be of a reasonable stature; the women litle; all blacke,* 10.95 with a cloth bound about their middle hanging downe to their hammes: all the rest of their bodies be naked: they haue horrible great eares with many rings set with pearles and stones in them. The king goeth incached, as they do all; he doth not remaine in a place aboue fiue or sixe dayes: he hath many houses, but they be but litle: his guard is but small: he remooueth from one house to another according to their order. All the pepper of Calicut and course cinamom groweth here in this countrey. The best cinamom doth come from Ceylon, and is pilled from fine yoong trees. Here are very many pal∣mer or coco trees, which is their chiefe food: for it is their meat and drinke: and yeeldeth many other necessary things, as I haue declared before.

The Naires which be vnder the king of ‖ 10.96 Samo••in, which be Malabars, haue alwayes wars with the Portugals. The king hath alwayes peace with them; but his people goe to the sea to robbe & steale. Their chiefe captaine is called Cogi Alli; he hath three castles vnder him. When the Portugals complaine to the king, he sayth he doth not send them out: but he consenteth that they go. They range all the coast from Ceylon to Goa, and go by foure or fiue parowes or boats together; and haue in euery one of them fifty or threescore men, and boord presently. They do much harme on that coast, and take euery yere many foists and boats of the Portugals. Many of these people be Moores. This kings countrey beginneth twelue leagues from Cochin, and rea∣ch••th neere vnto Goa. I remained in Cochin vntill the second of Nouember, which was eight moneth••; for that there was no passage that went away in all that time: if I had come two dayes sooner I had found a passage presently. From Cochin I went to Goa,* 10.97 where I remained three dayes. From Cochin to Goa is an hundred leagues. From Goa I went to Chaul,* 10.98 which is threescore leagues, where I remained three and twenty dayes: and there making my prouision of things necessary for the shippe, from thence I departed to Ormus; where I stayed for a pas∣sage to Balsara fifty dayes. From Goa to Ormus is foure hundred leagues.* 10.99

Here I thought good, before I make an end of this my booke, to declare some things which India and the countrey farther Eastward do bring forth.

The pepper groweth in many parts of India,* 10.100 especially about Cochin: and much of it doeth grow in the fields among the bushes without any labour: and when it is ripe they go and gather it. The shrubbe is like vnto our iuy tree: and if it did not run about some tree or pole, it would fall downe and rot. When they first gather it, it is gre••ne; and then they lay it in the Sun, and it becommeth blacke.

The ginger groweth like vnto our garlike, and the root is the ginger:* 10.101 it is to be found in many parts of India.

The cloues doe come from the Iles of the Moluccoes,* 10.102 which be diuers Ilands: their tree is like to our bay tree.

The nutmegs and maces grow together,* 10.103 and come from the Ile of Banda: the tree is like to our walnut tree, but somewhat lesser.

The white sandol is wood very sweet & in great request among the Indians; for they grinde it with a litle water, and anoynt their bodies therewith: it commeth from the I••le of Timor.

Camphora is a precious thing among the Indians,* 10.104 and is solde dearer then golde. I thinke none of it commeth for Christendome. That which is compounded commeth from China: but that which groweth in canes and is the best, commeth from the great Isle of Borneo,

Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina.* 10.105

The beniamin commeth out of the countreys of Siam and Iangomes.

The long pepper groweth in Bengala, in Pegu, and in the Ilands of the Iauas.* 10.106

The muske commeth out of Tartarie,* 10.107 and is made after this order, by report of the marchants which bring it to Pegu to sell; In Tartarie there is a little beast like vnto a yong roe, which they take in snares, and beat him to death with the blood: after that they cut out the bones, and beat the flesh with the blood very small, and fill the skin with it: and hereof commeth the muske.

Of the amber they holde diuers opinions; but most men say it commeth out of the sea,* 10.108 and that they finde it vpon the shores side.

The rubies, saphires, and spinelles are found in Pegu.* 10.109

The diamants are found in diuers places, as in Bisnagar, in Agra, in Delli, and in the Ilands of the Iauas.* 10.110

The best pearles come from the Iland of Baharim in the Persian sea, the woorser from the Piscaria neere the Isle of Ceylon, and from Aynam a great Iland on the Southermost coast of China.

Spodium and many other kindes of drugs come from Cambaia.* 10.111

Now to returne to my voyage; from Ormus I went to Balsara or Basora,* 10.112 and from Basora to Babylon:* 10.113 and we passed the most part of the way by the strength of men by halling the boat vp the riuer with a long cord. From Babylon I came by land to Mosul,* 10.114 which standeth nere to Ni∣niue, which is all ruinated and destroyed; it standeth fast by the riuer of Tigris. From Mosul I went to Merdin,* 10.115 which is in the countrey of the Armenians; but now there dwell in that place a people which they call Cordies, or Curdi. From Merdin I went to Orfa,* 10.116 which is a very faire towne, and it hath a goodly fountaine ful of fish; where the Moores hold many great ceremonies and opinions concerning Abraham: for they say he did once dwell there. From thence I went to Bir,* 10.117 & so passed the riuer of Euphrates. From Bir I went to Aleppo,* 10.118 where I stayed certaine moneths for company; and then I went to Tripolis;* 10.119 where finding English shipping, I came with a prosperous voyage to London, where by Gods assistance I safely arriued the 29 of April 1591, hauing bene eight yeeres out of my natiue countrey.

The report of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten concerning M. Newberies and M. Fitches imprisonment, and of their escape, which happened while he was in Goa.

IN the moneth of December, Anno 1583. there arriued in the towne and Iland of Ormus foure English men, which came from Aleppo in the countrey of Syria, hauing sa••led out of England, & passed thorow the straights of Gibraltar to Tripoli a towne and hauen lying on the coast of Syria, where all the ships discharge their wares & mar∣chandises, & from thence are caried by land vnto Aleppo, which is nine dayes iourny. In Aleppo there are resident diuers marchants & factours of all nations, as Italians, French men, English men, Armenians, Turks and Moores, euery man hauing his religion apart, paying tribute vnto the great Turke. In that towne there is great traffique, for that from thence euery yeere twise, there trauell two Caffyls, that is, companies of people and camels, which trauell vnto In∣dia, Persia, Arabia, and all the countreys bordering on the same, and deale in all sorts of mar∣chandise,

both to and from those countreys, as I in another place haue already declared. Three of the sayd English men aforesayd, were sent by the company of English men that are resident in Aleppo, to see if in Ormus they might keepe any factours, and so traffique in that place, like as also the Italians do, that is to say, the Uenetians which in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca haue their factours, and traffique there, aswell for stones and pearles, as for other wares and spices of those countreyes, which from thence are caried ouer land into Venice. One of these English men had bene once before in the sayd towne of Ormus,* 10.120 and there had taken good information of the trade, and vpon his aduise and aduertisement, the other were as then come thither with him, bringing great store of marchandises with them, as Clothes, Saffron, all kindes of drinking glasses, and Haberdashers wares, as looking glasses, kniues, and such like s••uffe: and to conclude, brought with them all kinde of small wares that may be deuised. And although those wares amounted vnto great summes of money, notwithstanding it was but onely a shadow or colour, thereby to giue no occasion to be mistrusted, or seene into: for that their principall intent was to buy great quantities of precious stones, as Diamants, Pearles, Rubies, &c. to the which end they brought with them a great summe of money and golde, and that very secretly, not to be deceiued or rob∣bed thereof, or to runne into any danger for the same. They being thus arriued in Ormus, hired a shoppe, and beganne to sell their wares: which the Italians perceiuing, whose factours con∣tinue there (as I sayd before) and fearing that those English men finding good vent for their commodities in that place, would be resident therein, and so dayly increase, which would be no small losse and hinderance vnto them, did presently inuent all the subtile meanes they could to hinder them: and to that end they went vnto the Captaine of Ormus, as then called Don Gon∣salo de Meneses, telling him that there were certaine English men come into Ormus, that were sent onely to spie the countrey; and sayd further, that they were heretikes; and therefore they sayd it was conuenient they should not be suffered so to depart, without being examined, and punished as enemies, to the example of others. The Captaine being a friend vnto the Eng∣lish men, by reason that one of them which had bene there before, had giuen him certaine presents, would not be perswaded to trouble them, but shipped them with all their wares in a shippe that was to saile for Goa, and sent them to the Uiceroy, that he might examine and trie them, as he thought good: where when they were arriued, they were cast into prison, and first examined whether they were good Christians or no: and because they could speake but badde Portugall, onely two of them spake good Dutch, as hauing bene certaine yeres in the Low countreyes, and there traffiked, there was a Dutch Iesuite born in the towne of Bruges in Flanders, that had bene resident in the Indies for the space of thirty yers, sent vnto them, to vndermine and examine them: wherein they behaued themselues so well, that they were holden and esteemed for good and Ca∣tholicke Christians: yet still suspected, because they were strangers, and specially English men. The Iesuites still tolde them that they should be sent prisoners into Portugall, wishing them to leaue off their trade of marchandise, and to become Iesuites, promising them thereby to defend them from all trouble. The cause why they sayd so, and perswaded them in that earnest maner, was, for that the Dutch Iesuite had secretly bene aduertised of great summes of money which they had about them, and sought to get the same into their fingers, for that the first vowe and promise they make at their entrance into their Order, is, to procure the welfare of their sayd Order, by what meanes soeuer it be. But although the English men denied them, and re∣fused the Order, saying, that they were vnfit for such places, neuerthelesse they proceeded so farre, that one of them, being a Painter (that came with the other three for company, to see the countreys, and to seeke his fortune, and was not sent thither by the English marchants) partly for feare, and partly for want of meanes to relieue himselfe, promised them to become a Iesuite: and although they knew and well perceiued he was not any of those that had the treasure, yet be∣cause he was a Painter, whereof there are but few in India, and that they had great need of him to paint their Church, which otherwise would cost them great charges, to bring one from Portu∣gall, they were very glad thereof, hoping in time to get the rest of them with all their money into their felloship: so that to conclude, they made this Painter a Iesuite, where he continued cer∣taine dayes, giuing him good store of worke to doe, and entertaining him with all the fauour and friendship they could deuise, and all to winne the rest, to be a pray for them: but the other three continued still in prison, being in great feare, because they vnderstood no man that came to them, nor any man almost knew what they sayd: till in the end it was tolde them that certaine Dutch men dwelt in the Archbishops house, and counsell giuen them to send vnto them, whereat they much reioyced, and sent to me and an other Dutch man, desiring vs once to come and speake with them, which we presently did, and they with teares in their eyes made complaint vnto vs of their hard vsage, shewing vs from point to point (as it is sayd before) why they were come

into the countrey, withall desiring vs for Gods cause, if we might by any meanes, to helpe them, that they might be set at liberty vpon sureties, being ready to endure what iustice should ordaine for them, saying, that if it were found contrary, and that they were other then trauelling mar∣chants, and sought to finde out further benefit by their wares, they would be content to be puni∣shed. With that we departed from them, promising them to do our best: and in the end we ob∣tained so much of the Archbishop, that he went vnto the Uiceroy to deliuer our petition, and per∣swaded him so well, that he was content to set them at libertie, and that their goods should be deliuered vnto them againe, vpon condition they should put in sureties for two thousand par∣dawes, not to depart the countrey before other order should be taken with them. Thereupon they presently found a Citizen of the towne that was their surety for two thousand pardawes, to whom they payed in hand one thousand and three hundred pardawes, and because they sayd they had no more ready money, he gaue them credit, seeing what store of marchandise they had, whereby at all times if need were, he might be satisfied: and by that meanes they were deliuered out of prison, and hired themselues an house, and beganne to set open shoppe: so that they vttered much ware, and were presently well knowen among all the marchants, because they alwayes respected gentlemen, specially such as bought their wares, shewing great courtesie and honour vnto them, whereby they woon much credit, and were beloued of all men, so that euery man fa∣uoured them, and was willing to doe them pleasure. To vs they shewed great friendship, for whose sake the Archbishop fauoured them much, and shewed them very good countenance, which they knew well how to increase, by offering him many presents, although he would not receiue them, neither would euer take gift or present at any mans hands. Likewise they beha∣ued themselues so discreetly that no man caried an euil eye, no, nor an euill thought towards them. Which liked not the Iesuites, because it hindered them from that they hoped for, so that they ceased not still by this Dutch Iesuite to put them in feare, that they should be sent into Por∣tugall to the King, counselling them to yeeld themselues Iesuites into their Cloister, which if they did, he sayd they would defend them from all troubles, saying further, that he counselled them therin as a friend, & one that knew for certaine that it was so determined by the Uiceroyes Priuy, councell: which to effect he sayd they stayed but for shipping that should saile for Por∣tugall, with diuers other perswasions, to put them in some feare, and so to effect their purpose. The English men to the contrary, durst not say any thing to them, but answered, that as yet they would stay a while, and consider thereof, thereby putting the Iesuites in comfort, as one among them, being the principall of them (called Iohn Newbery) complained vnto me often times, saying that he knew not what to say or thinke therein, or which way he might be ridde of those troubles: but in the end they determined with themselues to depart from thence, and se∣cretly by meanes of other friendes they imployed their money in precious stones; which the better to effect, one of them was a Ieweller, and for the same purpose came with them. Which being concluded among them, they durst not make knowen to any man, neither did they cre∣dite vs so much, as to shew vs their mindes therein, although they tolde vs all whatsoeuer they knew. But on a Whitsunday they went abroad to sport themselues about three miles from Goa, in the mouth of the riuer in a countrey called Bardes, hauing with them good store of meate and drinke. And because they should not be suspected, they left their house and shoppe, with some wares therein vnsolde, in custody of a Dutch boy, by vs prouided for them, that loo∣ked vnto it. This boy was in the house not knowing their intent, and being in Bardes, they had with them a Patamar, which is one of the Indian postes, which in the Winter times carieth letters from one place to the other, whom they had hired to guide them: and because that be∣tweene Bardes and the firme land there is but a little riuer, in a maner halfe drie, they passed o∣uer it on foot, and so trauelled by land, being neuer heard of againe: but it is thought they arri∣ued in Aleppo, as some say, but they know not certainely. Their greatest hope was that Iohn Newbery could speake the Arabian tongue, which is vsed in all those countreys,* 10.121 or at the least vnderstood; for it is very common in all places there abouts, as French with vs. Newes being come to Goa, there was a great stirre and murmuring among the people, and we much woonde∣red at it: for many were of opinion, that we had giuen them counsell so to do; and presently their surety seised vpon the goods remaining, which might amount vnto aboue two hundred par∣dawes; and with that and the money he had receiued of the English men, he went vnto the Uice∣roy, and deliuered it vnto him: which the Uiceroy hauing receiued, forgaue him the rest. This flight of the English men grieued the Iesuites most, because they had lost such a praye, which they made sure account of: wherupon the Dutch Iesuite came to vs to aske vs if we knew there∣of, saying, that if he had suspected so much, he would haue dealt otherwise, for that he sayd, he once had in his hands of theirs a bagge wherein was forty thousand veneseanders (ech veneseander

being two pardawes) which was when they were in prison. And that they had alwayes put him in comfort to accomplish his desire: vpon the which promise he gaue them their money againe, which otherwise they should not so lightly haue come by, or peraduenture neuer, as he openly sayd: and in the end he called them hereticks, and spies, with a thousand other railing speeches, which he vttered against them. The English man that was become a Iesuite, hearing that his companions were gone, and perceiuing that the Iesuites shewed him not so great fauour, nei∣ther vsed him so well as they did at the first, repented himselfe; and seeing he had not as then made any solemne promise, and being counselled to leaue the house, and tolde that he could not want a liuing in the towne, as also that the Iesuites could not keepe him there without he were willing to stay, so they could not accuse him of any thing, he tolde them flatly that he had no desire to stay within the Cloister. And although they vsed all the meanes they could to keepe him there, yet he would not stay, but hired an house without the Cloister, and opened shoppe, where he had good store of worke: and in the end married a Mestizos daughter of the towne, so that he made his account to stay there while he liued. By this English man I was instructed of all the wayes, trades, and voyages of the countrey, betweene Aleppo and Ormus, and of all the ordinances and common customes which they vsually holde during their voyage ouer the land, as also of the places and townes where they passed. And since those English mens departures from Goa, there neuer arriued any strangers, either English or others, by land, in the sayd countreys, but onely Italians which dayly traffique ouer land, and vse continuall trade going and comming that way.

The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Trypolis in Syria by sea, and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara. 1583.

I Departed out of London in the ship called the Tiger, in the company of M. Iohn Newbery, M. Ralph Fitch, and sixe or seuen other honest marchants vpon Shroue munday 1583, and arriued in Tripolis of Syria the first day of May next insuing: at our landing we went on Maying vpon S. Georges Iland, a place where Christians dying aboord the ships, are woont to be bu∣ried. In this city our English marchants haue a Consull, and our nation abide together in one house with him, called Fondeghi Ingles, builded of stone, square, in maner like a Cloister, & euery man hath his seuerall chamber, as it is the vse of all other Christians of seuerall nations.* 10.122 This towne standeth vnder a part of the mountaine of Li∣banus two English miles distant from the port: on the side of which port, trending in forme of an halfe Moone, stand fiue blocke houses or small forts, wherein is some very good artillery, and the forts are kept with about an hundred Ianisaries. Right before this towne from the seaward is a banke of mouing sand, which gathereth and increaseth with the Westerne winds, in such sort, that, according to an olde prophesie among them, this banke is like to swallow vp & ouerwhelme the towne: for euery yere it increaseth and eateth vp many gardens, although they vse all policy to diminish the same, and to make it firme ground. The city is about the bignesse of Bistow, and walled about, though the walles be of no great force. The chiefe strength of the place is in a Ci∣tadell, which standeth on the South side within the walles, and ouerlooketh the whole towne, and is strongly kept with two hundred Ianisaries and good artillery. A riuer passeth thorow the midst of the city, where with they water their gardens and mulbery trees, on which there grow abun∣dance of silke wormes,* 10.123 wherewith they make great quantity of very white silke, which is the chie∣fest naturall commodity to be found in and about this place. This rode is more frequented with Christian marchants, to wit, Uenetians, Genouois, Florentines, Marsilians, Sicilians, Ragu∣ses, and lately with English men, then any other port of the Turks dominions. From Tripolis I departed the 14 of May with a carauan, passing three dayes ouer the ridge of mount Libanus, at the end whereof we arriued in a city called Hammah,* 10.124 which standeth on a goodly plaine reple∣nished with corne & cotton wooll.* 10.125 On these mountaines which we passed grow great quantity of gall trees,* 10.126 which are somewhat like our okes, but lesser and more crooked: on the best tree a man shall not finde aboue a pound of galles. This towne of Hammah is fallen and falleth more and more to decay, and at this day there is scarse one halfe of the wall standing, which hath bene very strong and faire: but because it cost many mens liues to win it, the Turke will not haue it repaired; and hath written in the Arabian tongue ouer the castle gate, which standeth in the midst of the towne; these words: Cursed be the father and the sonne that shall lay their hands to the repairing hereof. Refreshing our selues one day here, we passed forward with camels three dayes more vntill we came to Aleppo,* 10.127 where we arriued the 21 of May. This is the greatest place of traffique for a dry towne that is in all those parts: for hither resort Iewes, Tartarians, Persians,

Armenians, Egyptians, Indians, and many sorts of Christians, and inioy freedome of their con∣sciences, and bring thither many kinds of rich marchandises. In the middest of this towne also standeth a goodly castle raised on high, with a garison of foure or fiue hundred Ianisaries. With∣in some miles round about are goodly gardens and vineyards and trees, which beare goodly fruit neere vnto the riuers side, which is but small; the walles are about three English miles in com∣passe, but the suburbs are almost as much more. The towne is greatly peopled. We departed from thence with our camels the last of May with M. Iohn Newbery and his company, and came to Birrah in three dayes,* 10.128 being a small towne situated vpon the riuer Euphrates, where it begin∣neth first to take his name, being here gathered into one chanell, whereas before it commeth downe in manifolde branches, and therefore is called by the people of the countrey by a name which signifieth a thousand heads. Here is plenty of victuals, wherof we all furnished our selues for a long iourney downe the aforesayd riuer. And according to the maner of those that trauell downe by water, we prepared a small barke for the conueyance of our selues and of our goods. These boats are flat bottomed, because the riuer is shallow in many places:* 10.129 and when men tra∣uell in the moneth of Iuly, August, and September, the water being then at the lowest, they are constrained to cary with them a spare boat or two to lighten their owne boats, if they chance to fall on the sholds. We were eight and twenty dayes vpon the water betweene Birrah and Felu∣gia,* 10.130 where we disimbarked our selues and our goods. Euery night after the Sun setteth, we tie our barke to a stake, go on land to gather sticks, and set on our pot with rice or brused wheat, and hauing supped, the marchants lie aboord the barke, and the mariners vpon the shores side as nere as they can vnto the same. In many places vpon the riuers side we met with troops of Arabi∣ans,* 10.131 of whom we bought milke, butter, egges, and lambs, and gaue them in barter, (for they care not for money) glasses, combes, corall, amber, to hang about their armes and necks, and for chur∣ned milke we gaue them bread and pomgranat peeles, wherewith they vse to tanne their goats skinnes which they churne withall. Their haire, apparell, and colour are altogether like to those vagabond Egyptians, which heretofore haue gone about in England. Their women all without exception weare a great round ring in one of their nostrels,* 10.132 of golde, siluer, or yron, according to their ability, and about their armes and smalles of their legs they haue hoops of golde, siluer or yron. All of them aswel women and children as men, are very great swimmers, and often times swimming they brought vs milke to our barke in vessels vpon their heads. These people are ve∣ry theeuish, which I proued to my cost: for they stole a casket of mine, with things of good value in the same, from vnder my mans head as he was asleepe: and therefore trauellers keepe good watch as they passe downe the riuer. Euphrates at Birrah is about the breadth of the Thames at Lambeth, and in some places narrower, in some broader:* 10.133 it runneth very swiftly, almost as fast as the riuer of Trent; it hath diuers sorts of fish in it, but all are scaled, some as bigge as salmons, like barbils. We landed at Felugia the eight and twentieth of Iune,* 10.134 where we made our abode seuen dayes, for lacke of camels to cary our goods to Babylon: the heat at that time of the yere is such in those parts, that men are ••••ch to let out their camels to trauell. This Felugia is a village of some hundred houses, and a place appointed for discharging of such goods as come downe the riuer: the inhabitants are Arabians. Not finding camels here, we were constrained to vnlade our goods, and hired an hundred asses to cary our English marchandises onely to New Babylon ouer a short desert, in crossing whereof we spent eighteene houres trauelling by night, and part of the morning, to auoid the great heat.

In this place which we crossed ouer, stood the olde mighty city of Babylon,* 10.135 many olde ruines wherof are easily to be seene by day-light, which I Iohn Eldred haue often beheld at my good lea∣sure, hauing made three voyages betweene the new city of Babylon and Aleppo ouer this desert. Here also are yet standing the ruines of the olde tower of Babel, which being vpon a plaine groūd seemeth a farre off very great, but the nerer you come to it, the lesser and lesser it appeareth: sun∣dry times I haue gone thither to see it, and found the remnants yet standing aboue a quarter of a mile in compasse, and almost as high as the stone-worke of Pauls steeple in London, but it shew∣eth much bigger. The bricks remaining in this most ancient monument be halfe a yard thicke, and three quarters of a yard long, being dried in the Sunne onely, and betweene euery course of bricks there lieth a course of mattes made of canes, which remaine sound and not perished, as though they had beene layed within one yeere. The city of New Babylon ioyneth vpon the a∣forsayd small desert where the Olde city was,* 10.136 and the riuer of Tigris runneth close vnder the wall,* 10.137 and they may if they will open a s••uce, and let the water of the same runne round about the towne. It is aboue two English miles in compasse, and the inhabitants generally speake three languages, to wit, the Persian, Arabian and Turkish tongues: the people are of the Spaniards complexion: and the women generally weare in one of the gris••les of their noses a ring like a

wedding ring, but somewhat greater, with a pearle and a Turkish stone set therein: and this they do be they neuer so poore.

This is a place of very great traffique, and a very great thorowfare from the East Indies to Aleppo. The towne is very well furnished with victuals which come downe the riuer of Tigris from Mosul which was called Niniue in olde time. They bring these victuals and diuers sorts of marchandises vpon rafts borne vpon goats skins blowen vp ful of wind in maner of bladders.* 10.138 And when they haue discharged their goods, they sel the rafts for sixe, and let the wind out of their goats skins, and cary them home againe vpon their asses by land, to make other voyages downe the riuer. The building here is most of bricke dried in the Sun, and very litle or no stone is to be found: their houses are all flat-roofed and low. They haue no raine for eight moneths together.* 10.139 nor almost any clouds in the skie, night nor day. Their Winter is in Nouember, December, Ia∣nuary and February, which is as warme as our Summer in England in a maner. This I know by good experience, because my abode at seuerall times in this city of Babylon hath bene at the least the space of two yeres. As we come to the city, we passe ouer the riuer of Tigris on a great bridge made with boats chained together with two mighty chaines of yron. From thence we de∣parted in flat bottomed barks more strong & greater then those of Euphrates, and were eight and twenty dayes also in passing downe this riuer to Balsara,* 10.140 but we might haue done it in eighteene or lesse, if the water had bene higher. Upon the waters side stand by the way diuers townes resem∣bling much the names of the olde prophets: the first towne they call Ozeah, & another Zecchiah. Before we come to Balsara by one dayes iourney, the two riuers of Tigris and Euphrates meet, and there standeth a castle called Cuma,* 10.141 kept by the Turks, where all marchants pay a small cu∣stome. Here the two riuers ioyned together begin to be eight or nine miles broad: here also it beginneth to ebbe and flow, and the water ouerflowing maketh the countrey all about very fer∣tile of corne, rice, pulse, and dates. The towne of Balsara is a mile and an halfe in circuit:* 10.142 all the buildings, castle and wals are made of bricke dried in the Sun. The Turke hath here fiue hun∣dred Ianisaries, besides other souldiers continually in garison and pay, but his chiefe strength is of gallies which are about fiue and twenty or thirty very faire and furnished with goodly ordi∣nance. To this port of Balsara come monethly diuers ships from Ormuz, laden with all sorts of Indian marchandise, as spices, drugs, Indico, and Calecut cloth. These ships are vsually from forty to threescore tunnes, hauing their planks sowed together with corde made of the barke of Date trees, and in stead of Occam they vse the shiuerings of the barke of the sayd trees, and of the same they also make their tackling. They haue no kinde of yron worke belonging to these ves∣sels, saue only their ankers. From this place six dayes sailing downe the gulfe,* 10.143 they go to a place called Baharem in the mid way to Ormus; there they fish for pearles foure moneths in the yere, to wit, in Iune, Iuly, August, and September. My abode in Balsara was iust sixe moneths, du∣ring which time I receiued diuers letters from M. Iohn Newbery from Ormus, who as he pas∣sed that way with her Maiesties letters to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia,* 10.144 & vnto the migh∣ty emperour of China, was traiterously there arrested, and all his company, by the Portugals, and afterward sent prisoner to Goa: where after a long and cruell imprisonment he and his com∣panions were deliuered vpon sureties, not to depart the towne without leaue, at the sute of one father Thomas Steuens an English religious man, which they found there: but shortly after three of them escaped, whereof one, to wit, M. Ralph Fitch, is since come into England. The fourth, which was a painter called Iohn Story, became religious in the college of S. Paul in Goa, as we vnderstood by their letters. I and my companion William Shales hauing dispatched our businesse at Balsara,* 10.145 imbarked our selues in company of seuenty barks all laden with marchan∣dise, hauing euery barke 14 men to draw them, like our Westerne bargemen on the Thames, and we were forty foure dayes comming vp against the streame to Babylon, where arriuing and paying our custome, we with all other sorts of marchants bought vs camels, hired vs men to lade and driue them,* 10.146 furnished our selues with rice, butter, bisket, hony made of dates, onions and dates: and euery marchant bought a proportion of liue muttons, and hired certaine shepheards to driue them with vs: we also bought vs tents to lie in, and to put our goods vnder: and in this our carauan were foure thousand camels laden with spices and other rich marchandises.* 10.147 These ca∣mels will liue very well two or three dayes without water: their feeding is on thistles, worme∣wood, magdalene, and other strong weeds which they finde vpon the way. The gouernment and deciding of all quarels and dueties to be payed, the whole carauan committeth to one speciall rich marchant of the company, of whose honesty they conceiue best. In passing from Babylon to A∣leppo, we spent forty dayes, trauelling twenty, or foure and twenty miles a day, resting our∣selues cōmonly from two of the clocke in the afternoone, vntil three in the morning, at which time we begin to take our iourney. Eight dayes iourney from Babylon toward Aleppo, were vnto a

towne called Heit, as we crosse the riuer Euphrates by boates, about 3. miles from the town there is a valley wherein are many springs throwing out abundantly at great mouths, a kind of blacke substance like vnto tarre, which serueth all the countrey to make stanch their barkes and boates: euery one of these springs maketh a noise like vnto a Smiths forge in the blowing & puffing out of this matter, which neuer ceaseth night nor day, and the noise may be heard a mile off continual∣ly. This vale swaloweth vp all heauie things that come vpon it. The people of the countrey cal it in their language Babil gehenham, that is to say, Hell doore. As we passed through these deserts, we saw certaine wild beasts, as wild asses all white, Roebucks, wolfes, leopards, foxes, and many hares, whereof we chased and killed many. Aborise the king of the wandring Arabians in these deserts, hath a dutie of 40. s. sterling, vpon euery Camels lode, which he sendeth his officers to re∣ceiue of the Carauans, and in consideration hereof, he taketh vpon him to conduct the sayd Cara∣uans if they need his helpe, and to defend them against certaine prowling thieues. I and my com∣panion William Shales came to Aleppo with the Carauan the eleuenth of Iune, 1584. where we were ioyfully receiued 20. miles distant from the towne by M. William Barret our Consull,* 10.148 accompanied with his people and Ianissaries, who fell sicke immediately and departed this life within 8. dayes after, and elected before his death M. Anthonie Bate Consul of our English na∣tion in his place, who laudably supplied the same roome 3. yeeres. In which meane time, I made two voyages more vnto Babylon,* 10.149 and returned by the way aforesayd, ouer the deserts of Arabia. And afterwards, as one desirous to see other parts of the countrey, I went from Aleppo to Anti∣och, which is thence 60. English miles, and from thence went downe to Tripolis, where going a∣boord a small vessell, I arriued at Ioppe, and trauelled to Rama, Lycia, Gaza, Ierusalem, Beth∣leem, to the riuer of Iordan, and the sea or lake of Zodome, and returned backe to Ioppe, & from thence by sea to Tripolis, of which places because many others haue published large discourses, I surcease to write. Within few dayes after imbarking my selfe at Tripolis the 22. of December, I arriued (God be thanked) in safety here in the riuer of Thames with diuers English marchāts, the 26. of March, 1588, in the Hercules of London, which was the richest ship of English mar∣chants goods that euer was knowen to come into this realme.

The money and measures of Babylon, Balsara, and the Indies, with the customes, &c. written from Aleppo in Syria, An. 1584. by M. Will. Barret.

BABYLON: The weight, measure, and money currant there, and the customes of merchandize.

A Mana of Babylon is of Aleppo I roue 5 ounces and a halfe: and 68 manas and three seuenth parts, make a quintall of Aleppo, which is 494 li. 8 ounces of Lon∣don: and 100 manas is a quintall of Babylon, which maketh in Aleppo 146 roues, and of London 722 li. and so much is the sayd quintall: but the marchants accord is by so much the mana, and in the sayd place they bate the tare in all sorts of commodities, according to the order of Aleppo touching the tare.

The measure of Babylon is greater then that of Aleppo 21 in y^e 100. For bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from Aleppo thither, there is found but 82 pikes in Babylon, so that the 100 pikes of Babylon is of Aleppo 121 pikes, very litle lesse.

The currant mony of Babylon are Saies, which Say is 5 medines, as in Aleppo, and 40 me∣dines being 8 Saies make a duckat currant, and 47 medines passe in value as the duckat of gold of Venice, and the dollars of the best sort are worth 33 medines. The roials of plate are sold by the 100 drams at prise, according as they be in request: but amongst the marchants they bar∣gaine by the 100 metrals, which are 150 drams of Aleppo, which 150 drams are 135 single roi∣als of plate: but in the mint or castle, they take thē by the 100 drams, which is 90 roials of plate, and those of the mint giue 5 medines lesse in each 100 drams then they are woorth to be sold a∣mong the marchants, and make paiment at the ••erme of 40 dayes in Sayes.

The custome in Babylon, as wel inward as outward, is in this maner: Small wares at 6 per 100, Coral and amber at 5 and a halfe per 100, Venice cloth, English cloth, Kersies, Mockairs, Chamblets, Silks, Ueluets, Damasks, Sattins & such like at 5 per 100: & they rate the goods without reason as they lust themselues. The Toafo, Boabo, and other exactions 6 medines per bale, all which they pay presently in ready mony, according to the custome and vse of the emperor.

To the Ermin of the mind y^e ordinarie vse is to giue 30 Saies in curtesie, otherwise he would by authoritie of his office come aboord, & for despight make such search in the barke, that he would turne all things topsie turuie.

BALSARA: The weight, measure, and money in the citie of Balsara.

A Mana of Balsara answereth 5 roues 2 ounces & a halfe of Aleppo weight, & 19 manas and one 4 part of Balsara, answereth the quintall of Aleppo, which is 494 roues, 8 ounces En∣glish, and 20 manas is the quintall of Balsara, which is 104 Alepine, and of London 514 li. 8 oū∣ces, and so much is the sayd quintall, but the marchants bargaine at so much the mana or wolsene (which is all one) and they abate the care in euery mana, as the sort of spice is, and the order taken therefore in that place.

The measure of Balsara is called a pike, which is iust as the measure of Babylon, to say, 100 pikes of Balsara make of Aleppo 121 pikes, vt supra in the rate of Babylon.

The currant mony of Balsara is as foloweth. There is a sort of flusses of copper called Estiui, whereof 12 make a mamedine, which is the value of one medine Aleppine, the said mamedine is of siluer, hauing the Moresco stampe on both sides, and two of these make a danine, which is 2 me∣dines Aleppine.

The said danine is of siluer, hauing the Turkesco stampe on both sides, & 2 and a halfe of these make a Saie, which is in value as the Saie of Aleppo.

The said Saie is of the similitude and stampe of Aleppo, being (as appeares) 60 estiues. Also one Say and 20 estiues make a larine, which is of Aleppo money 6 medines and a halfe.

The sayd larine is a strange piece of money, not being round as all other currant money in Christianitie, but is a small rod of siluer of the greatnesse of the pen of a goose feather, wherewith we vse to write, and in length about one eight part thereof, which is wrested, so that the two ends mee•• at the iust halfe part, and in the head thereof is a stampe Turkesco, and these be the best cur∣rant money in all the Indias, and 6 of these larines make a duckat, which is 40 medines or eight Saies of Aleppo.

The duckat of gold is woorth there 7 larines, and one danine, which is of Aleppo money 48 medines and a halfe.

The Venetian money is worth larines 88 per 100 meticals, which is 150 drams of Aleppo, vt supra.

The roials of plate are worth 88 larines by the 100 meticals, & albeit among the marchants they sel by the 100 meticals, yet in the mint or castle, they sel by the 100 drams, hauing there lesse then the worth 5 medines in each hundred drams, and haue their paiment in 40 dayes made them in Saies or larines.

The custome of the said places, aswell inward as outward, are alike of all sorts of goods, to say 6 by the 100, and Toafo, Boabo, & seriu••n medines 6 by the bale inward & outward, to say, 3 in∣ward, and as much outward: but who so leaueth his goods in the custome house paieth nothing, where otherwise at the taking thereof away, he should pay 3 med. by the bale, and of the said goods there is no other duty to pay, and this commeth to passe whē the customers esteeme the goods too high. For in such a case they may be driuen to take so much commoditie as the custome amounteth to, and not to pay them in money, for such is the order from the Grand Signior.

Hauing paid the custome, it behoueth to haue a quittance or cocket sealed and firmed with the customers hand, in confirmatiō of the dispatch and clearing, and before departure thence, to cause the sayd customer to cause search to be made, to the end that at the voiages returne there be no ca∣uillation made, as it oftentimes happeneth.

Note that 100 meticals of Balsara weigh 17 ounces and a halfe sottile Venetian, and of Alep∣po drams 150, vt supra.

The fraight of the barkes from Ormuz to Balsara, I would say from Balsara to Ormuz, they pay according to the greatnesse thereof. To say, for cariage of 10 cares 180 larines, those of 15 cares 270 larines, those of 20 cares 360 larines, those of 30 cares 540 larines. Note that a car•• is 4 quintals of Balsara. They pay also to the pilot of the barke for his owne cariage one care, and to all the rest of the mariners amongst them 3 cares fraight, which is in the whole 4 cares, and pay∣ing the aboue sayd prises and fraights, they are at no charges of victuals with them, but it is requi∣site that the same be declared in the charter partie, with the condition that they lade not aboord one rotilo more then the fraight, vnder paines that finding more in Ormuz, it is forfeit, and besides that to pay the fraight of that which they haue laden.

And in this accord it behoueth to deale warilie, and in the presence of the Ermin or some other honest man (whereof there are but few) for they are the worst people in all Arabia. And this dili∣gence must be put in executiō, to the end the barks may not be ouerladen, because they are to passe many sands betwixt Balsara and Ormuz.

ORMVZ: The weight, measure, and money currant in the kingdom of Ormuz:

SPices and drugs they weigh by the bar, and of euery sort of goods the weight is different. To say, of some drugs 3 quintals, and 3 erubi or roues, and other some 4 quintals 25 rotiloes, and yet both is called a barre, which barre, as well great as litle, is 20 frasol••, and euery frasoli is 10 manas, and euery mana 23 chiansi, and euery chianso 10 meticals and a halfe. Note that euery quintall maketh 4 erubi or roues, and euery roue 32 rotiloes, & euery rotilo 16 ounces, and euery ounce 7 meticals, so that the quintall commeth to be 128 rotiloes,* 10.150 which is Aleppine 26 rotiloes and one third part, which is 132 li. english weight. And contrarywise y^e quintal of Aleppo (which is 494 rotiloes 8 ounces english) maketh 477 rotiloes and a halfe of Ormuz, which is 3 quintals 2 roues, 29 rotiloes and a halfe.

Note that there are bars of diuers weights, vt supra, of which they bargaine simply, according to the sort of commoditie, but if they bargaine of the great barre, the same is 7 quintals and 24 ro∣tiloes, which is 958 li. 9 ounces of London weight, and of Aleppo 193 rotiloes and a halfe.

Touching the money of Ormuz, they bargaine in marchandize at so many leches by the barre, which ••ech is 100 Asaries, and maketh larines 100 & a halfe, which maketh pardaos 38, & larines one halfe, at larines 5 by the pardao. One asarie is sadines 10, and euery sadine is 100. danarie.

The larine is worth 5 sadines and one fourth part, so that the sadine is worth of Aleppo many 1 medine and •• fourth part, & the larine as in Balsara worth of Aleppo mony 6 medines & a half.

The pardao is 5 larines of Balsara.

There is also stamped in Ormuz a seraphine of gold, which is litle and round, and is worth 24 sadines, which maketh 30 medines of Aleppo.

The Venetian mony is worth in Ormuz larines 88 per 100 meticals, & the roials are worth larines 86 lesse one sadine, which is euery thousand meticals, 382 asures: but those that will not sel them, vse to melt them, and make them so many larines in the king of Ormuz his mint, where∣by they cleare •• per 100, and somewhat more: and this they doe because neither Venetian money nor roials run as currant in Ormuz, per aduise.

The measure of Ormuz is of 2 sorts, the one called codo which increaseth vpon the measure of Aleppo 3 per 100, for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Aleppo to Ormuz, it is found in Ormuz to be 103 codes. Also these measures of Ormuz increase vpon those of Balsara and Babylon 25 and two third parts per 100: for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Balsara or Babylon, there is found in Ormuz 125 codes and two third parts.

The other measure is called a vare, which was sent from the king of Portugall to the India, by which they sell things of small value, which measure is of 5 pali••es or spans, and is one code and two third parts, so that buying 100 codes of any measurable wares, and returning to measure it by the sayd vare, there are found but 60 vares, contrary wise 100 va••es make 166 codes and two third parts.

Note that al such ships as lade horses in Ormuz for Goa or any other place of India, lading 10 horses or vpwards, in what places soeuer the said horses be taken a shore in the India, the marchā∣dize which is to be discharged out of that ship wherein the said horses come, are bound to pay no cu∣stome at all, but if they lade one horse lesse then ten, then the goods are bound to pay the whole cu∣stome. And this law was made by Don Emanuel king of Portugall, but it is to be diligently fore∣seene, whither all those horses laden be bound to pay the king his custome: for many times by the king of Portugall his commandement, there is fauour shewed to the king of Cochin his brother in armes, so that his horses that come in the same ship, are not to answere custome. As for exam∣ple: If there were 4 horses laden in one ship, all which were to pay custome to the king, and one other of the king of Cochins which were not to pay any custome, the same causeth all the mar∣chandize of that ship to be subiect to pay custome, per aduise. But if they lade ten horses vpon pur∣pose to pay the king his custome in Goa, and in the voyage any of them should die in that case, if they bring the taile of the dead horse to the custome in Goa, then the marchandize is free from all custome, because they were laden in Ormuz to pay custome in Goa. Moreouer, if the horses should die before the midst of the voyage, they pay no custome at all, and if they die in the mids of the voy∣age, then they pay halfe custome, but if any horse die after the mid voiage, they pay custome no lesse then if they arriue safe. Notwithstanding, the merchandize (whether the said horses die before or in the mid voyage or after the mid voiage) are free from all custome.

The custome of Ormuz is eleuen in the 100, to say, 10 for the king, and 1 for the arming of the foists: but for small wares as glasses, and looking glasses of all sorts, and such like, made for apparell, pay no custome. But cloth of Wooll, Karsies, Mockaires, Chamlets, and all sortes of

Silke, Saffron, and such like, pay custome, being esteemed reasonably.

There is also another custome, which they call caida, which is, that one bringing his goods in∣to Ormuz, with purpose to send y^e same further into India, the same are bosid to pay 3 by the 100, but none other are bound to pay this custome, except the Armenians, Moores, and Iewes: for the Portugals and Venetians pay nothing thereof.

Note y^t in Ormuz they abate ••are of all sorts of commodities, by an order obserued of custome.

The fraight from Ormuz to Chaul, Goa, and Cochin, is as foloweth: Mokaires larines 6 per table of 60 pikes. Aquariosa 8 larines by ordinarie chist, raisins 10 by chist, which is a quintall of roues 128. Ruuia of Chalangi larines 10 per quintall, glasses larines 8 per chist, of 4 foote and a halfe, glasses in great chists 14 & 15 larines by chist. Small wares larines 12 by chist of fiue foot. Tamari for Maschat sadines 2 and a half, and 3 by the fardle. Tamarie for Diu and Chaul 4 sadines, and 4 and a halfe by bale. Other drugs and things which come from Persia pay accor∣ding to the greatnesse of the bales.

The fraight mentioned, they pay as appeareth, when they ship the sayd goods in ships where horses goe: otherwise, not hauing horses, they pay somewhat lesse, because of the custom which they are to pay.

The vse of the India ships is, that the patrones thereof are not at any charge neither with any passenger, nor yet with any mariner in the ship, but that euery one at the beginning of the voyage doe furnish to maintaine his owne table (if he will eate) and for drinke they haue a great iarre of water, which is garded with great custodie.

GOA. The weight, measure, and money currant in Goa.

THe quintall of Goa is 5 manas, and 8 larines, & the mana is 24 rotilos, so that the quintall of Goa is 128 rot. and euery rot. is 16 ounces, which is of Venice weight 1 li. and a halfe, so that the quintall of Goa is 192 li. sotile Venice, which is 26 rotiloes 8 ounces Aleppine, and of London weight 132 li. English, as the weight of Ormuz.

All the marchandize, spices and drugs, are sold by this quintal, except some drugs, as lignū de China, Galanga, & others, whereof they bargaine at so much per candill, aduertising that there be two sorts of candill, one of 16 manas, the other of 20 manas, that of 16 manas commeth to be iust 3 quintals, and that of 20 manas, 3 quintals, 3 roues.* 10.151 Note that 4 roues make a quintall, and the roue is 32 rotiloes, as in Ormuz.

There is also another weight which they call Marco, which is eight ounces or halfe a rotilo of Goa, & 9 ounces of Venice sotile: with this they weigh amber, corall, maske, ambracan, ••iuet, and other fine wares.

There is also another sort of weight called Mangiallino, which is 5 graines of Venice weight and therewith they weigh diama••ts and other iewels.

Note that in Goa they vse not to abate any tare of any goods, except of sacks or wraps, & ther∣fore it requireth great aduisement in buying of the goods,* 10.152 especially in the muske of Tartaria which commeth by way of China in bladders, and so weigh it without any tare rebating.

The measure of Goa is called a tode, which encreaseth vpon the measure of Babylon & Balsa∣ra after the rate of 17 & one eight part by the 100, so that bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from thence to Goa, it is found 117 pikes 7 eight parts, and bringing 100 codes from Or∣muz to Goa, there is found but 93 codes and one fourth part.

There is also the bare in Goa, which is iust as the bare of Ormuz, and therewith they measure onely things that are of small value.

For the mony of Goa, there is a kind of mony made of lead and tin mingled, being thicke and round, and stamped on the one side with the spheare or globe of the world, and on the other side two arrowes & 5 rounds: and this kind of mony is called Basaruchi, and 15 of these make a vin••on of naughty mony, and 5 vintons make a tanga, and 4 vintenas make a tanga of base money: so that the tanga of base mony is 60 basaruchies, and the tanga of good mony 75 basaruchies, & 5 tangas make a seraphine of gold, which in marchandize is worth 5 tangas good money: but if one would change them into basaruchies, he may haue 5 ta••gas, and 16 basaruchies, which ouerplus they cal cerafagio, & when they bargain of the pardaw of gold, each pardaw is ment to be 6 tangas good mony, but in marchandize they vse not to demaund pardawes of gold in Goa, except it be for iew∣els and horses, for all the rest they take of seraphin•• of siluer, per aduiso.

The roials of plate, I say, the roial of 8 are worth per custome & commandement of the king of Portugall 400 reies, and euery r••y is one basaruchie & one fourth part, which maketh tangas 6,

and 53 basaruchies as their iust value, ••but for that the said roials are excellent siluer and currant in diuers places of the India, and chiefly in Malacca, whē the ships are to depart at their due times (called Monsons) euery one to haue the said roials pay more then they are worth, & the ouerplus, as is aboue said they call serafagio. And first they giue y^e iust value of the 100 roials of 8, at 5 tan∣gas 50 basaruchies a piece, which done, they giue seraphins 5,6,7,8,9,10,12,15, vntill 22 by the 100, according as they are in request.

The duckat of gold is worth 9 tangas and a halfe good money, and yet not stable in price, for that when the ships depart from Goa to Cochin, they pay them at 9 tangas and 3 fourth partes, and 10 tangas, and that is the most that they are woorth.

The larines are woorth by iust value basaruchies 93 and 3 fourth parts, and 4 larines make a seraphine of siluer, which is 5 tangas of good money, and these also haue serafagion of 6,7,8,10, vntill 16, by the 100, for when the ships depart for the North, to say, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, or Bassaim, all cary of the same, because it is money more currant then any other.

There is also a sort of seraphins of gold of the stampe of Ormuz, whereof there are but fewe in Goa, but being there, they are woorth fiue larines and somewhat more, according as they are in request.

There is also another litle sort of mony, round, hauing on the one side a crosse, and on the other side a crowne, which is woorth one halfe a tanga of good money, and another of the same stampe lesse then that which they call Imitiuo de buona moneda, which is worth 18 basaruches 3 fourth parts a piece.

Note that if a man bargaine in marchandize, it behooueth to demaund tangas of good money: for by nominating tangas onely, is vnderstood to be base money of 60 basaruches, which wanteth of the good money vt supra.

The custome of Goa is 8 in the 100 inward, and as much outward, and the goods are estee∣med iustly rather to the marchants aduantage then the kings. The custome they pay in this order. Comming with a ship from Ormuz to Goa without horses, they pay 8 in the 100 whether they sell part or all, but if they would carie of the sayd marchandise to any other place, they pay none o∣ther custome, except others buy it and carie it foorth of the countrey, and then they pay it 8 in the 100. And if one hauing pased the custome should sell to another with composition to passe it forth as for his proper accounts to saue the custome, this may not be, because the seller is put to his oth, whether he send the goods for his owne account, or for the account of any others that haue bought the same, and being found to the contrary, they pay custome as abouesaid. And in this order the marchants pay of all the goods which come from any part of the Indies. But if they come from Ormuz to Goa with horses, they are not subiect to pay any custome inward, notwithstanding if they send all or any part thereof for any other place, or returne it to Ormuz, they pay the custome outward, although they could not sell.

They vse also in Goa amongst the common sort to bargaine for coales, wood, lime & such like, at so many braganines, accounting 24 basaruches for one braganine, albeit there is no such mony stamped. The custome of the Portugals is, that any Moore or Gentile, of what condition or state soeuer he be, may not depart from Goa to go within the land, without licence of certaine deputies deputed for that office, who (if they be Moores or Gentiles) doe set a seale vpon the arme, hauing thereon the armes of Portugal, to be knowen of the porters of the citie, whether they haue the said licence or no.

COCHIN. The weight, measure, and money, currant in Cochin.

ALl the marchandise which they sell or buy within the sayd citie, they bargaine for it at so ma∣ny serafines per. quintal, which is 128. totilos of iust weight with y^e quintall & rotilo of Goa and Ormuz: aduertising that there are diuers sorts of bars according to the sorts of commodities, and in traffiquing, they reason at so much the bar. Note that there are bars of 3 quintals & 3 quin∣tals and halfe, and 4 quintals. They abate a vsed tare of all marchandize, according to the sort of goods, and order taken for the same.

The measure of Goa and Cochin are all one.

The money of Cochin are all the same sorts which are currant in Goa, but the duckat of gold in value is 10 tangas of good money.

The custome of Cochin as wel inward as outward for all strangers, is eight in the hundred, but those that haue bene married foure yeere in the countrey pay but foure in the hundred, per aduiso.

MALACCA. The weight, measure, and money of Malacca.

FOr the marchandise bought and sold in the citie they reckon at so much the barre, which barre is of diuers sorts, great and small, according to the ancient custome of the said citie, & diuersitie of the goods. But for the cloues they bargaine at so much the barre, which barre is 3 quintals, 2 roues and 10 rotilos. As I haue abouesaid, all kind of drugs haue their sorts of barres limited. Note that euery quintal is 4 roues, and euery roue 32 rotilos, which is 128 rotilos the quintall, the which answereth to Aleppo 95 rotilos, and to London 472 li. per quintal.

The measures of Malacca are as the measures of Goa. In Malacca they abate tare according to their distinction and agreement, for that there is no iust tare limited.

For the money of Malacca, the least money currant is of tinne stamped with the armes of Por∣tugall, and 12 of these make a Chazza.

The Chazza is also of tinne with the said armes, and 2 of these make a challaine.

The Challaine is of tinne with the said armes, and 40 of these make a tanga of Goa good mo∣ney, but not stamped in Malacca.

There is also a sort of siluer money which they call Patachines, and is worth 6 tangas of good money, which is 360 reyes, and is stamped with two letters, S.T. which is S. Thomas on the one side, and the armes of Portugall on the other side.

There is also a kind of mony called cruzados stamped with the armes of Portugall, & is worth 6 tangas good mony, the larines are euery 9 of them worth 2 cruzados, which is 12 tangas good money, and these larines be of those which are stamped in Balsara and Ormuz.

The roials of 8 they call Pardaos de Reales, and are worth 7 tangas of good money.

The custome of Malacca is 10 in the 100 as wel inward as outward, and those which pay the custome inwards, if in case they send the same goods for any other place within terme of a yeere and a day, pay no custome for the same.

A note of charges from Aleppo to Goa, as foloweth.

FOr camels from Aleppo to Birrha.

Medines 60 per * 10.153 somme••

For mules from Aleppo to Birrha,

med. 45. per somme.

For custome at Birrha,

med. 10. per somme.

For Auania of the Cady at Birrha,

med. 200.

For 4 dishes raisins, and 20 pounds sope,

med. 35.

For a present to the Ermine the summe of

med. 400.

For a barke of 30 or 35 sommes. Duc. 60 is

med. 2400. per barke.

For meat for the men the summe of

med. 200.

For custome at Racca the summe of

med. 5. per somme.

For 3 platters of raisins, and 15 pounds of sope.

med. 25.

For custome to king Aborissei, Duc. 20. is

med. 800.

For custome at Dea the summe of

med. 230. per barke.

For 4 dishes raisins, and 20. pounds of sope.

med. 35.

For custome at Bosara, the summe of

med. 10. per barke.

For 2 dishes raisins, and 10 pound of sope,

med. 17.

med. 17.

For custome in Anna, in 10 per summe,

med. 10. per somme.

For 4 dishes of raisins, and 20 pound of sope,

med. 35.

For custome in Adi••e, medines 10 per barke,

med. 10. per barke.

For 2 dishes raisins, and 10 pound of sope,

med. 17.

med. 17.

For custome at Gweke,

med. 10. per barke.

For 2 dishes raisins, and 20 pound of sope,

med. 17.

For custome in Ist,

med. 10. per somme.

For 4 platters raisins, and 20 pound of sope,

med. 35.

Charges of presents at Felugia,

med. 30.

For camels from Felugia to Babylon,

med. 30. per somme.

For custome in Babylon, as in the booke appeareth.

For a barke from Babylon to Balsara,

med. 900.

For custome of small wares, at Corno,

med. 20. per somme,

For custome of clothes at Corno, the summe of

med. per somme••

For 3 dishes raisins, and 20 pound of sope,

med. 26••

For fraight from Balsara to Ormus, according to the greatnesse, as in this booke appeareth.

For custome in Ormus, as is abouesaid in this booke.

For fraight from Ormus to Goa, as is in this booke shewed.

For custome in Goa, as is abouesaid.

A declaration of the places from whence the goods subscribed doe come.

• CLoues, from Maluco, Tarenate, Amboi∣na, by way of Ia••a.
• Nutmegs, from Banda.
• Maces from Banda, Iaua, and Malacca.
• Pepper Gawrie, from Cochin.
• Pepper common, from Malabar.
• Sinnamon, from Seilan.
• Tinne, from Malacca.
• Sandals wilde, from Cochin.
• Sandales domestick, from Malacca.
• Uerzini, from S. Thomas, and from China••
• Spicknard, from Zindi, and Lahor.
• Quicksiluer, from China.
• Galls, from Cambaia, Bengala, Istria & Syria.
• Ginger Dabulin, from Dabul.
• Ginger Belledin, from the Countrie within Cambaia.
• Ginger Sorattin, from Sorat within Cambaia.
• Ginger Mordassi, frō Mordas within Cambaia.
• Ginger Meckin, from Mecca.
• Mirabolans of all sorts, from Cambaia.
• White sucket from Zindi, Cambaia and China
• Corcunia, from diuers places of India.
• Corall of Leuant, from Malabar.
• Chomin, from Balsara.
• Requitria, from Arabia Felix.
• Garble of Nutmegs from Banda.
• Sal Armoniacke, from Zindi and Cambaia,
• Zedoari, from diuers places of India.
• Cubeb, from China.
• Amomum, from China.
• Camphora, from Brimeo neere to China.
• Myrtha, from Arabia Felix.
• Costo dulce, from Zindi, and Cambaia.
• Borazo, from Cambaia, and Lahor.
• Asa fetida, from Lahor.
• Waxe, from Bengala.
• Seragni, from Persia.
• Cassia, from Cambaia, and from Gran Cayro.
• Storax calamita, from Rhodes, to say, from A∣neda, and Canemarie within Caramania.
• Storax liquida, from Rhodes.
• Tutia, from Persia.
• Cagiers, from Malabar, and Maldiua.
• Ruuia to die withall, from Chalangi.
• Alumme di Rocca, from China, and Constan∣tinople.
• Chopra, from Cochin and Malabar.
• Oppopanax, from Persia••
• Lignum Aloes, from Cochin, China, and Ma∣lacca.
• Demnar, from Siacca and Blinton.
• Galange, from China, Chaul, Goa, & Cochin.
• Laccha, from Pegu, and Balaguate.
• Carabbe, from Almanie.
• Coloquintida, from Cyprus.
• Agaricum, from Alemania.
• Seamonea, from Syria, and Persia.
• Bdellium, from Arabia felix, and Mecca.
• Cardamomum small, from Barcelona.
• Cardamomum great, from Bengala.
• Tamarinda, from Balsara.
• Aloe Secutrina, from Secutra.
• Aloe Epatica, from Pat.
• Safran, from Balsara, and Persia.
• Lignum de China, from China.
• Rhaponticum, from Persia, and Pugia.
• Thus, from Secutra.
• Turbith, from Diu, and Cambaia.
• Nuts of India, from Goa, and other places of India.
• Nux vomica, from Malabar.
• Sanguis Draconis, from Secutra.
• Armoniago, from Persia.
• Spodio di Ca••a, from Cochin.
• Margaratina, from Balaguate.
• Muske from Tartarie, by way of China.
• Ambrachan, from Melinde, and Mosambique.
• Indico, from Zindi and Cambaia.
• Silkes fine, from China.
• Long pepper, from Bengala and Malacca.
• Latton, from China.
• Momia, from the great Cayro.
• Belzuinum Mandolalo, from Sian, and Baros.
• Belzuinum burned, from Bonnia.
• Castorium, from Almania.
• Corallina, from the red sea.
• Masticke, from Sio••
• Mella, from Romania.
• Oppium, from Pugia, and Cambaia.
• Calamus Aromaticus, from Constantinople.
• Capari, from Alexandria and other places.
• Dates, from Arabia felix, and Alexandria,
• Dictamnum album, from Lombardia.
• Draganti, from Morea.
• Euphorbium, from Barbaria.
• Epithymum, from Candia.
• Sena, from Mecca.
• Gumme Arabike, from Zaffo••
• Grana, from Coronto.
• Ladanum, from Cyprus and Candia.
• Lapis lazzudis, from Persia••

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• Lapis Zudassi, from Zaffetto.
• Lapis Spongij is found in sponges.
• Lapis Haematites, from Almanie.
• Manna, from Persia.
• Auripigmentum, from manie places of Tur∣kie.
• Pilatro, from Barbaria.
• Pistaches, from Doria.
• Worme-seede, from Persia.
• Sumack, from Cyprus.
• Sebesten, from Cyprus.
• Galbanum, from Persia.
• Dente d'Abolio, from Melinde, and Mosam∣bique.
• Folium Indicum, from Goa, and Cochin.
• Diasprum viride, from Cambaia.
• Petra Bezzuar, from Tartaria.
• Sarcacolla, from Persia.
• Melleghete, from the West parts.
• Sugo di Requillicie, from Arabia felix.
• Chochenillo, from the West India.
• Rubarbe, from Persia, and China.

The times or seasonable windes called Monsons, wherein the ships depart from place to place in the East Indies.

NOte, that the Citie of Goa is the principall place of all the Orientall India, and the win∣ter there beginneth the 15 of May with very great raine, and so continueth till the first of August, so that during that space, no shippe can passe ouer the barre of Goa, because through the continuall shoures of raine all the sandes ioyne together neere vnto a mountaine called Oghane, and all these sandes being ioyned together, runne into the shoales of the barre and port of Goa, and can haue no other issue, but to remaine in that port, and therefore it is shut vp vntill the first of August, but at the 10 of August it openeth by reason of the raine which ceaseth, and the sea doeth then scoure the sands away againe.

The monson from Goa to the Northward, to say, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, Daman, Basaim, and other places.

The ships depart betwixt the tenth and 24 of August, for the Northward places abouesayde, and to these places they may saile all times of the yeere, except in the winter, which beginneth and endeth at the times abouesaid.

The monson from the North parts, for Goa.

The ships depart from Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, and other places Northwards for Goa, betwixt the 8 and 15 of Ianuarie, and come to Goa about the end of Februarie.

The first monson from Diu for the straight of Mecca.

The ships depart from Diu about the 15 of Ianuarie, and returne from the straights to Diu in the moneth of August.

The second monson from Diu for the straight of Mecca.

The ships depart betwixt the 25 and first•• of September, and returne from the straights to Diu, the first and 15 of May.

The monson from Secutra for Ormus.

The ships depart about the tenth of August for Ormus: albeit Secutra is an Island and hath but few ships, which depart as abouesaid.

The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land come to Goa.

About the fifteenth of September the Moores of the firme lande beginne to come to Goa, and they come from all parts, as well from Balaguate, Bezenegar, as also from Sudalcan, and other places.

The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land depart from Goa.

They depart from Goa betwixt the 10 and 15 day of Nouember. Note that by going for the North is ment the departing from Goa, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, Daman, Basaim, Ghassain, and other places vnto Zindi: and by the South is vnderstood, departing from Goa, for Cochin, and all that coast vnto Cape Comori.

The first monson from Goa for Ormus.

The shippes depart in the moneth of October from Goa, for Ormus, passing with Easterly windes along the coast of Persia.

The second monson from Goa to Ormus.

The ships depart about the 20 of Ianuarie passing by the like nauigation and windes as in the first monson, and this is called of the Portugals and Indians Entremonson.

The third monson from Goa to Ormus.

The ships depart betwixt the 25 of March, and 6 of Aprill, hauing Easterly windes, till they passe Secutra, and then they find Westerly windes, and therfore they set their course ouer for the coast of Arabia, till they come to Cape Rasalgate and the Straight of Ormus, and this monson

The first monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa.

The ships depart from Ormus for Chaul, and Goa in the moneth of September, with North•• and Northeast windes.

The second monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa.

The second monson is betwixt the fiue and twentie and last of December, with like winds as the former monson.

The third monson from Ormus for Chaul, and Goa.

The third monson the ships depart from Ormus, for Chaul and Goa, betwixt the first and 15 of April, and they saile with Southeast windes, East and Northeast windes, coasting vpon the Arabia side from Cape Mosandon vnto Cape Rasalgate, and hauing lost the sight of Cape Ra∣salgate, they haue Westerly windes, and so come for Chaul and Goa, and if the said ships depart not before the 25 of April, they are not then to depart that monson, but to winter in Ormus because of the winter.

The first monson from Ormus for Zindi.

The ships depart for Ormus betwixt the 15 and 20 of Apri••l.

The second monson from Ormus for Zindi.

The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 20 of October for Zindi from Ormus.

The monson from Ormus for the red sea.

The ships depart from Ormus betwixt the first and last of Ianuarie.

Hitherto I haue noted the monsons of the ships departing from Goa to the Northward: Now follow the monsons wherein the ships depart from Goa to the Southward.

¶The monson from Goa for Calicut, Cochin, Seilan, and all that coast.

THe ships depart from those places betwixt the 1 and 15 of August, and there they find it na∣uigable all the yeere except in the winter, which continueth as is aforesaid,* 10.154 from the 15 of May till the 10 of August. In like maner the ships come from these places for Goa at euery time in the yeere except in the winter, but of all other the best time is to come in Nouember, Decem∣ber and Ianuary.

The first monson from Goa, for Pegu.

The ships depart from Goa, betwixt the 15 and 20 of April, and winter at S. Thomas, and af∣ter the 5 of August, they depart from S. Thomas for Pegu.

The second monson from Goa for Pegu.

The ships depart from Goa betwixt the 8 and 24 of August, going straight for Pegu, and if they passe the 24 of August, they cannot passe that monson, neither is there any more monsons till April as is aforesaid. Note that the chiefest trade is, to take money of S. Thomas rials, and pa∣techoni,* 10.155 and to goe to S. Thomas, and there to buy Tellami, which is fine cloth of India, whereof there is great quantitie made in Coromandel, and brought thither, and other marchandise are not good for that place except some dozen of very faire Emeraulds orientall. For of golde, siluer, and Rubies, there is sufficient store in Pegu.

The monson from Pegu for the Indies.

The ships depart from Pegu betwixt the 15 and 25 of Ianuarie, and come to Goa about the 25 of March, or in the beginning of April. Note, that if it passe the 10 of May before the sayde ships be arriued in Goa, they cannot come thither that monson, and if they haue not then fet the coast of India, they shall with great perill fetch S. Thomas.

The first monson from Goa for Malacca.

The ships depart betwixt the 15 and last of September, and arriue in Malacca about the end of October.

The second monson from Goa to Malacca.

The ships depart about the 5 of May from Goa, and arriue in Malacca about the 15 of Iune.

The first monson from Malacca to Goa.

The ships depart about the 10 of September, and come to Goa about the end of October.

The second monson from Malacca to Goa.

The ships depart from Malacca about the 10 of February, and come to Goa about the end of

The monson from Goa for China.

The ships depart from Goa in the moneth of April.

The monson from China for Goa.

The ships depart to be the 10 of May in Goa, and being not then arriued, they turne backe to Cochin, and if they cannot fetch Cochin, they returne to Malacca.

The monson from Goa to the Moluccaes.

The ships depart about the 10 or 15 of May, which time being past, the shippes can not passe ouer the barre of Goa for the cause abouesaid.

The monson of the ships of the Moluccaes arriuall in Goa.

The ships which come from the Moluccaes arriue vpon the bar of Goa about the 15 of April.

The monsons of the Portingall ships for the Indies.

The ships which come from Portugall depart thence ordinarily betwixt the tenth & fifteenth of March, comming the straight way during the moneth of Iuly to the coast of Melinde, and Mo∣sambique,* 10.156 and from thence goe straight for Goa, and if in the moneth of Iuly they should not be at the coast of Melinde, they can in no wise that yeere fetch Melinde, but returne to the Isle of Saint Helena, and so are not able, that time being past, to fetch the coast of India, and to come straight for Goa. Therefore (as is abouesaid) they returne to the Island of Saint Helena, and if they cannot make the said Island, then they runne as lost vpon the coast of Guinea: but if the said ships be arriued in time vpon the coast of Melinde, they set forwardes for Goa, and if by the fifteenth of September they cannot fetch Goa, they then goe for Cochin, but if they see they cannot fetch Cochin, they returne to Mosambique to winter there vpon the sayd coast. Al∣beit in the yeere of our Lord 1580 there arriued the ship called San Lorenzo,* 10.157 being wonder∣full sore sea-beaten, the eight of October, which was accounted as a myracle for that the like had not bene seene before.

The monson from India for Portugall.

The shippes depart from Cochin betweene the fifteenth and last of Ianuary, going on till they haue sight of Capo de buona speranza, and the Isle of Saint Helena, which Islande is a∣bout the midway, being in sixteene degrees to the South. And it is a litle Island being fruitfull of all things which a man can imagine, with great store of fruit: and this Island is a great suc∣cour to the shipping which returne for Portugall. And not long since the said Island was found by the Portugales, and was discouered by a shippe that came from the Indies in a great storme, in which they found such abundance of wilde beastes, and boares, and all sort of fruite, that by meanes thereof that poore ship which had beene foure moneths at sea, refreshed themselues both with water and meate very well, and this Island they called S. Helena, because it was discoue∣red vpon S. Helens day. And vndoubtedly this Island is a great succour, and so great an ayde to the ships of Portugall, that many would surely perish if that helpe wanted. And therefore the king of Portugall caused a Church to be made there for deuotion of S. Helena: where there are onely resident Eremits, and all other are forbidden to inhabite there by the kings commaunde∣ment, to the ende that the ships may be the more sufficiently furnished with victuals, because the ships which come frō India come but slenderly victualled,* 10.158 because there groweth no corne there, neither make they any wine: but the ships which come from Portugall to the Indies touch not in the sayd Island, because they set out being sufficiently furnished with bread and water from Por∣tugall for eight moneths voyage. Any other people then the two Eremites abouesaid, cannot inhabite this Island, except some sicke man that may be set there a shore to remaine in the Ere∣mites companie, for his helpe and recouery.

The monson from Goa to Mosambique.

The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 15 of Ianuarie.

The monson from Mosambique to Goa.

The ships depart betweene the 8 and last of August, and arriue in Chaul or Goa in the moneth of October, till the 15 of Nouember.

The monson from Ormus to Bengala.

The ships depart betwixt the 15 and 20 of Iune, and goe to winter at Teue and depart thence about the 15 of August for Bengala.

The voyage passed by sea into Aegypt, by Iohn Euesham Gentleman. Anno 1586.

THe 5 of December 1586 we departed from Grauesend in the T••ger of London, wherein was Master vnder God for the voyage Robert Rickman, and the 21. day at night we came to the Isle of Wight: departing from thence in the mor∣ning following we had a faire winde, so that on the 27 day wee came in sight of the rocke of Lisbone, and so sayling along we came in sight of the South Cape, the 29 of the same, and on the morrowe with a Westerly winde we entred the straights: and the second of Ianuary being as high as Cape de Gate, we departed from our fleete towards Argier. And the 4 day we arriued at the port of Argier aforesaid, where we staied till the first of March. At which time we set saile towardes a place called Tunis, to the Eastward of Ar∣gier 100 leagues, where we arriued the 8 of the same. This Tunis is a small citie vp 12 miles from the sea,* 10.159 and at the port or rode where shipping doe ride, is a castle or fort called Goletta, sometimes in the handes of the Christians, but now of the Turkes: at which place we remained till the third of Aprill: at which time wee set saile towardes Alexandria, and hauing sometime faire windes, sometime contrary, we passed on the 12 day betweene Sicilia and Malta (where neere adioyning hath beene the fort and holde of the knights of the Rhodes) and so the 19 day we fell with the Isle of Candy, and from thence to Alexandria, where we arriued the 27 of April, and there continued till the 5 of October.

The said citie of Alexandria is an old thing decayed or ruinated,* 10.160 hauing bene a faire and great citie neere two miles in length, being all vauted vnderneath for prouision of fresh water, which water commeth thither but once euery yeere, out of one of the foure riuers of paradise (as it is ter∣med) called Nilus, which in September floweth neere eighteene foote vpright higher then his accustomed manner, and so the banke being cut, as it were a sluce, about thirty miles from Alex∣andria, at a towne called Rossetto, it doth so come to the saide Citie, with such aboundance, that barkes of twelue tunne doe come vpon the same water, which water doth fill all the va••ts, ce∣sternes, and wels in the said Citie, with very good water, and doth so continue good, till the next yeere following: for they haue there very litle raine or none at all, yet haue they exceeding great dewes. Also they haue very good corne, and very plentifull: all the Countrey is very hot, especi∣ally in the moneths of August, September, and October. Also within the saide Citie there is a pillar of Marble, called by the Turkes, King Pharaoes needle, & it is foure square, euery square is twelue foote, and it is in height 90 foote. Also there is without the wals of the said Citie, about twentie score paces, another marble pillar, being round, called Pompey his pillar: this pillar standeth vpon a great square stone, euery square is fifteene foote, and the same stone is fifteene foote high, and the compasse of the pillar is 37 foote, and the heigth of it is 101 feete, which is a wonder to thinke how euer it was possible to set the said pillar vpon the said square stone. The port of the said Citie is strongly fortified with two strong Castles, and one other Castle within the citie, being all very well planted with munition: and there is to the Eastward of this Citie, about three dayes iourney the citie of Grand Cayro,* 10.161 otherwise called Memphis: it hath in it by report of the registers bookes which we did see, to the number of 2400 Churches, and is wonder∣fully populous, and is one dayes iourney about the wals, which was iourneyed by one of our Marriners for triall thereof. Also neere to the saide citie there is a place called the Pyramides, being, as I may well terme it, one of the nine wonders of the world: that is, seuen seuerall pla∣ces of flint and marble stone, foure square, the wals thereof are seuen yards thicke in those places that we did see: the squarenes is in length about twentie score euery square, being built as it were a pointed diamond, broad at the foote, and small or narrow at the toppe: the heigth of them, to our iudgement, doth surmount twise the heigth of Paules steeple: within the saide Pyramides, no man doth know what there is, for that they haue no entrance but in the one of them, there is a hole where the wall is broken, and so we went in there, hauing torch-light with vs, for that it hath no light to it, and within the same, is as it were a great hall, in the which there is a costly tombe, which tombe they say, was made for king Pharao in his life time, but he was not buried there, be∣ing drowned in the red sea: also there are certaine vauts or dungeons, which goe downe verie deepe vnder those Pyramides with faire staires, but no man dare venter to goe downe into them, by reason that they can cary no light with them, for the dampe of the earth doth put out the light: the red sea is but three daies iourney from this place, and Ierusalem about seuen dayes iourney from thence: but to returne to Cayro. There is a Castle wherin is the house that Pharaoes wiues were kept in, and in the Pallace or Court thereof stande 55 marble pillars, in such order, as our Exchange standeth in London: the said pillars are in heigth 60 foote, and in compasse 14

foote: also in the said Citie is the castle where Ioseph was in prison, where to this day they put in rich men, when the king would haue any summe of money of them: there are seuen gates to the sayd prison, and it goeth neere fiftie yardes downe right: also, the water that serueth this castle, commeth out of the foresaide riuer of Nilus, vpon a wall made with arches, fiue miles long, and it is twelue foote thicke. Also there are in old Cayro two Monasteries, the one called S. Georges, the other S. Maries: & in the Courts where the Churches be, was the house of king Pharao. In this Citie is great store of marchandize, especially pepper, and nutmegs, which come thither by land, out of the East India: and it is very plentifull of all maner of victuals, especially of bread, rootes, and hearbes: to the Eastwards of Cayro, there is a Well, fiue miles off, called Matria, and as they say, when the Uirgin Marie fled from Bethleem, and came into AEgypt, and being there, had neither water, nor any other thing to sustaine them, by the prouidence of God, an Angell came from heauen, and strake the ground with his wings, where presently issued out a fountaine of water: and the wall did open where the Israelites did hide themselues, which fountaine or well is walled foure square till this day. Also we were at an old Citie, all ruinated and destroyed, cal∣led in olde time, the great Citie of Carthage where Hannibal and Queene Dido dwelt:* 10.162 this Ci∣tie was but narrow, but was very long: for there was, and is yet to bee seene, one streete three mile long, to which Citie fresh water was brought vpon arches (as afore) aboue 25 miles, of which arches some are standing to this day. Also we were at diuers other places on the coast, as we came from Cayro, but of other antiquities we saw but few. The towne of Argier which was our first and last port,* 10.163 within the streights standeth vpon the side of an hill, close vpon the seashore: it is very strong both by sea and land, and it is very well victualed with all manner of fruites, bread and fish good store, and very cheape. It is inhabited with Turkes, Moores, and Iewes, and so are Alexandria and Cayro. In this towne are a great number of Christian captiues, wher∣of there are of Englishmen onely fifteene, from which port we set sayle towardes England, the seuenth of Ianuarie, Anno 1587, and the 30 day of the sayd moneth, we arriued at Dartmouth on the coast of England.

The second voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey, to the Cities of Alexan∣dria, and Cayro in Aegypt. Anno 1586.

I Embarked my selfe at Bristoll, in the Hercules, a good ship of London, and set saile the 21 day of Februarie, about ten of the clocke in the morning, hauing a merry winde: but the 23 day, there arose a very great storme, and in the mids of it we descried a small boate of the burden of ten tunnes, with foure men in her, in very great danger, who called a maine for our helpe. Whereupon our Master made towardes them, and tooke them into our ship, and let the boate, which was laden with timber, and appertained to Chepstow, to runne a drift. The same night a∣bout midnight arose another great storme, but the winde was large with vs, vntill the 27 of the same moneth, which then grew somewhat contrary: yet notwithstanding we held on our course, and the tenth day of March, we descried a saile about Cape Sprat, which is a litle on this side the streight of Gibraltare, but we spake not with her. The next day we descried twelue sayle more, with whom we thought to haue spoken, to haue learned what they were, but they made very fast away, and we gaue them ouer.

Thursday the 16 of March, we had sight of the streights, and of the coast of Barbary. The 18 day we passed them, and sailed towards Patras. Upon the 23 of March, we met with the Centu∣rion of London which came from Genoa, by whom we sent letters to England, and the foure men also which we tooke in, vpon the coast of England, before mentioned.

* 10.164The 29 of March we came to Goleta a small Iland, and had sight of two shippes, which we iudged to be of England.

* 10.165Tuesday the fourth of Aprill, we were before Malta, and being there becalmed, our Maister caused the two ship boates to be had out, and they towed the ship, till we were out of sight of the Castle of Malta. The 9 day of Aprill we came to Zante,* 10.166 and being before the towne, William Aldridge, seruant to Master Thomas Cordall of London, came aboord vs, with whom our Ma∣ster and twelue more of our company, thought to haue gone on shoare, but they could not be per∣mitted: so we all came aboord againe, and went to Patras,* 10.167 where we arriued vpon good Friday, and lay there with good entertainement at the English house, where was the Consull Master Grimes, Ralph Ashley, and Iohn Doddington, who very kindly went with vs, and shewed vs the pleasures of the towne.

They brought vs to the house of the Cady, who was made then to vnderstand of the 20 Turks

that wee had aboord, which were to goe to Constantinople, being redeemed out of captiuitie, by sir Francis Drake in the West Indies, and brought with him into England, and by order of the Queenes Maiestie sent now into their Countrey. Whereupon the Cady commaunded them to be brought before him, that he might see them: and when he had talked with them, and vnderstood howe strangely they were deliuered, hee marueiled much, and admired the Queenes Maiestie of England, who being but a woman, is notwithstanding of such power and renowne amongst all the princes of Christendome, with many other honourable wordes of commending her Maiestie. So he tooke the names of those 20. Turkes, and recorded them in their great bookes, to remaine in perpetuall m••mory. After this, our foresaid countreymen brought mee to the Chappel of S. Andrew, where his tombe or sepulchre is, and the boord vpon which hee was beheaded, which boord is now so rotten, that if any man offer to cut it, it falleth to powder, yet I brought some of it away with me.

Upon Tuesday in Easter weeke, wee set out towards Zante againe, and the 24. of April with much adoe, wee were all permitted to come on shoare, and I was caried to the English house in Zante, where I was very well entertained. The commodities of Zante are Currans and oyle: the situation of the Towne is vnder a very great hill, vpon which standeth a very strong Castle, which commaundeth the Towne. At Zante we tooke in a Captaine and 16. souldiers, with other passengers. Wee departed from Zante vpon Tuesday the 15. of April, and the next day we an∣kered at a small Island, called Striualia,* 10.168 which is desolate of people, sauing a fewe religious men, who entertained vs well, without taking any money: but of courtesie we bestowed somewhat vp∣on them for their maintenance, and then they gaue vs a couple of leane sheepe, which we caried a∣boord. The last day of Aprill, wee arriued at Candie,* 10.169 at a Castle, called Sowday, where wee set the Captaine, Souldiers, and Mariners ashoare, which wee tooke in at Zante, with all their carriage.

The second day of May wee set saile againe,* 10.170 and the fourth day came to the Islands of Milo,* 10.171 where we ankered, and found the people there very courteous, and tooke in such necessaries as we wanted. The Islands are in my iudgement a hundred in number, and all within the compasse of a hundred miles.

The 11. day, the Chaus, which is the greatest man there in authoritie, for certaine offences done in a little Chappell by the water side, which they saide one of our shippe had done, and impu∣ted it to mee, because I was seene goe into it three dayes before, came to vs, and made much a doe; so that we were faine to come out of our shippe armed: but by three pieces of golde the brabling was ended, and we came to our shippe. This day wee also set saile, and the next day passed by the Castle of Serpeto, which is an old ruinated thing, and standeth vnder a hils side.

The 13. day, we passed by the Island of Paris, and the Island of the bankes of Helicon, and the Island called Ditter, where are many boares, and the women bee witches. The same day also wee passed by the Castle of Tino, standing vpon a very high mountaine, and neere vnto it is the Island of Diana.

The 15. of May, wee came to Sio,* 10.172 where I stayed thirtie and three dayes. In it is a very pro∣per Towne, after the building of that Countrey, and the people are ciuil: and while we were here, there came in sixe Ga••lies, which had bene at Alexandria, and one of them which was the Admiral, had a Prince of the Moores prisoner, whom they tooke about Alexandria, and they meant to pre∣sent him to the Turke. The towne standeth in a valley, and a long the water side pleafantly. There are about 26. winde-mils about it, and the commodities of it are cotton wooll, cotton yarne, ma∣stike, and some other drugs.

As we remained at Sio, there grew a great controuersie betweene the mariners of the Hercu∣les, and the Greekes of the Towne of Sio, about the bringing home of the Turkes, which the Greekes tooke in ill part, and the boyes cried out, Viue el Re Philippe: whereupon our men beate the boyes, and threwe stones, and so a broile beganne, and some of our men were hurt: but the Greekes were fetcht out of their houses, and mana••led together with yrons, and threatned to the Gallies: about fourtie of them were sent to the prison, and what became of them, when we were gone, we know not, for we went thence within two dayes after, which was the 19. of Iune.

The 20. day wee passed by the Island of Singonina,* 10.173 an Island risen by the casting of stones in that place: the substance of the ground there is brimstone, and burneth sometimes so much, that it bloweth vp the rockes.

The 24. of Iune wee came to Cyprus, and had sight in the way of the aforesaide sixe Gallies, that came from Alexandria, one whereof came vnto vs, and required a present for himselfe, and for two of the other Gallies, which we for quietnesse sake gaue them.

The 27. of Iune, wee came to Tripolie, where I stayed till the fift of Iuly, and then tooke

passage in a smal barke called a Caramusalin, which was a passage boat, and was bound for Bich∣ieri, thirteene miles on this side Alexandria, which boate was fraighted with Turkes, Moores, and Iewes.

The 20. day of Iuly, this barke which I passed in ranne vpon a rocke, and was in very great danger, so that we all began some to be ready to swimme, some to leape into the shippe boate, but it pleased God to set vs quickly off the rocke, and without much harme.

* 10.174The 28. of Iuly I came to Bichieri, where I was well entertained of a Iewe which was the Customer there, giuing me Muskadine, and drinking water himselfe: hauing broken my fast with him, he prouided mee a Camell for my carriage, and a Mule for mee to ride vpon, and a Moore to runne by me to the City of Alexandria, who had charge to see mee safe in the English house,* 10.175 whi∣ther I came, but found no Englishmen there: but then my guide brought mee aboord a ship of Al∣derman Martins, called the Tyger of London, where I was well receiued of the Master of the said ship, whose name was Thomas Rickman, and of all the company.

The said Master hauing made me good cheere, and made me also to drinke of the water of Ni∣lus, hauing the keyes of the English house, went thither with me himselfe, & appointed mee a faire chamber, and left a man with me to prouide me all things that I needed, and euery day came him∣selfe to me, and caried me into the City, and shewed me the monuments thereof, which be these.

* 10.176He brought mee first to Pompey his pillar, which is a mighty thing of gray marble, and all of one stone, in height by estimation aboue 52. yards, and the compasse about sixe fadome.

The City hath three gates, one called the gate of Barbaria, the other of Merina, and the thirde of Rossetto.

He brought me to a stone in the streete of the Citie, whereupon S. Marke was beheaded: to the place where S. Katherine died, hauing there hid herselfe, because she would not marry: also to the Bath of S. Katherine.

I saw there also Pharaos needle, which is a thing in height almost equall with Pompeys pillar, and is in compasse fiue fadome, and a halfe, and all of one stone.

I was brought also to a most braue and daintie Bath, where we washed our selues: the Bath being of marble, and of very curious workemanship.

The Citie standeth vpon great arches, or vawtes, like vnto Churches, with mightie pillars of marble, to holde vp the foundation: which arches are built to receiue the water of the riuer of Ni∣lus, which is for the vse of the Citie. It hath three Castles, and a hundred Churches: but the part that is destroyed of it, is si••e times more then that part which standeth.

* 10.177The last day of Iuly, I departed from Alexandria towards Cayro in a passage boate, wherein first I went to Rossetto, standing by the riuer side, hauing 13. or 14. great churches in it, their buil∣ding there is of stone and bricke, but as for lodging, there is litle, except we bring it with vs.

From Rossetto wee passed along the riuer of Nilus, which is so famous in the world, twise as broad as the Thames at London: on both sides grow date trees in great abundance. The people be rude, insomuch that a man cannot traueile without a Ianizary to conduct him.

* 10.178The time that I stayed in AEgypt was the Turkes and Moores Lent, in all which time they burne lamps in their churches, as many as may hang in them: their Lent endureth 40. dayes, and they haue three Lents in the yere: during which time they neither eate nor drink in the day time, but all the night they do nothing else.

Betwixt Rossetto and Cayro there are along the water side three hundred cities and townes, and the length of the way is not aboue three hundred miles.

* 10.179To this famous Citie of Cayro I came the fift day of August, where I found M. William Alday, and William Caesar, who intertained me in very good sort. M. Caesar brought me to see the Pyramides which are three in number, one whereof king Pharao made for his owne tombe, the tombe it selfe is almost in the top of it: the monuments bee high and in forme 4. square, and euery of the squares is as long as a man may shoote a rouing arrowe, and as high as a Church, I sawe also the ruines of the Citie of Memphis hard by those Pyramides.

The house of Ioseph is yet standing in Cayro, which is a sumptuous thing, hauing a place to walke in of 56. mighty pillars, all gilt with gold, but I saw it not, being then lame.

The 11. day of August the lande was cut at Cayro, to let in the water of the riuer of Nilus, which was done with great ioy and triumph.

The 12. of August I set from Cayro towards Alexandria againe, and came thither the 14. of August. The 26. day there was kept a great feast of the Turkes and Moores, which lasted two dayes, and for a day they neuer ceased shooting off of great Ordinance.

* 10.180From Alexandria I sailed to Argier, where I lay with M. Typton Consull of the English nation, who vsed me most kindly, and at his owne charge. Hee brought mee to the kings Court,

and into the presence of the King, to see him, and the maners of the Court: the King doeth onely beare the name of a King, but the greatest gouernment is in the hands of the souldiers.

The king of Potanca is prisoner in Argier, who comming to Constantinople, to acknowledge a duety to the great Turke, was betrayed by his owne nephew, who wrote to the Turke, that hee went onely as a spy, by that meanes to get his kingdome. I heard at Argier of seuen Gallies that were at that time cast away at a towne called Formentera: three of them were of Argier, the other foure were the Christians.

We found here also 13. Englishmen, which were by force of weather put into the bay of Tu∣nis, where they were very ill vsed by the Moores, who forced them to leaue their barke: where∣upon they went to the Councell of Argier, to require a redresse and remedy for the iniurie. They were all belonging to the shippe, called the Golden Noble of London, whereof Master Birde is owner. The Master was Stephen Haselwood, and the Captaine Edmond Bence.

The thirde day of December, the pinnesse called the Mooneshine of London, came to Argier with a prize, which they tooke vpon the coast of Spaine, laden with sugar, hides, and ginger: the pinnesse also belonging to the Golden Noble: and at Argier they made sale both of shippe and goods, where wee left them at our comming away, which was the seuenth day of Ianuarie: and the first day of February, I landed at Dartmouth, and the seuenth day came to London, with humble thankes to Almightie God, for my safe arriuall.

A true report of a worthy fight, performed in the voyage from Turkie, by fiue Ships of London, against 11. Gallies, and two Frigats of the King of Spaines, at Pantalarea within the Streights, Anno, 1586. Written by Philip Iones.

THe Marchants of London, being of the incorporation of the Turky trade, hauing receiued intelligences, and aduertisements, from time to time, that the King of Spaine grudging at the prosperitie of this kingdome, had not onely of late ar∣rested al English ships, bodies, and goods, in Spaine, but also maligning the quiet trafique which they vsed to and in the dominions, and prouinces, vnder the obedi∣ence of the Great Turke, had giuen order to the Captaines of his gallies in the Leuant, to hinder the passage of all English ships, and to endeuour by their best meanes, to intercept, take, and spoile them, their persons, and goods: they hereupon thought it their best course to set out their fleete for Turkie, in such strength and abilitie for their defence, that the purpose of their Spanish ene∣mie might the better be preuented, and the voyage acomplished with greater securitie to the men and shippes. For which cause, fiue tall, and stoute shippes, appertaining to London, and inten∣ding onely a Marchants voyage, were prouided and furnished with all things belonging to the Seas; The names whereof were these:

• 1. The Marchant Royall, a very braue and good shippe, and of great repor••••
• 2. The Tobie.
• 3. The Edward Bonauenture.
• 4. The William, and Iohn.
• 5. The Susan.

These fiue departing from the coast of England, in the moneth of Nouember 1585. kept to∣gether as one fleete, til they came as high as the Isle of Sicile, within the Leuant. And there, ac∣cording to the order and direction of the voyage, each shippe began to take leaue of the rest, and to separate himselfe, setting his course for the particular port, whereunto hee was bounde: one for Tripolie in Syria, another for Constantinople, the chiefe Citie of the Turkes Empire, situated vpon the coast of Romania, called of olde, Thracia, and the rest to those places, whereunto they were priuatly appointed. But before they deuided themselues, they altogether consulted, of and about a certaine and speciall place for their meeting againe after the lading of their goods at their seuerall portes. And in conclusion, the generall agreement was to meete at Zante, an Island neere to the maine continent of the West part of Morea, well knowen of all the Pilots, & thought to be the fittest place of their Rendeuous. Concerning which meeting, it was also couenanted on eche side, and promised, that whatsoeuer ship of these 5. should first arriue at Zante, should there stay and expect the comming of the rest of the fleete, for the space of twentie dayes. This being done, ech man made his best hast according as winde and wether woulde serue him to fulfill his course, and to dispatch his businesse; and no neede was there to admonish or incourage any man, seeing no time was ill spent, nor opportunitie omitted on any side, in the performance of ech mans duetie, according to his place.

It fell out that the Tobie which was bound for Constantinople had made such good speede, and gotten such good weather, that she first of al the rest came back to the appointed place of Zante, and not forgetting the former conclusion, did there cast ancre, attending the arriuall of the rest of the fleete, which accordingly (their busin••s first performed) failed not to keepe promise. The first next after the Tobie was the Royal Marchant, which toge••her with the William and Iohn came from Tripolie in Syria, and arriued at Zante within the compasse of the foresaide time limitted. These ships in token of the ioy on all parts conceiued for their happy me••ting, spared not the dis∣charging of their Ordinance, the sounding of drums & trumpets, the spreading of Ensignes with other warlike and ioyfull b••hauiours, expressing by these ou••ward signes, the inward gladnesse of their mindes, being all as ready to ioyne together in mutuall consent to resist the cruel enemie, as now in sporting maner they made myrth and pastime among themselues. These three had not bene long in the hauen, but the Edward Bonauenture also, together with the Susan her consort, were come from Venice with their lading, the sight of whom increased the ioy of the rest, and they no lesse glad of the presence of the others, saluted them in most friendly and kinde sort, according to the maner of the Seas: and whereas some of these ships sloode at that instant in some want of victuals, they were all content to stay in the port, till the necessities of ech shippe were supplied, and nothing wanted to set out for their returne.

In this port of Zante the newes was fresh and currant, of seuerall armies and fleetes pro∣uided by the king of Spaine, and lying in waite to intercept them: the one consisting of 30. strong Gallies, so well appointed in all respects for the warre, that no necessary thing wanted: and this fleete houered about the Streights of Gibraltar. The other armie had in it 20. Gallies, whereof some were of Sicilie, and some of the Island of Malta, vnder the charge and gouernment of Iohn Andrea Dorea, a Captaine of name seruing the king of Spaine. These two diuers and strong fleetes waited and attended in the Seas for none, but the English shippes, and no doubt made their accompt and sure reckoning that not a shippe should escape their furie. And the opinion al∣so of the inhabitants of the Isle of Zante was, that in respect of the number of Gallies in both these armies, hauing receiued such streight commandement from the king, our ships and men be∣ing but few, and little in comparison of them, it was a thing in humane reason impossible, that wee should passe either without spoiling, if we resisted, or without composition at the least, and acknow∣ledgement of duetie to the Spanish king.

But it was neither the report of the attendance of these armies, nor the opinions of the people, nor any thing else, that could daunt or dismay the courages of our men, who grounding themselues vpon the goodnesse of their cause, and the promise of God, to bee deliuered from such as without reason sought their destruction, caried resolute mindes, notwithstanding all impediments to ad∣uenture through the Seas, and to finish their Nauigation, maugre the beards of the Spanish soul∣diers. But least they should seeme too carelesse, and too secure of their estate, and by laying the whole and entire burden of their safetie vpon Gods prouidence, should foolishly presume altoge∣ther of his helpe, and neglect the meanes which was put into their handes, they failed not to enter into counsell among themselues, and to deliberate aduisedly for their best defence. And in the end with generall consent, the Marchant Royall was appointed Admirall of the fleete, and the Tobie Uiceadmiral, by whose orders the rest promised to be directed, and ech shippe vowed not to breake from another, whatsoeuer extremitie should fall out, but to stand to it to the death, for the honour of their Countrey, and the frustrating of the hope of the ambitious and proud enemie.

Thus in good order they left Zante and the Castle of Graecia, and commi••ted themselues a∣gaine to the Seas, and proceeded in their course and voyage in quietnes, without sight of any ene∣mie, till they came neere to Pantalarea, an Island so called, betwi••t Sicilie, and the coast of A∣fricke: into sight whereof they came the 13. day of Iuly 1586. And the same day in the morning about 7. of the clocke they descried 13. sailes in number, which were of the Gallies, lying in waite of purpose for them, in and about that place. As soone as the English ships had spied them, they by and by according to a common order, made themselues ready for a fight, layed out their Ordi∣nance, scoured, charged, and primed them, displayed their ensignes, and left nothing vndone to arme themselues throughly. In the meane time, the Gallies more and more approched the ships, and in their banners there appeared the armes of the Isles of Sicilia, and Malta being all as then in the seruice and pay of the Spaniard. Immediatly, both the Admirals of the Gallies sent from ech of them a frigate, to the Admiral of our English ships, which being come neere them, the Si∣cilian frigat first hailed them, and demanded of them whence they were? They answered that they were of England, the armes whereof appeared in their colours. Whereupon the saide frigat ex∣postulated with them, and asked why they delayed to sende or come with their Captaines and pursers to Don Pedro de Leiua their Generall, to acknowledge their duty and obedience to him

in the name of the Spanish king, Lord of those seas? Our men replied, and said, that they owed no such duetie nor obedience to him, and therefore would acknowledge none, but commanded the fri∣gat to depart with that answere, and not to stay longer a brabling, vpon her perill. With that a∣way she went, and vp comes toward them the other frigat of Malta, and shee in like sort hailed the Admiral, and would needs know whence they were, and where they had bene. Our Englishmen in the Admirall, not disdaining an answere, tolde them that they were of England, Marchants of London, had bene at Turkie, and were now returning home: and to be requited in this case, they also demaunded of the frigat whence she and the rest of the Gallies were: the messenger answe∣red, we are of Malta, and for mine owne part my name is Cauallero. These Gallies are in seruice and pay to the king of Spaine, vnder the conduct of Don Pedro de Leiua a noble man of Spaine, who hath bene commanded hither by the King with this present force and armie, of purpose to in∣tercept you. You shall therefore (quoth he) do well to repaire to him, to know his pleasure, he is a noble man of good behauiour and courtesie, and meanes you no ill. The Captaine of the English Admiral, whose name was M. Edward Wilkinson, replied and said. We purpose not at this time to make triall of Don Pedro his courtesie, whereof we are suspitious and doubtful, and not with∣out good cause: vsing withall good words to the messenger, and willing him to come aboord him, promising securitie and good vsage, that thereby he might the better knowe the Spaniards minde: whereupon he indeed left his frigat, and came aboord him, whom hee intertained in friendly sort, and caused a cuppe of wine to be drawne for him, which he tooke and beganne, with his cap in his hand, and with reuerend termes to drinke to the health of the Queene of England, speaking ve∣ry honourably of her Maiestie, and giuing good speeches of the courteous vsage and interteine∣ment that he himselfe had receiued in London, at the time that the duke of Alenson, brother to the late French king was last in England: and after he had well drunke, hee tooke his leaue, speaking well of the sufficiencie and goodnesse of our shippes, and especially of the Marchant Royal, which he confessed to haue seene before, riding in the Thames neere London. He was no sooner come to Don Pedro de Leiua the Spanish general, but he was sent off againe, and returned to the Eng∣lish Admirall, saying that the pleasure of the Generall was this, that either their Captaines, Ma∣sters and Pursers should come to him with speed, or else hee would set vpon them, and either take them or sinke them. The reply was made by M. Wilkinson aforesaid, that not a man should come to him: and for the bragge and threat of Don Pedro, it was not that Spanish brauado that should make them yeeld a iot to their hinderance, but they were as ready to make resistance, as he to of∣fer an iniurie. Whereupon Cauallero the messenger left bragging, and began to perswade them in quiet sort, and with many wordes, but all his labour was to no purpose, and as his threat did no∣thing terrifie them, so his perswasion did nothing mooue them to doe that which hee required. At the last he intreated to haue the Marchant of the Admirall caried by him as a messenger to the Ge∣nerall, that so he might be satisfied, and assured of their mindes by one of their owne company. But M. Wilkinson would agree to no such thing, although Richard Rowit the marchant himselfe see∣med willing to bee imployed in that message, and laboured by reasonable perswasions to induce M. Wilkinson to graunt it, as hoping to be an occasion by his presence and discreet answeres to sa∣tisfie the Generall, and thereby to saue the effusion of Christian blood, if it should grow to a battel. And he seemed so much the more willing to be sent, by how much deeper the othes and protestati∣ons of this Cauallero were, that he would (as hee was a true knight and a souldier) deliuer him backe againe in safetie to his company. Albeit, M. Wilkinson, which by his long experience had receiued sufficient triall of Spanish inconstancie and periurie, wished him in no case to put his life and libertie in hazard vpon a Spaniards othe. But at last, vpon much intreatie, hee yeelded to let him go to the General, thinking in deed, that good speeches and answeres of reason would haue contented him, whereas otherwise refusall to do so, might peraduenture haue prouoked the more discontentment.

M. Rowit therefore passing to the Spanish Generall, the rest of the Gallies hauing espied him; thought in deed that the English were rather determined to yeelde, then to fight, and therefore came flocking aboue the frigat, euery man crying out, Que nueuas; que nueuas; Haue these Eng∣lish men yeelded? the frigat answered, Not so, they neither haue, nor purpose to yeeld, onely they haue sent a man of their company to speake with our Generall: and being come to the Gallie wherein he was, he shewed himselfe to M. Rowit in his armour, his guard of souldiers attending vpon him in armour also, and began to speake very proudly in this sort: Thou Englishman, from whence is your fleete, why stand ye aloofe off, knowe ye not your duetie to the Catholique King, whose person I here represent? Where are your billes of lading, your letters, pasports, and the chiefe of your men? Thinke ye my attendance in these seas to be in vaine, or my person to no pur∣pose? Let al these things be done out of hand as I command, vpon paine of my further displeasure

and the spoyle of you all? These wordes of the Spanish Generall were not so outragiously pro∣nounced, as they were mildly answered by M. Rowit, who tolde him that they were al Marchant∣men, vsing trafique in honest sort, and seeking to passe quietly, if they were not vrged further then reason. As for the king of Spaine, he thought (for his part) that there was amitie betwixt him and his soueraigne the Queene of England, so that neither he nor his officers should goe about to of∣fer any such iniurie to English Marchants, who as they were farre from giuing offence to any man, so they would be loath to take an abuse at the handes of any, or sit downe to their losse, where their abilitie was able to make defence. And as touching his commandement aforesaide, for the acknowledging of dutie, in such particular sort, he told him, that where there was no dutie owing, there none should be performed, assuring him that their whole company and shippes in generall, stood resolutely vpon the negatiue, and would not yeeld to any such vnreasonable demaund, ioyned with such imperious and absolute maner of commanding. Why then, said he, if they wil neither come to yeeld, nor shew obedience to me in the name of my king, I wil either sinke them or bring them to harbor, and so tell them from me. With that the frigat came away with M. Rowit, and brought him aboord the English Admiral againe according to promise: who was no sooner entred in, but by and by defiance was sounded on both sides: the Spaniards he wed off the noses of the Gal∣lies, that nothing might hinder the leuell of the shot, and the English on the other side couragiously prepared themselues to the combat, euery man according to his roome, bent to performe his office with alacritie and diligence. In the meane time a Cannon was discharged from the Admirall of the gallies, which being the onset of the fight, was presently answered by the English Admiral with a Culuering: so the skirmish began, and grew hot and terrible, there was no powder nor shot spared: ech English ship matched it selfe in good order against two Spanish Gallies, besides the inequalitie of the frigats on the Spaniards side: and although our men performed their parts with singular valure, according to their strength, insomuch that the enemie as amased therewith would oftentimes pause and stay, and consult what was best to be done, yet they ceased not in the midst of their businesse to make prayer to Almighty God the reuenger of al euils, and the giuer of victories, that it would please him to assist them in that good quarell of theirs, in defending themselues a∣gainst so proud a tyrant, to teach their handes to warre, and their fingers to fight, that the glory of the victory might redound to his Name, and to the honor of true Religion, which the insolent ene∣mie sought so much to ouerthrowe. Countrarily, the ••oolish Spaniardes cried out according to their maner, not to God, but to our Lady (as they terme the virgin Mary) saying, O Lady helpe, O blessed Lady giue vs the victory, and the honor thereof shalbe thine. Thus with blowes & pray∣ers on both sides the fight continued furious and sharpe, and doubtful a long time to which part the victory would incline: til at the last the Admiral of the Gallies of Sicilie began to warpe from the fight, and to holde vp her side for feare of sinking, and after her went also two others in like case, wh••m al the sort of them inclosed, labouring by all their meanes to keepe them aboue water, being ready by the force of English shot which they had receiued, to perish in the seas: & what slaughter was done among the Spaniards themselues, the English were vncertaine, but by a probable con∣iecture apparant afar off, they supposed their losse was so great, that they wanted men to continue the charging of their pieces: whereupon with shame and dishonor, after 5. houres spent in the bat∣tel,* 10.181 ••hey withdrew themselues: and the English contented in respect of their deepe lading, rather to continue their voyage then to follow the chase, ceased from further blowes, with the losse onely of two men slaine amongst them all, and another hurt in his arme, whom M. Wilkinson with his good words and friendly promises did so comfort, that he nothing esteemed the smart of his wound in respect of the honour of the victory, and the shamefull repulse of the enemy.

Thus with duetiful thankes to the mercy of God for his gracious assistance in that danger, the English ships proceeded in their Nauigation, and comming as high as Alger, a port towne vpon the coast of Barbary, they fell with it, of purpose to refresh themselues after their wearinesse, and to take in such supply of fresh water & victuals, as they needed: they were no sooner entred into the port, but immediatly the king thereof sent a messenger to the ships to knowe what they were, with which messenger the chiefe master of ech shippe repaired to the king, and acquainted him not onely with the state of their ships, in respect of marchandize, but with the late fight which they had passed with the Spanish Gallies, reporting euery particular circumstance in word as it fell out in action: whereof the said king shewed himselfe marueilous glad, interteining them in the best sort, and promising abundant reliefe of all their wants, making generall proclamation in the city vpon paine of death, that no man of what degree or state soeuer he were, should presume either to hinder them in their affaires, ••r to offer them any maner of iniury in body or goods. By vertue whereof they dispatc••ed al things in excellent good sort, with al fauor & peaceablenesse: only such prisoners and captiues of the Spaniards as were in the Citie, seeing the good vsage which they receiued, and

hearing also what seruice they had performed against the foresaide Gallies, grudged exceedingly against them, and sought as much as they could to practise some mischiefe against them: and one amongst the rest seeing an Englishman alone in a certaine lane of the Citie, came vpon him sud∣denly, and with his knife thrust him in the side, yet made no such great wound, but that it was easily recouered. The English company hearing of it, acquainted the king with the fact, who immedi∣atly sent both for the party that had receiued the wound, and the offender also, and caused an exe∣cutioner in the presence of himselfe and the English, to chastise the slaue euen to death, which was performed to the ende that no man should presume to commit the like part, or to doe any thing in contempt of his royal commandement.

The English hauing receiued this good iustice at the kings hands, and al other things that they wanted, or could craue for the furnishing of their shippes, tooke their leaue of him, and of the rest of their friendes, that were resident in Alger, and put out to Sea, looking to meete with the second army of the Spanish king, which waited for them about the mouth of the Straights of G••braltar, which they were of necessitie to passe. But comming neere to the said Streight, it pleased God to raise at that instant a very darke and mistie fogge, so that one ship coulde not discerne another, if it were 40. paces off: by meanes whereof, together with the notable faire Easterne winds that then blewe most fit for their course, they passed with great speed through the Streight, and might haue passed with that good gale, had there bene 500. Gallies to withstand them, and the aire neuer so cleare for euery ship to be seene. But yet the Spanish Gallies had a sight of them when they were come within 3. English miles of the towne,* 10.182 and made after them in all possible haste, and although they saw that they were farre out of their reach, yet in a vaine fury and foolish pride, they shot off their Ordinance, and made a stirre in the Sea as if they had bene in the midst of them, which vani∣tie of theirs ministred to our men notable matter of pleasure and mirth, seeing men to fight with shadowes, and to take so great paines to so small purpose.

But thus it pleased God to deride, and delude all the forces of the proud Spanish king, which he had prouided of purpose to distresse the English, who notwithstanding passed through both his Armies, in the one, little hurt, and in the other nothing touched, to the glory of his immortall Name, the honour of our Prince and Countrey, and the iust commendation of ech mans seruice performed in that voyage.

The returne of Master VVilliam Harborne from Constantinople ouer land to London, 1588.

I Departed from Constantinople with 30. persons of my suit and family the 3. of August. Passing through the Countries of Thracia, now called Romania the great, Valachia & Moldauia, where ariuing the 5. of September I was according to the Grand Signior his commandement very courteously intertei∣ned by Peter his positiue prince, a Greeke by profession, with whom was con∣cluded that her Maiesties subiects there trafiquing should pay but three vpon the hundreth, which as well his owne Subiects as all other nations answere: whose letters to her Maiestie be extant.* 10.183 Whence I proceeded into Poland, where the high Chanceler sent for mee the 27. of the same moneth. And after most honorable intertainment imparted with me in secret maner the late passed and present occurrents of that kingdome, & also he writ to her Maiestie.* 10.184

Thence I hasted vnto Elbing, where the 12. of October I was most friendly welcomed by the Senate of that City, whom I finde and iudge to be faithfully deuoted to her Maiesties seruice, whose letters likewise vnto the same were presented me. No lesse at Dantzik the 27. of that mo∣neth I was courteously receiued by one of the Buroughmasters accompanied with two others of the Senate, & a Ciuil doctor their Secretarie. After going through the land of Pomer I rested one day at Stetin, where, for that y^• duke was absent, nothing ensued. At Rostoke I passed through the Citie without any stay, and at Wismar receiued like friendly greeting as in the other pla∣ces: but at Lubeck, for that I came late and departed early in the morning, I was not visited. At Hamburg the 19. of Nouember, and at Stoad the ninth of December in like maner I was salu∣ted by a Boroughmaster and the Secretarie, and in all these places they presented mee sundry sorts of their best wine and fresh fish, euery of them with a long discourse, congratulating, in the names of their whole Senate, her Maiesties victory ouer the Spaniard, and my safe returne, concluding with offer of their ready seruice to her future disposing. Yet the Dantziks after my departure thence caused the Marchants to pay custome for the goods they brought with them in my company, which none other towne neither Infidels nor Christians on y^• way euer demanded. And notwithstanding the premisses, I was most certainly informed of sundry of our nation there

resident that most of the Hanse-towns vpon the sea coasts, especially Dantzik, Lubeck, and Ham∣borough haue laden and were shipping for Spaine, great prouision of corne, cables, ropes, pow∣der, saltpeter, hargubusses, armour, iron, leade, copper, and all other munition seruing for the warre. Whereupon I gather their fained courtesie proceeded rather for feare then of any good affection vnto her Maiesties seruice, Elbing and Stoad onely excepted, which of duetie for their commoditie I esteemed well affected.

The priuilege of Peter the Prince of Moldauia graunted to the English Marchants.

PEtrus Dei gratia princeps Valachiae & Moldauiae; significamus praesentibus, vni∣uersis & singulis quorum interest ac intererit, quòd cum magnifico domino Gui∣lielmo Hareborne oratore Serenissimae ac potentissimae dominae, dominae Eliza∣bethae Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, ac Hiberniae Reginae apud Serenissimum ac potentissimum Turcarum Imperatorem hanc constitutionem fecerimus: Nimi∣rùm vt dehinc sue Serenitatis subditis, omnibusqúe mercatoribus integrum sit hìc in prouincia nostra commorandi, conuersandi, mercandi, vendendi, contrahendíque, imo omnia exercendi, quae mercaturae ac vitae humanae societas víusqúe requirit, sine vlla alicuius contradictione, aut inhibitione: saluo ac integro tamen iure Telonij nostri; hocest, vt a singulis rebus centum du∣catorum pretij, tres numerent. Quod ratum ac fitmum constitutione nostra haberi volumus. In cuius rei firmius testimonium, sigillum nostrum appressum est. Actum in castris nostris die 27. mensis Augusti, anno Domini 1588.

The same in English.

PEter by the grace of God prince of Valachia and Moldauia; we signifie by these presents to all and singuler persons, whom it doth or shall concerne, that we haue made this agreement with the worthy gentleman William Hareborne Ambassador of the right high and mighty prince, the Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, with the most puis∣sant and mightie Emperour of the Turkes: To witte, that fromhencefoorth it shalbe lawfull for her highnesse subiects and all her Marchants, to remaine, conuerse, buy, sel, bargaine and exercise all such things, as the trade of marchandise, and humane societie and vse requireth, without any hinderance or let: the right of our Custome alwayes reserued; That is, that they pay three du∣cats vpon all such things as amount to the price of one hundred ducats. Which by this our ordi∣nance we command to be surely and firmely obserued; For the more assured testimony whereof, our seale is hereunto annexed. Giuen in our Campe the 27. of the moneth of August in the yeere of our Lord 1588.

A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly paiments, answe∣red quarterly in time of peace, by the Grand Signior, out of his Treasurie, to the Officers of his Seraglio or Court, successiuely in degrees: collected in a yeerely to∣tall summe, as followeth.

FOr his owne diet euery day, one thousand and one aspers, according to a former cu∣stome receiued from his auncestors: notwithstanding that otherwise his diurnall expence is very much, and not certainly knowen, which summe maketh sterling mo∣ney by the yere, two thousand, one hundred, 92. pounds, three shillings, eight pence.

The fiue and fourtie thousand Ianizaries dispersed in sundry places of his domi∣nions, at sixe aspers the day, amounteth by the yeere to fiue hundreth, fourescore and eleuen thou∣sand, and three hundreth pounds.

The Azamoglans, tribute children, farre surmount that number, for that they are collected from among the Christians, from whom betweene the yeeres of sixe and twelue, they are pulled away yeerely perforce: whereof I suppose those in seruice may be equall in number with the Ia∣nizaries abouesaid, at three aspers a day, one with another, which is two hundred, fourescore and fifteene thousand, sixe hundred and fiftie pounds.

The fiue Bassas, whereof the Uiceroy is supreme, at one thousand aspers the day, besides their yerely reuenues, amounteth sterling by the yeere to ten thousand, nine hundred and fiftie pounds.

The fiue Beglerbegs, chiefe presidents of Greece, Hungary and Selauonia, being in Europe, in Natolia, and Caramania of Asia, at one thousande aspers the day: as also to eighteene other go∣uernours of Prouinces, at fiue hundred aspers the day, amounteth by the yeere, to thirtie thousand sixe hundred, and threescore pounds.

The Bassa, Admirall of the Sea, one thousand aspers the day, two thousand, one hundred, toure score and ten thousand pounds.

The Aga of the Ianizaries, generall of the footemen, fiue hundred aspers the day, and maketh by the yeere in sterling money, one thousand, fourescore and fifteene pounds.

The Imbrahur Bassa, Master of his horse, one hundred and fiftie aspers the day, is sterling mo∣ney, three hundred and eight and twenty pounds.

The chiefe Esquire vnder him, one hundred and fiftie aspers, is three hundred and eight and twenty pounds.

The Agas of the Spahi, Captaines of the horsemen, sixe, at one hundred and fiftie aspers to ei∣ther of them, maketh sterling, one thousand, nine hundred, three score and eleuen pounds.

The Capagi Bassas head porters foure, one hundred and fiftie aspers to ech, and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere, one thousand, three hundred, and foureteene pounds.

The Sisinghir Bassa, Controller of the housholde, one hundred and twentie aspers the day, and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere, two hundred, threescore and two poundes, sixteene shillings.

The Chaus Bassa, Captaine of the Pensioners, one hundred and twentie aspers the day, and amounteth to by the yeere in sterling money, two hundred, threescore and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Capigilar Caiasi, Captaine of his Barge, one hundreth and twentie aspers the day, and maketh out by the yeere in sterling money, two hundred, three score and two poundes, sixteene shillings.

The Solach Bassi, Captaine of his guard, one hundred and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Giebrigi Bassi, master of the armoury, one hundred and twenty aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Topagi Bassi, Master of the artillerie, one hundred and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Echim Bassi, Phisition to his person, one hundred and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

To fourtie Phisitions vnder him, to ech fourtie aspers, is three thousand, eight hundred, three score and sixe pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Mustasaracas spearemen, attending on his person, in number fiue hundred, to either three score aspers, and maketh sterling, threescore and fiue thousand, and seuen hundred pounds.

The Cisingeri, gentlemen, attending vpon his diet, fourtie, at fourtie aspers ech of them, and a∣mounteth to sterling by the yeere, three thousand, fiue hundred and foure pounds.

The Chausi Pensioners, foure hundred and fourtie, at thirtie aspers, twenty eight thousand, nine hundred, and eight pounds.

The Capagi porters of the Court and City, foure hundred, at eight aspers, and maketh ster∣ling money by the yeere, seuen thousand, and eight pounds.

The Solachi, archers of his guard, three hundreth and twenty, at nine aspers, and commeth vn∣to in English money, the summe of sixe thousand, three hundred and sixe pounds.

The Spahi, men of Armes of the Court and the City, ten thousand, at twenty fiue aspers, and maketh of English money, fiue hundred, forty and seuen thousand, and fiue hundred pounds.

The Ianizaires sixteene thousand, at six aspers, is two hundred and ten thousand, and two hun∣dred and forty pounds.

The Giebegi furbushers of armor, one thousand, fiue hundred, at sixe aspers, and amounteth to sterling money, nineteene thousand, seuen hundred, and fourescore pounds.

The Seiesi••, seruitors in his Equier or stable, fiue hundred, at two aspers, and maketh sterling money, two thousand, one hundred, fourescore and ten pounds.

The Sacsi, Sadlers and bit makers, fiue hundred, at seuen aspers, seuen thousand, six hundred, threescore and fiue pounds.

The Catergi, Carriers vpon Mules, two hundred, at fiue aspers, two thousand, one hundred, fourescore and ten pounds.

The Cinegi, Carriers vpon Camels, one thousand, fiue hundred, at eight aspers, and amoun∣teth in sterling money, to twenty sixe thousand, two hundred, and fourescore pounds.

The Reiz, or Captaines of the Gallies, three hundred, at ten aspers, and amounteth in English money by the yeere, the summe of sixe thousand, fiue hundred, threescore and ten pounds.

The Alechingi, Masters of the said Gallies, three hundred, at seuen aspers, foure thousand, fiue hundred, fourescore and nineteene pounds.

The Getti, Boateswaines thereof, three hundred, at sixe aspers, is three thousande, nine hun∣dred, fourty and two pounds.

The Oda Bassi, Pursers, three hundred, at fiue aspers, maketh three thousand, two hundred, and fourescore pounds.

The Azappi souldiers two thousand sixe hundred at foure Aspers, whereof the six hundred do continually keepe the gallies, two and twentie thousand, seuen hundred fourscore and six pounds.

The Mariers Bassi masters ouer the shipwrights and kalkers of the nauie, nine, at 20. Aspers the piece, amounteth to three thousand fourescore and foure pound, foure shillings.

The Master Dassi shipwrights & kalkers, one thousand at fourteene aspers, which amounteth by the yeere, to thirtie thousand, sixe hundred threescore pound.

Summa totalis of dayly paiments amounteth by the yeere sterling, one million, nine hun∣dred threescore eight thousand, seuen hundred thirty fiue pounds, nineteene shillings eight pence, answered quarterly without default, with the summe of foure hundred fourescore twelue thousand, one hundred fourescore and foure pounds foure shillings eleuen pence, and is for euery day fiue thousand three hundred fourescore and thir∣teene pounds, fifteene shillings ten pence.

Annuities of lands neuer improued, fiue times more in value then their summes mentioned, giuen by the saide Grand Signior, as followeth.

• TO the Uiceroy for his Timar or annuitie 60. thousand golde ducats.
• To the second Bassa for his annuitie 50. thousand ducats.
• To the third Bassa for his annuitie 40. thousand ducats.
• To the fourth Bassa for his annuitie 30. thousand ducats.
• To the fifth Bassa for his annuitie 20. thousand ducats.
• To the Captaine of the Ianizaries 20. thousand ducats.
• To the Ieu Merhorbassi master of his horse 15. thousand ducats.
• To the Captaine of the pensioners 10. thousand ducats.
• To the Captaine of his guard 5. thousand ducats.

Summa totalis 90. thousand li. sterling.

Beside these aboue specified, be sundry other annuities giuen to diuers others of his aforesaid officers, as also to certaine called Sahims, diminishing from three thousand to two hundreth du∣cats, esteemed treble to surmount the annuitie abouesaid.

The Turkes chiefe officers.

THe Uiceroy is high Treasurer, notwithstanding that vnder him be three subtreasurers cal∣led Te••tadars, which bee accomptable to him of the receipts out of Europe, Asia and Africa, saue their yeerely annuitie of lands.

The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Bassa, who sealeth with a certaine proper character such licences, safe conducts, passeports, especiall graunts, &c. as proceed from the Grand Signior: not withstanding all letters to forreine princes so firmed be after inclosed in a bagge, and sealed by the Grand Signior, with a signet which he ordinarily weareth about his necke, credited of them to haue bene of ancient appertayning to king Salomon the wise.

The Admirall giueth his voyce in the election of all Begs, Captaines of Islandes, to whom hee giueth their charge, as also appointeth the Subbassas, Bayliffes or Constables ouer Cities and Townes vpon the Sea coastes about Constantinople, and in the Archipelago, whereof hee reapeth great profit.

The Subbassi of Pera payeth him yeerely fifteene thousande ducats, and so likewise either of the others according as they are placed.

The Ressistop serueth in office to the Uiceroy and Chancellor, as Secretary, and so likewise doeth the Cogie Master of the Rolls, before which two, passe all writings presented to, or gran∣ted by the said Uiceroy and Chancellor, offices of especiall credite and like profite, moreouer re∣warded with annuities of lands.

There are also two chiefe Iudges named Cadi Lesker, the one ouer Europe, and the other o∣uer Asia and Africa, which in Court doe sit on the Bench at the left hand of the Bassas. These sell all offices to the vnder Iudges of the land called Cadies, whereof is one in euery Citie or towne,

before whom all matters in controuersie are by iudgement decided, as also penalties and correc∣tions for crimes ordained to be executed vpon the offenders by the Subbassi.

The number of Souldiers continually attending vpon the Be∣glerbegs the gouernours of Prouinces and Saniacks, and their petie Cap∣taines mainteined of these Prouinces.

The Beglerbegs Of persons.

• GRaecia, fourtie thousand
• Buda, fifteene thousand
• Sclauonia, fifteene thousand
• Natolia, fifteene thousand
• Caramania, fifteene thousand
• Armonia, eighteene thousand
• Persia, twentie thousand
• Vsdrum, fifteene thousand
• Chirusta, fifteene thousand
• Caraemiti, thirtie thousand
• Giersul, two and thirtie thousand

The Beglerbegs Of persons.

• BAgdat, fiue and twentie thousand
• Balsara, two and twenty thousand
• Lassaija, seuenteene thousand
• Alepo, fiue and twentie thousand
• Damasco, seuenteene thousand
• Cayro, twelue thousand
• Abes, twelue thousand
• Mecca, eight thousand
• Cyprus, eighteene thousand
• Tunis in Barbary, eight thousand
• Tripolis in Syria, eight thousand
• Alger, fourtie thousand

Whose Sangiacks and petie Captaines be three hundred sixtie eight, euery of which retaining continually in pay from fiue hundreth, to two hundreth Souldiers, may be one with another at the least, three hundreth thousand persons.

Chiefe officers in his Seraglio about his person

Be these

• CApiaga, High porter.
• Alnader Bassi, Treasurer.
• Oda Balsi, Chamberlaine.
• Killergi Bassi, Steward.
• Saraiaga, Comptroller.
• Peskerolen, Groome of the chamber.
• Edostoglan, Gentleman of the Ewer.
• Sehetaraga, Armour bearer.
• Choataraga, he that carieth his riding cloake.
• Ebietaraga, Groome of the stoole.

There be many other maner Officers, which I esteeme superfluous to write.

The Turkes yeerely reuenue.

THe Grand Signiors annual reuenue is said to be foureteene Millions and an halfe of golden ducats, which is sterling fiue millions, eight score thousand pounds.

The tribute payd by the Christians his Subiects is one gold ducat yeerely for the redemption of euery head, which may amount vnto not so litle as one Million of golden ducats, which is ster∣ling three hundred threescore thousand pounds.

Moreouer, in time of warre he exacteth manifolde summes for maintenance of his Armie and Nauie of the said Christians.

The Emperour payeth him yeerely tribute for Hungary, threescore thousand dollers, which is sterling thirteene thousand pound, besides presents to the Uiceroy and Bassas, which are said to surmount to twentie thousand dollers.

Ambassadors allowances.

THe Ambassadour of the Emperor is allowed one thousand Aspers the day.

The Ambassadour of the French king heretofore enioyed the like: but of late yeeres by meanes of displeasure conceiued by Mahumet then Viceroy, it was reduced to sixe crownes the day, beside the prouision of his Esquier of his stable.

The Ambassadours of Poland, and for the state of Venice are not Ligiers as these two aboue∣said. The said Polack is allowed 12. French crownes the day during his abode, which may be for a moneth. Uery seldome do the state of Venice send any Ambassador otherwise, then enforced of vrgent necessity: but in stead thereof keepe there their Agent, president ouer other Marchants, of them termed a bailife, who hath none allowance of the Grand Signior, although his port & state is in maner as magnifical as the other aforesaid ambassadors. The Spanish Ambassador was equall with others in Ianizaries: but for so much as he would not according to custome folow the list of o∣ther ambassadors in making presents to y^e Grand Signior, he had none alowance. His abode there was 3. yeres, at the end wherof, hauing cōcluded a truce for 6. yeres, taking place frō his first com∣ming in Nouember last past 1580. he was not admitted to the presence of the Grand Signior.

The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellour to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signior, to the sacred Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England, shewing that vpon her request, and for her sake especially, hee graunted peace vnto the King and kingdome of Poland.

GLoriosissima & splendore fulgidissima foeminarum, selectissima Princeps magnanimorum ••ESVM sectantium, regni inclyti Angliae Regina Serenis∣sima Elizabetha, moderatrix rerum & negotiorum omnium plebis & fa∣miliae Nazarenorum sapientissima; Origo splendoris & gloriae dulcissima; nubes pluuiarum gratissima, heres & domina beatitudinis & gloriae regni inclyti Anglie; ad quam omnes supplices confugiunt, incrementum omni∣um rerum & actionum Serenitatis vestrae beatissimum, exitusque foelicissi∣mos à Creatore omnipotente optantes, mutuáeque & perpetua familiaritate nostra digna vota & laudes sempiter••as offerentes: Significamus Ser. vestrae amicisimè; Quia sunt anni aliquot, à quibus annis potentissima Cesarea celsitudo bella ineffabilia cū Casul-bas, Principe nempe Persarum gessit; ratione quorum bellorum in partes alias bellū mouere noluit, ob eamque cau∣sam in partibus Polonie lat••ones quidam Cosaci nuncupati, & alij facinorosi in partibus illis ex∣istentes, subditos Cesaris potentissimi turbare & infestare non desierunt. Nunc autem partibus Persicis compositis & absolutis, in partibus Polonie & alijs partibus exurgentes facino••osos pu∣nire constiruens, Beglerbego Greciae exercitu aliquo adiuncto, & Principi Tartarorum manda∣to Cesaris misso, anno proximè preterito pars aliqua Regni Poloniae infestata, turbata & deua∣sta••a fuit, & Cosaci alij{que} facinorosi iuxtra merita sua puniti fuerunt. Quo rex Polonie viso duos legatos ad Cesareā celsitudinē mittens, quòd facinorosos exquirere, & poena perfecta punire, & ab annis multis ad portam Cesaree celsitudinis missum munus augere vellet, significaui••. Ce∣sarea autem celsitudo (cui Creator omnipotens tantam suppeditauit potentiam, & quae omnes supplices exaudite dignata est) supplicatione Regis Polonie non accepta, iterùm in regem Po∣lonie exercitum suum mittere, & Creatoris omnipotentis auxilio regnum eius subuertere con∣stituerat. Verum Legato Serenitatis vestre in porta beata & fulgida Caesareae celsitudinis re∣sidente sese interponente, Et quòd Serenitati vestre ex partibus Poloniae, fruges, puluis, arbores nauiū, tormenta, & alia necessaria suppeditarentur significante, & pacem pro regno & rege Po∣loniae petente, neu•• regnum Poloniae ex parte Caesareae celsitudinis turbaretur vel infestaretur intercedente, Serenitatisque vestrae hane singularem esse voluntatem exponente, Legati sereni∣tatis vestrae significatio & intercessio cùm Caesaree celsitudini ••ignificata fuisset, In ••auorem se∣renitatis vestrae, cui omnis honos & gratia debetur, iuxta modum predictum, vt Cosacifacino∣rosi exquirantur & poena perfecta puniantur, aut ratione muneris aliquantuli eorum delicta cō∣donentur, hac inquam conditione literae Cesareae celsitudinis ad Regem Poloniae sunt datae, Si autem ex parte Serenitatis vestre foedus & pax sollicitata non fuisset, nulla ratione Caesarea celsitudo foedus cum regno Polonie inijsset. In fauorem autem Serenitatis vestrae regno & Re∣gi Poloniae singularem gratiam Caesarea celsitudo exhibuit. Quod tàm Serenitas vestra, quàm etiam Rex & regnum Polonie sibi certò persuadere debent. Serenitatem vestram benè foeli∣cissiméque valere cupimus. Datum Constantinopoli in fine mensis Sabaum nuncupati, Anno prophetae nostri sacrati Ma••umedi nongentesimo, nonagesimo, octauo, IESV vero Anno mil∣lesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo, die duodecimo mensis Iunij.

The same in English.

MOst glorious, and the most resplendent of women, most select Princesse, most gratious Elizabeth Queene of the valiant followers of Iesus in the famous kingdom of England, most wise gouernesse of all the affaires and businesses of the people and family of the Nazarens, most sweet fountaine of brightnesse and glory, most acceptable cloud of raine, inheritresse & Ladie of the blessednesse and glory of the renowmed kingdome of England, to whom in humble wise all men offer their petitions: wishing of the almightie Creator most happie increase and prosperous successe vnto all your Maiesties affaires and actions, and offering vp mutuall & perpetuall vowes worthy of our familiarity, with eternall prayses: In most friendly manner we signifie vnto your princely Highnesse, that certaine yeeres past the most mightie Cesarlike maiestie of the Grand Signor waged vnspeakeable warres with Casul-bas the Prince of the Persians, in regarde of which warres he would not goe in battell against any other places; and for that cause certaine theeues in the partes of Polonia called Cosacks, and other notorious persons liuing in the same partes ceased not to trouble and molest the subiects of our most mightie Emperour. But now hauing finished and brought to some good issue his affaires in Persia, determining to punish the saide malefactors of Poland, and for that purpose committing an army vnto the Beglerbeg of Grecia, and the yeere last past, sending his imperiall commaundement vnto the Prince of the Tartars, he hath forraged, molested, and layed waste some part of the kingdome of Poland, and the Cosacks and other notorious offenders haue receiued condigue punishment. Which the king of Poland perceiuing sent two Embassadours to his imperiall Highnesse signifying, that he would hunt out the said malefactors, and inflict most seuere punishments vpon them, and al∣so that he would better his gift, which he hath for many yeeres heretofore ordinarily sent vnto the porch of his imperiall Highnesse. Howbeit his imperiall maiestie (vpon whom the almigh∣tie creator hath bestowed so great power, and who vouchsafeth to giue eare vnto all humble suppliants) reiecting the supplication of the King of Poland, determined againe to send his ar∣mie against the said king, and by the helpe of the Almightie creator, vtterly to subuert and ouer∣throwe his kingdome. But your Maiesties Embassadour resident in the blessed and glorious porch of his imperiall Highnesse interposing himselfe as a mediatour, signifying that from the partes of Poland you were furnished with corne, gun-powder, mastes of ships, guns, and other necessaries, and crauing peace on the behalfe of the kingdome and king of Poland, and making intercession, that the said king might not be molested nor troubled by the meanes of the Grand Signor, & declaring that this was your Maiesties most earnest desire; so soone as the report and intercession of your Maiesties Embassadour was signified vnto the Grand Signor, for your sake, vnto whom all honour and fauourable regard is due, vpon the condition aforesaid, namely, that the wicked Cosacks might be sought out and grieuously punished, or that their offences might be remitted for the value of some small gift, vpon this condition (I say) the letters of his impe∣riall Highnesse were sent vnto the king of Poland. Howbeit had not this conclusion of league and amitie beene sollicited on the behalfe of your Maiestie, his imperiall Highnesse would ne∣uer haue vouchsafed the same vnto the kingdome of Poland. But for your Maiesties sake his imperiall Highnesse hath exhibited this so singular a fauour vnto the said king and kingdome of Poland. And hereof your Maiestie and the king of Poland ought certainely to be perswaded. We wish your Maiestie most happily and well to fare. Giuen at Constantinople in the ende of the moneth called Sabaū, in the yeare of our sacred prophet Mahomet 998, and in the yeere of Iesus 1590, the 12 of Iune.

The second letters Patents graunted by the Queenes Maiestie to the Right worshipfull companie of the English Mar∣chants for the Leuant, the seuenth of Ianuarie 1592.

ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Irelande, defender of the faith &c. To all our Officers, ministers and subiects, and to all other people aswell within this our Realme of England, as else where vnder our obeysance and iurisdiction or otherwise vnto whom these our let∣ters shalbe seene, shewed, or read, greeting,

Where our welbeloued subiects Edward Osborne knight Alderman of our citie of London, William Hareborne Esquire, and Richard Staper of our saide citie Marchant, haue by great aduenture and industrie with their great cost and char∣ges

by the space of sundry late yeeres trauelled, and caused trauell to be taken aswell by se∣crete and good meanes, as by daungerous wayes and passages both by lande and sea to finde out and set open a trade of marchandize and traffike into the landes, Ilandes, Dominions, and ter∣ritories of the great Turke, commonly called the Grand Signor, not before that time in the memorie of any man now liuing knowen to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of mar∣chandize by any the mar••hantes or other subiectes of vs or our progenitors: And also haue by their like good meanes and industrie and great charges procured of the sayde Grand Signor in our name, amitie, safetie and freedome for trade and traffike of marchandize to be vsed and con∣tinued by our subiects within his sayd dominions, whereby we perceiue and finde that both ma∣ny good actions haue beene done and performed, and hereafter are likely continually to be done and performed for the peace of Christendome: Namely by the reliefe and discharge of ma∣ny Christians which haue beene, and which hereafter may happen to be in thraldome and bon∣dage vnder the sayde Grand Signor and his vassals or subiects. And also good and profitable vent and vtterance of the commodities of our Realme, and sundrie other great benefites to the aduancement of our honour and dignitie Royall, the maintenance of our Nauie, the encrease of our customes, and the reuenues of our Crowne, and generally the great wealth of our whole Realme.

And whereas we are enformed of the sayd Edward Osborne knight, William Hareborne, and Richard Staper, that George Barne, Richard Martine, Iohn Harte knights, and other mar∣chants of our sayd Citie of London haue by the space of eight or nine yeeres past ioyned them∣selues in companie, trade and traffike with them the sayd Edward Osborne knight, William Hareborne and Richard Staper, into the sayde dominions of the sayd great Turke, to the fur∣therance thereof and the good of the Realme.

And whereas ••urther it is made knowen vnto vs, that within fewe yeeres now past our lo∣uing and good subiects Thomas Cordall, Edward Holmeden, William Garraway and Paul Banning, and sundry other marchants of our said Citie of London, haue likewise at their great costes and charges, builded and furnished diuerse good and seruiceable shippes and therewith to their like costs and charges haue traded and frequented, and from time to time doe trade and frequent and traffike by sea with the commodities of our Realme to Venice, Zante, Candie, and Zephalonia and other the dominions of the Segniorie and State of Venice, and thereby haue made and mainteyned, and doe make and continually maintaine diuers good shippes with mariners skilfull and ••itte and necessarie for our seruice: and doe vent out of our Realme in∣to those partes diuerse commodities of our Realme, and returne hither into our sayde Realme many good and necessarie commodities for the common wealth thereof: All which traffike, as well inward as outward vntill it hath beene otherwise brought to passe by the sayde endeuours, costs, and charges of our sayde subiects, was in effect by our subiectes wholy discontinued.

Knowe yee, that hereupon we greatly tendring the wealth of our people and the encourage∣ment of them and other our louing subiects in their good enterprises for the aduancement of lawfull traffike to the benefite of our common wealth, haue of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heyres, and successours, doe giue and grount vnto our sayd trustie and welbeloued subiectes Edwarde Osborne Knight, George Barne Knight, George Bonde knight, Richard Martine knight, Iohn Harte knight, Iohn Hawkins knight, William Massam, Iohn Spencer, Richard Sal∣tonstall, Nicholas Mosley Aldermen of our sayde Citie of London, William Hareborne, Edwarde Barton, William Borrough Esquires, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordall, Henrie Paruis, Thomas Laurence, Edwarde Holmeden, William Garraway, Robert Dowe, Paul Banning, Roger Clarke, Henrie Anderson, Robert Offley, Philip Grimes, Andrewe Banning, Iames Staper, Robert Sadler, Leonarde Power, George Salter, Nicholas Leate, Iohn Eldred, William Shales, Richard May, William Wilkes, Andrewe Fones, Arthur Iack∣son, Edmund Ansell, Ralph Ashley, Thomas Farrington, Roberte Sandie, Thomas Garra∣way, Edwarde Lethlande, Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden, Robert Ba••e, Edward Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard Martine Iunior, Ralph Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Tho∣mas Simons, and Francis Dorrington, that they and euery of them by the name of Gouer∣nour and company of Marchants of the Leuant shall from hence foorth for the terme of twelue yeeres next ensuing the date hereof bee one bodie,* 11.1 fellowshippe and companie of them∣selues both in deede and in name: And them by the name of Gouernour and companie of mar∣chantes of the Leuant wee doe ordayne, incorporate, name, and declare by these presentes, and that the same fellowshippe and companie from hence foorth shall and may haue one Go∣uernour. And in consideration that the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight hath beene of

the chiefe setters foorth and actors in the opening and putting in practise of the sayde trade to the dominions of the sayde Gand Signor: Wee doe therefore specially make, ordaine, and constitute the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight,* 11.2 to bee nowe Gouernour during the time of one whole yeere nowe next following, if hee so long shall liue: And after the expiration of the sayde yeere, or decease of the sayde Edward Osborne the choyse of the next Gouernour, and so of euery Gouernour from time to time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres to be at the election of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of marchantes of the Leuant or the more part of them yeerely to be chosen, and that they the sayde Sir Edwarde Osborne, and all the residue of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of Marchantes of the Leuant and euerie of them, and all the sonnes of them and of euery of them, and all such their apprentises and seruants of them and of euery of them, which haue beene or hereafter shall be imployed in the sayde trade by the space of foure yeeres or vpwardes by themselues, their seruantes, factors or deputies, shall and may by the space of twelue yeeres from the day of the date of these our letters Patents freely traffike, and vse the trade of Marchandize as well by sea as by lande into and from the dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, and into and from Venice, Zante, Candie and Zephalonia, and other the dominions of the Signiorie and State of Ve∣nice, and also by lande through the Countries of the sayde Grand Signor into and from the East India,* 11.3 lately discouered by Iohn Newberie, Ralph Fitch, William Leech, and Iames Storie, sent with our letters to that purpose at the proper costs and charge of the sayde Mar∣chants or some of them: and into and from euerie of them in such order, manner, forme, libertie and condition to all intentes and purposes as shall be betweene them of the sayde fel∣lowshippe or companie of Marchantes of the Leuant or the more part of them for the time be∣ing limited and agreed, and not otherwise, without any molestation, impeachment, or distur∣bance; any lawe, statute, vsage, or diuersitie of Religion or faith, or any other cause or mat∣ter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding.

And that the sayde Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant, or the greater part of them for the better gouernement of the sayde fellowshippe and companie, shall and may within fortie dayes next and immediatly following after the date heereof, and so from thence foorth yeerely during the continuance of this our graunt, assemble themselues in some conuenient place, and that they or the greater parte of them being so assembled, shall and may elect, ordaine, nominate, and appoint twelue discreete and honest persons of the sayde companie to be assistants to the sayde Gouernour, and to continue in the sayde office of assi∣stants, vntill they shall die or bee remooued by the sayde Gouernour and companie or the grea∣ter part of them. And if it happen the sayde assistantes or any of them to die, or be remoo∣ued from their sayde office at anie time during the continuance of this our graunt: that then and so often it shall and may bee lawfull to and for the sayde Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, or the greater part of them to elect and chuse one or more other persons of the sayd companie into the place or places of euery such person or persons so dy∣ing or happening to be remooued, as is aforesayde. And wee will and ordaine that the same per∣son or persons so as is aforesayde to be elected shall be of the sayd number of assistants of the sayde companie. And this to be done so often as the case shall so require. And that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight, George Barne Knight, George Bonde knight, Richard Martine knight, Iohn Hart knight, Iohn Hawkins knight, William Massam, Iohn Spencer, Richard Saltonstall, Nicholas Mosley, William Hare∣borne, Edwarde Barton, Wi••liam Borrough, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordall, Hen∣rie Paruis, Thomas Laurence, Edwarde Holmeden, William Garraway, Robert Dowe, Paul Banning, Roger Clarke, Henrie Anderson, Robert Offley, Philip Grimes, An∣drewe Banning, Iames Staper, Robert Sadler, Leonarde Power, George Salter, Nicho∣las Leate, Iohn Eldred, William Shales, Richard May, William Wilkes, Andrewe Fones, Arthur Iackson, Edmund Ansell, Ralph Ashley, Thomas Farrington, Roberte Sandie, Thomas Garraway, Edwarde Lethlande, Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden, Robert Bate, Edward Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard Martine Iunior, Ralph Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Thomas Simons, and Francis Dorrington aforesayde, or any of them to assemble themselues for or about any the matters, causes or affaires or businesses of the sayde trade in any place or places for the same conuenient from time to time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres within our dominions or else where. And that also it shall and may bee lawfull for them or the more part of them to make, ordaine and constitute reasonable lawes and orders for the good gouernement of the sayde companie, and for the better aduauncement and con∣tinuance of the sayde trade and traffike: the same lawes and ordinances not being contrarie

or repugnant to the lawes, statutes or customes of our Realme: And the same lawes and ordi∣nances so made to put in vre, and execute accordingly, and at their pleasures to reuoke and alter the same lawes and ordinances or any of them as occasion shall require.

And we doe also for vs, our heyres and successors of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, that when and as often at any time during the sayde terme and space of twelue yeeres as any custome, pondage, subsidie or other duetie shall be due and payable vnto vs, our heires, or successors for any goods or marchandize whatsoeuer, to be carried or transported out of this our port of London into any the dominions aforesayde, or out of or from any the sayde domi∣nions vnto our sayde port of London, that our Customers, and all other our Officers for re∣ceites of custome, pondage, subsidie or other duetie vnto whom it shall appertaine, shall vpon the request of the sayde Gouernour for the time being, giue vnto the sayde companie three monethes time for the payment of the one halfe, and other three monethes for the payment of the other halfe of their sayde custome, pondage, or other subsidie or duetie for the same, recei∣uing good and sufficient bonde and securitie to our vse for the payment of the same according∣ly. And vpon receipt of the sayde bonde to giue them out their cockets or other warrants to lade out and receiue in the same their goods by vertue hereof without any disturbance. And that also as often as at any time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres any goods or marchan∣dize of any of the sayde companie laden from this our port of London in any the dominions beforesayde shall happen to miscarie before their safe discharge in the partes for and to the which they be sent: That then and so often so much custome, pondage, and other subsidie as they answered vs for the same, shall after due proofe made before the Treasurour of England for the time being of the sayde losse, and the iust quantitie thereof, be by the vertue hereof al∣lowed vnto them, by warrant of the sayde Treasurour to the sayde Customers in the next mar∣chandize that they shall or may shippe for those partes, according to the true rates of the customes, pondage, or subsidies heretofore payde for the goods so lost or any part or parcell thereof.

And for that the sayde companie are like continually to bring into this our Realme a much greater quantitie of forren commodities from the forren Countreyes, places, or territories aforesaide, then here can be spent for the necessarie vse of the same, which of necessarie must be transported into other countreyes, and there vented, we for vs, our heires and successors of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion doe graunt to and with the sayd Go∣uernour and companie that at all times from time to time during the space of thirteene moneths next after the discharge of any the sayde goods so brought in, and the subsidies, pondage, cu∣stomes and other duties for the same being before hande payde or compounded for as afore∣sayd, it shall be lawfull for them or any of them or any other person or persons whatsoeuer being naturall subiects of the Realme which may or shall buy the same of them or any of them to transport the same in English bottomes freely out of this Realme without payment of any further custome, pondage, or other subsidie to vs, our heires or successors for the same, where∣of the sayde subsidies, pondage, or customes or other duties shall be so formerly payde and com∣pounded for, as aforesayd, and so proued. And the sayd customer by vertue hereof shall vpon due and sufficient proofe thereof made in the custome house giue them sufficient cocket or certifi∣cate for the safe passing out thereof accordingly. And to the ende no deceipt be vsed herein to vs our heires, and successors, certificate shall be brought from our collector of custome inwardes to our customer outwardes that the sayd marchandizes haue within the time limited aunswered their due custome, subsidie, pondage and other duties for the same inwards.

And furthermore we of our ample and aboundant grace, meere motion, and certaine know∣ledge haue graunted, and by these presents for vs our heyres and successours doe graunt vnto the said Gouernours and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, that they and such onely as be and shall be of that companie, shall for the sayd terme of twelue yeeres haue, vse, and enioy the whole and onely trade and traffike, and the whole entire and onely libertie, vse, and priuiledge of trading and traffiking, and vsing feate of marchandise by and through the Leuant seas otherwise called the Mediterran seas into and from the sayd dominions of the Grand Signor, and domini∣ons of the state of Venice; and by and through the sayd Grand Signiors dominions to and from such other places in the East Indies discouered as aforesayd. And that they the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and euery particular and seuerall person of that com∣panie their and euery one of their seruants, factors, and deputies shall haue full and free autho∣ritie, libertie, facultie, licence, and power to trade and trafficke by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all and euery the sayd dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, and

the dominions of the state of Venice, and the sayde Indies, and into and from all places where by occasion of the sayd trade they shall happen to arriue or come, whither they be Christians, Turkes, Gentiles, or others: And by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all o∣ther seas, riuers, portes, regions, territories, dominions, coastes and places with their ships, barkes, pinases and other vessels, and with such mariners and men as they will leade or haue with them, or sende for the sayde trade as they shall thinke good at their owne proper costes and expenses.

And for that the shippes sayling into the sayde Countreyes must take their due and proper times to proceede in these voyages, which otherwise as wee well perceiue can not be perfor∣med in the rest of the yeere following: Therefore we of our speciall grace, certaine know∣ledge, and meere motion for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to and with the sayd Go∣uernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant, that foure good shippes well furnished with ordinance and other munition for their defence, and two hundred marriners English men to guide and sayle in the same foure shippes at all times during the sayde twelue yeeres shall quietly bee permitted and suffered to depart and goe in the sayde voyages, according to the purport of these presents, without any stay or contradiction by vs our heyres and successors, or by the Lorde high Admirall or any other officer or subiect of vs, our heires or successours in any wise: Any restraint, lawe, statu••e, vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie not∣withstanding.

Prouided neuerthelesse, that if wee shall at any time within the sayde twelue yeeres haue iust cause to arme our Nauie in warrelike manner in defence of our Realme, or for offence of our enemies: and that it shall be founde needefull and conuenient for vs to ioyne to our Na∣uie the shippes of our subiects to be also armed for warres to such number as cannot bee sup∣plied if the sayd foure shippes should be permitted to depart as aboue is mentioned; then vpon knowledge giuen by vs or our Admirall to the sayde Gouernour or companie about the fifteenth day of the moneth of March, or three monethes before the saide companie shall beginne to make readie the same foure shippes that we may not spare the sayd foure ships and the marriners re∣quisite for them to be out of our Realme during the time that our Nauie shall be vpon the seas, that then the sayde comp••nie shall forbeare to send such foure shippes for their trade of marchan∣dise vntill that we shall retake our sayd Nauie from the sayd seruice.

And further our will and pleasure is, and wee doe by these presentes graunt that it shall be lawfull to and for the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant to haue and vse in and about the affaires of the sayde companie a common seale for matters concerning the sayde companie and trade. And that also it shall be lawfull for the Marchants, Mariners, and Sea-men, which shall be vsed and imployed in the sayde trade and voyage to set and place in the toppes of their ships or other vessels the Armes of England with the redde-crosse in white ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed.

And we of our further Royall fauour and of our especiall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchants of the Leuant, that the sayde landes, ter∣ritories, and dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, or the dominions of the Signiorie of Venice, or any of them within the sayde Leuant or Mediterran seas shall not be visited, fre∣quented, or haunted by the sayde Leuant sea by way of marchandize by any other our subiects during the saide terme of twelue yeeres contrarie to the true meaning of these presentes. And by vertue of our prerogatiue Royall, which wee will not in that behalfe haue argued or brought in question, wee straightly charge, commaunde and prohibite for vs our heyres and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they bee, that none of them di∣rectly or indirectly doe visite, haunt, frequent, trade, trafike or aduenture by way of marchan∣dise into or from any of the sayd dominions of the sayd Grand Signor, or the dominions of the saide Segniorie of Venice, by or through the sayde Leuant sea other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant, and such particular persons as be or shall be of that companie, their factors, agents, seruants and assignes. And further for that wee plainely vn∣derstande that the States and Gouernours of the citie and Segniorie of Venice haue of late time set and raysed a newe impost and charge ouer and besides their auncient impost, custome, and charge of and vpou all manner of marchandize of our Realme brought into their domi∣nions, and also of and vpon all marchandise caried or laden from their sayd Countrey or domini∣ons by our subiects or in the ships or bottoms of any of our subiectes to the great and intolle∣rable charge and hinderance of our sayd subiects trading thither, wee therefore minding the redresse thereof, doe also by these presents for vs, our heires and successors further straightly

prohibite and forbid not onely the subiects of the sayde State and Segniorie of Venice, but also of all other Nations or Countries whatsoeuer other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant, and such onely as be or shall be of that companie, their factors, agents, seruantes, and assignes: That they or any of them during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres, shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realme of Englande, or any part thereof anie manner of small fruites called corrants, being the raysins of Corinth, or wine of Candie, vn∣lesse it be by and with the licence, consent, and agreement of the sayde Gouernour and compa∣nie in writing vnder their sayd common seale first had and obteyned vpon paine vnto euery such person and persons that shall trade and traffike into any the sayde dominions of the State and Segniorie of Venice by sea, or that shall bring or cause to be brought into our saide Realme any of the said corrants being the raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candia, other then the sayd companie in paine of our indignation, and of forfaiture and losse aswell of the shippe and ships with the furniture thereof, as also of the goods, marchandize, and thinges whatsoeuer they be of those which shall attempt or presume to commit or doe any matter or thing contrarie to the prohibition aforesayd. The one halfe of all the saide forfeitures to be to vs, our heires and suc∣cessours, and the other halfe of all and euery the sayde forfeitures we doe by these presents, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion clearely and wholie for vs, our heires and successors, giue and graunt vnto the saide Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant.

And further all and euery the sayde offendours for their sayde contempt to suffer imprison∣ment during our pleasures, and such other punishment as to vs for so high a contempt shall seeme meere and conuenient, and not to be in any wise deliuered vntill they and euery of them shall be come bounde vnto the sayd Gouernour for the time being in the summe of one thousand poundes or lesse at no time, then after to sayle or traffike by sea into any the dominions afore∣saide, or to bring or cause to be brought from any the places aforesayde any corrants, raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candia contrarie to our expresse commaundement in that behalfe herein set downe and published.

Prouided alwayes, and our expresse will is notwithstanding the premisses that if our sayde subiectes shall at any time hereafter be recompensed of and for all such newe impostes and char∣ges as they and euery of them shall pay, and likewise be freely discharged of and from the payment of all manner of newe imposte or taxe for any of their marchandise which they hereaf∣ter shall bring into or from any the dominions of the sayde State or Segniorie of Venice, and from all bondes and other assurances by them or any of them to be made for or in that be∣halfe, that then immediatly from and after such recompence and discharge made as aforesayde our sayde prohibition and restraint in these presentes mentioned, shall not be of any strength or force against the sayde Citie or State of Venice, or any the subiects thereof, but for and du∣ring such time onely and in such case when hereafter the sayde State of Venice shall againe beginne to taxe or leuie any manner of newe imposte within the sayde dominions vpon any the goods or marchandizes of our sayde subiectes heereafter to be brought into any the dominions of the said State or Segniorie of Venice. Any thing in these our letters Patents contayned to the contrarie thereof in any wise notwithstanding.

And further wee straightly charge and commaunde, and by these presentes prohibite all and singular Customers and Collectors of our Customes, pondage, and subsidies, and all other Of∣ficers within our Porte and Citie of London and else where, to whom it shall appertaine and euery of them, That they or any of them by themselues, their clarkes, or substitutes shall not receiue or take, or suffer to be receiued or taken for vs or i•• our name, or to our vse, or in the name, or vnto the vse of our heires or successors of any person or persons, any summe or summes of money, or other consideration during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres for any cu∣stome, pondage, taxe or subsidie of any corrants, raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candie a∣foresayd saue onely of and in the name of the sayde Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, or of some of that companie without the consent of the sayde Gouernour and companie in writing vnder their sayd common seale, first had and obteyned, and vnto them shewed for the testifying their sayd consent. And for the better and more sure obseruation there∣of wee will and graunt for vs, our heires or successors by these presentes, that our Trea∣surour and Barons of the Exchequer for the time being by force of these presentes, and the in∣rollment thereof in the sayde Court of our Exchequour, at all and euery time and times during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres, at and vpon the request of the sayde Gouernour and com∣panie, their Attourney or Attourneys, Deputies or assignes, shall and may make and direct vnder the seale of the sayde Court one or more sufficient writte or writtes close or patent,

vnto euery or any of the sayd Customers or other Officers to whom it shall appertaine, com∣maunding them and euery of them thereby, that neither they nor any of them at any time or times during the sayd space of twelue yeeres shall take entrie of any corants, raisins of Co∣rinth, or wines of Candia, or take or make any agreement for any custome, pondage, or other subsidie for any of the sayd corants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candie, with any person or persons whatsoeuer, other then with, or in the name and by the priuitie of the sayd gouernour and company or some of the same company.

And further of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion we haue condescen∣ded and graunted, and by these presents for vs our heires and successours doe condescend and graunt to the sayd Gouernour and company of marchants of Leuant, that wee our heires and successours, during the sayd terme, will not graunt libertie, licence, or power to any person or persons whatsoeuer contrary to the tenour of these our letters patents, to saile, passe, trade, or traffique by the sayde Leuant Sea, into, or from the sayde dominions of the sayd Grand Sig∣nior or the dominions of the State of Venice or any of them, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, without the consent of the sayd Gouernour and Companie or the most part of them.

And whereas Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet haue not yet assented to bee incorporated into the sayd societie of Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, neuerthelesse sithence, as we be informed, they haue bene traders that way heretofore; our will and pleasure is, and we doe hereby expressely commaund and charge that if it happen at any time within two moneths next following after the date hereof, the sayd Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet or either of them, to submit themselues to be of the sayd companie, and doe giue such assurance as the sayd Gouernour and companie, or the more part of them shall allow of, to beare, pay, and performe such orders, constitutions, paiments and contributions, as other of the sayd company shall be or∣dered to beare, pay, and performe, that then euery of the sayd Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet so doing and submitting himselfe, shall vpon his or their request vnto the sayd Gouer∣nour bee admitted into the sayd companie and corporation of Gouernour and companie of mar∣chants of Leuant, and haue and enioy the same, and as great liberties, priuileges, and preheminences, as the rest of the sayde corporation or companie may, or ought to haue by vertue of this our graunt. Any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwith∣standing.

And our will and pleasure is, and hereby wee doe also ordaine that it shall and may bee law∣full, to, and for the sayde Gouernour and company of marchants of Leuant or the more part of them, to admit into, and to be of the sayd companie, any such as haue bene or shall bee employed as seruants, factors, or agents in the trade of marchandise by the sayd Leuant seas, into any the countries, dominions or territories of the sayd Grand Signior or Signiorie or State of Venice, according as they or the most part of them shall thinke requisite.

And where Anthony Ratcliffe, Steuen Some, and Robert Brooke Aldermen of the saide Citie of London, Simon Laurence, Iohn Wattes, Iohn Newton, Thomas Middleton, Robert Coxe, Iohn Blunt, Charles Faith, Thomas Barnes, Alexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth, Henry Cowlthirste, Caesar Doffie, Martine Bonde, Oliuer Stile and Nicolas Stile Marchants of London for their abilities and sufficiencies haue bene thought fit to be also of the sayd Company of the saide gouernour and Company of Marchants of Leuant: Our will and pleasure and ex∣presse commaundement is, and wee doe hereby establish and ordeine, that euery such of the same Anthony Radcliffe, Steuen Some, Robert Brooke, Simon Laurence, Iohn Wattes, Iohn Newton, Thomas Midleton, Robert Coxe, Iohn Blunt, Charles F••ith, Thomas Barnes, A∣lexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth, Henry Cowlthirst, Caesar Doffie, Martine Bonde, Oli∣uer Style, and Nicolas Style, as shall pay vnto the saide Gouernour and company of Marchants of Leuante the summe of one hundred and thirtie poundes of lawfull English money within two monethes next after the date hereof towards the charges that the same Company haue al∣ready bene at in and about the establishing of the sayde trades shall from thencefoorth bee of the same company of Marchants of Leuant as fully and amply and in like maner, as any other of that societie or Company.

Prouided also, that wee our heires and successours at any time during the sayd twelue yeeres may lawfully appoynt and authorize two other persons exercising the lawfull trade of marchan∣dize, and being fit men to bee of the sayd companie of Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, so that the sayd persons to bee nominated or authorized, shall aide, doe, beare, and paie such payments and charges touching and concerning the same trade and Companie of marchants

of Leuant, ratablie as other of the sayd Companie of marchants of Leuant shall, and doe, or ought to beare and pay: and doe also performe and obserue the orders of the sayd Companie al∣lowable by this our graunt, as others of the same doe or ought to doe. And that such two per∣sons so to bee appoynted by vs our heires or successours, shall and may with the sayd Company vse the trade and feate of marchandise aforesayd, and all the liberties and priuileges herein before granted, according to the meaning of these our letters patents, any thing in these our letters pa∣tents contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

Prouided also, that if any of the marchants before by these presents named or incorporated, to bee of the sayd fellowship of Gouernour and companie of the merchants of Leuant, shall not bee willing to continue or bee of the same Companie, and doe giue notice thereof, or make the same knowen to the sayd Gouernour within two moneths next after the date hereof, that then such person so giuing notice, shall no further or any longer be of that companie, or haue trade into those parties, nor be at any time after that of the same corporation or companie, or vse trade into any the territories or countries aforesayd.

Prouided alwayes neuerthelesse, that euery such person so giuing notice and hauing at this present any goods or marchandises in any the Territories or countreys of the sayd Grand Sig∣nior, or Segniorie or State of Venice, may at any time within the space of eighteene mo∣neths next, and immediately following after the date hereof, haue free libertie, power, and au∣thoritie to returne the same or the value thereof into this Realme, without vsing any traffique there, but immediately from thence hither, paying, bearing, answering, and performing all such charges, dueti••s and summes of money ratably as other of the same corporation or company doe or shall pay, beare, answere, or performe for the like.

Prouided also, that if any of the persons before by these presents named or incorporated to bee of the sayd fellowship of Gouernour and Companie of the marchants of Leuant, or which hereafter shall bee admitted to bee of the sayde Corporation or Companie, shall at any time or times hereafter refuse to bee of the sayd Corporation or Companie, or to beare, pay, or be con∣tributorie to, or not beare and pay such ratable charges and allowances, or to obserue or per∣forme such ordinances to bee made as is aforesayd, as other of the same company are, or shall bee ordered, to beare, paie, or performe, that then it shall and may bee lawfull for the rest of the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, presently to expell, remooue, and displace euery such person so refusing, or not bearing or paying out, of, and from the sayd Cor∣poration and companie, and from all priuilege, libertie, and preheminence which any such per∣son should, or might claime, or haue by vertue of this our graunt, and in place of them to elect others exercising the lawfull trade of marchandise to bee of the sayd Companie. And that euery such person so expelled, remooued, or displaced by consent of the sayd Gouernour and compa∣nie of marchants of Leuant, or the more part of them, shall bee from thencefoorth vtterly dis∣abled to take any benefite by vertue of this priuilege, or any time after to bee admitted or re∣ceiued againe into the same, any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwith∣standing.

Prouided alwayes, that if it shall hereafter appeare to vs our heires and successours, that this graunt or the continuance thereof in the whole or in any part thereof, shall not bee profi∣table to vs our heires and successours, or to this our realme, that then and from thencefoorth, vpon and after eighteene moneths warning to bee giuen to the sayd companie by vs our heires and successours, this present graunt shall cease, bee voyd, and determined to all intents, construc∣tions and purposes.

And further of our spe••iall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, wee haue con∣descended and graunted, and by these presents for vs our heires and successours, doe condes∣cend and graunt to the say••e Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, that if at the ende of the sayd terme of twelue yeeres it shall seeme meete and conuenient to the sayde Go∣uernour and Companie, or any the parties aforesayd, that this present graunt shall bee conti∣nued: And if that also it shall appeare vnto vs, our heires and successours, that the continuance thereof shall not bee preiudiciall or hurtfull to this our realme, but that wee shall finde the fur∣ther continuance thereof profitable for vs our heires and successours and for our realme with such conditions as are herein mentioned, or with some alteration or qualification thereof, that then wee our heires and successours at the instance and humble petition of the sayde Gouernour and Companie, or any of them so suing for the same, and such other person and persons our subiectes as they shall nominate and appoint, or shall bee by vs, our heires and successours new∣ly nominated, not exceeding in number twelue, new letters patents vnder the great seale of

England in due forme of lawe with like couenants, graunts, clauses, and articles, as in these presents are contained, or with addition of other necessarie articles or changing of these in some partes, for, and during the full terme of twelue yeeres then next following. Willing now here∣by, and straightly commaunding and charging all and singular our Admirals, Uice-admirals, Iustices, Maiors, Shiriffes, Escheators, Constables, Bailiffes, and all and singular other our Officers, Ministers, Liege men and subiects whatsoeuer, to bee aiding, fauouring, helping, and assisting vnto the say•• Companie and their successours, and to their Deputies, Officers, Factors, seruaunts, assignes and ministers, and euery of them, in executing and enioying the premisses as well on land as on Sea, from time to time, & at all times when you or any of you shal thereto bee required, any Statute, Acte, ordinance, Prouiso, Proclamation or restraint here∣tofore had, made, set foorth, ordained or prouided, or any other matter, cause or thing whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.

Al••hough expresse mention of the true yeerely value or certaintie of the premisses, or any of them, or of any other gifts or graunts by vs, or any of our progenitours to the sayde Gouernour and Companie of the marchants of Leuant before this time made, in these presents is not made: Or any Statute, Acte, Ordinance, prouision, proclamation or restraint to the contrary thereof before this time had, made, done, or prouided, or any other matter, thing or cause whatsoeuer, in any wise notwithstanding. In witnesse whereof wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents.

Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the seuenth day of Ianuarie in the foure and thir∣tieth yeere of our raigne.

Per breue de priuato Sigillo. Bailie.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Supply of the want of oile.
• * 1.2

  Leo Asricam•••• lib. 8.
• * 1.3

  Leo Africanus lib 4.
• * 1.4

  This may be learned at Alget.
• * 1.5

  Ianuary the fourteenth.
• * 1.6

  C. Vincente.
• * 1.7

  C. Santa Maria.
• * 1.8

  Tariffa.
• * 1.9

  Velez Malaga.
• * 1.10

  C. de Gates
• * 1.11

  C. de Palos.
• * 1.12

  Denia.
• * 1.13

  Formentera.
• * 1.14

  Cabrera.
• * 1.15

  February the first. Mallorca.
• * 1.16

  The shippes men goe on land at Porto de Sant Pedro.
• * 1.17

  The Ambassadour betrayed.
• * 1.18

  February the sixth.
• * 1.19

  The English men are surprised.
• * 1.20

  The Spani∣ards come to the sea side to speake with the captaine.
• * 1.21

  The Spani∣ards come a game to parse.
• * 1.22

  The Ambassa∣dour writeth to the Viceroy.
• * 1.23

  The ninth of February.
• * 1.24

  The ship Susan prepareth to defend herselfe.
• * 1.25

  The effect of the Viceroys letter in the Captaine of the Susan.
• * 1.26

  The e••••ect of the Ambassa∣dors answere.
• * 1.27

  Galata.
• * 1.28

  Sardinia.
• * 1.29

  Fauagniana. Cisimbri.
• * 1.30

  Pantalaria.
• * 1.31

  Sicilia.
• * 1.32

  C. Passaro.
• * 1.33

  Po••to de Cont•• in Cephalonia.
• * 1.34

  Zante.
• * 1.35

  Prodeno.
• * 1.36

  Sapientia.
• * 1.37

  Modon.
• * 1.38

  C. Ma••apan.
• * 1.39

  Cerigo. C. Malio.
• * 1.40

  Menelaus.
• * 1.41

  ••ellapola.
• * 1.42

  Both Milo••.
• * 1.43

  F••lc••nara.
• * 1.44

  Ant••mil••.
• * 1.45

  Fermeni••. Z••••.
• * 1.46

  Negroponte. Andri.
• * 1.47

  Psa••a. Sarafo.
• * 1.48

  Sigra•• port in Metelin.
• * 1.49

  Porto Delfin.
• * 1.50

  The city of Chio.
• * 1.51

  A By.
• * 1.52

  Ermin. or Cu∣stomer.
• * 1.53

  Baberno.
• * 1.54

  Tenedo.
• * 1.55

  Maure.
• * 1.56

  Gal••poli.
• * 1.57

  Marmora.
• * 1.58

  Ara••••ia.
• * 1.59

  Silauria.
• * 1.60

  Ponte grande.
• * 1.61

  Ponte picola.
• * 1.62

  Ponte S. Ste∣phano.
• * 1.63

  The arriuall of the Susan at Constantinople.
• * 1.64

  The Ambassa∣dour giueth a present to the great Bas••a.
• * 1.65

  A man halfe naked goeth before y^e great Bas••a.
• * 1.66

  The Ambassa∣dours enter∣tainment with the Bassas.
• * 1.67

  Santa Sophia.
• * 1.68

  A discription of their church
• * 1.69

  The ship com∣meth to the cu∣stome house.
• * 1.70

  The Ambassa∣dor presenteth the Admirall Vchali.
• * 1.71

  The Susan go∣eth from the Custome house.
• * 1.72

  The Admirall departeth to the sea.
• * 1.73

  The Ambassa∣do••rs repaire to the great Turke court.
• * 1.74

  The entertain∣ment at dinner of the Ambas∣sadours men.
• * 1.75

  The Turke is presented with a rich present.
• * 3.1

  An English ship sunke by two gallies of Alger.
• * 3.2

  The money of Alger.
• * 3.3

  The custome.
• * 3.4

  The waights.
• * 3.5

  The measure.
• * 3.6

  The surest lod∣ging for a chri∣stian.
• * 3.7

  This is ano∣ther officer.
• * 3.8

  Other smal cu∣stoms you pay besides, which may be at two in the hūdred: and for ••on∣sullage you pay two in the hundred.
• * 3.9

  Cairo three daies iourney from Alexan∣dria by land.
• * 3.10

  The Inuento∣rie of our ships and goods sunke and ta∣ken by the gal∣lies of Alger.
• * 4.1

  Man doth purpose, and God doth dis∣pose.
• * 4.2

  A new master chosen.
• * 4.3

  The new ma∣ster died.
• * 4.4

  The Iesus arri∣ued in Tripolis.
• * 4.5

  Another ship of Bristow came to Tripolis.
• * 4.6

  A conspiracie practised by the French Factor, to de∣ceiue a Tur∣kish marchant of 450 crowns
• * 4.7

  The beginning of their trou∣bles, and occa∣sion of all their miserie.
• * 4.8

  The English∣men araigned.
• * 4.9

  Master Dier condemned to be hanged ouer a bul∣warke.
• * 4.10

  A Frenchman turned Turke, in hope of his life, and after∣ward was hanged.
• * 4.11

  Euery fiue men allowed but two pence of bread a day.
• * 4.12

  The Turkes builded a church.
• * 4.13

  The Christi∣ans sent 3. times a weeke 30. miles to fetch wood.
• * 4.14

  Eighteene captiues run away from Tripolis.
• * 4.15

  The iudge∣ment of God vpon blas••••e∣••••ers.
• * 4.16

  The Greene Dragon.
• * 4.17

  The Kings sonne had a captiue that was sonne to one of the Queenes Ma∣iesties guard, that was for∣ced to turne Turke.
• * 4.18

  The first mo∣tion for those Englishmens deliuerie.
• * 4.19

  The Englishmen released.
• * 4.20

  The plagues and punish∣ments that happened to the King and his people.
• * 4.21

  The king lost 150. Camels, taken by the wilde Moores.
• * 4.22

  Two English∣men shipped to Constantinople with M. Barton.
• * 4.23

  The souldiers of Tripolis kil the King.
• * 4.24

  Two Gallies of Venice tooke the king of Tri∣polie his galley, and killed the kings sonne, and all the Turkes in it, and released all the Christians being in num∣ber 150.
• * 5.1

  Edoardo Baron & Mahumed Beg.
• * 5.2

  Hambur••.
• * 5.3

  Brunswig.
• * 5.4

  Halberstat.
• * 5.5

  Eisleben.
• * 5.6

  Copper Mines.
• * 5.7

  Iena.
• * 5.8

  Great wood of firre trees.
• * 5.9

  Bamberg.
• * 5.10

  Nurenberg.
• * 5.11

  Augspurg.
• * 5.12

  The borders of Italy.
• * 5.13

  Venice.
• * 5.14

  Ragusa.
• * 5.15

  Seruia.
• * 5.16

  Chier••isa.
• * 5.17

  Or, Fochia.
• * 5.18

  Nouibazar.
• * 5.19

  Or, Nissa.
• * 5.20

  Sophia.
• * 5.21

  Ph••lippopoli.
• * 5.22

  Andrinopoli••.
• * 5.23

  Siliueri.
• * 5.24

  Constantinople.
• * 5.25

  Pompeys piller.
• * 5.26

  Proua••.
• * 5.27

  V••rna.
• * 5.28

  Or, Moldania.
• * 5.29

  Pa••sin vpon the riuer of Prut.
• * 5.30

  Yas.
• * 5.31

  So••s••hen.
• * 5.32

  Nyester a riuer. Camyenet••.
• * 5.33

  Skala.
• * 5.34

  Leopolis, or Leunpurg.
• * 5.35

  Grodecz.
• * 5.36

  Vilna.
• * 5.37

  Iaroslaw.
• * 5.38

  Lanczut.
• * 5.39

  Cracouia.
• * 5.40

  Leade Mines••
• * 5.41

  Bendz••n.
• * 5.42

  Salt digged out of moun∣taines in Poland.
• * 5.43

  Bitom.
• * 5.44

  Oppelen.
• * 5.45

  Schurgasse.
• * 5.46

  Brigk.
• * 5.47

  Breslaw.
• * 5.48

  Magdeburg.
• * 5.49

  Lunenberg.
• * 5.50

  Hamborg.
• * 5.51

  Fontecho signi∣fieth an house of trafique, a•• the Sulyard.
• * 5.52

  Bichier.
• * 5.53

  Rossetto.
• * 5.54

  1566.
• * 5.55

  The descript••∣on o•• Cairo.
• * 5.56

  Olde Thebes.
• * 5.57

  Pieces of dry wood in stead of torches.
• * 5.58

  The mountaine of pardons.
• * 5.59

  Grida a port neere Mecca.
• * 5.60

  The Portu∣gals greatly feared in the Red sea.
• * 5.61

  Forty or fifty rich ships ar∣riue yerely at Grida.
• | 5.62

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 A fathom••
• * 5.63

  Caesar Fredericke trauelled eigh∣teene yeeres in the East Indies.
• * 5.64

  The authours going frō Ve∣nice to Cyprus and Tripoly.
• * 5.65

  The riuer Eu∣phrates.
• * 5.66

  Feluchia a small city on Euphra∣tes.
• * 5.67

  Mosul.
• * 5.68

  The Arabian theeues are in number like to Ants.
• * 5.69

  The olde Baby∣lon hath great trade w^t mar∣chants 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 5.70

  A bridge made of boats.
• * 5.71

  These bricks be in thicknes six or seuen in∣ches, and a foot & a halfe square.
• * 5.72

  This hole whereour cō∣meth this pitch is most true, and the water & pitch runneth into the valley or Iland where the pitch rest∣eth, & the wa∣ter runneth in∣to the riuer Eu∣phrates, and it maketh all the riuer to be as it were b••ac∣kish with the smell of pitch and brimstone.
• * 5.73

  Zizarij, an anci∣ent people.
• * 5.74

  At the castle of Corna the riuer Euphrates and Tygris do meet.
• * 5.75

  Ormus is the barrennest I∣land in all the world.
• * 5.76

  Carichij an I∣land in y^e gulfe of Persia.
• * 5.77

  Ormus is al∣wayes reple∣nished with abundance of victuall, and yet there is none that groweth in the Iland.
• * 5.78

  Great trade of merchandise in Ormus.
• * 5.79

  The election of the king of Ormus.
• * 5.80

  A priuilege for Marchants.
• * 5.81

  Diu.
• * 5.82

  Cambaietta.
• * 5.83

  Marchants that trauell to the Indies must cary their pro∣uision of hous∣hold with thē.
• * 5.84

  Great ••••o••e of men of warre and rouers o•• the coast of Cambaia.
• * 5.85

  A maruellous ••o••d delight in women.
• * 5.86

  Tana an Iland whereo•• Odo∣ricus writeth, pag 41.
• * 5.87

  Great ordi∣nance made in pieces, and ••et seruicea∣ble.
• * 5.88

  The chiefe place the Por∣tugals haue in the Indies.
• * 5.89

  A very good sale for horses.
• * 5.90

  A most vnkind & wicked trea∣sō against their prince: this they haue for giuing credit to strangers, rather then to their owne na∣tiue people.
• * 5.91

  The sacking in the city.
• * 5.92

  An excellent good policy to intrap men.
• * 5.93

  A discription of the burning place.
• * 5.94

  Feasting and dancing when they should mourne.
• * 5.95

  Mourning when they should re∣ioyce.
• * 5.96

  The cause why the women do so bur••e them∣selues.
• * 5.97

  Penegonde.
• * 5.98

  Men ride on bullocks•• and trauell with th••m on the way.
• * 5.99

  The marchan∣dise that come in and out to Bezeneger eue∣ry yere.
• * 5.100

  The apparell of those peo∣ple.
• * 5.101

  Their Winter is our Sum∣mer.
• * 5.102

  Foure small fortes of the Portugals.
• * 5.103

  Bettell is a very profitable herbe in that countrey.
• * 5.104

  Enimies to the king of Portugall.
• * 5.105

  Within Cochin is the kingdom of Pepp••r.
• * 5.106

  The Pepper th••t the Por∣tugals bring, is not so good as th••t which go••th for Mec∣ca w••ich is b••ought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by y^e streights
• * 5.107

  Great priuile∣ges that the citizens of Co∣chin haue.
• * 5.108

  A very strange thing hardly to be beleeued.
• * 5.109

  Note the de∣parting of the ships from Co∣chin.
• * 5.110

  The order how they fish for pearles.
• * 5.111

  These pearles are prised ac∣cording to the caracts which they weigh, e∣uery caract is 4. grames, and these men that prise thē haue an instrument of copper with holes in it, which be made by degrees for to sort & perles withall.
• * 5.112

  Cairo is a stuffe that they make ropes with, the which is the barke of a tree.
• * 5.113

  The cutting & gathering of Sinamom.
• * 5.114

  A car things.
• * 5.115

  A foolish feare of Portugals.
• * 5.116

  S. Thomas his sepulchre.
• * 5.117

  A painted kind of cloth & died of diuers co∣lours which those people delight much in, and esteeme them of great price.
• * 5.118

  In the Iland of Banda they lade Nutmegs for there they grow.
• * 5.119

  In the Ilands of Andemaon, they eate one another.
• * 5.120

  The commo∣dities that grow in the kingdom of Assi.
• * 5.121

  The great trade that is at Malacca.
• * 5.122

  At the Moluc∣cos they lade the Cloues.
• * 5.123

  The kingdome of Assa.
• * 5.124

  The ship of drugs, so ter∣med of the Portugals.
• * 5.125

  Ilands not discouered.
• * 5.126

  China is vnder the gouern∣ment of the great Tartar.
• * 5.127

  A yeerely Ca∣rouan from Persia to China.
• * 5.128

  A market kept aboord of the ships.
• * 5.129

  A prince of a marueilous strength and power.
• * 5.130

  O•• Achem.
• * 5.131

  The moun∣taines of Zer∣zerline.
• * 5.132

  The commo∣dities that go out of Orisa.
• * 5.133

  This cloth we call Nettle cloth.
• * 5.134

  The riuer of Ganges.
• * 5.135

  The commo∣dities that are laden in Sata∣gan.
• * 5.136

  Moores are of the sect of Ma∣homet.
• * 5.137

  A ceremony of the gentiles when they are dead.
• * 5.138

  Marchandise comming from Sion.
• * 5.139

  Niper wine good to cure the French disease.
• * 5.140

  Great extre∣mitie at sea.
• * 5.141

  Tauay vnder the king of Pegu.
• * 5.142

  Martauan a citie vnder the king of Pegu.
• * 5.143

  A custom that these people haue when the king is in the warres.
• * 5.144

  A law in Pegu for killing of men.
• * 5.145

  Great pride of the Portugales.
• * 5.146

  A reuenge on the Portugales.
• * 5.147

  A thing most marueilous, that at the comming of •• tide the earth should quake.
• * 5.148

  This tide is like to the sides in our riuer of Seueine.
• * 5.149

  These tides make their iust course as ours doe.
• * 5.150

  This Macareo to a tide or a currant.
• * 5.151

  Houses made of canes, & co∣uered with leaues of trees.
• * 5.152

  Godon is a place or house for marchants to lay their goods in.
• * 5.153

  The forme of the building of the new citie of Pegu.
• * 5.154

  A rich and stately palace.
• * 5.155

  Foure white Eliphants.
• * 5.156

  This mane•• called Tansa is halfe a duckat which may be shire shillings & foure pence.
• * 5.157

  A warlike poli••i••.
• * 5.158

  An ••xc••ll••••t d••••ise to h••••t ••••d take wilde Eliphan••s.
• * 5.159

  An ••xcell•••••• pastime of the Elipha••ts.
• * 5.160

  These canes 〈…〉〈…〉 to them in Spain•• whi••h they call loco de tore.
• * 5.161

  A strange thi••g ••hat a bea•••• so w••lde should in so shor•• time he made tame••
• * 5.162

  The g••••••test strength that the king of Pe∣•••• ••ath.
• * 5.163

  A goodly or∣der in a barba∣rous people.
• * 5.164

  The o••••er of their weapons and ••umber of his men.
• * 5.165

  26. Crowned kings at his command.

  Fifteene hun∣dreth thousand men in one Campe.
• * 5.166

  Eating of ser∣pents.
• * 5.167

  The riches of the king of Pegu.
• * 5.168

  The great pompe of the ••ing.
• * 5.169

  The order of Iustice.
• * 5.170

  No difference of persons be∣fore the king in controuer∣sies or in iu∣stice.
• * 5.171

  The com••••••∣d••r•• that are ventured in Pegu.
• * 5.172

  Note the de∣parture of the ships from S. Tome to Pegu.
• * 5.173

  Commodities brought into Pegu.
• * 5.174

  The Chikinos are pieces of gold worth sterling 7. shillings.
• * 5.175

  Great rigour for the stealing of Customes.
• * 5.176

  Description of the fruitful∣nesse of that soyle.
• * 5.177

  Deling is a small litter ca∣ried with men as is aforesaid.
• * 5.178

  A lawe for Banckrupts.
• * 5.179

  Euery man may stampe what money he wil.
• * 5.180

  How a man may dispose himselfe for the trade in Pegu.
• * 5.181

  Good instruc∣tions.
• * 5.182

  The Marchan∣dizes that goe out of Pegu.
• * 5.183

  Idol houses couered wi••h gold.
• * 5.184

  Rubies excee∣ding cheape in Pegu.
• * 5.185

  An hon••st care of heathen people.
• * 5.186

  Bargain••s made with the nipping of fingers vnder a cloth.
• * 5.187

  This Touf••on is an ••xtraor∣dinary s••orme at Sea.
• * 5.188

  The Toufon cō∣meth but eue∣ry 10. or 12. yeeres.
• * 5.189

  A manifest to∣ken of the eb∣ding and flow∣ing in those Countreis.
• * 5.190

  This Island is called Son∣diua.
• * 5.191

  Sondiua is the ••ruit fullest Countrey in al the world.
• * 5.192

  Chatigan is a port in Bengala, whither the Portugales go with their ships.
• * 5.193

  The King of Rachim or Ara∣cam, neighbour to Bengala.
• * 5.194

  Or, Aracam.
• * 5.195

  The commo¦dities that goe from Chatigan to the Indies.
• * 5.196

  The Portugal ships depart toward Portu∣gall out of the harbor of Co∣chin.
• * 5.197

  Goa was be∣••ieged.
• * 5.198

  Opium a good commoditie in Pegu.
• * 5.199

  Peper tree.
• * 5.200

  Ginger.
• * 5.201

  Cloues.
• * 5.202

  Nutmegs and Maces.
• * 5.203

  White Sandol. Canfora.
• * 5.204

  Lignum Aloes.
• * 5.205

  Beniamin.
• * 5.206

  Long peper.
• * 5.207

  This Muske the Iewes doe con••••er••eit and take out halfe the good muske and beat the flesh of an asse and put in the roome of it.
• * 5.208

  Rubies Sa∣phyres, and Spinels.
• * 5.209

  The Balassi arowe in Zeilan.
• * 5.210

  Spodiom.
• * 5.211

  On the coast of Melynde in E∣thiopia, in the land of Ca••ra••ia, the great trade that the Portu∣gals haue.
• * 5.212

  Buying and selling without word•• one to another.
• * 5.213

  Golden trades that the Portu∣gals haue.
• * 5.214

  An order hold to prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babylon to Alepo.
• * 5.215

  36. Dayes iourney ouer the wildernes.
• * 5.216

  An order how to prouide for the going to Ierusalem.
• * 5.217

  The author re∣turneth to Ve∣nice 1581.
• * 5.218

  A very good order that they haue in those Countrey•• for the recouering of the goods of the dead.
• * 5.219

  Order of ap∣parel in Pegu••
• * 5.220

  The order of the womens apparel in Pegu.
• * 6.1

  Abilfada Ismael his Cosmo∣graphie.
• * 7.1

  March 11.
• * 7.2

  The last of April.
• * 7.3

  Currall. Amber greese.
• * 7.4

  Sope. Broken glasse.
• * 8.1

  The best sort of spices at Babylon.
• * 8.2

  Balsara. Ormus.
• * 8.3

  The prices of spices at Ba∣bylon.
• * 9.1

  Michael Stro∣pene an Ita∣lian accused our men to be spies.
• * 9.2

  Two causes of our mens imprisonment at Ormus.
• * 9.3

  The author of the book of the East Indie••.
• ‖ 9.4

  This is he whose letters to his father from Goa are before put downe, and he was some∣times of New colledge i•• Oxford.
• * 9.5

  Iames Storie their painter.
• * 9.6

  They arriued at Goa the 20 of Nouember 1583.
• * 10.1

  Diu. Chaul.
• * 10.2

  The Italians our great ene∣mies for the trade in the East.
• * 10.3

  Birra.
• * 10.4

  Felugia.
• * 10.5

  Babylon.
• * 10.6

  The tower of Babel.
• * 10.7

  Boyling pitch continually issuing out of the earth.
• * 10.8

  Ormus.
• * 10.9

  Diu.
• * 10.10

  Daman.
• * 10.11

  Basaim.
• * 10.12

  Tana.
• * 10.13

  Chaul.
• * 10.14

  Goa.
• * 10.15

  This was the 20. of No∣uember.
• * 10.16

  Bellergan •• towne. Bisapor.
• * 10.17

  Gulconda.
• * 10.18

  Masulipatan.
• * 10.19

  Seruidore.
• * 10.20

  Bellapore.
• * 10.21

  Strange ma∣riages.
• * 10.22

  Mandoway a ve∣ry strong town
• * 10.23

  Vgini.
• * 10.24

  Agra a great citie.
• * 10.25

  The great Mogor.
• * 10.26

  The like is re∣ported of the riues of China.
• * 10.27

  Wil. Leades ser∣ued the king of Cambaia.
• * 10.28

  The superstiti∣ous ceremo∣nies of the Bra∣manes.
• * 10.29

  Ganges.
• * 10.30

  Bannaras.
• * 10.31

  A pilgrimage of the Gentiles.
• * 10.32

  This tying of new maried folks together by the clothes, was vsed by the Mexicans in old time.
• * 10.33

  Patenaw.
• * 10.34

  Gold found.
• * 10.35

  Tanda in Gouren.
• * 10.36

  Couche: this seemeth to be Quicheu, accoū∣ted by some a∣mong the pro∣uinces of China
• * 10.37

  Pure Genti∣lisme.
• * 10.38

  In Mexico they vse like∣wise for small money the fruit Cacao which are like almonds. Hugely.
• * 10.39

  Porto Angeli.
• * 10.40

  The like cloth may be made of the long grasse in Vir∣ginia.
• * 10.41

  Satagam.
• * 10.42

  Tippara or porto Grande.
• * 10.43

  Bottanter a great Nor∣thren country, Marchants of China, Moscouie and Tartarie.
• * 10.44

  These seeme to be the moun∣tains of Imaus, called by the people Cumao.
• * 10.45

  The apparel of the Tartarie marchants.
• * 10.46

  Cowe tailes in great request.
• * 10.47

  Bacol••.
• * 10.48

  Serrepore.
• * 10.49

  Sin••ergan.
• * 10.50

  Sund••ua Island
• * 10.51

  N••grai••.
• * 10.52

  Cosmin.
• * 10.53

  Ladders vsed to auoyd the danger of wild beasts.
• * 10.54

  Dwelling in boats.
• * 10.55

  Medon.
• * 10.56

  Dela.
• * 10.57

  Cirion••
• * 10.58

  Ma••••o.
• * 10.59

  Coches caried on mens shoulders. Pegu.
• * 10.60

  Foure white elephants.
• * 10.61

  The king of the white e∣lephants.
• * 10.62

  Odia a city •••• Siam.
• * 10.63

  This maner of cariage on mens shoul∣ders is vsed in Peru, and in Florida.
• * 10.64

  Paper of the leaues of a tree.
• * 10.65

  An excellent colour with a root called Saia.
• * 10.66

  Woollen clot•• and scarlet•• s••lde in Pegu.
• * 10.67

  The money of Pegu.
• * 10.68

  The seuerall merchandise•• of Pegu.
• * 10.69

  The forme of their Temples or ••arellaes.
• * 10.70

  The Tallipoies or Priests of Pegu.
• * 10.71

  The apparell of their priests.
• * 10.72

  Obseruation of new moones.
• * 10.73

  Iamahey fi••es twenty dayes iourny North∣eastward from Pegu.
• * 10.74

  They burne their dead.
• * 10.75

  Caplan in the place where the rubies and other preci∣ous stones are found.
• * 10.76

  Anthony Col••a∣no writeth of these ba••s.
• * 10.77

  The people of Pegu we are no beards.
• * 10.78

  Malacca.
• * 10.79

  The voyage to Iapan.
• * 10.80

  Eight hundred thousand cru∣••adors in siluer imployed ••ere∣ly by the Por∣tugals in C••i∣na.
• * 10.81

  The writin•• of the people of China &c.
• * 10.82

  Laban. Diamants.
• * 10.83

  Iamb••.
• * 10.84

  Golde.
• * 10.85

  Bima.
• * 10.86

  He returneth from Malacca.
• * 10.87

  Bengala.
• * 10.88

  Ceylon.
• * 10.89

  Blacke people.
• * 10.90

  Ca••e de Comori.
• * 10.91

  Coulam.
• * 10.92

  Cochin.
• * 10.93

  People with sw••ll••n legges men••ioned also by Ioh. ••id••gen.
• * 10.94

  ••ow p••pper groweth.
• * 10.95

  Blacke people.
• ‖ 10.96

  Or Calicut, or Cananor.
• * 10.97

  Go••.
• * 10.98

  Chaul.
• * 10.99

  Orm••s.
• * 10.100

  The pepper tree.
• * 10.101

  Ginger.
• * 10.102

  Cloues.
• * 10.103

  Nutmegs & maces.
• * 10.104

  Camphora.
• * 10.105

  Lignum Aloe••.
• * 10.106

  Long peppe••.
• * 10.107

  Muske.
• * 10.108

  Amber.
• * 10.109

  Rubies, sa∣phires and spinels.
• * 10.110

  Diamants.
• * 10.111

  Spodium.
• * 10.112

  Basora.
• * 10.113

  Babylon.
• * 10.114

  Mosul.
• * 10.115

  Merdin.
• * 10.116

  Orfa.
• * 10.117

  Bir.
• * 10.118

  Aleppo.
• * 10.119

  Tripolis.
• * 10.120

  Iohn Newbery had beene in Ormus before. Anno. 1581.
• * 10.121

  The Arabian tongue gene∣rall in the East.
• * 10.122

  The descripti∣on of Tripolis in Syria.
• * 10.123

  Store of white silke.
• * 10.124

  The city of Hammah.
• * 10.125

  Cotton wooll.
• * 10.126

  Gall trees.
• * 10.127

  Aleppo.
• * 10.128

  Birrah.
• * 10.129

  Euphrates shal∣low.
• * 10.130

  Eight & twen∣ty dayes iourney by riuer.
• * 10.131

  Arabians vp∣on the riuer of Euphrates.
• * 10.132

  The Arabian women weare golde rings in their nostrels.
• * 10.133

  Euphrates de∣scribed.
• * 10.134

  Felugia.
• * 10.135

  The ruines of olde Babylon.
• * 10.136

  New Babylon.
• * 10.137

  The riuer Ti∣gris.
• * 10.138

  ••afts borne vpon bladders of goats skins.
• * 10.139

  Seldome rain.
• * 10.140

  Eight & twen∣ty dayes iour∣ney more by ri∣uer, from Baby∣lon to Balsara.
• * 10.141

  Cuma castle.
• * 10.142

  Balsara.
• * 10.143

  Ships made without yron in the Persian gulfe.
• * 10.144

  Zelabdim Eche∣bar king of Cambaia.
• * 10.145

  He returneth from Balsara to Aleppo.
• * 10.146

  Their proui∣sion of victu∣als.
• * 10.147

  A Carauan of foure thousand Camels.
• * 10.148

  William Barret Consul in A∣leppo.

  M. Wil. Barret.
• * 10.149

  Two voiages more made to Babylon.
• * 10.150

  What a rotil•• is.
• * 10.151

  Note that 4 ro••es make a quintall.
• * 10.152

  Muske of Tar∣taria by y^• way of China.
• * 10.153

  Or, by the Ca∣mels burden.
• * 10.154

  Note.
• * 10.155

  Marchandize good for Pegu.
• * 10.156

  Note.
• * 10.157

  Note.
• * 10.158

  Note.
• * 10.159

  Tunis.
• * 10.160

  The descrip∣tion of Alex∣andria.
• * 10.161

  Cayro.
• * 10.162

  Carthage.
• * 10.163

  Argier.
• * 10.164

  Goleta.
• * 10.165

  Malta.
• * 10.166

  Zante.
• * 10.167

  Patras.
• * 10.168

  Striualia.
• * 10.169

  Candie.
• * 10.170

  May.
• * 10.171

  The Islands of Milo, in olde time called Sporades.
• * 10.172

  Sio.
• * 10.173

  Singonina.
• * 10.174

  ••ichi••ri.
• * 10.175

  The English house in Alex∣an••••i••.
• * 10.176

  The monu∣ments of Alex∣andria.
• * 10.177

  Ros••etto.
• * 10.178

  The Turke•• Lent.
• * 10.179

  C••yro.
• * 10.180

  The English Consul a•• A••gier.
• * 10.181

  A fight of fiue houres.
• * 10.182

  The second Spani••h fleete lying in waite for the English.
• * 10.183

  The letters of the Prince of Moldauia to the Qu••ene.
• * 10.184

  Letters of the Chanceler of Poland to the Queene.
• * 11.1

  The marchāts aboue named be made a fel∣••••wship and co••panie ••or 12 ••••••res by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 na••e of t••e Gou••••nor a••d ••ompanie of ••••e mar∣chants of the ••••uant.
• * 11.2

  Sir Edward Os∣borne appoin∣ted the first Gouernour.
• * 11.3

  A priuiledge for the East Indies.