The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

The first voyage made by Master Anthonie Ienkinson, from the Citie of London toward the land of Russia, begun the twelfth of May, in the yeere 1557.

FIrst by the grace of God, the day and yeere aboue mentioned, I departed from the sayd Citie, and the same day at Grauesend embarked my selfe in a good shippe, named the Primerose, being appointed, although vnworthy, chiefe cap∣taine of the same, and also of the other 3 good ships, to say, the Iohn Euangelist, the Anne, and the Trinitie, hauing also the conduct of the Emperour of Rus∣sia his ambassadour named Osep Nepea Gregoriwich, who passed with his company in the sayde Primerose. And thus our foure tall shippes being well appointed, aswell for men as victuals as other necessarie furniture, the saide twelfth day of the moneth of May, we weyed our ankers, and departed from the saide Grauesend, in the after n••one, and plying downe the Thames, the wind being Easterly, and fayre weather, the 13 day we came a ground with the Primerose, vpon a sand called the blacke taile, where we sate f••st vntill the 14 day in the morning, and then God be praysed, she came off: and that day we plyed downe as farre as our Ladie of Holland, and there came to an anker, the wind being Easterly, & there remayned vntill the 20 day: then we weyed and went out at Goldmore gate, and from thence in at Balsey liade, and so into Orwel wands, where we came to an anker: but as we came out at the sayd Golde∣more gate, the Trinitie came on ground on certaine rockes, that lye to the Northward of the said gate, and was like to be bilged and lost. But by the aide of God, at the last she came off againe, be∣ing very leake: and the 21 day the Primerose remaining at an anker in the wands•• the other three shippes bare into Orwel hauen, where I caused the sayd Trinitie to be grounded, searched, and repaired. So we remayned in the said hauen, vntill the 28 day: and then the winde being Westerly, the three shippes that were in the hauen, weyed and came forth, and in comming forth the Iohn Enangelist came on ground vpon a sand, called the Andros, where she remained one tide, and the next full sea she came off againe without any great hurt, God be praised.

The 29 day in the morning all foure ships weied in the Wands, and that tide went as farre as Orfordnesse, where we came to an anker, because the wind was Northerly: And about sixe of the clock at night, the wind vered to the Southwest, and we weyed anker, and bare cleere of the nesse, and then set our course, Northeast & by North vntill midnight, being then cleare of Yarmouth sands. Then we winded North and by West, and Northnorthwest, vntill the first of Iune at noone,* 1.1 then it waxed calme, and continued so vntill the second day at noone: then the winde came at Northwest, with a tempest, and much raine, and we lay close by, and caped Northnortheast, and Northeast and by North, as the winde shifted, and so continued vntill the third day at noone: then the wind vered Westerly againe, and we went North our right course, and so continued our way vntill the fourth day, at three of the clocke in the afternoone, at which time the wind vered to the Northwest againe and blew a fresh gale, and so continued vntill the seuenth day in the morning, we lying with all our shippes close by, and caping to the Northwards: and then the wind vering more Northerly, we were forced to put roomer with the coast of England againe, and fell ouer∣thwart Newcastle, but went not into the hauen, & so plied vpon the coast the eight day & the ninth.

The tenth day the winde came to the Northnorthwest, & we were forced to beare roomer with Flamborow head, where we came to an anker, and there remained vntill the seuenteenth day. Then the winde came faire, and we weyed, and set our course North and by East, and so continu∣ed the same with a mery winde vntill the 21 at noone, at which time we tooke the sunne, and had the latitude in sixty degrees. Then we shifted our course, and went Northnortheast, and North∣east and by North, vntil the 25 day. Then we discouered certaine Islands,* 1.2 called Heilick Islands, lying from vs Northeast, being in the latitude of sixtie sixe degrees, 40 minutes. Then we went north and by West, because we would not come too nigh the land, and running that course foure houres, we discouered, and had sight of Rost Islands, ioining to the main land of Finmarke.* 1.3 Thus continuing our course along the coast of Norway and Finmark, the 27 day we tooke the Sunne, being as farre shot as Lofoot, and had the latitude in 69 degrees. And the same day in the after∣noone appeared ouer our heads a rainebow, like a semicircle, with both ends vpwarde. Note that

there is between the said Rost Islands & Lofoot, a whirle poole called Malestrand,* 1.4 which from halfe ebbe vntill halfe flood, maketh such a terrible noise, that it shaketh the ringes in the doores of the inhabitants houses of the sayd Islands tenne miles off. Also if there commeth any Whale within the current of the same, they make a pitifull crie. Moreouer, if great trees be caried into it by force of streams, and after with the ebbe be cast out againe, the ends and boughs of them haue bene so beaten, that they are like the stalkes of hempe that is bruised. Note, that all the coaste of Finmarke is high mountaines and hils, being couered all the yere with snow. And hard aboord the shoare of this coast, there is 100 or 150 fadomes of water in depth. Thus proceeding and sai∣ling forward, we fell with an Island called Zenam,* 1.5 being in the latitude of 70 degrees. About this Island we saw many Whales, very mōstrous, about our ships, some by estimation of 60 foot long: and being the ingendring time they roared and cried terriblie. From thence we fell with an Island, called Kettelwicke.* 1.6

This coast from Rost vnto Lofoot lieth North and south, and from Lofoot to Zenam North∣east and southwest, and from Zenam to Kettelwike Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest. From the said Kettelwike we sailed East and by North 10 leagues, and fell with a land called Inger sound,* 1.7 where we fished, being becalmed, and tooke great plenty of Cods. Thus plying along the coast, we fell with a Cape, called the North Cape,* 1.8 which is the Northermost land that wee passe in our voyage to S. Nicholas, and is in the latitude of 71 degrees and ten minutes, and is from Inger sound East, and to the Northwards 15 leagues. And being at this North Cape the second day of Iuly, we had the sunne at North 4 degrees aboue the Horizon. The third day wee came to Wardhouse,* 1.9 hauing such mists that we could not see the land. This Wardhouse is a Castle stan∣ding in an Island 2 miles from the maine of Finland, subiect to the king of Denmarke, and the Eastermost land that he hath. There are two other Islands neere adioining vnto that, whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth. The inhabitants of those three Islands liue onely by fishing, and make much stockefish, which they dry with frost: their most feeding is fish; bread and drinke they haue none, but such as is brought them from other places. They haue small store of cattell, which are also fed with fish.* 1.10 From Wardhouse we sailed Southsoutheast ten leagues, and fell with a Cape of land called Kegor, the Northermost part of the lande of Lappia. And betweene Wardhouse, and the said Cape is a great Bay, called Dommes haff, in the South part whereof is a Monasterie of Monkes of the Russes religion, called Pechinchow.* 1.11 Thus proceeding forward and sayling along the coast of the said land of Lappia, winding Southeast, the fourth day through great mists and darkenes we lost the company of the other three ships, and met not with them a∣gaine, vntill the seuenth day, when we fell with a Cape or headland called Swetinoz, which is the entring into the Bay of S. Nicholas. At this Cape lieth a great stone, to the which the barkes that passed thereby, were wont to make offrings of butter, meale, and other victuals, thinking that vnlesse they did so, their barkes or vessels should there perish, as it hath bene oftentimes seene: and there it is very darke and mistie. Note that the sixt day we passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughbie,* 1.12 with all his company perished, which is called Arzina reca, that is to say, the riuer Arzina.

The land of Lappia is an high land, hauing snow lying on it commonly all the yere. The peo∣ple of the Countrey are halfe Gentiles: they liue in the summer time neere the sea side, and vse to take fish, of the which they make bread, and in the winter they remoue vp into the countrey into the woods, where they vse hunting, and kill Deere, Beares, Woolues, Foxes, and other beasts, with whose flesh they be nourished, and with their skinnes apparelled in such strange fashion, that there is nothing seene of them bare but their eies.* 1.13 They haue none other habitation, but onely in tents, remouing from place to place, according to the season of the yeere. They know no arte nor facultie, but onely shooting, which they exercise dayly, as well men as women, and kill such beasts as serue them for their foode. Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid, the ninth day of Iuly wee came to Cape Grace, being in the latitude of 66 degrees and 45 mi∣nutes, and is at the entring in of the Bay of S. Nicholas. Aboord this land there is 20 or 30 fa∣doms water, and sundry grounds good to anker in. The current at this Cape runneth South∣west and Northeast.* 1.14 From this Cape wee proceeded along vntill we came to Crosse Island, which is seuen leagues from the sayd Cape Southwest: and from this Island, wee set ouer to the other side of the Bay,* 1.15 and went Southwest, and fell with an headland called Foxenose, which is from the sayd Island 25 leagues. The entring of this Bay from Crosse Island to the neerest land on the other side is seuen leagues ouer. From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the sayd moneth of Iuly, all our foure ships arriued in safetie at the road of Saint Nicho∣las in the land of Russia, where we ankered, and had sailed from London vnto the said roade seuen hundred and fifty leagues. The Russian ambassadour and his company with great ioy got to

shore, and our ships here forthwith discharged themselues: and being laden againe, and hauing a faire winde, departed toward England the first of August.* 1.16 The third of the sayd moneth I with other of my company came vnto the citie of Colmogro, being an hundred vers••es from the Bay of Saint Nicholas, and in the latitude of 64 degrees 25 minutes. I carried at the said Col∣mogro vntill the fifteenth day: and then I departed in a little boate vp the great riuer of Dwina, which runneth very swiftly, and the selfe same day passed by the mouth of a riuer called Pinego,* 1.17 leauing it on our lefte hand fifteene verstes from Colmogro. On both sides of the mouth of this riuer Pinego is high land, great rockes of Alablaster, great woods, and Pineapple trees lying along within the ground, which by report haue lien there since Noes flood. And thus proceeding forward the nineteenth day in the morning. I came into a town called Yemps,* 1.18 an hundred verstes from Colmogro. All this way along they make much tarre, pitch and ashes of Aspen trees. From thence I came to a place called Vstiug,* 1.19 an ancient citie the last day of August. At this ci∣tie meete two riuers: the one called Iug, and the other Sucana, both which fall into the aforesaid riuer of Dwina. The riuer Iug hath his spring in the land of the Tartars called Cheremizzi, ioining to the countrey of Permia: and Succana hath his head from a lake not farre from the citie of Vologda. Thus departing from Vstiug, and passing by the riuer Succana, we came to a towne called Totma. About this place the water is verie shallow, and stonie, and troublesome for Barkes and boats of that countrey, which they call Nassades, and Dosneckes, to passe that way: wherein marchandise are transported from the aforesayd Colmogro to the citie of Vologhda. These vessels called Nassades, are very long builded, broade made, and close aboue, flatte bot∣tomed, and draw not aboue foure foote water, and will carrie two hundred tunnes:* 1.20 they haue none iron appertaining to them but all of timber, and when the winde serueth, they are made to sayle. Otherwise they haue many men, some to hale and drawe by the neckes with long small ropes made fast to the sayd boats, and some set with long poles. There are many of th••se barks vpon the riuer of Dwina: And the most part of them belongeth vnto the citie of Vologhda: for there dwell many marchants, and they occupie the said boates with carying of salte from the sea side vnto the sayd Vologhda. The twentieth of September I came vnto Vologhda, which is a great citie, and the riuer passeth through the midst of the same. The houses are builded with wood of Firretrees, ioyned one with another, and round without: the houses are foure square without any iron or stone worke, couered with birch barkes, and wood ouer the same: Their Churches are all of wood, two for euery parish, one to be heated for Winter, and the other for Summer.

On the toppes of their houses they laye much earth, for feare of burning: for they are sore plagued with fire. This Vologhda is in 59 degrees, eleuen minutes, and is from Colmogro, 1000 verstes.

All the way I neuer came in house, but lodged in the wildernesse, by the riuers side, and caried prouision for the way.* 1.21 And he that will trauell those wayes, must carie with him an hat∣chet, a tinder bore, and a kettle, to make fire and seethe meate, when he hath it: for there is small succour in those parts, vnlesse it be in townes.

The first day of December, I departed from Vologhda in posse in a sled, as the maner is in Winter. And the way to Moscua is as followeth. From Vologhda to Commelski, 27 verstes, so to Olmor 25 verstes, so to Teloytske 20 verstes, so to Vre 30 verstes, so to Voshansko 30 verstes, then to Yeraslaue 30 verstes, which standeth vpon the great riuer Volga, so to Rostoue, 50 verstes, then to Rogarin 30 verstes, so to Peraslaue 10 verstes, which is a great towne, stan∣ding hard by a faire lake. From thence to Dowbnay 30 vers••es, so to Godoroke 30 verstes, so to Owchay 30 verstes, and last to the Mosco 25 verstes, where I arriued the sixt day of De∣cember.* 1.22

There are 14 postes called Yannes betweene Vologhda and Mosco, which are accompted 500 verstes asunder.

The 10 day of December I was sent for to the Emperors Castle by the sayd Emperour, and deliuered my letters vnto the Secretary, who talked with me of diuers matters, by the com∣mandement of the Emperour. And after that my letters were translated, I was answered that I was welcome, and that the Emperour would giue me that I desired.

The 25 day, being the day of the natiuitie, I came into the Emperors presence, and kissed his hand, who sate aloft in a goodly chaire of estate, hauing on his heade a crowne most richly dec∣ked, and a staffe of gold in his hand, all apparelled with golde, and garnished with precious stones.

There sate distant from him about two yardes his brother, and next vnto him a boy of twelue yeares of age, who was inheritor to y^e Emperor of Casan, conquered by this Emperor 8 yeares

past. Then sate his nobilitie round about him, richly apparelled with gold and stone. And after I had done obeisance to the Emperour, he with his own mouth calling me by my name, bade me to dinner, and so I departed to my lodging till dinner time, which was at sixe of the clocke, by candle light.

The Emperour dined in a fayre great hall, in the midst whereof was a pillar foure square, very artificially made, about which were diuers tables set, and at the vppermost part of the hall, sate the Emperour himselfe, & at his table sate his brother, his Uncles sonne, the Metropolitane, the young Emperour of Casan, and diuers of his noble men, all of one side. There were diuers Ambassadors, & other strangers, as well Christians as heathens, diuersly apparelled, to the num∣ber of 600 men, which dined in the sayd hall, besides 2000 Tartars, men of warre, which were newly come to render themselues to the Emperour, & were appointed to serue him in his wars against the Lieflanders, but they dined in other hals. I was set at a litle table, hauing no stranger with me, directly before the Emperors face. Being thus set and placed, the Emperour sent me diuers bowles of wine, and meade, & many dishes of meat from his own hand, which were brought me by a Duke, and my table serued all in gold and siluer, and so likewise on other tables, there were set bowles of gold, set with stone, worth by estimation 400 pounds sterling one cup, besides the plate which serued the tables.

There was also a Cupbord of plate, most sumptuous and rich, which was not vsed: among the which, was a piece of golde of two yardes long, wrought in the toppe with towers, and dra∣gons heads, also diuers barrels of gold and siluer, with Castles on the bungs, richly and artifici∣ally made. The Emperour and all the hall throughout was serued with Dukes: and when din∣ner was ended, the Emperour called me by name, & gaue me drinke with his own hand, & so I de∣parted to my lodging.

Note, that when the Emperour drinketh, all the company stand vp, and at euery time he drinketh or tasteth of a dish of meate he blesseth himselfe. Many other things I sawe that day, not here noted.

The 4 of Ianuary, which was Twelftide with them, the Emperour, with his brother and all his nobles, all most richly apparelled with gold, pearles, precious stones, and costly furres, with a crowne vpon his head, of the Tartarian fashion, went to the Church in procession, with the Me∣tropolitan, and diuers bishops and priests. That day I was before the Emperour again in Russe apparell, and the Emperour asked if that were not I, and his Chancelor answered yea. Then he bad me to dinner: then came he out of the church, and went with the procession vpon the riuer, be∣ing all frozen, and there standing bare headed, with all his Nobles, there was a hole made in the ice, and the Metropolitan hallowed the water with great solemnitie and seruice, and did cast of the sayd water vpon the Emperors sonne and the Nobility. That done, the people with great thronging filled pots of the said water to carie home to their houses, and diuers children were throwen in, and sicke people, and plucked out quickly againe, and diuers Tartars christened: all which the Emperour beheld. Also there were brought the Emperours best horses, to drink at the sayd hallowed water. All this being ended, he returned to his palace againe, and went to dinner by candle light, and sate in a woodden house, very fairely gilt. There dined in the place, aboue 300 strangers, and I sate alone as I did before, directly before the Emperour, and had my meat, bread and drinke sent me from the Emperour.

The citie of Mosco is great, the houses for the most part of wood, and some of stone, with win∣dowes of yron, which serue for summer time. There are many faire Churches of stone, but more of wood, which are made hot in the winter time. The Emperors lodging is in a faire and large ca∣stle, walled foure square of bricke, high, and thicke, situated vpon a hill, 2 miles about, and the ri∣uer on the Southwest side of it, and it hath 16 gates in the walles, & as many bulwarks. His pa∣lace is separated from the rest of the Castle, by a long wall going north and south, to the riuer side. In his palace are Churches, some of stone and some of wood, with round towers fairely gilded. In the Church doores and within the Churches are images of golde: the chiefe markets for all things, are within the sayd Castle, and for sundry things sundry markets, and euery scicence by it selfe. And in the winter there is a great market without the castle, vpon the riuer being frozen, and there is sold corne, earthen pots, tubs, sleds, &c. The castle is in circuit 2900 pases.

The countrey is ful of marish ground, & plaine, in woods and riuers abundant, but it bringeth forth good plenty of corne. This Emperour is of great power: for he hath conquered much, as wel of the Lieflanders, Poles, Lettoes, and Swethens, as also of the Tartars, & Gentiles, called Samoebs, hauing thereby much inlarged his dominions. He keepeth his people in great subiec∣tion: all matters passe his iudgement, be they neuer so small. The law is sharpe for all offenders.

The Metropolitan dealeth in matters of religion, as himselfe listeth, whome the Emperour

greatly honoreth. They vse the ceremonies, and orders of the Greeke Church. They worship ma∣ny images painted on tables, and specially the image of S. Nicholas. Their Priests be maried, but their wiues being dead, they may not marie the second time, and so become Monkes, whereof there are a great number in the land.

They haue foure Lents in the yeere, and the weeke before Shrofetide, they call the Butter weeke, &c.

They haue many sortes of meats and drinkes, when they banket and delight in eating of grosse meates, and stinking fis••e. Before they drinke they vse to blowe in the cup: their greatest friend∣ship is in drinking: they are great talkers and lyers, without any faith or trust in their words, flat∣terers and dissemblers. The women be there very obedient to their husbands, & are kept straightly from going abroad, but at some seasons.

At my being there, I heard of men and women that drunke away their children, and all their goods at the Emperors tauerne, and not being able to pay, hauing impauned himselfe, the Ta∣uerner bringeth him out to the high way, and beates him vpon the legges: then they that passe by, knowing the cause, and hauing peraduenture compassion vpon him, giue the money, and so he is ransomed.

In euery good towne there is a drunken Tauerne called a Cursemay, which the Emperour sometime letteth out to farme, & sometimes bestoweth for a yeare or two on some duke or gentle∣man, in recompense of his seruice: and for that time he is Lord of all the towne, robbing and spoi∣ling, and doing what pleaseth him: and then he being growen rich, is taken by the Emperor, and sent to the warres againe, where he shall spend all that which he hath gotten by ill meanes: so that the Emperour in his warres is little charged, but all the burden li••••h vpon the poore people.

They vse sadles made of wood & sinewes, with the tree gilded with damaske worke, & the seat couered with cloth, sometimes of golde, and the rest Saphi••n leather, well stitched. They vse little drummes at their sadle bowes, by the sound whereof their horses vse to runne more swiftly.

The Russe is apparelled in this maner: his vpper garment is of cloth of golde, silke, or cloth, long, downe to the foot, and buttoned with great buttons of siluer, or els laces of silke, set on with brooches, the sleeues thereof very long, which he weareth on his arme, tuffed vp. Under that he hath another long garment, buttoned with silke buttons, with a high coller standing vp of some colour, and that garment is made straight. Then his shirt is very fine, and wrought with red silk, or some gold, with a coller of pearle. Under his shirt he hath linnen breeches, vpon his legs, a paire of hose without feete, and his bootes of red or yellow leather. On his head hee weareth a white Colepecke, with buttons of siluer, gold, pearle, or stone, and vnder it a blacke Foxe cap, turned vp very broad.

When he rideth on horsebacke to the warres, or any iourney, he hath a sword of the Turkish fashion, and his bowe and arrowes of the same maner. In the towne he weareth no weapon, but onely two or three paire of kniues, hauing the hafts of the tooth of a fish, called the Morse.

In the Winter time, the people trauell with sleds, in towne and countrey, the way being hard, and smooth with snow: the waters and riuers are all frozen, and one horse with a sled, will draw a man vpon it 400 miles, in three daies: but in the Summer time, the way is deepe with mire, and trauelling is very ill.

The Russe, if he be a man of any abilitie, neuer goeth out of his house in the winter, but vpon his sled, and in Summer vpon his horse: and in his sled he sits vpon a carpet, or a white Beares skinne: the sled is drawen with a horse well decked, with many Foxes and Woolues tailes at his necke, & is conducted by a litle boy vpon his backe: his seruants stand vpon the taile of the sled &c.

The voyage, wherein Osep Napea the Moscouite Ambas∣sadour returned home into his countrey, with his entertainement at his arriuall, at Colmogro: and a large description of the maners of the Countrey.

THe twelfth of Maye, in the yeare of our Lorde 1557 there departed from Grauelend, foure good shippes well appo••nted for Marchants, which were presently bound into the Baye of S. Nicholas in Russia: with which shippes was transported, or caried home, one Osep Gregoriwich Napea, who was sent Messenger from the Emperour and great Duke of Moscouia. The foure ships were these, whose names follow, viz.

• The Primerose Admirall.
• The Iohn Euangelist Uiceadmirall.
• ...

• The Anne and the Trinitie Attendants.

The 13 of Iuly, the foresayd foure shippes came to an anker in the Baye of S. Nicholas, be∣for an Abbey, called the Abbey of S. Nicholas, whereas the sayde Messenger, Osep Gregori∣wich Napea went a shoare, and as many English men as came to serue the Emperour remai∣ned with him at the Abbey for the space of sixe daies, vntill he had gotten all his things a shoare, and laden the same in barkes, to goe vp the riuer Dwina, vnto Vologhda, which is by water 1000 verstes, and euery verste is about three quarters of an English mile.

The 20 of Iuly, we departed from S. Nicholas, and the 24 of the same, we came to Col∣mogro,* 1.23 where we remained eight daies: and the sayd Messenger was there of all his acquain∣tance welcommed home, and had presents innumerable sent vnto him, but it was nothing but meate and drinke. Some sent white bread, some rie bread, and some buttered bread & pancakes, beefe, mutton, bacon, egges, butter, fishes, swannes, geese, duckes, hennes, and all maner of victu∣als, both fish and flesh, in the best maner, that the rude people could deuise: for among them, these presents are highly esteemed.

The 29 of Iuly, we departed from Colmogro, and the 14 of August we came to Vs••iug, where we remained one day, and changed our barkes or boates.

The 27 of August, we came to Vologhda, where we remained 4 daies vnlading the barkes, and lading our chestes and things in small waggons, with one horse in a piece, which in their tongue are called Telegos, and with these Telegoes they caried our stuffe from Vologhda vnto the Mosco, which is 500 verstes: and we were vpon the same way 14 daies: for we went no fa∣ster then the Telegoes.

There are three great townes betweene the Mosco and Vologhda, that is to say, Yeraslaue, Rostaue, & Pereslaue. Upon one side of Yeraslaue runneth a famous riuer, which is called Volga. It runneth into the Caspian sea, and it deuideth it selfe before it come into the Mare Caspium, in 50 parts or more, and neere vnto the same sea there stands a great Citie, called Boghar,* 1.24 the in∣habitants of the which are called by the same name.

The people of the said Citie doe traffique vnto the Citie of Mosco: their commodities are spices, muske, ambergreese, rubarbe, with other drugs. They bring also many furres which they buy in Siberia comming towards the Mosco: the sayd people are of the sect of Mahomet.

The 12 of September we came vnto the citie of Mosco,* 1.25 where we were brought by Napea, and two of the Emperours gentlemen vnto a large house, where euery one of vs had his chamber appointed.

The 14 of September we were commanded to come vnto the Emperour, and immediatly af∣tee our comming we were brought into his presence, vnto whom each of vs did his duetie accor∣dingly, and kissed his right hand, his maiestie sitting in his chaire of estate, with his crowne on his head, and a staffe of goldsmiths worke in his left hand well garnished with rich and costly stones: and when we had all kissed his hand and done our dueties, his maiestie did declare by his interpre∣ter that we were all welcome vnto him, and into his countrey, & therupon willed vs to dine with him: that day we gaue thanks vnto his maiestie, and so departed vntill the dinner was readie.

When dinner time approched, we were brought againe into the Emperours dining chamber, where we were set on one side of a table that stoode ouer against the Emperours table, to the end that he might wel behold vs al: and when we came into the foresayd chamber, we found there rea∣die set these tables following.

First at the vpper end of one table were set the Emperour his maiestie, his brother, & the Em∣perour of Cazan, which is prisoner. About two yardes lower sate the Emperour of Cazan his sonne, being a child of fiue yeeres of age, and beneath him sate the most part of the Emperors no∣ble men.

And at another table neere vnto the Emperours table, there was set a Monke all alone, which was in all paints as well serued as the Emperour. At another table sate another kind of people called Chirkastes, which the Emperour entertaineth for men of warre to serue against his ene∣mies. Of which people and of their countrey, I will hereafter make mention.

All the tables aforesayde were couered onely with salt and bread, and after that we had sitten a while, the Emperour sent vnto euery one of vs a piece of bread, which were giuen and deliuered vnto euery man seuerally by these words: The Emperour and great Duke giueth the bread this day, and in like manner three or foure times before dinner was ended, he sent vnto euery man drinke, which was giuen by these words, The Emperour and great Duke giueth thee to drinke. All the tables aforesayd were serued in vessels of pure and fine golde, as well basons and ewers, platters, dishes and sawcers, as also of great pots, with an innumerable sorte of small drinking pottes of diuers fashions, whereof a great number were set with stone. As for costly meates

I haue many times seene better: but for change of wines, and diuers sorts of meads, it was won∣derfull: for there was not left at any time so much void roome on the table, that one cuppe more might haue bin set, and as far as I could perceiue, all the rest were in the like maner serued.

In the dinner time there came in sixe singers which stood in the midst of the chamber, and their faces towards the Emperor, who sang there before dinner was ended three seuerall times, whose songs or voices delighted our eares little or nothing.

The Emperour neuer putteth morsell of meate in his mouth, but he first blesseth it himselfe, & in like maner as often as he drinketh: for after his maner he is very religious, & he esteemeth his religious men aboue his noble men.

This dinner continued about the space of fiue houres, which being ended, and the tables taken vp, we came into the midst of the chamber, where we did reuerence vnto the Emperors maiestie, and then he deliuered vnto euery one of vs with his own hands a cup of mead, which when euery man had receiued and drunke a quantity thereof, we were licenced to depart, & so ended that din∣ner. And because the Emperour would haue vs to be mery, he sent to our lodging the same Eue∣ning three barrels of meade of sundry sortes, of the quantitie in all of one hogshed.

The 16 day of September the Emperour sent home vnto our lodging for euery of vs a Tar∣tarie horse to ride from place to place as we had occasion, for that the stre••tes of Mosco are very fowle and mirie in the Summer.

* 1.26The 18 of September there were giuen vnto master Standish doctor in Phisick, and the rest of our men of our occupations, certaine furred gownes of branched veluet and gold, and some of red damaske, of which master Doctors gowne was furred with Sables, and the rest were furred some with white Ermine, and some with gray Squirel, and all faced and edged round about with blacke beauer.

The 1 of October in the morning we were commanded to come vnto the Emperors court, and when we came thither, we were brought vnto the Emperor vnto whom we did our duties accor∣dingly: wherupon he willed vs to dine with him that day, and so with thanks vnto his maiestie, we departed vntill dinner time, at which time we came and found the tables couered with bread and salt as at the first: & after that we were all set vpon one side of the table, the Emperors maiestie ac∣cording to his accustomed maner sent vnto euery man a piece of bread by some of the Dukes which atte••ded on his highnesse.

And whereas the 14 of September we were serued in vessels of gold, we were now serued in vessels of siluer, and yet not so abundantly as was the first of gold: they brought drinke vnto the table in siluer boles which conteined at the least sixe gallons a piece, and euerie man had a smal sil∣uer cuppe to drinke in, & another to dip or to take his drinke out of the great boll withall: the din∣ner being ended, the Emperour gaue vnto euery one of vs a cup with meade, which when we had receiued, we gaue thanks and departed.

Moreouer, whensoeuer the Emperors pleasure is that any strauger shall dine with him, he doth send for them in the morning, and when they come before him, he with his owne mouth bid∣deth them to dinner, and this order he alwaies obserueth.

The 10 of October the Emperour gaue vnto M. Standish 70 rubles in money, and to the rest of our men of occupations 30 rubles apiece.

The 3 of Nouember we dined againe with the Emperour, where we were serued as before.

The 6 of December being S. Nicholas day, we dined againe at the Emperours, for that is one of the principall feasts which the Moscouites hold:* 1.27 we were serued in siluer vessels and or∣dered in all points as before, and it was past 7 of the clocke at night before dinner was ended.

The Emperors maiestie vseth euery yeare in the moneth of December, to haue all his ordi∣nance that is in the citie of Mosco caried into the field which is without the Suburbs of the citie, and there to haue it planted and bent vpon two houses of Wood filled within with earth: against which two ho••ses there were two faire white markes set vp, at which markes they discharge all their ordinance, to the ende the Emperour may see what his Gunners can doe. They haue faire ordinance of brasse of all sortes, bases, faulcons, minions, sakers, culuerings, cannons double and royall, basiliskes long and large,* 1.28 they haue sixe great pieces whose shot is a yard of height, which shot a man may easily discerne as they flee: they haue also a great many of morter pieces or por∣guns, out of which pieces they shoote wild fire.

* 1.29The 12 of December the Emperors Maiestie and all his nobility came ino the field on horse∣backe, in most goodly order, hauing very fine Iennets & Turkie horses garnished with gold & sil∣uer abundantly. The Emperors maiestie hauing on him a gowne of rich tissue, & a cap of skarlet on his head, set not only with pearles, but also with a great number of rich and costly stones: his no∣ble men were all in gownes of cloth of gold, which did ride before him in good order by 3. & 3. and

before them there went 5000 harquebusiers, which went by 5 and 5 in a rank in very good order, euery of them carying his gun vpon his left shoulder, and his match in his right hand, and in this order they marched into the field where as the foresayd ordinance was planted.

And before the Emperors maiestie came into the field, there was a certaine stage made of small poles which was a quarter of a mile long, and about three score yardes off from the stage of poles were certaine pieces of ice of two foot thicke, and sixe foote high set vp, which ranke of ice was as long as the stage of poles, and as soone as the Emperors maiestie came into the field, the harque∣busiers went vpon the stage of poles where they setled themselues in order. And when the Em∣perors maiestie was setled where he would be, and where he might see all the ordinance dischar∣ged and shot off, the harquebusiers began to shoot off at the banke of ice, as though it had ••in in any skirmish or battel, who ceased not shooting, vntill they had beaten all the ice flat on the ground.

After the handguns, they shot off their wild fire vp into the aire, which was a goodly sight to be∣hold. And after this, they began to discharge the smal pieces of brasse, beginning with the smallest and so orderly bigger and bigger, vntill the last and biggest. When they had shot them all off, they began to charge them againe, and so shot them al off 3 times after the first order, beginning with the smallest, and ending with the greatest. And note that before they had ended their shooting, the 2 houses that they shot vnto were beaten in pieces, & yet they were very strongly made of Wood and filled with earth, being at the least 30 foote thicke. This triumph being ended, the Emperour departed and rode home in the same order that he came foorth into the field. The ordinance is dis∣charged euery yeare in the moneth of December, according to the order before mentioned.

On Christmas day we were all willed to dine with the Emperors Maiestie, where for bread; meat and drinke, we were serued as at other times before: but for goodly and rich plate, we neuer saw the like or so much before. There dined that day in the Emperors presence aboue 500 stran∣gers, and two hundred Russes, and all they were serued in vessels of gold, and that as much as could stand one by another vpō the tables. Besides this there were foure cupbords garnished with goodly plate both of gold & siluer. Among the which there were 12 barrels of siluer, conteining aboue 12 gallons a piece, and at each end of euery barrell were 6 ho••pes of fine gold: this dinner continued about sixe houres.

Euery yeare vpon the 12 day they vse to blesse or sanctifie the riuer Moscua,* 1.30 which runneth through the citie of Mosco, after this maner.

First, they make a square hole in the ice about 3 fadoms large euery way, which is trimmed a∣bout the sides & edges with white boords. Then about 9 of the clocke they come out of the church with procession towards the riuer in this wise.

First and foremost there goe certaine young men with ware tapers burning, and one carying a great lanterne: then follow certaine banners, then the crosse, then the images of our Lady, of S. Nicholas, and of other Saints, which images men carie vpon their shoulders: after the ima∣ges follow certaine priests to the number of 100 or more: after them the Metropolitane who is led betweene two priests, and after the Metropolitan came the Emperour with his crowne vpon his head, and after his maiestie all his noble men orderly. Thus they followed the procession vnto the water, & when they came vnto the hole that was made, the priests set thēselues in order round about it. And at one side of the same poole there was a scaffold of boords made, vpon which stood a faire chaire in which the Metropolitan was set, but the Emperours maiestie stood vpon the ice.

After this the priests began to sing, to blesse and to sense, and did their seruice, and so by that time that they had done, the water was holy, which being sanctified, the Metropolitane tooke a li∣tle thereof in his hands, and cast it on the Emperour, likewise vpon certaine of the Dukes, & then they returned againe to the church with the priests that sate about the water: but that preasse that there was about the water when the Emperor was gone, was wōderful to behold, for there came aboue 5000 pots to be filled of that water: for that Moscouite which hath no part of that water, thinks himselfe vnhappy.

And very many went naked into the water, both men and women and children: after the prease was a litle gone, the Emperours I••nnets and horses were brought to drinke of the same water, and likewise many other men brought their horses thither to drinke, and by that means they make their horses as holy as themselues.

All these ceremonies being ended, we went to the Emperour to dinner, where we were ser∣ued in vessels of siluer, and in all other points as we had bene beforetime.

The Russes begin their Lent alwaies 8 weekes before Easter:* 1.31 the first weeke they eate egs, milke, cheese & butter, and make great cheare with pancakes and such other things, one friend vi∣siting another, & from the sam•• Sunday vntil our Shrofesunday there are but few Russes sober, but they are drunke day by day, and it is accompted for no reproch or shame among them.

The next weeke being our fir••t weeke or Lent, or our clensing weeke, beginning our Shrofe∣sunday, they make and keepe a great fast. It is reported, and the people do verily beleeue that the Metropolitan neither eateth nor drinketh any maner of thing for the space of seuen dayes, and they say that there are many religious men which doe the like.

The Emperors Maiestie eateth but one morsel of bread, and drinketh but one draught of drinke once in the day during that weeke, and all men tha•• are of any reputation come not out of their houses during that time, so that the streetes are almost void of company, sauing a few poore folkes which wander to and fro. The other sixe weekes they keepe as we do ours, but not one of them will eate either butter, cheese, egs or milke.

On Palme sunday they haue a very solemne procession in this maner following.

First, they haue a tree of a good bignesse which is made fast vpon two sleds, as though it were growing there, and it is hanged with apples, raisins, figs and dates, and with many other fruits a∣bundantly. In the midst of y^e same tree stand 5 boyes in white vestures, which sing in the tree be∣fore the procession: after this there followed certaine yong men with waxe tapers in their hands burning, & a great lanterne that al the light should not go out: after them followed two with long banners, & sixe with round plates set vpon long staues: the plates were of copper very ful of holes and thin: then followed 6 carying painted images vpon their shoulders, after the images followed certaine priests to the number of 100 or more, with goodly vestures, wherof 10 or 12 are of white damaske, set and imbrodered round about with faire and orient pearles, as great as pease, and a∣mong them certaine Saphires and other stones. After them followed the one halfe of the Empe∣rours noble men: then commeth the Emperors maiestie and the Metropolitane, after this maner.

First, there is a horse couered with white linnen cloth down to y^e ground, his eares being made long with the same cloth like to an asses eares. Upon this horse the Metropolitane sitteth sidelong like a woman: in his lappe lieth a faire booke, with a crucifix of Goldsmiths worke vpon the couer, which he holdeth fast with his left hand, and in his right hand he hath a crosse of gold, with which crosse he ceaseth not to blesse the people as he rideth.

There are to the number of 30 men which spread abroad their garments before the horse, and as soone as the horse is past ouer any of them, they take them vp againe and run before, and spred them againe, so that the horse doth alway go on some of them. They which spred the garments are all priests sonnes, and for their labours the Emperour giueth vnto them new garments.

* 1.32One of the Emperors noble men leadeth the horse by the head, but the Emperour himselfe going on foote leadeth the horse by the ende of the reine of his bridle with one of his hands, and in the other of his hands he had a branch of a Palme tree: after this followed the rest of the Em∣perours Noble men and Gentlemen, with a great number of other people. In this order they went from one church to another within the castle, about the distance of two flights shot: and so returned againe to the Emperours Church, where they made an end of their seruice. Which be∣ing done, the Emperours maiestie and certaine of his noble men went to the Metropolitane his house to dinner, where of delicate fishes and good drinks there was no lacke.

The rest of this weeke vntill Easter day they kept very solemnely, continuing in their houses for the most part, and vpon Munday or Thursday the Emperour doth alwayes vse to receiue the Sacrament, and so doe most of his nobles.

Upon good Friday they continue all the day in contemplation and prayers, and they vse eue∣ry yere on good Friday to let loose a prisoner in the stead of Barrabas. The night following they go to the Church where they sleepe vntill the next morning, & at Easter they haue the resurrecti∣on, & after euery of the Lents they eat flesh the next weeke following, Friday, Saturday and all.

They haue an order at Easter which they alwaies obserue, and that is this: euery yere against Easter to die or colour red with Brazell a great number of egs, of which euery man and woman giueth one vnto the priest of their Parish vpon Easter day in the morning. And moreouer the common people vse to carie in their hands one of their red egs, not onely vpon Easter day, but al∣so three or foure dayes after, and gentlemen and gentlewomen haue egs gilded which they cary in like maner. They vse it as they say for a great loue, and in token of the resurrection, whereof they reioyce. For when two friends meete during the Easter holy dayes, they come & take one an∣other by the hand: the one of them sayth, the Lord or Christ is risen, the other answereth, it is so of a truth, and then they kisse and exchange their egs both men and women,* 1.33 continuing in kissing 4 dayes together.

The 12 of Aprill being Tuesday in the Easter weeke, master Ienkinson and master Graie, and certayne other of vs English m••n dined with the Emperor, where we were serued as we had bin before time. And after diner the Emperours maiestie gaue vnto master Ienkinson and vnto M. Gray, and so orderly vnto euery one of vs a cup of Mead, according to his accustomed maner

which when euery man had receiued and giuen thanks,* 1.34 M. Ienkinson stepped into the midst of the chamber before the Emperours maiestie, and gaue thankes to his highnesse for his goodnesse vn∣to him extended, des••••ing his grace to licence him to depart, and in like maner did Master Gray. His maiestie did not onely licence them to dep••rt, but also graunted vnto master Ienkinson his letters vnder his great seale, vnto all princes through whose dominions master Ienkinson should haue occasion to passe, that he might the sooner and quietl••er passe by meanes thereof. Which be∣ing granted, master Ienkinson and Gray lowly submitted themselues, th••nking his maiestie. So the Emperour gaue vnto either of them a cuppe of mead to drinke, and willed them to depart at their pleasure in Gods peace.

The 14. of Aprill in the morning when M. Gray and I were ready to depart towards Eng∣gland, the Chancellors sene vnto vs and willed vs to come to their office in the Chancerie, where at our comming they shewed vs a great number of the Emperors iewels, and rich robes, willing vs to marke and beholde them well, to the end that at our arriuall into England, we might make report what we had seene there.

The chiefest was his maiesties crowne, being close vnder the top very faire wrought:* 1.35 in mine opinion, the workmanship of so much gold few men can amend. It was adorned and decked with rich and precious stones abundantly, among the which one was a rubie, which stood a handfull higher then the top of the crown vpon a small wier, it was as big as a good beane: the same crown was lined with a faire blacke Sable, worth by report 4••. robles.

Wee sawe all his maiesties robes which were very richly set with stones, they shewed vs ma∣nie other great stories of diuers kindes, but the most part of them were vneuen, in maner as they came out of the worke, for they doe more esteeme the greatnesse of stones, then the propor∣tion of them.

We saw two goodly gownes which were as heauie as a man could easily carrie, all set with pearles ouer and ouer: the gards or borders round about them were garnished with saphires and other good stones abundantly. One of the same gownes was very rich, for the pearles were very large, round and orient: as for the rest of his gownes and garments, they were of rich tissue and cloth of gold and all furred with very blacke Sables.

When we had sufficiently perused all these things, they willed master Gray at his arriuall in England, to prouide if he could, such iewels and rich clothes as he had seene there, and better if he could, declaring that the Emperour would gladly bestow his money vpon such things.

So we tooke our leaue the same time, and departed towards Vologda immediatly.

The maners, vsages, and ceremonies of the Russes.

Of the Emperour.

THe Emperours name in their ton••ue is Iuan Vasiliuich, that is as much to say, as Iohn the sonne of “ 1.36 Vasilie and by his princely state hee is called Otesara, as his predecessors haue bene before, which to interprete, is a king, that giueth not tribute to any man. And this word Otesara his maiesties interpreters haue of late dayes interpreted to be Emperour, so that now hee is called Emperour and great Duke of all Russia, &c. Before his father they were ••either called Emperours nor kings but onely Ruese Velike, that is to say, great Duke. And as this Emperor which now is Iuan Vasiliuich, doeth exceede his predecessors in name, that is, from a Duke to an Emperour, euen so much by report he doeth exceede them in stoutnesse of courage and valiant∣nesse, and a great deale more: for he is no more afraid of his enemies which are not few, then the Hobbie of the larks.

His enemies with whom he hath warres for the most part are these: Li••to, Poland, Sweden, Denmarke, Lifland, the Crimmes, Nagaians, and the whole nation of the Cartarians, which are a stoute and a hardie people as any vnder the Sunne.

This Emperour vseth great familiaritie, as wel vnto all his nobles and subiects, as also vnto strangers which serue him either in his warres, or in occupations: for his pleasure is that they shall dine oftentimes in the yeere in his presence, and besides that he is oftentimes abroad, either at one Church or another, and walking with his noble men abroad. And by this mean••s he is nor onely beloued of his nobles and commons, but aslo had in great dread and feare through all his dominions, so that I thinke no prince in Christendome is more feared of his owne then he is, nor yet better beloued•• For if he bid any of his Dukes goe, they will runne, if he giue any euil or an∣grie worde to any of them, the partie will not come into his maiesties presence againe of a long

time if he be not sent for, but will faine him to be very sicke•• and will let the haire of his head grow very long, without either cutting or shauing, which is an euident token that hee is in the Empe∣rors displeasure: for when they be in their prosperity, they account it a shame to weare long haire, in consideration whereof, they vse to haue their heads shauen.

* 1.37His maiesty heareth all complain is himselfe, and with his owne mouth giueth sentence, and iudgement of all matters, and that with expedition: but religious matters he medleth not withall, but referreth them wholly vnto the Metropolitane.

His maiestie retaineth and well rewardeth all strangers that come to serue him, and especially men of warre.

Hee delighteth not greatly in hawking, hunting, or any other pastime, nor in hearing in∣struments or musicke, but setteth all his whole delight vpon two things: First, to serue God, as vndoubtedly he is very deuoute in his religion, and the second, howe to subdue and conquere his enemies.

He hath abundance of gold and siluer in his owne handes or treasurie: but the most part of his know not a crowne from a counter, nor gold from copper, they are so much cumbred therewithall, and he that is worth 2.3. or 4. grotes, is a rich man.

Of their Religious men.

THe Metropolitane is next vnto God, our Lady and S. Nicholas excepted: for the Emperors maiesty iudgeth & affirmeth him to be of higher dignitie then himselfe; for that, saith he, he is Gods spiritual officer, and I the Emperour am his temporall officer, and therefore his maiestie submitteth himselfe vnto him in many things concerning religious matters, as in leading the Me∣tropolitans horse vpon Palme sunday, and giuing him leaue to sitte on a chaire vpon the 12. day, when the riuer Mosco was in blessing, his maiestie standing on the yce.

All matters of religion are reformed by the Metropolitane, he heareth the causes and giueth sentence as himselfe listeth, and is authorized so to doe, whether it be to whip, hang or burne, his will must needs be fulfilled.

They haue both monks, friers and nunnes, with a great number of great & rich monasteries: they keepe great hospitalitie, and doe relieue much poore people day by day. I haue bene in one of the monasteries called Troietes, which is walled about with bricke very strongly like a castle, and much ordinance of brasse vpon the walles of the same. They told me themselues that there are seuen hundred brethren of thē which belong vnto that house. The most part of the lands, towns, and villages which are within 40. miles of it, belong vnto the same. They shewed me the church, wherein were as many images as could hang about, or vpon the wals of the Church round about, and euen the roofe of the church was painted ful of images. The chiefe image was of our Ladie, which was garnished with gold, rubies, saphirs and other rich stones abundantly. In the midst of the church stood 12. waxe tapers of two yards long, and a fathom about in hignesse, & there stands a kettle full of waxe with about 100. weight, wherein there is alwayes the wieke of a candle bur∣ning, as it were a lampe which goeth not out day nor night.

They shewed me a coffin couered with cloth of gold which stoode vpon one side within their church, in which they told me lay a holy man, who neuer eate or dranke, and yet that he liueth. And they told me (supposing that I had beleeued them) that he healeth many diseases, and giueth the blind their sight, with many other miracles, but I was hard of belief because I saw him worke no miracle whilest I was there.

After this they brought me into their sellers, and made me taste of diuers kinds of drinks, both wine and beere, mead and quassie, of sundry colours and kinds. Such abundance of drink as they haue in their sellers, I doe suppose few princes haue more, or so much at once.

Their barrels or vessels are of an vnmeasurable bignes & sise: some of them are 3. yards long and more, and 2. yards & more broad in their heads: they conteine 6. or 7. tunnes a piece: they haue none in their sellers of their owne making that are lesse then a tunne. They haue 9. or 10. great vautes which are full of those barrels which are seldome remooued: for they haue trunks which come downe through the roofe of the vautes in sundry places, through which they powre drinke downe•• hauing the caske right vnder it to receiue the same, for it should be a great trouble to bring it all downe the stayres.

* 1.38They giue bread, meat and drinke vnto all men that come to them, not onely while they are at their abbey, but also when they depart, to serue them by the way.

There are a great number of such monasteries in the Realm, and the Emperors maiesty rideth oftentimes from one to another of them, and lieth at them 3. or 4. daies together.

The same monkes are as great merchants as any in the land of Russia, and doe occupy buying and selling as much as any other men, and haue boats which passe too and fro in the riuers with merchandize from place to place where any of their countrey do traffike.

They eate no flesh during their liues as it is reported: but vpon Sunday, Munday, Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday it is lawful for them to eate egges, butter, cheese and milke, and at all times to eate fish, and after this sort they lead their liues.

They weare all blacke garments, and so doe none other in all the lande, but at that abbey onely.

They haue no preachers no not one in al the land to instruct the people,* 1.39 so that there are many, & the most part of the poore in the country, who if one aske them how many gods there be, they wil say a great many, meaning that euery image which they haue is a god: for all the countrey and the Emperours maiesty himselfe wil blesse and bowe, and knocke their heads before their images, in so much that they will crie earnestly vnto their images to helpe them to the things which they need. Al men are bound by their law to haue those images in their houses, and ouer euery gate in all their townes and cities are images set vp, vnto which the people bow and bend, and knocke their heads against the ground before them: as often as they come by any church or crosse they do in like maner. And when they come to any house, they blesse themselues 3. or 4. times before they will salute any man in the house.

They reckon and hold it for great sinne to touch or handle any of their images within the circle of the boord where the painting is, but they keep them very daintily, and rich men deck them ouer and about with gold, siluer and stones, and hang them ouer and about with cloth of gold.

The priestes are married as other men are, and weare all their garments as other men doe, except their nightcaps, which is cloth of some sad colour, being round, & reacheth vnto the eares: their crownes are shauen, but the rest of their haire they let grow, as long as nature will permit, so that it hangeth beneath their eares vpon their shoulders: their beards they neuer shaue: if his wife happen to die, it is not lawfull for him to mary againe during his life.

They minister the Communion with bread and wine after our order, but he breaketh the bread and putteth it into the cup vnto the wine, and commonly some are partakers with them: and they take the bread out againe with a spoon together with part of the wine, and so take it themselues, and giue it to others that receiue with them after the same maner.

Their ceremonies are al as they say, according to the Greeke Church vsed at this present day, and they allow no other religion but the Greeks, and their owne: and will not permit any nation but the Greeks to be buried in their sacred burials, or churchyards.

All their churches are full of images, vnto the which the people when they assemble, doe bowe and knocke their heads, as I haue before said, that some will haue knobbes vpon their foreheads with knocking, as great as egges.

All their seruice is in the Russe tongue,* 1.40 and they and the common people haue no other praiers but this, Ghospodi Iesus Christos esine voze ponuloi nashe. That is to say, O Lorde Iesus Christ, sonne of God haue mercy vpon vs: and this is their prayer, so that the most part of the vn∣learned know neither Pater noster, nor the Beliefe, nor Ten commandements, nor scarcely vn∣derstand the one halfe of their seruice which is read in their Churches.

Of their Baptisme.

VVhen any child is borne, it is not baptized vntil the next Sunday, and if it chance that it be not baptized then, it must tary vntil the second Sunday after the birth, and it is lawfull for them to take as many Godfathers and Godmothers as they will, the more the better.

When they go to the Church, the midwife goeth formost, carying the childe, & the Godfathers and Godmothers follow into the midst of the Church, where there is a small table ready set, and on it an earthen pot ful of warme water, about the which the Godfathers and Godmothers, with the childe, settle themselues: then the clearke giueth vnto euery of them a smal waxe candle burning, then commeth the priest, and beginneth to say certaine words, which the Godfathers and Godmo∣thers must answere word for word, among which one is, that the childe shal forsake the deuill, and as that name is pronounced, they must all spit at the word as often as it is repeated. Then he bles∣seth the water which is in the pot, and doth breathe ouer it: then he taketh al the candles which the gosseps haue, and holding them all in one hand letteth part of them d••op into the water, and then giueth euery one his candle againe, and when the water is sanctified, he taketh the childe and hol∣d••th it in a small tubbe, and one of the Godfathers taketh the pot with warme water, and powreth it all vpon the childs head.

After this he hath many more ceremonies, as anoynting eares and eyes with spittle, and ma∣king ceraine crosses with oyle vpon the backe, head, and brest of the childe: then taking the childe in his armes, carieth it to the images of S. Nicholas, and our Ladie, &c. and speaketh vnto the images, desiring them to take charge of the childe, that he may liue, and beleeue as a Christian man or woman ought to doe, with many other words. Then comming backe from the images, he taketh & a paire of sheares and clippeth the yong and tender haires of the childes head, in three or foure places, and then deliuereth the childe, whereunto euery of the Godfathers & Godmothers lay a hand: then the priest chargeth them, that the childe be brought vp in the faith & feare of God or Christ, and that it be instructed to clinege and bow to the images, and so they make an end: then one of the Godfathers must hang a crosse about the necke of the childe, which he must alwayes weare, for that Russe which hath not a crosse about his necke they esteeme as no Christian man, and thereupon they say that we are no Christians, because we do not weare crosses as they do.

Of their Matrimonie.

THeir matrimonie is nothing solemnized, but rather in most points abhominable, and as neere as I can learne, in this wise following.

First, when there is loue betweene the parties, the man sendeth vnto the woman a small chest or boxe, wherein is a whip, needles, threed, silke, linnen cloth, sheares, and such necessaries as shee shall occupie when she is a wife, and perhaps sendeth therwithall raisins, figs or some such things, giuing her to vnderstand, that if she doe offend, she must be beaten with the whip, & by the needl••s, threed, cloth, &c. that she should apply her selfe diligently to sowe, and do such things as shee could best doe, and by the raisins or fruites he meaneth if she doe well, no good thing shalbe withdrawn from her, nor be too deare for her: and she sendeth vnto him a shirt, handkerchers, and some such things of her owne making. And now to the effect.

When they are agreed, and the day of marriage appointed, when they shall goe towardes the Church, the bride will in no wise consent to go out of the house, but resisteth and striueth with thē that would haue her out, and faineth her selfe to weepe, yet in the end, two women get her out, and lead her towards the church, her face being couered close, because of her dissimulatiō, that it should not be openly perceiued: for the maketh a great noise, as though she were sobbing and weeping, vntil she come at the Church, and then her face is vncouered. The man commeth after among o∣ther of his friends, and they cary with them to the church a great pot with wine or mead: then the priest coupleth them together much after our order, one promising to loue and serue the other du∣ring their liues together, &c. which being done, they begin to drinke, and first the woman drin∣keth to the man, and when he hath drunke he letteth the cuppe fall to the ground, hasling immedi∣atly to tread vpon it, and so doth she, and whether of them tread first vpon it must haue the victorie and be master at all times after, which commonly happeneth to the man, for he is readiest to ••et his foot on it, because he letteth it fall himselfe, then they goe home againe, the womans face beeing vncouered. The boyes in the streetes crie out and make a noyse in the meane time, with very dishonest wordes.

When they come home, the wife is set at the vpper end of the table, and the husband next vnto her: they fall then to drinking till they bee all drunke, they perchance haue a minst••ell or two, and two naked men, which led her from the Church daunce naked a long time before all the compa∣nie. When they are wearie of drinking, the bride and the bridegrome get them to bed, for it is in the euening alwayes when any of them are married: and when they are going to bedde, the bride∣grome putteth certain money both golde and siluer, if he haue it, into one of his boots, and then sit∣teth down in the chamber, crossing his legges, and then the bride must plucke off one of his boots, which she will, and if she happen on the boote wherein the money is, she hath not onely the money for her labor, but is also at such choyse, as she need not euer from that day forth to pul off his boots, but if she misse the boot wherin the money is, she doth not onely loose the money, but is also bound from that day forwards to pull off his boots continually.

Then they continue in drinking and making good cheere three daies following, being accom∣panied with certaine of their friends, and during the same three daies he is called a Duke, & shee a dutches, although they be very poore persons, and this is as much as I haue learned of their ma∣trimony: but one common rule is amongst them, if the woman be not beaten with the whip once a weeke, she will not be good, and therefore they looke for it orderly, & the women say, that if their husbands did not beate them, they should not loue them.

They vse to marry there very yong, their sonnes at 16. and 18. yeeres olde, and the daughters at 12. or 13. yeeres or yonger: they vse to keepe their wiues very closely, I meane those that be

of any reputation, so that a man shall not see one of them but at a chance, when she goeth to church at Christmas or at Easter, or els going to visite some of her friends.

The most part of the women vse to ride a sleide in saddles with styrrops, as men do, and some of them on sleds, which in summer is not commendable.

The husband is bound to finde the wife colours to paint her withall,* 1.41 for they vse ordinarily to paynt themselues: it is such a common practise among them, that it is counted for no shame: they grease their faces with such colours, that a man may discerne them hanging on their faces almost a flight shoote off: I cannot so well liken them as to a millers wife, for they looke as though they were beaten about the face with a bagge of meale, but their eye browes they colour as blacke as ieat.

The best propertie that the women haue, is that they can sowe well, and imbroder with silke and golde excellently.

Of their buriall.

VVHen any man or woman dieth, they stretch him out, and put a new paire of shooes on his feete, because he hath a great iourney to goe: then doe they winde him in a sheet, as we doe, but they forget not to put a testimonie in his right hand, which the priest giueth him, to testi∣fie vnto S. Nicholas that he died a Christian man or woman. And they put the coarse alwayes in a coffin of wood, although the partie be very poore: and when they goe towards the Church, the friends and kinsemen of the partie departed carrie in their hands small waxe candles, and they weepe and howle, and make much lamentation.

They that be hanged or beheaded, or such like, haue no testimonie with them: how they are re∣ceiued into heauen, it is a wonder, without their pasport.

There are a great number of poore people among them which die daily for lacke of sustenance, which is a pitifull case to beholde: for there hath beene buried in a small time, within these two yeeres, aboue 80. persons young and old, which haue died onely for lacke of sustenance: for if they had had straw and water enough, they would make shift to liue: for a great many are forced in the winter to drie straw and stampe it,* 1.42 and to make bread thereof, or at the least they eate it in stead of bread. In the summer they make good shift with grasse, herbes and rootes: barks of trees are good meat with them at all times.* 1.43 There is no people in the world, as I suppose, that liue so mi∣serably as do the pouerty in those parts: and the most part of them that haue sufficient for them∣selues, and also to relieue others that need, are so vnmerciful that they care not how many they see die of famine or hunger in the streets.

It is a countrey full of diseases,* 1.44 diuers, and euill, and the best remedie is for anie of them, as they holde opinion, to goe often vnto the hote houses, as in a maner euery man hath one of his owne, which hee heateth commonly twise euery weeke, and all the housholde sweate, and wash themselues therein.

The names of certaine sortes of drinkes vsed in Russia, aud commonly drunke in the Empe∣rours Court.

THe first and principall meade is made of the iuice or liecour taken from a berrie called in Russia, Malieno,* 1.45 which is of a marueilous sweete taste, and of a carmosant colour, which berry I haue seene in Paris.

The second meade is called Visnoua, because it is made of a berry so called, and is like a black gooseberrie: but it is like in colour and taste to the red wine of France.

The third meade is called Amarodina or Smorodina, short, of a small berry much like to the small rezin, and groweth in great plentie in Russia.

The fourth meade is called Chereunikyna, which is made of the wilde blacke cherry.

The fift meade is made of hony and water, with other mixtures.

There is also a delicate drinke drawn from the root of the birch tree, called in the Russe tongue Berozeuites, which drinke the noble men and others vse in Aprill, May, and Iune, which are the three moneths of the spring time: for after those moneths, the sapp: of the tree dryeth, and then they cannot haue it.

The voyage of Master Anthony Ienkinson, made from the citie of Mosco in Russia, to the citie of Boghar in Bactria, in the yeere 1558: written by himselfe to the Merchants of London of the Moscouie companie.

THe 23. day of April, in the yeere 1558. (hauing obtained the Emperor of Rus∣sia his letters, directed vnto sundry kings and princes, by whose dominions I should passe) I departed from Mosco by water, hauing with mee two of your seruants, namely, Richard Iohnson, & Robert Iohnson, and a Tartar Tolmach, with diuers parcels of wares, as by the inuentory appeareth: and the 28. day we came to a town called Collom, distant from the Mosco 20. leagues, & passing one league beyond the saide Collom, we came vnto a riuer called Occa, into the which the riuer Mosco falleth, and looseth his name: and passing downe the said riuer Occa 8. leagues, we came vnto a castle called Terreuettisko, which we left vpon our right hand, and proceeding forward, the second day of May, we came vnto another castle called Peroslaue, distant 8. leagues, leauing it also on our right hand. The third day we came vnto the place where olde Rezan was situate, beeing now most of it ruined and ouergrowen, and distant from the said Peroslaue, 6. leagues: the 4. day we passed by a castle called Terrecouia, from Rezan 12. leagues, & the 6. day we came to another castle called Cassim, vnder the gouernment of a Tartar prince named Vtzar Zegoline, sometime Emperour of the worthy citie of Cazan, and now subiect vnto the Emperour of Russia. But lea∣uing Cassim on our left hand, the 8. day we came vnto a faire town called Morom, from Cassim 20. leagues, where we took the sonne, and found the latitude 56. degrees: and proceeding forward the 11. day, we came vnto another faire town & castle called Nyse Nouogrod, situated at the fal∣ling of the foresaid riuer Occa into the worthie riuer of Volga, distant from the saide Moron 25. leagues, in the latitude of 56. degrees 18. minutes. Frō Rezan to this Nyse Nouogrod, on both sides the said riuer of Occa, is raised the greatest store of ware and hony in all the land of Russia. We carried at the foresaid Nyse Nouogrod vntil the 19. day, for the comming of a captain which was sent by the Emperour to rule at Astracan, who beeing arriued, and hauing the number of 500. great boates vnder his conduct, some laden with victuals, souldiers, and munition: and o∣ther some with merchandise, departed altogether the said 19. day from the said Nyse Nouogrod, and the 22. we came vnto a castle called Vasiliagorod, distant 25. leagues, which we left vpon our right hand. This towne or castle had his name of this Emperours father, who was called Vasi∣lius, and gorod in the Russe tongue is as much to say as a castle, so that Vasiliagorod is to say, Vasilius castle: and it was the furthest place that the said Emperour conquered from the Tartars. But this present Emperour his sonne, called Iuan Vasiliwich, hath had great good successe in his warres, both against the Christians and also the Mahometists and Gentiles, but especially against the Tartars, inlarging his Empire euen to the Caspian sea, hauing conquered the famous riuer of Volga, with all the countreis thereabout adiacent. Thus proceeding on our iourney the 25. day of May aforesaide, wee came to another castle called Sabowshare, which wee left on our right hand, distant from Vasiliagorod 16. leagues. The countrey heereabout is called Mordo∣uits, and the habitants did professe the law of the Gentiles: but nowe beeing conquered by this Emperour of Russia, most of them are christened, but lie in the woods and wildernesse, without towne or habitation.

The 27. day we passed by another castle called Swyasko, distant from Shabowshare aforesaid 25. leagues: we left it on our right hand, and the 29. came vnto an Island one league from the ci∣tie of Cazan,* 1.46 from which falleth downe a riuer called Cazankareca, & entreth into the foresaide Volga. Cazan is a faire town after the Russe or Tartar fashion, with a strong castle, situated vpon a high hill, and was walled round about with timber & earth, but now the Emperour of Russia hath giuen order to plucke downe the old walles, and to builde them againe of free stone. It hath bene a citie of great wealth and riches, and being in the hands of the Tartars it was a kingdome of it selfe, and did more vexe the Russes in their warres, then any other nation: but 9. yeres past, this Emperour of Russia conquered it, and tooke the king captiue, who being but young is nowe baptised, and brought vp in his court with two other princes, which were also kings of the said Ca∣zan, and being ech of thē in time of their raignes in danger of their subiects through ciuil discord, came and rendred themselues at seueral times vnto the said Emperor, so that at this present there are three princes in the court of Russia, which had bene Emperours of the said Cazan, whom the Emperour vseth with great honour.

We remained at Cazan till the 13. day of Iune, and then departed from thence: and the same

day passed by an Island called the Island of merchants,* 1.47 because it was woont to be a place where all merchants, as well Russes and Cazanites, as Nagayans and Crimmes, and diuers other nations did resort to keepe mart for buying and selling, but nowe it is forsaken, and stan∣deth without any such resort thither, or at Cazan, or at any place about it, from Mosco vn∣to Mare Caspium.

Thus proceeding forward the 14. day, we passed by a goodly riuer called Cama,* 1.48 which we left on our left hand. This riuer falleth out of the countrey of Permia into the riuer of Volga, and is from Cazan 15. leagues: and the countrey lying betwixt the said Cazan and the said riuer Ca∣ma on the left hand of Volga is called Vachen, and the inhabitants be Gentiles, and liue in the wildernesse without house or habitation: and the countrey on the other side of Volga ouer against the said riuer Cama is called the land of Cheremizes, halfe Gentiles, halfe Tartars, and all the land on the left hand of the said Volga from the said riuer vnto Astracan, and so following the North and Northeast side of the Caspian sea, to a land of the Tartars called Turkemen, is cal∣led the countrey of Mangat or Nagay,* 1.49 whose inhabitants are of the law of Mahomet, and were all destroyed in the yeere 1558, at my being at Astracan, through ciuill warres among them, ac∣companied with famine, pestilence, and such plagues, in such sort that in the said yeere there were consumed of the people, in one sort and another, aboue one hundred thousand: the like plague was neuer seen in those parts, so that the said countrey of Nagay being a countrey of great pasture, re∣maineth now vnreplenished to the great contentation of the Russes, who haue had cruel warres a long time together.

The Nagayans when they flourished, liued in this maner: they were diuided into diuers com∣panies called Hords, and euery Hord had a ruler, whom they obeyed as their king, and was cal∣led a Murse. Towne or house they had none, but liued in the open fields, euery Murse or King hauing his Hords or people about him,* 1.50 with their wiues, children and cattell, who hauing con∣sumed the pasture in one place, remooued vnto another: and when they remooue they haue houses like tents set vpon wagons or carts, which are drawen from place to place with camels, & therin their wiues, children, and all their riches, which is very litle, is caried about, and euery man hath at the least foure or fiue wiues besides concubines. Use of money they haue none, but doe barter their cattell for apparell and other necessaries. They delight in no arte nor science, except the warres, wherein they are expert, but for the most part they be pasturing people, and haue great store of cattel, which is all their riches. They eate much flesh, and especially the horse, and they drinke mares milke, wherewith they be oftentimes drunke: they are seditious & inclined to theft and murther. Corne they sowe not, neither doe eate any bread, mocking the Christians for the same, and disabling our strengths, saying we liue by eating the top of a weede, and drinke a drinke made of the same, allowing their great deuouring of flesh, and drinking of milke to be the increase of their strength. But now to proceed forward to my iourney.

All the countrey vpon our right hand the riuer Volga, from ouer against the riuer Cama vnto the towne of Astracan, is the land of Crimme,* 1.51 whose inhabitants be also of the lawe of Maho∣met, and liue for the most part according to the fashions of the Nagayes, hauing continual wars with the Emperour of Russia, and are valiant in the fielde, hauing countenance, and support from the great Turke.

The 16. day of Iune we passed by certaine fishermens houses called Petowse twenty leagues from the riuer Cama, where is great fishing for sturgeon, so continuing our way vntill the 22. day, and passing by another great riuer called Samar,* 1.52 which falleth out of the aforesaide coun∣trey, and runneth through Nagay, and entreth into the saide riuer of Volga. The 28. day wee came vnto a great hill, where was in times past a castle made by the Crimmes, but now it is rui∣ned, being the iust midway betweene the said Cazan and Astrachan, which is 200. leagues or thereabout, in the latitude of 51. degrees 47. minutes. Upon all this shore groweth abundance of Licoris,* 1.53 whose root runneth within the ground like a vine.

Thus going forward the sixt day of Iuly we came to a place called Perouolog, so named be∣cause in times past the Tartars caried their boates from Volga vnto the riuer Tanais, otherwise called Don, by land, when they would robbe such as passed downe the said Volga to Astracan, and also such as passed downe by the riuer Tanais, to Asou, Caffa, or any other towne situated vp∣on Mare Euxinum, into which sea Tanais falleth, who hath his springs in the countrey of Rezan, out of a plaine ground. It is at this streight of Perouolog from the one riuer to the other two leagues by land, and is a dangerous place for theeues and robbers, but now it is not so euill as it hath bene, by reason of the Emperour of Russia his conquests.

Departing from Perouolog, hauing the wildernesse on both sides, wee sawe a great heard of Nagayans, pasturing, as is abouesaid, by estimation aboue a thousand Camels drawing of cartes

with houses vpon them like tents, of a strange fashion, seeming to bee a farre off a towne: that Hord was belonging to a great Murse called Smille, the great••st prince in all Nagay, who hath slaine and driuen away all the rest, not sparing his owne brethren and children, and hauing peace with this Emperour of Russia he hath what he needeth, and ruleth alone: so that now the Russes liue in peace with the Nagayans, who were wont to haue mortall warres together.

The 14. day of Iuly passing by an old castle, which was Old Astracan, and leauing it vpon our right hand, we arriued at New Astracan, which this Emperour of Russia conquered sixe yeeres past, in the yeere 1552. It is from the Mosco vnto Astracan sixe hundreth leagues,* 1.54 or thereabout. The towne of Astracan is situated in an Island vpon a hill side, hauing a castle within the same, walled about with earth and timber, neither faire nor strong: The towne is also walled about with earth: the buildings and houses (except it be the captaines lodging, and certaine other gen∣tlemens) most base and simple. The Island is most destitute and barren of wood and pasture; and the ground will beare no corne: the aire is there most infected, by reason (as I suppose) of much fish, and specially Sturgion,* 1.55 by which onely the inhabitants liue, hauing great scarsitie of flesh and bread. They hang vp their fish in their streets and houses to dry for their prouision, which cau∣seth such abundance of flies to increase there, as the like was neuer seene in any land, to their great plague. And at my being at the sayd Astracan, there was a great famine and plague among the people, and specially among the Tartars called Nagayans, who the same time came thither in great numbers to render thēselues to the Russes their enemies, & to seeke succour at their hands, their countrey being destroyed, as I said before: but they were but ill entertained or relieued; for there died a great number of them for hunger, which lay all the Island through in heapes dead, and like to beasts vnburied, very pitifull to behold: many of them were also sold by the Russes, and the rest were banished from the Island. At that time it had bene an easie thing to haue conuer∣ted that wicked Nation to the Christian faith, if the Russes themselues had bene good Christi∣ans: but how should they shew compassion vnto other Nations, when they are not mercifull vnto their owne? At my being there I could haue bought many goodly Tartars children, if I would haue had a thousand, of their owne fathers and mothers, to say, a boy or a wench for a loafe of bread woorth sixe pence in England, but we had more need of victuals at that time then of any such merchandise. This Astracan is the furthest hold that this Emperour of Russia hath conque∣red of the Tartars towards the Caspian sea, which he keepeth very strong, sending thither euery yere prouision of men, and victuals, and timber to build the castle.

There is a certaine trade of merchandise there vsed, but as yet so small and beggerly, that it is not woorth the making mention, and yet there come merchants thither from diuers places. The chiefest commodities that the Russes bring thither are redde hides, redde sheepes skinnes, woodden vessels, bridles, and saddles, kniues, and other trifles, with corne, bacon, and other vic∣tuals. The Tartars bring thither diuers kindes of wares made of cotten wooll, with diuers kindes of wrought silkes: and they that come out of Persia, namely from Shamacki doe bring sowing silke, which is the coursest that they vse in Russeland, Crasko, diuers kinds of pide silkes for girdles, shirts of male, bowes, swords, and such like things: and some yeeres corne, and wall∣nuts, but all such things in such small quantitie, the merchants being so beggerly and poore that bring the fame, that it is not worth the writing, neither is there any hope of trade in all those parts woorth the folowing.

* 1.56This foresaid Island of Astracan is in length twelue leagues, and in bredth three, & lieth East and West in the latitude of fortie seuen degrees, nine minutes: we taried there vntil the sixt day of August, and hauing bought and prouided a boate in company with certaine Tartars and Persi∣ans, we laded our goods and imbarked our selues, and the same day departed I, with the said two Iohnsons hauing the whole charge of the Nauigation downe the sayd riuer Volga, being very crooked, and full of flats toward the mouth thereof. We entred into the Caspian sea the tenth day of August at the Easterly side of the sayd riuer,* 1.57 being twentie leagues from Astracan aforesayd, in the latitude of fortie six degrees, twentie seuen minutes.

Volga hath seuentie mouthes or fals into the sea: and we hauing a large wind, kept the North∣east shore, and the eleuenth day we sailed seuen leagues Eastnortheast, and came vnto an Island hauing an high hill therein, called Accurgar, a good marke in the sea. From thence East tenne leagues, we fell with another Island called Bawhiata, much higher then the other. Within these two Islands to the Northwards, is a great Baie called the Blew sea. Form thence wee sailed East and by North ten leagues, and hauing a contrary wind, we came to an anker in a fadome water, and so rid vntill the fifteenth day, hauing a great storme at Southeast, being a most contra∣ry wind, which we rid out. Then the wind came to the North, and we weyed, and set our course Southeast, and that day sailed eight leagues.

Thus proceeding forwards, the 17. day wee lost sight of land, and the same day sailed thirtie leagues, and the 18. day twentie leagues winding East, and fell with a land called Baughleata,* 1.58 being 74. leagues from the mouth of the said Volga, in the latitude of 46. degrees 54. minutes, the coast lying neerest East and by South, and West and by North. At the point of this land li∣eth buried a holy Prophet, as the Tartars call him, of their law, where great deuotion is vsed of all such Mahometists as doe passe that way.

The nineteenth day the winde being West, and we winding Eastsoutheast, we sailed tenne leagues, and passed by a great riuer called Iaic,* 1.59 which hath his spring in the lande of Siberia, nigh vnto the foresaid riuer Cama, and runneth through the lande of Nagay, falling into this Mare Caspium. And vp this riuer one dayes iourney is a Towne called Serachick,* 1.60 subiect to the aforesaid Tartar prince called Murse Smille, which is nowe in friendship with the Empe∣rour of Russia. Here is no trade of merchandize vsed, for that the people haue no vse of money, and are all men of warre, and pasturers of cattel, and giuen much to theft and murther. Thus be∣ing at an anker against this riuer Iaic, and all our men being on land, sauing I, who lay sore sicke, and fiue Tartars, whereof one was reputed a holy man, because he came from Mecka, there came vnto vs a boate with thirtie men well armed and appointed, who boorded vs, and began to enter into our barke, and our holy Tartar called Azy, perceiuing that, asked them what they would haue, and with all made a prayer: with that these rouers staied, declaring that they were Gentlemen, banished from their countrey, and out of liuing, & came to see if there were any Russes or other Christians (which they call Caphars) in our barke? To whom this Azi most stoutly an∣swered, that there were none, auowing the same by great othes of their lawe, (which lightly they will not breake) whom the rouers beleeued, and vpon his words departed. And so through the fi∣delitie of that Tartar, I with all my company and goods were saued, and our men being come on boord, and the wind faire, we departed from that place, and winding East and Southeast, that day being the 20. of August sailed 16. leagues.

The 21. day we passed ouer a Bay of 6. leagues broad, and fell with a Cape of land, hauing two Islands at the Southeast part thereof, being a good marke in the sea: & doubling that Cape the land trended Northeast, and maketh another Bay, into which falleth the great riuer Yem, springing out of the land Colmack.* 1.61

The 22.23. and 24. dayes, we were at an anker.

The 25. the winde came faire, and wee sailed that day 20. leagues, and passed by an Island of lowe land, and thereabout are many flats and sands: and to the Northward of this Island there goeth in a great Bay, but we set off from this Island, and winded South to come into deepe wa∣ter, being much troubled with shoalds & flats, and ran that course 10. leagues, then East South∣east 20. leagues, and fel with the maine land, being full of copped hils, and passing along the coast 20. leagues, the further we sailed, the higher was the land.

The 27. day we crossed ouer a Bay, the South shore being the higher land, and fel with a high point of land: & being ouerthwart the Cape, there ••ose such a storme at the East, that we thought verily we should haue perished: this storme continued 3. dayes. From this Cape we passed to a port called Manguslaue.* 1.62 The place where we should haue arriued at the Southermost part of the Caspian sea, is 12. leagues within a Bay: but we being sore tormented and tossed with this forsaid storme, were driuen vnto another land on y^e other side the Bay, ouerthwart the sayd Man∣guslaue being very lowe land, and a place as well for the ill commoditie of the hauen, as of those brute field people, where neuer barke nor boate had before arriued, not liked of vs.

But yet here we sent certaine of our men to land to talke with the gouernour and people, as well for our good vsage at their handes, as also for prouision of camels to carry our goods from the sayd sea side to a place called Sellyzure, being from the place of our landing fiue and twen∣tie dayes iourney. Our messengers returned with comfortable wordes and faire promises of all things.

Wherefore the 3. day of September 1558.* 1.63 we discharged our barke, and I with my compa∣nie were gently entertained of the Prince & of his people. But before our departure from thence, we found them to be very bad and brutish people, for they ceased not daily to molest vs, either by fighting, stealing or begging, raising the prise of horse and camels, & victuals, double that it was woont there to be, and forced vs to buy the water that we did drinke: which caused vs to hasten away, and to conclude with them as well for the hire of camels, as for the prise of such as wee bought, with other prouision, according to their owne demaund: So that for euery camels la∣ding, being but 400. waight of ours, we agreed to giue three hides of Russia, and foure wooden dishes, and to the Prince or gouernour of the sayd people, one ninth, and two seuenths: Namely, nine seuerall things, and twise seuen seuerall things: for money they vse none.

And thus being ready, the foureteenth of September we departed from that place, being a Carauan of a thousand camels. And hauing trauailed fiue dayes iourney, we came to another Princes Dominion, and vpon the way there came vnto vs certaine Tartars on horseback, being well armed, and seruants vnto the saide Prince called Timor Soltan, gouernour of the said coun∣trey of Manguslaue,* 1.64 where wee meant to haue arriued and discharged our barke, if the great storm aforesayd had not disappointed. These aforesaid Tartars stayd our Carauan in the name of their Prince, and opened our wares, and tooke such things as they thought best for their saide prince without money, but for such things as they tooke from me, which as a ninth (after much dissension) I ridde vnto the same Prince, and presented my selfe before him, requesting his fa∣uour, and pasport to trauaile through his countrey, and not to be robbed nor spoiled of his people: which request he graunted me, and intertained me very gently, commaunding me to be well fea∣sted with flesh and mares milke: for bread they vse none, nor other drinke except water: but mo∣ney he had none to giue mee for such things as he tooke of mee, which might be of value in Russe money, fifteene rubbles, but he gaue me his letter, and a horse woorth seuen rubbles. And so I departed from him being glad that I was gone: for he was reported to be a very tyrant, and if I had not gone vnto him, I vnderstoode his commaundement was, that I should haue beene robbed and destroyed.

This Soltan liued in the fieldes without Castle or towne, and sate, at my being with him, in a litle rounde house made of reedes couered without with felt, and within with Carpets. There was with him the great Metropolitan of that wilde Country, esteemed of the people, as the Bi∣shop of Rome is in most parts of Europe, with diuers other of his chiefe men. The Soltan with this Metropolitan demanded of me many questions, as wel touching our kingdoms, lawes, and Religion, as also the cause of my comming into those parts, with my further pretence. To whom I answered concerning all things, as vnto me seemed best, which they tooke in good part. So ha∣uing leaue I departed and ouertooke our Carauan, and proceeded on our iourney, and trauailed 20. dayes in the wildernes from the sea side without seeing towne or habitation,* 1.65 carying prouision of victuals with vs for the same time, and were driuen by necessity to eate one of my camels and a horse for our part, as other did the like: and during the said 20. daies we found no water, but such as we drew out of old deepe welles, being very brackish and salt, and yet sometimes passed two or three dayes without the same. And the 5. day of October ensuing, we came vnto a gulfe of the Caspian sea againe,* 1.66 where we found the water very fresh and sweete: at this gulfe the customers of the king of Turkeman met vs, who took custome of euery 25. one, and 7. ninthes for the saide king and his brethren, which being receiued they departed, and we remained there a day after to refresh our selues.

Note that in times past there did fal into this gulf the great riuer Ozus, which hath his springs in the mountains of Paraponisus in India, & now cōmeth not so far, but falleth into another riuer called Ardock,* 1.67 which runneth toward the North, & consumeth himself in the ground passing vn∣der ground aboue 500. miles, and then issueth out againe and falleth into the lake of Kithay.

We hauing refreshed our selues at the foresaide gulfe, departed thence the 4. day of October, and the seuenth day arriued at a castle called Sellizure,* 1.68 where y^e king called Azim Can, remained with 3. other of his brethren, and the 9. day I was commaunded to come before his presence, to whom I deliuered the Emperors letters of Russia: and I also gaue him a present of a ninth, who entertained me very well, and caused me to eate in his presence as his brethren did, feasting me with flesh of a wilde horse, and mares milk without bread. And the next day he sent for me again, and asked of me diuers questions, as wel touching the affaires of the Eemperour of Russia, as of our countrey and lawes, to which I answered as I thought good: so that at my departure he gaue me his letters of safe conduct.* 1.69

This Castle of Sellizure is situated vpon an high hill, where the King called the Can lyeth, whose palace is built of earth very basely, and not strong: the people are but poore, and haue litle trade of marchandise among them. The South part of this Castle is lowe lande, but very fruit∣full, where grow many good fruites, among which there is one called a Dynie, of a great bignesse and full of moysture, which the people doe eate after meate in steade of drinke. Also there growes another fruite called a Carbuse of the bignesse of a great cucumber, yellow and sweete as sugar: also a certaine corne called Iegur, whose stalke is much like a sugar cane, and as high, and the graine like rice, which groweth at the toppe of the cane like a cluster of grapes; the water that serueth all that countrey is drawen by ditches out of the riuer Oxus, vnto the great destruction of the said riuer, for which cause it falleth not into the Caspian sea as it hath done in times past, and in short time all that land is like to be destroied, and to become a wildernes for want of water, when the riuer of Oxus shal faile.

The 14. day of the moneth we departed from this Castle of Sellizure, and the 16. of the same we arriued at a citie called Vrgence,* 1.70 where we paid custome as wel for our own heads, as for our camels and horses. And hauing there soiourned one moneth, attending the time of our further tra∣uaile, the king of that countrey called Aly Soltan, brother to the forenamed Azym Can, returned from a towne called Corasan, within the borders of Persia, which he lately had conquered from the Persians, with whom he and the rest of the kings of Tartaria haue continuall warres. Before this king also I was commanded to come, to whom I likewise presented the Emperors letters of Russia, and he intertained me wel, and demanded of me diuers questions, and at my departure gaue me his letters of safe conduct.

This city or towne of Vrgence standeth in a plaine ground, with walles of the earth, by esti∣mation 4. miles about it. The buildings within it are also of earth, but ruined and out of good or∣der: it hath one long street that is couered aboue, which is the place of their market. It hath bene wonne and lost 4. times within 7. yeeres by ciuill warres, by meanes whereof there are but few merchants in it, and they very poore, and in all that towne I could not sell aboue 4. kerseis. The chiefest commodities there sold are such wares as come from Boghar, and out of Persia, but in most smal quantity not worth the writing. All the land from the Caspian sea to this Citie of Vr∣gence is called the land of Turkeman,* 1.71 & is subiect to the said Azim Can, and his brethren which be fiue in number, and one of them hath the name of the chiefe king called Can, but he is little o∣beyed sauing in his owne Dominion, and where he dwelleth: for euery one will be King of his owne portion, and one brother seeketh alwayes to destroy another, hauing no natural loue among them, by reason that they are begotten of diuers women, and commonly they are the children of slaues, either Christians or Gentiles, which the father doeth keepe as concubines, and euery Can or Sultan hath at the least 4. or 5. wiues, besides yong maidens and boyes, liuing most viciously: and when there are warres betwixt these brethren, (as they are seldome without) he that is ouer∣come if he be not slaine, flieth to the field with such companie of men as will followe him, and there liueth in the wildernesse resorting to watering places, and so robbeth and spoileth as many Carauans of Marchants and others as they be able to ouercome, continuing in his sort his ••ic∣ked life, vntil such time as he may get power and aide to inuade some of his brethren againe. From the Caspian sea vnto the Castle of Sellizure aforesaid, and all the Countreis about the said Sea, the people liue without towne or habitation in the wilde fields, remouing from one place to ano∣ther in great companies with their cattel, whereof they haue great store, as camels, horses, and sheepe both tame and wilde. Their sheepe are of great stature with great buttocks, weighing 60. or 80. pound in weight. There are many wild horses which the Tartars doe many times kil with their hawkes, and that in this order.

The hawkes are lured to sease vpon the beasts neckes or heads, which with chafting of them∣selues and sore beating of the hawkes are tired: then the hunter following his game doeth stay the horse with his arrow or sword. In all this lande there groweth no grasse, but a certaine brush or heath, whereon the cattell feeding become very fat.

The Tartars neuer ride without their bow, arrowes, and sword, although it be on hawking, or at any other pleasure, and they are good arthers both on horsebacke, and on foote also. These peo∣ple haue not the vse of golde, siluer, or any other coyne, but when they lacke apparell or other ne∣cessaries, they barter their cartell for the same. Bread they haue none, for they neither till nor sow: they be great deuourers of flesh, which they cut in smal pieces, & eat it by handfuls most gree∣dily, & especially the horseflesh. Their chiefest drink is mares milke sowred, as I haue said before of the Nagayans, & they wilbe drunk with the same. They haue no riuers nor places of water in this countrey, vntil you come to the foresaid gulf, distant from the place of our landing 20. dayes iourney, except it be in wels, the water wherof is saltish, & yet distant the one from the other two daies iourney and more. They eate their meate vpon the ground, sitting with their legs double vnder them, and so also when they pray. Art or science they haue none, but liue most idlely, sitting round in great companies in the fields, deuising, and talking most vainely.

The 26. day of Nouember, we departed from the towne of Vrgence, and hauing trauailed by* 1.72 the riuer Oxus, 100. mile, we passed ouer another great riuer called Ardock, where we paid a cer∣taine pety custome. This riuer Ardock is great, and very swift, falling out of the foresaid Oxus, and passing about 1000. mile to the Northward, it then consumeth it selfe in the ground, and pas∣sing vnder the same about 500. mile, issueth out againe, and falleth into the lake of Kitay, as I haue before declared.

The 7. of December following, we arriued at a Castle called Kait, subiect to a Soltan called* 1.73 Saramet Soltan, who meant to haue robbed all the Christians in the Carauan, had it not bene for feare of his brother the king of Vrgence, as we were informed by one of his chiefest counsellers,

who willed vs to make him a present, which he tooke, and deliuered: besides we paid at the said ca∣stle for custome, of euery camel one red hide of Russia, besides pety gifts to his officers.

Thus proceeding in our iourney, the tenth day at night being at rest, and our watch set, there came vnto vs foure horsemen, which wee tooke as spies, from whom we tooke their weapons and bound them, and hauing well examined them, they confessed that they had seene the tract of many horsemen, and no footing of camels, & gaue vs to vnderstand, that there were rouers and theeues abroade: for there trauaile few people that are true and peaceable in that Countrey, but in compa∣nie of Carauan, where there be many camels: and horsefeeting new without camels were to be doubted. Whereupon we consulted & determined amongst our selues, and sent a poste to the said Soltan of Kayte, who immediatly came himselfe with 300. men, and mette these foure suspected men which we sent vnto him, and examined them so streightly, and threatned them in such sort, that they confessed, there was a vanished Prince with 40. men 3. daies iourney forward, who lay in wait to destroy vs, if he could, and that they themselues were of his companie.

The Soltan therefore vnderstanding, that the theeues were not many, appointed vs 80. men well armed with a Captaine to goe with vs, and conduct vs in our way. And the Soltan himselfe returned backe againe, taking the foure theeues with him. These souldiers trauailed with vs two dayes, consuming much of our victuals. And the 3. day in the morning very earely they set out before our Carauan, and hauing ranged the wildernes for the space of foure houres, they mette vs, comming towards vs as fast as their horse could runne, and declared that they had founde the tract of horses not farre from vs, perceiuing well that we should meete with enemies, and there∣fore willed vs to appoint our selues for them, and asked vs what wee would giue them to conduct vs further, or els they would returne. To whom we offered as we thought good, but they refu∣sed our offer, and would haue more, and so we not agreeing they departed from vs, and went back to their Soltan, who (as wee coniectured) was priuie to the conspiracie. But they being gone, certaine Tartars of our companie called holy men, (because they had bene at Mecha) caused the whole Carauan to stay, and would make their prayers, and deuine howe wee should prosper* 1.74 in our iourney and whether we should meet with any ill company or no? To which, our whole Ca∣rauan did agree. And they tooke certaine sheepe and killed them, and tooke the blade bones of the same, and first sodde them and then burnt them, and tooke of the blood of the said sheepe, and min∣gled it with the powder of the saide bones, and wrote certaine Characters with the said blood, vsing many other ceremonies and wordes, and by the same deuined and fonnd, that wee shoulde meete with enemies and theeues (to our great trouble) but should ouercome them, to which sor∣cerie, I and my companie gaue uo credit, but we found it true: for within 3. honres after that the souldiers departed from vs, which was the 15. day of December, in the morning, we escried farre off diuers horsemen which made towards vs, and we (perceiuing them to be couers) gathered our selues together, being 40. of vs wel appointed, and able to fight, and we made our prayers toge∣ther euery one after his lawe, professing to liue and die one with another, and so prepared our selues. When the theeues were nigh vnto vs, we perceiued them to be in number 37. men well armed, and appointed with bowes, arrowes and swords, and the captaine a prince banished from his Countrey. They willed vs to yeelde our selues, or els to be slaine, but wee defied them, wherewith they shotte at vs all at once, and wee at them very hotly, and so continued our fight from morning vntil two houres within night, diuers men, horses and camels being wounded and slaine on both partes: and had it not bene for 4. handgunnes which I and my companie had and vsed,* 1.75 we had bene ouercome and destroyed: for the theeues were better armed, and were: also bet∣ter archers then we; But after wee had slaine diuers of their men and horses with our gunnes, they durst not approch so nigh, which caused them to come to a true with vs vntill the next mor∣ning, which we accepted, and encamped ourselues vpon a hill, and made the fashion of a Castle, walling it about with packes of wares, and laide our horses and camels within the same to saue them from the shotte of arrowes: and the theeues also incamped within an arrowe shotte of vs, but they were betwixt vs and the water, which was to our great discomfort, because neither we nor our camels had drunke in 2. dayes before.

Thus keeping good watch, when halfe the night was spent, the Prince of the theeues sent a messenger halfe way vnto vs, requiring to talke with our Captaine, in their tongue, the Cara∣uan Basha, who answered the messenger, I will not depart from my companie to goe into the halfe way to talke with thee: but if that thy Prince with all his companie will sweare by our Lawe to keepe the truce, then will I send a man to talke with thee, or els not. Which the Prince vnderstanding as well himselfe as his company, swore so loude that we might all heare. And then we sent one of our company (reputed a holy man) to talke with the same messenger. The message was pronounced aloude in this order, Our Prince demaundeth of the Carauan Basha,

and of all you that be Bussarmans,* 1.76 (that is to say circumcised) not desiring your bloods, that you deliuer into his hands as many Caphars,* 1.77 that is, vnbeleeuers (meaning vs the Christians) as are among you with their goods, and in so doing, hee will suffer you to depart with your goods in quietnesse, and on the contrary, you shall be handled with no lesse cruelty then the Caphars, if hee ouercome you, as he doubteth not. To the which our Carauan Basha answered, that he had no Christians in his company, nor other strangers, but two Turkes which were of their Law, and although hee had, hee would rather die then deliuer them, and that we were not afraide of his threatnings, and that should he know when day appeared. And so passing in talke, the theeues (contrary to their othe) caried our holy man away to their Prince, crying with a lowde voyce in token of victory, Ollo, ollo. Wherewith we were much discomforted, fearing that that holy man would betray vs: but he being cruelly handled and much examined, would not to death confesse anything which was to vs preiudiciall, neither touching vs, nor yet what men they had staine and wounded of ours the day before. When the night was spent, in the morning we prepared our selues to battel againe: which the theeues perceiuing, required to fall to agreement & asked much of vs: And to be briefe, the most part of onr companie being loth to go to battel againe, and hauing litle to loose, & safecōduct to passe, we were compelled to agree, and to giue the theeues 20 ninths (that is to say) 20 times 9 seuerall things, and a camell to cary away the same, which being re∣ceiued, the theeues departed into the wildernes to their old habitation, and we went on our way forward. And that night came to the riuer Oxus,* 1.78 where we refreshed our selues, hauing bene 3. dayes without water and drinke, and carried there all the next day, making mery with our slaine horses and camels, and then departed from that place, & for feare of meeting with the said theeues againe or such like, we left the high way which went along the said riuer, and passed through a wildernes of sand,* 1.79 and trauelled 4 dayes in the same before we came to water: and then came to a wel, the water being very brackish, and we then as before were in neede of water, and of other vic∣tuals, being forced to kill our horses and camels to eate.

In this wildernes also we had almost fallen into the hands of theeues: for one night being at rest, there came certaine scoutes, and caried away certaine of our men which lay a litle separated from the Carauan, wherewith there was a great shoute and crie, and we immediatly laded our ca∣mels, and departed being about midnight and very darke, and droue sore till we came to the riuer Oxus againe, and then we feared nothing being walled with the said riuer: & whether it was for that we had gotten the water, or for that the same theeues were far from vs when the scouts dis∣couered vs, we knowe not, but we escaped that danger.

So vpon the 23 day of December wee arriued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 t••ie of Boghar in the lande of Bactria.* 1.80 This Boghar is situated in the lowest part of all the land, walled about with a high wall of earth, with diuers gates into the same: it is diuided into 3 partitions, whereof two parts are the kings, and the 3 part is for Marchants and markets, and euery science hath their dwelling and market by themselues. The Citie is very great, and the houses for the most part of earth, but there are al∣so many houses, temples and monuments of stone sumptuously builded, and gilt, and specially bathstoues so artificially built, that the like thereof is not in the world: the maner whereof is too long to rehearse. There is a little riuer running through the middest of the said Citie, but the water there of is most vnholsome, for it breedeth sometimes in men that drinke thereof, and espe∣cially in them that be not there borne, a worme of a••ell long,* 1.81 which lyeth commonly in the legge betwixt the flesh and the skinne, and is plucke out about the ancle with great art and cunning, the Surgeons being much practised therein, and if shee breake in plucking out; the partie dieth, and euery day she commeth out about an inch, which is rolled vp, and so worketh till she be all out. And yet it is there forbidden to drinke any other thing then water, & mares milke, and whosoeuer is found to breake that law is whipped and beaten most cruelly through the open markets, and there are officers appointed for the seme, who haue authoritie to goe into any mans house, to search if he haue either Aquauitae, wine, or brage, and finding the same, doe breake the vessels, spoile the drinke, and punish the masters of the house most cruelly, yea, and many times if they per∣ceiue but by the breath of a man that he hath drunke, without further examination he shall not es∣cape their hands.

There is a Metropolitane in this Boghar, who causeth this law to bee so streightly kept: and he is more obeyed then the king, and will depose the king, and place another at his will and plea∣sure, as he did by this king that raigned at our being there, and his predecessour, by the meanes of the sayd Metropolitan: for he betrayed him, and in the night slewe him in his chamber, who was a Prince that loued all Christians well.

This Countrey of Boghar was sometime subiect to the Per∣sians, & do now speake the Per∣sian tongue, but yet now it is a kingdome of it selfe, and hath most cruel warres continually with

the sayd Persians about their religion, although they be all Mahometists. One occasion of their wars is, for that the Persians will not cut the haire of their vpper lips, as the Bogharians and all ••ther Tar••ars doe, which they accompt great sinne, and cal them Caphars, that is, vnbeleeuers, as they doe the Christians.

The king of Boghar hath no great power or riches, his reuenues are but small, and he is most mainteined by the Citie: for he taketh the tenth penie of all things that are there solde, as well by the craftsmen as by the marchants, to the great impouerishment of the people, whom he keepeth in great subiection, and when he lacketh money, he sendeth his officers to the shoppes of the sayd Marchants to take their wares to pay his debts, and will haue credite of force, as the like he did to pay me certaine money that he owed me for 19 pieces of Kersey. Their money is s••luer and copper, for gold there is none currant: they haue but one piece of siluer, & that is worth 12 pence English,* 1.82 and the copper money are called Pooles, and 120 of them goeth the value of the said 12. pence, and is more common paiment then the siluer, which the king causeth to rise and fall to his most aduantage euery other moneth, and sometimes twise a moneth, not caring to oppresse his people, for that he loketh not to reigne about 2 or 3 yeres before he be either slaine or driuen a∣way, to the great destruction of the countrey and merchants.

The 26 day of the moneth I was commanded to come before the said king, to whom I presen∣ted the Emperour of Russia his letters, who interteined vs most gently, and caused vs to eate in his presence, and diuers times he sent for me, and deuised with me familiarly in his secret cham∣ber, as well of the power of the Emperour, and the great Turke, as also of our countries, lawes, and religion, and caused vs to shoote in handguns before him, and did himselfe practise the vse thereof. But after all this great intertainement before my departure he shewed himselfe a very Tartar: for he went to the wars owing me money, and saw me not payd before his departure. And although indeede he gaue order for the same, yet was I verie ill satisfied, and forced to rebate part, and to take w••••••s as payment for the rest contrary to my expectation: but of a begger better paiment I could not haue, and glad I was so to be paid and dispatched.

But yet I must needs praise & commend this barbarous king, who immediately after my ar∣riuall at Boghar, hauing vnderstoode our trouble with the theeues, sent 100 men well armed, and gaue them great charge not to returne before they had either slaine or taken the sayd theeues. Who according to their cōmission ranged the wildernes in such sort, that they m•••• with the said company of theeues, and slew part, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fledde, and foure they tooke and brought vnto the king, and two of them were sore wounded in our skirmish with our gunnes: And after the king had sent for me to come to see them, he ca••s•••• them all 4 to be hanged at his palace gate, because they were Gentlemen, to the example of others. And of such goods as were gotten againe, I ha•• part restored me, and this good iustice I found at his hands.

There is yerely great resort of Marchants to this Citie of Boghar, which trauaile in great Carauans from the countries thereabout adioining, as India, Persia, Balgh, Russia, with diuers others, and in times past from Cathay, when there was passage: but these Marchants are so beg∣gerly and poore, and bring so little quantitie of wares, lying two or 3 yeeres to sell the same, that there is no hope of any good trade there to be had worthy the following.

The chiefe commodities that are brought thither out of these foresayd Countreys, are these following.

* 1.83The Indians doe bring fine whites, which the Tartars do all roll about their heads, & al other kinds of whites, which serue for ayparell made of coton wooll and crasko, but golde, siluer, preci∣ous stones, and spices they bring none. I enquired and perceiued that all such trade passeth to the Ocean sea, and the vaines where all such things are gotten are in the subiection of the Por∣tingals. The Indians carie from Boghar againe wrought silkes, red hides, slaues, and horses, with such like, but of Kerseis and other cloth, they make little accompt. I offered to barter with Marchants of those Countreis, which came from the furthest parts of India, euen from the coun∣trey of Bengala, & the riuer Ganges, to giue them Kersies for their commodities, but they would not barter for such commoditie as cloth.

* 1.84The Persians do bring thither Craska, wollen cloth, linnen cloth, diuers kindes of wrough•• pide silkes, Argomacks, with such like, and doe carie from thence redde hides with other Russe wares, and slaues, which are of diuers countreies, but cloth they will by none, for that they bring thither themselues, and is brought vnto them as I haue inquired from Aleppo in Syria, and the parts of Turkie. The Russes doe carie vnto Boghar,* 1.85 redde hides, sheepeskinnes, wollen cloth of diuers sorts, woodden vessels, bridles, saddles, with such like, and doe carie away from thence di∣uers kindes of wares made of cotton wooll, diuers kinds of silkes, Crasca, with other things, but there is but smal vtterance. From the Countreis of Cathay are brought thither in time of peace,

and when the way is open, musk, rubarbe, satten, damaske, with diuers other things.* 1.86 At my being at Boghar, there came Carauans out of all these foresaid Countries, except from Cathay: and the cause why there came none from thence was the great warres that had dured 3 yeres before my comming thither, and yet dured betwixt 2 great Countries & cities of Tartars, that are directly in the way betwixt the said Boghar and the said Cathay, and certaine barbarous fielde people, as well Gentiles a Mahome••ists bordering to the said Cities. The cities are called Taskent and Caskar,* 1.87 and the people that warre against Taskent are called Cassaks of the law of Mahomet: and they which warre with the sayd countrey of Caskar are called Kings, Gentiles & idolaters. These 2 barbarous nations are of great force liuing in the fields without house or towne, & haue almost subdued the foresaid cities, & so stopped vp the way, that it is impossible for any Carauan to passe vnspoiled: so that 3 yeres before our being there, no Carauan had gone, or vsed trade be∣twixt the countries of Cathay and Boghar, and when the way is clear, it is 9 moneths iourney.

To speake of the said countrey of Cathay, and of such newes as I haue heard thereof, I haue thought it best to reserue it to our meeting. I hauing made my solace at Boghar in the Winter time, and hauing learned by much inquisition, the trade thereof, as also of all the other countries thereto adioyning, and the time of the yeere being come, for all Carauans to depart, and also the king being gone to the warres, and newes come that he was fled, and I aduertised by the Metro∣politan himselfe, that I should depart, because the towne was like to bee besieged: I thought it good and meete, to take my iourney some way, and determined to haue gone from thence into Persia, and to haue seene the trade of that countrey, although I had enformed my selfe sufficient∣ly thereof, as well at Astracan, as at Boghar: and perceiued well the trades not to be much vn∣like the trades of Tartaria: but when I should haue taken my iourney that way, it was let by di∣uers occasions: the one was, the great wars that did newly begin betwixt the Sophie, and the kings of Tartaria, whereby the waies were destroyed: and there was a Carauan destroied with rouers & theeues, which came out of India and Persia, by safe conduct: and about ten daies iourney from Boghar, they were robbed, and a great part slaine. Also the Metropolitan of Bo∣ghar, who is greater then the king, tooke the Emperors letters of Russia from me, without which I should haue bene taken slaue in euery place: also all such wares as I had receiued in barter for cloth, and as I tooke perforce of the king, & other his Nobles, in paiment of money due vnto me, were not vendible in Persia: for which causes, and diuers others, I was constrained to come backe againe to Mare Caspium, the same way I went: so that the eight of March 1559,* 1.88 we departed out of the said Citie of Boghar, being a Carauan of 600 Camels: and if we had not de∣parted when we did, I and my company had bene in danger to haue lost life and goods. For ten daies after our departure, the king of Samarcand came with an armie, & besieged the said Citie of Bog••ar, the king being absent, and gone to the wars against another prince, his kinsman, as the like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three yeres. For it is maruell, if a King reigne there aboue three or foure yeres, to the great destruction of the Countrey, and marchants.

The 25 of March, we came to the foresayd towne of Vrgence,* 1.89 and escaped the danger of 400 rouers, which lay in wa••te for vs backe againe, being the most of them of kindred to that company of theeues, which we met with going foorth, as we perceiued by foure spies, which were taken. There were in my company, and committed to my charge, two ambassadors, the one from the king of Boghar, the other from the king of Balke,* 1.90 and were sent vnto the Emperor of Russia. And after hauing taried at Vrgence, and the Castle of Sellysure, eight daies for the assembling, and making ready of our Carauan, the second of Aprill we departed from thence, hauing foure moe Ambassadors in our companie, sent from the king of Vrgence, and other Soltans, his bre∣thren, vnto the Emperor of Russia, with answere of such letters as I brought them: and the same Ambassadors were also committed vnto my charge by the sayde Kings and princes: to whome I promised most faithfully, and swore by our law, that they should be well vsed on Rusland, and suf∣fered to depart from thence againe in safetie, according as the Emperor had written also in his letters: for they somewhat doubted, because there had none gone out of Tartaria into Russia, of long time before.

The 23 of Aprill, we arriued at the Mare Caspium againe, where we found our barke which we came in, but neither anker, cable, cocke, nor saile: neuerthelesse wee brought hempe with vs, and spunne a cable our selues, with the rest of our tackling, and made vs a saile of cloth of cotton wooll, and rigged our barke as well as we could, but boate or anker we had none. In the meane time being deuising to make an anker of wood of a cart wheele, there arriued a barke, which came from Astracan, with Tartars and Russes, which had 2 ankers, with whom I agreed for the one: and thus being in a readines, we set saile and departed, I, and the two Iohnsons being Master and Mariners our selues, hauing in our barke the said sixe ambassadors, and 25 Russes, which had

bene ••••aues a long time in ••ar••aria, nor euer had before my comming, libertie, or meanes to get home, and these slaues serued to rowe when neede was. Thus sailing sometimes along the coast, and sometimes out of sight of lande, the 13. day of May, hauing a contrary winde, wee came to an anker, being three leagues from the shoare, & there rose a sore storme, which continued 44. houres, and our cable being of our owne spinning, brake, and lost our anker, and being off a lee shoare, and hauing no boate to helpe vs, we hoysed our saile, and bare roomer with the said shoare, looking for present death: but as God prouided for vs, we ranne into a creeke ful of oze, and so saued our selues with our barke, & liued in great discomfort for a time. For although we should haue escaped with our liues the danger of the sea, yet if our barke had perished, we knew we should haue bene, either destroyed, or taken slaues by the people of that Countrey, who liue wildly in the field, like beasts, without house or habitation. Thus when the storme was seased, we went out of the creeke againe: and hauing set the land with our Compasse, and taken certaine markes of the same, during the time of the tempest, whilest we ridde at our anker, we went directly to the place where we ridde, with our barke againe, and found our anker which wee lost: whereat the Tartars much maruei∣led, how we did it. While we were in the creeke, we made an anker of wood of cart wheeles, which we had in our barke, which we threw away, when wee had found out yron anker againe. Within two dayes after, there arose another great storme, at the Northeast, and we lay a trie, be∣ing driuen far into the sea, and had much ado to keepe our barke from sinking, the billowe was so great: but at the last, hauing faire weather, we tooke the Sunne, and knowing howe the land lay from vs, we fel with the Riuer Yaik, according to our desire, wherof the Tartars were very glad, fearing that wee should haue bene driuen to the coast of Persia, whose people were vnto them great enemies.

Note, that during the time of our Nauigation, wee set vp the redde crosse of S. George in our flagges, for honour of the Christians, which I suppose was neuer seene in the Caspian sea be∣fore.* 1.91 We passed in this voyage diuers fortunes: notwithstanding the 28. of May we arriued in safetie at Astracan, and there remained till the tenth of Iune following, as well to prepare vs small boates, to goe vp against the streame of Volga, with our goods, as also for the companie of the Ambassadours of Tartarie, committed vnto me, to bee brought to the presence of the Em∣perour of Russia.

This Caspian sea (to say some thing of it) is in length about two hundred leagues, and in breadth 150. without any issue to other seas: to the East part whereof, ioyneth the great desert countrey of the Tartars, called Turkemen: to the West, the countreyes of the Chyrcasses, the mountaines of Caucasus, and the Mare Euxinum, which is from the said Caspian Sea a hundred leagues. To the North is the riuer Volga, and the land of Nagay, and to the South part ioyne the countreys of Media and Persia.* 1.92 This sea is fresh water in many places, and in other places as salt as our great Ocean. It hath many goodly Riuers falling into it, and it auoideth not it selfe except it be vnder ground. The notable Riuers that fall into it, are first the great Riuer of Volga, called in the Tartar tongue Edell, which springeth out of a lake in a marrish or plaine ground, not farre from the Citie of Nouogrode in Russia, and it is from the spring to the Sea, aboue two thousande English miles. It hath diuers other goodly Riuers falling into it, as out of Siberia, Yaic, and Yem: Also out of the mountaines of Caucasus, the Riuers of Cyrus and Arash, and diuers others.

As touching the trade of Shamaky in Media and Tebris, with other townes in Persia, I haue enquired, and do well vnderstand, that it is euen like to the trades of Tartaria, that is little vtte∣rance, and small profite: and I haue bene aduertised that the chiefe trade of Persia is into Syria, and so transported into the Leuant sea. The fewe shippes vpon the Caspian Seas, the want of Mart and port Townes, the pouertie of the people, and the ice, maketh that trade naught.

At Astracan there were merchants of Shamaky, with whom I offered to barter, and to giue them kersies for their wares, but they would not, saying, they had them as good cheape in their countrey, as I offred them, which was sixe rubbles for a kersie, that I asked: and while I was at Boghar, there were brought thither out of Persia, Cloth, and diuers commodities of our coun∣tries, which were sold as good cheape, as I might sell ours.

The tenth day of Iune, we departed from Astracan towards the Mosco, hauing an hundred gunners in our company at the Emperors charges, for the safe conduct of the Tartar Ambassa∣dors and me. And the eight and twentieth day of Iuly folowing, wee arriued at the citie of Ca∣zan, hauing bene vpon the way from Astracan thither, sixe weekes and more, without any refre∣shing of victuals: for in all that way there is no habitation.

The seuenth of August folowing, wee departed from Cazan, and transported our goods by water, as farre as the citie of Morum, and then by land: so that the second of September, we ar∣riued

at the citie of Mosco,* 1.93 and the fourth day I came before the Emperours Maiestie, kissed his hand, and presented him a white Cowes taile of Cathay, and a drumme of Tartaria, which he well accepted. Also I brought before him all the Ambassadors that were commit••••d to my charge, with all the Russe slaues: and that day I dined in his Maiesties presence, and at dinner, his Grace sent me meate by a Duke, & asked me diuers questions touching the lands and countreis where I had bene. And thus I remained at the Mosco about your affaires, vntil the 17. day of February tha•• your wares were se••t downe: and then hauing licence of the Emperors Maiestie to depart, the 21. day I came to your house at Vologhda, and there remained vntil the breaking vp of the ye•••••• and then hauing seene all your goods laden into your boates, I departed with the same, and arri∣ued withall in safetie at Colmogro the 9. of May 1560. And here I cease for this time, intrea∣ting you to beare with this my large discourse, which by reason of the varietie of matter, I could make no shorter, and I beseech God to prosper all your attempts.

The latitudes of certaine principall places in Russia, and other Regions.

	Deg.	Min.
Mosco in	55	10
Nouogrod the great	58	26
Nouogrod the lesse	56	33
Colmogro	64	10
Vologhda	59	11
Cazan	55	33
Oweke	51	40
Astracan	47	9
At the entrance into the Cas∣pian sea.	46	72
Manguslaue beyond the Cas∣pian sea.	45	00
Vrgence in Tartary 20. dayes iourney frō the Caspian sea.	42	18
Boghar a citie in Tartary 20. dayes iourney frō Vrgence.	39	10

Certaine notes gathered by Richard Iohnson (which was at Boghar with M. Anthony Ienkinson) of the reports of•• Russes and other strangers, of the wayes of Russia to Cathaya, and of diuers and strange people.

The first note giuen by one named S••rnichoke a Tartarian subiect to the Prince of Boghar, which are also Tartars bordering vpon Kizilbash or Persia, declaring the way from Astracan, being the furthest part of Russia, to Cathaya as foloweth.

• FIrst from Astracan to Serachick by land, trauailing by leysure as Merchants vse with wares, is 10. dayes iourney.
• From Serachick to a towne named * 1.94 Vrgenshe, 15. dayes.
• From Vrgenshe to Boghar, 15. dayes.
• From Boghar to Cascar, 30. dayes.
• From Cascar to Cathaya, 30. dayes iourney.

By the same partie a note of another way more sure to traueile, as he reporteth.

• FRom Astracan to Turkemen by the Caspian sea, 10. dayes with barkes.
• From Turkemen by lande specially with Camels, bearing the weight of 15. poodes for their common burthens, is 10. dayes to Vrgenshe.
• From Vrgenshe to Bog••ar, 15. dayes.
• Note. At this Ci••ie of Boghar is the marte or meeting place betweene the Turkes and nations of those parts and the Cathayans.
• Also the toll there is the 40. part to be payed of Merchandizes or goods.
• ...

• From thence to Cascar is one moneths iourney, and from Cascar (being the frontier of the great Can, hauing many townes and fortes by the way) is also a moneths trauel for merchants by land to Cathay.
• Further, as he hath heard (not hauing bene in those parts himselfe) ships may saile from the do∣minions of Cathaia vnto India. But of other waies, or how the seas lie by any coast hee know∣eth not.

The instruction of another Tartarian merchant dwelling in the citie of Boghar, as he hath learned by other his countreymen which haue bene there.

• FIrst from Astracan by sea to Serachick is 15 daies: affirming also that a man may trauell the other way before written by Turkemen.
• From Serachick to Vrgence is 15 dayes.
• From Vrgence to Boghar ••lso 15 dayes.
• Note. These last 30 daies iourney is without habitation of houses: therefore trauellers lodge in their owne tents, cariyng with them to eate, their seuerall prouisions: and for drinesse there bee many wels of faire water at equall baiting places not farre distant dayly to be had.
• From Boghar to Taskent easie trauelling with goods, is 14 dayes by land.
• From Taskent to Occient 7 dayes.
• From Occient to Cascar 20 daies. This Cascar is the head towne or citie of another prince, lying betweene Boghar and Cathaia, called Reshit can.
• From Cascar to Sowchick 30 daies iourney, which Sowchick is the first border of Cathay.
• From Sowchick to Camchick 5 daies iourney, and from Camchick to Cathay is 2 moneths iourney, all the way being inhabited, temperate, & wel replenished with innumerable fruits, & the chiefe citie in that whole land is called Cambalu, which is yet 10 daies iourney from Cathay.
• Beyond this land of Cathay, which they praise to be ciuill & vnspeakeably rich, is the countrey named in the Tartarian tongue Cara-calmack inhabited with blacke people: but in Cathay, the most part therof stretching to the sunne rising, are people white and of faire complexion. Their religion also, as the Tartars report, is christian, or after the maner of Christians, and their lan∣guage peculiar, differing from the Tartarian tongue.
• There are no great and furious Beares in trauelling through the waies aforesaid, but wolues white and blacke. And because that woods are not of such quantitie there, as in these parts of Rus∣sia, but in maner rather scant then plentiful, as is reported, the Beares breed not that way, but some other beasts (as namely one in Russe called Barse) are in those coasts. This Barse appeareth by a skinne of one seene here to sell, to be nere so great as a big lion spotted very faire and there∣fore we here take it to be a Leopard or Tiger.
• * 1.95Note that 20 daies iourney from Cathay is a countrey named Angrim, where liueth the beast that beareth the best Muske, & the principall therof is cut out of the knee of the male. The people are taunie,* 1.96 & for that the men are not bearded nor differ in complexion from women, they haue cer∣taine tokens of iron, that is to say: the men weare the sunne round like a bosse vpon their shoul∣ders, and women on their priuie parts. Their feeding is raw flesh in the same land, and in ano∣ther called * 1.97 Titay: the Duke there is called Can. They worship the fire, and it is 34 dayes iour∣ney from great Cathay, and in the way lyeth the beautifull people, eating with kniues of golde, and are called Comorom, and the land of small people is neerer the Mosko then Cathay.* 1.98

The instructions of one of Permia, who reporteth he had bene at Cathay the way before written, and also another way neere the sea coast, as foloweth, which note was sent out of Russia from Giles Holmes.

• * 1.99FIrst from the prouince of Dwina is knowen the way to Pechora, and from Pechora trauei∣ling with Olens or harts, is sixe dayes iourney by land, and in the Sommer as much by water to the riuer of Ob.
• The Ob is a riuer full of flats, the mouth of it is 70. Russe miles ouer. And from thence three dayes iourney on the right hand is a place called Chorno-lese, to say in English, blacke woods, and from thence neere hand is a people called Pechey-cony, wearing their haire by his descripti∣on after the Irish fashion.
• From Pechey-cony to Ioult Calmachey three dayes iourney, & from thence to Chorno Cal∣lachay three dayes tending to the Southeast.
• These two people are of the Tartarian faith, and tributaries to the great Can.

Here follow certaine countreys of the Samoeds which dwell vp∣on the riuer Ob, and vpon the sea coasts beyond the same, taken out of the Russe tongue word by word, and trauailed by a Russe borne in Colmogro, whose name was Pheodor Towtigin, who by report, was slaine in his second voyage in one of the said countreys.

VPon the East part beyond the countrey of Vgori, the riuer Ob is the most We∣stermost part thereof. Upon the sea coast dwell Samoeds, and their countrey is called Molgomsey, whose meate is flesh of Olens, or Harts, and Fish, and doe eate one another sometimes among themselues. And if any Marchants come vnto them, then they kill one of their children for their sakes to feast them with∣all. And if a Marchant chance to die with them, they burie him not, but eate him, and so doe they eate them of their owne countrey likewise. They be euill of sight, and haue small noses, but they be swift and shoote very well, and they trauaile on Harts and on dogges,* 1.100 and their apparell is Sables and Harts skinnes. They haue no Marchandise but Sables onely.

2 Item, on the same coast or quarter beyond those people, and by the sea side also doth dwell another kinde of Samoeds in like maner, hauing another language. One moneth in the yeere they liue in the sea, and doe not come or dwell on the dry land for that moneth.

3 Item beyond these people, on the sea coast, there is another kinde of Samoeds, their meate is flesh and fish, and their merchandise are Sables, white and blacke Foxes (which the Rusles call Pselts) and Harts skinnes, and Fawnes skinnes.

The relation of Chaggi Memet a Persian Marchant, to Baptista Ra∣musius, and other notable citizens of Venice, touching the way from Tauris the chiefe citie of Persia, to Campion a citie of Cathay ouer land: in which voyage he him∣selfe had passed before with the Carauans.

dayes iour∣ney.

FRom Tauris to Soltania.

6

From Soltania to Casbin.

4

From Casbin to Veremi.

6

From Veremi to Eri.

15

From Eri to Boghara.

20

Frō Boghara to Samarchand.

5

From Samarchand to Cascar.

25

From Cascar to Acsu.

20

From Acsu to Cuchi.

20

From Cuchi to Chialis.

10

From Chialis to Turfon.

10

From Turfon to Camul.

13

From Camul to Succuir.

15

From Succuir to Gauta.

5

From Gauta to Campion.

6

Which Campion is a citie of the Empire of Cathay in the prouince of Tangut, from whence the greatest quantitie of Rubarbe commeth.

A letter of Sigismond king of Polonia,* 1.101 written in the 39. yeere of his reigne to Elizabeth the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of England, &c.

SIgismudus Augustus by the grace of God king of Polonia, great Duke of Lituania, Russia, Prussia, Massouia, and Samogetia, &c. Lord and heire &c. to the most Noble Princesse Ladie Elizabeth by the same grace of God Queene of England, France, and Ireland, &c. our deare sister and kinsewoman, greeting and increase of all felicitie. Whereas your Maiestie writeth to vs that you haue receiued two of our letters, wee haue looked that you should haue answered to them both. First to the one, in which we intreated more at large in forbidding the voyage to Narue,* 2.1 which if it had bene done, we had bene vnburdened of so often writing of one matter: and might haue answered your Maiestie much better to the purpose. Now we thus answere to your Maiestie to those matters of the which you writte to vs the 3 of October from Windsore. First, forasmuch as your Maiestie at the request of our letters hath discharged the arrest of Mar∣chants goods, and of the names of the men of Danske our subiects, which was set vpon them by the commandement of your Maiestie: and also haue restored the olde and ancient libertie of traf∣fique, we acknowledge great pleasure done vnto vs in the same: and also thinke it to bee done according to common agreement made in times past.* 2.2 Neither were we euer at any time of any other opinion touching your Maiestie, but that wee should obtaine right and reason at your hands. Forasmuch as we likewise shall at all times be ready to grant to your Maiestie, making any request for your subiects, so farre as shall stand with iustice, yet neither will we yeeld any thing to your Maiestie in contention of loue, beneuolence, and mutuall office, but that we iudge

euery good turne of yours to be recompensed by vs to the vttermost: and that shall we prooue as occasion shall serue. Therefore we shall commaund the arrests, if any be made by our subiects (as it is vnknowen to vs) of merchants goods and English names to be discharged: and shall conserue the olde libertie of trafficke,* 2.3 and all other things which shall seeme to apperteine to neighbourhood betweene vs and your Maiesty: so that none of the subiects of your Maiesty here∣after presume to vse the nauigation to the Narue forbidden by vs, and full of danger not onely to our parts, but also to the open destruction of all Christians and liberall nations. The which as we haue written afore, so now we write againe to your Maiesty that we know and feele of a sure∣ty, the Moscouite,* 2.4 enemy to all liberty vnder the heauens, dayly to grow mightier by the increase of such things as he brought to the Narue, while not onely wares but also weapons heeretofore vnknowen to him, and artificers & arts be brought vnto him: by meane whereof he maketh him∣selfe strong to vanguish all others. Which things, as long as this voyage to Narue is vsed, can not be stopped. And we perfectly know your Maiesty can not be ignorant how great the cruelty is of the said enemy, of what force he is, what tyranny he vseth on his subiects, and in what seruile sort they be vnder him. We seemed hitherto to vanquish him onely in this, that he was rude of arts, and ignorant of policies. If so be that this nauigation to the Narue continue, what shall be vnknowen to him? Therefore we that know best, and border vpon him, do admonish other Chri∣stian princes in time, that they do not betray their dignity, liberty and life of them and their sub∣iects to a most barbarous and cruell enemy, as we can no lesse do by the duty of a Christian prince. For now we do foresee, except other prnices take this admonition, the Moscouite puffed vp in pride with those things that be brought to the Narue, and made more perfect in warlike affaires with engines of warre and shippes, will make assault this way on Christendome, to slay or make bound all that shall withstand him: which God defend. With which our admonition diuers prin∣ces already content themselues, and abstaine from the Narue. The others that will not abstaine from the sayd voyage shalbe impeached by our nau••e, and incurre the danger of losse of life, liber∣ty, wife and children. Now therfore if the subiects of your Maiesty will forbeare this voyage to Narue, there shalbe nothing denie•• to them of vs. Let your Maiesty well weigh and consider the reasons & occasions of our stopping of ships going to the Narue. In which stopping, our subiects of Danske be in no fault, as we haue already written to your Maiesty, neither vse we their coun∣sell in the same. In any other matter, if there be any fault in them against your Maiesty or your subiects, we will gladly do iustice vpon them, that your Maiesty may well vnderstand that we be carefull of you and your subiects. Neither thinke we it meet to take Hamburgh, or any other place to iudge the matter: for we haue our councell & iudgement seat at Rie, where your Maie∣sty & your subiects, or any other, shal haue iustice administred vnto them, with whom we haue had ancient league and amity. And thus much we haue thought good to let your Maiesty vnderstand. Fare ye well.Dated the sixt of December the 39 of our reigne.

Sigismundus Augustus Rex.

The Queenes Maiesties Letters to the Emperour of Russia, reque∣sting licence, and safe conduct for M. Anthony Ienkinson to passe thorow his kingdome of Russia, into Persia, to the Great Sophie. 1561.

ELIZABETHA Dei gratia, Angliae, &c. Regina, serenissimo & potentissi∣mo principi, D. Ioanni Basiliuich, Imperatori ••otius Russiae, Magno Duci, &c. Salutem, & omnium rerum prosperarum foelicissimum incrementum. Potentissime Princeps, res est nobis ad memorandum longè gratissima, illa vestrae Maiestatis erga nos & nostros amicitia. Quae tempore foelicissimae memoriae Regis Edwardi sexti, fratris nostri charissimi, Dei benignitate in∣cepta, deinceps verò vestra non solùm singulari humanitate alta atque fo∣ta, sed incredibili etiam bonitate aucta atque cumulata, nunc autem omnibus beneuolentiae vestrae officijs sic firmata est atque constabilita, vt iam minimè dubitemus, quin ea ad laudem Dei, ad gloriam vtriusque nostrum, ad publicam nostrorum vtrobique regnorum immensam commoditatem, ad priuatam singulorum vtrinque subditorum optatam spem, certámque foe∣licitatem multis sit deinceps seculis duratura. Et quanquam haec vestra bonitas, plenissimè se∣se effudit in omnes nostros subditos, qui sese in vllas imperij vestri partes vnquam receperunt, (pro qua ingentes nostras, vtpar est, gratias vestrae Maiestati habemus, vestrísque vicissim in omni opportunitatis loco libentissimè feremus) tamen abundantia benignitatis vestrae, in ac∣cipiendo, támque humanitèr tractando nostrum fidelem & perdilectum famulum Antonium Ienkinson, qui has perfe••t literas, seorsim nobis gratissima existir. Nam praeterquam quòd nul∣lis

non locis vestri Imperij & magna libertate, & summa humanitate vestrae serenitatis non permissu solum, sed iussu etiam frueretur, vestra bonitas tamen non in hac domestica benignè faciendi ratione conquieuit, sed perlibentèr & vltró eundum nostrum hunc perdilectum famu∣lum, varijs exteris principibus, quoquouersus ipse iter suum instituerat, literis suis, suo magno Imperiali sigillo consignatis commendauit. Quod beneficium illi vbiuis gentium, & viam sine vllo periculo, propter publicam vestram fidem, & aduentum cum magno fauore, propter ve∣stram commendationem, optatè quidem & foeliciter communiuit. Ita{que} quemadmodum ge∣mina haec vestra beneuolentia, cum illa generalis exhibita in vestro regno negotiantibus subdi∣••is nostris vniuersis, tumista seorsim praestita huic Antonio Ienkinson, perfideli nostro famulo, nobis in mente non solùm ad gratam perpetuámque memoriam, verùm etiam ad mutuam, vel opportunam compensationem, firmissimè defixa est: ita, petimus a vestra Maiestate vt vtram∣que beneuolentiae vestrae rationem & communem nostris vniuersis, & priuatam huic nostro di∣lecto famulo, vtrisque deinceps digneturtueri, at{que} conseruare, Ne que nos quidem diffidimus, quin quem fauorem vestra Maiestas ante à sua sponte Antonio Ienkinson, tum quidem priuato ostendit, eundem nunc nostro rogatu eidem Antonio in nostrum iam famulatum cooptato be∣nignè velit denuò declarare. Et proptereà petimus à vestra Maiestate, vt dignetur iterum con∣cedere eidem nostro famulo, literas suas commeatus, publicae fidei, ac saluiconductus, quarum tenore, authoritate, atque praesidio, sit illi, familiaribus suis, & seruis, tutum, liberumque, cum mercibus, sarcinis, equis, & bonis suis vniuersis, inuehendis euehend••sque, per vestra regna, do∣micilia, atque prouincias, proficisci, ire, transire, redire, a bire, & istic morati, quamdiu placuerit, & inde recedere quandocunque illi aut suis libitum fuerit. Et sicut non dubitamus, quin vestra Maiestas haec omnia humanitatis grata osficia, pro immensa bonitate suae naturae benignè & largiter huic famulo nostro sit concessura, ita valdè optamus, adeóque petimus, vt vestra Maie∣stas eodem nostrum famulum, vnà cum omnibus suis familiaribus, ac bonis, exteris alijs princi∣pibus literis suis dignetur commendare, praesertim vero atque seorsim Magno Sophi, Persarum Imperatori, in cuius etiam imperia & ditiones idem noster famulus gratia potissimè experi∣undi peregrina commercia, proficisci vnà cum suis consti••••it.

Confidimus igitur haec omnia nostra postulata pro famuli spe, pro nostra expectatione, pro vestra bonitate, pro nostrorum vtrinque sub ditorum commoditate, fausta illi, grata nobis, ac∣cepta etiam vestrae Maiesti, & nostris vtrobíque perquam vtil••a euasura. Deus vestrae Maiesta∣tis, &c. Datum in celeberrima nostra Ciuitate Londini, anno mundi 5523. Domini ac Dei nostri Iesu Christi 1561. regnorum verô nostrorum ter••io.

The same in English.

ELizabeth by the grace of God, Queene of England, &c. to the right excellent, and right mightie Prnice, Lord Iohn Basiliwich, Emperour of all Russia, &c. greeting, and most hap∣pie increase in all prosperitie. Right mightie Prince, the amitíe of your Maiestie towards vs and our subiects is very pleasant to vs to be remembred, which being begun by the goodnesse of God in the reigne of our most deare brother of happie memorie, King Edward the sixt, and after∣wards, through your not onely singular humanitie, fed, and nourished, but also through your in∣credible goodnesse increased, and augmented, is now firmed and established, with all maner of to∣kens of your beneuolence, that now we doubt not, but that from hencefoorth, during many ages, the same shall endure to the praise of God, to both our glories, to the publike great commoditie of our Realmes on either part, and to the priuate desired hope, and certeine felicitie of all our sub∣iects. And although that this your goodnesse hath bene abundantly extended to all our subiects, that haue at any time repaired into any part of your Empire, for the which wee giue (as reason is) your Maiestie right heartie thanks, and will againe shew the like vnto yours, right willing∣ly, whensoeuer opportunitie shall require: yet the abundance of your benignitie both in recei∣uing, and also in enterteining our faithfull and beloued seruant, Anthonie Ienkinson, the brin∣ger of these our letters, is vnto vs for him priuately very thankefull. For besides this, that in all places of your Empire, he not onely by your Maiesties sufferance, but also by your commande∣ment, enioyed much libertie, and great friendship, your goodnesse not ceasing in this your do∣mesticall disposition of clemencie, did right willingly, and of your owne abundant grace, com∣mend the same our welbeloued seruant, by your letters sealed with your Imperiall seale, to sun∣drie forren Princes, vnto whom he was minded to iourney: which your magnificence did pur∣chase vnto him happily, according to his desire, both passage without all perill, through your no∣table credit, and also atchieuing of his iourney through your commendation. Therefore like as these your duplicated beneuolences, both that one generally exhibited to all our subiects frequen∣ting

that your Realme, and also this the other extended apart to this our right faith••ull ••eruant Anthonie Ienkinson, is right assuredly fastened in our remembrance, not onely for a perpetuall and gratefull memoriall, but also for a mutuall and meet compensation: so we desire of your Maiestie, to vouchsafe from hencefoorth to conserue and continue the geminate disposition of your beneuolences, both generally to all our subiects, and also priuately to this our beloued ser∣uant. And we doubt not, but that at our request, you will againe graciously shew vnto the same Anthony, now admitted into our seruice, the like fauor as heretofore your Maiesty of your meere motion did exhibite vnto him, being then a priuate person. And therefore we desire your Maiesty eft soones to grant to the same our seruant, your letters of licence, pasport, & safe conduct, through the tenour, authority, and helpe whereof, he, his seruants, together with their merchandises, bag∣gages, horses, and goods whatsoeuer, that shall be brought in, or carried out, by or thorow all your empire, kingdome, dominions, and prouinces, may surely and freely iourney, go, passe, repasse, de∣part, and there tary so long as it shall please him: and from thence returne whensoeuer it shall seeme good to him or his: and as we doubt not, but that your Maiesty in the goodnesse of your nature will graciously and abundantly grant all these good offices of humanity, so we do heartily desire that your Maiesty wil likewise vouchsafe to commend the same our seruant, together with all his goods, by your letters to other forren Princes, and specially to the great Sophy, and Em∣perour of Persia, into whose empire and iurisdictions the same our seruant purposeth with his for to iourney, chiefly for triall of forren merchandises.

We therefore doe trust that all these our demands shall tend, and haue effect, according to the hope of our seruant, and to our expectation, for your wealth, for the commodity of both our sub∣iects, lucky to him, thankefull to vs, acceptable to your Maiesty, and very profitable to our sub∣iects on either part. God grant vnto your Maiesty long and happy felicity in earth, and euerla∣sting in heauen. Dated in our famous city of London the 25 day of the moneth of April, in the yeere of the creation of the world 5523, and of our Lord God Iesus Christ 1561, and of our reigne the third.

The Queenes Maiesties Letters to the Great Sophy of Persia, sent by M. Anthonie Ienkinson. 1561.

ELIZABETHA Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, &c. Potentissimo & inuictissimo Principi, Magno Sophi Persarum, Medo∣rum, Parthorum, Hircanorum, Carmanorum, Margianorum, populo∣rum ••is & vltrà Tygrim fluuium, & omnium intra Mare Caspium, & Per∣sicum sinum nationum atque Gentium Imperatori salutem, & rerum pro∣sperarum foelicissimum incrementum. Summi Dei benignitare factum est, vt quas gentes, non solum immensa terrarum spacia, & insuperabiles marium vasti••ates, sed & ipsi etiam coelorum cardines longissimè disiunxerunt, ipsae tamen li∣terarum bono & mentis certa cogitata, & humanitatis grata officia, & intelligentiae mutuae multa commoda facilè inter se & opportunè possint communicare. Itaque cùm perdilectus, & fidelis noster famulus Antonius Ienkinson, qui has literas nostras perfert, cum bona venia, fauore, & gratia nostra hoc Angliae nostrae regnum excedere, & in Persiam vsque, vestrásque alias ditiones Dei benignitate penetrare constituerit, hoc illius institurum perlaudabile qui∣dem grato nostro fauore prosequi, & promouere studuimus: id quod eo nos libentiùs faci∣mus, quoniam hoc eius propositum ex honesto studio commercij constituendi potissimum cùm vestris subditis, alijsque peregrinis hominibus, ad vestra regna confluentibus, omninò ex∣ortum sit. Proptereà nobis & scribendum ad vestram Maiestatem, ab eaque petendum esse duximus, vt nostro rogatu dignetur concedere huic famulo nostro Antonio Ienkinson literas publicae fidei, & salui conductus, quarum authoritate a••que praesidio, licitum, liberúmque s•••• illi, vnà cum suis familiaribus, seruis, sarcinis, mercibus & bonis vniuersis, per vestra regna, do∣micilia, ditiones, atque prouincias liberè, & sine impedimento proficisci, ire, transire, redire, abi••e, & istic morari, quamdiu placuerit, & inde recedere, quandocunque illi vel suis lubitum fuerit. Si haec sancta hospitalitatis iura & dulcia communis humanitatis officia, inter nos, no∣stra regna, nostrósque subditos libentèr constitui, sincerè coli, & constantèr conseruari queant, speramus nos, Deum Optimum Maximum effecturum, vtab hijs paruis initijs, grandiora re∣rum momenta, nobis ad magna ornamenta atque decus, nostris ad summa commoda atque vsus, aliquando sint oritura: siquidem, vt non terra, non mare, non coelum, ad nos longissimè seperandos, quàm diuina ratio communis humanitatis, & mutuae beneuolentiae ad nos fir∣missimè coniungendos plus virium habuisse videatur. Deus salutem omnem, & foelicem in

terris, & perpetuam in coelis, vestrae concedat Maiestari. Datum in Anglia, in celebrinostra v••be Londino, 25 die mensis Aprilis, anno mundi, 5523, Domini ac Dei nostri Iesu Christi, 1561, regnorum verò nostrorum tertio.

The same in English.

ELizabeth, by the grace of God, Queene of England,* 2.5 &c. To the right mightie, and right vic∣torious Prince, the great Sophie, Emperour of the Persians, Medes, Parthians, Hircans, Carmanians, Margians, of the people on this side, and beyond the riuer of Tygris, and of all men, and nations, betweene the Caspian sea, and the gulfe of Persia, greeting, and most happie increase in all prosperitie. By the goodnesse of the Almightie God it is ordeined, that those peo∣ple, which not onely the huge distance of the lands, and the inuincible widenesse of the seas, but also the very quarters of the heauens do most farre separate, and set asunder, may neuerthelesse through good commendation by writing, both case, and also communicate betweene them, not onely the conceiued thoughts, or deliberations, and gratefull offices of humanitie, but also ma∣ny commodities of mutuall intelligence. Therefore whereas our faithfull, and right welbelo∣ued seruant Anthonie Ienkinson, bearer of these our letters, is determined with our licence, fa∣uour, and grace, to passe out of this our Realme, and by Gods sufferance to trauell euen into Persia, and other your iurisdictions: we minde truely with our good fauour, to set forward, and aduance that his right laudable purpose: and that the more willingly, for that this his enterprise is onely grounded vpon an honest intent, to establish trade of merchandise with your subiects, and with other strangers traffiking in your realmes. Wherfore we haue thought good, both to write to your Maiestie, and also to desire the same, to vouchsafe at our request, to grant to our sayd ser∣uant, Anthonie Ienkinson, good pasports, and safe conducts, by meanes, and authoritie whereof, it may be free and lawfull for him, together with his familiars, seruants, cariages, merchandise, and goods whatsoeuer, thorow your Realmes, Dominions, Iurisdictions, and Prouinces, free∣ly, and without impeachment, to iourney, go, passe, repasse, and tary so long as he shall please, and from thence to returne whensoeuer he or they shall thinke good. If these holy dueties of enter∣tainment, and sweet offices of naturall humanitie may be willingly concluded, sincerely embra∣ced, and firmely obserued betweene vs, and our Realmes, and subiects, then we do hope that the Almightie God will bring it to passe, that of these small beginnings, greater moments of things shall hereafter spring, both to our furniture and honours, and also to the great commodities, and vse of our peoples: so it will be knowen that neither the earth, the seas, nor the heauens, haue so much force to separate vs, as the godly disposition of naturall humanity, and mutuall beneuolence haue to ioyne vs strongly together. God grant vnto your Maiestie long and happy felicity in earth, and perpetuall in heauen. Dated in England, in our famous citie of London, the 25 day of the moneth of April, in the yere of the creation of the world, 5523, and of our Lord and God Iesus Christ, 1561, and of our reigne the third.

A remembrance giuen by vs the Gouernours, Consuls, and Assi∣stants of the company of Merchants trading into Russia, the eight day of May 1561, to our trustie friend Anthonie Ienkinson, at his departure towards Russia, and so to Persia, in this our eight iourney.

FIrst you shall vnderstand that we haue laden in our good ship, called the Swal∣low, one Chest, the keyes whereof we doe heere deliuer you, and also a bill, wherein are written particularly the contents in the sayd Chest, and what euery thing did cost: and because, as you know, the sayd Chest of charge, we de∣sire you to haue a speciall regard vnto it, and when God shall send you vnto Mosco, our mindes and will is, that you, with the aduise of our Agents there, doe appoint some such presents for the Emperour and his sonne, either wine, cloth of golde, scarlet, or plate, as to your good discretion shall be thought meet, and when you haue deliue∣red vnto him the Queenes Maiesties Letters, and our sayd present in the name of the Compa∣ny, we thinke it good that you make your humble sute vnto his Highnesse in our name, to get his licence or safe conduct for you and all other our seruants or Agents at all times hereafter with such wares and merchandise as you at this time, or they hereafter at all other times shall thinke good to passe out of his dominions towards Tartaria, Persia, or other places, and also to re∣turne vnto Mosco with such wares and merchandises as you shall bring or send from any land or countrey that is not in his dominions, and if it be thought good by you and our Agents there

to make composition with the emperor or his officers for some certeine custome or ••ole vpon such goods as we shall passe that way, to the intent we might be the better fauored, we refer it to your descretion, foreseeing that y^e opening of this matter be not preiudiciall vnto our former priuileges.

And for the sale of our cloth of gold, plate, pearles, saphyres, and other iewels, we put our trust and confidence in you principally to sell them for ready mony, time to good debters, or in barter for good wares, so that you make our other Agents priuy how and for what price you sell any of the premisses, and also deliuer such summes of money, billes or wares, as you shall receiue, vnto our said Agents: thinking good further, that if you perceiue that the place or other iewels, or any part thereof will not be sold for profit before your departure from the Mosco, that then you cause them to be safe packed, and set order they may be sent hither againe in our shippes the next yeere, except you perceiue that there may be some profit in carrying some part of them into Persia, which we would not to be of any great value.

We haue also laden in the sayd Swallow and the other two ships 80 fardles, conteining 400 kersies, as by y^e inuoice doth appeare, which fardles be packed, & appointed to be caried into Per∣sia: neuerthelesse, if you chance to finde good sales for them in the Mosco, we thinke it were good to sell part of them there, and to cary the lesse quantity with you, because we be vncertaine what vent or sale you shall finde in Persia or other places where you shall come.

If you obtaine the Emperours licence to passe out of his dominions, and to returne, as afore∣said, & that you perceiue you may safely do the same, our minde is, that at such time as you thinke best ••nd most conuenient for that purpose, you do appoint so many, and such of our hired seruants or apprentises as you thinke necessary & meet for our affaires, and may best be spared, to go with you in your said voyage, whereof we would one to be such as you might make priuy of all your do∣ings for diuers considerations and causes that may happen: which seruants and apprentises, ••e will and command, by this our remembrance, to be obedient vnto you as vnto vs, not onely to goe with you, and to doe such things as you command them in your presence, but also to goe vnto such countreys or places as you shall appoint them vnto, either with wares or without wares, & there to remaine and continue so long as you shall thinke good, and if they or any of them will refuse ••o do such things as you do appoint them, as aforesaid, or that any of them (be he hired seruant or ap∣prentise) do misuse himselfe by any maner of disobedience or disorder, and will not by gentle and faire meanes be reformed, we will that you send him backe to the Mosco, with straight order that he may be sent from thence hither, & let vs haue knowledge of his euill behauior, to the intent that if he be a hired seruant we may pay him his wages according to his seruice, and if he be an appren∣tise we may vse him according to his deserts.

We will also that you take with you such karsies, scarlet, and other clothes, or any other su••h wares of ours, as you shall thinke good, and so in the name of God to take your iourney towards Persia, either by the way of Astracan and Mare Caspium, or otherwise, as you shall see cause: and when God sendeth you into Persia, our minde is, that you repaire vnto the great Sophy with the Queenes Maiesties letters, if he be not too farre from the Caspian sea for you to trauell, and that you make him such a present as you shall thinke meet, and if you passe by any other kings, princes, or gouernors, before or after you come to the presence of the Sophy, likewise to make them some present, as you see cause, according to their estate and dignitie, and withall to procure letters of priuilege or safe conduct of the sayd Sophy or other princes in as large and ample maner as you can, for the sure establishing of further trade in merchandise by vs heereafter to be made, frequen∣ted and continued in those parts, not onely that we may freely sell in all places within his domini∣ons such wares as we cary thither, but also buy and bring away any maner of wares or merchan∣dise whatsoeuer it be, that is for our purpose and commoditie within his dominions, with free passage also for vs at all times, to passe as often as we will with our goods and merchandise into a∣ny part of India or other countreys thereunto adioyning, and in like maner to returne thorow his dominions into Russia or elswhere.

And for the sale of our kersies or other wares that you shall haue with you, as our trust is that you will doe for our most profit and commoditie: euen so we referre all vnto your good discreti∣on, aswell in the sale of our sayd goods, as to make our returne in such things as you shall finde there, and thinke best for our profit. But if passage cannot be had into Persia by Astracan, or o∣therwise, the next Summer, which shalbe in the yeere 1562, then our minde is, that you procure to sell our kersies, & other such wares as are appointed for Persia, in the Mosco, or other the Em∣perours dominions, if you may sell them for any reasonable price, and then to employ your selfe with such other of your seruants, as you shall thinke meet for the search of the passage by Noua Zembla,* 2.6 or els you to returne for England as you thinke good. Prouided alwayes, that if you do perceiue or vnderstand, that passage is like to be had into Persia the Summer folowing, which

shalbe in the yere 1563, and that you can not sell our ker••ies in the Emperours dominions, as a∣foresayd, at a reasonable price: then we will rather they may be kept till the said Summer in the yeere 1563, and then you to proceed forwards vpon your iourney towards Persia as aforesayd. If passage into Persia cannot be obteined the next yeere, neither good hope of passage in the yeere 1563, neither yet in the meane time good sale of our kersies in the Emperours dominions, then we thinke good for you to see if you can practise to cary your said wares by safe conduct thorow Polonia, or any other wayes vnto Constantinople, or els where you thinke beter sale may be had, then in Russia.

Thus haue we giuen you to vnderstand our meanings in this intended aduenture: but foras∣much as we do consider and know, that if we should prescribe vnto you any certeine way, or direct order what you should doe, we might so worke cleane contrary to our purpose and intent: there∣fore knowing your approued wisedome with youre experience, and also your carefull and diligent minde in the atchieuing and bringing to good successe (by the helpe of almighty God) all things that you take in hand, we doe commit our whole affaires concerning the said aduenture wholly vnto your good discretion, praying God so to prosper you, as may be first for his glory, secondly for the honour and commoditie of this realme, and next for our profit, with the increase of your good name for euer.

And yet further desiring, and also most earnestly requiring you, as you tender the state of our company, that you will haue a speciall regard vnto the order of our houses & our seruants, aswell at Colmogro and Vologda, as at Mosco, and to see and consider if any misorder be amongst our seruants or apprentises, wherby you thinke we might hereafter be put to hinderance or losse of a∣ny part of our goods or priuilege there, that you doe not onely see the same reformed, but also to certifie vs thereof by your letter at large, as our trust is in you.

And for the better knowledge to be had in the prices and goodnes of such things as we do part∣ly suppose you shall finde in the partes of Russia, we doe heerewith deliuer you a quantitie of cer∣teine drugges, wherby you may perceiue how to know the best, and also there are noted the prices of such wares and drugges as be heere most vendible:* 2.7 also we deliuer you heerewith one pound and one ounce weight in brasse, to the end, that you may therby, & with the bill of prices of wares, know what things be worth here. As for the knowledge of silks, we need not to giue you any in∣structions thereof, other then you know.

And if you vnderstand that any commoditie in Russia be profitable for vs to haue with you into Persia or other places, our minde is that our Agents shall either prouide it for you, or deliuer you money to make prouision yourselfe. And because the Russes say that in traueiling Eastwardes from Colmogro thirty or forty dayes iourney, there is the maine sea to be found,* 2.8 we thinke that Richard Iohnson might imploy his time that way by land, and to be at Mosco time enough to goe with you into Persia: for if it be true that he may trauell to the sea that way, and that he may know how many miles it is towards the East from Colmogro, it will be a great helpe for vs to finde out the straight and passage that way, if any be there to be had.

Gouernors.

• ...William Gerard.
• ...Thomas Lodge.
• ...William Merike.
• ...Blase Sanders.

A compendio••s and briefe declaration of the iourney of M. Anth. Ienkinson, from the famous citie of London into the land of Persia, passing in this same iourney thorow Russia, Moscouia, and Mare Caspium, aliâs Hircanum, sent and imployed therein by the right worshipfull Societie of the Merchants Aduenturers, for discouerie of Lands, Islands, &c. Being begun the foureteenth day of May, Anno 1561,* 2.9 and in the third yere of the reigne of the Queenes Maiestie that now is: this present de∣claration being directed and written to the foresayd Societie.

FIrst imbarking my selfe in a good shippe of yours, named the Swallow, at Grauesend, hauing a faire and good winde, our anker then weyed, and commit∣ting all to the protection of our God, hauing in our sailing diuersitie of windes, & thereby forced to direct and obserue sundry courses (not here rehearsed, because you haue bene thereof heretofore amply informed) on the fourteenth day of Iuly, the yere aforesayd I arriued in the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia: and the sixe and twentieth day of the same moneth, after conference then had with your Agents there, concerning your worships affaires, I departed from thence, passing thorow the countrey of Vago, and on the eight day of August then following, I came to Vologda, which is distant from Colmogro, seuen hundred miles, where I remained foure dayes, attending the arriuall of one of your boats,

wherein was laden a chest of iewels with the present, by your worships appointed for the Empe∣rors Maiesty: which being arriued, and the chest receiued, I therewith departed toward the city of Mosco, and came thither the twentith day of the same moneth, where I immediatly caused my comming to be signified vnto the Secretary of the Imperiall Maiesty,* 2.10 with the Queenes High∣nesse letters addressed vnto the same his Maiestie, who informed the Emperour thereof. But his Highnesse hauing great affaires, and being at that present ready to be married vnto a Ladie of Chircassi, of the Mahometicall law, commanded that no stranger, Ambassadour, nor other, should come before him for a time, with further streight charge, that during the space of three dayes that the same solemne feast was celebrating, the gates of the citie should be shut, and that no person, stranger or natiue (certeine of his houshold reserued) should come out of their said houses during the said triumph, the cause thereof vnto this day not being knowen.

The sixt of September following, the Emperour made a great feast, whereunto were called all Ambassadours and strangers being of reputation, and hauing affaires: amongst whom I was one, but being willed by the Secretary first to come, and to shew him the Queenes Maiesties let∣ters, I refused so to doe, saying I would deliuer the same vnto the Emperours owne hands, and not otherwise: which heard, the Secretarie answered, that vnlesse he might first peruse the sayd letters, I should not come into the Emperors presence, so that I was not at the feast. Neuerthe∣lesse, I was aduertised by a noble man that I was inquired for by the Emperours Maiestie, al∣though the cause of my absence was to his Maiestie vnknowen. The next day following, I cau∣sed a supplication to be made, and presented it to his Highnesse owne hands, and thereby declared the cause of my comming, signified by the Queenes Maiesties letters, and the answere of his sayd Secretary, most humbly beseeching his Grace that he would receiue and accept the same he•• Highnesse letters, with such honour and friendship, as his letters sent by Osep Napea were re∣ceiued by the hands of our late Souereigne Lady Queene Mary, or els that it would please his Highnes to dismisse me, saying that I would not deliuer the said letters but vnto his owne hands, for that it is so vsed in our countrey. Thus the matter being pondered, and the effect of my sup∣plication well disgested, I was foorthwith commaunded to come with the said letters before his Maiestie, and so deliuered the same into his owne hands (with such presents as by you were ap∣pointed) according to my request, which were gratefully accepted, & the same day I dined in his Graces presence, with great entertainment. Shortly after, I desired to know whether I should be licenced to passe thorow his Highnesse dominions into the land of Persia,* 2.11 according to the Queenes Maiesties request: hereunto it was answered, that I should not passe thither, for that his Maiestie meant to send an armie of men that way into the land of Chircassi, whereby may iour∣ney should be both dangerous & troublesome, and that if I should perish therein•• it would be much to his Graces dishonour, but he doubted other matters, although they were not expressed. Thus hauing receiued his answere, neither to my expectation, nor yet contentation, and there remaining a good part of the yere, hauing in that time solde the most part of your kersies and other wares ap∣pointed for Persia, when the time of the yeere required to returne for England, I desired pasport, and post horses for money, which was granted: but hauing receiued my pasport, ready to depart, there came vnto our house there Osep Napea,* 2.12 who perswaded me that I should not depart that day, saying that the Emperor was not truely informed, imputing great fault to the frowardnesse of the Secretary, who was not my friend: before whom comming againe the next day, and finding the same Secretary and Osep Napea together, after many allegations and obiections of things, and perceiuing that I would depart, I was willed to remaine vntill the Emperours Maiestie were spoken with againe touching my passage: wherewith I was content, & within three dayes after sending for me, he declared that the Emperours pleasure was, that I should not onely passe thorow his dominions into Persia, but also haue his Graces letters of commendations to forren princes, with certaine his affaires committed to my charge, too long here to rehearse: whereup∣on I appointed my selfe for the voyage,* 2.13 & the 15 day of March, the yeere aforesaid, I dined againe in his Maiesties presence in company of an Ambassadour of Persia and others, and receiuing a cup of drinke at his Maiesties hands, I tooke my leaue of his Highnesse, who did not onely giue me letters, as aforesayd, but also committed matter of importance and charge vnto me, to be done ••hen I should arriue in those countreys whither I intended to go, and hauing all things in readi∣nesse for the same voyage, I departed from the city of Mosco the 27 day of April 1562, downe by the great riuer of Volga, in company of the said Ambassadour of Persia, with whom I had great friendship and conference all the way downe the same riuer vnto Astracan,* 2.14 where we arriued all in health the 10 day of Iune.

And as touching the situations of the cities, townes, castles and countreys, aswell of Mahome∣tans as also of Gentils adioyning to the same, whereby I passed from Mosco vnto Astracan, I

omit in this breuiat to rehearse, for that I hereto••ore haue declared the same most amp••y vnto you in my voyage to Boghar.* 2.15 Thus being arriued at Astracan, as is aforesayd, I repai••ed vnto the captaine there, vnto whom I was commended from the Emperours Maiesty, with great charge that he not only should ayd and succor me with all things needfull during my abode there, but also to safeconduct me with 50 gunners wel appointed in two stroogs or brigantines into the Caspi∣an sea, vntil I had passed certaine dangerous places which pirats & rouers do accustome to harme, and hauing prepared my barke for the sea, the Ambassador of Persia being before departed in a barke of his owne the 15 day of Iuly, the yeere aforesayd,* 2.16 I and my company tooke our voyage from the sayd Astracan, and the next day at a West sunne, passed the mouth of the said riuer being twenty miles distant, lying next Southeast. The 18 at a Southwest sunne, we passed by three Islands being distant nine miles from the said mouth of Volga, and Southsouthwest from thence, sailing Southsouthwest the next day, at a West & by North sun we fel with the land called Chal∣lica Ostriua, being foure round Islands together, distant from the said three Islands forty miles. From thence sailing the said course the next day, we had sight of a land called Tuke, in the coun∣trey of Tumen,* 2.17 where pirats and rouers do vse: for feare of whom we haled off into the sea due East forty miles, and fell vpon shallowes out of the sight of land, and there were like to haue peri∣shed, escaping most hardly: then the 22 day we had sight of a goodly Island called Chatalet,* 2.18 di∣stant from the said Challica Ostriua an hundred miles, the winde being contrary, and a stiffe gale, we were not able to seize it: but were forced to come to an anker to the leeward of the same sixe miles off in three or foure fathom water, being distant from the maine land to the Westward of vs, which was called Skafcayl or Connyk a countrey of Mahometans, about 〈◊〉〈◊〉 miles, and so riding at two ankers a head, hauing no other prouision, we lost one of them, the storme and s••a be∣ing growen very sore, and thereby our barke was so full of leaks, that with continuall pumping we had much adoe to keepe her aboue water, although we threw much of our goods ouerboord, with losse of our boat, and our selues thereby in great danger like to haue perished either in the sea or els vpon the lee shore, where we should haue fallen into the hands of those wicked infidels, who attended our shipwracke: and surely it was very vnlike that we should haue esc••ped both the extremities, but onely by the power and mercy of God, for the storme continued seuen dayes, to wit, vntill the thirtieth day of the same moneth: and then the winde comming vp at the West with faire weather, our anker weyed, and our saile displayed, lying South, the next day haling to the shore with a West sunne, we were nie a land called by the inhabitants Shyruansha,* 2.19 and there we came againe to an anker, hauing the winde contrary, being distant from the said Chatalet 150 miles, and there we continued vntill the third day of August, then hauing a faire winde, winding Southsoutheast, and sailing threescore miles, the next day at a Southeast sunne we arriued at a city called Derbent in the king of Hircans dominion,* 2.20 where comming to land, and saluting the captaine there with a present, he made to me and my company a dinner, and there taking fresh water I departed.

This city of Derbent is an ancient towne hauing an olde castle therein, being situated vpon an hill called Castow, builded all of free stone much after our building, the walles very high and thicke, and was first erected by king Alexander the great, when he warred against the Persians and Medians, and then hee made a wall of a woonderfull height and thicknesse,* 2.21 extending from the same city to the Georgians, yea vnto the principall city thereof named Tewflish,* 2.22 which wall though it be now rased, or otherwise d••cayed, yet the foundation remaineth, & the wall was made to the intent that the inhabitants of that countrey then newly conquered by the said Alexander should not lightly flee, nor his enemies easily inuade. This city of Derbent being now vnder the power of the Sophy of Persia, bordereth vpon the sea, adioyning to the foresaid land of Shalfcall, in the latitude of 41 degrees.* 2.23 From thence sailing Southeast and Southsoutheast about 80 miles, the sixt day of August, the yere aforesaid, we arriued at our landing place called Shabran,* 2.24 where my barke discharged: the goods layd on shore, and there being in my tent keeping great watch for feare of rouers, wherof there is great plenty, being field people, the gouernor of the said countrey named Alcan Murcy,* 2.25 comming vnto me, entertained me very gently, vnto whom gi∣uing a present, he appointed for my safegard forty armed men to watch & ward me, vntil he might haue newes from the king of Shiruan. The 12 day of the same moneth newes did come from the king, with order that I should repaire vnto him with all spe••d: and for expedition, aswell camels to the number of fiue and forty to cary my goods, as also horses for me and my company were in readinesse, so that the goods laden, and taking my iourney from thence the said twelft day, on the 18 of the same moneth I came to a city called Shamaky, in the said countrey of Hircan, other∣wise called Shiruan, and there the king hath a faire place, where my lodging being appointed, the goods were discharged: the next day being the 19 day, I was sent for to come to the king, named

Obdolowcan,* 2.26 who kept his court at that time in the high mountaines•••••• tents, distant ••rom the sayd Shamaki twentie miles, to auoyd the iniury of the heat: and the 20 day I came before his presence, who gently interteined me, and hauing kissed his hands, he bad me to dinner, and com∣manded me to sit downe not farre from him.* 2.27 This king did sit in a very rich pauillion, wrought with silke & golde, placed very pleasantly, vpon a hill side, of sixteene fathom long, and sixe fathom broad, hauing before him a goodly fountaine of faire water: whereof he & his nobility did drinke, he being a prince of a meane stature, and of a fierce countenance, richly apparelled with long gar∣ments of silke, and cloth of gold, imbrodred with pearles and stone: vpon his head was a tolipane with a sharpe end standing vpwards halfe a yard long, of rich cloth of golde, wrapped about with a piece of India silke of twentie yards long, wrought with golde, and on the left side of his tolipane stood a plume of fethers, set in a trunke of golde richly inameled, and set with precious stones: his earerings had pendants of golde a handfull long, with two great rubies of great value, set in the ends thereof: all the ground within his pauilion was couered with rich carpets, & vnder himselfe was spred a square carpet wrought with siluer & golde, and therupon was layd two sutable cushi∣ons. Thus the king with his nobility sitting in his pauillion with his legs acrosse, and perceiuing that it was painfull for me so to sit, his highnesse caused a stoole to be brought in, & did will me to sit thereupon, after my fashion. Dinner time then approching, diuers clothes were spred vpon the ground, and sundry dishes serued, and set in a ranke with diuers kindes of meats, to the number of 140 dishes, as I numbred them, which being taken away with the table clothes, and others spred, a banket of fruits of sundry kindes, with other banketting meates, to the number of 150 dishes, were brought in: so that two seruices occupied 290 dishes, and at the end of the sayd dinner & ban∣ket, the king said vnto me, Quoshe quelde, that is to say, Welcome: and called for a cup of water to be drawen at a fountaine, and tasting thereof, did deliuer me the rest, demanding how I did like the same, and whether there were so good in our countrey or not: vnto whom I answered in such sort, that he was therewith contented: then he proponed vnto me sundry questions, both touching religion, and also the state of our countreys, and further questioned whether the Emperor of Al∣maine, the Emperor of Russia, or the great Turke, were of most power, with many other things too long here to rehearse, to whom I answered as I thought most meet. Then he demanded whe∣ther I intended to goe any further, and the cause of my comming: vnto that I answered, that I was sent with letters from the Queenes most e••cellent Maiesty of England vnto the great So∣phy,* 2.28 to intreat friendship and free passage, and for his safeconduct to be granted vnto English mer∣chants to trade into his Segniories, with the like also to be granted to his subiects, when they should come into our countreys, to the honour and wealth of both realmes, and commodity of both their subiects, with diuers other words, which I omit to rehearse. This sayd king much allow∣ing this declaration sayd, that he would not onely giue me passage, but also men to safeconduct me vnto the sayd Sophy, lying from the foresayd citie of Shamaki thirtie dayes iourney, vp into the land of Persia, at a castle called Casbin:* 2.29 so departing from the king at that time, within three dayes after, being the foure and twentieth day of August the yere aforesaid, he sent for me againe: vnto whom I repaired in the morning, and the king not being risen out of his bed (for his maner is, that watching in the night, and then banketting with his women, being an hundred and forty in number,* 2.30 he sleepeth most in the day) did giue one commandement that I should ride on hawking with many Gentlemen of his Court, and that they should shew me so much game and pastime as might be: which was done, and many cranes killed. We returned from hawking about three of the clocke at the afternoone: the king then risen, and ready to dinner, I was inuited thereunto, and approching nigh to the entring in of his tent, and being in his sight, two gentlemen incounte∣red me with two garments of that countrey fashion, side, downe to the ground, the one of silke, and the other of silke and golde, sent vnto me from the king, and after that they caused me to put off my vpper garment, being a gowne of blacke veluet furred with Sables, they put the sayd two garments vpon my backe, and so conducted me vnto the king, before whom doing reuerence, and kissing his hand, he commanded me to sit not farre from him, and so I dined in his presence, he at that time being very mery, and demanding of me many questions, and amongst other, how I like the maner of their hawking. Dinner so ended, I required his highnesse safeconduct for to depart towards the Sophy, who dismissing me with great fauour, and appointing his Ambassadour (which returned out of Russia) and others, to safeconduct me, he gaue me at my departure a faire horse with all furniture, and custome free from thence with all my goods. So I returned to Sha∣maki againe, where I remained vntill the sixt of October, to prouide camels, horses, and other necessaries for may sayd intended iourney.

* 2.31But now before I proceed further, I purpose to write something of this countrey of Hircan, now called Shiruan, with the townes and commodities of the same. This countrey of Hircan

in times past was of great renowme, hauing many cities, townes, and castles in it: and the kings thereof in time of antiquity were of great power, able to make wars with the Sophies of Persia: but now it is not onely otherwise (for that the cities, townes, and castles be decayed) but also the king is subiect to the sayd Sophie (although they haue their proper king) and be at the comman∣dement of the sayd Sophy,* 2.32 who conquered them not many ye••res passed, for their diuersity in reli∣gion, and caused not onely all the nobility & gentlemen of that countrey to be put to death, but also ouer and besides, rased the walles of the cities, townes, and castles of the said realme, to the intent that there should be no rebellion, and for their great terror, caused a turret of free stone and flints to be erected in the sayd city called Shamaki, and in a ranke of flints of the sayd turret,* 2.33 did set the heads of the sayd nobility and gentlemen, then executed. This city is distant from the sea side, with camels, seuen dayes iourney, but now the same being much decayed, & chiefly inhabited with Armenians, another city called Arrash, bordering vpon the Georgians,* 2.34 is the chiefest and most opulent in the trade of merchandise, & thereabouts is nourished the most abundant growth of raw silke, and thither the Turks, Syrians, and other strangers do resort and trafficke. There be also diuers good and necessary commodities to be prouided & had in this sayd realme:* 2.35 viz. galles rough and smooth, cotton wooll, allome, and raw silke of the naturall growth of that countrey: besides, nere all kinde of spices and drugges, and some other commodities, which are brought thither from out of East India, but in the lesse quantity, for that they be not assured to haue vent or vtterance of the same: but the chiefest commodities be there raw silks of all sorts, whereof there is great plen∣ty. Not farre from the sayd city of Shamaki, there was an olde castle called Gullistone,* 2.36 now beaten downe by this Sophy, which was esteemed to be one of the strongest castles in the world, and was besieged by Alexander the great, long time before he could win it. And not farre from the sayd castle was a Nunry of sumptuous building, wherein was buried a kings daughter, na∣med Ameleck Channa, who slew herselfe with a knife, for that her father would haue forced her (she professing chastity) to haue married with a king of Tartarie: vpon which occasion the maidens of that countrey do resort thither once euery yere to lament her death.

Also in the sayd countrey there is an high hill called Quiquifs, vpon the toppe whereof (as it is commonly reported) did dwell a great Giant, named Arneoste, hauing vpon his head two great hornes, and eares, and eyes like a Horse, and a taile like a Cow. It is further sayd, that this mon∣ster kept a passage thereby, vntill there came an holy man, termed Haucoir Hamshe, a kinseman to one of the Sophies, who mounted the sayd hill, and combating with the sayd Giant, did binde not onely him in chaines, but also his woman called Lamisache, with his sonne named After: for which victory they of that countrey haue this holy man in great reputation, and the hill at this day (as it is bruited) sauoureth so ill, that no person may come nigh vnto it: but whether it be true or not, I referre it to further knowledge.

Now to returne to the discourse of the proceeding in my voyage towards the great Sophie. The 6 of October in the yeere aforesayd, I with my company departed from Shamachi afore∣said, and hauing iourneyed threescore miles, came to a towne called Yauate,* 2.37 wherein the king hath a faire house, with orchards and gardens well replenished with fruits of all sorts. By this towne passeth a great riuer called Cor, which springeth in the mountaines of the Georgians, & passing thorow the countrey of Hircania aforesayd, falleth into the Caspian or Hircan sea, at a place be∣tweene two ancient townes called Shabran and Bachu, situate within the realme of Hircane, and from thence issueth further, passing thorow a fruitfull countrey, inhabited with pasturing peo∣ple, which dw••ll in the Summer season vpon mountaines, and in Winter they remooue into the valleyes without resorting to townes or any other habitation: and when they remooue, they doe iourney in carrauans or troops of people and cattell, carrying all their wiues, children and bag∣gage vpon bullocks. Now passing this wilde people ten dayes iourney, comming into no towne or house, the sixteenth day of October we arriued at a citie called Ardouill,* 2.38 where we were lod∣ged in an hospitall builded with faire stone, and erected by this Sophies father named Ismael, onely for the succour and lodging of strangers and other trauellers, wherein all men haue victu∣als and feeding for man and horse, for three dayes and no longer. This foresayd late prince Is∣mael lieth buried in a faire Meskit, with a sumptuous sepulchre in the same, which he caused to be made in his life time. This towne Ardouill is in the latitude of eight and thirtie degrees, an ancient citie in the prouince of Aderraugan, wherein the Princes of Persia are commonly bu∣ried: and there Alexander the great did keepe his Court when he inuaded the Persians. Foure dayes iourney to the Westward is the citie Tebris in olde time called Tauris,* 2.39 the greatest citie in Persia, but not of such trade of merchandise as it hath bene, or as others be at this time, by meane of the great inuasion of the Turke, who hath conquered from the Sophie almost to the sayd citie of Tauris, which the sayd Turke once sacked, and thereby caused the Sophie to forsake

the same, and to keepe his court ten dayes iourney from thence, at the sayd citie of Casbin.

The 21 day we departed from Ordowil aforesayd, trauelling for the most part ouer moun∣taines all in the night season, and resting in the day, being destitute of wood, and therefore were forced to vse for fewell the dung of horses & camels, which we bought deare of the pasturing peo∣ple.* 2.40 Thus passing ten dayes iourney the yere aforesayd, the second day of Nouember we arriued at the foresayd citie of Casbin, where the sayd Sophie keepeth his court, and were appointed to a lodging not farre from the kings pallace, and within two dayes after the Sophie commanded a prince called Shalli Murzey, sonne to Obdolowcan king of Shiruan aforesayd, to send for me to his house, who asked me in the name of the said Sophy how I did, and whether I were in health, and after did welcome me, and inuited me to dinner, whereat I had great enterteinment, and so from thence I returned to my lodging. The next day after I sent my interpreter vnto the So∣phies Secretarie, declaring that I had letters directed from our most gracious Souereigne la∣die the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of the Realme of England, vnto the sayd Sophy, and that the cause of my comming was expressed in the same letters, desiring that at conuenient time I might come into his Maiesties presence, who aduertising the Sophy thereof, shortly after an∣swered me that there were great affaires in hand: which being finished, I should come before his presence, willing me in the meane time to make ready my present if I had any to deliuer.

* 2.41At this time, the great Turkes Ambassadour arriued foure dayes before my comming, who was sent thither to conclude a perpetuall peace betwixt the same great Turke and the Sophie, and brought with him a present in golde, and faire horses with rich furnitures, and other gifts, e∣steemed to be woorth forty thousand pound. And thereupon a peace was concluded with ioyfull feasts, triumphs and solemnities, corroborated with strong othes, by their law of Alkaron, for either to obserue the same, and to liue alwayes after as sworne brethren, ayding the one the other against all princes that should warre against them, or either of them. And vpon this conclusion the Sophy caused the great Turkes sonne named Baiset Soltan, a valiant Prince (who being fled from his father vnto the Sophie, had remained in his Court the space of foure yeeres) to be put to death. In which time the sayd Turkes sonne had caused mortall warres betwixt the sayd Princes, and much preuailed therein: the Turke demanded therefore his sonne to be sent vnto him, & the Sophy refused thereunto to consent. But now being slaine according to the Turks will, the Sophy sent him his head for a present, not a litle desired, and acceptable to the vnnatu∣rall father. Discoursing at my first arriuall with the king of Shiruan of sundry matters, and be∣ing intertained as hath bene before declared, the sayd king named Obdolocan, demaunding whether that we of England had friendship with the Turks or not: I answered, that we neuer had friendship with them, and that therefore they would not suffer vs to passe thorow their coun∣trey into the Sophy his dominions, and that there is a nation named the Uenetians, not farre di∣stant from vs, which are in great league with the sayd Turks, who trade into his dominions with our commodities, chiefly to barter the same for raw silks, which (as we vnderstand) come from thence: and that if it would please the sayd Sophy and other Princes of that countrey, to suffer our merchants to trade into those dominions, and to giue vs pasport and safe conduct for the same, as the sayd Turke hath granted to the sayd Uenetians, I doubted not but that it should grow to such a trade to the profit of them as neuer before had beene the like, and that they should be both furnished with our commodities, and also haue vtterance of theirs, although there neuer came Turke into their land, perswading with many other wordes for a trade to be had. This king vnderstanding the matter liked it marueilously, saying, that he would write vnto the So∣phy concerning the same: as he did in very deed, assuring me that the Sophy would graunt my request, and that at my returne vnto him he would giue me letters of safe conduct, and priuiled∣ges. The Turks Ambassadour was not then come into the land, neither any peace hoped to be concluded, but great preparation was made for warre, which was like much to haue furthered my purpose,* 2.42 but it chanced otherwise. For the Turks Ambassadour being arriued, and the peace concluded, the Turkish merchants there at that time present, declared to the same Ambas∣sadour, that my comming thither (naming me by the name of Franke) would in great part de∣stroy their trade, and that it should be good for him to perswade the Sophy not to fauour me, as his Highnesse meant to obserue the league and friendship with the great Turke his master, which request of the Turkish merchants the same Ambassadour earnestly preferred, and being afterwards dismissed with great honour, he departed out of the Realme with the Turks sonnes head as aforesayd, and other presents.

* 2.43The 20 day of Nouember aforesayd, I was sent for to come before the sayd Sophy, other∣wise called Shaw Thomas, and about three of the clocke at afternoone I came to the Court, and in lighting from my horse at the Court gate, before my feet touched the ground, a paire of the

Sophies owne shoes termed in the Persian tongue Basmackes, such as hee himselfe weareth when he ariseth in the night to pray (as his maner is) were put vpon my feet, for without the same shoes I might not be suffred to tread vpon his holy ground, being a Christian, and called amongst them Gower, that is, vnbeleeuer, and vncleane: esteeming all to be infidels and Pagans which do not beleeue as they do, in their false filthie prophets, Mahomet and Murtezalli. At the sayd Court gate the things that I brought to present his Maiestie with, were deuided by sundry parcels to sundry seruitors of the Court, to cary before me, for none of my company or seruants might be suffered to enter into the Court with me, my interpreter onely excepted. Thus comming before his Maiestie with such reuerence as I thought meete to be vsed,* 2.44 I deliuered the Queenes Maie∣sties letters with my present, which hee accepting, demaunded of mee of what countrey of Franks I was, and what affaires I had there to doe? Unto whom I answered that I was of the famous Citie of London within the noble Realme of England, and that I was sent thither from the most excellent and gracious soueraigne Lady Elizabeth Queene of the saide Realme for to treate of friendship, and free passage of our Merchants and people, to repaire and traffique within his do∣minions, for to bring in our commodities, and to carry away theirs to the honour of both princes, the mutuall commoditie of both Realmes, and wealth of the Subiects, with other wordes here omitted. He then demaunded me in what language the letters were written, I answered, in the Latine, Italian and Hebrew: well said he, we haue none within our Realme that vnderstand those tongues. Whereupon I answered that such a famous and worthy prince (as hee was) wanted not people of all nations within his large dominions to interprete the same. Then he questioned with me of the state of our Countreys, and of the power of the Emperour of Almaine, king Philip,* 2.45 and the great Turke, and which of them was of most power: whom I answered to his contenta∣tion, not dispraysing the great Turke, their late concluded friendship considered. Then he reaso∣ned with mee much of Religion, demaunding whether I were a Gower, that is to say, an vnbelee∣uer, or a Muselman, that is, of Mahomets lawe. Unto whom I answered, that I was neither vn∣beleeuer nor Mahometan, but a Christian. What is that, said he vnto the king of the Georgians sonne, who being a Christian was fled vnto the said Sophie, and he answered that a Christian was he that beleeueth in Iesus Christus, affirming him to be the Sonne of God, and the greatest Pro∣phet. Doest thou beleeue so, said the Sophie vnto me? Yea that I do, said I: Oh thou vnbeleeuer, said he, we haue no neede to haue friendship with the vnbeleeuers, and so willed me to depart. I being glad thereof did reuerence and went my way, being accompanied with many of his gentle∣men and others, and after me followed a man with a Basanet of sand, sifting all the way that I had gone within the said pallace, euen from the said Sophies sight vnto the court gate.

Thus I repaired againe vnto my lodging, and the said night Shally Murzey sonne to the king of Hircan aforesaid,* 2.46 who fauoured me very much for that I was commended vnto him from his father, willed mee not to doubt of any thing, putting mee in hope that I should haue good successe with the Sophie, and good intertainment.

Thus I continued for a time, dayly resorting vnto me diuers gentlemen sent by the Sophie to conferre with me, especially touching the affaires of the Emperour of Russia, and to know by what way I intended to returne into my countrey, either by the way that I came, or by the way of Or∣mus, and so with the Portingals ships. Unto whom I answered, that I durst not returne by the way of Ormus, the Portingals and wee not being friendes, fully perceiuing their meaning: for I was aduertised that the saide Sophie meant to haue warres with the Portingals, and would haue charged mee that I had bene come for a spie to passe through his dominions vnto the saide Portin∣ga••s,* 2.47 thinking them and vs to be all one people, and calling all by the name of Franks, but by the prouidence of God this was preuented.

After this the said Sophie conferred with his nobilitie and counsel concerning me, who perswa∣ded that he should not enterta••ne me wel, neither dismisse me with letters or gifts, considering that I was a Franke, and of that nation that was enemie to the great Turke his brother, perswading that if he did otherwise, and that the newes thereof should come to the knowledge of the Turke, it should be a meane to breake their new league and friendship lately concluded: disswading further because he had no neede, neither that it was requisite for him to haue friendship with vnbeleeuers, whose Countreys lay farre from him, and that it was best for him to send me with my letters vnto the said great Turke for a present, which he was fully determined to haue done at some meet time, meaning to send his Ambassadour vnto the said great Turke very shortly after.

But the king of Hircanes sonne aforesaide, vnderstanding this deliberation,* 2.48 sent a man in post vnto his father, for to declare and impart the purpose vnto him, who as a gracious prince, conside∣ring that I had passed through his dominions, and that I had iourneyed for a good intent, did write to the Sophie al that which he vnderstood of his said determination, & that it should not stand with

his Maiesties honour to doe mee any harme or displeasure, but rather to giue mee good enter∣tainment, seeing I was come into his land of my free will, and not by constraint, and that if hee vsed mee euil, there would few strangers resort into his countrey, which would bee greatly vn∣to his hinderance, with many other perswasions: which after that the saide Sophie had well and throughly pondered and disgested (much esteeming the same king of Hircane, being one of the valiantest princes vnder him and his nigh kinseman) changed his determined purpose, and the twentieth of March 1562. he sent to me a rich garment of cloth of golde, and so dismissed me with∣out any harme.

* 2.49During the time that I soiourned at the sayde City of Casbin, diuers merchants out of India came thither vnto mee, with whom I conferred for a trade of spices: whereunto they answered that they would bring of all sorts so much as we would haue, if they were sure of vent, whereof I did promise to assure them, so that I doubt not but that great abundance thereof may from time to time be there prouided and had.

* 2.50The same twentieth day of March I returned from the saide Citie of Casbin where I remay∣ned all the Winter, hauing sent away all my Camels before, and the thirtieth day I came to the saide Citie of Ardouil, and the fifteenth of April vnto Zauat aforesayd, where king Obdolowcan was at that present, who immediatly sent for me, and demaunding of me many questions, declared that if it had not bene for him, I had bene vtterly cast away, and sent to the great Turke for a pre∣sent by the Sophie, through the euill perswasion of his wicked counsell, that the Zieties and holy men were the chiefe and principal procurers and moouers thereof: but the Sophie himselfe ment mee much good at the first, and thought to haue giuen me good entertainement, and so had done, had not the peace and league fortuned to haue bene cōcluded betweene them and the great Turke. Neuerthelesse, sayd he, the Sophie hath written vnto me to entertaine you well, and you are wel∣come into my Countrey, and so he intreated mee very gently, in whose Court I remained seuen dayes, and obteined of him letters of safe conductes and priuiledges in your names to bee free from paying custome,* 2.51 which I deliuered vnto your seruants Thomas Alcocke and George Wrenne, at their departure towards Persia for your affaires: and his highnesse did giue mee two garments of silke, and so dismissed me with great fauour, sending with me his Ambassadour againe vnto the Emperour of Russia, and committed the chiefest secret of his affaires vnto me, to declare the same vnto the Emperours Maiestie at my returne: and thus departing the tenth day of A∣pril, I came to the City of Shamachi, and there remayning certaine dayes for prouision of Ca∣mels downe to the Sea side, I sent from thence before men to repaire my Barke, and to make her in a readinesse. And during my abode in Shammachi, there came vnto me an Armenian sent from the king of Georgia,* 2.52 who declared the lamentable estate of the same king, that being enclo∣sed betwixt those two cruell tyrants and mightie princes, the said great Turke and the Sophie, hee had continuall warres with them, requiring for the loue of Christ and as I was a Christian, that I would send him comfort by the said Armenian, and aduise how he might send his Ambassadour to the sayd Emperour of Russia, and whether I thought that he would support him or ho: and with many other wordes required me to declare his necessitie vnto the same Emperour at my returne: adding further that the said king would haue written vnto me his minde, but that hee doubted the safe passage of his messenger. Unto whom I did likewise answere by word of mouth, not onely perswading him to sende his Ambassadour to Russia, not doubting but that hee should finde him most honourable and inclined to helpe him, but also I directed him his way how the sayde king might send by the Countrey of Chircassi, through the fauour of Teneruk king of the sayd Coun∣trey,* 2.53 whose daughter the said king had lately married. And thus dismissing the saide Armenian, within two dayes after I sent Edward Cleark your seruaunt vnto the Citie of Arrash, where the most store of Silkes is to be had, giuing him Commission to haue passed further into the saide Countrey of Georgia, and there to haue repaired vnto the sayde king. And after my commen∣dations premised, and my minde declared to haue pursued for safeconduct of the same Prince for our Merchants to trade into his dominions, and that obtained to haue returned againe with speede. The same your seruaunt iourneying to the sayd Citie of Arrash, and there finding cer∣taine Merchants Armenians, which promised to goe to the sayd City of Georgia, comming to the borders thereof, was perceiued by a Captaine there, that he was a Christian, and thereupon de∣maunded whither he went, and vnderstanding that he could not passe further without great suspi∣tion, answered that he came thither to buy Silkes, and shewed the king of Hircanes letters which hee had with him, and so returned backe againe, and the fifteenth of April came to Shamachi: from whence I departed the sixteene of the same moneth, and the one and twentie therof comming to the Sea side, and finding my barke in a readinesse, I caused your goods to be laden, and there at∣tended a faire winde.

But before I proceede any further to speake of my returne, I intend with your fauours some∣what to treate of the countrey of Persia, of the great Sophie, and of his countrey, lawes and religion.

This land of Persia is great and ample,* 2.54 deuided into many kingdomes and prouinces, as Gil∣lan, Corasan, Shiruan, and many others hauing diuers Cities, townes and castles in the same. Euery prouince hath his seuerall King, or Sultan, all in obedience to the great Sophie. The names of the chiefest Cities be these:* 2.55 Teueris, Casbin, Keshan, Yesse, Meskit, Heirin, Ardouill, Shamachi, Arrash with many others. The countrey for the most part toward the sea side is plaine and full of pasture, but into the land, high, full of mountaines, and sharpe. To the South it borde∣reth vpon Arabia and the East Ocean. To the North vpon the Caspian sea and the lands of Tar∣taria. To the East vpon the prouinces of India, and to the West vpon the confines of Chaldea, Sy∣ria, and other the Turkes lands. All within these dominions be of the Sophies, named Shaw Tha∣mas, sonne to Ismael Sophie. This Sophie that now raigneth is nothing valiant, although his power be great, and his people martiall: and through his pusillanimitie the Turke hath much inua∣ded his countreys, euen nigh vnto the Citie of Teueris, wherein hee was wont to keepe his chiefe court. And now hauing forsaken the same, is chiefly resident at Casbin aforesaide, and alwayes as the said Turke pursue••h him, he not being able to withstand the Turke in the fielde, trusting rather to the mountaines for his safegard, then to his fortes and castles, hath caused the same to bee ra∣sed within his dominions, and his ordinance to be molten, to the intent that his enemies pursuing him, they should not strengthen themselues with the same.

This prince is of the age of fiftie yeeres, and of a reasonable stature, hauing fiue children. His eldest sonne he keepeth captiue in prison, for that he feareth him for his valiantnesse and actiuitie: he professeth a kinde of holynesse, and saith that hee is descended of the blood of Mah••met and Murtezalli: and although these Persians bee Mahometans, as the Turkes and Tartars bee, yet honour they this false fained Murtezalli, saying that hee was the chiefest disciple that Maho∣met had, cursing and chiding dayly three other disciples that Mahomet had called Ouear, Vsi∣ran, and Abebeck, and these three did slay the saide Murtezalli,* 2.56 for which cause and other diffe∣rences of holy men and lawes, they haue had and haue with the Turkes and Tartars mortall warres. To intreat of their religion at large, being more or lesse Mahomets lawe and the Alka∣ron, I shall not need at this present. These persons are comely and of good complexion, proude and of good courage, esteeming themselues to bee best of all nations, both for their religion and holinesse, which is most erroneous, and also for all other their fashions. They be martial, deligh∣ting in faire horses and good harnesse, soone angrie, craftie and hard people. Thus much I haue thought good to treate of this nation, and nowe I returne to discourse the proceeding of the rest of my voyage.

My barke being ready at the Caspian sea as aforesaide, hauing a faire winde, and committing our selues vnto God the 30. day of May 1563.* 2.57 we arriued at As••••acan, hauing passed no lesse dan∣gers vpon the Sea in our returne, then wee sustained in our going foorth, and remayning at the said Astracan, vntill the tenth day of Iune, one hundred gunners being there admitted vnto mee for my safegard vp the riuer Volga, the fifteenth of Iuly I arriued at the Citie of Cazan, where the Captaine entertained me well, and so dismissing mee, I was conducted from place to place vnto the Citie of Mosco, where I arriued the twentieth day of August. 1563. in safetie, thankes bee to God, with all such goods, merchandizes, and iewels, as I had prouided as well for the Emperours stocke and accompt, as also of yours, all which goods I was commaunded to bring into the Emperours treasurie before it was opened, which I did, and deliuered those parcels of wares which were for his Maiesties accompt, videlice••, precious stones, and wrought silkes of sundry colours and sortes, much to his highnesse contentation, and the residue belonging to you, viz. Crasko, and rawe silkes, with other merchandizes, (as by accompt appeareth) were brought vnto your house, whereof part there remained, and the rest was laden in your shippes lately returned.

Shortly after my comming to the Mosco, I came before the Emperours Maiestie, and pre∣sented vnto him the apparell giuen vnto me by the Sophie, whose highnesse conferred with mee touching the princes affaires which he had committed to my charge: and my proceedings therein it pleased him so to accept, that they were much to his contentation, saying vnto mee, I haue per∣ceiued your good seruice, for the which I doe thanke you, and will recompence you for the same, wishing that I would trauell againe in such his other affaires, wherein hee was minded to employ mee: to whom I answered, that it was to my heartie reioycing that my seruice was so acceptable vnto his highnesse, acknowledging all that I had done to bee but of duetie, humbly beseeching his grace to continue his goodnesse vnto your worships, and euen at that instant I humbly reque∣sted

his Maiestie to vouchsafe to graunt vnto you a newe priuiledge more ample then the first,* 2.58 which immediately was graunted, and so I departed. And afterwards hauing penned a briefe note howe I meant to haue the same priuiledges made, I repaired dayly to the Secretary for the perfecting of the same, and obtained it vnder his Maiesties broade seale, which at my departure from thence, I deliuered vnto the custody of Thomas Glouer your Agent there. The copy where∣of, and also of the other priuiledges graunted and giuen by the king of Hircan, I haue already deliuered vnto you. Soiourning all that winter at Mosco, and in the meane time hauing ba••∣gained with the Emperours Maiestie, I sent away your seruant Edward Clarke hither ouer∣land with aduise, and also made preparation for sending againe into Persia in meete time of the yeere. And committing the charge thereof vnto your seruants Thomas Alcocke, George Wrenne, and Richard Cheinie, the 28. of Iune last, I departed in poste from the said Mosco, and comming to Colmogro and so downe to the Sea side, I found your ships laden and ready to de∣pa••t, where I embarked my selfe in your good ship called the Swallow, the 9. of Iuly, one thou∣sand fiue hundred sixtie foure, and hauing passed the Seas with great and extreme dangers of losse of shippe, goods and life, the 28. day of September last (God be praised) we arriued here at Lon∣don in safetie.* 2.59

Thus knowing that the couragious and valiant souldier, which aduentureth both fame, mem∣ber and life, to serue faithfully his soueraigne, esteemeth not the perils and dangers passed (the victorie once obtained) neither for his guerdon desireth any thing more, then that his seruice bee well taken of him for whom he enterprised it: So I perceiuing your fauourable beneuolence to me extended in accepting my trauels in good part to your contentations, do thinke my selfe there∣with in great part recompensed: beseeching Almightie God so to prosper your aduentures, from time to time hereafter to be made for reaping the fruits of my trauels (at your great charges, and to my no small dangers) that ye may plentifully gather in and enioy the same, to the illustrating of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, the honour and commoditie of this her highnesse Realme, and to the ample benefit and abundant enriching of you and your succession, & posteritie for euer.

A copie of the priuiledges giuen by Obdolowcan King of Hircania, to the company of English merchants Aduenturers for Russia, Persia, and Mare Caspium, with all the lands and countreys adioyning to the same, obtained by M. Anthonie Ienkinson at his being there about the affaires of the said company, April 14. Anno 1563.

VVE Obdolowcan by the mightie power of God maker of heauen and of earth, appointed and now raigning king of Shiruan and Hircan, of our meere wotion and great goodnes, at the earnest sute and request of our fauoured and welbeloued An••honie Ienkinson Ambassa∣dour, haue giuen and graunted vnto the right worshipfull Sir William Garrer, sir William Che∣ster, sir Thomas Lodge, M. Richard Mallarie, and M. Richard Chamberlaine, with all their company of merchants Aduenturers of the Citie of London in England, free libertie, safe con∣duct, and licence to come or sende their factors in trade of merchandize into our countreys, and to buy and sell with our merchants and others, either fo•• ready money or barter, and to tary and a∣bide in our countrey, so long as they will, and to goe away when they list, without impediment, let, or hinderance, either of body or goods.

And further our commaundement and pleasure is, that the said English merchants with their company, shall pay no maner of custome for wares, which they or their factors shal buy or sel with∣in our dominions. And if at any time our customers or other officers, or any of them, doe disturbe, misuse, force or constraine the said English merchants or any of them, or their factors, to pay any maner of custome or duetie for any wares they bring in or cary out of our dominions contrary to this our commandement, and the same be knowen vnto vs, then we will that the saide customers and officers shall loose & be put out of their said offices, with our further displeasure, and the saide English merchants to haue restored all such money & wares as our customers haue taken of them for our said custome. And whensoeuer the saide English merchants or their factors shall bring any maner of wares meete for our treasurie, then our treasurer shall take the said wares into our trea∣surie, and shall giue vnto the said English merchants, either ready money or raw silkes, to the va∣lue of their saide wares. And wheresoeuer this our letter of priuiledges shall bee seene and read within our dominion, we straightly wil and command that it take effect, and be obeyed in al points.

Dated at our place of Iauat, the day and yere aboue written, and sealed with our princely seale, and firmed by our Secretarie in the 12. yeere of our raigne.

The second voiage into Persia made by Tho. Alcock, who was slaine there, and by George Wrenne, & Ric. Cheinie seruants to the worshipfull com∣paine of Moscouie merchants in Anno 1563. written by the said Richard Cheinie.

IT may please your worships to vnderstand, that in the yere 1563. I was appoin∣ted by M. Antho. Ienkinson, and M. Thomas Glouer your Agent in Russia, to goe for Persia in your worships affaires, one Thomas Alcock hauing the charge of the voyage committed to him, and I one of your worships seruants being ioyned with him in your busines•• hauing with vs, as they said 1500. rubbles.* 2.60 And if it shall please you I cannot tell certainly what summe of money we had then of the Emperors: for I receiued none, nor disbursed any of it in wares for the voyage. Also, God I take to record, I could not tell what stocke your worships had there, for the bookes were kept so priuily that a man could neuer see them. The 10. of May anno 1563. we departed from a towne called Yeraslaue vpon our voyage toward Persia. The 24. of Iuly we arriued at Astracan: and the second of Au∣gust wee departed from Astracan, and the 4. of the same moneth we came to the Caspian sea, and the 11. day of the said moneth we arriued at our port in Media: and the 21. of the said August wee arriued at Shammaki, whereas the king Obdolocan lay in the fi••lde. We were wel entertained of heathen people, for the thirde day after our arriuall at Shammaki wee were called before the king: we gaue him a present, and he entertained vs very well.

At our comming to the Court wee were commaunded to come before the king, who sate in his tent vpon the ground with his legs a crosse, and all his dukes round about his tent, the ground be∣ing couered with carpets: wee were commaunded to sit downe, the King appointing euery man his place to sit. And the king commaunded the Emperour of Russelands Merchants to rise vp, and to giue vs the vpper hande. The 20. of October Thomas Alcock departed from Sham∣maki towards Casbin,* 2.61 leauing mee at Shammaki to recouer such debts as the dukes of Sham∣maki ought for wares which they tooke of him at his going to Casbin. In the time I lay there I could recouer but little. And at Thomas Alcocks comming from Casbin, who arriued at a towne called Leuuacta,* 2.62 whereas the king Obdolocan lay, a day and a halfes iourney from the towne whereas I lay, I hearing of his arriuing there, departed from Shammaki, finding him there in safetie with all such goods as he had with him. During his abode there for seuen dayes he made suite to the king for such money as the dukes ought him. But the king was displeased for that the Emperour of Russelands merchant had slaine a Boserman at his going to Casbin.* 2.63 Thomas Alcocke seeing the king would shewe vs no fauour, and also hearing from Shammaki, that the Russes sent their goods to the sea side, for that they feared that the king of Persia should haue knowledge of the death of the Boserman, willed mee to depart to Shammaki with all such goods as he had brought with him from Casbin, I leauing him at the Court.

The thirde day after mine arriuall at Shammaki, I had newes that Thomas Alcocke was slaine comming on his way towards me.* 2.64 Then the king Obdolocan vnderstanding of his death, demaunded whether he had euer a brother. Some said I was, some saide I was not his brother. When this fell out, your worships had no other seruant there but mee among those hea••hen peo∣ple. Who hauing such a summe of goods lying vnder my handes, and seeing howe the Russes sent their goods with as much hast as they might to the sea side, and hauing but foure men to sende our wares to the sea side, I vsed such diligence, that within two dayes after Thomas Alcocke was slaine, I sent in company with the Russes goods, all your worships goods with a Mariner, Willi∣am August, and a Swethen, for that they might the safer arriue at the seaside, being safely layd in. All which goods afterwards arriued in Russeland in good condition, Master Glouer hauing the receipt of all things which I sent then out of those parties into Russeland. Concerning my selfe, I remained after I had sent the goods into Russeland sixe we••kes in Shammaki, for the re∣couery of such debts as were owing, and at last with much trouble recouered to the summe of fif∣tene hundreth rubbles or there aboue, which M. Glouer receiued of me at my comming to Mosco, and all such goods as I brought with me out of Keselbash,* 2.65 as by a note of my hand that hee hath shall appeare. Also he hauing the receipt of all such goods as I sent into Russeland by these two aboue named, he then had that voyage in venter of his owne better then an hundreth rubbles, one Richard Iohnson twentie rubles, one Thomas Pette fiftie rubles, one Euan Chermisin a Tartar seuentie rubles. All these had their returne: M. Glouer allowed himselfe God knoweth howe, I then being in Persia in your worships affaires.

And whereas he saith, the Emperour had but for his part a dobble, as farre as I can see, know∣ing what the wares cost in those partes, hee had treble. If they gaue him so much wares, all charges turned to your worships, as well of the Emperours as of their owne returnes. I haue

sowen the seede, and other men haue gathered the haruest: I haue trauailed both by lande and by water full many a time with a sorrowfull heart, aswell for the safegarde of their goods as yours, how to frame all things to the best, and they haue reaped the fruites of my trauaile. But euer my prayer was to God, to deliuer mee out of those miseries which I suffered for your seruice among those heathen people. Therefore knowing my duetie which I haue done, as a true seruant ought to do, I beseech your worships (although I haue but small recompence for my seruice,) yet let me haue no wrong, and God will prosper you the better.

* 2.66Also, to informe your worships of your Persian voyage what I iudge: it is a voyage to bee fol∣lowed. The king of Gillan, whereas yet you haue had no traffique, liueth at by marchandise: and it is neere Casbin, and not past six weekes trauaile from Ormus, whither all the spices be brought: and here, (I meane at Gillan) a trade may be established: But your worships must send such men as are no riotous liuers, nor drunkards. For if such men goe, it wil be to your dishonour and great hinderance, as appeared by experience the yeere 1565. when as Richard Iohnson went to Persia, whose iourney had bene better stayed then set forward. For whereas before wee had the name a∣mong those heathen people to be such marchants as they thought none like in all respects, his vi∣cious liuing there hath made vs to be compted worse then the Russes.

Againe, if such men trauaile in your affaires in such a voyage, you shall neuer know what gaine is to be gotten. For how can such men imploy themselues to seeke the trade, that are inclined to such vices? or howe can God prosper them in your affaires? But when a trade is established by wise and discreet men, then wil it be for your worships to traffique there, and not before: for a voi∣age or market made euil at the first, is the occasion that your worships shal neuer vnderstand what gaine is to be gotten thereby hereafter.

* 2.67The thirde voyage into Persia, begun in the yeere 1565. by Richard Iohnson, Alexander Kitchin, and Arthur Edwards.

A letter of Arthur Edwards to M. Thomas Nicols, Secretarie to the worship∣ful company trading into Russia and other the North parts, concerning the prepa∣ration of their voyage into Persia.

MAster Nicols, my bounden duetie remembred, with desire of God for the pre∣seruation of you and yours: you shall vnderstand that the second of March I was sent by M. Thomas Glouer (your Agent) vnto Ieraslaue,* 3.1 appointed to re∣ceiue such goods as should come from Vologhda, as also such kinde of war••s as should be bought and sent from Mosco by your Agent, and M. Edward Clarke, thought meete for your voyage of Persia. And further, I was to pro∣uide for biscuit, beere, and beefe, and other victuals, and things otherwayes needful according to aduise. Thus I remained here vntil the comming of your Agent, which was the 12. of May, who taried here three dayes, to see vs set forwards on our voyage, and then he de∣parted towards Colmogro, hauing appointed (as chiefe for your voyage of Persia) Richard Iohn∣son.* 3.2 For my part I am willing, as also haue bene & shalbe content to submit my selfe vnder him, whom the Agent shall appoint, although he were such a one as you should thinke in some respects vnmeete. Thirtie two packes of carseis are all of that kinde of cloth that we shall haue with vs. The other 18. packs that should haue gone, were sold in Mosco. What other goods are shipped for our voyage, you shall vnderstand by your Agents letters. Whereas Edward Clarke (being an honest man) was appointed Agent for Persia, as one for those parts more fit then any I do know here, God hath taken him vnto his mercie, who departed this present life the 16. of March last past. I wished of God for my part he had liued: for my desire was in his company to haue traueiled into Persia. Your barke or craer made here for the riuer of Volga and the Caspian sea is very litle, of the burthen of 30. tunnes at the most.* 3.3 It is handsomly made after the English fashion: but I thinke it too litle for your goods and prouision of victuals. If the worshipful company would send hither a Shipwright, being skilfull to make one of the burden of 60. tunnes or more, drawing but sixe foote water at the most when it is laden, I thinke it should be profitable. For if your owne goods would not lade the same, here be Marchants that would bee glad and faine to giue great fraight to lade their goods with vs, whereby your charges would be much lessened: And so it may happen, the wages of your men hired here may be saued, and your seruants and goods in farre greater assurance: for their boates here are dangerous to saile with and to passe the Caspian sea. There be Carpenters here that will doe well ynough hauing one to instruct them. Your wares bought here, and orders taken for those that goe for your voyage of Persia are yet vnknowen vnto me: wherefore I cannot (as I would at this present) write to you thereof. Yet, (as you do know)

it was the Gouernors mind I should be acquainted with greater affaires then these. Howbeit I doubt not but I shall be informed of them that are appointed, and all things shall be bought when they shall see time and haue more laisure. Thus in hast (as appeareth•• I commit you a••d yours into the hands of almightie God; who preserue you in perfect health with increase of worship.

From Ieraslaue the 15. of May 1565

.

By yours to command here or elsewhere during life. Arthur Edwards.

Another letter of the said M. Arthur Edwards, written the 26. of April 1566. in Shamaki in Media,* 3.4 to the right worshipful Sir Thomas Lodge Knight and Alderman: and in his absence to M. Thomas Nicols, Secretarie to the right worshipfull companie trading into Russia, Persia, and other the North and East partes, touching the successe of Richard Iohnson in the thir•• voiage into Persia.

VVOrshipfull Sir, my bounden duetie remembred, with heartie prayer vnto God for the preseruation of you and yours in perfect health with increase of worship. It may please you that my last letter I sent you was from Astracan the 26 of Iuly 1565. From whence Ri∣chard Iohnson,* 4.1 my selfe, and Alexander Kitchin, departed as the 30 of the same. And by meanes of contrary windes, it was the 23 of August before we came to our desired port named Nazauoe. There, after we had gotten your goods on land, with much labour and strength of men, as also windlesses deuised and made, we haled your barke ouer a barre of beach or peeble stones into a small Riuer, sending your ships apparell with other things to an house hired in a village thereby. And as soone as we might get camels, being the fift of September we daparted thence,* 4.2 and came to this towne of Shamaki the 11. of the same: and the 17. day folowing, we presented vnto Ab∣dollocan the king of this countrey,* 4.3 one timber of Sables, one tunne or nest of siluer cups parsill gilt, three Morses teeth, 4. Arshiues of skarlet, 3. pieces of karseis, with 40. red foxes.

He receiued our presents with giuing vs thanks for our good wils, demanding if M. Ienkin∣son were in good health, and whether he would returne into these parts againe. He willed vs al∣so himselfe to sit downe before him the distance of a quoits cast from his tent, where he sa••e with diuers of his counsaile and nobilitie, sending vs from his table such meate as was before him: And after certaine talke had with vs, he sayd, if he might perceiue or know any maner of person to doe vs any wrong, he would punish them in example of others, whereby we should liue in qui∣etnesse, and haue no cause to complaine, giuing vs a litle house for the time,* 4.4 vntill a better might be prouided in such place as we should thinke most meete, neuer willing vs to rise or depart, vn∣till such time as we of our selues thought it conuenient. At the taking of our leaue, hee willed vs to put our whole minds and requests in writing, that he might further vnderstand our desires. But while we were about to doe so, God tooke this good king our friend out of this present ••••fe the 2. of October past.* 4.5 The want of him hath bene the cause that as yet wee cannot receiue cer∣taine debts. Howbeit, we doubt not but we shall recouer all such summes of money as are owing vs for this voyage. As for Thomas Alcocks debts they are past hope of recouerie, which had not bene lost if the king had liued. We trust in the place of him, God will send as friendly a king to∣wards vs: who by report (and as we be credibly informed,) shall bee his sonne named the Mur∣say:* 4.6 who since the death of his father, at our being with him, promised to shew vs more friendship then euer we found: God grant the same.

Great troubles haue chanced in these parts. Of those which were of the old kings counsell or bare any rule about him in these quarters, some are in prison, some are pinched by the purse, and other sent for vnto the Shaugh. These troubles haue partly bene the let that wares were not sold as they might, to more profite. Your Agent Richard Iohnson bought foure horses, minding to haue sent to Casbin Alexander Kitchin, whom God tooke to his mercy the 23. of October last:* 4.7 and before him departed Richard Dauis one of your Mariners, whose soules I trust the Lord hath receiued to his mercy. We are now destitute of others to supply their roumes. Foure Ma∣riners were few enough to saile your barke, whereof at this present we haue but one, whose name is William Smith, an honest yong man, and one that doeth good seruice here. For want and lacke of Mariners that should know their labours, we all were like to be cast away in a storme. For all the broad side of our barke lay in the water, and we had much adoe to recouer it, but God of his mercy deliuered vs. Mariners here may doe you good seruice all the winter other wayes: and merchants here will be gladder to ship their goods in vs giuing good fraight. One merchant at this present is content to pay 20. rubbles for twentie camels lading fraight to Astracan.* 4.8 Such barkes as must passe these seas, may not draw aboue fiue foote of water, because that in many pla∣ces

are very shallow waters. Wee mind hereafter to make the Russian boates more strong, and they shall serue our turnes very well.

And whereas some in times past tooke great paines, trauell and care, and could not haue their desire in the getting of the Shaughs letters or priuiledge: Now, I trust (with Gods helpe) they may be obtained: which being had, will be beneficiall to the company, and great quietnes to those that shal remaine here, although heretofore things haue chanced ill, as the like in other countries hath bene. But I doubt not, this priuiledge once gotten and obtained, we shall liue in quietnesse and rest, and shall shortly grow into a great trade for silkes both raw and wrought, with all kind of spices and drugs, and other commodities here, as to M. Anthonie Ienkinson is well knowen, who (I doubt not) hath long agoe throughly aduertised the Companie thereof.

* 4.9The trueth of the slaughter of Thomas Alcock your seruant, is not certainly knowen. Some thinke it was by the meanes of a noble man, with whom your sayd seruant was earnest in de∣manding of your debts: vpon whose words he was so offended, that he procured his death. But other doe thinke verily, that in riding from the Court without companie, false knaues lay in waite, thinking he had much about him, and so slew him. I doubt not though this misfortune hath chanced, that things shall come well to passe, and that we shall be better beloued when we shall be more knowen.

Honest merchants are glad of our being here, and seeke to grow in acquaintance with vs, be∣iug glad to further vs in that they may, & haue spoken in our fauours to the chiefest of this Coun∣trey: one being a noble man, with whom your Agent and I are entred into friendship, who is at this time in great fauour with the Shaugh. He hath here and in other places of these parts set a good slay in things since the kings death: he is well knowen so M. Ienkinson, his name is Coza∣momet.* 4.10 Also another Duke named Ameddin-beck is our great friend: And his sister is the Shaughes wife. These two haue promised your Agent by their lawe, not onely to procure to get the Shaughes priuiledge, but also that I shall haue the debts paied me of those that went from hence to Casbin, if we would send one with them. In consideration whereof, I was vpon short warning (for what of a better) appointed by your Agent M. Richard Iohnson, all excuses laied apart, presently to put my selfe in readinesse, and to depart in company with these noblemen: with charge, when God should send me to Casbin, to vse my discretion with their aduise, for the reco∣uering of your debts and priuiledge. I shall haue with mee one interpreter and two bought ser∣uants: one of which partly vnderstandeth this tongue, and may be put in trust whatsoeuer should become of me. I haue receiued 6. tumens in ready money,* 4.11 200. shaughs is a tumen, reckoning e∣uery shaugh for sixe pence Russe. I haue further receiued two timbers of Sables, one to be sold, the other to bee giuen to Thomas the Shaugh: and haue order further to giue as I shall see good to those that shall further my suite, and as occasion serueth. And forasmuch as I am commanded to go, I shall willingly do my best, putting my trust in God that he will send me well to speed in this iourney.

For all kind of wares bought or sold, you shal throughly be aduertised by your Agent Richard Iohnson, whose reckonings or accompts at no hands I might see or be priuie vnto. Your kar∣seis were good and well sorted, they are and will be sold from 150. shaughs, to 160. the piece. Two hundred pieces were sold vnder, that needed not: one 100. pieces at 146. and 147. the piece but more would haue bene giuen, if circumspection had bene vsed. They were sold to those noble men aforesayd, when as yet it was not knowen that I should haue gone with them. They may stand vs much in stead, as they haue promised vs their good wils in that they may doe. Here is at this time bought for England, 11. packes of rawe silke, 25. and 26. batmans being in euery packe: The batman being 7. pound, which may be 6. pound and a halfe of English waight, be∣ing bought here from 66. to 70. shaughes the batman.* 4.12 It is fine and good, litle course at this time was to be had. And where course silke might be had being at Grosin, we could not send thither: for that time was neglected at the first. When wee shall haue lidgers here to remaine in Som∣mer, we may buy it at the first hand of the countrey people that bring it to sell hither, and to other places. I would to God the Companie could find the meanes to haue a vent to make sales for the one halfe that we may buy here. The Companie may haue for 30. or 40. thousand pounds yeere∣ly. And as appeareth by your Agents wordes being at Varas,* 4.13 he and others sawe there so great abundance, that by report of diuers, you may bestow (if it were not for the Turkes) for a two hundred thousand pounds: besides silke of all colours died in graine, bound vp in pound waights, I thinke 15. of our ounces to their pound waight, and here sold for 23. shaughs, at 6. d. the shaugh, may be 11. s. 6. pence.

* 4.14From Astracan in 7. or 8. dayes, wee may saile with our barke to a place named Gilan: the which place in time to come, (I thinke) shall serue our purpose best to gve vnto. Alom is there

good cheape, being brought from thence hither to Shamaki, and sold here for two bists their bat∣man, which may be 5. pence in our money: and so I haue bought to bee sent home 223. batmans for example. And at Gilan there is rawe silke enough for the companies stocke. I beleeue, if any great store of wares be sent from you, that must be the place: & from thence a man may trauell in 4. dayes to Casbin,* 4.15 and there make quicke and better sales, at which place your commodities are to be sold. For there be the chiefe and best merchants, and diuers other cities round about, to wit, Teueris, Ardouil, and Caishan, being the heart of the countrey, where there is more ciuilitie and merchants are better vsed. Concerning this point I haue inquired of diuers merchants both Russes and others that haue bene in those parts, and found them all agreeing in one tale, and per∣ceiue the same to be true, and that all kind of wares come from thence into these parts. And from Casbin to Ormus,* 4.16 is about 30. daies trauelling with camels. I haue written the prices of wares in my letter to the gouernour both for spices and some drugs which I do know.

Also you shall vnderstand here is plentie of yew for bowstaues. I caused three horse loades to be bought vs for to know the trueth: but they were cut out of season this moneth of April, the sap being in them. Three moneths I neuer left speaking to the Countrey men to bring some. Your Agent will send some home for example.

This day being the 26. of Aprill I departed towards Casbin: God giue me a good houre and well to speed, with a mery heart in returning againe, as my hope is I shall. I haue written my mind to M. Glouer your Agent, what Russian wares I thinke best to be bought for this Coun∣trey, and to send some one hither that hath the Russe tongue, for we haue need. And the compa∣nie shall do well hereafter in taking of seruants to be sent hither, to see that they be such as haue discretion, and be something broken in the world, and seene in the trade of merchandise, and one (if they can get some such) as can speake the Portingall tongue, may do them as good seruice, as those that shall be here two yeeres before him: for then we may buy a slaue that can speake this language and the Portingal tongue also, which shall then interprete vnto vs in all your secret do∣ings, not making the Russes priuy:* 4.17 for they are sory that we doe trade into these partes, for we are better beloued then they are: because they are giuen to be drunkards, they are much hated of these people. It is to be wished that none should serue your worships in these parts that be giuen to that kind of vice•• And that your chiefe Agent and Factor should be able to rule and gouerne himselfe, that no dishonestie should be imputed to him and vs. By his euill vsage he paied here 24. rubbles, being in this Countrey 4. tumens for a boy, that he was charged to haue conueied away from a Tesicke one of this countrey men, who willed him to sweare that he knew not where the boy was become, and he should not pay it. If he were honest he might do your worships good ser∣uice because of his Russian tongue.

Your London reds are not to be sent hither, for they will not giue aboue 18. shaughes their ar∣shine. Here be reds of more orient colour, being Venice die.* 4.18 The people are giuen much to weare cloth: the common people specially weare karseis, and the merchants of more wealth weare broad cloth. You shall doe well to send fiue or sixe broad clothes, some blackes, pukes, or other sad colours, that may be affoorded at 20. shaughes the arshine, and not aboue. It is here reported that King Philip hath giuen the Turkes a great ouerthrow at Malta, and taken 70. or 80. of his chiefe captains.

Thus wishing I had more time to write, I pray you to beare with this my scribled letter, and after you haue red it, that M. Nicols may haue a sight thereof.

By your seruant to command, Arthur Edwards.

Commodities to be caried out of England into Persia, with their prizes there.

• 1 KArseis are sold there for 180. Shaughes:* 4.19 so that a karsey is sold there in Persia for foure pound ten shillings: for euery shaugh is sixe pence English, and euery Bist is two pence halfepeny English, and in Russe money three pence.
• 2 Tinne is sold in Persia for 14. and 18. shaughes the batman. The batman containing as I haue mentioned before.
• 3 Brasil is at 10. and 12. shaughes the batman.
• 4 Red cloth fine, at 25. and 30. shaughes the yard.
• 5 Copper at 20. and 25. shaughes the batman.

Commodities to be brought out of Persia for England.

• 1 RAw silke at 60. shaughs y^e batman.
• 2 Pepper at 32. shaughs y^e batman.
• 3 Ginger at 18. & 20. shaughs y^e batman.
• 4 Nutmegs at 30. shaughs the batman.
• 5 Brimstone at 4. shaughs the great bat∣man. The great batman is 12. li. English.
• 6 Allom at 2. bists and a halfe the batman and lesse.
• 7 Rice at halfe a bist the batman.
• 8 Gals at halfe a bist the batman.
• 9 Cloues at 40. shaughs the batman.
• 10 Yew for bow staues, at

A letter of M. Arthur Edwards, written the 8. of August 1566. from the towne of Shamaki in Media, to the right worshipfull the Gouernours, Consuls, Assistants, and generalitie of the companie of Russia, &c. Shewing his acces••e vnto the Emperour of Persia, his conference with him, his obtaining of a priuiledge, with diuers other good obseruations.

RIght worshipfull Sirs, my bounden dutie remembred, with most humble commendations and like request to God for the preseruation of your good healths, with the rest of the compa∣nie, &c. It may please you to vnderstand, that the last letter which I sent you from hence was of the 26. of April of this present yeere by Richard Iohnson at my departure towards Casbin:* 5.1 to which citie I came the 25. of May folowing, not slacking any day, houre, nor moment, to procure and make friends for the speedie bringing me before the presence of the Shaugh, being the 29. day of the same moneth brought before him, with whose maiestie I was in talke (as I thinke) two houres. He willed me twise to come neerer him, demanding what were my requests: and ha∣uing heard them, he promised me his gracious letters. Afterwards he called me twise againe to come neerer him,* 5.2 and talked with me of our Queenes maiestie and Countrey, and what commo∣dities we had, and what other commodities we desired: and then of other countries adioyning to vs and their commodities, as also of king Philip, what ouerthrow he gaue the Turks at the siege of Malta. And how long we had traded into Russeland and Moscouia, and in what space we might saile out of England into Russeland, & how many weekes trauell it is from Colmogro to Astra∣can: and then came to discourse of Russeland, and what townes the Emperour had wonne, decla∣ring vnto me himselfe most of our commodities.* 5.3 In the end he willed that your worships should send him of all sorts of clothes, but of one especially which maidens do make (as he sayd:) He na∣med it Karengi, I thinke it is Westerne dozens died into scarlets. Time, will not permit mee to write at large the conference which I had with his maiesty. It was strange to his people (know∣ing our religion) to see me so long in talke with him, willing his Secretarie before mee to write what he was desirous of: to wit, of London clothes, three or foure of all sorts for example, being well shorne and drest. Uiolets in graine and fine reds be most worne, but other good colours will away, when they shall see them. I wore a garment of London russet, being much esteemed. You shall doe well to send such sorts as be liuely to the sight, and some blacks for womens garments, with some Orenge colours and tawneis. Here is much broad cloth worne. They talke much of London clothes,* 5.4 and they that know the wearing, are desirous of them before the cloth of the wo∣mens making, for they find it nothing durable. For when it commeth to weare on the threed, it renteth like paper. Here is much Venice cloth worne, being cromplisted a yard and a halfe broad, and sold here from 24. to 30. shaughes their arshine, being longer by two inches then the Russe arshine is. I wish also that you send some good chamlets & veluets died in graine, with purple co∣lours & fine reds: because these are most worne. Also some blacks with other colours: some cloth of gold, tissue & bo••ky, some veluets wrought with gold, with sattins and damaskes, most purple, and reds of all sorts. You may not forget to send some Western karseis, to wit, dozens, which be thicked well, and close shut in the weauing, being died into fine reds, and some skarlets: for I thinke there is no such cloth for their caps.

Your worships shall vnderstand, that after my first departure from the presence of the Prince, I neglected no time in daily attendance on them, who had my priuiledge in writing, that I might haue it in readinesse at such time as I should againe bee called before the presence of the Shaugh,* 5.5 which was the 29. of Iune last. I was in apparell that he gaue vnto me, with other garments to mine interpreter, and one of your seruants, and then I receiued your letters or priuiledge, accor∣ding to my desire, sealed and firmed with the Shaughs owne hand. Praysed bee God who hath wrought with me, and forme, in all my doings.

The 29. of Iune is one of their chiefe festiuall daies, so that all his nobilitie was there present,

with two Ambassadors in companie with his maiestie,* 5.6 who sayd vnto me that if my letters were not to my mind, in time to come they should be mended. Whereupon I made my reuerence, and gaue his highnesse most humble and heartie thanks, saying, that with as much speed as might bee, our Queenes Maiestie should vnderstand of his goodnesse towardes her Merchants, which I thought would write their letters of request vnto his Highnes, in such forme & order as by them should be thought meete and requisite for their good assurance in the trade of merchandizes: who replied with these wordes; when wee shall see their reasonable requests, we will shew them our farther good will, and so I departed.

Since the receiuing of the Shaughs letters, I haue eaten in company of good Dukes and o∣thers, who before would not come neere me. And euery day some would come to my Shop, and eate and drinke with me out of mine owne dish. Likewise in riding from Casbin hither, on the way when I sate downe to dinner, they would come and eate with mee vnbidden, when I wished them further off: for I spared them that, which gladly I would haue eaten my selfe. I doubt not but we shall liue here from hencefoorth in quietnes: for now in all places where I come, I am friendly vsed with the best.

I was asked by the Shaugh if you were able to bring him yeerly one hundred thousand pieces of kersies, and clothes. And I answered him, saying, your worships were able to furnish his coun∣trey with two hundred thousand. Whereat his Highnesse reioyced: for the Turkes Ambassador the last yere, as diuers haue told me, did put the Shaugh in despaire, saying, that the Turke would not permit any cloth to be brought into his countrey.

There is a citie in Syria named Aleppo,* 5.7 wherein continually are many Venetians dwelling, besides other that come yeerely and there buy wools, gals, tallow, saffron, skins, cotton wooll, and other wares, and great store of spices. Also the Armenians yeerly receiue at the Venetians hands,* 5.8 karsies in barter for rawe silks, giuing sometimes 60. pieces of karsies for 70. batmans of silke of this countrey, and 40. pieces for Grosin silke. And karsies sold commonly for ready money in Aleppo, at 11. and 12. duckets the piece, (the ducket being here woorth 12. shillings) may cost the first peny 132. and 144. Shaughs a karsie. By report it is one moneths trauel from this towne of Shamaky to Aleppo,* 5.9 and from thence to Tripolis, six dayes iourney: and from Tripo••ls to Venice by water, a moneth or fiue weekes sailing. As I learne, from hence to Venice may easily be tra∣uelled in lesse then three moneths. Therefore I wish your worships to procure some trustie and assured friend there, to whom from hence letters may be sent. For I can haue them here to put in suerties to deliuer my letters, and to bring answere. If I had any other here with me, I would nothing haue doubted to haue brought you the Shaughs letters that way.

The Armenians and other are desirous to barter with vs,* 5.10 giuing silke for karsies, and also will ••erue vs of all kind of spices, we giuing them sufficient warning to fetch it in the Indies, and will deliuer it vs in Shamaky at these prizes.

Pepper this townes batman for 18. Shaughs, euery Shaugh is sixe pence.

Maces large for 40. Shaughs, and 45. the batman.

Cloues for 40. Shaughs the batman.

Nutmegs for 16. and 18. Shaughs the batman.

Sinamom for 40. Shaughs the batman. I doubt not but there will be profite and good done in spices, with drugs and other like in time.

From Casbin to Ormus is six weeks trauel, and from hence to Casbin is 16. dayes with ca∣mels laden: but if one trauell with a good Mule vnladen, it may be gone in seuen or eight dayes. And I thinke to Ormus and other places, may be trauelled in like order and proportion, with cat∣tel vnladen. But here in all places as men trauel, they must carie their owne prouision on horses, which they are to buy, and thus they trauell but a footepase.

The Shaugh himselfe is desirous to bargaine with you,* 5.11 who will giue money, silke, and other wares as we will, and take our wares as we may affoord them, willing me himselfe to bring such wares as we might gaine by him. The Armenians by report, and as I perceiue, bring from A∣leppo yeerely, foure, fiue, and six thousand pieces of karsies and clothes, besides those which other men bring. If your Worships might procure and find vent or sales for rawe silke, and silke died in graine, besides other silkes wrought and made here, by which, profite may be made: then you might send a great substance of wares hither. But I feare you shall be hindered by the Veneti∣ans if they may: for I know it will grieue them that you doe trade into these partes: for in short time it shall cleane alter their trade, and hinder the sales of their clothes in Aleppo and other pla∣ces adioyning. You shall vnderstand that 60. batmans of silke is a Mules lading: and as it is re∣ported, one village of the Armenians yerely carieth 400. and 500. Mules lading of silke to Alep∣po, and bringeth thence 800. or a thousand Mules laden with karsies & Venice clothes. And 18.

pieces of karsies are a Mules lading. But I wish you not to send aboue 2000. pieces of karsies,* 5.12 although I haue bene willed to write for more. If I might haue had any vnderstanding what your Worships had written for in your letters sent this yeere, I should in this my letter haue bene better able to haue answered you. They which be now in Astracan, might haue written some thing vnto me hither, if it had pleased them, or else haue sent me such letters of mine, as I hope some of my friends haue written to me: for here are arriued eight weekes past, two boates with wares and Russes, by whom they might haue written, had it bene but 3. or 4. lines. They promised the Russes to write, but promise was not kept. I would be sory that any boat should depart out of these partes, and not write vnto them, waying how all things stand. I heare they haue bought a boat, which cost 40. rubbles, and shipped certaine wares to come hither. God send them in safetie. I do ••arie their comming, or els I had thought to haue come to Astracan in those boates which departed hence lately.

* 5.13The fifteenth of Iuly last, I departed from Casbin, and came to this towne the 29. of y^e same. And the fourth of August I found meanes to arrest the falsest knaue in this countrey, to wit, the Customer for 22. tumens, and 100. shaughs, (200. shaughs is a tumen.) I haue caused him to put in suerties for his foorth comming at all times, what ende I shall haue with him, God knoweth, the debt will be recouered, but not yet, for he must pay the Shaugh 1000. rubbles. These partes as yet are in no stay for lacke of a Gouernour or head to rule, which I thinke shall bee the Mur∣sey. Within 5. or 6. dayes we shall know, for it is time, because men are in feare to trauell for be∣ing robbed. If there were a prince placed, I should soone get in your debts, for they dare not diso∣bey the Shaughs letters or priuiledge: wherein he hath not onely written that our debts shall be paied, but also that we shall be taken heed to, so as we need not to doubt (God willing) in time to come, to be here as wel vsed as we are in Russeland. The bils of debts that Rich. Iohnson left with me,* 5.14 had neither the parties n••me nor summe of mony in two of them, and in other bils but his ow•• name. If I had not vsed discretion in causing to be written in our priuiledge, that such debtes as are owing, should be paied any of vs in the absence of the other, some men would not haue paied one penie, but onely to Richard Iohnson, who hath written but his owne name onely in the bils. I receiued in Casbin of Forackan in part of 29. tumens, 300. shaughs in money: the rest he will deliuer me here in silke, and this is all that I haue receiued to his day. And as for Hawrambecks twelue tumens, I make accompt, that if I could ride to speake with him, I should be paid in mo∣ney and wares. Touching Ackons money, by meanes of Duke Ameddinbeck, who first owed the debt, because they meant not to pay a penie, he did rather seeke to hinder my sute then to fur∣ther mee, but I found out a present remedie: for God sent me friends that were alwayes about the Shaugh, and daily put on his apparell, who opened all my sute, and brought mee to the pre∣sence of the Shaugh before that Cozomomet sawe the Shaughs eyes. But Cozomomet in the end was my friend:* 5.15 for he was sent for, and declared vnto the Shaugh what good merchants we were, vsing trueth in all our doings, and how we were in great fauour with the Emperour of Russia, and what good commodities wee might bring into his Countrey, with other talke. And daily he was sent for to the Shaugh about the affaires in those partes, for no man was able to aduise the Shaugh of the state and affaires of those Countreys so much as hee was. He owed your Worships seuen tumens and 48. shaughs, which was not all this time to be gotten at his hands: for hee was at great charges in riding to Casbin, and giuing great gifts since his com∣ming, which he twise declared vnto me. I feeling his griefe became Physicion to ease his paine, and forgaue him his debt aboue sayd, in recompence of ten pieces of karsies, that were promised him by Richard Iohnson and me, to giue him at the comming of our goods, in consideration that he should with speed doe what lay in him, to dispatch me away: for I perceiue hee procured o∣ther that did helpe me in my sute to delay me of, till time he had his purpose. I neuer was in quiet, till I had the Pr••nces priuiledge, and had got mee out of Casbin:* 5.16 for victuals, and all other things are very deare there, because they are brought thither from farre off. As for all other smal debts (which may be about 7. tumens) when our Merchants are come hither, we shall seeke to get them in as we may. I wish your Worships to send some bullion to bee coyned here, it will please the prince there, and be profitable to you. Silke is better cheape by two or three shaughs the batman, then it was the last yeere. You shall vnderstand that I haue written two letters of all my proceedings, which I sent from Casbin long since: to wit, the 24. and 29. of Iune last, by one of your seruants to Gilan, there to take ship and to goe to Astracan, and to deliuer the same vnto your Factors, which might haue bene to their quietnes and mine, long agoe. But I am right so∣rie to heare since my comming hither, that he hath plaied the witering merchant in Gilan, not go∣ing in those boats that went first, but taried for the last boats. But I will teach him, to the exam∣ple of other, how he shall make haste hereafter in such affaires. The karsies which you sent last,

being bought of M. Quarles, were good and full lengths and well sorted. The Princes Ambas∣sador of Gilan was in Casbin,* 5.17 at my being there. I hope in God, if I remaine here, and may goe to Gilan, to obtaine for your worships the like priuiledge at the kings hand there also. For I haue somthing moued the matter, being put in such comfort, that I doubt not the getting thereof with small charges, which I had done at this time if I had had other here with me to put in trust: for from Casbin to Gilan is but 5. dayes riding, which Countrey may be profitable to your Wor∣ships.* 5.18 There is in that Prouince good store of silke, better cheape, & better in goodnesse then this countrey silke is. Also great store of Alom, being there sold this townes batman, for one bist and a halfe. I haue made reckoning, al charges borne from hence to Colmogro, & from thence fraight into England at three pounds the tunne, al charges accounted, will not stand you in aboue 18. and 20. shillings the hundreth. You haue yeerly by report two or three hundred tunnes lading. Other commodities there for England I heare not of. As for gals here to bee bought,* 5.19 there is no profit to be done by them. They be brought from Aleppo, and sold here not vnder 3. or 4. shaughs their batman, being six pounds English waight. Graine that you die scarlet withall is worth the bat∣man ready mony,* 5.20 200. shaughs, reckoning the shaugh for 6. pence Russe, it may be 6. rubbles their batman. Your worships may send some portion of mony, if you may buy, as I thinke you may, for 12. and 13. s. a pound the berries, so you shall gaine both in the price and waight. If one English∣man more had bene here with me, to whom I might haue deliuered our bils of debts and other things, whatsoeuer should haue chanced of me, I would then haue become seruant to mine Inter∣preter, and so haue gone to Ormus and Aleppo,* 5.21 which both ioyne on the borders of this countrey, being the chiefe Mart townes, whereunto from all places merchants resort. And thus would I haue spent 4. or 5. months in trauelling for further knowledge of things for to haue certified your worships of. I hope in God to vse things in such order, that yeerly you shall haue returne of your goods from hence, as you haue forth of Russeland, and in those ships. For if we may, as I doubt not with diligence, prouide to make sales in time, and with speed receiue silke at the Shaughs hand, and other mens, that it may be sent from hence to be in Astracan at the beginning of Aprill, from whence it may be sent to Colmogro in three moneths and lesse, and there to be ready with the rest of your goods by the end of Iune for your ships to receiue, that will be time inough. This I doubt not to bring to passe within a yeere or two, when we are throughly setled in these parts, and better knowen. Moreouer you shall vnderstand, that at my last being in the presence of the Shaugh, it was sayd to mee that M. Anthonie Ienkinson did proffer to take all the rawe silke in those parties,* 5.22 deliuering cloth and other commodities for the same. I assure you there is in those parts to be had three or foure thousand horses lading, euery horse load being 50. or 60. batmans, beside silke of Grosin. Great abundance of silke at times is sent out of these parts, to wit, 4. or 5. hundred horse lodes at a time by the Turkes, who bring great store of siluer to be coined, to wit, Dollars at ten shaughs the piece. The Hungarie Ducket is at 12. shaughs. And hauing money in readines at the time of the yeere, they buy silke the better cheape, when the countrey men bring it first to be sold. If your worships may bargaine with the Venetians to take silke at your hands, or otherwise deale with them, I doe not mistrust but to haue at the Shaughs hand sixe batmans of silke for two pieces and a halfe of karsies. Your good aduise herein, and in other matters, I trust you will write with conuenient speed. Master Antonie Ienkinson hath deserued great com∣mendation at all your worships hands:* 5.23 for the good report of his well and wise doings in those parts, was oftentimes a comfort to me to heare thereof, and some good helpe to me in my procee∣dings. To this day I neuer heard from any of our merchants. God graunt me in health to see your worships, for I haue had a carefull trauell, with many a sorowfull day and vnquiet sleepes. Neither had I the company of one English person, to whom sometimes I might haue ••ased my pensiue heart, as God well knoweth, who hath deliuered me from mine enemies. Thus almightie God graunt you in health and wealth long to liue.

Your humble seruant at commandement during life, Arthur Edwards.

Another letter of Arthur Edwards written in Astracan the 16. of Iune, 1567•• at his returne in his first voiage out of Persia, to the right worshipfull Com∣panie trading into Russia, Persia, and other the North and Northeast partes.

IT may please your Worships that herein I haue written not onely certaine articles of your priuiledge, but also the Gouernours names, with the Consuls, Assistants and generalitie.* 5.24 Also such commodities as the Prince or Emperour of the Countrey hath written in one of his letters directed to your Worships to be sent him, with other notes which I thought good to be remem∣bred,

as may appeare hereafter following. Your priuiledge is written, graunted, and giuen in the names of these sixe persons following: to wit, sir William Garrard, sir William Chester, go∣uernours, sir Thomas Lodge, master Anthony Ienkinson, master Thomas Nicols and Arthur Edwards.

1 First, it is granted that you shall pay no maner of customes or tols, any kinde of wayes, now, nor in time comming, vnto his heires after him. And that all English merchants, such as you shall appoint now and hereafter, shall and may passe and repasse into all places of his domini∣ons and other countries adioining in the trade of merchandize, to buy and sell all maner of com∣modities, with all maner of persons.

2 Item, that in all places where any of our merchants shall haue their resort, or abiding, his chiefe Gouernours, Rulers and Iustices shall take heed vnto vs, being our aide & defence against all euil persons, punishing those that shall do vs any wrong.

3 Item, that for all such debts as shall be owing by any maner of person, iustice shal be done on the partie, and we paid at the day.

4 Item, that no maner of persons of whatsoeuer estate or degree they be of, shall be so hardie as to take any kind of wares, or any gifts, without any leaue and good will.

5 Item, if by chance medley any of our merchants or seruants, as God forbid, should kill any of his subiects, that no part of your goods shall be touched or medled withall, neither any partie but the offendour, and true iustice to bee ministred, and being any of vs, not to suffer without the Princes knowledge and aduise.

6 Item, that all such debts as are now owing, or hereafter shall be, are to be paied vnto any of vs, in the absence of the other, be the partie dead or aliue.

7 Item, that no person returne any kind of wares backe againe, being once bought or sold.

8 Item, that when God shall send your goods to shore, presently his people shall helpe vs on land with them.

These articles before written, I trust in God wil content your minds, vntill your farther let∣ters be hitherto written vnto the Prince, who I am assured will graunt your farther reasonable requests, which his maiestie hath promised. For I moued the question, declaring vnto him that I thought your Worships would write your letters of requests, to craue his farther good will, as should be thought meet for your better assurance in the trade of merchandize: you will hardly be∣leeue what long and gracious talke he had with mee, which I assure you continued two houres, which was strange vnto the people & other merchant strangers. For betwixt euery question that his maiestie moued, when I had answered him, hee would talke with his Nobles and other his seruants, hauing some knowledge of our Westerne parts & commodities, and then againe would demaund other questions. He caused his Secretarie to write the articles before named•• in all of his foure letters giuen me (whereof two as I required, are in the Turkish tongue to be sent you.) On the backe side of one, hee hath written what wares his Maiestie would haue you to send him. He held me one houre within night before I departed from him.

These bee the names of the wares or commodities which on the backe side of one of his letters the Shaugh hath written to you to be sent him.

FIrst, some cloth of Gold, with cloth of Tissue, and cloth of Botky, as Ueluets wrought with gold.

Item, good veluets, to wit, crimosins, purples, reds, greenes and blackes. These colours his maiestie requireth, for they are most worne. And though there be some of these wares made in his citie of Cassan, yet nothing like in goodnes, to those that you may procure for him. Small pro∣fite I thinke will be in these wares: yet for diuers considerations, as also to satisfie the Princes mind, I wish you to send some, and those that be especiall good.

Item, good damasks and sattins of all sortes, with an hundred pieces of good chamlets, which are woorth here 80. shaughs the piece, at sixe pence the shaugh, and those silkes to bee of those co∣lours aboue written, to wit, crimosins, purples, reds, greenes, blackes, with some light watchet colours.

Item, three or foure complete harnesses that wil abide the shot of a handgun with 10. or 12. tar∣gets of steele, being good.

Item, ten or twelue good shirts of male being very good or else none, that may abide the shot of an arrow, and two buffe ierkins.

Item, ten or twelue pieces of Westerne karsies, being thicked well and close shut in the wea∣uing, and died into scarlets and fine reds. I thinke there wil be no such cloth for noblemens caps.

The prince named them * 6.1karangies, saying, that maidens did make them, & is desirous of them. Item, six pieces of fine Holland cloth for the Prince, with some other for noblemen, of a lower price.

Item, twentie handguns being good, some of them with fire locks, and also six good dags, with locks to trauel withall.

Item 100. brusshes for garments (none made of swines haire,) for gifts, and otherwise to be sold.

Item, six stone bowes that shoot lead pellets.

Item, a mill to grind corne in the field as they goe, finely deuised: for Cozomomet willed me to write for one to be sent, to giue the Prince.

Item, the Prince requireth of all sortes and colours of London clothes. I wish you to send no lesse then 40. or 50. for I know they will be sold to profit, especially such cloth as may be affoor∣ded for 20. shaughs the arshine, which is longer by two of mine inches then Russia arshine is. Let there be fine skarlets, violets in graine, fine reds, blacks, browne blewes, foure or fiue of euery sort, for the prince and other lords: the rest of other colours liuely to the sight, as London russets, tawnies, lion colours, good liuely greenes, with other, as you shall thinke good: for the prince de∣sireth to see of all sorts, which will be an occasion that the Venetians and Turkes shall bee in lesse estimation then they are: for they themselues do feare, and secretly say the same. And truely the Princes subiects intend to enter into trade with vs for spices and other commodities that they were woont to sell vnto the Venetians and Turkes.

Thus I commit you all to God, who send you health with increase of worship.

Written in Astracan the 16. of Iune, 1567

.

By your seruant during life to command, Arthur Edwards.

Distances of certaine places in Russia.

The way from Saint Nicholas Baie to Mosco.
	versts
To Colmogro	100
To Vstiug	500
To Totma	250
To Vologhda	250
All by the riuer of Dwina	1100
To Yeraslaue	180
To Rostoue	60
To Peraslaue	60
To Mosko	120
By land East and West	440
The way from Mosko to Smolensko.
To Moram	300
To Smolensko	200
The way from Mosko to Nouogrod.
To Ottuer	180
To Torzhoke	60
To Wisnouolloko	60
To Nouogrod	150
Southeast and Northwest	450
The way from Nouogrod to Narue.
To Teseua	50
To the Friers	60
To Yria Niagorod	40
To Narue	15
Southwest and Northeast	165
	versts
From Nouogrod to Vobsky, is versts by East.	180.
The way from Vobski to Ry in Liefland.
To Newhouse	50
To Gouen on ye borders.	Al is 200. versts
To Wenden
To Trecado
To Newslot
To Rie
The way from Mosco to Astracan.
To Costrom
To Nisnouogrod
To Cazan
To Astracan in all is	2800. versts
The way from Vologhda to Narue.
To Belozerco	140
To Batag	80
To Witergen	40
To Ladiski	60
To Onega lake	80
To Oher	90
To Narue	180
Southwest and Northeast	770. versts
To go with a small boat within the land from S. Nicholas to Wardhouse.
To Newnox riuer
To Ousca Gouba
To Lobshanga
To Oust Nauelocki
To Orlouanos

To Solusca Monasterie.	To Wardhouse in all 800. versts Northwest and Southeast.
To Candelox
To Oust Colla
To Zhemaker
To Poganna Volocki
To Chibe Nauolocke
To Kegor
The way from Colmogro to Mizemske Sloboda, where the Sa••••eds keep their Mart.
To Vst Pinnego	Al is 230, versts
To Palango
To Leunona
To Vescom
To Soyaua
To Coula
To Nendega
To Lampas
To Sloboda
The way to Vromo from Mezemske Sloboda, where the Losh hides are gotten.
To Lampas	Al is 115. versts Northeast and Southwest.
To Pogorel
To Zapolle
To Vromo

The way and distances from Saint Nicholas, to the Caspian Sea.

IF you goe straight from Saint Nicholas to the Caspian Sea, you must goe to Vologhda by water, as by the easiest passage, and that is accomplished, passing day and night, in foureteene dayes and foureteene nights, in boates cut out of a tree: (the boates are called Stroogs) 1100. versts it is.

By horse and sleds in 8. dayes you may passe it in Winter. In Summer the way is dange∣rous by meanes of marishes and bogs, and not safely then to be passed. Then from Vologhda to Yeraslaue, 180. versts ouer land. This Yeraslaue standeth vpon the riuer of Volga, 180. versts I say distant from Vologhda.

To the Caspian sea are 2700. versts from Yeraslaue.

So from S. Nicholas to the Caspian sea, are 3800.80. versts.

The iourney from S. Nicholas to Yeraslaue is accomplished in foureteene dayes by water, and two dayes by land. 16. dayes.

From thence to Astracan men trauell by water in 30. dayes and 30. nights.

So between S. Nicholas and the Caspian sea, are 46. dayes iourney.

There passe downe Volga euery Summer, 500. boats great & smal, from all the vpper parts of the riuer, whereof some be of 500. tunne. They go for Minerall salt and for Sturgeon.

The salt lieth in rocks (and is whitish red, and in fine sand) as it were 30. miles from Astracan toward the Caspian sea. They dig it themselues and pay nothing for it, but to the prince a peny a pood, viz. 40. pound waight.

The Sturgeon which they call Ocetera is taken fiftie miles on this side Astracan. Along the* 6.2 riuer the space of 20. miles, they make their booties in plaine grounds, & fish for the space of three moneths, viz. from the end of May till the end of August, and hauing salt they vse to salt them.

The riuer is there 5. or 6. miles broad, but with some Islands.

The riuer below Yeraslaue, where it is most narow, is a mile broad from side to side.

The riuer runneth vpon red clay, all woods of birch and oke on the riuer sides, saue about the townes of the fishing places.

Dwina from S. Nicholas to Vstiug runneth all on chalke and sand: the fish are sweete & fat. The Mene a fish with a great head a foot long breedeth about Vologda, and is fat and delicate.

Between Vobsko and Nouogrod, the space of an 180. miles, groweth flaxe: the whole soile in length is so imploied, and as much in breadth: this is vpon a flat soile.

The hempe groweth about Smolensko vpon the Polish border, 300. miles in compasse: much of the soile is so imploied.

Of this hempe they bring in Winter to Vologda and Colmogro, and we set in worke in ma∣king of cables aboue 100. men.

The Russians do spin and hachell it, and the English tarre it in threed and lay the cable. And* 6.3 one table of those is woorth two of Danzick, because the Danzickers put in old cable and rott••n stuffe, which in fowle weather is found of no strength.

Sosnoua, a tree that cureth the wolfe with the shauings of the wood, groweth in these parts,* 6.4 and of the barks they make ropes as big as a mans arme for their boats.

The Samoeds lacking linnen make handkerchiefs and towels of the very wood of this tree.

The wood of this tree is as heauie as hollie, and the shauings tough.

Rose Island in S. Nicholas Baie is full of Roses damaske and red, of violets and wild Rose∣marie;* 6.5 This Island is neere 7. or 8. miles about, and good pasture, and hath the name of the roses.

The snow here about the midst of May is cleared, hauing bin two moneths in melting, then the ground is made dry within 14. dayes after, and then the grasse is knee high within a moneth. Thē after September the frost commeth in, the snow is a yard deepe vpon plaine ground. The Island hath Firre and Birch, and a faire fresh spring neere the house built there by the English.

The way discouered by water by vs Thomas Southam & Iohn Sparke, from the towne of Colmogro, by the Westerne bottome of the Baie of S. Nicholas, vnto the citie of Nouogrod in Russia, containing many particulars of the way, and di∣stance of miles, as hereafter foloweth. Anno 1566.

WE departed from Colmogro about 10•• of the clocke afore noone iu a Lodia or Barke, which we hired to bring vs along the coast to a place called Soroka, & in the sayd barke we hired 6. mariners, and a boy to conduct vs to the place be∣fore rehearsed.

The Lodia or barke was of the burden of 25. tunnes or thereabout, where∣with we valed downe the riuer of Dwina, the winde being then calme, vnto a monasterie called S. Michael where we were constrained to anker because of a contrary wind which there met vs.

From Colmogro to this monasterie are 50. versts or miles of Russia, at which place we cari∣ed till the 21. day in the morning, and then hauing the wind some what faire, we set saile and de∣parted* 6.6 thence.

21 We departed from the monasterie of S. Michael, hauing the wind somwhat faire, and arri∣ued at Rose Island, ouer and against the monasterie of S. Nicholas, the 22. day at 2. of the clocke in the morning, which is 35. miles distant from the monasterie of S. Michael. By reason of con∣trary wind and tide we were constrained to tary there all that day.

23 We departed from the monasterie of S. Nicholas at 7. of the clocke in the euening, & came to an anker at the Beacons, & continued there vntil halfe an houre past 10. of the clocke, and then set from thence, the wind being South: our course was West vntil 5. of the clock in the morning, when as we came to an anker against Newnox towne, where we continued vntil the 25. day.* 6.7

The sayd towne of Newnox is from the monasterie of S. Nicholas 35. miles.

25 We departed frō Newnox hauen at one of the clocke in the after noone, the wind at South and Southeast, and our course Northwest and by West.

The point of Tolstick which is the headland before the entrance of Newnox hauen, and the headland of Seusemski lie next Southeast and by South, Northwest and by North. We came to an anker there this day at 4. of the clock in y^e afternoone, being from Newnox hauen 15. miles, where we continued in harbour til the 27. day of the moneth, by reason of contrary winds.

27 We departed from Seusemski in the morning at 5. of the clocke, the wind next at East and by North, and our course Northwest and by West.

The said land of Seusemski & the headland going into Owna riuer lieth East and by South, west and by North, and between them is 25. miles.

This day at Sunne set we came to an Island called Sogisney passing betwixt it & the maine, with the wind at South and by East, our course was West and by South, being 85. miles from Owna riuer.

Being past the said Island 10. miles, the wind came contrary, whereupon we returned to the Island of Sogisney, where we remained vntil the 29. day.

29 The 29. day we departed from Sogisney aforesayd, at 5. of the clocke in the afternoone, the wind at East northeast, & our course was Southwest & by west, passing by an Island called An∣ger, being 30. miles from Sogisney, and keeping on our course, we came by the headland of an Island called Abdon, being from the Island of Anger 15. miles, where we found many rocks: and if the great prouidence of God had not preserued vs, wee had there perished, being fallen a∣mongst them in the night time, and our pilot none of the perfectest, which was contrary to his pro∣fession as we found it.

But whosoeuer will trauell that way must either keepe hard aboord the shore, for that there is a chanell which goeth along the coast within the rocks, or els giue the headland a birth of 6. miles at the least, and so goe a seaboord all: for there are ledges of rocks that lie fiue miles from the headland.

We gaue the headland a birth of 3. miles, notwithstanding there lay two rockes two miles to

sea boord of vs, so that we were inclosed with them, and sate vpon the highest of them: but it plea∣sed God to make it calme, and giue vs the day also, or els we had miscaried.

30 We departed from the headland of the Island of Abdon, at 4. of the clocke in the morning, directing our course West, and at 10. of the clocke before noone, we arriued at a monasterie na∣med Solosky, which is 15. miles from Abdon.

At this monasterie we continued vnt••ll the 31. day of this moneth. We had here deliuered vs by the chiefe monkes of the monasterie, their letter and house seale, and a seruant of theirs to con∣duct vs safely through the dangerous riuer of Owiga.

The people of all those parts are wild, and speake another kind of language, & are for the most part all tenants to the monasterie. The effect of the letter was, that they should be ready to helpe and assist vs in all dangerous places, and carie our boats and goods ouer land in places needfull, as in deed they did, as hereafter shall appeare.

Note, that at our being at the monasterie, there was no Abbot for the place as then chosen: for 15. dayes before our arriual there, the Abbot was sent for by the Emperour, and made Metropo∣litane of the realme, as he now is. The number of monkes belonging to the monasterie are at the least 200.

31 Wee departed from the monasterie of Solo••ky, as is aforesayde, to a faire stone house of theirs, which is 5. miles from the monasterie, lying from it South and by West.

1 We departed from the Stone house at 3. of the clocke in the morning: our course was West* 6.8 for 60. versts, and then passing betwixt diuers and sundry rocks, with many small Islands round about vs for the space of 20. miles, keeping most commonly the same course still, we then shaped a new course, and yet sundry times shifting, but we alwayes kept the Southwest, and neerest of all South south west, vntil we came within two miles of the entrance of the riuer Owiga, where we were to beare in, West and by North.

* 6.9From the riuer Owiga, to the Islands and rocks before mentioned, are 20. miles.

We arriued about 4. of the clocke in the after noone within the riuer of Owiga, at a place na∣med Soroka, at which place we forsooke our barke or Lodia, & continued there in making proui∣sion for small boates to carie vs vp the riuer vntill the 3. day of the same.

3 We departed from Soroka at two of the clocke in the afternoone, with 3. boats and 12. men to rowe, and set the foresaid boates vp the riuer of Owiga, which we hired.

We went this day 7. miles to a place called Ostroue, where we lay all night, but in the way 4. miles from Soroka, at a place where the water falleth from the rocks•• as if it came steepe downe from a mountain, we were constrained to take out our goods and wares out of the said boats, and* 6.10 caused them to be caried a mile ouer land, and afterwards also had our boates in like sort caried or drawen ouer land by force of men which there dwelled, being tenants to the monasterie aforesaid.

And when our boats were come to the place where our wares were laid, we lanched our boats and laded our wares againe, and went to the place before named, where we continued and remai∣ned that night.

We departed from Ostroue in the morning before Sunne rising, rowing and setting vp the riuer 5. miles, where we came to a place whereas we were againe constrained to take out our wares, and to carie them and our boats three miles ouer land, so that with rowing, drawing and setting, we went this day 7. miles more to a place called Sloboday, where we lay all night.

5 We departed from Sloboday in the morning at Sunne rising, and at sixe of the clocke in the afternoone, we came to a village called Paranda, which is from Sloboday 30. miles, where wee remained all that night.

6 We departed from Paranda at 6. of the clocke in the morning, and all that day what with set∣ting and drawing our boats, we went but 11. miles, for we twise vnladed our wares, & drew our boats ouerland, in one place a mile & an halfe, in another place as it were the eight part of a mile•• and so we came to a place called Voyets, where we caried all that night.

7 We departed from Voyets at 4. of the clocke in the morning, & so came to an Ozera or lake, called after the name of the riuer, & vnto a place called Quequenich, wee rowed all this day, and came thither by one of the clock in the afternoone, which is 25. miles from Voyets, and there we remained all night to hire men and boats to carie vs forward on our iourney.

Here departed backe from vs the seruant which we had at the Monasterie, being sent by the monkes to go thus far with vs. And after that he had hired the boats and taken the mens names that should conduct vs, & giuen them charge to deliuer vs with all things in safetie, at a place be∣ing a litle towne called Pouensa, then hee departed from vs without taking any reward for his paines, for so he was charged and commanded by the monkes.

8 We departed from Quequenich at sunne rising, & all that day rowed vpon the lake amongst

many Islands. The inhabitants doe there report that there are as many Islands in their lake, as* 6.11 there are dayes in the yeere. In the euening we came to a village named Tellekina, which is 60. miles from Quequenich.

9 We departed from Tellekina in the morning at 5. of the clocke, and so entring into a riuer, we went that day 13. miles. In one place we caried our boates and goods ouer land 3. miles. At eue∣ning we came to a place called Oreiche ••a maelay, where we lay all night.

10 Wee departed thence at 5. of the clocke in the morning, and so rowing, came to a place where the riuer ended, being 20. miles distant from the place where wee lay all night, at which place wee forsooke our boates and vnladed our wares, and sent a man to the towne of Pouensa, which was seuen mile off, for horses to cary vs and our wares to the said place. The horses came, and we laded our goods, and at sixe of the clocke in the afternoone wee arriued at the towne of Po••••nsa, with all things in safetie.

This towne of Pouensa standeth within one mile of the famous lake or Ozera of Onega,* 6.12 which is 320. miles long, and in some places 70. miles ouer. But where it is narrowest it is 25. miles ouer, being fed with many goodly riuers which fall into it. Hard aboord the shore within 6. miles, you shall haue 40. and 45. fathoms of depth.

Here it is to bee noted that from this place of Pouensa vnto the village of Soroka downe those dangerous riuers which wee came through, at no time of the yeere can or may any man cary or transport any goods that come from Nouogrod, or the Narue, and such other places: for in the Sommer it is impossible to cary downe any wares by reason of the great fals of water that doe descend from the rockes. Likewise in the Winter by reason of the great force and fall of waters which make so terrible raises, that in those places it neuer freezeth, but all such wares as come from Nouogrod to Pouensa, are transported by land to a place called Some in the Winter, which Some standeth on the sea side, as doth Soroka. The ready way from Pouensa by land to this place of Some, with the distance of miles I will shew hereafter.

12 We departed from Pouensa at 9. of the clocke in the morning, with 2. smal boats which we hired to cary vs to a place called Toluo vpon the lake of Onega, being 50. miles from Pouensa, where we arriued the 13. day in the morning, where wee bought a boate that caried vs and all our wares from thence to the Citie of Nouogrod.

14 We departed from Toluo at 3. of the clocke in the afternoone, and at the euening arriued at a certaine Island named Salasalma, vpon the said lake 7. miles from Toluo, and by reason of con∣trary windes we there taried vntill the 16. day of this moneth.

16 We departed from Salasalma, at 8. of the clocke in the morning, and came to an Island the 17. day in the morning, named Vorronia, where wee continued by reason of contrary winds, vntill the 21. day of the said moneth, and it is 60. miles from Salasalma.

21 We departed from Vorronia Island two houres before day, and arriued at S. Clements* 6.13 Monasterie at 2. of the clocke in the after noone, being from Vorronia 48. miles.

22 We departed from S. Clements Monasterie at the breake of the day, hauing a faire wind all a long the lake: we sailed without striking of saile vntil two houres within night, and then entred into a riuer called Swire, at a Monasterie called Vosnessino Christo, fiue miles from the entrance of the riuer, where we taried al night. It is from S. Clements Monastery 160. miles: the streame of that riuer went with vs.

23 Wee departed from Vosnessino Christo before Sunne rising, and valed downe the riuer sometime sailing, and sometime rowing, so that this day wee went 90. miles and lay at night at a place called Vassian.

24 Wee departed from Vassian at the breake of the day, and came to a place called ‖ 6.14Selucax, where we lay all night, and is 10. miles from Vassian.

25 We departed from Selucaxe at 4. of the clocke in the morning, and entred vpon the Lake of Ladiskaie, the winde being calme al that day sauing 3. houres, and then it was with vs, so that we sailed and rowed that day 10. miles, along vpon the said lake, and entred into the riuer of Volhus∣ki,* 6.15 which riuer hath his beginning 20. miles aboue Nouogrod, and runneth through the midst of* 6.16 the Citie, and so falleth into this lake, which is farre longer then the lake of Onega, but it is not so broad. This lake falleth into the sea that commeth from the Sound: where any vessel or boat, ha∣uing a good pilot, may goe through the Sound into England.

As soone as we were entred into the riuer, we came to a Monasterie called S. Nicholas Medu∣ed, where we lay all that night.

26 Wee departed from S. Nicholas Medued, at fiue of the clocke in the morning, rowing and* 6.17 drawing our boates all day, and came at night to another Monasterie called Gosnopoli, which is 30. miles from S. Nicholas Medued, where we lay all that night.

27 We departed from Gosnopoli at 6. of the clocke in the morning, and at euening came to a place called Moislaue, where we lay all night, being 46. miles from the Monasterie of Gosnopoli.

28 We departed from Moislaue, and the saide day at night came to a place called Grussina, 35. miles from Moislaue where we lodged.

29 Wee departed from Grussina in the morning, and the same day at euening came to a place called Petroe Suetoe, where we lay all night, being 40. miles from Grussina.

30 We departed from Petroe Suetoe in the morning, and at two of the clock in the afternoone we arriued at the Citie of Nouogrod,* 6.18 being twentie miles from Petroe Suetoe. Here we found William Rowlie Agent to the company, who was there stayed with all his company, and was not licenced to depart thence for the Mosco, by reason that the plague was then in the Citie of Nouo∣grod. Unto him we deliuered all the wares that wee brought from Colmogro, for by the way we sold not a peny worth, the people of the countrey euery where be so miserable.

The right way to bring and transport wares from Nouogrod to Rose Island into S. Ni∣cholas bay, where our Ships yeerely lade, with the distance of miles from place to place, is ••s followeth:

20

Miles from Nouogrod to Petroe Suetoe.

40

Miles from thence to Grusina.

35

Miles from thence to Moislaue.

46

Miles from thence to the Monasterie Gosnopoli.

15

Miles from thence to Ladega towne.

Miles from thence to Selunaz ouer the lake of Ladega, albeit there be many villages all along the lake.

15

Miles from thence to Ladega towne.

Miles from thence to Selunaz ouer the lake of Ladega, albeit there be many villages all along the lake.

180

Miles from Ladega towne vp the riuer of Swire, vnto the Monasterie of Vosnessino Christo, albeit there are many villages vpon the riuer: for within euery fiue or sixe miles you shall haue villages or small townes.

160

Miles from Vosnessino Christo to S. Clements Monastery, albeit there be many villa∣ges all along the lake of Onega.

48

Miles from thence to Voronia.

67

Miles from thence to Toluo towne: and there are diuers villages al along the lake where the carriers may lie, and haue mente for man and horse.

50

Miles from thence to Pouensa, where Onega lake endeth.

The way from Pouensa to Some towne is this:

30

Miles from Pouensa to Mastelina.

Miles from thence to Toluich.

10

Miles from thence to Tellekina.

Miles from thence to Ostrouo.

30

Miles from Pouensa to Mastelina.

Miles from thence to Toluich.

35

Miles from thence to Carraich.

20

Miles from thence to Varnich.

Miles from thence to Some it selfe.

10

Miles from thence to Tellekina.

Miles from thence to Ostrouo.

15

Miles from thence to Lapina.

20

Miles from thence to Varnich.

Miles from thence to Some it selfe.

Note, that from the Citie of Nouogrod vnto the towne of Some is 936. miles, and from the towne of Some vnto the Monas••erie of S. Nicholas or Rose Island, ouer and against where our Ships do ride, is iust as many miles as is Soroka village from S. Nicholas, as the Russes doe ac∣compt it, as also we do iudge it, namely 325. miles. So that from Nouogrod to S. Nicholas ro••d, is by our accompt 1261. miles or versts.

* 6.19Furthermore•• it is to be noted that all such wares as shall be bought at Nouogrod, and sent to Some towne, must be sent by sled way in the Winter: for if any ware should be sent from Nouo∣grod by water in the spring of the yeere after the y••e is gone, then must the said wares remaine at Pouensa towne al that Summer, by reason that in the Summer there is no way to goe from Po∣uensa vnto Some towne.

At Pouensa there are many warehouses to be hired, so that if there were as much goods as ten ships could cary away, you might haue warehouses to put it in: but if there should remaine much ware all the Summer, to be caried in the Winter to Some towne, then horses are not easily to be gotten at that place to cary it thither: so that your wares once bought at Nouogrod, you must haue cariers there to cary it to the towne of Some by Sleds, whereof you may there haue 2000.* 6.20 if you will, by the report of the Russes.

For from Nouogrod yerely there go many Sleds in the Winter to fetche salt from Some, with carriers and emptie Sleds there to buy it, and to bring it to Nouogrod to sell it in the mar∣ket or otherwise.

From Nouogrod vnto Some towne you may haue a p••od of wares carried for eight pence or nine pence: but in any wise your wares must bee sent from Nouogrod by the sixt of Ianuary, so

that the wares may bee at Some by Candlemas, or soone after: for if your wares should tary by the way vntill the 15. of February when the Sunne is of some power, then is it danger••us: for the heate of the Sunne in the day causeth the deepe lakes of Ladega,* 6.21 and specially of Onega to cleaue: and if there should come then a sudden thaw, as oftentimes in that time of the yeere doeth, then doe these lakes open and breake, whereby many men are lost, and both men and horse drow∣ned, although other riuers do remaine frozen a long time after.

In the towne of Some also there are many warehouses, whereof we cannot be destitute for the reposing of our wares, as also as many barkes as you wil to transport your wares from thence to S. Nicholas road, and that for three pence a poods caryage: so that from the Citie of Nouogrod vnto S. Nicholas road you may haue wares caried for two altines. The pood commeth vnto 23. altines the tunne.

Prouided alwayes, that you buy your wares there your selfe, and send it thence: for there is no hope that the natiues will bring their wares from Nouogrod to Some,* 6.22 in hope to sell vnto vs, con∣sidering the great trade that they haue at the Narue, which is within 180. miles off them.

Written by Thomas Southam a seruant to the company.

An Act for the corporation of Merchants aduenturers for the dis∣couering of new trades, made in the eight yeere of Queene Elizabeth. Anno 1566.

WHereas diuers very good Subiects of this Realme of England in the latter ende of the reigne of the late right high and mightie prince our Soueraigne Lord king Edward the sixt, at the gracious incouragement, and right good liking of the said king, and by his Maiesties liberall example, did at their ad∣uenture, and to their exceeding great charges, for the glory of God, the honor and increase of the reuenues of the Crowne, and the common vtilitie of the whole Realme of England, set forth thr••e ships for the discouery by Sea, of Isles, lands, territories, dominions, and Seigniories vnknowen, and by the Subiects of the sayd late king not commonly by seas frequented: and after that Almightie God had called to his mer∣cie the said king, who died before the finishing and sealing of his most ample and gracious letters of priuiledges promised to the said Subiects, as wel in consideration of the said enterprise, as for di∣uers other respects it pleased our late souereigne Q. Mary, at the humble suites of the same sub∣iects, to graunt by her letters Patents vnder the great Seale of England, bearing date at West∣minster the 26. day of February, in the second yeere of her raigne, for the considerations mentio∣ned in the said letters Patents, to the saide subiects being specially named in the saide letters Pa∣tents, and to their successors, that they by the name of Merchants aduenturers of England, for the discouerie of lands, territories, Isles, dominions, and Seigniories vnknowen, and not before their late aduenture or enterprise, by seas or Nauigations cōmonly frequented, should be from thence∣forth one body, and perpetual felowship and communaltie of themselues, both in deed and in name, and that the same felowship and communaltie from thenceforth should and might haue one or two gouernours, foure Consuls, and 24. assistants, of the said felowship and comminaltie of Merchants aduenturers, and that they by the name of the Gouernour, Consuls, assistants, felowship, and com∣minaltie of Merchants aduenturers, for the discouery of lands, territories, Isles, dominions, and Seigniories vnknowen, by the seas and Nauigations, and not before their said late aduenture or enterprise, by Seas frequented, should or might be able in the lawe to implead and to bee implea∣ded, to answere and to be answered, to defend and to be defended, before whatsoeuer Iudge or Iustice temporall or spiritual, or other persons whatsoeuer, in whatsoeuer court or courts, and in all actions, real, personal, and mixt, and in euery of them, and in all plaints of Nouel deseison, and also in all plaints, sutes, quarrels, affaires, businesse, and demaunds whatsoeuer they be, touching and concerning the said felowship and comminaltie, and the affaires and businesse of the same, only in as ample maner and forme, as any other corporation of this Realme might doe, giuing also, and granting vnto them by the said letters Patents, diuers authorities, powers, iurisdictions, prehe∣minences, franchises, liberties and priuiledges, as by the same letters Patents more at large will appeare. And among other things mentioned in the said letters Patents, whereas one of the three ships, by the said fellowship before that time set foorth for the voyage of discouery aforesaid, named the Edward Bonauenture, had arriued within the Empire and dominion of the high and mightie Prince Lord Iohn Vasiliwich, Emperour of all Russia, Volodimersky, great duke of Musky, &c. who receiued the Captaine and Merchants of the saide shippe very graciously, granting vnto

them fre••••y to tra••fique with his subiects in all kinde of merchandizes, with diuers other gracious priuiledges and liberties: therefore the said late Queene by the same letters Patents, for her her heires and successors, did graunt that all the maine lands, Isles, ports, hauens, creeks and riuers of the said mighty Emperour of all Russia, and great duke of Mo••co, &c. and all and singular other lands, dominions, territories, Isles, ports, hauens, creeks, riuers, armes of the seas, of al and euery other Emperour, king, prince, ruler, or gouerner whatsoeuer he or they be, before the said late ad∣uenture or enterprise not knowen, or by the aforesaid merchants and subiects of the said king and Queene, by the seas not commonly frequented, nor any part or parcell thereof, and lying North∣wards, Northeastwards, or Northwestwards, as in the said letters patents is mentioned, should not be visited, frequented nor hunted by any the subiects of the said late Queene, other then of the said company and fellowship, and their successors, without expresse licence, agreement, & consent of the Gouerner, Consuls, and Assistants of the said felowship, and communaltie, or the more part of them, in maner & forme, as is expressed in the saide letters patents, vpon paine of for feiture and losse as well of the ship and ships, with the appurtenances, as also of the goods, merchandizes, and things whatsoeuer they be, of those the subiects of the said late Queene not being of the saide fel∣lowship and communaltie, which should attempt or presume to saile to any of those places, which then were, or after should happen to be found and traffiqued vnto, the one halfe of the same forfri∣••ure to be to the vse of the said late Queene, her heires & successors, and the other halfe to be to the vse of the said felowship & communaltie, as by the same letters patents more plainly will appeare.

Since the making of which letters patens, the said fellowship haue, to their exceeding great costes, losses and expences, not onely by their trading into the said dominions of the saide mightie prince of Russia, &c. found out conuenient way to saile into the saide dominions: but also passing thorow the same, and ouer the Caspian sea, haue discouered very commodious trades into Arme∣nia, Media, Hyrcania, Persia, and other dominions in Asia minor, hoping by Gods grace to disco∣uer also the countrey of Cathaia, and other regions very cōuenient to be traded into by merchants of this realme, for the great benefite and commodities of the same.

And forasmuch as diuers subiects of this realme, vnderstanding the premises, and perceiuing that now after the charge and trauel aforesaid,* 6.23 diuers wares and merchandizes are brought by the saide fellowship into this Realme, out of the dominions already discouered, which bee within this realme of good estimation, minding for their peculiar gaine, vtterly to decay the trade of the ••ayde fellowship, haue contrary to the tenor of the same letters patents, in great disorder ••raded into the dominions of the said mightie prince of Russia, &c. to the great detriment of this common wealth: And for that the name by which the saide felowship is incorporated by the letters patents afore∣said, is long, & consisteth of very many words: Therfore be it enacted by the Queenes most excel∣lent Maiestie, the Lords spiritual and temporal, & the commons in this present parliament assem∣bled, and by authoritie of the same, that the said felowship, company, society & corporation made or created by the said letters patents, shal at al time & times from henceforth be incorporated, named and called onely by the name of the fellowship of English merchants,* 6.24 for discouery of new trades, and by the same name for euer shall and may continue a perpetuall body incorporate in deede and name, and onely by the same name from henceforth, shall implead, and be impleaded, answere and be answered, defend and be defended, sue and bee sued, in whatsoeuer courts and places, and shall and may by the same name bee inabled to purchase, haue, holde, possesse, reteine, and enioy whatso∣euer manors, landes, tenements, rents, reuersions, seruices, & heredicaments not exceeding a hun∣dred marks yeerely, not being holden of the Queenes maiestie, her heires, or successors by knights seruice in Capite, and all goods, merchandizes, chattels, and other things whatsoeuer, and shall and may by the same name make and do all things as any other corporation may do, and also shall haue and enioy all and singular the liberties, priuiledges, iurisdictions, franchises, preheminenc••s, powers, authorities, and things, and may doe and execute all other matters and things in the sayd letters patents mentioned, or in any wise conteined. And that no part nor parcell of the maine lands, Isles, ports, hauens, roades, creekes, riuers, armes of the seas of any Emperour, king, prince, ruler or gouernor whatsoeuer he or they be, before the said first enterprise made by the mer∣chants of the saide corporation, not knowen by the merchants and subiects of this Realme, or by them not commonly by seas frequented, and lying from the City of London Northwards, North∣westwards, or Northeastwards, nor any part or parcel of the maine lands, dominions, isles, ports, roades, hauens, creeks, armes of the Seas, that now be subiect to the said high and mightie prince Lord Iohn Vasiliwich, his heires or successours, or to the Emperour, chiefe gouernour or ruler of the said country of Russia for the time be••ng, his heires or successors, nor the countries of Armenia maior or minor, Media, Hyrcania, Persia, or the Caspian sea, nor any part of them shall be sailed or traffiqued vnto, visited, frequented, or haunted by any person being or that shal•••• a subiect or de∣nizen

of this realme, by themselues, their factor or factors, or any other to their vse or commoditie, by any wayes or meanes, directly or indirectly, other then by the order, agreement, consent, or rati∣fication of the gouernour, Consuls and assistants of the saide fellowship and com••••naltie, or the more part of them, and their successors for the time being: vpon paine that euery person and per∣sons offending in this behalfe, shall forfeit and loose, Ipso facto, euery such ship and ships, with the appurtenances, and all such goods, Merchandizes, and things whatsoeuer, as by any such person or persons shalbe by any wayes or meanes, directly or indirectly, prouided, caried, conducted, brought or exchanged, in, at, to, through or from any of the places prohibited, as is aforesaide, contrary to the true intent of this statute: the one moitie of all which forfeitures to bee to our said souereigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie, her heires and successors, and the other moitie thereof to the sayde fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades, and their successors, to be seized and taken wheresoeuer they may be found, by any person or persons, to the vse of our said Soue∣reigne Lady, her heires and successors, and of the said fellowship of English merc••hants for disco∣uery of newe trades, and of their successors, or the same or the value thereof to bee demaunded or sued for by the Queenes highnesse, her heires and successors, or by the saide fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades, or their su••cessors, or their atturney or atturneis, or by any person or persons being of the same fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades, or their successors in any court of Record, or in any other Court or courtes within this Realme, or els where, by Action of debt, action of detinue, bill, plaint, information, or otherwise: in which suite no essoine, protection, wager of lawe, or iniunction shall be allowed, for, or on the behalfe of the partie or parties defendant.

Prouided alwayes, that whereas diuers Subiects of this Realme being not of the fellowship aforesaid, haue heretofore made aduentures to and from some of the places prohibited by the said letters patents, that the said subiects, their heires, executors, administrators and assignes, or any of them shall not be impeached, impleaded, troubled, sued, nor molested for the same in their goods or persons in any maner of wise, either by our saide souereigne Lady, her heires or successors, or the said fellowship, or their successors.

Prouided also, that it shall be lawfull for any subiect of this Realme, hauing presently any ship∣ping, goods, wares, or ready money, remayning at or in any place, of or within the dominion of the said mighty prince of Russia, or in any other of the places prohibited to be visited or traffiqued vnto by this statute or the said letters Patents, to fetch, bring, and conuey the same, or cause the same to be brought or conueyed from thence by sea or otherwise, before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist, which shalbe in the yeere of our Lord God 1568. any thing conteined in this Statute, or in the said letters Patents to the contra••y notwithstanding.

Prouided also, that it shall be lawfull for any of the subiects of this Realme, to saile to the port, towne, territorie, or castle of Wardhouse, or to any of the coastes, townes, hauens, creekes, riuers, Islands, and land of Norway for trade of fishing, or any other trade there vsed by the subiects of this Realme, any thing in this statute to the contrary notwithstanding.

And for the better maintenance of the Nauie and Mariners of this Realme, be it prouided and inacted, that it shall not be lawfull to the saide fellowship and company, nor to any of them to cary and transport, or cause to be caried and transported any commodie of this Realme to their newe trade, but onely in English ships, and to be sailed for the most part with English Mariners, nor also to bring into this Realme nor into Flanders from their saide new trade, any merchandizes, or other commodities but in English ships, and sailed for the most part by the English Mariners, on paine to forfeit for euery such offence two hundred pounds, whereof the one moitie shall be to the Queenes Maiestie, her heires and successors, the other moitie to the head officers of any port towne, hauing any hauen or harborough decayed, by what name soeuer they bee incorporate, to the reparation of such harborough, that will sue for the same in any Court of Record, by action, bill, plaint or information, wherein no essoine, protection, or wager of lawe for the defendant shall be admitted or allowed.

Prouided also, and be it enacted, that no maner of person or persons shall from hence forth car∣rie or transport, or cause to bee carried or transported out of this Realme of England, any maner of clothes or karsies into any of the partes where the said fellowship and societie is priuiledged to trade by this Act, before the same clothes and karsies shall be all dressed, and for the most part died within this Realme, vpon paine of forfeiture for euery such cloth and karsie, otherwise caried and transported, fiue pounds: the one halfe thereof to the Queenes Maiestie, her heires and successors, the other halfe to the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers in the Citie of London for the time being, by what name soeuer they be incorporate that wil sue for the same.

Prouided also that whensoeuer the said societie or company shall willingly withdraw, and dis∣continue

wholy by the space of three yeeres in time of peace, the discharging of their marchandizes at the road of S. Nicholas bay in Russia, and doe not discharge their said merchandizes at some o∣ther port or roade lying on that North coast of Russia, or other territorie nowe subiect to the saide mightie prince of Russia, &c. hitherto by the subiects of this realme not commonly frequented, that then during the time of any such discontinuance and withdrawing, as is aforesaid, it shalbe lawful to all the subiects of this realme to trade to the Narue onely in English bottoms, any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding.

Prouided also, that euery of the Queenes Maiesties Subiects inhabiting within the Citie of Yorke, the townes of Newcastle vpon Tine, Hull and of Boston, hauing continually traded the course of merchandize by the space of ten yeeres, and which before the 25. of December that shal∣be in Anno D. 1567. shal contribute, ioyne, and put in stocke, to, with, and amongst the said compa∣ny, such summe & summes of money, as any of the said company, which hath throughly continued and contributed to the saide newe trade, from the yeere 1552. hath done, and before the saide 25. of December 1567. shall do for the furniture of one ordinary, full and intire portion, or share, and do in all things behaue himselfe as others of the said societie be bound to doe, and hereafter shall bee bound to do by the priuiledges, ordinances and statutes of the saide company, shall from the same 25. day of December 1567. be, and be accompted free, and as one of the saide societie and compa∣ny, and subiect to the priuiledges, ordinances and statutes of the saide company, reasonably made and to be made, any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding.

A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony Ien∣kinson, from London to Moscouia, sent from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour, in the yeere 1566.

THe fourth day of May in the yere aforesaid, I imbarked my selfe at Grauesend in the good ship called the Harry of London, and hauing had a prosperous voyage ar∣riued at the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia the 10. day of Iuly following, and imme∣diatly I sent in post to the Emperor to aduertise of my comming, and traueiling then thorowe the countrey, I with my company came to the Mosco where the Emperour kept his court, the 23. of August, and foorthwith gaue the Secretarie to v••derstand of my arriuall, who aduertised the Emperours Maiestie of it, and the first day of September, being a solemne feast among the Russes, I came before the Emperours Maiestie, sitting in his seate of honour, and hauing kissed his hand, and done the Queenes Maiesties commendations, and deliue∣red her Graces letters and present, he ••ad me to dinner, which I accepted, and had much honour done vnto me both then and all the time of my abode in Russia.

The Priuiledges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the Eng∣lish merchants of that company: obteined the 22. of September, Anno 1567. by M. Anthony Ienkinson.

ONe onely strengthener of all things, and God without beginning, which was before the world, the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, our onely God in Trinitie, and maker of all things, whom we worship in all things, and in all pla∣ces, the doer and fulfiller of all things, which is the perfect knowledge giuer of the true God, our Lorde Iesus Christ, with the comforter the holy Spirit, and thou which art the strengthener of our faith, keepe vs together, & giue vs health to preserue our kingdome, thou giuer of all good fruites, and helper of all Christian beleeuers.

We great lord by the grace of God, and great duke Iohn Vasiliwich of all Russia, Volodimer, Mosco, Nouogrod, Cazan, Astracan, Plesco, Smolensko, Tweria, Yougorie, Vadika, Bulgar, Sy∣bier and others, Emperour and great duke of Nouogrod of the lower land, of Chernygo, Rezan, Polotski, Rostoue, Yereslaue, Bealozera, Oudoria, Obdoria, Condensa, and lord of many other lands, and of all the North parts, commander and lord of Liffe-land.

Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queene of England, France and Ireland, hath written to vs her letters, that wee would graunt her merchants, William Gerrard, William Chester, Rowland Heyward, Lawrence Hussie, Iohn Marsh, Anthony Ienkinson, William Rowly, and their company of England, to come in ships into this kingdome, and those merchants, William Gerrard and his company haue required of vs that we would graunt and li∣cence them to come into our countrey of Dwina, with all kind of wares at wil, to our city of Mos∣co, and to all our castles in our kingdomes, we for our sisters sake Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queene of England, France and Ireland, haue licenced her merchants, William Gerrard and

his company to passe in ships to our kingdome of Colmogro, and to the land of Dwina, and to all other our inheritances in the North parts, with all kind of wares to our city of Mosco, and to all castles and townes in our kingdome. And sir William Garrard & his company desired of vs, that we would grant them licence to passe to our inheritance of Cazan and Astracan, and into our in∣heritance of Nouogrod the great, and to our inheritance of Lifland to Narue and Dorpe, and to other our castles and townes of Lifland, with all kinde os wares, and the trade to be without cu∣stome, which request we haue granted to sir William Garrard and his company, and haue giuen them licence to passe to our inheritance of Cazan and Astracan, and Nouogrod the great, and in∣to our inheritance of Lifland, Narue and Dorpe, and other places of our inheritance in Lifland with all kinde of wares, to buy, barter and sell at will, without custome: and what wares soeuer they bring out of England, or out of any other countrey, needfull or necessary, that they shall bring all those wares needfull or necessary to our treasury, & those wares there to be opened, and then to take out of the same, such wares as shalbe needfu•• for our treasury, and the rest being deliuered a∣gaine, to sell and barter at their pleasure, and to sell none of the fine wares before they be seene by our chancellers, except sorting clothes, and other wares not meet for our treasury: and when our chanceller will send our treasure out of our treasury with them, they shall take it with them, and so sell and barter it for wares meet for our treasury, and bring it to our treasury, and they to take no other mens wares to barter or sell with them, nor yet our people to buy or sell for them their wares: and if those English merchants do desire to passe out of our kingdome of Astracan to Bog∣har, Shamaky, Chaday, or into any other countreys, or els to go into their owne countrey, then they to take their treasure with them, and to barter and sell it for wares necessary for our treasu∣ry, and to bring it and deliuer it to our chanceller, and when they come backe againe to our inheri∣tance of Cazan and Astracan, or to any other of our castles and townes, that then our captaine of Cazan and Astracan, and all other our people of charge shall not holde them, but with speed let them passe without taking custome of them or their wares, and without opening or looking vpon them in any wise: and when they haue not our treasure with them, that then likewise no custome shalbe taken of them nor their wares to be seene of any man.

And likewise we haue granted them to buy and sell in all our kingdomes and castles, with all kinde of wares: and we haue also licenced them, that when those English merchants do desire to buy & sell with our merchants wholly together, that they shall haue liberty so to do wholly toge∣ther: and they that do desire to sell their owne wares by retaile in their owne house, that then they sell it in their own house by retaile to our people & other strangers, as they can agree: and weights and arshnids to be kept in their house with our seale, and they themselues to barter and sell their owne wares: and no Russe merchant in Mosco, or any other place in our kingdome to sell for them any wares, nor to buy or barter any wares for them, nor couler any strangers goods. And whereas those merchants of England, sir William Garrard and his company do desire to sell their wares at Colmogro, Dwina, Vologda, Y••raslaue, Costrum, and in Nouogrod the lower, Ca∣zan, Astracan, great Nouogrod, Plesko, Narue, Dorpe, and in other our townes & castles, they shall haue their will to sell it: and of their wares of England and Russeland no custome shalbe ta∣ken, neither they nor their wares shalbe stayed in any place: and when they depart out of Mo••co, to aduertise our chancellor thereof, and not to giue any note or inuentory of any kinde of their wares they cary away: and when the English merchants, sir William Garrard and his company do come vpon the sea, and by misfortune haue their ships cast away vpon those coasts of the North parts, then we will their goods to be sought out with trueth, and to be deliuered to sir William Garrard and his company, which as then shall be found in our countrey: and if that sir William Garrards company be not in the Mosco nor in our countrey, then we will and command that those goods of theirs shall be layd vp in a place of safegard vntill such time as the said sir William Gar∣rard or his company come to demand the same: and then at their comming we will that it shall be deliuered. And whereas heretofore we haue giuen sir William Garrard and his company in this our kingdome of Mosco the new castle by the church of S. Maxim behinde the market, they shal there still holde their house as heretofore we haue giuen them, paying no custome for the same: and we also do licence them to keepe one Russe porter or two, or els of their owne countrey, and those porters shall dwell with them, and not sell for them, nor barter, nor buy for them: And also I haue granted them to buy a house at Vologda and at Colmogro, or in any other place where they can chuse for themselues any good harbour, and there they to set vp those houses in those pla∣ces at their owne charges: and in Vologda or the other houses to keepe two or three porters of their owne, or els two or three Russes, and their wares to be layed vp in those houses, and to sell their owne wares at will: and the porters without them to sell none of their wares, neither yet to buy any for them. And our officers of Colmogro and Dwina, and of other our castles & townes

shall not looke ouer their wares, nor take any custome thereof: neither shall those English mer∣chants sir William Garrard and his company be iudged by any of them. And when the English merchants shall send from our kingdome their owne people into their owne countrey by land o∣uer other kingdomes whatsoeuer they be, they may without ware send their owne people at their pleasure. And when any matter of law doth fall out in their trade of merchandise, then they shall be iudged by our chancellers, and law shalbe done with equitie betwixt our people and them: and when they cannot be iudged by law, they then shalbe tried by lots,* 6.25 and whose lot is first taken out, he shall haue the right. And if it happen any of those merchants to haue any matter of law in any other part of our dominions for trade of merchants, then our captaines, iudges, and chiefe offi∣cers shall heare the matter, and administer iustice with equity and trueth, and where law can take no place, to be tried by lots, and his lot that is first taken out to haue the right, and for their mat∣ters of law no custome to be payed.

Furthermore, we for our sisters sake Eliz••beth haue granted, that none beside sir William Garrard and his company, out of what kingdome soeuer it be, England or other, shall come in trade of merchandise nor otherwise to Colmogro, nor to the riuer Ob,* 6.26 nor within Ward∣house, nor to Pe••zora, nor Cola, nor Mezen, nor to the abbey of Petchingo, nor to the Island of Shallawy, nor to any mouth of the riuer of Dwina, nor to any part of the North countrey of our coast. And if any merchant, out of what countrey soeuer it be, doe come with ship or shippes, busses, or any other kinde of vessell to any of our harbours, within all our North parts, we will that then the people and goods, ship or ships, shalbe confiscate, and forfeited to vs the Emperour and great Duke.

Giuen in our kingdome and house of Mosco, the yeere from the beginning of the world 7076, in the moneth of September, and in the 34 yeere of our reigne, and in our conquest of Cazan 16, and in our conquest of Astracan 15.

Perused and allowed by vs:

• ...Anthonie Ienkinson.
• ...William Rowly.
• ...Thomas Hawtry.
• ...Thomas Sowtham.
• Rafe Rutter, translatour hereof out of the Russe tongue.

A letter of M. Henrie L••n••e to M. Richard Hakluit, concerning the first ambassage to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth from the Russian Emperour anno 1567, and other notable matters incident to those places and times.

WOrshipfull sir, because I finde you haue the successe and proceedings of Osep Napea the first ambassadour of the Russian Emperour to the Maiesties of King Philip and Queene Marie, at what time and at his returne I was remai∣ning in Russia, & do not finde that the perfect knowledge of the first ambassage from thence to this our Souereigne Ladie Queene Elizabeth is come to your hands, betweene whose Highnesse and the ambassadours I was interpretour, I thinke good to expresse it. In August Anno 1567 arriued at London with their retinue two especiall authorised messengers, named Stephen Twerdico, and Theodore Pogorella, with let∣ters and presents to her Maiesty, at that time being at O••elands, where diuers of the chiefe merchants of the Russian company did associate them, and I there doing my duetie and office of interpretour, her Maiestie gaue them audience. First they rehearsed the long stile and Maiesty of their Master, with his most friendly and hearty commendations to her Highnesse, and then they testified the singular great ioy and pleasure that he conceiued to heare of her most princely estate, dignitie and health: and lastly, they deliuered their letters and presents. The presents sent vnto her Maiesty were Sables, both in paires for tippets, and two timbars, to wit, two times fortie, with Luserns and other rich furres. For at that time that princely ancient orna∣ment of furres was yet in vse. And great pitie but that it might be renewed, especiall in Court, and among Magistrates, not onely for the restoring of an olde worshipfull Art and Companie, but also because they be for our climate wholesome, delicate, graue and comely:* 7.1 expressing dig∣nitie, comforting age, and of longer continuance, and better with small cost to be preserued, then these new silks, shagges, and ragges, wherein a great part of the wealth of the land is hastily consumed.

These ambassadours were appointed lodging and enterteinement by the Mosconie company at their house then in Seething Lane, and were sundrie times after permitted to be in presence.

And in May 1568 tooke their leaue at Greenwich, where they vnderstood and had the Queenes Maiesties minde, letters and reward. At the latter part of her talke, her Highnesse considering that our trade to Saint Nicholas since the beginning had bene offensiue to diuers princes, states, and merchants Eastward, vsed these speeches or the like:* 7.2 Who is or shall be more touched by detractours, with flying tales and vntrue reports, then Princes and Rulers, to the breach of loue and vnitie? your Master and I in things that passe by word and writing, I doubt not will keepe and performe promises. If he heare the contrary of me, let him suspend his iudgement, and not be light of credit, and so will I. These words they termed her Maiesties golden speech: and kneeling downe, kissed her hand, and departed.

The letters that these two messengers brought, were deliuered to me by my Lord Treasu∣rour, being then Secretarie, to be translated, the copies whereof I had, but now cannot finde. The copie of the Queenes Maiesties letter I send inclosed here with vnto your worship. I also haue sent you a copy of a letter written from the king of Polonia to the Queenes Maiestie, with other letters from some of our nation and factours, declaring the displeasure for our trafficke to the Russes from anno 1558 to the yere 1566, especially by the way of the Narue: in which yere of 1566, hauing generall procuration and commission from the Company, I was in the Low countrey at Antwerpe and Amsterdam, and sometimes in company with Polacks, Danskers, and Easterlings: and by reason I had bene a lidger in Russia, I could the better reply and proue, that their owne nations and the Italians were most guiltie of the accusations written by the king of Poland.

This king Sigismundus (whose ambassadours very sumptuous I haue seene at Mosco) was reported to be too milde in suffering the Moscouites. Before our trafficke they ouerranne his great dukedome of Lituania, and tooke Smolensco,* 7.3 carrying the people captiues to Mosco. And in the yere 1563, as appeareth by Thomas Alcocks letter, they suffered the Russe likewise in that Duchy to take a principall city called Polotzko,* 7.4 with the lord and people thereof. Like∣wise the said Sigismundus and the king of Sweden did not looke to the protection of Liuonia, but lost all, except Rie and Reuel, and the Russe made the Narue his port to trafficke, not onely to vs, but to Lubec and others, generall. And still from those parts the Moscouites were furnished out of Dutchland by enterlopers with all arts and artificers, and had few or none by vs. The I∣talians also furnished them with engines of warre, and taught them warrelike stratagemes, an•• the arte of fortification. In the dayes of Sigismund, the Russe would tant the Polacks, that they loued their ease at home with their wiues, and to drinke, and were not at commandement of their king. This Sigismund had to wife the daughter of Ferdinando, Charles the fifts brother, and he died without issue. Since which time their late elected king Stephanus Batore kept the Russe in better order, and recouered Polotzko againe in the yere 1579.* 7.5 Thus with my heartie fare∣well I take my leaue of your worship.

Your assured friend Henrie Lane.

A Letter of the most excellent Maiestie of Queene Elizabeth, sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella, messengers of the Emperour of Russia, vnto their Master the ninth of May 1568.* 7.6

Imperatori Moscouitarum, &c.

ELIZABETHA &c. Literas vestrae Maiestatis superiori anno 1567, decimo die mensis Aprilis datas, vestri mercatores Stephanus Twerdico, & Pheo∣data Pogorella, qui has nostras perferunt, nobis tradidêre. Quos vestros mercatores in omni suo apud nos & nostros obeundo negotio, ita tracta∣ri, & libenti voluntate, & expresso nostro mandato curauimus, vt non so∣lum vestrae Maiestatis pro illis postulationi, sed eorundem etiam hominum expectationi plenè satisfactum esse confidamus. Id quod eo fecimus stu∣diosius, quod plane perspectum, probèque cognitum habeamus, nostros omnes, quibona cum gratia nostra, nostrarúmque literarum commendatione, is••u••, sub vestro imperio negotiaturi veniunt, pari, cum vestrae Maiestatis fauore, tum vestrorum subditorum humanitate, vbiuis ac∣ceptos esse. Quae nostra vtrobíque, & mutuae inter nos amicitiae, & gratae inter nostros bene∣uolentiae officia, vt crebra & perpetua existant, nos admodum postulamus. Quem animi no∣stri sensum fusius hi vestri, & opportunius suo sermone coram declarabunt: Quibus non du∣bitamus, quin vestra Maiestas amplam fidem sit tributura. Deus &c. Grenouici nono die Maij 1567.

The Ambassage of the right worshipfull Master Thomas Randolfe, Esquire, to the Emperour of Russia, in the yeere 1568, briefly written by himselfe.

* 7.7THe 22 day of Iune, in the yere of our Lord 1568, I went aboord the Harry, lying in the road at Harwich with my company, being to the number of fortie persons or thereabout: of which the one halfe were gentlemen, desirous to see the world.

Within one dayes sailing, we were out of the sight of land, and follow∣ing our course directly North, till we came to the North Cape, we sailed for the space of twelue dayes with a prosperous winde, without tempest or outrage of sea: hauing compassed the North Cape we directed our course flat Southeast, ha∣uing vpon our right hand Norway, Wardhouse, Lapland, all out of sight till we came to Cape Gallant: and so sailing betweene two dayes, the two and thirtieth day after our departure from Harwich, we cast ancre at Saint Nicholas road. In all the time of our voyage, more then the great number of Whales ingendering together, which we might plainly beholde, and the Sper∣ma Cetae, which we might see swimming vpon the sea, there was no great thing to be woonde∣red at. Sometimes we had calmes, wherein our Mariners fished, and tooke good store of diuers sorts. At S. Nicholas we landed the 23 of Iuly, where there standeth an abbey of Monks (to the number of twentie) built all of wood:* 7.8 the apparell of the Monks is superstitious, in blacke hoods, as ours haue bene. Their Church is faire, but full of painted images, tapers, and candles. Their owne houses are low, and small roomes. They lie apart, they eat together, and are much giuen to drunkennesse, vnlearned, write they can, preach they doe neuer, ceremonious in their Church, and long in their prayers.

At my first arriuall I was presented from their Prior with two great rie loaues, fish both salt and fresh of diuers sorts, both sea fish and fresh water, one sheepe aliue, blacke, with a white face, to be the more gratefull vnto me, and so with many solemne words inuiting me to see their house, they tooke their leaue.

* 7.9Towne or habitation at S. Nicholas there is none more then about foure houses neere the abbey, and another built by the English Company for their owne vse.

This part of the countrey is most part wood, sauing here and there pasture & arable ground, many riuers and diuers Islands vnhabited, as the most part of the countrey is, for the coldnesse in Winter.

* 7.10S. Nicholas standeth Northeast: the eleuation of the pole 64 degrees. The riuer that runneth there into the sea is called Dwina, very large, but shallow. This riuer taketh his beginning about 700 miles within the countrey, & vpon this riuer standeth Colmogro, and many prety villages, well situated for pasture, arable land, wood, and water. The riuer pleasant betweene hie hils of either side inwardly inhabited, and in a maner a wildernesse of hie firre trees, and other wood.

* 7.11At Colmogro being 100 versts, which we account for three quarters of a mile euery verst, we taried three weeks, not being suffered to depart before the Emperour had word of our com∣ming, who sent to meet vs a gentleman of his house, to conuey vs, and to see vs furnished of victu∣als, and all things needfull, vpon his owne charge.

The allowance of meat and drinke was for euery day two rubbles, besides the charge of boats by water, and foure score post horses by land, with aboue 100 carts to cary my wines, and other cariage.

Colmogro is a great towne builded all of wood, not walled, but scattered house from house. The people are rude in maners, and in apparell homely, sauing vpon their festiuall, and marriage dayes.

The people of this town finding commodity by the English mens traffike with them are much at their commandement, giuen much to drunkennesse, and all other kinde of abominable vices.

* 7.12In this towne the English men haue lands of their owne, giuen them by the Emperour, and faire houses, with offices for their commodity, very many.

Of other townes vntill I come to Vologda, I write not, because they are much like to this, and the inhabitants not differing from them.

I was fiue whole weeks vpon the riuer of Dwina till I came to Vologda, being drawen with men against the streame, for other passage there is none.

Vologda standeth vpon the riuer of Vologda, which commeth into Dwina. The towne is great and long, built all of wood, as all their townes are.

In this towne the Emperour hath built a castle inuironed with a wall of stone, and bricke, the

walles fa••re and hie, round about. Here (as in all other their townes) are many Churches, some built of bricke, the rest of wood, many Monks and Nunnes in it: a towne also of great traffike, and many rich merchants there dwelling.

From hence we passed by land towards Mosco in poste, being 500 versts great, which are e∣quall with our miles. In their townes we baited or lay, being post townes.

The countrey is very faire, plaine & pleasant, well inhabited, corne, pasture, medowes enough,* 7.13 riuers, and woods, faire and goodly.

At Yeraslaue we passed the riuer of Volga, more then a mile ouer. This riuer taketh his be∣ginning at Beal Ozera, & descendeth into Mare Caspium, portable thorow of very great vessels with flat bottomes, which farre passe any that our countrey vseth.

To saile by this riuer into Mare Caspium the English company caused a barke to be built of 27 tunns, which there was neuer seene before: This barke built, and ready rigged to the sea with her whole furniture cost not the company aboue one hundreth marks there.

To Mosco we came about the end of September, receiued by no man,* 7.14 not so much as our owne countreymen suffered to meet vs, which bred suspition in me of some other course intended, then we had hitherto found.

We were brought to a house built of purpose by the Emperour for Ambassadours,* 7.15 faire and large, after the fashion of that countrey.

Two gentlemen were appointed to attend vpon me, the one to see vs furnished of victuals, and that we lacked nothing of the Emperors allowance: the other to see that we should not goe out of the house, nor suffer any man to come vnto vs, in which they left nothing vndone that belonged to their charge. But specially he that looked to our persons so straightly handled vs, that we had no small cause to doubt that some euill had bene intended vnto vs. No supplication, sute, or request could take place for our liberty, nor yet to come to his presence.

Hauing passed ouer 17 weeks in this sort, the Emperour sendeth word that we should be rea∣dy against Tuesday the 20 of Februarie, at eight a clocke in the morning.

The houre being come that I should goe to the Court, the two gentlemen Pristaues (as they call them) came vnto me apparelled more princely then before I had euer scene them.* 7.16 They presse vs to depart, and mounted vpon their owne horses, and the Ambassador vpon such a one as he had borrowed, his men marching on foot, to their great griefe.

The Ambassadour (being my selfe) was conueyed into an office where one of the chancellors doeth vse to sit, being there accompanied with the ••••o foresayd gentlemen: I taried two long houres before I was sent for to the Emperor. In the end message being brought that the Em∣perour was set, I was conueyed by my gentlemen vp a paire of staires thorow a large roome, where sate by my estimation 300 persons, all in rich attire, taken out of the Emperors wardrobe for that day, vpon three ranks of benches, set round about the place, rather to present a maiestie, then that they were either of quality or honor.

At the first entry into the chamber I with my cap gaue them the reuerence, such as I iudged their stately sitting, graue countenances, and sumptuous apparell required, and seeing that it was not answered againe of any of them I couered my head, and so passing to a chamber where the Emperor was, there receiued me at the doore from my two gentlemen or gouernors, two of the Emperors counsellors,* 7.17 and shewed me to the Emperor, and brought me to the middle of the cham∣ber, where I was willed to stand still, and to say that which I had to say. I by my Interpretor opened my message as I receiued it from the Queene my Mistresse, from whom I came, at whose name the Emperor stood vp, and demanded diuers questions of her health and state: whereunto answere being made, he gaue me his hand in token of my welcome, and caused me to sit downe, and further asked me diuers questions.

This done, I deliuered her Maiesties present,* 7.18 which was a notable great Cup of siluer curi∣ously wrought, with verses grauen in it, expressing the histories workmanly set out in the same.

All being sayd and done (as appeared) to his contentment, he licenced me and my whole com∣pany to depart, who were all in his presence, and were saluted by him with a nod of his head, and sayd vnto me: I dine not this day openly for great affaires I haue, but I will send thee my din∣ner,* 7.19 and giue leaue to thee and thine to go at liberty, and augment our allowance to thee, in token of our loue and fauor to our sister the Queene of England.

I with reuerence tooke my leaue, being conueyed by two other of greater calling then those that brought me to the Emperors sight, who deliuered me to the two first gentlemen, who con∣ducted me to the office where I first was, where came vnto me one called the Long duke, with whom I conferred a while, and so returned to my lodging.

Within one houre after in comes to my lodging a duke richly apparelled, accompanied with

fiftie persons, ech of them carying a siluer dish with meat, and couered with siluer. The duke first deliuered twenty loaues of bread of the Emperors owne eating, hauing tasted the same, and deli∣uered euery dish into my hands, and tasted of euery kinde of drinke that he brought.

This being done, the duke and his company sate downe with me, and tooke part of the Empe∣rors meat, and filled themselues well of all sorts, and went not away from me vnrewarded.

Within few nights after the Emperor had will to speake secretly with me, and sent for me in the night by the Long duke: The place was farre off, and the night colde, and I hauing changed my apparell into such as the Russes do weare, found great in commoditie thereby.

* 7.20Hauing talked with him aboue three houres, towards the morning I was dismissed, and so came home to my lodging, where I remained aboue six weeks after, before I heard againe from the Emperour, who went the next day to Slouoda, the house of his solace. After the end of which sixe weeks, which was about the beginning of April, the Emperour returned from Slouoda a∣foresayd, and sent for me againe to make repaire vnto him. And being come, I dealt effectually with him in the behalfe of our English merchants, and found him so graciously inclined towards them, that I obtained at his hands my whole demands for large priuileges in generall, together with all the rest my particular requests. And then he commended to my conduct into England, a noble man of his, called Andrew Sauin,* 7.21 as his Ambassadour, for the better confirmation of his priuileges granted, and other negotiations with her Maiesty. And thus being dispatched with full contentment, the sayd Ambassadour and my selfe departed, and imbarked at S. Nicholas a∣bout the end of Iuly, and arriued safely at London in the moneth of September following.

A copie of the priuiledges granted by the right high and mightie Prince, the Emperour of Russia, &c. vnto the right worshipfull fellowship of English merchants, for the discouerie of new trades: and hither sent by Thomas Ran∣dolfe esquire, her Maiesties Ambassadour to the sayd Emperour, and by Andrew Sauin his Ambassadour in the yere of our Lord God 1569.

ONe God euerlasting, and without and before the beginning, the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, the blessed Trinitie, our onely God, maker, and preseruer of all things, and replenisher of all things euery where, who by thy goodnesse doest cause all men to loue the giuer of wisedome our onely Mediatour, and leader of vs all vnto blessed knowledge by the onely Sonne his word, our Lord Iesus Christ, holy and euerlasting Spirit, and now in these our dayes teachest vs to keepe Christianitie, and sufferest vs to enioy our kingdome to the happy commodity of our land, and wealth of our people, in despight of our enemies, and to our fame with our friends.

We Iohn Vasiliwich by the grace of God, great lord, Emperour, and great duke of all Russia, Volodemer, Moscouia, Nouogrod, Emperour of Cazan, Tuersky, Vgorsky, Permisky, Vad∣sky, Bulgaria, and many others, lord and great duke of the Low countreys of Nouogrod, Cher∣nigosky, Resansky, Polotsky, Rastow, Yeraslaue, Bealosera, Owdorsky, Condinsky, and all Siberland, great commander of all the North parts, lord of Le••••land, and many other Northward, Southward and Westward.

Whereas our sister Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, hath written vnto vs her letters for her merchants, who hath made sute that we should grant our goodnesse to the merchants which are of one Company, and giue them free leaue to come to traffike in our kingdome to Colmogro, and to the countrey of Dwina, and to our great citie of Moscouia, and to all the cities in our dominions, and thorow our countrey to Boghar, to Persia, Casbin, and Charday, and to all other countreys.

1 We Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour and great duke of all Russia (for our sister Elizabeths sake, Queene of England) haue giuen and granted to the English merchants, the Gouernours, Con∣suls, Assistants & felloship, sir Wil. Garrard Knight, Rowland Haiward Alderman, Ioh. Tham∣worth Esquire, Iohn Riuers Alderman, Henry Beecher Alderman, Consuls: Sir Wil. Chester Knight, Edward Iackman Alderman, Lionel Ducket Alderman, Edward Gilbert, Laurence Huse, Francis Walsingham, Clement Throgmorton, Iohn Quarles, Nicholas Wheeler, Tho∣mas Banister, Iohn Harrison, Francis Burnham, Anthony Gamage, Iohn Somers, Richard Wil∣kinson, Ioh. Sparke, Richard Barne, Robert Woolman, Thomas Browne, Thomas Smith, Tho∣mas Allen, Thomas More, William Bully, Richard Yong, Thomas Atkinson, Assistants: Iohn Mersh Esquire, Geofrey Ducket, Francis Robinson, Matthew Field, & all the rest of their com∣pany and fellowship, and to their successours and deputies, to come with ships and other vessels

into our Countrey, at Colmogorod, & Dwina, and to all the North parts now being ours, or that hereafter shall at any time be in our possession, by sea, riuer or land, euen to our great Citie of Mos∣co, in all the townes of our Countrey, to Cazan and Astracan, to Nouogorod the great, to Ples∣ko & Leifland, Vriagorod, to Narue, and all other townes of Leifland. 2 And to passe through our land to Boghar, Persia, Casbin, Charday, and other Countreyes: And wheresoeuer they come there to be and abide freely, and to barter and bargaine freely all wares of sale, without cu∣stome of all people, and Marchants strangers whatsoeuer.

And if so be they bring any fine wares out of Englande, or any other Countrey from Bog∣har, Persia, Casbin, or from any other place, & those their wares that come by the way of Narue, or any other part into our Dominion, to bring the same wares into our treasure, and our Trea∣surers to view the same wares, and to take into our Treasurie of the same such as shalbe needfull for vs. And all such wares as we shal not need, our Chancellour to redeliuer y^e same: And after the view of our Chancellours, to barter it freely to whom they will, not selling any of their wares needful for vs, before our Chancellour haue seene the same. And all other grosse and heauy wares that shall be needfull to our vse, not being brought to Mosco, to declare & tell our Chancellour of the same wares: And to giue a note thereof by name, and how much they leaue there, not brought to Mosco: and then if we neede not the said wares, the English Marchants, their seruants & Fac∣tors, to conuey their wares the neerest way to Vstiug the great, and so to Colmogorod, or else∣where at their pleasure, th••re to barter and sell the same. But those wares that shalbe needfull for our Treasurie, they shall not hide from vs in any case.

And when our Chauncellours shall send our aduenture, with the said Marchants or their Fac∣tors, they to take our aduentures with them, and to sell, & to barter for such wares as shalbe meete for our Treasurie, and to returne it into our Treasurie.

And when we shall sende any aduenture into England then our Chauncellour to giue them a yeeres warning, that their ships may be prouided thereafter, that by taking in of our wares, they leaue not their owne behind them.

And to take our aduenture yeerely when they goe into Persia.

Neither shall the English marchants receiue or colour any of our peoples goods, nor barter nor sell it in any wise: likewise our people not to barter for the sayd English marchants or occu∣py for them.

3 And when they shall come into our Empire of Casan and Astracan, and other places of our Dominions, th••n our Captaines of Casan and Astracan, and our authorised people, quietly to let them passe, not taking any toll or custome of their wares, nor once to make search thereof.

And when we shal send no aduenture with them, yet to suffer them freely to passe, not viewing their wares, nor taking any kinde of custome. And whatsoeuer English marchant will bargaine with our Marchants or Factors ware for ware to barter the same at their pleasure.

And whatsoeuer their Marchant or Factors will sell their wares at their house at Mosco, which house I granted them at S. Maxims at the Mosco, they to sel the ware to our people, either strangers as they may best vtter it, keeping within their house, arshines, measures, and waights vnder seales.

4 We haue granted them the saide house at S. Maxims in the halfe free, and without standing ren••, as heretofore we did graunt it the said English Marchants, sir Wil. Garrard, and the Com∣pany, maintayning in the said house one housekeeper a Russe, and two Russe seruants, or some of their owne countrey men, and none other Russes besides the aforesayde. And the said housekee∣pers that shal liue at their house with the English marchants, neither to buy nor sel any wares for them, but that the said marchants themselues or their factors, shall buy, sell, and barter their owne wares: And our Moscouie marchants not to take the said Englishmens wares to sell them in our townes, nor to buy any wares for them, neither the English marchant to colour any Russes wares at any towne.

5 And whatsoeuer English marchant will sell his wares at Colmogorod, Dwyna, Vologda, Yeraslaue, Castran, Nouogorod the lower, Casan, Astracan, Nouogrod the great, Vopsko, the Narue, Vriagorod, or at any other townes, they to sel their wares there at their pleasure: And of all wares aswell of other countreis as of Russia, no officer or other to take any custome, neither in any place to stay them in any wise, neither take any kinde of toll of them for their wares whatsoeuer.

6 And whatsoeuer marchant shall bargaine or buy any wares of English marchants: The said Russe not to returne those wares vpon the marchants hands againe, but to giue ready money for the said wares, otherwise they to craue the Iustice to giue right, and to execute the lawe vpon the same with all expedition. And when the English marchants or factors shal trauaile from Mos∣couie

after the dispatch of their wares and businesse, then to shew themselues vnto our Chancel∣lours, whatsoeuer wares of theirs shall goe from Mosco, they not to shew the ••ame wares to any our officers•• nor pay no custome nor toll in any place.

7 If it so happen the English marchants haue any wracke, and the shippes be brought to any port of our Dominions, we to command the said goods to be enquired and sought out, and to be giuen to the English merchants, being here abiding at that time in our Countrey, the factors, ser∣uants, or deputies, of the Company aforesayd, to whom we haue granted this our gratious letter.

And if there happen none of the English merchants, factors, seruants, or deputies to be in our Countreis at such time, then we wil all the said goods to be sought out and bestowed in some con∣uenient place, and when any of the Company aforewritten, bringing these our letters, shall come for their goods, we to command their goods to be restored vnto them.

8 Likewise wee haue graunted leaue to the English merchants, their Gouernours, Consuls, and assistants•• namely, sir William Garrard knight, Rowland Hayward, and to the Companie, to builde houses at Vologda, Colmogro, and the seaside, at Inangorod, at Cherell, and in all other places of our Dominions, as shall be needefull for their trade. And they to keepe at the said house one housekeeper, a Russe, and two or three men to keepe their wares at the said houses, making sale thereof to whom they will, they, their Factors or deputies: the said housekeeper not to buy or sell for them.

9 Also we haue giuen and graunted to the English Merchants, their house which they haue by our goodnesse at S. Maximes in the Zenopski, and other their houses in the towne of Zenopski, made for the better assurance of their goods, and all such as they shall set vp hereafter shal be of the * 7.22Opressini, and will make them knowen to all them of Opressini.

10 And whereas by our goodnes we haue graunted them a Ropehouse at Vologda, being farre from the English Merchants house, now we haue giuen them to build a house for that vse by the said English house, and haue giuen and graunted them (of our goodnesse) ground, one hundreth and fourescore fadome long, and fiftie fadomes in breadth, according to their owne request.

11 Also, we haue of our goodnesse giuen and graunted to the English Merchants, leaue to buy them a house at Wichida, and there to search out mines of yron. And where they shal happily find it, there to set vp houses for the making of the same yron: and to make the same, of our goodnesse haue graunted them woods, fiue or sixe miles compasse about the sayd houses, to the making of the sayd yron, and not to exceede these bounds and limits: And where they shall cut the sayde wood, not to set vp any village or farme there, bringing the artificers for making of their yron, out of their owne Countrey, and to learne our people that arte, and so freely occupying the said yron in these our Dominions, transporting also of the same home into Englande, allowing for euery pound one dingo, or halfe penie.

12 And if any of the said yron shalbe needfull for our workes, then we to take of the said yron to our worke, vpon agreement of price, paying money out of our Treasurie for the same: And when the said English Merchants or Factors shal send their owne people out of our Realme into their Countrey, ouer land through any Countrey whatsoeuer, freely to send the same with our words.

13 Also, we of our goodnesse haue graunted, that if any man misuse the said English, the Fac∣tors or seruants, or the saide English Merchants, their Factors or seruants abuse any other at Moscouie, or any other out townes whatsoeuer within our Dominions in trade of Marchandise or otherwise, then they to haue vpright iustice in all such matters of our counsaile the Opressini without all let or delay: But if our Iustice may not agree the parties, then lots to be made, and to whose lotte it shall fall, to him the right to be giuen, and that only our counsaile at Moscouie, and none of our Captaines, or authorised people, or officers in any other our townes, giue iudgement vpon the said English Merchants for any thing.

14 Also, if any stranger shall haue matter of controuersie with any English Merchant, Factor or seruant, abiding within these our Realmes, or co••trariwise any English Merchant, Factor or seruant, against any other stranger, in all those causes our Counsaile of the Opressini, to giue them Iustice, and to make an agreement & end betweene the parties, without all delay: And none to deale therein, saue our Counsaile of the Opressini. 15 And if any man haue action a∣gainst any English Merchant being absent, that then in his absence it shalbe lawful for any other Englishman at his assignation to answere his cause.

16 If any Englishman happen to be wounded or beaten to death, or any Russe or stranger slaine or beaten, 17 Or any ••••ollen goods to be found in the said English houses, then our Counsellers to cause the guiltie persons to be sought out, and to doe right and Iustice in the cause, and the par∣tie that is guiltie, if he deserue punishment, to be corrected accordingly after his offence: That the said English Merchants, factors and seruant, sustaine thereby no hinderance or damage.

18 And whatsoeuer English Marchant, Factor, seruant, or deputie, shalbe guiltie or any fault, deseruing our displeasure, then our Counsellers to cause the guiltie partie to goe vnder suer••es, and their goods to be sealed and kept, vntill our pleasure be further knowen, and our Counsaile to examine their offence, and so to report it vnto vs, that we may command what shall be done therein, and none other to be arrested or haue their goods sealed, which are not guiltie of that of∣fence, nor to stay or apprehend them in any of our Dominions for the same.

19 If any English Marchant, Factor or seruant shall offend, it shalbe lawfull for their Agent to doe iustice vpon the said partie, or to send him home into England at his pleasure.

20 If any English Marchant, Factor or seruant, haue lent or hereafter shall lende money to any of our people, or credite them with wares, and so depart into any forreigne Countrey, or die before the debt be due to be payde, then our people and Marchants to paye the sayde debt, to whom soeuer shall be appointed to the sayd roome or charge, and the saide English Marchant, factor•• or seruant, to bring his bill of debt to our Counsell, to shewe them what is due, and what money is owing them for any wares: and thus to doe truly, not adding any whit to the debt. and our Counsel to command the debt to be discharged vnto the English Marchant, factor, or seruant, without delay.

21 And whatsoeuer English Marchant shall be arrested for debt, then our Counsell to com∣mand the partie vnder arrest to be deliuered to the Agent: and if he haue no suerti••, to binde the Agent with him, for the better force of the bond.

And if any Englishman be endebted, we will the Creditor not to cast him in prison, or to deli∣uer him to the Sergeant, left the officer lose him, but to take ware in pawne of the debt.

22 Also of our goodnes, we haue granted the English Marchants to send our Commission to all our Townes, Captaines, and authorised men, to defende and garde the said Marchants from all theeues, robbers, and euill disposed persons.

23 If in comming or going to and fro our dominions, the Marchants, the factors, or seruants be spoyled on the sea, our Counsell shall send our letters, and will them to be sought out, and where they shall finde the goods, cause it to be restored againe, and the offender to be punished, according to our commandement.

24 Also of our goodnes, we haue granted the saide Merchants to take vp Brokers, Packers, Wayers, and such like labourers, as shall be needefull for them, paying for their hier as the la∣bourers and they shall agree.

25 We likewise of our goodnes, haue licensed the English Marchants in our Townes of Mos∣co, Nouogorod the great, and Plesko, that the Coiners of the said Townes shall melt Dollers, and coine money for them, without custome, allowing for coales, and other necessaries, with the workemanship.

26 Also of our goodnes, we haue granted to the sayd English Merchants, to take poste horse at needfull times, leauing with our officers a note how many they take, and not else, in no case hin∣dering or diminishing our treasurie.

27 Also for our sister Queene Elizabeths sake, we of our goodnes haue granted to the merchants within written, this our letter, and to their successors, that no Englishman nor any other stranger, come without the Queenes leaue to Colmogorode, the riuer of Vob, Vasiagy, Pechora, Co∣la, Mezena, Pechingo, Zeleuetskyes Island, the riuer of Shame, nor to no other hauen of Dwina, nor to any part of the northside of Dwina, by hetherward of Wardhouse, to any hauen, with shippe, Busse, or any other vessell, nor to occupie in any kind of waies, but only the said En∣glish companie, and their successors, to whom we of our goodnes haue granted this priuiledge.

28 Also that no English Merchant, without the Queenes leaue, shall come with any wares, to the Narue, or Vriogorod.

29 And whatsoeuer English Merchant, stranger, or other, of whatsoeuer Countrey he be, shall come with any shippe, Busse, or any other vessel, to any of the said hauens, of the north side, to any part of Dwina, by North the Narue, or Vriogorod, without the Queenes leaue or knowledge, not being of the company aboue written, we to apprehende and take the same vessell from those strangers and Merchants, the one halfe to vs the Emperour, and great Duke, and the other halfe to the company of English Merchants.

30 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the said company of English merchants, that no Eng∣lish merchants or strangers shall passe through our dominions, to Boghar, Persia, Casbin, Charday, or other Countreys, saue onely the company of English merchants, and our owne messengers.

31 Also whatsoeuer Englishman, comming out of England or any other Countrey, into our do∣minions, without the Queenes leaue, and knowledge, not being of the sayd company, written

within those our letters, mind, and purpose, to abide in our realme, contrary to the Queenes will and pleasure, or any way abuse himselfe, the Agent shall freely send him home, to the Queene his Soueraigne: which if the Agent of himselfe be vnable to do, let him pray for ayd of the captaines and officers of our townes there being, and so send him to prison, and will the sayd captaines not to hinder the sayd Agent from sending home such euill persons into England.

32 And if any man within our countrey runne away to any other towne or place, the English merchants and factours, to haue free libertie to apprehend him, and take their goods from him a∣gaine.

33 And as for our priuilege giuen to Thomas Glouer, Ralfe Rutter, Christopher Bennet, Iohn Chappell, and their adherents, we haue commanded the same priuileges to be taken from them.

34 A••so we of our goodnesse haue granted the sayd company of English merchants, their succes∣sours, seruants and deputies, that doe or shall remaine at Mosco, or elsewhere within our domini∣ons freely to keepe their owne law: and in any wise none of ours to force them to our law or faith against their will.

Moreouer, besides and with the company of English merchants, we permit all strangers, to trade to our towne of Narue, Iuanogorod, & other our townes of Liefland, as they haue done be∣foretime. Giuen from the beginning of the world 7077, in the moneth of Iune 20, Indiction 12, the yere of our lordship and reign 35, and of our Empire of Rusland 23, Cazan 17, Astracan 15.

Other speciall grants by his Maiesties priuate letters at the sute of M. Randolfe Ambassadour.

REleasement out of prison of Fitzherbert, that was accused for writing of letters against the Emperour.

Liberty giuen to Thomas Greene that was accused and troubled vpon suspition of his dea∣ling with the Ambassadour, and licence giuen to him to trafficke as he was accustomed.

Andrew Atherton and his sureties released at the Narue and his seruant at the Mosco, that were in trouble for sending the merchants letters into England.

A letter granted to Thomas Southam to the Councell, for iustice against them that stole the pearles.

His Maiesties fauor promised to the Artificers, and liuings to be appointed them as they can best d••serue.

A letter to the merchants that went into Persia, to passe freely without impeachment in his dominions, as also letters of fauour to the great Shaugh of Persia.

A grant vnto the company that at what time soeuer they send to the discouery of Cataya, they shalbe licenced to repaire vnto this countrey, and haue such conducts and guides, mariners, ves∣sels, men and victuals as they shall stand in need of.

It is also promised by Knez Alfanas, and Peter Gregoriwich in the Emperours name, that if Benet Butler or any English man complaine, deface, hinder in way of traffike or otherwise go about to discredit the worshipfull company, and their doings, that therein they shall not be heard, and the doers to be punished, as in such cases they shalbe iudged to haue deserued.

Certaine persons granted to be sent home into England that serued the company, and were practisers against them in that countrey.

A Commission giuen by vs Thomas Randolfe Ambassadour for the Queenes Maiestie in Russia, and Thomas Bannister, &c. vnto Iames Bassendine, Iames Woodcocke and Richard Browne, the which Bassendine, Woodcocke, and Browne we appoint ioyntly together, and aiders, the one of them to the other, in a voyage of disco∣uery to be made (by the grace of God) by them, for searching of the sea, and border of the coast, from the riuer Pechora, to the Eastwards, as hereafter followeth Anno 1588. The first of August.

IN primis, when your barke with all furniture is ready, you shall at the begin∣ning of the yere (assoone as you possibly may) make your repaire to the Ea∣sterne part of the riuer Pechora, where is an Island called Dolgoieue, and from thence you shall passe to the Eastwards alongst by the Sea coast of Hugorie, or the maine land of Pechora, and sailing alongst by the same coast, you shall passe within seuen leagues of the Island Vaigats, which is in the straight, almost halfe way from the coast of Hugorie, vnto the coast of

Noua Zembla, which Island Vaigats and Noua Zembla you shall finde noted in your plat; therefore you shall not need to discouer it: but proceed on alongst the coast of Hugory, towards the riuer Obba.

There is a Bay betweene the sayd Vaigats, and the riuer Obba, that doth bite to the South∣wards, into the land of Hugory, in which Bay are two small riuers, the one called Cara Reca,* 7.23 the other Naramsy,* 7.24 as in the paper of notes which are giuen to you herewith may appeare: in the which Bay you shall not need to spend any time for searching of it, but to direct your course to the riuer Ob (if otherwise you be not constrained to keepe alongst the shore) and when you come to the riuer Ob you shall not enter into it, but passe ouer vnto the Easterne part of the mouth of the sayd riuer.

And when you are at the Easterne part of the mouth of Obba Reca, you shall from thence passe to the Eastwards, alongst by the border of the sayd coast, describing the same in such perfect order as you can best do it. You shall not leaue the sayd coast or border of the land, but passe alongst by it, at least in sight of the same, vntill you haue sailed by it so farre to the Eastwards, and the time of the yeere so farre spent, that you doe thinke it time for you to returne with your barke to Win∣ter, which trauell may well be 300 or 400 leagues to the Eastwards of the Ob, if the Sea doe reach so farre as our hope is it doth: but and if you finde not the said coast and sea to trend so farre to the Eastwards, yet you shall not leaue the coast at any time, but proceed alongst by it, as it doth lie, leauing no part of it vnsearched, or seene, vnlesse it be some bay, or riuer, that you doe ce••teinly know by the report of the people, that you shall finde in those borders, or els some certeine tokens whereby you of your selues may iudge it to be so. For our hope is that the said border of land and sea doth in short space after you passe the Ob, incline East, and so to the Southwards. And there∣fore we would haue no part of the land of your starreboord side, as you proceed in your discouery, to be left vndiscouered.

But and if the said border of land do not incline so to the Eastwards as we presuppose it, but that it doe proue to incline and trend to the Northwards, and so ioyne with Noua Zembla, ma∣king the sea from Vaigats to the Eastwards but a bay: yet we will that you do keepe alongst by the said coast, and so bring vs certaine report of that forme and maner of the same bay.

And if it doe so proue to be a bay, and that you haue passed round about the same, and so by the trending of the land come backe vnto that part of Noua Zembla that is against Vaigats, where∣as you may from that see the said Island Vaigats, if the time of the yeere will permit you, you shall from thence passe alongst by the said border and coast of Noua Zembla to the Westwards, and so to search whether that part of Noua Zembla doe ioyne with the land that sir Hugh Wil∣loughbie discouered in anno 53. and is in 72 degrees, and from that part of Noua Zembla 120 leagues to the Westwards, as your plat doeth shew it vnto you: and if you doe finde that land to ioyne with Noua Zembla, when you come to it, you shall proceed further along the same coast, if the time of the yere will permit it, and that you doe thinke there will be sufficient time for you to returne backe with your barke to Winter either at Pechora or in Russia, at your discretion: for we refer the same to your good iudgements, trusting that you will lose no time, that may fur∣ther your knowledge in this voyage.

Note you, it was the 20 ••f August, 56 yer the Serchthrift began to returne backe from her dis∣couerie, to Winter in Russia, and then she came from the Island Vaigats, being forcibly driuen from thence with an Easterly winde and yce, and so she came into the riuer Dwina, and arriued at Colmogro the 11 of September, 56. If the yce had not bene so much that yere as it was in the Streights, ••n both sides of the Island Vaigats, they in the said pinnesse would that yeere haue discouered the parts that you are now sent to seeke: which thing (if it had pleased God) might haue bene done then: but God hath reserued it for some other. Which discouerie, if it may be made by you, it shall not only proue profitable vnto you, but it will also purchase perpetuall fame and renowme both to you and our countrey. And thus not doubting of your willing desires, and forwardnesse towards the same, we pray God to blesse you with a lucky beginning, fortunate suc∣cesse, and happily to end the same.

Amen.

Necessarie notes to be obserued, and followed in your discoue∣rie, as hereafter followeth.

WHen your barke with all furniture and necessaries shall be in readinesse for you to de∣part to the sea (if it be that you take your barke at S. Nicholas, or any part of Dwina Reca) you shall from thence, euen as timely in the spring as the yce will permit you, saile, & make all expedition that may be, vnto the mouth of the riuer Pechora (as your

commission doth leade you) and as you passe by the coast all alongst (notwithstanding the plat that sheweth you the description of the said coast, from Dwina vnto Vaigats) yet you shall seeke by all the meanes that you can, to amend the same plat, vsing as many obseruations, as you possibly can do: and these notes following are to be obserued by you principally.

1 First, that you do obserue the latitude as often, and in as many places as you may possibly do it, noting diligently the place where you do so obserue the same.

2 Also that you doe diligently set with your compasse, how the land doth lie from point to point, all alongst as you goe, and to vse your iudgements how farre there may be betweene ech of them.

3 Item, that you do alwayes vse to draw the proportion, and biting of the land, aswell the ly∣ing out of the points, and headlands, vnto the which you shall giue some apt names (at your dis∣cretion) as also the forme of the Bayes, and to make some marke in drawing the forme, and bor∣der of the same, where the high cliffes are, and where low land is, whether sandy hilles, or what∣soeuer: omit not to note any thing that may be sensible and apparant to you, which may serue to any purpose.

4 In passing along by any coast, that you keepe your lead going often times, and sound at the least once euery glasse, and oftener if you thinke good as occasion doth serue, and note diligently the depth with the maner of the ground, and at euery time, how farre the same sounding may be from the next shore to it: and how the next point or headland doth beare from you. And in the sea after you set off from your port, you shall orderly at the end of euery foure glasses sound, and if you finde ground, note the depth and what ground, but if you can finde no ground, you shall also note in what depth you could find no ground.

5 Also that you do diligently obserue the flowing, & ebbing in euery place, and how the tides do set, which way the flood doth come, and how much water it doth high in euery place, and what force the same tide hath to driue a ship in an houre, as neere as you can iudge it.

6 Also that you doe seeke to obserue with the instrument which I deliuer you herewith, ac∣cording as I taught you at Rose Island, the true platformes, and distances, in as many places as conueniently you may, for it serueth very aptly your purpose.

7 Also that you take with you paper and ynke, and keepe a continuall iournall or remembe∣rance day by day, of all such things as shall fall out worth the knowledge, not forgetting or omit∣ting to write it, and note it, that it may be ••hewed and read at your returne.

8 These orders if you shall diligently obserue, it will be easie for you to make a plat and per∣fect description of your discouery, and so shall your notes be sufficient to answere that which is looked for at your hands. But withall you may not forget to note as many things as you can learne and vnderstand by the report of any people whatsoeuer they be, so that it appertaine any way to our desires. And thus the Lord God prosper your voyage. Amen.

Certaine letters in verse, written by Master George Turberuile out of Moscouia, which went as Secretarie thither with Master Tho. Randolph, her Maiesties Ambassadour to the Emperour 1568, to certeine friends of his in London, de∣scribing the maners of the Countrey and people.

To his especiall friend Master Edward Dancie.

MY Dancie deare, when I recount within my brest, My London friends, and wonted mates, and thee aboue the rest: I feele a thousand fits of deepe and deadly woe, To thinke that I from land to sea, from blisse to bale did go. I left my natiue soile, full like a retchlesse man, And vnacquainted of the coast, among the Russes ran: A people passing rude, to vices vile inclinde, Folke fit to be of Bacchus traine, so quaffing is their kinde. Drinke is their whole desire, the pot is all their pride, The sobrest head doth once a day stand needfull of a guide. If he to banket bid his friends, he will not shrinke On them at dinner to bestow a douzen kindes of drinke: Such licour as they haue, and as the countrey giues, But chiefly two, one called Kuas, whereby the Mousike liues. Small ware and waterlike, but somewhat tart in taste,

The rest is Mead of honie made, wherewith their lips they baste. And if he goe vnto his neighbour as a guest, He cares for litle meate, if so his drinke be of the best. No wonder though they vse such vile and beastly trade•• Sith with the hatchet and the hand, their chiefest gods be made. Their Idoles haue their hearts, on God they neuer call, Unlesse it be (Nichola Bough) that hangs against the wall. The house that hath no god, or painted Saint within, Is not to be resorted to, that roofe is full of sinne. Besides their priuate gods, in open places stand Their crosses vnto which they crooche, and blesse themselues with hand. Deuoutly downe they ducke, with forehead to the ground, Was neuer more deceit in ragges, and greasie garments found•• Almost the meanest man in all the countrey rides, The woman eke, against our vse, her trotting horse best rides. In sundry colours they both men and women goe, In buskins all, that money haue on buskins to bestoe. Ech woman hanging hath a ring within her eare, Which all of ancient vse, and some of very pride doe weare. Their gate is very braue, their countenance wise and sadde, And yet they follow fleshly lustes, their trade of liuing badde. It is no shame at all accompted to defile Anothers bedde, they make no care their follies to concile, Is not the meanest man in all the land but hee, To buy her painted colours doeth allow his wife a fee. Wherewith ••he deckes her selfe, and dies her tawnie skinne, She pranks and paints her smoakie face, both brow, lip, cheeke, & chinne. Yea those that honest are, if any such there bee Within the land, doe vse the like: a man may plainely see Upon some womens cheekes the painting how it lies, In plaister sort, for that too thicke her face the harlot dies. But such as skilfull are, and cunning Dames indeede, By dayly practise doe it well, yea sure they doe exceede, They lay their colours so, as he that is full wise, May eas••y be deceiu'd therein, if he doe trust his eyes. I not a little muse, what madnesse makes them paint Their faces, waying how they keepe the stooue by meere constraint. For seldome when, vnlesse on Church or marriage day A man shall see the Dames abroade, that are of best aray. The Russie meanes to reape the profit of her pride, And so he mewes her to be sure, she lye by no mans side. Thus much, friend Dancie, I did meane to write to thee, To let thee weete in Russia land, what men and women bee. Hereafter I perhaps of other things will write To thee, and other of my friends, which I shall see with sight: And other stuffe besides, which true report shall tell, Meane while I ende my louing li••es, and bid thee now farewell.

To Spencer.

IF I should now forget, or not remember thee, Thou Spencer might'st a foule rebuke, and shame impute to mee. For I to open shew did loue thee passing well, And thou wert he at parture, whome I loathde to bid farewell. And as I went thy friend, so I continue still, No better proofe thou canst then this desire of true good will. I doe remember well when needes I should away, And that the Poste would licence vs, no longer time ••o stay: Thou wrongst me by the fist, and holding fast my hand, Didst craue of me to send thee newes, and how I liked the land.

It is a sandie soile, no very fruitfull vaine, More waste and wooddie grounds there are, then closes fit for graine. Yet graine there growing is, which they vntimely take, And cut or eare the corne be ripe, they mowe it on a stacke. And laying sheafe by sheafe, their haruest so they dry, They make the greater haste, for feare the frost the corne destroy. For in the winter time, so glarie is the ground, As neither grasse, nor other graine, in pastures may be found. In coms the cattell then, the sheepe, the colt, the cowe, Fast by his bed the Mowsike then a lodging doth allowe, Whom he with fodder feeds, and holds as deere as life: And thus they weare the winter with the Mowsike and his wife. Seuen months the Winter dures, the glare it is so great, As it is May before he turne, his ground to sowe his wheate. The bodies eke that die vnburied lie they then, Laid vp in coffins made of firre, as well the poorest men, As those of greater state: the cause is lightly found, For that in Winter time, they cannot come to breake the ground•• And wood so plenteous is, quite throughout all the land, As rich, and poore, at time of death assurd of coffins stand. Perhaps thou musest much, how this may stand with reason, That bodies dead can vncorrupt abide so long a season. Take this for certaine trothe, as soone as heate is gone, The force of colde the body binds as hard as any stone, Without offence at all to any liuing thing: And so they lye in perfect state, till next returne of Spring. Their beasts be like to ours, as farre as I can see For shape, and shewe, but somewhat lesse of bulke, and bone they be. Of watrish taste, the flesh not firme, like English beefe, And yet it seru's them very well, and is a good releefe: Their sheepe are very small, sharpe singled, handfull long, Great store of fowle on sea and land, the moorish reedes among. The greatnes of the store doeth make the prices lesse, Besides in all the land they know not how good meate to dresse. They vse neither broach nor spit, but when the stoue they heate, They put their victuals in a pan, and so they bake their meate. No pewter to be had, no dishes but of wood, No vse of trenchers, cups cut out of hirche are very good. They vse but wooden spoones, which hanging in a case Eache Mowsike at his girdle ties, and thinkes it no disgrace. With whitles two or three, the better man the moe, The chiefest Russies in the land, with spoone and kniues doe go••. Their houses are not huge of building, but they say, They plant them in the loftiest ground, to shift the snow away, Which in the Winter time, eache where full thicke doth lie: Which makes them haue the more desire, to set their houses hie•• No stone worke is in vse, their roofes of rafters bee, One linked in another fast, their wals are all of tree. Of masts both long, and large, with mosse put in betweene, To keepe the force of weather out, I neuer earst haue seene A grosse deuise so good, and on the roofe they lay The burthen barke, to rid the raine, and sudden showres away. In euery roome a stoue, to serue the Winter turne, Of wood they haue sufficient store, as much as they can burne. They haue no English glasse, of slices of a rocke Hight Sluda they their windowes make, that English glasse doth mocke. They cut it very thinne, and sow it with a thred In pretie order like to panes, to serue their present need. No other glasse, good faith doth giue a better light:

And sure the rocke is nothing rich, the cost is very slight. The chiefest place is that, where hangs the god by it, The owner of the house himselfe doth neuer sit, Unlesse his better come, to whom he yealds the seat: The stranger bending to the god, the ground with brow must beat. And in that very place which they most sacred deeme, The stranger lies: a token that his guest he doth esteeme. Where he is wont to haue a beares skinne for his bed, And must, in stead of pillow, clap his saddle to his head. In Russia other shift there is not to be had, For where the bedding is not good, the boalsters are but bad. I mused very much, what made them so to lie, Sith in their countrey Downe is rife, and feathers out of crie: Unlesse it be because the countrey is so hard, They feare by nicenesse of a bed their bodies would be mard, I wisht thee oft with vs, saue that I stood in feare Thou wouldst haue loathed to haue layd thy limmes vpon a beare, As I and Stafford did, that was my mate in bed: And yet (we thanke the God of heauen) we both right well haue sped. Loe thus I make an ende: none other newes to thee, But that the countrey is too colde, the people beastly bee. I write not all I know, I touch but here and there, For if I should, my penne would pinch, and eke offend I feare. Who so shall read this verse, coniecture of the rest, And thinke by reason of our trade, that I do thinke the best. But if no traffique were, then could I boldly pen The hardnesse of the soile, and eke the maners of the men. They say the Lions paw giues iudgement of the beast: And so may you deeme of the great, by reading of the least.

To Parker.

MY Parker, paper, pen, and inke were made to write, And idle heads, that little do, haue leisure to indite: Wherefore, respecting these, and thine assured loue, If I would write no newes to thee, thou might'st my pen reproue. And ••ithence fortune thus hath shou'd my shippe on shore: And made me seeke another Realme vnseene of me before: The maners of the men I purpose to declare, And other priuate points besides, which strange and geazon are. The Russie men are round of bodies, fully fac'd, The greatest part with bellies bigge that ouerhang the waste, Flat headed for the most, with faces nothing faire, But browne, by reason of the stoue, and closenesse of the aire: It is their common vse to shaue or els to sheare Their heads, for none in all the land long lolling locks doth weare, Unlesse perhaps he haue his souereigne prince displeas'd, For then he neuer cuts his haire, vntill he be appeas'd. A certaine signe to know who in displeasure be, For euery man that viewes his head, will say, Loe this is he. And during all the time he lets his locks to grow, Dares no man for his life to him a face of friendship show. Their garments be not gay, nor handsome to the eye, A cap aloft their heads they haue, that standeth very hie, Which Colpack they do terme. They weare no ruffes at all: The best haue collers set with pearle, which they Rubasca call. Their shirts in Russie long, they worke them downe before, And on the sleeues with coloured Silks, two inches good and more. Aloft their shirts they weare a garment iacket wise Hight Onoriadka, and about his burlie waste he tyes

His portkies, which in stead of better breeches be: Of linnen cloth that garment is, no codpiece is to see. A paire of yarnen stocks to keepe the colde away, Within his boots the Russie weares, the heeles they vnderlay With clouting clamps of steele, sharpe pointed at the toes, And ouer all a Shuba furd, and thus the Russie goes. Well bu••ned is the Shube, according to his state, Some Silke, of Siluer other some: but those of poorest rate Do weare no Shubs at all, but grosser gownes to sight, That reacheth downe beneath the calfe, and that Armacha hight: These are the Russies robes. The richest vse to ride From place to place, his seruant runnes, and followes by his side. The Cassacke beares his felt, to force away the raine: Their bridles are not very braue, their saddles are but plaine. No bits but snaffles all, of birch their saddles be, Much fashioned like the Scottish seates, broad flakes to keepe the knee From sweating of the horse, the pannels larger farre And broader be then ours, they vse short stirrups for the warre: For when the Russie is pursued by cruel foe, He rides away, and suddenly betakes him to his boe, And bends me but about in saddle as he sits, And therewithall amids his race his following foe he hits. Their bowes are very short, like Turkie bowes outright, Of sinowes made with ••irchen barke, in cunning maner dight. Small arrowes, cruel heads, that fell and forked bee, Which being shot from out those bowes, a cruel way will flee. They seldome vse to shoo their horse, vnlesse they ride In post vpon the frozen flouds, then cause they shall not slide, He sets a slender calke, and so he rides his way. The horses of the countrey go good fourescore versts a day, And all without the spurre, once pricke them and they skippe, But goe not forward on their way, the Russie hath•• his whippe To rappe him on the ribbes, for though all booted bee, Yet shall you not a paire of spurres in all the countrey see. The common game is chesse, almost the simplest will Both giue a checke and eke a mate, by practise comes their skill. Againe they dice as fast, the poorest rogues of all Will sit them downe in open field, and there to gaming fall. Their dice are very small, in fashion like to those Which we doe vse, he takes them vp, and ouer thumbe he throwes Not shaking them a whit, they cast suspiciously, And yet I deeme them voyd of art that dicing most apply. At play when Siluer lacks, goes saddle, horse and all, And eche thing els worth Siluer walkes, although the price be small. Because thou louest to play friend Parker other while, I wish thee there the weary day with dicing to beguile. But thou weart better farre at home, I wist it well, And wouldest be loath among such lowts so long a time to dwell. Then iudge of vs thy friends, what kinde of life we had, That neere the frozen pole to waste our weary dayes were glad. In such a sauage soile, where lawes do beare no sway, But all is at the king his will, to saue or els to slay. And that sans cause, God wot, if so his minde be such. But what meane I with Kings to deale? we ought no Saints to touch. Conceiue the rest your selfe, and deeme what liues they lead, Where lust is Lawe, and Subiects liue continually in dread. And where the best estates haue none assurance good Of lands, of liues, nor nothing falles vnto the next of blood. But all of custome doeth vnto the prince redowne,

And all the whole reuenue comes vnto the King his crowne. Good faith I see thee muse at what I tell thee now, But true it is, no choice, but all at princes pleasure bow. So Tarquine ruled Rome as thou remembrest well, And what his fortune was at last, I know thy selfe canst tell. Where will in Common weale doth beare the onely sway, And lust is Lawe, the prince and Realme must needs in time decay. The strangenesse of the place is such for sundry things I see, As if I woulde I cannot write ech priuate point to thee. The colde is rare, the people rude, the prince so full of pride, The Realme so stored with Monks and nunnes, and priests on euery side: The maners are so Turkie like, the men so full of guile, The women wanton, Temples stuft with idols that defile The Seats that sacred ought to be, the customes are so quaint, As if I would describe the whole, I feare my pen would faint. In summe, I say I neuer saw a prince that so did raigne, Nor people so beset with Saints, yet all but vile and vaine. Wilde Irish are as ciuill as the Russies in their kinde, Hard choice which is the best of both, ech bloody, rude and blinde. If thou bee wise, as wise thou art, and wilt be ruld by me, Liue still at home, and coue•• not those barbarous coasts to see. No good befalles a man that seeks, and findes no better place, No ciuill customes to be learnd, where God bestowes no grace. And truely ill they do deserue to be belou'd of God, That neither loue nor stand in awe of his assured rod: Which though be long, yet plagues at last the vile and beastly sort Of sinfull wights, that all in vice do place their chiefest sport. A dieu friend Parker, if thou list, to know the Russes well, To Sigismundus booke repaire, who all the trueth can tell: For he long earst in message went vnto that sauage King, Sent by the Pole, and true report in ech respect did bring. To him I recommend my selfe, to ease my penne of paine, And now at last do wish thee well, and bid farewell againe.

The fourth voyage into Persia, made by M. Arthur Edwards Agent, Iohn Sparke, Laurence Chapman, Christopher Faucet, and Richard Pingle, in the yeere 1568. declared in this letter written from Casbin in Persia by the foresaide Lau∣rence Chapman to a worshipfull merchant of the companie of Russia in London. Anno Domini 1569. Aprill 28.

WOrshipfull sir, my duetie alwayes remembred, and your prosperous health, and good successe in all your affaires wished, to the glory of God, and your owne hearts desire, &c. May it please you to vnderstand that your Agent M. Arthur Edwards and we departed from Yeraslaue in Iuly 1568. and the 14. of Au∣gust arriued at our port called Bilbil,* 7.25 with your ship the Grace of God, and the goods in her in good safetie, God bee thanked for it, finding there neither the people so ready to ayd vs for the bringing of her in, & vnlading of the goods, nor yet so obedient to the Shaughs priuilege, as the worshipfull company haue bene informed. Our goods brought vpon land, we were compelled to open & sel as they would set the price, or otherwise it would haue bene worse for vs. Being so satisfied to their contentment, we were speedily aided with camels by the prince Erasbec Sultan his appointment,* 7.26 to carry our goods to Shamaki, to which place we attai∣ned the first of September, finding it so throughly furnished with all maner of commodities by oc∣casion of our late comming, and by such as came before vs, that no man would aske to buy any one piece of karsie of vs, and lying then the space of one whole moneth before your Agent Arthur Ed∣wards would disperse vs abroade with the goods, such as came out of Russia afterwardes, had brought their goods to that and other places, and spoyled those sales wee might haue made, being sent abroad in time conuenient, being no little hinderance to the worshipfull, as also great griefe vnto vs to see. To conclude, through our dayly calling vpon him, he bent himselfe for Casbin, ta∣king with him the greatest summe of the goods, and two of the worshipfuls seruants, to witte, Iohn Sparke and my selfe, to helpe and procure the better sale for the same: and leauing at Sha∣maki

Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle with three hundred and fiftie pieces of karsies in their handes,* 7.27 supposed to be solde there or in Arrash before hee should be able to make his returne from Casbin, which, so farre foorth as I can vnderstand, lie for the greatest part vnsolde. And be∣ing vpon our way, at a certaine towne called Ardouil, we chanced to barter nine pieces of karsies with those merchants for fourescore and foure batemans of cynamom, selling the karsies at one hundred and fiftie shawghs the piece.

And being at that present not farre from Teueris, called the principal place in this countrey for vttering of cloth or karsies, by much intreatie I perswaded your Agent to send thither to prooue what might be done, and receiuing from him foure and fiftie pieces of karsies, as also his commis∣sion for the sale of the same, I proceeded on that voyage my selfe, and one Tolmach in company with me, finding in that place great store of broad cloth and karsies brought thither, some part by the Turkes who be resident there, some by the Armenians, who fetch them at Aleppo, and some by the townesmen, who trauell vnto Venice and there buy them, so that no man offered me one penie more then a hundred and fourtie shawghs for a karsie: and hauing speciall commission and charge from your Agent not to stay there aboue the space of seuen dayes after my arriuall there, but to re∣paire to Casbin with all speed, and furthermore, hauing regard to keepe vp the price of the wor∣shipfuls commodities, according to their desire, I found meanes to barter them away for spices, such as were there to be had, neither in goodnesse nor yet in price to my content: neuerthelesse, con∣sidering the colde sales which were there, as well for your karsies, as also the hot newes, that Or∣muz way was shut vp by occasion that the Indians do warre against them, which is true in deed:* 7.28 and againe the desire that the worshipfull hath to haue such commodities bought, I thought it ne∣cessary to buy them, the prices and weight whereof appeareth at large by my accompt sent to the worshipfull, and is, as I thinke, the whole summe of spices bought at this time.

* 7.29It chanced me in that place to meet with the gouernours merchant of Grozin, who was not a litle desirous to bargen with me for a hundred pieces of karsies for his master called Leuontie, and offering me so good bands for the paiment of the money or silke to the merchants cōtentment vpon the deliuery of them, as in any place within all this countrey is to be had: and offering me be∣sides his owne letter in the behalfe of his master, that no custome should be demanded for the same, and the obtaining also at his masters hand as large a priuilege for the worshipful to trauel into all parts of his dominion, as the Shaugh had giuen them, and hearing good report made of him by the Armenians also, and that he was a Christian, I was much more the willing to bargen with him, and sold him a hundred pieces for a hundred and threescore shawghs a piece, to be paid to the mer∣chant in Grozin either in money or silke to his contentment, within three dayes after the deliue∣rie of the karsies there, hauing a band of him made by the Metropolitanes owne hand, for the per∣formance of the same, which is as sure as any here is to be deuised: and vpon the same I sent my Tolmach from me backe to Shamaki, with such goods as I bought at Teueris, and to the end hee might cause the worshipfuls seruants there to see this bargen accomplished. At whose arriuall there, as I do perceiue, the Captaine would not accomplish his bargen to take them, but saith, hee hath no need of them: such is the constancie of all men in this countrey, with whomsoeuer you shal bargen.* 7.30 If the ware be bought, and they doe mislike it afterwards, they will bring it againe, and compel you to deliuer the money for it againe, regarding the Shawghs letters, which manifesteth the contrary, as a straw in the winde: by meanes whereof, the worshipfull may know whether all be true that hath bene written of this countrey people or not.

I am informed by all the brokers in Teueris, that the way once open to Ormuz, from whence commeth no such store of spices as the worshipfull doeth looke for, that here will bee put a way in Teueris, some for money, and other some for barter, to the number of three hundred or foure hun∣dred pieces of karsies, being in coulers and goodnesse to the examples here sent you, the rest of the karsies to make them vp a thousand, and broad clothes to the summe of a hundred, bee as many as will be put away yeerely in this countrey, so farre as yet I can perceiue.

* 7.31To breake the trade betwixt the Venetians and the whole company of the Armenians it is not possible, vnlesse the worshipful will finde some meanes to receiue of them yerely to the number of 100. catters or mules lading, and deliuer them for the same one third part money, the rest cloth and karsies fitted in coulers meete for this countrey: the examples, as aboue said, are sent vnto you.

At Amadia sixe dayes iourney from Teueris, grow abundance of galles, which are brought vp yerely by the Venetians, and be solde there for two bistes the Teueris bateman, which as your A∣gent here saith, maketh sixe pound English weight, but I doubt it wil not so be proued. Neuerthe∣lesse it is supposed much good will bee done by buying of them: which might at this present haue partly bene proued, if so be that some could do but halfe that which hath bene written.

Touching drugges, I finde many as well at Teueris, as also in Casbin, but the goodnesse no∣thing

like to such as be brought into England out of other places: & the price is so high that smal gaine will be had in buying of them: albeit, if I had bene furnished with money, as I might haue bene, if some would, I would haue bought some, to the ende the goodnesse of them might haue bene seene in England. At my comming to Casbin I found no maner of sales of any commoditie made, but all lying there whole, and newes giuen out (as your Agent saith) that y^e Shaugh would buy all such commodities as he had, and giue him silke and spices for the same: but by report the Shaugh neuer tooke cloth into his treasurie all the dayes of his life, and will not now begin: his whole trade is in raw silke, which he selleth alwayes for money to the Armenians and Turkes, and such other as vse to buy it: thus hoping of that which is not like to be had, hee hath driuen off the time, not sending to any other places: by means whereof the worshipfuls goods lie vnsold to this day to their great hinderance, which I for my part am not a litle sory to see.

Babylon is from hence fifteene dayes iourney, whereas by true report be great store of Dates,* 7.32 and sold for a bisse the batman, the commoditie fit for England, and the place so neere vnto vs might easily haue bene knowen, if hee, whose deeds and sayings differ much, had bene willing to the same. Cassan also is but seuen dayes iourney from h••nce, & a place by report where most store of spices be at all times to be had, ouer and aboue any place in this countrey: it could not be gran∣ted by him to be seen and prooued at this time: if this be losse to the worshipfull, referre it to the want of one which can do that which he speaketh in words.

To trauell in this countrey is not onely miserable and vncomfortable for lacke of townes and villages to harbour in when night comm••th, and to refresh men with wholesome victuals in time of need, but also such scarsitie of water, that sometime in three dayes iourney together, is not to be found any drop fit for man or beast to drinke, besides the great danger we stand in for robbing by these infidels, who doe account it remission of sinnes to wash their hands in the blood of one of vs. Better it is therefore in mine opinion to continue a beggar in England during life, then to remaine a rich Merchant seuen yeeres in this Countrey, as some shall well find at their com∣ming hither.

By commandement of the Agent also I went to Gilan,* 7.33 as well to see what harbor was there for your ship, as also to vnderstand what commoditie is there best sold, and for what quantitie. I found the way from hence so dangerous and troublesome, that with my pen I am not able to note it vnto you: no man trauelleth from hence thither, but such poore people as need constraineth to buy Rice for their reliefe to liue vpon, and they lay not aboue twentie batmans vpon a catter, and it lieth no lower then the skirts of the saddle, and he escapeth very hardly that commeth there with the same.

The towne of Laighon, which was the chiefest place in all that land, haue I seen, and Langro and Rosar also, which be now ouerrun by the Shaugh and his power, and be so spoiled, & the peo∣ple so robbed, that not one of them is able to buy one karsie. The best commoditie there to bee bought, is raw silke, and is sold in the Summer time for 38. shaughs the Laighon batman, which is litle aboue 40. li. waight, and for ready money: also there is to bee had what store of Alom you will, and sold there for one bisse the Teueris batman.

In these partes be many Turkie merchants resident,* 7.34 which giue an outward shew, as though they were glad of our comming hither, but secretly they be our mortall enemies, searching by all meanes to hinder our sales, because we should the sooner giuer ouer our trade thither, which in processe of time I hope will growe to better perfection. They wish vs to go to Hallape with the rest of our commodities vnsold, where they say we shall haue good intertainment in spight of the great number of Uenetians which be there resident, and the custome but two in the hundred, and our karsies to be sold presently, had we neuer so many, for twelue duckets, which maketh of this money 165. shaughs: but by such as know the place, market and custome, it is reported to vs cre∣dibly to the contrary, and that such karsies as ours be, are not sold for aboue 8. duckets ther•••• the custome thirtie in the hundred and more, that no place in the world is so well furnished with good cloth and karsies, and of so braue colour as that place is, supposing it to bee craftily purposed of them, to bring vs into trouble, which God defend vs from.

The price of spices be these,* 7.35 at this present enhansed by reason y^e way is shut to Ormus, which when God shal send open, I purpose (God willing) to see, and at my returne to aduertise the wor∣shipful what benefit is there to be had in all points, so neere as I can learne: Pepper 25. shaughs the Teueris batman: Cloues 50. shaughs, Long pepper 25. shaughs, Maces large 50. shaughs Ginger 24. shaughs, ready money all, or els looke not vpon them. And the best sort of rawe silke is sold for 60. shaughs the Teueris batman. Thus for want of surther matter to inlarge, I ende for this time, beseeching God to preserue you in continuall health.

By your obedient seruant, Lawrence Chapman.

Notes concerning this fourth voyage into Persia, begun in the moneth of Iuly 1568. gathered by M. Richard Willes from the mouth of Master Arthur Edwards, which was Agent in the same.

WHen he came first to the Sophies presence, at his court in Casbin, bringing his interpreter with him, and standing farre off, the Sophie (sitting in a seat roiall with a great number of his noble men about him) bad him come neere, and that thrise, vntil he came so neere him that he might haue touched him with his hād. Then the first demand that he asked him was, from what countrey he came: he answered, that he came from England. Then ••sked hee of his noble men, who knew any such countrey? But when Edwards saw that none of them had any intelligence of that name, he named it Inghilterra, as the Italians call England. Then one of the noble mē said Lon∣dro,* 7.36 meaning thereby Londō,* 7.37 which name is better knowen in far countries out of Christendom, then is the name of England. When Edwards heard him name Londro he said that that was the name of the chiefe c••tie of England, as was Teueris of the chiefe c••ty of Persia. He asked him ma∣ny things more, as of the realme of England, maruelling that it should be an Island of so great riches and power, as Edwards declared vnto him: of the riches & abundance of our merchandize he further vnde••stood by our traffike in Moscouia and other countreis. He demanded also many things of the Queenes maiestie, and of the customes and lawes of the realme: saying oftentimes in his owne language, Bara colla, (that is to say) Well sayd. He asked also many things of king Philip, & of his wars against the Turke at Malta. Then he demanded of him what was the chiefe cause of his resort into his realme. And being certified that it was for the trade of merchandize, he asked what kind of merchandize he could bring thither. Such (sayd hee) as the Venetian mer∣chants do, which dwelling in our country in the city of Londro send to Uenice, & from thence in∣to Turkie by Halepo & Tripoli in Syria, from whence, as by the second and third hands, with great charges of many customs and other things thereunto pertaining, they are at the length brought into your countrey and cities of Persia. What merchandize are those? sayd the Sophie. Edwards answered, that they were great abundance of fine karsies, of broad clothes of all sorts & c••lours, as skarlets, violets, and other of the finest cloth of all the world. Also that the Venetians brought out of England not onely such clothes ready made,* 7.38 but furthermore great plenty of fine wooll to mingle with their wools, of which they could not otherwise make fine cloth: affirming that there went out of England yeerly that waies, aboue two hundred thousand karsies, and as many broad clothes, beside fine wooll & other merchandize, beside also the great abundance of like clothes, the which were caried into Spaine, Barbarie, & diuers other countries. The Sophie then asked him by what means such merchandize might be brought into Persia. Right wel sir (said he) by the way of Moscouia, with more safety and in much shorter time then the Venetians can bring them: first from England to Genice, and from thence into Persia by the way of Turkie. And therefore if it shal please your maiestie to grant vs free passage into all your dominions, with such priuileges as may appertaine to the safegard of our liues, goods and merchandize, we will furnish your coun∣tries with all such merchandize and other commodities, in shorter time, and better cheape then you may haue the same at the Turks hands. This talke and much more was between the Sophie and Edwards for the space of two houres: all which things liked him so well, that shortly after he granted to the sayd Arthur Edwards other priuileges for the trade of merchandize into Persia, all written in Azure and gold letters, and deliuered vnto the lord keeper of the Sophie his great seale. The lord keeper was named Coche Califay, who sayd that when the Shaugh (that is the king or prince) did sit to seale any letters, that last priuiledge should be sealed & deliuered to Lau∣rence Chapman. In this priuiledge is one principall article for seruants or merchants: That if the Agent do perceiue that vpon their naughtie doings, they would become Busormen, that then the Agent wheresoeuer he shall find any such seruant or seruants, to take them and put them in prison, and no person to keepe them or maintaine them. This article was granted in respect of a custome among the Persians, being Mahumetans, whose maner is friendly to receiue and wel en∣tertaine, both with gifts and liuing, all such Christians, as forsaking their religion, wil become of the religion of the Persians. Insomuch that before this priuiledge was granted, there was great occasion of naughty seruants to deceiue and rob their masters, that vnder the colour of professing that religion, they might liue among them in such safetie, that you might haue no lawe agaynst them, either to punish them or to recouer your goods at their hands, or elsewhere. For before the Sophie (whom they say to be a maruelous wise and gracious prince) seemed to fauour our nati∣on, and to grant them such priuiledges, the people abused them very much, and so hated them, that they would not touch them, but reuiled them, calling them Cafars and Gawars, which is, infidels

or misbeleeuers. But after they saw how greatly the prince fauoured them, they had them after∣ward in great reuerence, and would kisse their hands and vse them very friendly. For before they tooke it for no wrong to rob them, defraud them, beare false witnesse against them, and such mer∣chandizes as they had bought or sold, make them take it againe, and change it as often as them li∣sted. And if any stranger by chance had killed one of them, they would haue the life of two for one slaine, and for the debts of any strāger would take the goods of any other of the same nation, with many other such like abuses, in maner vnknowen to the prince, before the complaints of our men made vnto him for reformation of such abuses: which were the cause that no merchant strangers of contrary religiō durst come into his dominions with their commodities, which might be great∣ly to the profite of him and his subiects.

The Articles of the second priuiledge deliuered to Laurence Chap∣man, which are to be annexed vnto the former priuiledge.

10 Item, that the merchants haue free libertie, as in their first priuiledge, to goe vnto Gilan, and all other places of his dominions, now or hereafter when occasion shall be giuen.

11 Item, if by misfortune any of their ships should breake, or fall vpon any part of his domini∣ons on the sea coast, his subiects to helpe with all speed to saue the goods and to be deliuered to any of the sayd merchants that liueth: or otherwise to be kept in safetie vntil any of them come to de∣maund them.

12 Item, if any of the said merchants depart this life in any citie or towne, or on the high way, his gouernours there to see their goods safely kept, and to be deliuered to any other of them that shall demand them.

13 Item, the said merchants to take such camel-men as they themselues wil, being countrey people, and that no Kissell Bash do let or hinder them. And the said owners of the camels to bee bound to answere them such goods as they shal receiue at their hands, and the camel-men to stand to the losses of their camels or horses.

14 Item more, that the sayd Catiers do demaund no more of them, then their agreement was to pay them.

15 Item more, if they be at a price with any Cariers, & haue giuen earnest, the camel-men to see they keepe their promise.

16 Item, if any of the said merchants be in feare to trauel, to giue thē one or more to go with them and see them in safetie with their goods, to the place they will goe vnto.

17 Item, in all places, to say, in all cities, townes or villages on the high way, his subiects to giue them honest roume, and victuals for their money.

18 Item, the sayd merchants may in any place, where they shall thinke best, build or buy any house or houses to their owne vses. And no person to molest or trouble them, and to stand in any Carauan where they will, or shal thinke good.

THe commodities which the merchants may haue by this trade into Persia are thought to bee great, and may in time perhaps be greater then the Portugals trade into y^e East Indies, for∣asmuch as by the way of Persia into England, the returne may be made euery yeere once: where∣as the Portugals make the returne from Calecut but once in two yeeres, by a long and dange∣rous voiage all by sea: for where as the citie and Island of Ormus, lying in the gulfe of Persia, is the most famous Mart towne of all East India, whither al y^e merchandises of India are brought, the same may in shorter time and more safely be brought by land and riuers through Persia, euen vnto the Caspian sea, and from thence by the countreis of Russie or Moscouia by riuers, euen vn∣to the citie of Yeraslaue, and from thence by land 180. miles to Vologda, and from thence againe all by water euen vnto England.

The merchandises which be had out of Persia for the returne of wares are silke of all sortes of colours, both raw and wrought. Also all maner of spices and drugs, pearles & precious stones, likewise carpets of diuers sortes, with diuers other rich merchandises. It was told me of them that came last from Persia, that there is more silke brought into some one city of Persia, then is of cloth brought into the city of London. Also that one village of Armenia named Gilgat doeth carie yeerely fiue hundred, and sometime a thousand mules laden with silke to Halepo in Soria of Tur∣kie, being 4. dayes iourney from Tripoli, where the Uenetians haue their continuall abiding, and send from thence silks which they returne for English karsies and other clothes into all partes of Christendome.

The maner how the Christians become Busormen, and forsake their religion.

I Haue noted here before that if any Christian wil become a Busorman, that is, oue that hath for∣saken his faith, and be a Mahumetan of their religion, they giue him many gifts, and sometime also a liuing. The maner is, that when the deuill is entred into his heart to forsake his faith, he re∣sorteth to the Soltan or gouernor of the towne, to whom hee maketh protestation of his diuelish purpose. The gouernour appointeth him a horse, and one to ride before him on another horse, bea∣ring a sword in his hand, and the Busorman bearing an arrow in his hand, and rideth in the citie, cursing his father and mother: and if euer after he returne to his owne religion, he is guiltie of death, as is signified by the sword borne before him. A yong man, a seruant of one of our merchāts, because he would not abide the correction of his master for his faults, was minded to forsake his faith. But (as God would) he fell suddenly sicke and died, before he gaue himselfe to the deuill. If he had become a Busorman, he had greatly troubled the merchants: for if he would then haue said that halfe their goods had bene his, they would haue giuen credite vnto him. For the auoiding of which inconuenience, it was granted in the priuileges, that no Busorman, &c. as there appeareth.

In Persia in diuers places oxen and kine beare the tents and houshold stuffe of the poore men of the countrey, which haue neither camels nor horses.

Of the tree which beareth Bombasin cotton, or Gossampine.

IN Persia is great abundance of Bombasin cotton, & very fine: this groweth on a certaine litle tree or brier, not past the height of a mans waste or litle more: the tree hath a slender stalke like vnto a brier, or to a carnation gillifloure, with very many branches, bearing on euery branch a fruit or rather a cod, growing in round forme, containing in it the cotton: and when this bud or cod commeth to the bignes of a walnut, it openeth and sheweth foorth the cotton, which groweth still in bignes vntill it be like a fleece of wooll as big as a mans fist, and beginneth to be loose, and then they gather it as it were the ripe fruite. The seeds of these trees are as big as peason, and are blacke, and somewhat flat, and not round: they sowe them in plowed ground, where they grow in the fields in great abundance in many countries in Persia, and diuers other regions.

The writing of the Persians.

ARthur Edwards shewed me a letter of the Sophie, written in their letters backward, sub∣signed with the hands both of the Sophy & his Secretarie. The Sophies subscription was onely one word (his name I suppose was Shaugh) written in golden letters vpon red paper. The whole letter was also written on the same piece of red paper, being long & narow, about y^e length of a foote, and not past three inches broad. The priuate signet of the Sophie was a round printed marke about the bignes of a roial, onely printed vpon the same paper without any ware or other seale, the letter seem so mishapen and disordered, that a man would thinke it were somwhat scrib∣led in maner at aduentures. Yet they say that almost euery letter with his pricke or circumflexe signifieth a whole word. Insomuch that in a piece of paper as big as a mans hand their writing doeth containe as much as doeth ours almost in a sheet of paper.

The fift voiage into Persia made by M. Thomas Banister, and master Geofrey Ducket, Agents for the Moscouie companie, begun from England in the yeere 1568. and continuing to the yeere 1574. following. Written by P.I. from the mouth of M. Lionel Plumtree.

VPon the 3. day of Iuly 1568. they embarked themselues at Yeraslaue, being ac∣companied with Lionel Plumtree, and some 12. English men more, in a Barke called the Thomas Bonauenture of the burden of 70. tunnes, taking also along with them of Russes to the number of 40. for their vse and imploiments. It fell out in the way, before they came to Astracan by 40. miles, that the Nagaian Tar∣tars,* 7.39 being a kind of thieuish and cruel people, made an assault vpon them with 18. boates of theirs, each of them being armed, some with swords, some with speares, and some o∣thers with bowes and arrowes, and the whole number of them they discouered to be about 300. men. They for their parts, although they could haue wished a quiet voyage and iourney without blowes and violence, yet not willing to be spoiled with such Barbarians as they were, began to

defend themselues against their assault, by meanes whereof a very terrible & fierce fight folowed and continued hot & sharpe for two houres, wherein our men so wel plaied their parts with their caliuers, that they forced the Tartars to flee with the losse of 120. of them, as they were after∣wards enformed by a Russe prisoner, which escaped from the Nagaians, and came to them to A∣stracan, at which towne they arriued the 20. of August.

In this towne of Astracan they were somwhat hindered of their iourney,* 7.40 and staied the space of sixe weekes by reason of a great army of 70000. Turkes and Tartars which came thither vpon the instigation of the great Turke, hoping either to haue surprised it suddenly or by continuance of siege to win the same. But in the end by reason that the winter approched, as also, because they had receiued newes of a great expedition, which the Emperour of Russia was in prouiding for the defence of the said place, they were constrained to raise their siege, & to leaue the town as they found it.

Upon their departure our men had oportunitie to proceed on their voyage, and vsing the occa∣sion, they left Astracan, and came to Bilbil towards the end of October: from whence they went to Shauaran, where (as they lodged in their tentes) they were greatly molested with strange troopes of sholcaues or foxes, which were so busie with them that they tooke their meate and vic∣tuals out of their lodgings, and deuoured to the bare bones in one night a mighty wilde Bore that was sent vnto them for a present from the gouernour of the countrey.

Hauing staied here some three or foure daies in prouiding of cariages and other necessaries for their iourney, they departed thence and came to Shamaky, which is foure dayes iourney from the aforesayd Shauaran. In this towne of Shamaky their whole company spent out the Winter, and from thence in April folowing they tooke their iourney towards Ardouil a place of great ac∣count and much esteemed, by reason of the sepulchres of the Emperours of Persia, which for the most partlie there buried, and so is growen to bee a place of their superstitious deuotion. In this towne of Ardouil they so iourned the space of 5. or 6. moneths, finding some traffique and sales, but to no purpose, the towne being more inhabited and frequented with gentlemen and noblemen then merchants.

The difference of religion bred great broiles in this towne whiles they remained there: for the brother sought the destruction of the brother, and the neerest kinsmen rose vp one against another, insomuch that one of their company Lionel Plumtree hath seene in one day sometimes 14. slaine in a garboile. And he being further desirous to see their maner of fight, or rather somewhat more curious to behold, then mistrustful of their blowes, was like to haue borne a share in their bloodie tragedie, being twise wounded with their shot and arrowes, although not to the death.

At this towne the Shaw Thamas sent a messenger for our men to come to his presence at Cas∣bin, to whom Thomas Banister failed not to goe, although master Ducket lay very sicke at Ardouil, and in such case that they almost despaired of his recouerie. Hee being come to the Shaugh was receiued and entertained of him with great fauour and speciall countenance, and had the most part of all his requests granted him, this onely excepted, that whereas he entreated a priuiledge or sufferance to transport and cary through his dominions certaine horses into India, the Shaugh seemed loth to yeeld thereunto, and yet did not altogether denie it, but referred it to some further time. As for the point of traffique, he could not make that motiō or request that was not so soone granted as it was preferred: and the Shaugh himselfe bought there of him many kar∣sies, and made him as good paiment as any man could wish, and oftentimes would send his mony for the wares before the wares were deliuered, that he might be the surer of this honourable in∣tended de••ling.

One thing somewhat strange I thought good in this place to remember, that whereas hee purposed to send a great summe of money to Mecca in Arabia, for an offering to Mahomet their prophet, hee would not send any money or coyne of his owne, but sent to the English merchants to exchange his coyne for theirs, according to the value of it, yeelding this reason for the same, that the money of the merchants was gotten by good meanes, and with good consciences, and was therefore woorthie to be made for an oblation to their holy proph••t, but his owne money was rather gotten by fraud, oppression and vnhonest meanes, and therefore was not fit to serue for so holie a vse.

After sixe moneths spent in Casbin the sayde Thomas Banister departed towards the great citie of Tauris, where being arriued, he found M. Ducket well recouered of his sicknesse, whom he had left ill at Ardouil.

At this Citie the foresayd Master Ducket made sales of the English commodities, remaining there to that purpose the space of two yeeres and a halfe. And besides other kindes of merchan∣dises of that countrey, he bought great store of gals which grow in great abundance at a place

within one dayes iourney of the aforesayd Tauris.

After this Thomas Banister departed from Tauris, and went to Shamaky to giue order for the transporting of those commodities which were bought for England. And baning dispatched them away, he went there hence to Arrash, a towne foure dayes iourney with camels from Sha∣maky for the buying of rawe silke.* 7.41 But there by reason of the vnwholesomnesse of the aire, and corruption of the waters in the hote time of the yeere, he with Lawrence Chapman and some o∣ther English men vnhappily died: which being knowen of M. Ducket, he immediatly came from Tauris to Arrash, to take possession of the goods, for otherwise by the custome of the countrey, if there had bene no merchant or other friend of his to enter vpon that which he left, all had fallen into the Shaughs hands, which goods notwithstanding could not bee recouered from the officers which had seized and sealed vp the same, vntill M. Ducket had bene in person with the Shaugh, and had procured his order for the deliuerie thereof.

Lionel Plumtree, in the meane time that M. Ducket was at Casbin in sute for goods, vpon the perswasion of certaine Bogharians, made prouision for a iourney to Cathaia, with cariages and commodities, and hauing all things ready, departed secretly with a Carauan: but being gone for∣wards on his way sixe dayes iourny, some fifty horsemen by the procurement of Humfry Green∣sell (who afterwards being at Ormus in the East Indies,* 7.42 was there cruelly burnt in the Inqui∣sition by the Portingals) were sent after him in poste from Soltan Erasbec, the Shaughs lieu∣tenant, to fetch him backe againe, not suffering him to passe on so perillous and dangerous a iour∣ney for feare of diuers inconueniences that might follow.

After this M. Ducket returned from Casbin to Shamaky againe, and immediately made pre∣paration for a iourney to Cassan, being about foure dayes iourney from Shamaky, and caried with him foure mules laden with mony.

In the way of his trauel he passed through Persepolis, sometime the roiall seate of the Empe∣rors of Persia, but now altogether ruined and defaced, whereof remaine to be seene at this day two gates onely that are distant one from the other the space of 12. miles, and some few pinnacles in the mountains and conueiances for fresh water.

The foresaid Cassan is a towne that consisteth altogether of merchandise, and the best trade of all the land is there, being greatly frequented by the merchants of India.

Here our men bought great store of al maner of wrought silkes, and s••me spices, and good store of Turkie stones.

The towne is much to be commended for the ciuil and good gouernment that is there vsed. An idle person is not suffred to liue amongst them.

The child that is but fiue yeeres old is set to some labour. No ill rule, disorder or riote by ga∣ming or otherwise, is there permitted. Playing at Dice or Cards is by the law present death.

At this Cashan they remained about the space of tenne weekes, and then came downe a∣gaine to Skamaky, and after some time spent in diuers places of the countrey for buying of rawe silke and other commodities, they came at last to Shauaran againe, where their ship was in har∣bour, and then they shipt all their goods and embarked themselues also, setting sayle the eight day of May, in the yeere 1573. intending to fetch Astracan. By reason of the varietie of the windes and dangerous flats of the Caspian sea, they beat it vp and downe some 20. dayes. And the 28. day riding at anker vpon the flats, certaine Russe Cassaks, which are outlawes or bani∣shed men, hauing intelligence of their being there, and of the great wealth that they had with them, came to them with diuers boates vnder the colour of friendship, and entred their ship, but immedi∣ately they tooke their hatchets & slew diuers of the Russes that were of the ship vpon the hatches: Whereupon master Ducket, Lionell Plumtree, William Smith, the master, a man of singular valure, and Amos Riall being vnder the Spardecke, did so well behaue themselues, that they skowred the hatches, and slew 14. of the Cassaks gunners, and hurt and wounded about 30. more, being of them al in number 150. at the least, armed with caliuers and other weapons fit for so vil∣lanous a purpose.

M. Ducket notwithstanding and the rest aforesaid receiued diuers wounds from the enemie,* 7.43 and were so hurt, and withall so oppressed with the multitude and force of them, that they were at last constrained to make an agreement with the Cassaks by rendring the ship into their hands, ha∣uing receiued first their othes sworne by their crucifixes, not to do any further harme to their per∣sons.

Thus the shippe being taken, and all the English grieuously hurt, the Cassaks immediately discharged the ship of them, putting them all into the ship boate with two or three Persian targets full of horse flesh and swines flesh, without further victuals or reliefe: they being in that case, made the best hast they could to get to Astracan: and being come to the towne, master Ducket

made great sute to the captaine to haue men and boates set out for the rescuing and recouering of the ship if it were possible: who immediately sent out his sonne with fortie boates and fiue hun∣dred men to pursue the Pirats, and by good hap came to the place where they rid at anker with the ship, but by reason of their foolishnes in striking vp their drums before they were come neere them, the Cassaks discouering the boats, cut their gab••es and put out to sea, whereupon the boats not being able to folow them, returned againe to Astracan. After which, 60. boats more were sent out to pursue them againe the second time: & that second army came to a place where they found many of those Cassaks and slew them, and found out the places where they had hid certaine par∣cels of their goods in the earth in the chests of the ship: all which they recouered againe for the English merchants, to the value of 5000. li. of 30. or 40. thousand pound, but all the rest the Cas∣saks in the ship had caried away.

In the same place they found further diuers of the Cassaks which the Englishmen had slaine, buried in the earth, and wrapt some in fortie or fifty yards of Sattin and Taffataes, and some in Turkie carpets cut & spoiled by those villanous Pirats, of whom afterwards as many as could be taken by the Persians who entirely loued the English merchants, were put to most cruell tor∣ments in all places according to their deserts.

But our men being thus spoyled of their goods, and wounded in their bodies, remained about two moneths at Astracan for their better recouerie: & hauing gotten some reasonable strength, they then prouided boates and went vp the riuer of Volga to Cazan, with such goods as they had recouered from the Cassaks. From Cazan they went towards Yeraslaue, but in the way the ice intercepted them about the beginning of October,* 7.44 where suddenly in the night they were taken with a cruell and vehement frost, and there withall the waters so congeled, that their boates were crushed and cut in sunder with the ice, whereby they sustained both a further danger of life and losse of goods: but as much as they could preserue with much adoe, they conueyed ouer land iu fleds to Vologda, and from thence sent much of it to Saint Nicholas to be laden in the ships for England.

But Master Ducket, Lionel Plumtree and Amos Riall went with some parcels to the Mos∣ko, and there sold certaine quantities of it to the Emperour, who pitying the mightie losse that they had sustained by his owne rebellious people and subiects, bought himselfe as much as hee liked, and payed present money for the same. So that Winter being spent out in Mosko, and such wares prouided by them as serued for England, they departed to Saint Nicholas, and there embarked in the moneth of August: and hauing endured a very terrible passage in nine weekes and three dayes, with some hardnesse of victuals, contrary and furious windes, and other sea ac∣cidents, they arriued at London in the moneth of October, one thousand fiue hundred seuentie and foure,* 7.45 and so made an ende of an vnfortunate voyage: which if it had pleased God to prosper, that all things had come home as safely as they were carefully prouided, and painfully laboured for, it had proued the richest voiage and most profitable returne of commoditie, that had euer bene vn∣dertaken by English merchants, who, notwithstanding all misfortunes, lost nothing of their prin∣cipall aduenture, but onely the interest and gaine that might haue risen by the vse of their stocke in the meane time.

Further obseruations concerning the state of Persia, taken in the foresayd fift voyage into those partes, and written by M. Geffrey Ducket, one of the Agents emploied in the same.

SHamaky is the fairest towne in all Media, and the chiefest commoditie of that countrey is rawe silke, & the greatest plentie thereof is at a towne three dayes iourney from Shamaky called Arash: and within 3. dayes iourney of Arash is a countrey named Grosin, whose inhabitants are Christians, & are thought to be they which are otherwise called Georgians:* 7.46 there is also much silke to be sold. The chiefe towne of that countrey is called Zegham, from whence is caried yeerely into Persia, an incredible quantitie of Hasell nuts, all of one sort and goodnesse, and as good and thin shaled as are our Filberds. Of these are caried yeerely the quantitie of 4000. Camels laden.

Of the name of the Sophy of Persia, & why he is called the Shaugh, and of other customes.

THe king of Persia (whom here we call the great Sophy) is not there so called, but is called the Shaugh. It were there dangerous to cal him by the name of Sophy, because that Sophy

in the Persian tongue, is a begger, & it were as much as to call him, The great begger. He lieth at a towne called Casbin, which is situate in a goodly fertile valley of 3. or 4. daies iourny in length. The towne is but euil builded, and for the most part all of bricke, not hardened with fire, but only dried at the sunne, as is the most part of the building of all Persia. The king hath not come out of the compasse of his owne house in 33. or 34. yeeres, whereof the cause is not knowen, but as they say, it is vpon a superstition of certaine prophesies to which they are greatly addicted: he is now a∣bout 80. yeeres of age, and very lusty. And to keepe him the more lusty, he hath 4. wiues alwayes, and about 300. concubines, and once in the yeere he hath all the faire maidens and wiues that may be found a great way about brought vnto him, whom he diligently peruseth, feeling them in all parts, taking such as he liketh, and putting away some of them which he hath kept before, & with them that he putteth away, he gratifieth some such as hath done him the best seruice. And if hee chance to take any mans wife, her husband is very glad thereof, and in recompense of her, often∣times he giueth the husband one of his old store, whom he thankfully receiueth.

* 7.47If any stranger being a Christian shall come before him, he must put on a new paire of shooes made in that countrey, and from the place where he entreth, there is digged as it were a causey all the way, vntil he come to the place where he shal talke with the king•• who standeth alwayes aboue in a gallerie, when he talketh with any strangers: and when the stranger is departed, then is the causey cast downe, and the ground made euen againe.

Of the religion of the Persians.

THeir religion is all one with the Turkes, sauing that they differ who was ••he right successor of Mahumet. The Turkes say that it was one Homer and his sonne Vsman. But the Per∣sians say that it was one Mortus Ali, which they would prooue in this maner. They say there was a counsell called to decide the matter who should be the successor: and after they had called vpon Mahumet to reueale vnto them his will and pleasure therein, there c••me among them a litle Li∣zard, who declared that it was Mahumets pleasure that Mortus Ali should be his successor.* 7.48 This Mortus Ali was a valiant man and slew Homer the Turkes prophet. He had a sword that hee fought withall, with the which hee conquered all his enemies, and killed as many as he stroke. When Mortus Ali died, there came a holy prophet, who gaue them warning that shortly there would come a white Camell, vpon the which he charged them to lay the body and sword of Mor∣tus Ali, and to suffer the Camel to cary it whither he would. The which being performed, the said white camell caried the sword & body of Mortus Ali vnto the sea side, and the camell going a good way into the sea, was with the body & sword of Mortus Ali taken vp into heauen, for whose return they haue long looked in Persia. And for this cause the king alwayes keepeth a horse ready sadled for him, and also of late kept for him one of his owne daughters to be his wife, but she died in the yere of our Lord, 1573. And they say furthermore, y^t if he come not shortly, they shalbe of our be∣liefe: much like the Iewes, looking for their Messias to come & reigne ••mong them like a world∣ly king for euer, and deliuer them from the captiuitie which they are now in among the Christi∣ans, Turkes, and Gentiles.

The Shaugh or king of Persia is nothing in strength & power comparable vnto the Turke: for although he hath a great Dominion, yet is it nothing to be compared with the Turks: neither hath he any great Ordinance or gunnes, or harquebusses. Notwithstanding his eldest sonne Is∣mael about 25. yeeres past, fought a great battell with the Turke, and slew of his armie about an hundreth thousand men: who after his returne, was by his father cast into prison, and there con∣tinueth vntil this day: for his father the Shaugh had him in suspicion that he would haue put him downe, and haue taken the regiment vnto himselfe.

* 7.49Their opinion of Christ is, that he was an holy man and a great Prophet, but not like vnto Mahumet: saying, that Mahumet was the last prophet by whom all things were finished, & was therefore the greatest. To prooue that Christ was not Gods sonne, they say that God had neuer wife, and therefore could haue no sonne or children. They go on pilgrimage from the furthest part of Persia vnto Mecha in Arabia, and by the way they visite also the sepulchre of Christ at Ierusa∣lem, which they now call Couch Kaly.

The most part of spices which commeth into Persia is brought from the Island of Ormus, situate in the gulfe of Persia called Sinus Persicus, betweene the maine land of Persia and Arabia, &c. The Portingals touch at Ormus both in their voyage to East India and homeward againe, and from thence bring all such spices as are occupied in Persia and the regions thereabout: for of pep∣per they bring very small quantitie, and that at a very deare price.

The Turkes oftentimes bring pepper from Mecha in Arabia, which they sell as good cheape

as that which is brought from Ormus. Silkes are brought from no place, but are wrought all in their owne countrey. Ormus is within two miles of the maine land of Persia, and the Por∣tingals fetch their fresh water there, for the which they pay tribute to the Shaugh or king of Persia.

Within Persia they haue neither gold nor siluer mines,* 7.50 yet haue they coined money both of gold and siluer, and also other small moneys of copper. There is brought into Persia an incredible summe of Dutch dollars, which for the most part are there imploied in raw silke.

They haue few bookes and lesse learning,* 7.51 and are for the most part very brutish in all kind of good sciences, sauing in some kind of silke works, and in such things as pertaine to the furniture of horses, in the which they are passing good.

Their lawes are as in their religion, wicked and detestable.* 7.52 And if any man offend the prince, he punisheth it extremely, not onely in the person that offendeth, but also in his children, and in as many as are of his kin. Theft and murther are often punished, yet none otherwise then pleaseth him that is ruler in the place where the offence is committed, and as the partie offending is able to make friends, or with money to redeeme his offence.

There is oftentimes great mutinie among the people in great Townes which of Mortus Ali his sonnes was greatest:* 7.53 insomuch that sometimes in the towne two or three thousand people are together by the eares for the same, as I haue seene in the towne of Shamaky and Ardouil, and also in the great City of Teueris, where I haue seene a man comming from fighting, in a bra∣uerie bringing in his hand foure or fiue mens heads, carying them by the haire of the head: for although they shaue their heads most commonly twise a weeke, yet leaue they a tuft of haire vpon their heads about 2. foote long. I haue enquired why they leaue the tuft of haire vpon their heads. They answer, that thereby they may eas••••er be caried vp into heauen when they are dead.

For their religion, they haue certaine priests who are apparelled like vnto other men. They vse euery morning and afternoone to go vp to the tops of their churches, and tell there a great tale of Mahumet and Mortus Ali: and other preaching haue they none. Their Lent is after Christmas, not in abstinence from flesh onely, but from all meats and drinks, vntill the day be off the skie, but then they eate somtimes the whole night. And although it be against their religion to drinke wine,* 7.54 yet at night they will take great excesse thereof and be drunken. Their Lent beginneth at the new Moone,* 7.55 and they do not enter into it vntill they haue seene the same: neither yet doeth their Lent end, vntill they haue seen the next new Moone, although the same (through close weather) should not be seen in long time.

They haue among them certaine holy men whom they call Setes,* 7.56 counted holy for that they or any of their ancestors haue bene on pilgrimage at Mecha in Arabia, for whosoeuer goeth thi∣ther on pilgrimage to visite the sepulchre of Mahumet,* 7.57 both he and all his posteritie are euer after called Setes, and counted for holy men, and haue no lesse opinion of themselues. And if a man con∣trary one of these, he will say that he is a Saint, and therefore ought to be beleeued, and that hee cannot lie, although he lie neuer so shamefully. Thus a man may be too holy, and no pride is grea∣ter then spirituall pride of a mind puffed vp with his owne opinion of holinesse. These Setes do vse to shaue their heads all ouer, sauing on the sides a litle aboue the temples, the which they leaue vnshauen, and vse to braid the same as women do their haire, and to weare it as long as it will grow.

Euery morning they vse to worship God, Mahumet, and Mortus Ali,* 7.58 & in praying turne them∣selues toward the South, because Mecha lieth that way from them. When they be in trauell on the way, many of them will (as soone as the Sunne riseth) light from their horses, turning them∣selues to the South, and will lay their gownes before them, with their swords and beads, and so standing vpright worship to the South: and many times in their prayers kneele downe and kisse their beads, or somwhat els that lieth before them.

The men or women doe neuer goe to make water,* 7.59 but they vse to take with them a pot with a spout, and after they haue made water, they flash some water vpon their priuy parts, and thus doe the women as well as the men: and this is a matter of great religion among them, and in making of water, the men do cowre downe as well as the women.

When they earnestly affirme a matter, they will sweare by God, Mahumet, or Mortus Ali,* 7.60 and sometimes by all at ones: as thus in their owne language, saying, Olla, Mahumet, Ali. But if he will sweare by the Shaughs head, in saying Shaugham basshe, you may then beleeue him if you will.

The Shaugh keepeth a great magnificence in his court:* 7.61 and although sometimes in a mo∣neth or six weekes none of his nobilitie or counsaile can see him, yet goe they daily to the court, and tary there a certaine time vntill they haue knowen his pleasure whether hee will commaund

them any thing or not. Hee is watched euery night with a thousand of his men, which are called his Curshes,* 7.62 wh•• are they that hee vseth to send into the Countreis about his greatest affaires. When he sendeth any of them (if it be to the greatest of any of his nobilitie) he will obey them al∣though the messenger should beat any of them to death.

* 7.63The Shaugh occupieth himselfe alwayes two dayes in the weeke in his Bathsto••e, and when he is disposed to goe thither, he taketh with him fiue or sixe of his concubines, more or lesse, and one day they consume in washing, rubbing, and bathing him, and the other day in paring his nailes, and other matters. The greatest part of his life hee spendeth amongst his wiues and con∣cubines. Hee hath now reigned about fiftie and foure yeeres, and is therefore counted a very holy man, as they euer esteeme their kings, if they haue reigned fiftie yeeres or more: for they measure the fauour of God by a mans prosperitie, or his displeasure by a mans misfortune or aduersitie. The great Turke hath this Shaugh in great reuerence, because he hath reigned king so long time.

* 7.64I haue sayd before that hee hath foure wiues, and as many concubines as him listeth: and if he chance to haue any children by any of his concubines, and be minded that any of those children shall inherite after him, then when one of his wiues dieth, the concubine whom hee so fauoureth, hee maketh one of his wiues, and the childe whom he so loueth best, he ordaineth to bee king af∣ter him.

* 7.65What I heard of the maner of their mariages, for offending of honest consciences and chaste eares, I may not commit to writing: their fasting I haue declared before. They vse circumcision vnto children of seuen yeeres of age, as do the Turkes.

* 7.66Their houses (as I haue said) are for the most part made of bricke, not burned but only dried in the Sunne: In their houses they haue but litle furniture of houshold stuffe, except it be their car∣pets and some copper worke: for all their kettles & dishes wherein they eate, are of copper. They eate on the ground, sitting on carpets crosse legged as do Tailors. There is no man so simple but he sitteth on a carpet better or worse, and the whole house or roume wherein he sitteth is wholy couered with carpets. Their houses are all with flat roofes couered with earth: and in the Som∣mer time they lie vpon them all night.

They haue many bond seruaunts both men and women. Bondmen and bondwomen, is one of the best kind of merchandise that any man may bring. When they buy any maydes or yong women,* 7.67 they vse to feele them in all partes, as with vs men doe horses: when one hath bought a yong woman, if he like her, he will keepe her for his owne vse as long as him listeth, and then selleth her to an other, who doeth the like with her. So that one woman is sometimes sold in the space of foure or fiue yeeres, twelue, or twentie times.* 7.68 If a man keepe a bondwoman for his owne vse, and if hee find her to be false to him, and giue her body to any other, he may kill her if he will.

When a merchant or traueller commeth to any towne where he entendeth to tary any time, he hireth a woman, or somtimes 2. or 3. during his abode there. And when he commeth to an other towne, he doeth the like in the same also: for there they vse to put out their women to hire, as wee do here hackney horses.

There is a very great riuer which runneth through the plaine of Iauat, which falleth into the Caspian sea,* 7.69 by a towne called Bachu, neere vnto which towne is a strange thing to behold. For there issueth out of the ground a marueilous quantitie of oile, which oile they fetch from the vtter∣most bounds of all Persia: it serueth all the countrey to burne in their houses.

This oyle is blacke, and is called Nef••e: they vse to cary it throughout all the Countrey vpon kine & asses, of which you shall oftentimes meet with foure or fiue hundred in a company. There is also by the said towne of Bachu another kind of oyle which is white and very precious: and is supposed to be the same that here is called Petroleum.* 7.70 There is also not far from Shamaky, a thing like vnto tarre, and issueth out of the ground, whereof we haue made the proofe, that in our ships it serueth well in the stead of tarre.

* 7.71In Persia are kine of two sorts: the one like vnto ours in these partes: the other are maruei∣lous euill fauoured, with great bones and very leane, and but litle haire vpon them: their milke is walowish sweete: they are like vnto them which are spoken of in the Scripture, which in the dreame of Pharao signified the seuen deare yeeres: for a leaner or more euill fauoured beast can no man see.

In the countrey of Shiruan (sometime called Media) if you chance to lie in the fields neere vn∣to any village,* 7.72 as the twilight beginneth, you shall haue about you two or three hundred foxes, which make a marueilous wawling or howling: and if you looke not well to your victuals, it shal scape them hardly but they will haue part with you.

The Caspian sea doeth neither ebbe nor flowe, except sometimes by rages of wind it swelleth vp very high: the water is very salt. Howbeit, the quantitie of water that falleth out of the great riuer of Volga maketh the water fresh at the least twentie leagues into the sea. The Caspian sea is marueilous full of fish, but no kind of monstrous fish, as farre as I could vnderstand, yet hath it sundry sortes of fishes which are not in these parts of the world.

The mutton there is good, and the sheepe great, hauing very great rumpes with much fat vp∣on them.

Rice and mutton is their chiefe victuall.

The copy of a letter sent to the Emperour of Moscouie, by Christo∣pher Hodsdon and William Burrough, Anno 1570.

MOst mightie Emperour, &c. Whereas Sir William Garrard and his felowship the company of English merchants, this last Winter sent hither to the Narue three ships laden with merchandise, which was left here, and with it Christo∣pher Hodsdon one of the sayd felowship, and their chiefe doer in this place, who when hee came first hither, and vntill such time as hee had dispatched those ships from hence, was in hope of goods to lade twelue or thirteene sailes of good ships, against this shipping, wherefore he wrote vnto the sayd Sir William Garrard and his companie to send hither this spring the sayd number of thirteene ships. And because that in their comming hither wee found the Freebooters on the sea, and supposing this yeere that they would be very strong, he therefore gaue the said sir William and his Companie aduise to furnish the sayd number of ships so strongly, as they should bee able to withstand the force of the Free∣booters: whereupon they haue according to his aduise sent this yeere thirteene good ships toge∣ther well furnished with men and munition, and all other necessaries for the warres, of which 13. ships William Burrough one of the said felowship is captaine generall, vnto whom there was gi∣uen in charge, that if hee met with any the Danske Freebooters, or whatsoeuer robbers and theeues that are enimies to your highnesse, he should doe his best to apprehend and take them. It so hapned that the tenth day of this moneth the sayd William with his fleete, met with sixe ships of the Freebooters neere vnto an Island called Tu••tee, which is about 50. versts from Narue,* 8.1 vnto which Freebooters he with his fleete gaue chase, and tooke of them the Admirall, wherein were left but three men, the rest were fled to shore in their boats amongst the woods vpon Tut∣tee, on which ship he set fire and burnt her. He also tooke foure more of those ships which are now here, and one ship escaped him: out of which foure ships some of the men fled in their boates and so escaped, others were slaine in fight, and some of them when they saw they could not escape, cast themselues willingly into the Sea and were drowned. So that in these fiue ships were left but 83. men.

The said Wil. Borough when he came hither to Narue, finding here Christopher Hodsdon a∣forenamed, both the said Christopher and William together, in the name of sir William Garrard and the rest of their whole companie and felowship, did present vnto your highnesse of those Free∣booters taken by our ships 82. men, which we deliuered here vnto Knez Voiuoda, the 13. of this moneth. One man of those Freebooters we haue kept by vs, whose name is Haunce Snarke a captaine. And the cause why we haue done it is this: When wee should haue deliuered him with the rest of his felowes vnto the Voiuodaes officers, there were of our Englishmen more then 50. which fell on their knees vnto vs, requesting that he might be reserued in the ship, and caried back into England: and the cause why they so earnestly intreated for him, is, that some of those out Englishmen had bene taken with Freebooters, and by his meanes had their liues saued, with great fauour besides, which they found at his hands. Wherefore if it please your highnesse to per∣mit it, we will cary him home with vs into England, wherein we request your maiesties fauour: notwithstanding what you command of him shalbe obserued.

Wee haue also sent our seruant to your highnesse with such bestellings and writings as wee found in those shippes: whereby your Maiestie may see by whom, and in what order they were set out, and what they pretended, which writings wee haue commended vnto Knez Yoriue your Maiesties Voiuoda at Plesco, by our seruant. And haue requested his furtherance for the safe de∣liuerie of them to your maiesties hands: which writings when you haue perused, we desire that they may be returned vnto vs by this our seruaunt, as speedily as may bee: for these ships which we now haue here will be soone dispatched from hence, for that we haue not goods to lade aboue the halfe of them. And the cause is, we haue this winter (by your maiesties order) bene kept from

trafiquing, to the companies great losse. But hoping your maiestie will hereafter haue considera∣tion thereof, and that we may haue free libertie to trafique in all partes of your maiesties Coun∣tries, according to the priuiledge giuen vnto vs, we pray for your maiesties health, with prospe∣rous successe to the pleasure of God.

From Narue the 15. of Iuly, Anno 1570.

Your Maiesties most humble and obedient, Christopher Hodsdon. William Borough.

A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henrie Lane, touching the burning of the Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar: written in Rose Island the 5. day of August, 1571.* 8.2

MAster Lane I haue me commended vnto you. The 27. of Iuly I arriued here with the Magdalene, and the same day and houre did the Swalow and Harry arriue here also. At our comming I found master Proctor here, by whom wee vnderstand very heauie newes•• The Mosco is burnt euery sticke by the Crimme the 24. day of May last,* 9.1 and an innumerable number of people: and in the English house was smothered Thomas Southam, Tofild, Wauerley, Greenes wife and children, two children of R••••••, & more to the number of 25. persons were stife∣led in our Beere seller: and yet in the same seller was Rafe, his wife, Iohn Browne, and Iohn Clarke preserued, which was wonderfull. And there went into that seller master Glouer and master Rowley also:* 9.2 but because the heate was so great, they came foorth againe with much pe∣rill, so that a boy at their heeles was taken with the fire, yet they escaped blindfold into another seller, and there, as Gods will was, they were preserued. The Emperour fled out of the field, and many of his people were cari••d away by the Crimme Tartar: to wit, all the yong people, the old they would not meddle with, but let them alone, and so with exceeding much spoile and infinite prisoners, they returned home againe. What with the Crimme on the one side, and with his cru∣••ltie on the other, he hath but few people left. Commend me to mistresse Lane your wife, and to M. Locke, and to all our friends.

Yours to command, Richard Vscombe.

A note of the proceeding of M. Anthonie Ienkinson, Ambassadour from the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, to the Emperour of Russia, from the time of his arriuall there, being the 26. of Iuly 1571. vntill his departure from thence the 23. of Iuly 1572.

THe said 26. day I arriued with the two good ships called the Swalow and the Harry in safetie, at the Baie of S. Nicholas in Russia aforesayd, and landed at Rose Island, from whence immediately I sent away my interpreter Daniel Siluester in post towards the Court, being then at the Mosco, whereby his ma∣iestie might as well bee aduertised of my arriuall in his Dominions, as also to know his highnesse pleasure for my further accesse. And remaining at the sayd Island two or three dayes, to haue conference with your Agent about your affaires, I did well perceiue by the wordes of the sayd Agent and others your seruants, that I was entred in∣to great perill and danger of my life: for they reported to mee that they heard said at the Mosco, that the princes displeasure was such against me, that if euer I came into his countrey againe, I should loose my head, with other words of discouragement. Whereat I was not a litle dismaid, not knowing whether it were best for me to proceed forwards, or to returne home againe with the ships for the safegard of my life. But calling to mind mine innocencie and good meaning, and knowing my selfe not to haue offended his Maiestie any maner of wayes either in word or deed, or by making former promises not performed, heretofore by mine enemies falsly surmised: and being desirous to come to the triall thereof, whereby to iustifie my true dealings, and to reprooue my sayd enemies as well here as there, who haue not ceased of late by vntrue reports to impute the cause of the sayd Emperors displeasure towards you to proceed of my dealings, and promises made to him at my last being with him (although by his letters to the Queenes Maiestie, and by his owne words to me the contrary doeth appeare) I determined with my selfe rather to put my life into his hands, & by the prouidence of God to prosecute the charge committed vnto me, then to returne home in vaine, discouraged with the words of such, who had rather that I had taried at home, then to be sent ouer with such credite, whereby I might sift out their euil doings, the onely cause of your losse.

Wherefore, leauing the said ships the nine and twentieth day of the moneth, I departed from the seaside, and the first of August arriued at Colmogro, where I remained attending the returne of my said messenger with order from his Maiestie.

But all the Countrey being sore visited by the hand of God with the plague, passage in euery place was shut vp, that none might passe in paine of death: My messenger being eight hundreth miles vpon his way, was stayed, and kept at a towne called Shasko, and might not bee suffered to goe any further, neither yet to returne backe againe, or sende vnto me: by meanes whereof in the space of foure moneths, I could neither heare nor know what was become of him, in which time my said messenger found meanes to aduertise the Gouernour of the Citie of Vologda, as well of his stay, as of the cause of his comming thither, who sent him word that it was not possible to passe any neerer the Prince without further order from his Maiestie, who was gone to the warres a∣gainst the Swethens, and that he would aduertise his highnesse so soone as he might conueniently: And so my said messenger was forced to remaine there still without answere. During which time of his stay through the great death (as aforesaid,) I found meanes to send another messenger, with a guide by an vnknowen way through wildernesse, a thousand miles about, thinking that way he should passe without let: but it prooued contrary, for likewise hee being passed a great part of his iourney, fell into the handes of a watch, and escaped very hardly, that hee and his guide with their horses had not bene burnt, according to the lawe prouided for such as would seeke to passe by in∣direct wayes, and many haue felt the smart thereof which had not wherewith to buy out the paine: neither could that messenger returne backe vnto me.

And thus was I kept without answere or order from his Maiestie, and remained at the saide Colmogro, vntill the 18. of Ianuary following, neither hauing a Gentleman to safegard me, nor lodging appointed me, nor allowance of victuals according to the Countrey fashion for Ambassa∣dours, which argued his grieuous displeasure towards our nation. And the people of the Coun∣trey perceiuing the same, vsed towards mee and my company some discourtesies: but about the 28. day aforesaid, the plague ceased, and the passages being opened, there came order from his Ma∣iestie that I should haue poste horses, and bee suffered to depart from Colmogro to goe to a Citie called Peraslaue neere to the Court, his Maiestie being newly returned from the said warres. And I arriued at the said Peraslaue the 3. of February, where I remained vnder the charge of a gen∣tleman, hauing then a house appointed me, & allowance of victuals, but so straitly kept, that none of our nation or other might come or sende vnto me, nor I to them. And the 14. of March f••low∣ing, I was sent for to the Court, and being within three miles of the same, a poste was sent to the Gentleman which had charge of me, to returne backe againe with mee to the said Peraslaue, and to remaine there vntill his Maiesties further pleasure, wherewith I was much dismayed, and marueiled what that sudden change ment, and the rather, because it was a troublesome time, and his Maiestie much disquieted through the ill successe of his affaires, (as I did vnderstand.) And the twentieth of the same, I was sent for againe to the Court, and the 23. I came before his Ma∣iestie, who caused mee to kisse his hande, and gaue gratious audience vnto my Oration, grate∣fully receiuing and accepting the Queenes Maiesties princely letters, and her present, in the pre∣sence of all his nobilitie. After I had finished my Oration, too long here to rehearse, and deliue∣red her highnesse letters, and present (as aforesaid) the Emperour sitting in royall estate stood vp and said, How doth Queene Elizabeth my sister, is she in health? to whom I answered, God doth blesse her Maiestie with health, and peace, and doeth wish the like vnto thee Lord, her louing bro∣ther. Then his Maiestie sitting downe againe, commaunded all his nobilitie and others to depart, and auoyde the chamber, sauing the chiefe Secretarie, and one other of the Counsell, and willing me to approch neere vnto him with my Interpretor, said vnto me these words.

Anthony, the last time thou wast with vs heere, wee did commit vnto thee our trustie and se∣cret Message, to be declared vnto the Queenes Maiestie herselfe thy Mistresse at thy comming home, and did expect thy comming vnto vs againe at the time wee appointed, with a full answere of the same from her highnesse. And in the meane time there came vnto vs at seuerall times three messengers, the one called Manly, the other George Middleton, and Edward Goodman, by the way of the Narue about the Merchants affaires: to whom wee sent our messenger to know whether thou Anthony, were returned home in safetie, and when thou shouldest returne vnto vs againe: but those messengers could tell vs nothing, and did miscall, and abuse with euil words, both our messenger and thee, wherewith wee were much offended. And vnderstanding that the said Goodman had letters about him, we caused him to be searched, with whom were found ma∣ny letters, wherein was written much against our Princely estate, and that in our Empire were many vnlawfull things done, whereat we were much grieued, & would suffer none of those rude messengers to haue accesse vnto vs: and shortly after wee were infourmed that one Thomas

Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way of Dwina, Ambassadour from the Queene, and we sent a Gentleman to meete and conduct him to our Citie of Mosco, at which time we loo∣ked that thou shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe. And the said Thomas being arriued at our said Citie, wee sent vnto him diuers times, that hee should come and conferre with our Counsell, whereby we might vnderstand the cause of his comming, looking for answere of those our prince∣ly affaires committed vnto thee. But hee refused to come to ••ur said Counsell: wherefore, and for that our saide Citie was visited with plague, the saide Thomas was the longer kept from our presence. Which being ceased, foorthwith wee gaue him accesse and audience, but all his talke with vs was about Merchants affaires, and nothing touching ours. Wee knowe that Mer∣chants matters are to bee heard, for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures: But first Princes affaires are to be established, and then Merchants. After this the said Thomas Ran∣dolfe was with vs at our Citie of Vologda, and wee dealt with him about our Princely affaires, whereby amitie betwixt the Queenes Maiestie and vs might bee established for euer, and mat∣ters were agreed and concluded betwixt your Ambassadour and vs, and thereupon wee sent our Ambassadour into England with him to ende the same: but our Ambassadour returned vnto vs a∣gaine, without finishing our said affaires, contrary to our expectation, and the agreement betwixt vs, and your said Ambassadour.

Thus when his Maiestie had made a long discourse, I humbly beseeched his highnesse to heare me graciou••ly, and to giue me leaue to speake without offence, and to beleeue those wordes to be true which I should speake. Which he graunted, and these were my words.

Most noble and famous Prince, the message which thy highnesse did sende by mee vnto the Queene her most excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and secret affaires, immediatly, and so soone as I came home, I did declare both secretly and truely vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe, word for word, as thou Lord diddest commaund mee. Which her highnesse did willingly heare and accept, and being mindefull thereof, and willing to answere the same, the next ship∣ping after, her Maiestie did sende vnto thee, Lord, her highnesse Ambassadour Thomas Ran∣dolfe, whose approoued wisedome and fidelitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen, and there∣fore thought meete to bee sent to so worthy a Prince, who had Commission not onely to treate with thy Maiestie of Merchants affaires, but also of those thy Princely and secret affaires com∣mitted vnto mee. And the cause (most gracious Prince) that I was not sent againe, was, for that I was imployed in seruice vpon the Seas against the Queenes Maiesties enemies, and was not returned home at such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Shippes, to come into thy Maiesties Countrey, otherwise I had bene sent. And whereas thy Maie∣stie saith, that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of the matters of his Le∣gation, hee did (Lord) therein according to his Commission: which was: First to deale with thy Maiestie thy selfe, which order is commonly vsed among all Princes, when they send their Ambassadours about matters of great waight. And whereas the saide Thomas is charged that hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same time, and promised the same should bee per∣fourmed by the Queene her Maiestie: Whereupon (Lord) thou diddest send thy Ambassadour with him into England, for answere thereof: It may please thy Maiestie to vnderstand, that as the saide Thomas Randolfe doeth confesse, that in deede hee had talke with thy Highnesse, and counsell diuers times about princely affaires: euen so hee denieth that euer hee did agree, con∣clude, or make any promise in any condition or order, as is alleaged, otherwise then it should please the Queene her Maiestie to like of at his returne home, which hee did iustifie to thy High∣nes Ambassador his face in England. Wherefore, most mighty Prince, it doth well appeare, that either thy Ambassador did vntruly enforme thy Maiestie, or els thy princely minde, and the true meaning of the Queenes highnes her Ambassador, for want of a good Interpretor, was not well vnderstood: and how thankefully the Queene her Maiestie did receiue thy highnes commenda∣tions, and letters sent by thy Maiesties Ambassador, and how gratiously shee gaue him audience sundry times, vsing him with such honour in all points for thy sake, Lord, her louing brother, as the like was neuer shewed to any Ambassador in our Realme, and how honourably with full an∣swere in all things, her Maiestie dismissed him, when hee had finished all thy princely affaires (as it seemed) to his owne contentation, it may well appeare by a true certificate lately sent with her highnes letter vnto thee Lord, by her messenger Robert Beast, and her Maiestie did suppose that that thy Ambassador would haue made report accordingly, and that by him thy highnes would haue bene satisfied in all things: otherwise she would haue sent her Maiesties Ambassador with him vnto thee Lord againe. But now her highnes perceiuing that thy Maiestie is not fully satis∣fied in thy Princely affaires, neither by Thomas Randolfe, her highnes Ambassador,* 9.3 nor by thine owne Ambassador Andrea Sauin, nor yet by her Maiesties letter sent by the said Andrea: and al∣so

vnderstanding thy great griefe and displeasure towards sir William Garret, and his company, merchants traffiking in thy Maiesties dominions, hath thought good to send mee at this present vnto thee Lord Emperor, and great duke, as wel with her highnes ful mind, touching thy prince∣ly affaires, as also to know the iust cause of thy Maiesties said displeasure towards the said com∣pany of merchants: and hath commanded me to answere to all things in their behalfe, and accor∣ding to their true meanings. For her highnes doth suppose thy Maiesties indignation to pro∣ceede rather vpon the euill, and vntrue reports of thy late Ambassador in England, and of such wicked persons of our nation resident here in thy highnes dominions, rebels to her Maiestie, and their Countrey, then of any iust deserts of the said merchants, who neuer willingly deserued thy highnesse displeasure, but rather fauour in all their doings and meanings. And since the first time of their traffiking in thy Maiesties dominions, which is now nineteene yeres, the said merchants haue bene, and are alwayes ready and willing truely to serue thy highnesse of all things meete for thy Treasurie, in time of peace and of warre in despite of all thy enemies: although the Princes of the East Seas were agreed to stoppe the sound, and the way to the Narue, and haue brought, and do bring from time to time such commoditie to thee, Lord, as her Maiestie doeth not suffer to be transported foorth of her Realme to no other Prince of the world. And what great losses the said sir William Garret, with his company hath sustained of late yeeres in this trade, as well by Shipwracke, as by false seruants it is manifestly knowen: and what seruice the said companies Ships did vnto thy Maiestie against thy enemies, two yeeres past in going to the Narue, when they sought with the king of Poles shippes Freebooters, and burnt the same and slew the people, and as many as were taken aliue deliuered vnto thy Captaine at the Narue. I trust thy highnesse doth not forget. Wherefore most mighty prince, the premises considered, the Queene her most excellent Maiestie thy louing sister, doeth request thy highnes to restore the said sir William Gar∣ret with his company into thy princely fauour againe, with their priuiledges for free traffique with thy accustomed goodnes and iustice, to be ministred vnto them throughout all thy Maiesties dominions, as aforetime: and that the same may be signified by thy Princely letters, directed to thy officers in all places, any thy highnesse commaundement or restraint to the contrary notwith∣standing. And further that it will please thy Maiestie, not to giue credite to false reports, and vn∣true suggestions of such as are enemies, and such as neither would haue mutuall amitie to conti∣nue betwixt your Maiesties, nor yet entercourse betwixt your countries. And such rebels of our nation, as Ralfe Rutter, and others which lye lurking here in thy highnes dominions, seeking to sowe dissen••ions betwixt your Maiesties by false surmises, spending away their masters goods riotously, and will not come home to giue vp their accompts, aduancing themselues to be mer∣chants, and able to serue thy highnes of all things fit for thy treasurie, whereas indeed they be of no credite, nor able of themselues to do thy Maiestie any seruice at all: the Queenes highnes request is, that it would please thy Maiestie to commaund that such persons may be deliuered vnto me to be caried home, least by their remayning here, and hauing practises and friendship with such as be not thy highnesse friendes, their euil doing might be a cause hereafter to withdraw thy goodnes from sir William Garret and his company, who haue true meaning in all their doings, and are ready to serue thy highnesse at all times, vsing many other words to the aduancement of your cre∣dits, and the disgracing of your enemies, and so I ended for that time.

Then sayd his Maiestie, We haue heard you, and will consider of all things further, when wee haue read the Queene our sisters letters: to whom I answered, that I supposed his Maiestie should by those letters vnderstand her highnesse full minde to his contentation, and what wanted in writing, I had credite to accomplish in word. Wherewith his Maiestie seemed to be wel plea∣sed, and commaunded me to sit downe. And after pawsing a while, his Maiestie said these words vnto me, It is now a time which we spend in fasting, and praying, being the weeke before Ea∣ster, and for that we will shortly depart from hence, towards our borders of Nouogrod, wee ••an not giue you answere, nor your dispatch here, but you shall goe from hence, and tary vs vpon the way, where wee will shortly come, and then you shall knowe our pleasure, and haue your dis∣patch. And so I was dismissed to my lodging, and the same day I had a dinner ready drest sent me from his Maiestie, with great store of drinkes, of diuers sorts, and the next day following, being the foure and twentieth of March aforesayde, the chiefe Secretary to his Maiesty, sent vnto mee a Gentleman, to signifie vnto mee, that the Emperours Maiesties pleasure was, I should immediatly depart towards a Citie, called Otwer, three hundred miles from the aforesaid Sloboda, and there to tary his highnes comming vnto a place called Staryts, three score miles from the sayd Otwer.

Then I sent my Interpretor to the chiefe Secretary, requesting him to further, and shew his fauour vnto our saide merchants in their sutes, which they should haue occasion to moue in my ab∣sence:

who sent me word againe, that they should be wel assured of his friendship, and fur••herance in all their sutes. And forthwith post horses were sent me, with a Gentleman to conduct me. And so departing from the said Sloboda, I arriued at the said Otwer, the 28. of March aforesaid, where I remained til the eight of May folowing. Then I was sent for to come vnto his Maiestie, to the said Staryts, where I arriued the tenth of the same, and the twelfth of the same I was appointed to come to the chiefe Secretary, who at our meeting said vnto me these words.

Our Lord Emperor, and great Duke, hath not onely perused the Queene her highnes letters sent by you, and thereby doeth perceiue her minde, as well touching their princely affaires, as also her earnest request in the merchants behalfe, but also hath well pondered your words. And there∣fore his Maiesties pleasure is, that you let me vnderstand what sutes you haue to moue in the mer∣chants behalfe, or otherwise, for that to morrowe you shall haue accesse againe vnto his highnes, and shall haue full answere in all things, with your dispatch away.

Then after long conference had with him of diuers matters, I gaue him in writing certaine briefe articles of requests, which I had drawen out ready, as foloweth:

1 First the Queenes Maiestie her request is, that it would please the Emperors highnesse to let me know the iust cause of his great displeasure fallen vpon sir William Garrard, & his com∣pany, who neuer deserued the same, to their knowledge.

2 Also that it would please his highnes not to giue credite vnto false and vntrue reports, by such as seeke to sowe dissention, and breake friendship betwixt the Queenes highnesse, and his Maiestie.

3 Also that it would please his Maiestie to receiue the said sir William Garrard, with his com∣pany into his fauour againe, and to restore them to their former priuiledges and liberties, for free traffike in, and through, and out of al his Maiesties dominions, in as ample maner as aforetime, according to his princely letters of priuiledge, and accustomed goodnes.

4 Also it would please his highnes to graunt, that the said company of merchants may haue iustice of all his subiects, as well for money owing vnto them; as other their griefes and iniuries, throughout al his dominions suffred since the time of his displeasure, during which time, the mer∣chants were forced by seuere iustice to answere to al mens demands, but theirs could not be heard.

5 Also that his Maiestie would vnderstand, that much debts are owing to the said merchants, by diuers of his Nobilitie, whereof part are in durance, and some executed, and the said merchants know not home to be paide, and answered the same, except his highnes pitie their case, and com∣maund some order to be taken therein.

6 Also it would please his highnes to commaund that the saide merchants may be payde all such summe or summes of money as are owing, and due vnto them by his Maiestie, for wares, as well English, as Shamaki, taken into his highnes treasury by his officers in sundry places, the long forbearing whereof hath bene, and is great hinderance to the said company of merchants.

7 Also it would please his Maiestie to vnderstand, that at this present time there are in Per∣sia of English merchants, Thomas Banister, and Geffrey Ducket, with their company, & goods, ready to come into his Maiesties countrey of Astracan, and would haue come the last yeere, but that the ship, with our merchants and mariners appointed to goe for them, were stayed at Astra∣can by his highnes Captaine there, to the great hinderance of the said merchants. Wherefore it may now please his Maiestie to direct his princely letters vnto his Captaines and rulers, both at Astracan and Cazan, not onely to suffer our people, as well merchants as marin••rs, quietly an•• freely to passe and repasse with their shippes, barkes, or other vessels downe the riuer Volga, and ouer the Mare Caspium, to fetch the sayd English merchants, with their company and goods, out of the sayd Persia, into his Maiesties dominions, but also that it would please his highnes streight∣ly to command, that when the sayd Thomas Banister, and Geffrey Ducket, with their charge, shal arriue at the sayd Astracan, his Maiesties Captaine there, and in all other places vpon the riuer Volga, shall so ayde and assist the sayd merchants, as they may be safely conducted out of the dan∣ger of the Crimmes, and other their enemies.

8 Also it may please his highnes to vnderstand, that lately our merchants comming from Shamaki, haue bene ill vsed by his Maiesties Customers, both at Astracan and Cazan, at both which places they were forced to pay custome for their wares, although they solde no part thereof, but brought the same into his highnesse treasury at Sloboda: and the sayd Customers did not only exact, and take much more custome then was due by his Maiesties lawes, but also for want of pre∣sent money, tooke wares much exceeding their exacted custome, and doe keepe the same as a pawne. It may therefore please his highnes to direct his princely letters to the said Customers, to signifie vnto them his great goodnes againe restored vnto the said English merchants, as also to command them to send the said m••rchants their said goods so detained, vp to the Mosco, they

paying such custome for the same, as shall be by his Maiestie appointed.

9 Also that it would please his highnesse to grant, that sir William Garrard with his compa∣nie may establish their trade for merchandise at Colmogro in Dwina, and that such wares as shal be brought out of our Countrey fit for his treasurie might be looked vpon, and receiued by his of∣ficers there: and that his Maiesties people traffiking with our merchants may bring downe their commodities to the saide Colmogro, by meanes whereof the saide English merchants auoyding great troubles and charges, in transporting their goods so farre, and into so many places of his dominions, may sell the same better cheape, to the benefite of his Maiesties subiects.

10 Also if it seemed good to his highnes, that the whole trade likewise from Persia, Boghar, and all other those Countreys beyond the Mare Caspium, might be established at Astracan, the ancient Marte towne in times past, which would be both for the great honour and profite of his Maiesty, and subiects, as I am well able to prooue, if it will please his highnesse to appoint any of his counsell to talke with me therein.

11 Also forasmuch as it pleased his Maiestie, immediatly after the burning of the Mosco, to command that the said English merchants should giue in a note into his Treasury, for their losses sustained by the said fire, which was done by William Rowly, then chiefe Agent for sir William Garrard and his company, and the particulars in the same note consumed with the said fire did a∣mount to the summe of 10000. rubbles and aboue: It may please his highnes of his accustomed goodnes and great clemencie to consider of the same, and to giue the said company so much as shal seeme good vnto his Maiestie, towards their said losses.

12 Also that it will please his highnesse to vnderstand that the Queenes most excellent Ma∣iestie, at the earnest sute and request of Andrea Sauin his Maiesties Ambassadour, did not onely pardon and forgiue Thomas Glouer his great and grieuous offences towards her highnesse com∣mitted, onely for his Maiesties sake, but also commanded sir William Garrard with his company, to deale fauourably with the said Glouer in his accompts, to whom he was indebted greatly, and being their seruant, detained their goods in his hands a long time: whereupon the said sir William Garrard with his company counted with the said Glouer, and ended all things euen to his saide contentation, and was found to bee debter to the said company 4000. rubbles and aboue, and bound himselfe both by his solemne othe, and his hand-writing, to pay the same immediatly after his returne into Russia with the said Andrea Sauin, vnto Nicholas Proctor chiefe Agent there, for the said company of merchants. But although it is now two yeeres past, since the said agree∣ment, and that the said Nicholas hath diuers and sundry times requested the said money of the said Thomas, yet will he not pay the same debt, but maketh delay from time to time, alleadging that his Maiestie oweth him a great summe of money, without the payment whereof he cannot be a∣ble to pay the said merchants his due debt long forborne, to their great hinderance. In considera∣tion of the premisses, It may please his highnesse to giue order that the said Glouer may be payd, and that he may discharge his debt to the said company of merchants, and the rather for that hee found such mercie and fauour in England, onely for his Maiesties sake.

13 Also forasmuch as Ralfe Rutter a rebell to the Queenes Maiestie, and an enemie to his Countrey, and to sir William Garrard and his company, hath of long time remained here, liuing of the spoyles and goods of the said merchants, which he wrongfully detained in his handes, rio∣tously spending the same, during the time that he was their seruant, and would not come home when he was sent for, and also for that the Queenes Maiestie doth vnderstand, that the said Ralfe, with other his adherents, doe seeke by all false meanes to sowe dissention, and breake amitie be∣twixt their Maiesties, and to ouerthrowe the trade of the said merchants: Her highnes request is, that the said Ralfe with his complices may be deliuered vnto me, to be caried home, and none other of her Maiesties subiects, not being of the societie of the said Sir William Garrard and his com∣pany, to be suffered to traffike within his highnes dominions, but to be deliuered to their Agent to bee sent home: for that the said merchants with great charges and losses, both by shipwracke, and riotous seruants, did first finde out this trade, and haue continued the same these 19. yeeres, to their great hinderance.

14 Also whereas diuers masters and artificers of our Nation are here in his Maiesties ser∣uice, and do finde themselues grieued that they cannot haue licence to depart home into their na∣tiue Countrey at their will and pleasure: the Queenes Maiesties request is, according to her highnes writing in that behalfe, that not onely it will please his Maiestie to permit and suffer such artificers here resident in the seruice of his highnes, to haue free libertie to depart, and go home with me, if they request the same, but also all o••her the like, which shall come hereafter to serue his Maiesty, to haue free libertie to depart likewise, without any let or stay.

15 Also it may please his Maiesty to vnderstand that during the time of my long being at

Colmogro, attending his highnesse pleasure for my further accesse, I with my company haue not onely bene ill vsed and intreated there, and likewise the merchants there, by one Besson Mys∣sereuy his Maiesties chiefe officer, who hath dishonoured me, and smitten my people, and oweth the saide merchants much money, and will not pay them: but also the saide Besson hath spoken wordes of dishonour against the Queenes Maiestie. Wherefore it may please his highnesse to send downe with me to Colmogro, a Gentleman, as well chiefly to search foorth his euil beha∣uiour towards her Maiestie, as towards me her highnesse Ambassador, and to punish him accor∣dingly: and also that it would please his Maiestie to sende downe his letter of iustice, by vertue whereof the said Besson may be forced to pay all such money as he oweth to the sayd merchants, without delay.

16 Also that it would please his highnesse to vnderstand, that sir William Garrard with his company vnderstanding of the great dearth in his Maiesties dominions, by licence of the Queens Maiestie, (not otherwise permitted) hath sent certaine ships laden with corne into his highnesse Countrey of Dwyna, rather for the reliefe of his Maiesties subiects, then for any gaine: yet the good wil of the said merchants lightly regarded, they were forbidden to sel the said corne, to their great discouragement hereafter to send any more. Wherefore it may please his highnesse, to ten∣der the good will of the said merchants, as well in sending the saide corne, as in all other things, ready to serue his Maiestie, and to direct his letters to his officers of Dwina, to suffer the saide merchants with their company, to sell the said corne by measure, great or small at their pleasure, without paying custome.

These articles being deliuered to the chiefe Secretary, as aforesayde, and our talke ended for that time, I departed to my lodging, accompanied with certaine Gentlemen. The next day, be∣ing the 13. of May aforesaid, I had warning earely in the morning, to prepare my selfe to be at the Court, betwixt the houres of 10. and 11. of the clocke, where I should haue accesse vnto the presence of the Prince, as well to receiue answere of all things, as to bee dismissed to goe home. At which houres I was sent for to the Court, and brought into the Chamber of presence, where his Maiestie did sit apparelled most sumptuously, with a riche Crowne vpon his head, garnished with many pretious stones, his eldest sonne sitting by him, and many of his Nobilitie about him: and after my duetie done, his highnesse commanded me to approch very neere vnto him, and sayde vnto me these wordes.

Anthony, the Queene our louing sister her letters wee haue caused to be translated, and doe well vnderstand the same, and of all things as well therein contained, as by worde of mouth by you to vs declared wee haue well considered, and doe perceiue that our secret message vnto you committed, was done truely according to our minde (although wee were aduertised to the contrary) and nowe wee are by you fully satisfied. And when wee did sende our Ambassadour into England, about those our great and waightie affaires, to conclude the same with the Queene our sister, our Ambassadour coulde ende nothing for want of such assurance as was requisite in princely affaires, according to the maner of all Countreys, but was dismissed vnto vs againe, with letters of small effect, touching the same, and no Ambassadour sent with him from the Queene:* 9.4 which caused vs to thinke, that our princely affaires were set aside, and little regar∣ded, wherewith wee were at that time much grieued: for the which cause, and for the euill beha∣uiour of your merchants, resident in our dominions (who haue diuers wayes transgressed and broken our lawes, liuing wilfully in al their doings) we did lay our heauie displeasure vpon them, and did take away from them their priuiledge, commaunding that the same throughout all our do∣minions, should be voyd, and of none effect: and thereupon did write to the Queene our sister, tou∣ching our griefes.

And nowe her highnesse hath sent vnto vs againe, you her Ambassadour, with her louing let∣ters, and full minde, which we doe thankefully receiue, and are thereby fully satisfied. And for that our princely, and secret affaires were not finished to our contentation at our time appointed, ac∣cording to our expectation, we doe now leaue of all those matters, and set them aside for the time, because our minde is nowe otherwise changed, but hereafter when occasion shall mooue vs to the like, wee will then talke of those matters againe. And for that it hath pleased the Queene our louing sister, to sende vnto vs at this present, and doeth desire to continue in friendship with vs for euer (which wee doe gratefully accept, and willingly agree to the same) wee of our goodnesse for her highnesse sake, will not onely from hencefoorth put away, and forget all our displeasure towardes the same Sir William Garrard and his company (as though they had ne∣uer offended vs) but also will restore them to their priuiledges, and liberties, in, and throughout all our dominions, and will signifie the same by our letters, in all Townes and Cities, where the said merchants do traffique, and we will shewe them fauour as aforetime, if they deserue not

the contrary. And if the Queene our ••iuer had not ••ent th••e Anthony vnto vs at this present, God knoweth what we should haue done to the said merchants, or whether we would haue called back our indignation.

Then I humbly beseeched his Maiestie, to let me know the particular offences committed by the said merchants, and the offendors names, to the intent I might make report thereof, vnto the Queenes Maiestie, my mistres, accordingly, that the said offendors might receiue iust punish∣ments for their deserts: but he said, I should not know them, because he had cleerely remitted al offences: and further, that it was not princely to forgiue, and after to accuse the parties, where∣by her Maiesties displeasure might fall vpon them at home. Notwithstanding I did after vnder∣stand some part thereof, by other meanes.

Then his Maiestie proceeding in talke, said: As touching the articles of request, concerning the marchants affaires, which you did yesterday deliuer vnto our Secretary, we haue not onely read the same our selfe, but also haue appointed our said Secretary to declare vnto you our mind, and answere to the same. And for that we are now vpon our iourney towards our borders, and will depart from hence shortly, we will dismisse you to y^• Queene our louing sister, your mistres, with our letters, & full mind by word of mouth, touching all your requests, & will send a gentle∣man one of our houshold with you to safe conduct you to your ships: and of our goodnes will giue you victuals, boates, men, and post horses, so many as you shall neede. And therewith his Maie∣stie standing vp, and putting off his cappe, said vnto me these words. Doe our hearty commenda∣tions vnto our louing sister, Queene Elizabeth, vnto whom we wish long life, with happie suc∣cesse: and therewith his highnes extended his hand to me to kisse, and commanded his sonne, sit∣ting by him, to send the like commendations, which he did, whose hand likewise I kissed. And then his Maiestie caused me to sit downe, and commaunded wine and drinkes of diuers sorts to be brought, whereof be gaue me to drinke with his owne hand, and so after I departed.

Then the next day, being the 14 of May aforesaid, I was sent for to come to the chief Secre∣tary, & one other of the counsel with him, who at our meeting said vnto me these words: We are appointed by the Emperor his maiesty, to giue you answere from his Highnes, touching your re∣quests deliuered in writing, which his Maiestie himselfe hath perused, & answered as followeth.

1 To the first request it is answered, that all his Maiesties griefes and displeasure (now put away from the merchants) did grow, because the Queenes Maiestie did not accomplish and ende with his ambassador, his secrete and waighty affaires, according to his expectation, and the pro∣mise made by Thomas Randolph, at his being here: and also of the ill behauiour of your mer∣chants resident here in our Countrey, as his Maiestie did himselfe yesterday declare vnto you.

2 To the second, his Maiesty willeth you to vnderstand, that he hath not, nor will not hereaf∣ter be moued to breake friendship with the Queenes Maiesty, without good and iust cause.

3 To the third, you are answered by the Emperors Maiestie himselfe, that his great good∣nes and fauour againe vnto the merchants shall be restored, and the same to be knowen by his gr••tious letters of priuilege now againe granted.

4 To the fourth, his maiesty hath commanded, that your merchants here resident shall exhi∣bite; and put in writing vnto me his Maiesties Secretarie, all their griefes, and complaints, as well for debts, as other iniuries offred them since the time of his Highnes displeasure, and they shall ••aue iustice truly ministred throughout all his Maiesties dominions without delay.

5 To the fifth, his maiesty doth not know of any debts due vnto the merchants, by any of his Noblemen, as is alleaged: and whether it be true or no, he knoweth not: the trueth whereof must be tried out, and thereupon answere to be giuen: and hereafter his maiestie would not haue the merchants to trust his people with too much.

6 To the sixth, it is answered, that his maiesty hath commanded search to be made what mo∣ney is owing ••o the marchants, for wares receiued into his treasury, as in the article: (the most of the bookes of ac••ompt being burnt in the Mosco) and such as is due, & found meete to be paid, shall be paid forthwith to the marchants, their factors or seruants, which shall come for the same. And for paiment of the rest, his maiesties further pleasure shall be signified hereafter.

7 To the 7 his Maiesties answere is, that letters shall be written forthwith to his captaines of Ast••••can, and Cazan, and other his officers, vpon the riuer Volga, to whom it appertaineth, not onel•• ••o suffer your people, both marchants, & mariners, to passe with their ships, or barkes, from Astr••••an, ouer the Mare caspium; to fetche Thomas Banister, and Geofry Ducke••, with their cō∣pany•• and goods out of Persia, but also when they shall arriue within his Maiesties dominions, to aide and assist them, and see them safely conducted vp the riuer Volga, from danger of enemies.

8 To the eight, his maiestie hath commanded letters to be written to the Customers, both of Astracan and Cazan, to make restitution to the English merchants of their goods so deteined by

them for custome, & to take custome for the same, according to his Maiesties letters of priuilege.

9 10 To the ninth and tenth articles, his Maiestie will consider of those matters, and hereaf∣ter will signifie his princely pleasure therein.

11 To the eleuenth, as touching an inuentorie giuen into the treasury, what goods the mer∣chants had burnt in the Mosco, in their houses there, his Maiesties pleasure was to vnderstande the same, to the intent he might know the losses of all strangers at that present, but not to make restitution, for that it was Gods doing, and not the Emperours.

12 To the twelfth, concerning Thomas Glouer, his Maiestie was enformed by his Ambass••∣dor of the Queenes great mercy and clemencie towards the said Thomas, for his sake, which his Highnes receiued in good part, but what agreement or dealings was betwixt the said sir William Garrard, & his company, & the said Glouer, or what he doth owe vnto the said merchants, his Ma∣iestie doth not know. And as for the money which the said Thomas saith is owing vnto him by the Emperour, his Maiesties pleasure is, that so much as shall be found due, & growing vpon wares deliuered vnto the treasurie, out of the time of his Maiesties displeasure, shall be paid forthwith to the said Thomas, and the rest is forfeited vnto his Maiestie, and taken for a fine, as appertaining to Rutter and Benne••, accompted traitors vnto his Highnes, during the time of his displeasure.

13 To the thirteenth article, concerning Rutter to be deliuered vnto you, to be caried home, the answere was, that as his Maiestie will not detaine any English man in his Countrey, that is wil∣ling to go home, according to the the Queens request: euen so will he not force any to depart, that is willing to tary with him. Yet his Highnes, to satisfie the Queenes Maiesties request, is con∣tented at this present to send the said Ralfe Rutter home with you, and hath commanded that a let∣ter shall be written vnto his chiefe officer at the Mosco, to send the said Rutter away with speed, that he may be with you at Vologda, by the fine of May, without faile: and touching the rest of your request in the said article, his Maiesties pleasure shall be signified in the letters of priuilege, granted to the said merchants.

14 To the fourteenth, touching artificers, his Maiestie will accomplish all the Queenes Highnes request in that behalfe, and now at this present doth licence such and so many to depart to their natiue countrey as are willing to goe.

15 To the 15, touching Besson Messeriuey, the Emperors maiestie is much offended with him, and will send down a gentleman with you to inquire of his ill behauior, aswel for speaking of vn∣decent words against the Queens maiestie as you haue alleaged, as also against you, and the mer∣chants for his outrages mentioned in the article, & the said Besson being found guilty, to be im∣prisoned & punished by seuere iustice accordingly, and after to put in sureties to answere the Em∣perors high displeasure, or els to be brought vp like a prisoner by the said gentleman to answere his offences before his Maiestie. And his highnes doth request that the Queenes highnes would doe the like vpon Middleton and Manlie her messengers sent thither two yeres past, and of all o∣thers for their ill behauiour towards his maiestie, as may appeare by letters sent by Daniel Sil∣uester from his highnes, least by the bad demeanor of such lewd persons, the amity and friendship betwixt their maiesties might be diminished.

16 To the 16 and last article, touching the corne brought into the Emperors dominions by the merchants, his maiestie doth greatly commend them for so wel doing, and hath comm••nded to giue you a letter forthwith in their behalf, directed to his officers of Duina, to suffer the sa•••• mer∣chants to sell their corne, by measure great or small at their pleasure without custome.

Thus I receiued a full answere from his maiestie by his chiefe Secretarie & one other of his counsel, to the 16 articles afore rehearsed, by me exhibited in writing touching your affaires, with his letter also sent by me to the Queenes maiesty. Which being done, I requested that the new letters of priuilege granted by his highnes vnto you might be forthwith dispatched, to the intent I might carie the same with me. Also I requested that such money due to you, which it had plea∣sed his maiesty to command to be payd, might be deliuered to me in your behalfe.

Touching the letters of priuilege, the Secretary answered me, it is not possible you can haue them with you, for they must be first written and shewed vnto the Emperor, and then thre•• to be written of one tenour according to your request, which cannot bee done with speede, for that his maiesties pleasure is, you shall depart this night before him, who remooueth himselfe to morrow towards Nouogrod: but without faile the sayd letters shall be dispatched vpon the way, ••nd sent after you with speede to Colmogro. And as touching the money which you require, it cannot be paid here because we haue not the bookes of accounts, for want whereof we know not what to paie: wherfore the best is that you send one of the merchants after the Emperor to Nouogrod, & let him repaire vnto me there, and without faile I will paie all such money as shall be appointed by his maiestie to be paied after the bookes seene.

But forasmuch as there was none of your seruants with me at tha•• present (although I had earnestly written vnto your Agent Nicholas Proctor by Richa••d Pingle one of your owne ser∣uants, one moneth before my comming to Starites, where I had my dispatch, that he should not faile to come himselfe, or send one of your seruants to mee hither, to follow all such sutes as I should commence in your behalfs, which he neglected to doe to your great hinderance) I reque∣sted the said Secretarie that I might leaue Daniel my interpr••ter with h••m, aswell for the re∣ceit of money, as for the speedy dispatch of the letters of priuiledge, but it would not be granted in any wise that I should leaue any of mine own companie behind me, and thereupon I did take my leaue with full dispatch, and departed to my lodging, and foorthwith there came vnto me a gentleman who had charge as wel to conduct me, and prouide boates, men, post horses and victu∣als for me all the way to th•• sea side, being a thousand and three hundred miles, as also to doe iu∣stice of the sayd Bessone, as aforesaid. And he said vnto me, the Emperours pleasure is, that you shall presently depart from hence, and I am appointed to goe with you. And that night I depar∣ted from the said Starites, being the fourteenth of May aforesayd. And passing a great part of my iourney, I arriued at the citie of Vologda the last of the sayd May, where I remained fiue daies as well expecting a messenger to bring vnto me the new letters of priuiledge, as the com∣ming of Rutter, whom the Emperours maiestie himselfe commanded before my face should bee sent vnto me without faile, and I did see the letters written to the chiefe officers at the Mosco for the same. Neuerthelesse the said Rutter did not come, neither could I heare of him after, nor know the sudden cause of his stay contrary to the princes owne word and meaning, as I suppose. But I could not help the matter being farre from the prince, neither could I tell how to haue re∣dresse, because by absence I could not complaine. Notwithstanding I vsed my indeuour, and sent a messenger Iohn Norton one of your seruants from Vologda to Nouogrod, where the court then lay, expressely with letters, as well to aduertise his maiestie that the sayd Rutter was not sent vnto me according to his highnes commandement & order, as also about the dispatch of the said letters of priuiledge and receit of your money, with straight charge that he should in any wise returne vnto me againe before the departing of the ships. And the first day of Iune I depar∣ted from the said Vologda by water towards Colmogro, where I arriued the 21 of Iune afore∣said, and remained there vntill the 23 of Iuly, looking for the said Iohn Norton to haue returned vnto me in al that time, which had respite fully enough in that space both to go to the court to dis∣patch his busines, and to haue returned againe vnto me, but he came not, for it was otherwise de∣termined before his going, as I did after vnderstand, and can more at large by worde of mouth declare vnto your worships the occasion thereof.

Neuerthelesse, I am well assured before this time your Agent hath receiued into his hands the sayd letters of priuiledges, and shall haue dispatch with expedition in all things touching your af∣faires, according to his maiesties grant by me obtained, and as he hath written to the Queenes maiestie at this present, wishing that as now by my going the Emperour hath withdrawen his grieuous displeasure from you, and restored you againe into his fauour, so your Agent and others your seruants there resident may behaue, & endeuour themselues to keepe & augment the same, whose euill doings haue bene the onely occasion of his indignation now remitted.

The names of such countries as I Anthony Ienkinson haue trauelled vnto, from the second of October 1546, at which time I made my first voyage out of England, vntill the yeere of our Lord 1572, when I returned last out of Russia.

First, I passed into Flanders, and trauelled through all the base countries, and from thence through Germanie, passing ouer the Alpes I trauelled into Italy, and from thence made my iourney through Piemont into France, throughout all which realme I haue throughly iournied.

I haue also trauelled through the kingdomes of Spaine and Portingal, I haue sailed through the Leuant seas euery way, & haue bene in all the chiefe Islands within the same sea, as Rhodes, Malta, Sicilia, Cyprus, Candie, and diuers others.

I haue bene in many partes of Grecia, Morea, Achaia, and where the olde citie of Co∣rinth stoode.

I haue trauelled through a great part of Turkie, Syria, and diuers other countries in Asia minor.

I haue passed ouer the mountaines of Libanus to Damasco, and trauelled through Samaria, Galile, Philistine or Palestine, vnto Ierusalem, and so through all the Holy land.

I haue bene in diuers places of Affrica, as Algiers, Cola, Bona, Tripolis, the gollet within the gulfe of Tunis.

I haue sailed farre Northward within the Mare glaciale, where we haue had continuall day, and sight of the Sunne ten weekes together, and that nauigation was in Norway, Lapland, Sa∣mogitia, and other very strange places.

I haue trauelled through all the ample dominions of the Emperour of Russia and Moscouia, which extende from the North sea, and the confines of Norway and Lapland, euen to the Mare Caspium.

I haue bene in diuers countries neere about the Caspian sea, Gentiles, and Mahomeans, as Cazan, Cremia, Rezan, Cheremisi, Mordouiti, Vachin, Nagaia, with diuers others of strange customes and religions.

I haue sailed ouer the Caspian sea, & discouered all the regions thereabout adiacent, as Chir∣cassi, Comul, Shascal, Shiruan, with many others.

I haue trauelled 40 daies iourney beyond the said sea, towards the Oriental India, and Ca∣thaia, through diuers deserts and wildernesses, and passed through 5 kingdomes of the Tartars, and all the land of Turkeman and Zagatay, and so to the great citie of Boghar in Bactria, not without great perils and dangers sundry times.

After all this, in An. 1562, I passed againe ouer the Caspian sea another way, and landed in Armenia, at a citie called Derbent, built by Alexander the great, & from thence trauelled through Media, Parthia, Hircania, into Persia to the court of the great Sophie called Shaw Tamasso, vnto whom I deliuered letters from the Queenes maiestie, and remained in his court 8 moneths, and returning homeward, passed through diuers other countries. Finally I made two voyages more after that out of England into Russia, the one in the yeere 1566, and the other in the yeere 1571. And thus being weary and growing old, I am content to take my rest in mine owne house, chief∣ly comforting my selfe, in that my seruice hath bene honourably accepted and rewarded of her ma∣iestie and the rest by whom I haue bene imploied.

A letter of Iames Alday to the Worshipfull M. Michael Lock, Agent in London for the Moscouie company, touching a trade to be established in Lappia, written 1575.

I Haue in remembrance (worshipful Sir) the talke we had when I was with you, as touching the trade in Lappia:* 9.5 And certeinly I haue something marueiled that in all this time the right wor. your societie haue not giuen order that some little conference (by you, or with some other) might haue bin had with me touching those parts, considering they know (as I thinke) that I remained there one whole yere & more, by which meanes reason would that I should haue learned something. But the cause why they haue not desired to conferre with me (as I iudge) resteth only in one of these 4 cases, that is to say, either they thinke themselues so throughly certified of that trade, as more neede not be spoken therof, or that they haue no lust more to deale that waies, or that they hold mee so vntrusty to them that they dare not open their minds, for feare or doubt, I should beare more affectiō to others then to them, & so discouer their secrets: or els they think me of so simple vnderstanding, that I am not worthy to be spoken with in these matters.* 9.6 To which 4 cases I answere as followeth: First, if they think themselues so throughly certified as more need not to be spoken: certeinly I something maruel by whom it should be:* 9.7 for in y^e winter past there lay but 5 English persons there, vz. Chri∣stopher Colt, Roger Leche, Adam Tunstal cooper, one lad, & I: for Henry Cocknedge was the whole winter at Mosco. And of these persons, as touching Colt,* 9.8 I think him (if I may without offence speake my conscience) the most simple person that was there, (as touching the vnderstan∣ding of a marchant) although indeed he tooke vpon him very much to his owne harme & others I doubt, for he vsed himselfe not like a marchant, neither shewed diligence like a worthy seruant or fact••r, but lay stil in a den al y^e whole winter, hauing wares lying vpon his hand, which he would not imploy to any vse; although sundry waies there were that he might haue put his wares in rea∣dy money with gaine, & no great aduenture, which money would haue bin more acceptable to the poore Lappes & fishermen at the spring,* 9.9 then any kind of wares: but his fond head did as he that had the talent in the Gospel, & yet he had counsel to the contrary which he disdained, so that men percei∣uing his captious head, left not only to counsell him, but also some, in as much as they might, kept him from knowledge of the trade that might be in that countrey, the winter time, which is better peraduenture then most men think of. Wherfore if Colt haue written or said any thing touching those countries, it is doubtful whether it toucheth the effect or not, considering he lay still all the winter without trial of any matter. And for Henry Cocknedge assuredly speaking so much as I do perfectly know,* 9.10 I must needs say, that he is a very honest yong man, & right carefull of his bu∣sines,

and in that respect worthy to be praised. But yet he being absent in the winter other then by hearesay he could not learne, so that his instructions may be something doubtful. And like as of the lad nothing can be learned, so am I sure that Tunstal the Cooper hath not yet bene spoken with, so that of those parts certaine knowledge cannot as yet be learned, except by Roger Leche,* 9.11 of whom I confesse knowledge may be had, for indeed there is no English man liuing that hath like knowledge in those countries as he hath, nor that is able to do so much with the people as he may: he in the winter trauailed one waies & other nere 300 miles: he of a litle made somthing, and learned not only the maners, conditions & customs of the people, but also he learned of al kind of commodities in those regions how they may be bought at the most aduantage, that gaine may be made of them: So that I confesse, if he hath giuen intelligence to the right Wor. company, then haue they no neede to speake with me or any other for to learne of those countries (except it be to heare mine opinion) which in truth I wil alwaies open vnto them. But the effect of y^e bene∣ficial secrets of that countrey is to be inquired of him, & in mine opinion worthy to be learned, ex∣cept, as in the second case, they list no more to deale that waies. To which I answere, that if they deale not that waies, & that with speede they seeke not to preuent others y^t mean to deale there, although not English men, let them then not thinke long to haue any profitable trade in Russia:* 9.12 for the greater part of that benefit wil be wiped from them, or 5 yeere to an end, as I will shew good reason, if I be demanded the question. Therefore if they will maintaine the Russia trade with aduantage, then ought they to looke to this in time, and so may they keepe the Russia trade as it is, and likewise make a trade in Lappia more profitable then that, and therfore this is to b••e considered, rather then to prohibite Englishmen frō the trade of Vedagoba.* 9.13 For if they looke not to this, and that in time, they may be likened (if it might be without offence spoken) to two dogs that striue for the bone whiles the third run away with it: and yet meane I not otherwise, but in such order, as not Englishmen only, but also Hollanders, Brabanders, & others may be iustly and vtterly put from the trade in Lappia, and the company to keepe the whole trades to themselues without interruption of any, to their great benefit, which I wish to them from the bottome of my heart, as euer I wished wealth to mine own person: And thereby hold me excused in the third case I write of. And for the fourth as touching my iudgement, as I confesse it is not very deepe,* 9.14 so I thanke God I am not vtterly without vnderstanding (although I be poore) & therfore peraduen∣ture holden out of reputation, yet God doth distribute his gifts as it pleaseth him. I haue seen wise men poore in my time, & foolish men rich, and some men haue more knowledge then they can vtter by speech, which fault was once obiected against me by a great learned man of this realme: but surely how weak soeuer my vtterance is, my meaning is faithful and true, and I wish in my heart to your laudable company al the gaine that may be, or els I pray the Lord God to con∣found me as a false dissembler. It greeueth me to see how of late they haue bin brought to great charges, beating the bush, as the old terme is, & other men taking the birds: this last yere hauing in Lappia 2 ships, as I am partly informed, they both brought not much aboue 300 barrels of traine oile, yet am I sure there was bought besides them of the Russes, Corels, & Lappes, 1183 barrels,* 9.15 besides 27 barrels Colt sold to Iacob the Hollander,* 9.16 at two barrels for one Northerne dozen. And yet there is a greater inconuenience springing, which if it take a litle deeper roote it will be (I feare) too hard to be pulled vp, which for loue & good will (God is my witnes) I write of, wishing as to my deare friends that they should looke to it in time, if they meane to keepe the trade of Russia or Lappia. And thus loue hath compelled me to write this aduertisement, which I wish to be accepted in as good part, as I with good will haue written it.

The request of an honest merchant to a friend of his, to be adui∣sed and directed in the course of killing the Whale, as followeth. An. 1575.

I pray you pleasure me in getting me perfect information of the matter hereunder specified.

FOr the prouision and furniture for a shippe of 200 tunnes, to catch the Whale fish in Russia, passing from England. How many men to furnish the ship.

How many fishermen skilful to catch the Whale, & how many other officers and Coopers.

How many boats, and what fashion, and how many men in each boate.

What wages of such skilfull men and other officers, as we shall neede out of Biskay.

How many harping irons, speares, cordes, axes, hatchets, kniues, and other implements for the fishing, and what sort and greatnes of them.

How many kettles, the greatnesse and maner of them, and what mettall, and whether they bee set on triuets or on furnaces for boiling of the traine oyle, and others.

What quantitie of caske, and what sort of caske, and what number of hoopes and twigges, and how much thereof to be staued for the traine.

What quantitie of victuals, and what kinde of victuals for the men in all the ship ••or 4 mo∣neths time.

For the common mariners and officers to gouerne the ship, we shall not neede any out of Bis∣kaie, but onely men skilful in the catching of the Whale, and ordering of the oile, and one Cooper skilfull to set vp the staued caske.

Also what other matters are requisite to be knowen, and done for the said voyage to catch the Whale, not here noted nor remembred.

These requests were thus answered, which may serue as directi∣ons for all such as shall intend the same voyage, or the like for the Whale.

A proportion for the setting forth of a ship of 200. tunne, for the killing of the Whale.

• THere must be 55 men who departing for Wardhouse in the moneth of April, must bee furnished with 4 kintals and a halfe of bread for euery man.
• 250 hogsheds to put the bread in.
• 150 hogsheds of Cidar.
• 6 kintals of oile.
• 8 kintals of bacon.
• 6 hogsheds of beefe.
• 10 quarters of salt.
• 150 pound of candles.
• 8 quarters of beanes and pease.
• Saltfish & herring, a quantitie conuenient.
• 4 tunnes of wines.
• Half a quarter of mustard seed, and a querne.
• A grindstone.
• 800 empty shaken hogsheds.
• 350 bundles of hoopes, and 6 quintalines.
• 800 paire of heds for the hogsheds.
• 10 Estachas called roxes for harping irons.
• 10 pieces of Arporieras.
• 3 pieces of Baibens for the Iauelines small.
• 2 tackles to turne the Whales.
• A halser of 27 fadom long to turne y^e whales
• 15 great Iauelines.
• 18 small Iauelins.
• 50 harping irons.
• 6 machicos to cut the Whale withall.
• 2 doozen of machetos to minch the Whale.
• 2 great hookes to turne the Whale.
• 3 paire of Can hookes.
• 6 hookes for staues.
• 3 dozen of staues for the harping irons.
• 6 pullies to turne the Whale with.
• 10 great baskets.
• 10 lampes of iron to carie light.
• 5 kettles of 150 li. the piece, and 6 ladles.
• 1000 of nailes for the pinnases.
• 500 of nailes of Carabelie for the houses, and the wharfe.
• 18 axes and hatchets to cleaue wood.
• 12 pieces of lines, and 6 dozen of hookes.
• 2 beetles of Rosemarie.
• 4 dozen of oares for the pinnases.
• 6 lanternes.
• 500 of Tesia.
• Item, gunpouder & matches for harquebu∣shes as shalbe needfull.
• Item, there must be caried from hence 5 pin∣nases, fiue men to strike with harping irons, two cutters of Whale, 5 coopers, & a purser or two.

A note of certaine other necessarie things belonging to the Whale fishing, receiued of master W. Burrough.

• A sufficient number of pullies for tackle for the Whale.
• A dozen of great baskets.
• 4 furnaces to melt the Whale in.
• 6 ladles of copper.
• A thousand of nailes to mend the pinnases.
• 500 great nails of spikes to make their house
• 3 paire of bootes great and strong, for them that shall cut the Whale.
• 8 calue skins to make aprons or barbecans.

The deposition of M. VVilliam Burrough to certaine Interrogato∣ries ministred vnto him concerning the Narue, Kegor, &c. to what king or prince they doe appertaine and are subiect, made the 23 of Iune, 1576.

These articles seeme to haue bene ministred vpon the quarel between Alderman Bond the elder, and the Moscouie company, for his trade to the Narue without their consent.

* 9.17FIrst, whether the villages or townes vulgarely called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo and Cola, and the portes of the same townes, as well at the time of the grant of the letters of pri∣uilege

by the Emperour to our merchants, as also in the yeeres of our Lord, 1566,1567,1568, 1569,1570,1571,1572,1573,1574, and 1575. respectiuely were (as presently they be) of the iurisdiction, and subiect to the mightie prince the Emperour of Russia: and whether the saide Emperour of Russia, by all the time aforesaide, was chiefe lord and gouernour respectiuely of the said places, and so vulgarly knowen, had, and reputed: and whether the said townes and places, and either of them be situated towards the North and Northeast or Northwest, and between the North and the East point: and be the same places whereunto by force of the said priuilege, it is forbidden to any other subiect to haue traffike, sauing to the societie aforesaid.

To this Interrogatorie the deponent saith,* 9.18 that it is true that the villages, townes and places vulgarly called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo and Cola, and the portes thereof, at the time of the grant of the said priuilege (as he iudgeth) were reputed respectiuely to be vnder the iurisdic∣tion, & subiect to the Emperour of Russia, and so from the time of the said grant, vnto the yeere•• 1566, and that in the yeeres of our Lord, 1566,67,68,69,70,71,72,73,74, and 1575. respec∣tiuely they were (as presently they be) of the iurisdiction, and subiect vnto the mighty prince the Emperour of Russia, and the same Emperour of Russia, by all the time aforesaid, was chiefe go∣uernour respectiuely of the said places, and so vulgarly knowen, had and reputed. And that all the said places are situated from London Northwards, betweene the East and the North, and with∣in the grant of the letters patents, and priuileges of the said companie of merchants for the disco∣uery of new trades, and the same places whereunto by force of the said letters patents, it is for∣bidden to any other subiect to haue traffike sauing to the societie aforesaid.

Notwithstanding the Deponent saith, that he hath heard it credibly reported by diuers, that the king of Denmarke of late yeres, or euery yeere once, hath had one of his subiects or more by him selfe, or with his guide a Lappian, that hath at the places Cola, Kegor, and diuers other places in Lappia, taken of the Lappies certain tribute or head pence, which the said Lappies haue willing∣ly giuen to winne fauour of the saide prince, and to liue quietly by his subiects, the people of Fin∣marke which border vpon their countrey, whereof Wardhouse is the strongest hold, & bordereth neere vnto them. Hee hath also hearde that in the time of peace betweene the saide Emperour of Russia, and the kings of Sweden, there was yeerely for the king of Sweden one or more that came into Lappia vnto diuers places, in maner as the king of Denmarkes seruant vseth to doe, and did demaund of them some tribute or duetie which they willingly paide: but since the late warres betweene the saide Emperour and king of Sweden, hee hath not heard of any thing that hath bene paide by them to the king of Sweden: such is the simplicitie of this people the Lappies, that they would rather giue tribute to all those that border vpon their countrey, then by deny∣ing it haue their ill willes.

But the trueth is, as this Deponent saith, that the saide mightie prince the Emperour of Rus∣sia is the chiefe lord and gouernour of the saide countrey of Lappia, his lawes and orders are ob∣serued by them, hee takes toll and custome &c. of them. They are infidels, but if any of them be∣come Christians it is after the Russe law. If there happen any controuersie betweene those peo∣ple, such as cannot be ended amongst themselues, or by the Emperours deputies in that coun∣trey, they repaire to the Mosko as their highest Court, and there haue it ended. Betweene the place specified Kegor, and the confines of Finmarke aforesaide in Lappia, is the monasterie Pe∣chingo,* 9.19 which are monkes, and vse the Russe lawe, the chiefe or head of that abbey is alwayes appointed by the cleargie in Mosko.

Also in the yeere of our Lord 1557. the said Deponent was at the place Kegor, in the moneth of Iune, the 29. day being S. Peters day, at which time was a great assembly of people at a mart there, the Russes, Kerils and Lappians on the one side subiects to the said mighty prince the Em∣perour of Russia, and the Norwegians or Norses and people of Finmarke subiects to the king of Denmarke on the other part, they did barter and exchange fish for other commodities. The depu∣tie for the Russe had the chief gouernment of the said Mart, and tooke toll of those people y^t were subiect to his master, and the captaine of Wardhouse had then the gouernment of the people sub∣iect to his master the king of Denmark. He saith also, that betweene the abbey Pechingo, and the abbey of S. Nicholas in Russia, vpon the border of the said coast of Lappia, he hath bene vpon the shore at diuers places, where fresh riuers fall into the Sea, where are commonly taken fresh salmons, all which places he doth know for certaine, that they were farmed out to the subiects of the said Emperour, and he the said Emperour receiued yeerely the rent for them. And further he saith that it hath bene further credibly reported vnto him, that there is not any such riuer or creek of fresh water which falleth out of the said coūtrey of Lappia into the sea, between the said abbey Pechingo, and the bay of S. Nicholas, but they are all and euery of them farmed out, and the Emperour receiueth the rent for them.

* 9.20Item, whether as well before, as also within the memorie of men, till the time of the graunt of the said letters patents any of the English merchants (sauing the merchants of the said societie) subiects of this realme of England, haue commonly exercised or frequented businesse or trade in the said villages or townes called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo, and Cola, or in any of them, or in any ports or territories of the said Emperour of Russia.

* 9.21To this Interrogatorie the Deponent answereth, that the subiects of this realme before the graunt of the said letters patents did not commonly exercise, neither frequent or trade to any of the said places called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo or Cola, or to any of them.

Certaine reasons to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue aforesaide, by way through Sweden.

THe merchandise of the Narue are grosse wares, viz. flaxe, hempe, waxe, tallow and hides.

The traffique at that place standeth vpon the agreement and liking of the Emperour of Russia, with the king of Sweden: for all these merchandises that are brought thither come from Plescoue, Nouogrod, and other parts of the Emperours dominions.

For transporting those merchandises from Narue to Stockholm, or what other place shall bee thought conuenient in Sweden, it must be in vessels of those countries, which wilbe of smal force to resist Freebooters, or any other that shall make quarel or offer violence against them.

When the goods are brought into Sweden, they must be discharged, and new laden into smal∣ler vessels, to cary the same by riuer or lake a part of the way, and againe to be vnladen and trans∣ported by land to Newles.

So as the ordinary charges for transporting of goods from Narue to Newles by way as afore∣said, besides the spoile by so often lading and vnlading, cariage by land, and the dangers of the seas, pirats, &c. will be such as when it shalbe so brought to Newles it wil be as deare to the merchants in that place as it shall be worth to be sold in London, wherefore the trade that wayes cannot be profitable to our nation.

Moreouer, when the goods shall be in Newles, it may bee thought doubtfull to bring it thence quietly without disliking or forcible resistance of the king of Denmarke, forasmuch as he maketh quarell,* 9.22 and alleageth damage vnto him in his tolles of the Sound by our trade to S. Nicholas, how much more will he now doe by this way, and with how much greater aduantage may he per∣forme it? The danger that may grow in our trade to Russia by way of S. Nicholas, through the displeasure that the Emperour may conceiue by our trade with the Sweden to Narue is also to be considered.

A remembrance of aduise giuen to the merchants, touching a voyage for Cola abouesaid. 1578.

WHereas you require my counsell after what order the voyage for Cola is to be set forth. I answere that I know no better way then hath bene heretofore vsed, which is after this maner. First of all we haue hired the ship by the great, giuing so much for the wearing of the tac∣kle and the hull of the shippe, as the ship may be in bignesse: as if shee bee about the burden of an hundred tunnes, we pay fourescore pound, and so after that rate: and thereunto we doe victual the ship our selues, and doe ship all our men our selues, shipping no more men, nor giuing them more wages then we should doe if they went of a merchants voyage, for it hath bene a great helpe to our voiage hitherto, to haue our men to fish with one boate, & costing vs no more charges then it should do, if our men should lie & doe nothing sauing the charges of salt, & of lines, which is treble paid for againe. For this last yere past our men killed with one boat betwixt 9. or 10. thousand fish, which yeelded to vs in money with the oile that came of it, about 15. or 16. score pounds, which is a great helpe to a voyage. And besides al this, our ship did take in so much oile and other commodities as we bestowed 100. whole clothes in. But because, as I doe suppose, it is not the vse of London to take ships to fraight after that order before prescribed, neither I think that the mariners wil take such paines as our men will: Therefore my counsell is, if you thinke good, to freight some ship of Hul or Newcastle, for I am sure that you may haue them there better cheap to freight, then here at London. Besides al this, one may haue such men as wil take paines for their merchants. And furthermore when it shal please God that the ship shal returne to come to discharge at Hull, * 9.23 which will be the most for your profit for the sales of all such like commoditie as comes from that place, as for fish, oyle, and Salmon chiefly, hee that will seeke a better market for the sales then at Hull, he must seeke it out of England, for the like is not in England. This is the best way that I can

deuise, and most for your profite, and if you will, I will also set you downe all the commodities that are necessarie for such a voyage, and which way also that the Hollanders may within two or three yeeres be forced to leaue off the trade of Cola which may easily be done. For if my abilitie were to my will. I would vse the matter so that they should either leaue off the trade, or els cary light ships with them home againe.

A dedicatorie Epistle vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, written by Master William Burrough late Comptroller of her Highnesse nauie, and annexed vnto his exact and notable mappe of Russia, briefly containing (amongst other matters) his great trauailes, obseruations, and experiments both by sea and land, especially in those Northeastern parts.

To the most high and renowmed Princesse ELIZABETH by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, &c.

MY minde earnestly bent to the knowledge of nauigation and Hydrographie from my youth (most excellent my dread Soueraigne) hath eftsoones beene moued by diligent studie to search out the chiefest points to them belonging: and not there with sufficed hath also sought by experience in diuers discoue∣ries and other voyages and trauailes to practise the same. I was in the first voyage for discouerie of the partes of Russia, which begun in anno 1553. (being then sixteene yeeres of age) also in the yeere 1556. in the voyage when the coastes of Samoed and Noua Zembla, with the straightes of Vaigatz were found out: and in the yeere 1557, when the coast of Lappia, and the bay of S. Nicholas were more perfectly discouered. Since which time, by my continuall practise in the voyages made yeerely to S. Ni∣cholas in Russia, or to the Narue, and to some other countreys also by Sea: as likewise in passing from S. Nicholas to Mosco, and from Mosco to Narue, and from thence backe againe to S. Ni∣cholas by land, in the yeeres 1574. and 1575. (being then Agent in those countreis for the com∣panie of English merchants for discoueries of new trades) setting downe alwayes with great care and diligence, true obseruations & notes of al those countreys, Islands, coasts of the sea, and other things requisite to the artes of Nauigation and Hydrographie: and with like diligence gathering exact notes and descriptions of the wayes, riuers, cities, townes, &c. as I passed by land: I finde my selfe sufficiently furnished to giue report vnto your Maiesty, and to make description of those North parts of the world in forme and maner of euery leagues distance that I haue passed & seene in all those my trauels. The places herein described, which I haue not seene and tried my selfe, I haue set downe by the best authorities that I could finde, and therein may erre with the learned Gerardus Mercator, Abraham Ortelius, and the rest: but for the maine part which is from Ro∣chel in France hither to London, and from hence Eastward to Narue by sea, and from thence to Mosco and to S. Nicholas by land: also from hence Northwards and Northeastwards by Sea to Saint Nicholas, and to the straight of Vaigatz (first crauing humbly your highnesse pardon) I dare boldly affirme (and that I trust without suspect of arrogancie, since truely I may say it) I haue here set it open to the view, with such exactnesse and trueth, and so placed euery thing aright in true latitude and longitude, (accompting the longitudes from the meridian of London, which I place in 21. degrees) as till this time no man hath done the like: neither is any man able by learning onely, except he trauaileth, as I haue done. For as it may be truely saide of nauigation and Hydrographie, that no man can be cunning in the one which wante••h conuenient knowledge in the other: and as neither of them can be had without the helpes of Astronomie and Cosmogra∣phie, much lesse without these two grounds of all ar••••s, Arithmetike and Geometrie: so none of the best learned in those sciences Mathematicall, without conuenient practise at the sea can make iust proofe of the profite in them: so necessarily dependeth art and reason vpon practise and expe∣rience. Albeit there are diuers both learned and vnlearned, litle or nothing experienced, which in talke of nauigation will enter deeply and speake much of and against errours vsed therein, when they cannot reforme them. Such also haue written therof, pretending singular great knowledge therein, and would so be accompted of, though in very deede not worthy the name of good and suf∣ficient pilots. To whom I thinke it shall not be amisse in defence of rules builded vpon reason, and in practise allowed, thus much to say for answere. It is so, that there are rules vsed in nauiga∣tion which are not perfectly true: among which the streight lines in sea-cardes, representing the 32. points of the compasse or windes, are not holden to be the least, but noted of such tal∣kers for principall, to condemne the occupiers thereof for ignorant: yet hath the famous and learned Gerardus Mercator vsed them in his vniuersal mappe. But such as condemne them for

false, and speake most against their vse cannot giue other that should serue for nauigation ••o bet∣ter purpose and effect. Experience (one of the keyes of knowledge) hath taught mee to say it. Wherein with my abilitie, together with some part of my studie, I am the rather moued (in this my plot) to make some triall vnto you maiestie: for that I perceiue that such attempts of newe discoueries (whereunto this noble Island is most aptly situated) are by your royall maintenance so willingly furthered: beseeching your highnesse so to accept of these my trauailes, as a pledge of my well willing to my countrey, and of my loyall seruice to your maiestie, whose healthfull happie life and reigne God continue which is Almightie.

Amen.

Your Maiesties most humble subiect William Burrough.

The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophi of Persia, sent by Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Tailbois, and Pe∣ter Gerard appointed Agents for the Moscouie companie, in their sixt voyage to Persia, begun in the yeere 1579.

To the most noble and inuincible Emperour of Persia, King of Shiruan, Gilan, Gro∣sin, Corassan, and great Gouernour of the Indies.

ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, def••n∣der of the faith, &c. To the most noble and inuincible Emperour of Persia, King of Shiruan, Gilan, Grosin, Corassan, and great gouernour euen vnto the Indies, sendeth greeting. Most noble and inuincible Prince, it is now ‖ 10.1 tenne yeeres since, or thereabouts, wherein (after the honourable ambassade of the noble man Anthony Ienkinson our welbeloued subiect, to your most noble and inuincible father performed) we laboured to bring to passe by Thomas Bannister and Gefferey Ducket merchants, our subiects, that throughout all the kingdomes subiect to his empire, free power might be giuen to Will. Garrard, Thomas Ofley, William Chester knights, Rowland Haiward, Lionel Ducket, William Allen, Thomas Bannister, Gefferey Ducket, Lawrence Chapman Merchants, and vnto their societie, to enter into his lands and countreys at al times when they would and could, there to exercise & vse their trade of merchandise, and from thence likewise after exchange or sale made of those wares, which they should bring with them with his like good leaue and fauour, to carie from thence those things wherwith his dominions do abound & with vs be scant. Which our petition the most noble prince your father took so thankfully and in such good part, that he not onely graunted franke and commodious leaue, as was desired: but the same he would to bee vnto them most free and beneficiall, and to haue continuance for many yeeres and times. The benefite of the which his wonderfull liberality, our subiects did enioy with such humanitie & freedome as there could be no greater, till the time that by reason of wars more and more increasing in those partes, by the which our subiects were to make their iourney into Persia, they were debarred and shut from that voyage & traffique. The which traffique the said societie being eftsoones desirous to renew to the weale and commoditie of both our domini∣ons they haue now sent into Persia their factors & Agents Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Tailbois, Peter Gerrard merchants, with their associats, whom we beseech your inuin∣cible maiesty to entertaine with that fauour wherewith your father did imbrace Tho. Bannister & Geffrey Ducket, and to enfranchise their whole societie with that freedome, that neither they through any their misdemeanours towards your subiects, may thereof seeme vnworthy (as we hope they will not) neither we our selues otherwise enioy them, then with the perpetuall remem∣brance of your good affection towards vs, and with the like fauourable inclination of our part to∣wards you. The matter it selfe & tract of time shall sufficiently proue the foresaid maner of traf∣••ike vnprofitable to neither of vs. For so hath one God the chiefe gouernor of all things disposed of our affaires on earth, that ech one should need other. And as for our people & subiects of the Eng∣lish nation, in verie deed your maiesty shal find them made and fashioned so pliant to the perfour∣mance of all dueties of humanity, that it can neuer repent you to haue graunted them this franke traffike, nor shame vs to haue obteined it for them at your hands. That therefore it may please your maiesty to yeeld vnto them this at our request, most earnestly we beseech you. And we (as it wel beseemeth a prince) if euer hereafter we may, wil shew our selfe not to bee vnmindfull of so great a benefit. We wish your maiesty wel & prosperously to fare. Giuen at our palace of West∣minster the 10. day of Iune, in the yere of our Lord 1579, and of our reigne the 21.

Aduertisements and reports of the 6. voyage into the parts of Per∣sia and Media, for the companie of English merchants for the discouerie of new trades, in the yeeres 1579.1580. and 1581. gathered out of sundrie letters written by Christopher Burrough, seruant to the saide companie, and sent to his vncle Master William Burrough.

FIrst it is to be vnderstood, that the ships for the voiage to S. Nicholas in Russia, in which the factors and merchandise for the Persian voiage were transported, departed from Grauesend the 19. of Iune, 1579. which arriued at S. Nicholas in Russia the 22. of Iuly, where the factors and merchants landed, and the merchandise were discharged & laden into doshnikes, that is, barkes of the countrey, to be caried from thence vp by riuer vnto Vologda. And the 25. day of y^e said Iu∣lie, the doshnikes departed from Rose Island by S. Nicholas vp the riuer Dwina, Peremene, that is to say, in poste, by continual sailing, rowing, setting with poles, or drawing of mē, which came to Colmogro the 27. day, and departed thence the 29. of Iulie vp the said riuer Dwyna, and came to Vs••youg (which is at the head of the riuer Dwina, and mouth of Sughano) the 9. of August, where they stayed but a small time, prouiding some victuals, and shifting certaine of their cassacks or barkmen, & so departed thence the same day vp the riuer Sughano, and came to Totma (which is counted somewhat more then halfe the way from Vstioug) the 15. day, where they shifted some of their cassaks, and departed thence the same day, and came to the citie Vologda the 19. of August, where they landed their goods, and staied at that place till the 30. of the same. Hauing prouided at Vologda, Telegas, or wagons, whereupon they laded their goods, they departed thence with the fame by land towards Yeraslaue the said 30. of August at eight of the clocke in the morning,* 10.2 and came to the East side of the riuer Volga ouer against Yeraslaue, with 25. Telegas laden with the said goods the seuenth of September at fiue of the clocke afternoone. Then the three stroogs or barks prouided to transport the saide goods to Astracan (where they should meete the ship that should carie the same from thence into Persia) came ouer from Yeraslaue vnto the same side of the riuer Volga, and there tooke in the said goods. And hauing prepared the said barks ready with all necessary furniture they departed with them from Yeraslaue downe the riuer of Volga on the 14 day of September at nine of the clocke in the morning, and they arriued at Niznouogrod the 17 day at three of the clocke afternoone, where they shewed the Emperors letters to passe free with∣out paying any custome, and taried there about three houres to prouide necessaries, and then de∣parting, arriued at Cazan (or neere the same towne) on the 22. of September at fiue of the clock afternoone, where (through contrary windes, and for prouiding new cassaks in the places of some that there went from them) they remained till the 26. day, at what time they departed thence a∣bout two of the clocke after noone, and arriued at Tetushagorod, which is on the Crim side of Volga, and in latitude 55. degrees 22. minutes, the 28. day at ten in the forenoone, where they an∣kered, and remained about 3. houres, and departing thence came to Oueak, which is on the Crims side (on the Westerne side of Volga) the fift of October about fiue of the clocke in the morning. This place is accounted halfe the way betweene Cazan and Astracan: and heere there groweth great store of Licoris:* 10.3 the soile is very fruitfull: they found there apple trees, and cherrie trees. The latitude of Oueak is 51. degrees 30. minutes. At this place had bene a very faire stone ca∣stle called by the name Oueak, & adioyning to the same was a towne called by y^e Russes, Sodom: this towne & part of the castle (by report of the Russes) was swalowed into the earth by the iustice of God, for the wickednesse of the people that inhabited the same. There remaineth at this day to be seene a part of the ruines of the castle, and certaine tombs, wherein as it seemeth haue bin laid noble personages: for vpon a tombe stone might be perceiued the forme of a horse and a man sit∣ting on it with a bow in his hand, and arrowes girt to his side: there was a piece of a scutchion al∣so vpon one of the stones, which had characters grauen on it, whereof some part had beene consu∣med with the weather, and the rest left vnperfect: but by the forme of them that remained, we iud∣ged them to be characters of Armenia: and other characters wer•• grauen also vpō another tombe stone. Nowe they departed from Oueak the said fift of October •••• fiue of the clocke after noone, and came to Perauolok the 10. day about eleuen or twelue of the clocke that night,* 10.4 making no a∣bode at that place, but passed alongst by it. This worde Perauolok in the Russe tongue doeth sig∣nifie a narrow straight or necke of land betweene two waters, and it is so called by them, because from the riuer Volga, at that place, to the riuer Don or Tanais, is counted thirty versts, or as much as a man may well trauell on foote in one day. And seuen versts beneath, vpon an Island called Tsaritsna the Emperour of Russia hath fiftie gunners all the summer time to keepe watch, cal∣led by the Tartar name Carawool. Betweene this place and Astracan are fiue other Carawools or watches.

• 1 The first is named Kameni Carawool, and is distant from Perauolok 120, ver••ts.
• 2 The second named Stupino Carowool, distant from the first 50. versts.
• 3 The third called Polooy Carowool, is 120. versts distant from the second.
• 4 The fourth named Keezeyur Carawool, is 50. versts distant from the third.
• 5 The fift named Ichkebre, is 30. verst distant from the fourth, and from Ichkebre to Astra∣can is 30. versts.

* 10.5The 16. of October they arriued at Astracan, with their three stroogs in safetie about nine of the clock in the morning, where they found the ship prouided for the Persia voyage in good order & readinesse. The 17. day the foure principal factors of the company, Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Talbois, and Peter Garrard,* 10.6 were inuited to dine with the chiefe diake or se∣cretary of Astracan (Vasili Pheodorouich Shelepin) who declared then vnto them the troubles that were in Media and Persia: and how the Turke with helpe of the Crims had conquered, and did possesse the greatest part of Media: also he laid before them that Winter was at hand, & if they should put out with their ship to the sea, they should bee constrained to take what hazards might happen them by wintring in the parts of Media, or els where, for backe againe to that place there was no hope for them to returne: whereupon the said factors determined to stay there all Win∣ter to learne further of the state of those countreis.

* 10.7The 19. of Nouember the winde being Northerly, there was a great frost, and much ice in the riuer: the next day being the 20. of Nouember the ice stood in the riuer, and so continued vntill Easter day.

The 22. of December departed this life Iohn Moore the gunner of the ship.

* 10.8Thursday the 7. of Ianuary betweene 8. and 9. of the clocke at night there appeared a crosse proceeding from the moone, with two galles at the South and North end ther••of.

The 6. of Ianuary being Twelfe day (which they call Chreshenia) ••the Russes of Astracan brake a hole in the ice vpon the riuer Volga, & hallowed the water with great solemnity according to the maner of their countrey, at which time all the souldiers of the towne shot off their smal pie∣ces vpon the ice, and likewise to gratifie the captaine of the castel being a Duke, whose name is Pheodor Michalouich Troiocouria, who stood hard by the ship, beholding them as they were on the riuer, was shot off all the ordinance of our ship being 15. pieces, v••z. 2. faulcons, 2. faulconets, 4. fowlers, 4. fowlers chambers. and 3. other small pieces made for the stroogs to shoote ha••••e∣stones, and afterwards the great ordinance of the castle was shot off.

On the 31. of Ianuary there happened a great eclipse of the moone, which began about 12. of the clocke at night, and continued before she was cleare an houre and a halfe by estimation, which ended the first of February about halfe an houre past one in the morning: she was wholly darkned by the space of halfe an houre.

The 26. of February the towne of Nagay Tartars, called the Yourt, which is within 3. quar∣ters of a mile of the castle of Astracan, by casualty was set on fire about 10. of the clock at night, & continued burning til midnight, whereby one halfe of it was burnt, and much cattell destroyed. The Nagayes that inhabite that towne, are the Emperour of Russia his vass••ls: It is supposed there are of them inhabiting that place of men, women, and children, the number of s••uen thou∣sand. That night the Allarum was made in the castle and towne of Astracan. The captaine thereof had all his souldiers in very good order and readinesse, being of them in number two thou∣sand gunners and cassaks, that is to say, a thousand gunners, which are accounted meere souldi∣ers, and are not put to any other seruice then the vse of their pieces, watch, &c. as souldiers which alwaies keepe the castle, and the cassaks also vsing their pieces, do keepe the towne, and are com∣monly set to all kind of labours.

The 7. of March 1580. the Nagayes and Crims came before Astracan to the number of one thousand foure hundred horsemen, which incamped round about, but the neerest of them were two Russe versts and a halfe off from the castle and town: some of them lay on the Crims side of Volga, and some on the Nagay side, but none of them came vpon the Island that Astracan stan∣deth on. It was said that two ••f the prince of the Crims his sonnes were amongst them. They sent a messenger on the eight day to the captain of Astracan,* 10.9 to signifie that they would come and visit him: who answered, he was ready to receiue them: and taking a great shot or bullet in his hand, willed the messenger to tel them that they should not want of that geare, so long as it would last. The ninth day newes was brought that the Crims determined to assault the towne or castle, and were making of fagots of reede, to bring with them for that purpose. The tenth day two Russes that were captiues•• and two of the Tartars bondmen ranne away from the Nagayes, and came into Astracan. The same day word was brought to the Duke of two Nagayes which were seene at Gostine house, supposed to be spies, but were gone againe from thence before they were

suspected. This Gostine house is a place a litle without the towne where the Tisiks (or Persian merchants) do vsually remaine with their merchandize. The 11. day the said Nagayes, and one more with them, came againe to that house earely in the morning, where they were taken by the Russes, and brought to the captaine of the castle, and being examined, confessed that their com∣ming was onely to seeke two of their bondmen that were runne from them: whereupon their bondmen were deliuered to them: which fauour the said captaine cōmonly sheweth if they be not Russies, and they were set at libertie. The 13. day they brake vp their camps, and marched to the Northwards into the countrey of Nagay.

The 17. of April the variation of the compasse obserued in Astracan was 13. deg. 40. min. from North to West.* 10.10 This spring there came newes to Astracan that the queene of Persia (the king be∣ing blind) had bene with a great army against the Turks that were left to possesse Media, and had giuen them a great ouerthrow: yet notwithstanding Derbent, & the greatest part of Media were still possessed and kept by the Turks. The factors o•• the company consulting vpon their affayres, determined to leaue at Astracan the one halfe of their goods with Arthur Edwards, and with the other halfe the other three factors would proceed in the ship on their purposed voyage to the coast of Media, to see what might be done there: where, if they could not find safe traffike, they determi∣ned to proceed to the coast of Gilan, which is a prouince nere the Caspian sea bordering vpon Per∣sia: and therupon appointed the said goods to be laden aboord the ship, and tooke into her also some merchandize of Tisiks or Persian merchants.

The 29. of April Amos Riall, and Anthony Marsh, the companies seruants were sent from Astracan by the said factors, vp the riuer Volga to Yeraslaue, with letters of aduise to be sent for England, and had order for staying the goods in Russia that should come that yeere out of Eng∣land for mainteining the trade purposed for Persia, vntill further triall were made what might be done in those parts.

The first day of May in the morning,* 10.11 hauing the shippe in readinesse to depart, the factors inui∣ted the duke Pheodor Micalouich Proiocoorow, and the principall secretary Vasili Pheodo∣rouich Shelepi••, with other of the chiefest about the duke to a banket aboord the ship, where they were interteined to their good liking, and at their departure was shot off all the ordinance of the ship, and about nine of the clocke at night the same day they weyed anker, and departed with their ship from Astracan, and being but litle winde, towed her with the boat about three versts, & then ankered, hauing with them a pauos or lighter to helpe them at the flats. The second day at foure of the clocke in y^e morning they weyed & plyed downe the riuer Volga toward the Caspian sea. The seuenth of May in the morning they passed by a tree that standeth on the left hand of the riuer as they went downe, which is called Mahomet Agatch, or Mahomets tree, & about three versts fur∣ther, that is to say, to the Southwards of the said tree is a place called Vchoog, that is to say,* 10.12 the Russe weare: (but Ochoog is the name of a weare in the Tartar tongue) where are certain cota∣ges, and the Emperour hath lying at that place certaine gunners to gard his fishermen that keepe the weare. This Vchoog is counted from Astracan 60. versts: they proceeded downe the said ri∣uer without staying at the Vchoog. The ninth and tenth dayes they met with shoald water,* 10.13 and were forced to lighten their ship by the pauos: the 11. day they sent backe to the Vchoog for an other pauos: This day by mischance the shippe was bilged on the grap••ell of the pauos, whereby the company had sustained great losses, if the chiefest part of their goods had not beene layde into the pauos: for notwithstanding their pumping with 3. pumps, heauing out water with buckets, and all the best shifts they could make, the shippe was halfe full of water ere the leake could be found and s••opt. The 12. day the pauos came to them from the Vchoog, whereby they lighted the shippe of all the goods. The 13. day in the morning there came to them a small boat, sent by the captaine of Astracan, to learne whether the shippe were at sea cleere of the flats.* 10.14 The 15. day by great industry and trauell they got their ship cleare off the shoales and flats, wherewith they had beene troubled from the ninth day vntill then: they were forced to passe their shippe in three foot water or lesse. The 16. day they came to the Chetera Bougori,* 10.15 or Island of Foure Hillocks, which are counted forty versts from Vchoog, and are the furthest land towards the sea. The 17. day they bare off into the sea,* 10.16 and being about twelue versts from the Foure hillocks, riding in fiue foot and a halfe water about eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone, they tooke their goods out of the pauoses into the shippe, and filled their shippe with all things necessary. The 18. day in the mor∣ning about seuen of the clock, the pauoses being discharged departed away towards Astracan, the winde then at Southeast, they road still with the shippe, and obseruing the eleuation of the pole at that place, found it to be 45. degrees 20. minuts. The 19. day, the wind Southeast, they road still.* 10.17 The 20. day the winde at Northwest they set saile about one of the clocke in the morning, & ste∣red thence South by West, & Southsouthwest, about 3. leagues, and then ankered in 6. foot and

a halfe water, about nine of y^e clocke before noone, at which time it fell calme: the eleuation of the pole at that place 45. degrees 13. minuts•• The 21. hauing the winde at Northwest, they set saile, and stered thence South by West, and South vntill eleuen of the clocke, and had then nine foote water: and at noone they obserued the latitude, and found it to be 44. degrees 47. minuts: then had they three fathoms and a halfe water, being cleare of the flats. It is counted from the Foure hil∣lockes to the sea about fiftie versts. From the said noonetide vntill foure of the clocke they sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe: then had they fiue fathoms and a halfe and brackish wa∣ter:* 10.18 from that till twelue at night they sayled South by East halfe a league, East tenne leagues: then had they eleuen fathome, and the water salter. From that till the 22. day three of the clocke in the morning they sayled three & fifty leagues, then had they sixtene fathome water: from thence they sayled vntil noone South and by West seuen leagues and a halfe, the latitude then obserued 43. degrees 15. minuts,* 10.19 the depth then eight and twentie fathoms, and shallow ground: from that vntill eight of the clocke at night, they sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe, then had they three and fortie fathoms shallow ground. From thence till the 23. foure a clocke in the mor∣ning, they sailed Southsouthwest three leagues and a halfe: then could they get no ground in two and fiftie fathoms deepe. From thence vntill noone they sayled South nine leagues, then the latitude obserued was 42. degrees 20. minuts. From that till the 24. day at noone they sayled South by West seuenteene leagues and a halfe, then the latitude obserued was 41. degrees 32. minuts.* 10.20 From noone till seuen of the clocke at night, they sailed Southsouthwest foure leagues, then had they perfect sight of high land or hilles, which were almost couered with snow, and the mids of them were West from the ship, being then about twelue leagues from the nearest land: they sounded but could finde no ground in two hundred fathoms. From thence they sailed South∣west vntil midnight: about three leagues from thence till the 25. day foure of the clock in the mor∣ning, they sayled West three leagues, being then litle winde, and neere the land, they tooke in their sayles, and lay hulling: at noone the latitude obserued, was 40. degrees 54. minuts:* 10.21 they sounded but could get no ground in two hundred fathoms. At four of the clocke in the afternoone, the winde Northwest, they set their sailes, & from thence till the 26. day at noone they sailed East southeast foure leagues. From thence they sailed till eight of the clocke at night Southwest three leagues, the winde then at North. From thence they sailed vntill the 27. day two of the clocke in the morning, Westsouthwest eight leagues, the winde blowing at North very much. From the sayd two til foure of the clocke they sailed South by West one league: then being day light, they saw the land plaine, which was not past three leagues from them, being very high ragged land. There were certaine rocks that lay farre off into the sea, about fiue leagues from the same land, (which are called Barmake Tash•• they sayled betweene those rocks and the land, and about fiue of the clocke they passed by the port Bilbill,* 10.22 where they should haue put in but could not: and bea∣ring longst the shoare about two of the clocke afternoone, they came to Bildih in the countrey of Media or Sheruan, against which place they ankered in 9. foot water. Presently after they were at anker, there came aboord of them a boat, wherein were seuen or eight persons, two Turks, the rest Persians, the Turkes vassals, which bade them welcome, and se••med to be glad of their arri∣uall, who told the factors that the Turke had conquered all Media, or the countrey Sheruan, and how that the Turks Basha remained in Derbent with a garrison of Turkes, and that Shamaky was wholly spoyled, and had few or no inhabitants left in it. The factours then being desirous to come to the speech of the Basha, sent one of the Tisikes (or merchants that went ouer with them from Astracan, passingers) and one of the companies seruants Robert Golding, with those soul∣diours, to the captaine of Bachu,* 10.23 which place standeth hard by the sea, to certifie him of their ar∣riuall, and what commodities they had brought, and to desire friendshippe to haue quiet and safe traffike for the s••me. Bachu is from Bildih, the place where they road, about a dayes iourney, on foote easily to be trauelled, which may be sixe leagues the next way ouer land: it is a walled towne, and strongly fortified. When the sayd messenger came to the captaine of Bachu, the said captaine gaue him very friendly intertainment, and after he vnderstood what they were that were come in the shippe, and what they had brought, he seemed to reioyce much thereat: who gaue the said Golding licence to depart backe the next day, being the eight and twentieth day: and pro∣mised that he would himselfe come to the shippe the ne••t day following: with which answere the said Golding returned and came to the shippe the sayd eight and twentieth day about nine of the clocke at night. The nine and twentieth day in the morning the factours caused a tent to be set vp at shoare neare the shippe, against the comming of the sayd captaine: who came thither about three of the clocke after noone, and brought about thirtie souldiers, that attended on him, in shirts •••• male, and some of them had gauntlets of siluer, others of steele, and very faire. The factors met him at their tent, and after very friendly salutations passed betweene them, they gaue him for

a present a garment of cloth of veluet, and another of scarlet, who accepted the same gratefully. After they had talked together by their interpretors, as well of the state of the voyage and cause of their comming thither, as also learned of the sayde captaine the state of that countrey, the fac∣tours made request vnto him, that he would helpe them to the speech of the Basha, who answered that their demand was reasonable, and that he would willingly shew them therein what pleasure he could, and sayd, because the way to Derbent, where the Basha remayned, was dangerous, he would send thither, and certifie him of their arriuall, and what commodities they had brought, and such commodities as they would desire to exchange or barter the same for he would procure the said Basha to prouide for them: and therefore willed the factors to consult together, and cer∣tifie him what they most desired, and what quantitie they would haue prouided: so whilest the fac∣tors were consulting together thereupon, the captaine talked with a Tisike merchant that came ouer in the ship with them from Astracan, which Tisike, among other matters in talke, certified the captaine, that the night before, the factors & their company were determined to haue returned backe againe to Astracan, and that they were about to wey their ankers, which in deed was true, but the maister of the barke Thomas Hudson of Limehouse perswaded them that the wind was not good for them to depart,* 10.24 &c. When the factors came againe to talke with the captaine, they desired to goe to the Basha, and that he would safely conduct them thither: he granted their re∣quests willingly, desiring them to goe with him to a village hard by, and there to abide with him that night, and the next day they should go to Bachu, and from thence proceede on their iourney to Derbent. They were vnwilling to go that night with him, because their prouision for the way was not in readinesse, but requested that they might stay til the morning. Thereupon the captaine sayd it was reported vnto him, that they ment the night before to haue gone away: and if it should so happen, he were in great danger of loosing his head: for which cause he requested to haue some one for a pledge: wherefore M. Garrard one of the factors offered himselfe to go, who, because he could not speake the Russe tongue, tooke with him Christopher Burrough,* 10.25 and a Russe inter∣pretour: that night they road from the seaside, to a village about ten miles off, where at supper time the captaine had much talke with M. Garrard of our countrey, demanding where about it did lie, what countreys were neare vnto it, and with whom we had traffike, for by the Russe name of our countrey he could not coniecture who we should be: but when by the situation he perceiued we were Englishmen, he demanded if our prince were a mayden Queene: which when he was certified of, then (quoth he) your land is called Enghilterra, is it not? answere was made, it was so: whereof he was very glad when he knew the certainety. He made very much of them, placing M. Garrard next to himselfe, and Christopher Burrough, with the Russie interpretour for the Turkie tongue hard by. There was a Gillan merchant with him at that present, of whom he see∣med to make great account: him he placed next to himselfe on the other side, and his gentlemen sate round about him talking together. Their sitting is vpon the heeles, or crosse legged.

Supper being brought in, he requested them to eate. After their potage (which was made of rice) was done, and likewise their boyled meat, there came in platters of rice sodden thi••ke, and hony mingled withall: after all which, came a sheepe rosted whole, which was brought in a tray, and se•• before the captaine: he called one of his seruitours, who cut it in pieces, and laying therof vpon diuers platters, set the same before the captaine: then the captaine gaue to M. Garrard and his company one platter, and to his gentlemen another, and to them which could not well reach he cast meat from the platters which were before him. Diuers questions he had with M. Garrard and Christopher Burrough at supper time, about their diet, inquiring whether they eat fish or flesh voluntarily, or by order. Their drinke in those partes is nothing but water. After supper (wal∣king in the garden) the captaine demanded of M. Garrard, whether the vse was in England to lie in the house or in the garden, and which he had best liking of: he answered, where it pleased him, but their vse was to lie in houses: whereupon the captaine caused beds to be sent into the house for them, and caused his kinsman to attend on them in the night, if they chanced to want any thing: he himselfe with his gentlemen and souldiers lying in the garden.

In the morning very early he sent horse for the rest of the company which should go to Derbent, sending by them that went tenne sheepe for the shippe. In that village there was a Stoue, into which the captaine went in the morning, requesting M. Garrard to go also to the same to wash himselfe, which he did. Shortly after their comming out of the Stoue, whilest they were at breakfast, M. Turnbull, M. Tailboyes, and Thomas Hudson the M. of the shippe, came thither, and when they had all broken their fasts, they went to Bachu: but Christopher Burrough retur∣ned to the ship, for that he had hurt his leg, and could not well endure that trauell. And from Ba∣chu they proceeded towards Derbent, as it was by the captaine promised, being accompanied on their way for their safe conduct, with a gentleman, and certaine souldiers, which had the captaine

of Bachu his letters to the Basha of De••bent, very friendly writ••en in their behalfe. In their iou••ney to Derbent they forsooke the ordinarie wayes, being very dangerous, and trauelled tho∣row woods till they came almost to the towne of Derbent: and then the gentleman road before with the captaines letters to the Basha, to certifie him of the English merchants comming, who receiuing the letters, and vnderstanding the matter, was very glad of the newes, and sent forth to receiue them certaine souldiers gunners,* 10.26 who met them abou•• two miles out of the towne, salu∣ting them with great reuerence, and afterwardes road before them: then againe met them other souldiours, somewhat neerer the castle, which likewise hauing done their salutations road before them, and then came foorth noble men, captaines, and gentlemen, to receiue them into the castle and towne. As they entred the castle, there was a shot o•• twentie pieces of great ordinance, & the Basha sent M. Turnbull a very faire horse with furniture to mount on, esteemed to be worth an hundred markes, and so they were conueyed to his presence: who after he had talked with them, sent for a coate of cloth of golde, and caused it to be put on M. Turnbulles backe, and then willed them all to depart, and take their ease, for that they were wearie of their iourney, and on the mor∣row he would talke further with them. The next day when y^e factors came againe to the presence of the Basha, according to his appointment, they requeste•• him that he would grant them his pri∣uilege, whereby they might traffike safely in any part and place of his c••untrey, offering him, that if it pleased his Maiestie to haue any of the commodities that they had brought, and to write his mind thereof to the captaine of Bachu, it should be deliu••red him accor••ingly. The Bashaes an∣swere was, that he would willingly giue them his priuilege: yet for that he regarded their safetie, hauing come so farre, & knowing ••he state of his countrey to be troublesome, he would haue them to bring their commodity thither, & there to make sale of it, promising he would prouide such com∣modities as they needed, and that he would be a defence vnto them, so that they should not be iniu∣red by any: whereupon the factors sent Thomas Hud••on backe for y^e ship to bring her to Derbent, and the Basha sent a gentleman with him to the captaine of Bachu, to certifie h••m what was de∣termined, which message being done, the captaine of Bachu, and the Bashaes messenger, accom∣panied with a doozen souldiours, went from Bachu with Thomas Hudson, & came to the ship at Bildih the 11. day of Iune. After the captaine and his men had beene aboord and seene the ship, they all departed presently, but the gentleman, messenger from y^e Basha, with three other Turks, remained aboord, and continued in the ship till she came to Derbent: the latitude of Bildih by di∣uers obseruations is 40. degrees 25. minuts: the variation of the compasse 10. degrees 40. minuts from North to West.* 10.27 After the returne of Thomas Hudson backe to Bildih, they were constray∣ned to remaine there with the shippe through contrary windes vntill the 16. day of Iune foure of the clocke in the morning, at which time they weyed anker, set saile and departed thence towards Derbent, and arriued at anker against Derbent East and by South from the sayd castle in foure fathome and a halfe water, the 22. day of Iune at ten of the clocke in the morning: then they tooke vp their ordinance, which before they had stowed in hold for easing the shippe in her rowling. In the afternoone the Basha came downe to the waterside against the shippe, and hauing the said ordi∣nance placed, and charged, it was all shotte off to gratifie him: and presently after his departure backe, he permitted the factors to come aboord the shippe. The 29. day their goods were vnladen and carried to the Bashaes garden, where he made choyce of such things as he liked, taking for cu∣stome of euery fiue & twenty karsies, or whatsoeuer, one, or after the rate of foure for the hundred. The factors after his choyce made, determined to send a part of the rest of the goods to Bachu, for the speedier making sale thereof, for which cause they obtained the Bashaes letter to the cap∣taine of Bachu, written very fauourably in their behoofe: and thereupon was laden and sent in a small boat of that countrey in merchandize, to the value (very neere) of one thousand pound ster∣ling: videlicet, one hundreth pieces of karsies, seuen broad clothes, two barrels of cochenelio, two barrels of tinne, foure barrels of shaffe. There went with the same of the companies seruants William Winckle, Robert Golding, and Richard Relfe, with two Russies, whereof one was an interpretor, besides foure barkemen. They departed from Derbent with the said barke the 19. of Iuly, and arriued at Bildih the 25. day: their passage and carriage of their goods to Bachu was chargeable, although their sales when they came thither were small: they had great friend∣ship shewed them of the captaine of Bachu, as well for the Bashaes letter, as also for the factors sakes, who had dealt friendly with him, as before is declared, Robert Golding desirous to vnder∣stand what might be done at Shamaky, which is a daies iourney from Bachu, went thither, from whence returning, he was set on by theeues, and was shot into the kn••e with an arrow, who had very hardly escaped with his life & goods, but that by good hap he killed one of the theeues horses with his caliuer, and shot a Turke thorow both che••ks with a dag. On the sixt day of August the factors being aduertised at Derbent that their ship was so rotten & weake, that it was doubfull she

would not carry them backe to Astracan, did therupon agree and bargen at that place with an Ar∣menian, whose name was Iacob, for a barke called a Busse, being of burden about 35. tunnes, which came that yere from Astracan, and was at that instant riding at an Island called Zere,* 10.28 about three or foure leagues beyond or to the Eastwardes of Bildih, which barke for their more safety, they ment to haue with them in their returne to Astracan, and therupon wrote vnto Wincoll and the rest at Bachu, that they should receiue the same Busse, and lade in her their goods at Bildih to be returned to Derbent, and to discharge their fi••st boate, which was obseru••d by them according∣ly. When all their goods were laden aboord the sayd Busse at Bildih, and being ready to haue departed thence for Derbent, there arose a great storme with the winde out of the sea, by force whereof the cables and halsers were broken, and their vessell put a shoare, and broken to pieces against the rockes: euery of them ••hat were in her saued their liues, and part of the goods.* 10.29 But there was a Carobia or cheste, wherein were dollers, and golde, which they had receiued for the commodities of the company, which they sold at Bachu, which at the taking out of the Busse, fell by the barkes side into the water amongst the rockes, and so was lost. The packes of cloth which they could not well take out of the Busse were also lost, other things that were more pro∣fitable they saued.

The 18. of August, the Factors receiued from the Basha 500. Batmans of raw silke, parcell of the bargaine made with him, who bade them come the next day for the rest of the bargaine.

The 19. day the Factors went to the Basha according to his appointment, but that day they could not speake with him, but it was deliuered them as from him, that they should looke and con∣sider whether any thing were due vnto him or not, which grieued the Factors: and thereupon M. Turnebull answered, that their heads & all that they had were at the Bashaes pleasure: But then it was answered there was no such matter in it: but that they should cast vp their reckonings, to see how it stood betweene them. The 20. day they cast vp their reckonings. The 21. they went to haue spoken with the Basha, but were denied audience.

The 22. day they heard newes by a Busse that came from Astracan, that Arthur Edwards (whom the Factors left at Astracan with the mo••tie of the goods) was dead,* 10.30 who departed this life the of

The 23. day the Factors receiued more from the Basha 500. Batmans of silke. The 4. of September newes was brought to Derbent,* 10.31 that Golding comming from Shamaky was set on by theeues (Turkes) and had hurt one of them.

The 5. Tobias Atkins the gunners boy died of the flure, who was buried the 6. day 2. miles to the Southward of the Castle of Derbent, where the Armenian Christians do vsually bury their dead. About the 20. of September newes came to Derbent, that the Busse which they had bought of Iacob the Armenian as before, was cast away at Bildih, but they receiued no certaine newes in writing from any of our people.

The 26. of September was laden aboord the ship 40. bales of silke. From the 26. till the 2. of October, they tooke into the ship, bread, water, and other necessary prouision for their seashore: the said 2. day of October, the Factors were commanded vpon the suddaine to auoide their house, and get them with their prouision out of the towne: Whereupon they were constrained to remoue and carry their things to the sea side against the ship, and remained there all the night. The cause of this sudden auoyding them out of the towne (as afterwards they perceiued) was for that the Basha had receiued newes of a supplie with treasure that the Turke had sent, which was then neare at hand comming toward him.

The 3. day of October all things were brought from the shoare aboord the ship: and that day the Factors went to the Basha to take their leaue of him, vnto whom they recommended those the Companies seruants, &c. which they had sent to Bachu, making accompt to leaue them behinde in the Countrey: who caused their names to be written, and promised they should want nothing, nor be iniuried of any. After this leaue taken, the Factors went aboord purposing presently to haue set saile and departed towards Astracan, the winde seruing well for that purpose at South Southeast: And as they were readie to set saile, there came against the ship a man, who weued: whereupon the boate was sent a shoare to him, who was an Armenian sent from William Win∣coll, with his writing tables, wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly, the mishap of the losse of the Busse, and that they were comming from Bildih towardes Derbent, they, and such things as they saued with a small boate, forced to put a shoare in a place by the sea side called the Armenian village:* 10.32 Whereupon the Factors caused the shippe to stay, hoping that with the Southerly winde that then blew, they would come from the place they were at to the ship, but if they could not come with that winde, they ment to saile with the shippe, with the next wind that would serue them, against the place where they were, & take them in, if they could: which stay and

losse of those Southerly windes, was a cause of great troubles, that they afterwardes sustained through yce, &c. entring the Volga as shalbe declared.

The 4. day the winde South Southeast, the shippe rode still: This day Christopher Bur∣row was sent to shore to Derbent to prouide some necessaries for the voyage, & with him a Tisike or two, which should goe in the shippe passengers to Astracan. And being on shoare he saw there the comming in of the Turkes treasure, being accompanied with 200. souldiers, and one hun∣dreth pioners, besides Captaines and Gentlemen: the Basha with his Captaines and souldiers very gallantly apparelled and furnished went out from Derbent about three or foure miles, to meete the said treasure, and receiued the same with great ioy and triumph. Treasure was the chiefe thing they needed, for not long before the souldiers were readie to breake into the Court against the Basha for their pay:* 10.33 there was a great mutinie amongst them, because hee had long differred and not payed them their due. The treasure came in seuen wagons, and with it were brought tenne pieces of brasse.

In the parts of Media where they were, there was no commoditie to be brought of any value, but raw silke, neither was that to be had but at the Bashaes hands: who shortly after their com∣ming thither taxed the Countrey for that commoditie. His dealing with our Marchants as it was not with equitie in all points according to his bargaine, so it was not extreme ill. Of the commodities they carried hee tooke the chiefest part, for which he gaue but a small price in re∣spect of the value it was there worth, and because he had prouided such quantitie of commoditie for them, which otherwise they could not haue had, the Countrey being so troublesome, and tra∣uaile by land so dangerous, he vsed them at his pleasure.

The newes that was reported vnto them at Astracan touching the warres betweene the Turkes & Persians differed litle from the truth: For the Turkes armie with aide of the Crims, (being in number by y^e information of two Spaniards that serued in those wars, about 200000) inuaded and conquered the Countrey of Media in Anno 1577. When the great Turke vnder∣stood of the conquest, he appointed Osman Basha (the said Basha,* 10.34 and now Captaine of Derbent) gouernour of the whole Countrey, who settled himselfe in Shamaky the chiefe Citie of Media, and principall place of traffike, vnto whom was sent from the great Turke, in signification of the gratefull acceptation of his seruice and the great conquest, a sword of great value.

After the said Basha had brought the Countrey in order to his liking, and placed garrisons where he thought conuenient, the armie was dissolued and sent backe: When the Persians vn∣derstood that the Turkes armie was dissolued and returned, they gathered a power together, and with the Queene of their Countrey as chiefe, they entred the Countrey of Media, and ouerranne the same with fire and sword, destroying whatsoeuer they found, as well people, cattell, as what∣soeuer els, that might be commodious to the Turkes. And after they had so ouerrunne the Coun∣trey, they came to Shamaky, where the said Basha Lieutenant generall of the great Turke was settled, and besieged it: whereupon the Basha seeing hee could not long indure to withstande them, fled thence to Derbent where he now remaineth.

* 10.35Derbent is a strong Castle which was built by Alexander the great, the situation whereof is such, that the Persians being without Ordinance, are not able to winne it but by famine. When the Turkes were fled from Shamaky, the Persians entred the same and spoyled it, leauing there∣in neither liuing creature nor any commoditie, and so returned backe into Persia, and setled them∣selues about Teueris, where there grewe some question among them for the kingdome. After∣wards the Persians hauing intelligence of an armie from the Turke comming into Media, ga∣thered themselues together in a great armie and encountring the said Turkes, set vpon them on the sudden•• and vanquished them, putting them all to the sword. This ouerthrow of the Turkes grieued the Basha of Derbent, and made him to haue the more care for his owne safetie. Moreo∣uer, newes was brought vnto him that the Kisel Bashaes, (that is to say the nobles and Gentle∣men of Persia) were minded to set vpon him, and that neere vnto Bachu there lay an army rea∣die to besiege it. Whereupon the Basha oftentimes would ride about the Castle of Derbent viewing the same, and the springs that did come to it, and where he saw any cause of reformation, it was amended.

* 10.36The latitude of Derbent (by diuers obseruations exactly there made) is 41. deg. 52. min. The variation of the Compasse at that place about 11. degrees from North to West. From Derbent to Bildih by land 46. leagues.* 10.37 From Derbent to Shamaky by land, 45. leagues. From Sha∣maky to Bachu about 10. leagues, which may be 30. miles. From Bachu to Bildih fiue or sixe leagues by land, but by water about 12. leagues. From the Castle Derbent Eastwards, there reach two stone wals to the border of the Caspian sea, which is distant one English mile. Those wals are 9. foote thicke, and 28. or 30. foote high, and the space betweene them is 160. Geome∣tricall

paces, that is 800 foot. There are yet to be perceiued of the ruine of those wals, which do now extend into the sea about halfe a mile: also from the castle Westward into the land, they did perceiue the ruines of a stone wall to ex••end, which wal, as it is reported, did passe from thence to Pontus Euxinus, and was built by Alexander the great when the castle Derbent was made.

The 5 of October about noone the winde Northnortheast they wayed ancre, and set saile from Derbent, being alongst the coast to the Southwards to seeke their men: but as they had sailed a∣bout foure leagues the winde scanted Easterly, so that they were forced to ancre in three fathom water.

The 6 day they wayed ancre, and bare further off into the sea, where they ancred in seuen fa∣thom water, the ship being very leake, and so rotten abaft the maine mast, that a man with his nailes might scrape thorow her side.

The 7 day about 7 of the clocke in the morning, they set saile, the winde Southwest. They considered the time of the yere was far spent, the ship weake, leake and rotten, and therefore de∣termining not to tary any longer for Wincoll and his fellowes, but to leaue them behinde, bent themselues directly towards Astracan: and sailing Northnortheast vntill midnight about 16 leagues, the winde then came to the Northnorthwest, and blew much, a very storme, which caused them to take in all their sailes, sauing the fore corse, with which they were forced to steere before the sea, South by West, and Southsouthwest. And on the 8 day about two of the clocke in the morning their great boat sunke at the ships sterne, which they were forced to cut from the ship to their great griefe and discomfort: for in her they hoped to saue their liues if the ship should haue miscaried. About 10 of the clocke before noone they had sight of the land about 5 leagues to the South of Derbent, and bare longst the coast to the Southeastwards vnto Nezauoo,* 10.38 where they came at ancre in three fathoms, and blacke oze, good ancre holde, whereof they were glad, as also that the winde was shifted to the Northwest, and but a meane gale. Wincoll and the rest of his fellowes being in the Armenian village, which is about 18 versts to the Westwards of Neza∣uoo, the place where against they rode at ancre, saw the ship as the passed by that place, and sent a man in the night following alongst the coast after her, who came against the ship where she rode, and with a fire brand in the top of a tree made signes, which was perceiued by them in the shippe, whereupon they hoised out their skiffe, and sent her ashore to learne what was meant by the fire: which returned a letter from Wincoll, wherein he wrote that they were with such goods as they had at the Armenian village, and prayed that there they might with the same goods be taken into the ships. The 9 day it was litle winde, they wayed and bare a little further off into the sea to∣wards the said village, and ancred. The 10 day they sent their skiffe to the Armenian village to fetch those men and the goods they had, with order that if the winde serued, that they could not returne to fetch the ship, they of the ship promises to come for them, against the said village. This day it was calme.

The 11 day the winde Northwest they rode still. The 12 day the winde Southeast they wayed ancre, & bare against & nere to the Armenian village where they ancred, and then the skiffe came aboord and tolde them that our people at shore were like to be spoiled of the Tartars, were it not that the gunners defended them: then was the skiffe sent backe againe to charge them at any hand they should hasten aboord the ship whatsoeuer it cost them. Whereupon, all the compa∣ny came aboord the same day sauing Richard Relfe and two Russes, but assoone as the skiffe was returned aboord the ship, the winde blew at Southeast, and the sea was growen, so as they were forced to take in their skiffe into the ship, and rode stil till the 13 day, and then being faire weather, early in the morning the skiffe was hoised out of the ship, and sent to shore to fetch the said Relfe and the two Russes, which were ready at the shore side, and with them two Spaniards that were taken captiues at the Goletta in Barbary,* 10.39 which serued the Turke as souldiers. Those Spani∣ards (of Christian charity) they brought also aboord the ship to redeeme them from their captiui∣ty, which were brought ouer into England, and set free and at liberty here in London, in Sep∣tember 1581. The winde this day at Northnortheast, faire weather. The 14 day they sent the skiffe to shore, and filled fresh water. The 15 day they rode still, being litle winde and fog. The 16 day the winde Eastsoutheast, they wayed ancre and set saile, bearing Northwards towards Astracan, and the same night they ancred in ten fathoms water, about fiue miles from the shore of the Shalkaules countrey, which place is eight leagues Northnorthwest from Derbent. The 17 day the winde at North very stormy, they rode still all that day and night. The 18 the winde all Southeast about one of the clocke afternoone, they wayed ancre, and sailed thence till foure of the clocke Northnortheast sixe leagues, then they might see the land Northwest about tenne leagues from the winde Southeast: from thence they sailed til midnight Northnortheast twelue leagues. From thence till the 19 day seuen a clocke in the morning they sailed Northnortheast

eight leagues: the winde then Eastsoutheast, a faire gale, they sounded and had 17 fathoms, and sand, being (as the Master iudged) about the head of Sherly: from thence till 12 of the clocke at noone they sailed North 5 leagues, the winde then at East a faire gale, they sounded and had 5 fa∣thoms. From thence till 8 of the clocke at night, they sailed North 7 leagues, the winde then at Northeast with small raine, they tooke in their sailes, and ancred in 3 fathoms water and soft oze, where they rode still all night, and the 20 day and night the winde Northeast, as before with small raine.

The 21 day the winde Northwest, they likewise rode still. The 22 day about 3 of the clocke in the afternoone, they wayed ancre, the winde Westnorthwest, and sailed from thence till sixe of the clocke at night North 4 leagues, then they ancred in 2 fathoms and a halfe soft oze, the winde at West a small breath.

The 23 day about 7 of the clocke in the morning, they wayed ancre, and set saile, being litle winde Easterly, and sailed till 2 of the clocke after noone Northwest in wi••h the shore about sixe leagues, and then ancred in 6 foot water, hauing perfect sight of the low land (sand hilles) being about 3 miles from the nerest land. This place of the land that they were against, they perceiued to be to the Westwards of the 4 Islands (called in the Russe tongue Chetera Bougori) and they found it afterwards by due proofe, to be about 50 versts, or 30 English miles to the Southwest, or Southwest by South, from the sayd Chetera Bougori.

The 24 day the winde at East, and by South, a Sea winde called Gillauar, caused them to ride still. The 25 day they thought good to send in their skiffe Robert Golding, and certaine Russes, torow him alongst Northwards by the shore, to seeke the foure Islands, and so to passe vnto the Vchooge, and there to land the sayd Robert Golding to proceed to Astracan, to deliuer Amos Riall a letter, wherein he was required to prouide Pauoses to meet the shippe at the sayd Islands, and the skiffe with the Russes were appointed to returne from the Vchooge with victu∣als to the shippe, which skiffe departed from the shippe about nine of the clocke in the forenoone. The 26, 27, 28, and 29 dayes, the windes Easterly and Northeast, they rode still with their ship. The 30 day the winde Southeast, they wayed, and set saile to the Northeastwards: but the ship fell so on the side to the shorewards, that they were forced ef••soones to take in their saile, and an∣cre againe, from whence they neuer remoued her. That day they shared their bread:* 10.40 but in their want God sent them two couies of partridges, that came from the shore, and lighted in and about their ships, whereby they were comforted, and one that lay sicke, of whose life was small hope, re∣couered his health.

* 10.41The 4 of Nouember the skiffe returned to the ship with some victuals, and certified that the foure Islands were about 60 versts from them to the Northeastwards. When Robert Golding came to Astracan, and deliuered there the Factors letters to Amos Rial, the duke, captaine of that place, was done to vnderstand of the ships arriuall, & of the state they were in, and their request for Pauoses, who was very glad to heare of their safe returne, and appointed to be sent with all speed two Pauoses and a Stroog, with gunners to gard and to defend them. With the which Stroog and Pauoses, Amos Riall went downe to the Chetera Bougori, or 4 Islands aforesayd, where he stayed with those barks, according to the Factors appointment. The 5 day they purposed to send from the ship their skiffe with the carpenter, and 4 Russes to row him to the 4 Bougories, to request Amos Riall to come from thence with the Pauoses to the shippe with all possible speed. The skiffe with those men departed from the ship in the morning, and within one houre they met with a small boat with Russes, rowing towards the ship, which came from the Ouchooge with a wilde swine and other victuals to sell: with the same bear the skiffe returned backe to the ship af∣ter the Russes had receiued and were satisfied for the victuals they brought: the same day they re∣turned with their boat backe toward the Ouchooge, and with them in the same boat was sent the Carpenter of the shippe to the Chetera Bougori, which were in their way, to declare vnto Amos Riall the message before appointed him. From the 5 vntill the 9 day the ship rode still with con∣trary winds Easterly. The same 9 day came to the shippe certaine Russes in a small boat, which brought with them some victuals sent by Amos Riall, and declared that he with the Pauoses and Stroog had remained at the Chetera Bougori fiue dayes, expecting the comming thither of the ship. The 10 day being doubtfull of the Pauoses comming, they sent Thomas Hudson Master of the ship in the skiffe (and with her went the foresayd skiffe boat) towards the Chetera Bougori to the Pauoses to bring word whether they would come to the ship or not, the wind then at North∣east with fogge. The 11 day the winde Northerly with fogge, the ship rode still. The 12 day Amos Riall, Christopher Fawcer, and a new gunner came to the ship, and with them the M. Tho∣mas Hudson returned; but the Stroog with the gunners remained at the Chetera Bougori; and from thence (when it began to freese) returned to Astracan, Amos Riall declared that he sent the

carpenter backe from the Chetera Boogori in a small boat on the 10 day, and marueiled that he was not come to the shippe (but in the fogge the day before as afterwards they learned) m••ssed the shippe, and ouershot her, and afterwards returning backe, he found the ship at ancre, and nothing in her but the Russes that were left to keepe her, and then he departed thence, and went to the V∣chooge, and there stayed. Presently vpon the comming of the Pauoses to the ship they vsed as much speed as might be, to get the goods out of the shippe into them, and after the goods were laden in, they tooke in also of the shippes ordinance, furniture and prouision, as much as they could.

The 13 day in the morning Amos Riall was sent away in a small boat towards Astracan,* 10.42 to prouide victuals and cariages to relieue and helpe them, who could passe no further then the foure Islands, but was there ouertaken with yce, and forced to leaue his boat, and from thence passed poste to Astracan, finding at the Vchooge the Carpenter returned from his ill iourney, very ill handled with the extremity of the colde. The same day they departed also in those lighters with the goods towards the Chetera Bougori, leauing the ship at ancre, and in her two Russes, which with three more that went in the Pauoses, to prouide victuals for themselues and the rest, & there∣with promised to returne backe to the ship with all speed, had offered to vndertake for twenty rub∣bles in money to cary the ship into some harborow, where she might saf••ly winter, or els to keepe her where she rode all winter, which was promised to be giuen them if they did it: and the same day when with those lighters they had gotten sight of the foure Islands being about eight versts Southwest from them, the winde then at Northeast, did freese the sea so as they could not row, guide, stirre or remoue the said lighters, but as the winde and yce did force them. And so they con∣tinued driuing with the yce, Southeast into the sea by the space of forty houres, and then being the sixteenth day the yce stood. Whiles they droue with the yce,* 10.43 the dangers which they incurred were great: for oftentimes when the yce with the force of winde and sea did breake, pieces of it were ••ossed and driuen one vpon another with great force, terrible to beholde, and the same happe∣ned at sometimes so neere vnto the lighters, that they expected it would haue ouerwhelmed them to their vtter destruction: but God who had preserued them from many perils before, did also saue and deliuer them then.

Within three or foure dayes after the first standing of the yce, when it was firme and strong, they tooke out all their goods, being fourty and eight bales or packes of raw silke, &c. layde it on the yce, and couered the same with such prouisions as they had. Then for want of victuals, &c. they agreed to leaue all the goods there vpon the yce, and to go to the shore: and thereupon brake vp their Chests and Corobias,* 10.44 wherewith, and with such other things as they could get, they made sieddes for euery of them to draw vpon the yce, whereon they layed their clothes to keepe them warme, and such victuals as they had, and such other things as they might conueniently ca∣ry, and so they departed from the sayd goods and Pauoses very carely about one of the clocke in the morning, and trauailing on the yce, directed their way North, as neere as they could iudge, and the same day about two of the clocke in the afternoone,* 10.45 they had sight of the Chetera Babbas (foure hillocks of Islands so called) vnto the same they directed themselues, and there remained that night.

The goods and Pauoses which they left on the yce they iudged to be from those Chetera Bab∣bas about 20 versts.

And the next morning departed thence Eastwards, and came to the Chetera Bougories (or foure Islands before spoken of) before noone (the distance betweene those places is about 15 versts) where they remained all that night, departing thence towards Astracan: the next mor∣ning very early they lost their way through the perswasion of the Russes which were with them, taking too much towards the left hand (contrary to the opinion of M. Hudson) whereby wande∣ring vpon the yce foure or fiue dayes, not knowing whether they were entred into the Crimme Tartars land or not, at length it fortuned they met with a way that had bene trauailed, which crost backwards towards the sea: that way they tooke, and following the same, within two dayes tra∣uaile it brought them to a place called the Crasnoyare (that is to say in the English ••ongue) Red cliffe, which diuers of the company knew.

There they remained that night, hauing nothing to eat but one loafe of bread, which they hap∣pened to finde with the two Russes that were left in the ship to keepe her all the Winter (as is a∣foresaid) whom they chanced to meet going towards Astracan, about fiue miles before they came to the sayd Crasnoyare, who certified them that the ship was cut in pieces with the yce,* 10.46 and that they had hard scaping with their liues.

In the morning they departed early from Crasnoyare towards the Ouchooge, and about 9 of the clocke before noone, being within 10 versts of the Vchooge, they met Amos Riall, with

the carpenter, which he found at Ouchooge, and a gun••er newly come out of England, and also 65 horses with so many Cassacks to guide them, and 50 gunners for gard, which brought proui∣sion of victuals, &c. and were sent by the Duke to fetch the goods to Astracan. The meeting of that company was much ioy vnto them.

The Factors sent backe with Amos Riall and the sayd company to fetch the goods, Thomas Hudson the Master, Tobias Paris his Mate, and so they the sayd Factors and their company mar∣ched on to the Vchooge, where they refreshed themselues that day, and the night following. And from thence proceeded on towards Astracan,* 10.47 where they arriued the last day of Nouember. These that went for the goods after their departure from the Factors trauailed the same day vn∣till they came within 10 versts of the Chetera Babbas, where they rested that night. The next morning by the breake of the day they departed thence, and before noone were at the Chetera Ba∣bas, where they stayed all night; but presently departed thence Thomas Hudson with the Car∣penter and gunner to seeke where the goods lay: who found the same, and the next day they retur∣ned backe to their company at the Chetera Babbas, and declared vnto them in what sort they had found the sayd goods.

The 3 day early in the morning they departed all from the 4 Babbas towards the said goods, and the same day did lade all the goods they could find vpon the sa••d sleds, and with all conuenient speed returned backe towards Astracan. And when they came to the Chetera Bougori, where they rested the night, in the morning very early before the breake of day, they were assaulted by a great company of the Nagays Tartars horsemen, which came showting and hallowing with a great noise, but our people were so inuironed with the sleds, that they durst not enter vpon them, but ranne by, and shot their arrowes amongst them, and hurt but one man in the head, who was a Russe, and so departed presently. Yet when it was day, ••hey shewed themselues a good distance off from our men, being a very great troope of them, but did not assault them any more. The same day our men with those cariages, departed from thence towards Astracan,* 10.48 where they arriued in safety the 4 of December, about 3 of the clocke in the afternoone, where our people greatly reioy∣ced of their great good happe to haue escaped so many hard euents, troubles and miseries, as they did in that voyage, and had great cause therefore to praise the Almighty, who had so mercifully preserued and deliuered them. They remained the Winter at Astracan, where they found great fauour and friendship of the duke, captaine, and other chiefe officers of that place: but that Win∣ter there happened no great matter worth the noting.

* 10.49In the spring of the yeere 1581, about the mids of March, the yce was broken vp, and cleare gone before Astracan, and the ninth of Aprill, hauing all the goods that were returned from the parts of Media, laden into a Stroog, the Factors, William Turnebull, Matthew Taileboyes, Giles Crow, Christopher Burrough, Michael Lane, Laurence Prouse gunner, Randolfe Foxe, Tho. Hudson, Tobias Parris, Morgan Hubblethorne the dier,* 10.50 Rich. the surgean, Rob. Golding, Ioh. Smith, Edw. Reding carpenter, and William Perrin gunner, hauing also 40 Russes, whereof 36 were Cassacks to row, the rest merchants passengers, departed from Astracan with the sayd Stroog and goods vp the Volga towards Yeraslaue. They left behinde them at Astracan, with the English goods & merchandise there remaining, Amos Riall, W. Wincoll, and Richard Relfe, and appointed them to sell & barter the same, or so much thereof as they could to the Tisiks, if there came any thither that spring, and to others as they might, & the rest with such as they should take in exchange to returne vp to Yeraslaue that Summer, ••hen the Emperors carriage should passe vp the Volga. The 21 day they came with their Stroog to the Perauolok, but made no stay at that place: for they had beene much troubled with yce in their comming from Astracan. The 3 of May about noone they came to Oueak,* 10.51 and from thence proceeding vp the riuer, on the 17 day William Turnebull departed from the Stroog in a small boat, and went before towards Tetusha to prouide victuals, and send downe to the Stroog, from which place they were then about 230 versts. The 23 day they met a boat with victuals, which William Turnebull sent from Tetusha, and the same day they arriued with their Stroog at Tetusha, where they stayed all night, and the next morning be times departed thence, but W. Turnebull was gone in the small boat before to Cazan, to prouide necessaries from thence, and to make way for their dispatch. The 26 day they arriued with their Stroog at Cazan, where they remained till the fourth of Iune: the Factors sent Giles Crow from Cazan to the Mosco, with their letters the 30 of May. The 4 day of Iune they departed from Cazan with their Stroog, and arriued at Yeraslaue the 22 day about 5 of the clocke in the morning.

The 23 day they prouided Telegos, to carry the goods to Vologda. The 24 day hauing the goods laden vpon Telegos, they departed with the same towards Vologda, and remained there fiue versts from Yeraslaue.

The 29 day they came to Vologda, with all their goods in safety, and good order. The same 29, William Turnbull and Peter Garrard departed from Vologda post by water towards Col∣mogro, the third of Iuly, hauing their goods laden in a small doshnik, they departed with the same from Vologda towards Rose Island by S. Nicholas, where they arriued in safety the 16 of Iuly, and found there the Agents of Russia, and in the rode the ships sent out of England, al∣most laden ready to depart.

The 25 day departed for England (out of the rode of S. Nicholas) the ship Elizabeth.

The 26 day departed thence the Thomas Allen and Mary Susan, and in the Thomas Allen went William Turnbul, Matthew Tailboys, Thomas Hudson, and others. The goods returned of the Persia voyage were laden into the ship, William and Iohn, whereof was Master, William Bigat, and in her with the same goods came Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris.

The 11 of August, the same ship being laden and dispatched departed from the rode of S. Ni∣cholas, and with her in company another of the companies fraighted ships, called the Tomasin, whereof was M. Christopher Hall. In their returne homewards they had some foule weather, and were separated at the sea, the William and Iohn put into Newcastle the 24 of September: from whence the sayd Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris came to London by land, and brought newes of the arriuall of the ship.

The 25 of September both the sayd ships arriued at the port of London in safety, and ankered before Limehouse and Wapping, where they were discharged, 1581.

Obseruations of the latitudes and meridian altitudes of diuers places in Russia, from the North to the South: Anno 1581.

Michael Archangel.	Meridian altitude obserued at Michael the Archangel, 42. degrees, 30. minuts.
The true latitude, 64. degrees, 54 minuts.
The English house in Colmogro.	The English house in Colmogro, in latitude, 64. d. 25. m.
The meridian altitude there obserued, the 29 of Iuly, 42. d. 15. m.
Recola.	Meridian altitude the 30 of Iuly, 41. d. 40. m.	64. d. 20. m.
Declination, 16. d. 6. m.
Yeegris.	Meridian, 4 of August, 41. d. 50. m.	62. d. 59. m.
Declination Northerly, 14. d. 49. m.
Towlma.	Meridian altitude, the 15 of August, 40. d. 45. m.	60. d. 17. m.
Declination Northerly, 11. d. 2. m.
Vologda.	Meridian altitude, the 20 of August, 40. d.	59. d. 17. m.
Declination Northerly, 9. d. 17. m.
Vologda.	Meridian altitude, 21 of August, 39. d. 36. m.	59. d. 20. m.
Declination, 8. d. 56. m.
Yereslaue.	Latitude by gesse, 57. d. 50. m.
Swyoskagorod.	Meridian altitude, 21. September, 31. d.	56. d. 4. m.
Declination, 2. d. 56. m.
Ouslona Monastery.	Meridian altitude, 23. September, 30. d. 26. m.	55. d. 51. m.
Declination, 2. d. 56. m.
Tetuskagorod.	Meridian altitude, 28. September, 28. d. 28. m.	55. d. 22. m.
Declination, 5. d. 35. m.
Oueek.	Meridian altitude, 5. October, 30. d. 12. m.	51. d. 30. m.
Declination, 8. d. 18. m.
Astracan.	Astracan meridian altitude, 22. October, 29. d. 36. m.	46. d. 10. m.
Declination, 14. d. 16. m.
Astracan.	Meridian altitude, 1 of Nouember, 26. d. 35. m.	46. d. 9. m.
Declination, 17. d. 16. m.

Certaine directions giuen by M. Richard Hackluit of the Middle Temple, to M. Morgan Hubblethorne, Dier, sent into Persia, 1579.

1 FOr that England hath the best wool & cloth of the world, and for that the clothes of the realme haue no good vent, if good dying be not added: therfore it is much to be wished, that the dying of forren countreyes were seene, to the end that the arte of dying may be brought into the Realme in greatest excellency: for thereof will follow honour to the Realme, and great and ample vent of our clothes: and of the vent of clothes, will follow the setting of our poore on worke, in all degrees of labour in clothing and dying: for which cause most principally you are sent ouer at the charge of the city: and therfore for the satisfying the lords, and of the expectation of the merchants and of your company, it behooues you to haue care to returne home with more knowledge then you caried out.

2 The great dearth of clothes is a great let in the ample vent of clothes, and the price of a cloth, for a fifth, sixth and seuenth part riseth by the colour and dying: and therefore to deuise to die as good colours with the one halfe of the present price were to the great commodity of the Realme, by sauing of great treasure in time to come. And therefore you must haue great care to haue knowledge of the materials of all the countreys that you shall passe thorow, that may be v∣sed in dying, be they hearbs, weeds, barks, gummes, èarths, or what els soeuer.

3 In Persia you shall finde carpets of course thrummed wooll, the best of the world, and ex∣cellently coloured: those cities & townes you must repaire to, and you must vse meanes to learne all the order of the dying of those thrummes, which are so died as neither raine, wine, nor yet vine∣ger can staine: and if you may attaine to that cunning, you shall not need to feare dying of cloth: For if the colour holde in yarne and thrumme, it will holde much better in cloth.

4 For that in Persia they haue great colouring of silks, it behocu••s you to learne that also, for that cloth dying & like dying haue a certaine affinity, and your merchants mind to bring much raw silke into the Realme, and therefore it is more requisit you learne the same.

5 In Persia there are that slaine linnen cloth: it is not amisse you learne it if you can: it hath bene an olde trade in England, whereof some excellent clothes yet remaine: but the arte is now lost, and not to be found in the Realme.

6 They haue a cunning in Persia to make in buskins of Spanish leather flowers of many kindes, in most liuely colours, and these the Courtiers do weare there: to learne which arte were no harme.

7 If any Dier of China, or of the East parts of the world, be to be found in Persia, acquaint yourselfe with him, and learne what you may of him.

8 You shall finde Anile there, if you can procure the herbe that it is made of, either by seed or by plant, to cary into England, you may do well to endeuour to enrich your countrey with the same: but withall learne you the making of the Anile, and if you can get the herbe, you may send the same dry into England, for possibly it groweth here already.

9 Returne home with you all the materials and substances that they die withall in Russia, and also in Persia, that your company may see all.

10 In some litle pot in your lodging, I wish you to make daily trials in your arte, as you shall from time to time learne ought among them.

11 Set downe in writing whatsoeuer you shall learne from day to day, lest you should for∣get, or lest God should call you to his mercy: and by ech returne I wish you to send in writing whatsoeuer you haue learned, or at the least keepe the same safe in your coffer, that come death or life your countrey may enioy the thing that you goe for, and not lose the charge, and trauell be∣stowed in this case.

12 Learne you there to fixe and make sure the colour to be giuen by logge wood: so shall we not need to buy woad so deare, to the enriching of our enemies.

13 Enquire of the price of leckar, and all other things belonging to dying.

14 In any wise set downe in writing a true note from whence euery of them doe come, and where, and in what countrey ech of them doth grow, I meane where the naturall place of ech of them is, as how neere to such a city, or to such a sea, or to such a portable riuer in Russia, Persia, or elsewhere.

15 If before you returne you could procure a singular good workeman in the arte of Tur∣kish carpet making, you should bring the arte into this Realme, and also thereby increase worke to your company.

Commission giuen by sir Rowland Hayward knight, and George Barne, Aldermen and gouernours of the company of English Merchants, for discouery of new trades, vnto Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman, for a voyage by them to be made, for discouery of Cathay, 1580. in forme following.

IN the Name of God Almightie, and euerlasting, Amen. This writing for commission Tripartite, made the twentieth day of May Anno Dom. 1580. and in the 22. yeere of the reigne of our Souereigne Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God, Queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. Betweene sir Rowland Hayward knight, and George Barne, Al∣dermen of the Citie of London, and gouernours of the company of English Merchants, for discouery of new trades, for the behoofe, and in the name of the said company, on the first partie, and Arthur Pet of Ratcliffe, in the Countie Middlesex, Cap∣taine, Master, and chiefe ruler of the good barke, called the George of London, of the burthen of 40, tunnes, or thereabouts, on the second partie, and Charles Iackman of Popler, in the said Coun∣tie of Middlesex, Captaine, Master and ruler of the good barke, called the William of London, of the burthen of 20. tunnes, or thereabouts, (which backes are now riding at anker in the riuer of Thames against Limehouse) on the third partie: witnesseth, that the said Gouernours, and com∣pany haue hired the saide Arthur Pet, to serue in the said barke, called the George, with nine men and a boy: And likewise the said Charles Iackman, to serue in the said barke, called the William, with fiue men and a boy, for a voyage by them to be made by Gods grace, for search and discoueries of a passage by sea from hence by Boroughs streights,* 10.52 and the Island Vaigats, Eastwards, to the countreis or dominions of the mightie Prince, the Emperour of Cathay, and in the same vnto the Cities of Cambalu and Quinsay, or to either of them.

The which passage (vpon authoritie of writers, and great reason) is conceiued to bee from the Vaigats Eastwards, according to the description in plat of spirall ••ines, made by master William Burrough, whereof either of the saide Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman, haue one deliuered vnto them, and also one other sailing carde, and a blanke plat for either of them. But if it should not be in all points, according to that description, yet we hope that the continent or firme land of Asia doth not stretch it selfe so farre Northwards, but that there may be found a sea passeable by it, be∣tweene the latitude of 70. and 80. degrees. And therefore we haue appointed you with these two barkes to make triall of the same: wishing you both to ioyne in friendship together, as most deere friends and brothers, to all purposes and effects, to the furtherance and orderly performing of the same voyage. And likewise order your companies, that they of the one barke may haue such loue and care, to helpe and succour them of the other, as most deere friends and brothers would doe: so as it may appeare, that though they be two barkes, and two companies, (which is so appointed for your greater comfort and assurance) yet that you are wholy of one minde, and bend your selues to the vttermost of your powers, to performe the thing that you are both employed for.

Doe you obserue good order in your dayly seruice, and pray vnto God, so shall you prosper the better.

We would haue you to meete often together, to talke, conferre, consult, and agree how, and by what meanes you may best performe this purposed voyage, according to our intents. And at such meeting we thinke it requisite, that you call vnto you your mates, and also Nicholas Chanceler, (whom wee doe appoint as merchant, to keepe accompt of the merchandize you shall buy or sell, barter or change) to the ende that whatsoeuer God should dispose of either of you, yet they may haue some instructions and knowledge howe to deale in your place, or places. And of all your as∣semblies and consultations together, and the substance of matter you shal at euery time agree vp∣on, we would haue you to note them in the paper bookes that wee giue you for that purpose, vnto each barke one. We do appoint Arthur Pet in the George, as Admiral, to weare the flagge in the maine top, and Charles Iackman in the William, as Uiceadmirall. For good orders to be taken for your good and orderly keeping of company together, which we wish may be such, as you should neuer lose sight the one of the other, except by both your consents, to discouer about an Island, or in some riuer, when and where you may certainly appoint to meete together againe, wee referre the same to your discretions.

And now for your good direction in this voyage, we would haue you with the next good winde and weather, that God shall send thereunto meete and conuenient, after the 22. day of this present moneth of May, saile from this riuer of Thames, to the coast of Finmarke, to the North Cape there, or to the Wardhouse, and from thence direct your course to haue sight of Willoughbies land, and from it passe alongst to the Noua Zemla, keeping the same landes alwayes in your sight

on your larbcord sides (it conueniently you may) to the ende you may discouer, whether the same Willoughbies land be continent and firme land with Noua Zembla, or not: notwithstanding we would not haue you to entangle your selues in any Bay, or otherwise, so that it might hinder your speedy proceeding to the Island Vaigats.

And when you come to Vaigats, we would haue you to get sight of the maine land of Samoe∣da,* 10.53 which is ouer against the South part of the same Island, and from thence with Gods permis∣sion, to passe Eastwards alongst the same coast, keeping it alwayes in your sight (if conueniently you may) vntill you come to the mouth of the riuer Ob, and when you come vnto it, passe ouer the said riuers mouth vnto the border of land, on the Eastside of the same (without any stay to bee made for searching inwardly in the same riuer) and being in sight of the same Easterly land, doe you in Gods name proceed alongst by it, from thence Eastwards, keeping the same alwayes on your starboordside in sight, if you may, and follow the tract of it, whether it incline Southerly or Northerly (as at times it may do both) vntill you come to the Countrey of Cathay, or the domi∣nion of that mightie Emperour.

And if God prosper your voyage with such good successe, that you may attaine to the same, doe you seeke by all meanes you can to arriue to the Cities Cambalu, and Quinsay, or to the one of them. But if it happen that you cannot conueniently come to either of those places, or shalbe driuen to remaine & winter in some other port or place of his dominion, do you seeke by all meanes possible to winne fauour an•• liking of the people, by gifts and friendly demeanes towards them, and not to offer violence, or do wrong to any people or nation whatsoeuer, but therein to be inno∣cent as doues, yet wilie as serpents, to auoid mischiefe, and defend you from hurt. And when you shall haue gotten friendship through your discreete ordering of your selues, towards the people, doe you learne of them what you can of their Prince, and shewe them one of the Queenes Ma∣iesties letters,* 10.54 which she sendeth with you (by either of you one, made of one substance and effect, for ech of you particularly) written in Latine, whereunto her Maiestie hath subscribed, and cau∣sed her signet seale to be set, the effect of the same letters you haue also writte•• in English, for your owne vnderstanding thereof.

The same her Maiesties letters you shall procure to deliuer vnto the same mightie Prince, or Gouernour, with some present to be giuen, such as you shall thinke meete and con••enient, vsing your selues in all points according to the effect of the same letters, and procure againe from the same Prince, his letters accordingly.

And if God so prosper your voyage, that you may this Summer passe the Streights, and com∣passe about the Northermost land of Asia, vnto the countrey of Cathay, or dominion of that migh∣tie Prince, and wintering in it, may obtaine from him his letters of priuiledge against the next yeeres spring, you may then after your first setting foorth, search and discouer somewhat further then you had discouered before your wintering, so farre as you shall thinke conuenient, with re∣gard had, and alwayes prouided, that you may returne home hither, to giue vs aduise of your pro∣ceedings the same Summer, or before the sharpenes or extremitie of winter ouertake you.

And if it happen you cannot this summer attaine to the border of Cathay, and yet find the land beyond the Ob, to stretch it selfe Easterly, with the sea adioyning vnto it nauigable, doe you then proceed on your discouery (as before said) alongst the same continent, so farre as you can this sum∣mer, hauing care in the trauel to finde out some conuenient harborow and place, where you may winter: and when you thinke it conuenient, put your selfe to wintering, where if you happen to finde people, you shall deale with them, as we haue before aduised you to do with the people of Ca∣thay, &c. And if you can learne that they haue a prince or chiefe gouernour, do you procure to deli∣uer vnto the same Prince or gouernour one of the Queenes Maiesties letters, as before said, and seeke to obtaine againe his letters accordingly. If you so happen to winter & obtaine letters of pri∣uiledge, finding the countrey and people, with the commodities to bee such, that by vsing trade thi∣ther with the people, and for the commodities, it may be beneficial vnto vs (as we hope you may) the same wil be some good liking vnto vs: notwithstanding we would haue you the next summer (by the grace of God) at your first setting out of your wintering harborough, proceed alongest that tract of land to Cathay, if you see likelihood to passe it (for that is the Countrey that we chiefly de∣sire to discouer) and seeing you are fully victualed for two yeres and vpwards, which you may ve∣ry wel make to serue you for two yeres and a halfe, though you finde no other help, you may there∣fore be the bolder to aduenture in proceeding vpon your discouery: which if you do, we doubt not, but you shall atchieue the Countrey of Cathay, & deliuer to the prince there, one of her Maiesties letters, bringing from thence the same princes letters answerable: and so in the yeere of our Lord 1582. returne home with good newes, and glad tidings, not onely vnto vs the aduenturers in this voyage, but also to our whole Countrey and nation, which God graunt you may do, Amen.

But if it happen that the land of Asia, from beyond the riuer Ob, extende it selfe Northwards to 80. degrees, or neerer the poole, whereby you finde it to leade you into that extremitie, that small or no hope may be looked for, to saile that way to Cathay, doe you notwithstanding followe the tract of the same land, as farre as you can discouer this Summer, hauing care to finde out by the way a conuenient place for you to Winter in, the which (if you may discouer the same lande of Asia this Summer to extend it selfe to 80. degrees of latitude, and vpwards or to 85. degrees) we wish then that the same your wintering place may be in the riuer of Ob, or as neere the same riuer as you can, and finding in such wintering place, people, be they Samoeds, Yowgorians, or Molgomzes, &c. doe you gently entreat with them as aforesaide, and if you can learne that they haue a prince or chiefe gouernour amongst them, doe you deliuer him one of her Maiesties letters,* 10.55 and procure thereof an answere accordingly: do you procure to barter & exchange with the people; of the merchandise and commodities that you shall cary with you, for such commodities as you shall finde them to haue, &c.

If you so happen to winter, we would haue you the next Summer to discouer into the riuer Ob, so farre as conueniently you may: And if you shall finde the same riuer (which is reported to be wide or broad) to be also nauigable and pleasant for you, to trauell farre into, happely you may come to the citie Siberia,* 10.56 or to some other towne or place habited vpon or neere the border of it, and thereby haue liking to winter out the second winter: vse you therein your discretions.

But if you finde the said riuer Ob to be sholde, or not such as you may conueniently trauell in with your barkes, do you then the next summer returne backe through Boroughs streights: And from that part of Noua Zembla, adioyning to the same streights, doe you come alongst the trac•• of that coast Westwards, keeping it on the starbord side, and the same alwayes in sight, if conueni∣ently you may, vntil you come to Willoughbies land,* 10.57 if outwards bound you shall not happen to discouer and trie whether the said Willoughbies land ioyne continent with the same Noua Zem∣bla, or not. But if you shall then proue them to be one firme and continent, you may from Noua Zembla direct your course vnto the said Willoughbies land, as you shall thinke good, and as you may most conueniently: and from Willoughbies land you shall proceed Westwards alongst the tract of it, (though it incline Northerly) euen so farre as you may or can trauell, hauing regard that in conuenient time you may returne home hither to London for wintering.

And for your orderly passing in this voyage, and making obseruations in the same, we referre you to the instructions giuen by M. William Burrough, whereof one copie is annexed vnto the first part of this Indenture vnder our seale, for you Arthur Pet, another copie of it is annexed to the second part of this Indenture, vnder our seale also, for you Charles Iackman, and a third copy thereof is annexed vnto the third part of this Indenture, remaining with vs the saide companie, sealed and subscribed by you the said Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman.

And to the obseruing of all things contained in this Commission (so neere as God will permit me grace thereunto) I the said Arthur Pet doe couenant by these presents to performe them, and euery part and parcell thereof. And I the said Charles Iackman doe for my part likewise coue∣nant by these presents to performe the same, and euery part thereof, so neere as God will giue me grace thereunto.

And in witnes thereof these Indentures were sealed and deliuered accordingly, the day and yeere first aboue written. Thus the Lorde God Almightie sende you a prosperous voyage, with happie successe and safe returne, Amen.

Instructions and notes very necessary and needfull to be obserued in the purposed voyage for discouery of Cathay Eastwards, by Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman: giuen by M. William Burrough. 1580.

VVHen you come to Orfordnesse, if the winde doe serue you to goe a seabord the sands, doe you set off from thence, and note the time diligently of your being against the saide Nesse, turning then your glasse, whereby you intende to keepe your continuall watch, and apoint such course as you shal thinke good, according as the wind serueth you: and frō that time forwards continually (if your ship be lose, vnder saile, a hull or trie) do you at the end of euery 4. glasses at the least (except calme) sound with your dipsin lead, and note diligently what depth you finde, and al∣so the ground. But if it happen by swiftnes of the shippes way, or otherwise, that you cannot get ground, yet note what depth you did proue, and could finde no ground (this note is to be obserued all your voyage, as well outwards as home wards.) But when you come vpon any coast, or doe finde any sholde banke in the sea, you are then to vse your leade oftener, as you shal thinke it requi∣site,

noting diligently the order of your depth, and the deeping and sholding. And so likewise doe you note the depthes into harboroughs, riuers, &c.

* 10.58And in keeping your dead reckoning, it is very necessary that you doe note at the ende of euery foure glasses, what way the shippe hath made (by your best proofes to be vsed) and howe her way hath bene through the water, considering withall for the sagge of the sea, to leewards, according∣ly as you shall finde it growen: and also to note the depth, and what things worth the noting hap∣pened in that time, with also the winde vpon what point you finde it then, and of what force or strength it is, and what sailes you beare.

But if you should omit to note those things at the end of euery foure glasses, I would not haue you to let it slip any longer time, then to note it diligently at the end of euery watch, or eight glas∣ses at the farthest.

Doe you diligently obserue the latitude as often, and in as many places as you may possible, and also the variation of the Compasse (especially when you may bee at shoare vpon any land) no∣ting the same obseruations truely, and the place and places where, and the time and times when you do the same.

When you come to haue sight of any coast or land whatsoeuer, doe you presently set the same with your sailing Compasse, howe it beares off you, noting your iudgement how farre you thinke it from you, drawing also the forme of it in your booke, howe it appeares vnto you, noting dili∣gently how the highest or notablest part thereof beareth off you, and the extreames also in sight of the same land at both ends,* 10.59 distinguishing them by letters, A. B.C. &c. Afterwards when you haue sailed 1. 2. 3. or 4. glasses (at the most) noting diligently what way your barke hath made, and vpon what point of the Compasse, do you againe set that first land seene, or the parts thereof, that you first obserued, if you can well perceiue or discerne them, and likewise such other notable points or signes, vpon the land that you may then see, and could not perc••iue at the first time, di∣stinguishing it also by letters from the other, and drawing in your booke the shape of the same land, as it appeareth vnto you, and so the third time, &c.

And also in passing alongst by any and euery coast, doe you drawe the maner of biting in of eue∣ry Bay, and entrance of euery harborow or riuers mouth, with the lying out of euery point, or headland, (vnto the which you may giue apt names at your pleasure) and make some marke in drawing the forme and border of the same, where the high cliffs are, and where lowe lande is, whether sande, hils, or woods, or whatsoeuer, not omitting to note any thing that may be sensible and apparant to you, which may serue to any good purpose. If you carefully with great heede and diligence, note the obseruations in your booke, as aforesaid, and afterwards make demon∣stration thereof in your plat, you shall thereby perceiue howe farre the land you first sawe, or the parts thereof obserued, was then from you, and consequently of all the rest: and also how farre the one part was from the other, and vpon what course or point of the Compasse the one lieth from the other.

And when you come vpon any coast where you find floods and ebs, doe you diligently note the time of the highest and lowest water in euery place, and the slake or still water of full sea, and lowe water, and also which way the flood doeth runne, how the tides doe set, how much water it hicth, and what force the tide hath to driue a ship in one houre, or in the whole tide, as neere as you can iudge it, and what difference in time you finde betwene the running of the flood, and the ebbe.* 10.60 And if you finde vpon any coast the currant to runne alwayes one way, doe you also note the same duely, how it setteth in euery place, and obserue what force it hath to driue a ship in one houre, &c.

Item, as often and when as you may conueniently come vpon any land, to make obseruation for the latitude and variation, &c. doe you also (if you may) with your instrument, for trying of di∣stances, obserue the platforme of the place,* 10.61 and of as many things (worth the noting) as you may then conueniently see from time to time. These orders if you diligently obserue, you may there∣by perfectly set downe in the plats, that I haue giuen you your whole trauell, and description of your discouery, which is a thing that will be chiefly expected at your hands. But withall you may not forget to note as much as you can learne, vnderstand or perceiue of the maner of the soile, or fruitfulnesse of euery place and countrey you shall come in, and of the maner, shape, attire and disposition of the people, and of the commodities they haue, and what they most couet and de∣sire of the commodities you cary with you. It behoueth you to giue trifling things vnto such peo∣ple as you shall happen to see, and to offer them all courtesie and friendship you may or can, to winne their loue and fauour towardes you, not doing or offering them any wrong or hurt. And though you should be offered wrong at their handes, yet not to reuenge the same lightly, but by all meanes possible seeke to winne them, yet alwayes dealing wisely and with such circumspection that you keepe your selues out of their dangers.

Thus I beseeth God Almightie to blesse you, and prosper your voyage with good and happie successe, and send you safely to returne home againe, to the great ioy and reioycing of the aduentu∣rers with you, and all your friends, and our whole countrey, Amen.

Certaine briefe aduises giuen by Master Dee, to Arthur Pet, and Charles Iackman, to bee obserued in their Northeasterne discouerie, Anno 1580.

IF we recken from Wardhouse to Colgoieue Island 400. miles for almost 20. degrees diffe∣rence onely of longitude very neere East and West, and about the latitude of 70. degrees and two thirde parts: From Colgoieue to Vaigats 200. miles for 10. degrees difference onely in lon∣gitude, at 70. degrees of latitude also: From Vaigats to the promontorie Tabin 60. degrees dif∣ference of longitude (the whole course, or shortest distance being East and West) in the latitude likewise of 70. degrees, maketh 1200. miles: then is summa totalis from Wardhouse to Tabin 600. leagues, or 1800. English miles. Therefore allowing in a discouery voiage for one day with another but 50. English miles, it is euident that from Wardhouse to Tabin, the course may bee sailed easily in sixe and thirtie dayes: but by Gods helpe it may be finished in much shorter time, both by helpe of winde prosperous, and light continuall for the time requisit thereunto.

When you are past Tabin, or come to the longitude of 142. degrees, as your chart sheweth,* 10.62 or two, three, foure, or fiue degrees further Easterly, it is probable you shall finde the land on your right hand runne much Southerly and Eastward, in which course you are like either to fall in∣to the mouth of the famous riuer Oechardes, or some other, which yet I coniecture to passe by the renowmed Citie of Cambalu, and the mouth to be in latitude about 50. or 52. degrees, and within 300. or 400. miles of Cambalu it selfe, being in the latitude of 45. degrees Southerly of the saide riuers mouth, or els that you shall trend about the very Northerne and most Easterly point of all Asia, passing by the prouince Ania, and then to the latitude of 46. degrees, keeping still the land in view on your right hand (as neere as you may with safetie) you may enter into Quinsay hauen, being the chiefe citie in the Northern China, as I terme it for distinctions sake, from the other better knowen.

And in or about either or both of these two warme places, you may to great good purpose bee occupied the whole winter, after your arriuall in those quarters, as sometime by sea, sometime in notable fresh riuers, sometime in discreet view and noting downe the situation of the Cities with∣in land, &c. and euer assaying to come by some charts or maps of the countrey, made and printed in Cathay or China, and by some of their bookes likewise for language, &c. You may also haue op∣portunitie to saile ouer to Iapan Island, where you shall finde Christian men, Iesuits of many countreys of Christendome some, and perhaps some Englishmen, at whose handes you may haue great instruction and aduise for you affaires in hand.

Notes in writing, besides more priuie by mouth, that were giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt of Eiton in the Countie of Hereford, Esquire, Anno 1580: to M. Arthur Pet, and to M. Charles Iackman, sent by the Merchants of the Mos∣couie companie for the discouery of the Northeast straight, not altogether vnfit for some other enterprises of discouery, hereafter to be taken in hand.

What respect of Islands is to be had, and why.

VVHereas the Portingals haue in their course to their Indies in the Southeast, certaine ports and fortifications to thrust into by the way, to diuers great purposes: so you are to see what Islands, and what ports you had neede to haue by the way in your course to the North∣east. For which cause I wish you to enter into consideration of the matter, and to note all the Islands, and to set them downe in plat, to two ends: that is to say. That we may deuise to take the benefit by them, And also foresee how by them the Sauages or ciuill Princes may in any sort an∣noy vs in our purposed trade that way.

And for that the people to the which we purpose in this voyage to go, be no Christians, it were good that the masse of our commodities were alwayes in our owne disposition, and not at the will of others. Therefore it were good that we did seeke out some small Island in the Scithian sea, where we might plant, fortifie, and staple safely, from whence (as time should serue) wee might feed those heathen nations with our commodities without cloying them, or without venturing our whole masse in the bowels of their countrey.

And to which Island (if neede were, and if wee should thinke so good) wee might allure the Northeast nauie, the nauie of Cambalu to resort with their commodities to vs there planted, and stapling there.

And if such an Island might be found so standing as might shorten our course, and so standing, as that the nauie of Cambalu, or other those parties might conueniently saile vnto without their dislike in respect of distance, then would it fal ont well. For so, besides lesse danger and more safe∣tie, our ships might there vnlade and lade againe, and returne the selfe same summer to the ports of England or of Norway.

And if such an Island may be for the stapling of our commodities, to the which they of Camba∣lu would not saile, yet we might, hauing ships there, imploy them in passing betweene Cambalu and that stapling place.

Respect of hauens and harborowes.

ANd if no such Islands may bee found in the Scithian sea toward the firme of Asia, then are you to search out the ports that be about Noua Zembla, all along the tract of that land, to the end you may winter there the first yeere, if you be let by contrary winds, and to the end that if we may in short time come vnto Cambalu, and vnlade and set saile againe for returne without venturing there at Cambalu, that you may on your way come as farre in returne as a port about Noua Zembla: that the summer following, you may the sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East commodities, and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners: if you cannot go forward and backe in one selfe same Summer.

And touching the tract of the land of Noua Zembla, toward the East out of the circle Arcticke in the more temperate Zone, you are to haue regard: for if you finde the soyle planted with people, it is like that in time an ample vent of our warme wollen clothes may be found. And if there be no people at all there to be found, then you shall specially note what plentie of whales, and of other fish is to be found there,* 10.63 to the ende we may turne our newe found land fishing or Island fishing, or our whale fishing that way, for the ayde and comfort of our newe trades to the Northeast to the coasts of Asia.

Respect of fish and certaine other things.

ANd if the aire may be found vpon that tract temperate, and the soile yeelding wood, water, land and grasse, and the seas fish, then we may plant on that maine the offals of our people, as the Portingals do in Brasill, and so they may in our fishing in our passage, and diuers wayes yeelde commoditie to England by harbouring and victualling vs.

And it may be, that the inland there may yeeld masts, pitch, tarre, hempe, and all things for the Nauie, as plentifully as Eastland doth.

The Islands to be noted with their commodities and wants.

TO note the Islands, whether they be hie land or low land, mountaine or flat, grauelly, clay, chalkie, or of what soile, woody or not woody, with springs and riuers or not, and what wilde beastes they haue in the same.

And whether there seeme to be in the same apt matter to build withall, as stone free or rough, and stone to make lime withall, and wood or coale to burne the same withall.

To note the goodnesse or the badnesse of the hauens and harborowes in the Islands.

If a straight be found, what is to be done, and what great importance it may be of.

ANd if there be a straight in the passage into the Scithian seas, the same is specially and with great regard to be noted, especially if the same straight be narrow and to be kept. I say it is to be noted as a thina that doeth much import: for what prince soeuer shall be Lorde of the same, and shall possesse the same, as the king of Denmarke doeth possesse the straight of Denmarke, he onely shall haue the trate out of these regions into the Northeast parts of the world for himselfe, and for his priuate profit, or for his subiects onely, or to enioy wonderfull benefit of the toll of the same, like as the king of Denmarke doth enioy of his straights, by suffring the merchants of other Princes to passe that way. If any such straight be found, the eleuation, the high or lowe land, the hauens neere, the length of the straights, and all other such circumstances are to be set downe for many purposes: and al the Mariners in the voyage are to be sworne to keepe close all such things, that other Princes preuent vs not of the same, after our returne vpon the disclosing of the Mari∣ners, if any such thing should hap.

Which way the Sauage may bee made able to purchase our cloth and other their wants.

IF you find any Island or maine land populous, and that the same people hath need of cloth, then are you to deuise what commodities they haue to purchase the same withall.

If they be poore, then are you to consider of the soile, and h••w by any possibilitie the same may be made to inrich them, that hereafter they may haue something to purchase the cloth withall.

If you enter into any maine by portable riuer, and shall find any great woods, you are to note what kind of timber they be of, that we may know whether they are for pitch, tarre, mastes, deale∣boord, clapboord, or for building of ships or houses, for so, if the people haue no vse of them, they may be brought perhaps to vse.

Not to venture the losse of any one man.

YOu must haue great care to preserue your people, since your number is so small, and not to venture any one man in any wise.

To bring home besides merchandize certaine trifles.

• BRing home with you (if you may) from Cambalu or other ciuil place, one or other yong man, although you leaue one for him.
• Also the fruites of the Countreys if they will not of themselues dure, drie them and so pre∣serue them.
• And bring with you the kernels of peares and apples, and the stones of such stonefruits as you shall find there.
• Also the seeds of all strange herbs & flowers, for such seeds of fruits and herbs comming from another part of the world, and so far off, will delight the fansie of many for the strangenesse, and for that the same may grow, and continue the delight long time.
• If you arriue at Cambalu or Quinsay, to bring thence the mappe of that countrey, for so shall you haue the perfect description, which is to great purpose.
• To bring thence some old printed booke, to see whether they haue had print there before it was deuised in Europe as some write.

To note their force by sea and by land.

• If you arriue to Cambalu or Quinsay, to take a speciall view of their Nauie, and to note the force, greatnesse, maner of building of them, the sailes, the tackles, the ankers, the furniture of them, with ordinance, armour, and munition.
• Also, to note the force of the wals and bulwarks of their cities, their ordonance, and whether they haue any cal••uers, and what powder and shot.
• To note what armour they haue.
• What swords.
• What pikes, halberds and bils.
• What horses of force, and what light horses they haue.
• And so throughout to note the force of the Countrey both by sea and by land.

Things to be marked to make coniectures by.

• TO take speciall note of their buildings, and of the ornaments of their houses within.
• Take a speciall note of their apparell and furniture, and of the substance that the same is made of, of which a Merchant may make a gesse as well of their commoditie, as also of their wants.
• To note their Shoppes and Warehouses, and with what commodities they abound, the price also.
• To see their Shambles, and to view all such things as are brought into the Markets, for so you shall soone see the commodities, and the maner of the people of the inland, and so giue a gesse of many things.
• To note their fields of graine, and their trees of fruite, and how they abound or not abound in one and other, and what plenty or scarsitie of fish they haue.

Things to be caried with you, whereof more or lesse is to bee ca∣ried for a shew of our commodities to be made.

• KArsies of all orient colours, specially of stamell, broadcloth of orient colours also.
• Frizadoes, Motlies, Bristow friezes, Spanish blankets, Baies of al colours, specially with Stamel, Worsteds, Carels, Saies, Woadmols, Flanels, Rash, &c.
• Felts of diuers colours.
• Taffeta hats.
• Deepe caps for Mariners coloured in Stamel, whereof if ample vent may be found, it would turne to an infinite commoditie of the common poore people by knitting.
• Quilted caps of Leuant taffeta of diuers colours, for the night.
• Knit stocks of silke of orient colours.
• Knit stocks of Ierzie yarne of orient colours, whereof if ample vent might folow the poore multitude should be set in worke.
• Stocks of karsie of diuers colours for men and for women.
• Garters of silke of seuerall kinds, and of colours diuers.
• Girdles of Buffe and all other leather, with gilt and vngilt buckles, specially waste girdles, waste girdles of veluet.
• Gloues of all sorts knit, and of leather.
• Gloues perfumed.
• Points of all sorts of silke, threed, and leather, of all maner of colours.
• Shooes of Spanish leather of diuers colours, of diuers length, cut and vncu••••
• Shooes of other leather.
• Ueluet shooes and pantophles.
• These shooes and pantophles to be sent this time, rather for a shew then for any other cause.
• Purses knit, and of leather.
• Nightcaps knit, and other.
• A garnish of pewter for a shew of a vent of that English commoditie, bottles, flagons, spoones, &c. of that mettall.
• Glasses of English making.
• Uenice glasses.
• Looking glasses for women, great and faire.
• Small dials a few for proofe, although there they will not hold the order they do here.
• Spectacles of the common sort.
• Others of Christall trimmed with siluer, and otherwise.
• Hower glasses. Combes of boxe.
• Combes of ••uorie. Combes of horne.
• Linnen of diuers sorts.
• Handkerchiefs with silke of seuerall colours wrought.
• Glazen eyes to ride with against dust.
• Kniues in sheaths both single and double, of good edge.
• Needles great and small of euery kind.
• Buttons greater and smaller, with moulds of leather and not of wood, and such as be durable of double silke, and that of sundry colours.
• Boxes with weights for gold, and of euery kind of the coine of gold, good and bad, to shew that the people here vse weight and measure, which is a certaine shew of wisedom, and of certaine go∣uernment setled here.
• All the seuerall siluer coynes of our English monies, to be caried with you to be shewed to the gouernours at Cambalu, which is a thing that shall in silence speake to wise men more then you imagine.
• Locks and keyes, hinges, bolts, haspes, &c. great and small of excellent workemanship, where∣of if vent may be, hereafter we shall set our subiects in worke, which you must haue in great re∣gard. For in finding ample uent of any thing that is to be wrought in this realme, is more woorth to our people besides the gaine of the merchant, then Christchurch, Bridewell, the Sauoy, and all the Hospitals of England.

For banketting on shipboord persons of credite.

FIrst, the sweetest persumes to set vnder hatches to make y^e place sweet against their comming aboord, if you arriue at Cambalu, Quinsey, or in any such great citie, & not among Sauages.

• Marmelade.
• Sucket.
• Figs barrelled.
• Raisins of the sunne.

Comfets of diuers kinds made of purpose by him that is most excellent, that shal not dissolue.

• Prunes damaske.
• Dried peares.
• Walnuts.
• Almonds.
• Smalnuts.
• Oliues to make them taste their wine.

The apple Iohn that dureth two yeeres to make shew of our fruits.

• Hullocke.
• Sacke.

Uials of good sweet waters, and casting bottels of glasses to be sprinkle the ghests withall, af∣ter their comming aboord.

Suger to vse with their wine if they will.

The sweet oyle of Zante, and excellent French vineger, and a fine kind of Bisket stieped in the same do make a banketting dish, and a little Sugar cast in it cooleth and comforteth, and refre∣sheth the spirits of man.

is to be had with you to make a shew of by taste, and also to comfort your sicke in the voyage.

• Cynamom water
• Imperiall water

With these and such like, you may banket where you arriue the greater and best persons.

Or with the gift of these Marmelades in small boxes, or small vials of sweet waters you may gratifie by way of gift, or you may make a merchandize of them.

The Mappe of England and of London.

Take with you the mappe of England set out in faire colours, one of the biggest sort I meane, to make shew of your countrey from whence you come.

And also the large Mappe of London to make shew of your Citie. And let the riuer be drawen full of Ships of all sorts, to make the more shew of your great trade and traffike in trade of mer∣chandize.

Ortelius booke of Mappes.

If you take Ortelius booke of Mappes with you to marke all these Regions, it were not a∣misse: and if need were, to present the same to the great Can, for it would be to a Prince of mar∣ueilous account.

The booke of the attire of all Nations.

Such a booke caried with you and bestowed in gift would be much esteemed, as I perswade my selfe.

Bookes.

If any man will lend you the new Herball and such Bookes as make shew of herbes, plants, trees, fishes, foules and beasts of these regions, it may much delight the great Can, and the nobi∣litie, and also their merchants to haue the view of them: for all things in these partes so much differing from the things of those regions, since they may not be here to see them, by meane of the distance, yet to see those things in a shadow, by this meane will delight them.

The booke of Rates.

TAke with you the booke of Rates, to the ende you may pricke all those commodities there specified, that you shall chance to find in Cambalu, in Quinsey, or in any part of the East, where you shall chance to be.

Parchment.

Rowles of Parchment, for that we may vent much without hurt to the Realme, and it lieth in small roume.

Glew.

To carie Glew, for that we haue plentie and want vent.

Red Oker for Painters.

To seeke vent because we haue great mines of it, and haue no vent.

Sope of both kindes.

To try what vent it may haue, for that we make of both kinds, and may perhaps make more.

Saffron.

To try what vent you may haue of Saffron, because this realme yeelds the bell of the world, and for the rillage and other labours may set the poore greatly in worke to their reliefe.

Aquauitae.

By new deuises wonderful quantities may be made here, and therefore to seeke the vent.

Blacke Conies skins.

To try the vent at Cambalu, for that it lieth towards the North, and for that we abound with the commoditie, and may spare it.

Threed of all colours.

The vent thereof may set our people in worke.

Copper Spurres and Hawkes bels.

To see the vent for it may set our people in worke.

A note and Caueat for the Merchant.

That before you offer your commodities to sale, you indeuour to learne what commodities the countrey there hath. For if you bring thither veluet, taffeta, spice, or any such commoditie that you your selfe desire to lade your selfe home with, you must not sell yours deare, least hereafter you purchase theirs not so cheape as you would.

Seeds for sale.

Carie with you for that purpose all sorts of garden seeds, as well of sweete strawing herbs and of flowers, as also of pot herbes and all sorts for roots, &c.

Lead of the first melting.

Lead of the second melting of the slags.

To make triall of the vent of Lead of all kinds.

English iron, and wier of iron and copper.

To try the sale of the same.

Brimstone.

To try the vent of the same, because we abound with it made in the Realme.

Antimonie a Minerall.

To see whether they haue any ample vse there for it, for that we may lade whole nauies of it and haue no vse of it vnlesse it be for some small portion in founding of bels, or a litle that the Al cumists vse: of this you may haue two sortes at the Apothecaries.

Tinder boxes with Steele, Flint & Matches and Tinder, the Mat∣ches to be made of Iuniper to auoid the offence of Brimstone.

• To trie and make the better sale of Brimstone by shewing the vse.
• Candles of Waxe to light.

A painted Bellowes.

For that perhaps they haue not the vse of them.

A pot of cast iron.

To try the sale, for that it is a natu••all commoditie of this Realme.

All maner of edge tooles.

To be sold there or to the lesse ciuil people by the way where you shall touch.

What I would haue you there to remember.

To note specially what excellent dying they vse in these regions, and therefore to note their garments and ornaments of houses: and to see their Die houses and the Materials & Simples that they vse about the same, and to bring musters and shewes of the colours and of the materials•• for that it may serue this clothing realme to great purpose.

To take with you for your owne vse.

All maner of engines to take fish and foule.

To take with you those things that be in perfection of goodnesse.

For as the goodnesse now at the first may make your commodities in credite in time to come: so false and Sophisticate commodities shall drawe you and all your commodities into contempt and ill opinion.

A letter of Gerardus Mercator, written to M. Richard Hakluyt of Ox∣ford, touching the intended discouerie of the Northeast passage, An. 1580.

LIterae ••uae (vir humanissime) 19. Iunij demùm mihi reddite fuerunt: vehemen∣ter dolui visis illis tantam, non modo temporis, sed multò magis tempestiuae instructionis iacturam factam esse. Optassem Arthurum Pet de quibusdam non leuibus ante suum discessum praemonitum fuisse. Expeditissima sanè per Orientem in Cathaium est nauigatio: & saepè miratus sum, eam foeliciter in∣choatam, desertam fuisse, velis in Occidētem translatis, post••uam plus quàm dimidium itineris vestri iam notum haberent. Nam post Insulam Vaigats, & Noua Zembla continuò ingens sequitur Sinus, quem ab ortu Tabin immane promontorium complectitur.* 11.1 In hunc medium maxima illabuntur flumina, quae vniuersam Regionem Seticam perluentia, vt{que} existimo, in intima continentis vs{que} magnis nauigijs peruia, facillimam rationē exhibent quas∣libet merces ex Cataio, Mangi, Mien, caeterisque circumfusis regnis contrahendi, atque in An∣gliam deportandi. Caeterùm cùm non temerè eam nauigationem intermissam crederem, opi∣nabarab Imperatore Russorum & Moscouiae obstaculum aliquod interiectum fuisse. Quod si verò cum illius gratia vlterior illac nauigatio detur, suaderem profecto nō primùm Tabin pro∣montorium quaerere, atque explorare, sed Sinum hunc atque flumina, in ijs{que} portum aliquem commodissimum, stationém{que} Anglicis Mercatoribus deligere, ex quo deinceps maiore oppor∣tunitate, minoribúsque periculis Tabin promontorium, & totius Cathai circumnauigatio in∣dagari posset. Esse autem ingens in Septentrionem excurrens promontorium Tabin,* 11.2 non ex Plinio tantùm, verùm & alijs scriptoribus, & tabu••is aliquot (licèt rudius depictis) certum ha∣beo. Polum etiam Magnetis haud longè vltra Tabin situm esse, certis Magnetis obseruationi∣bus didici: circa quem & Tabin plurimos esse scopulos, difficilém{que} & periculosam nauigatio∣nem existimo: dif••ic••liorem tamen ad Cathaium accessum fore opinor, ea qua nunc via in Oc∣cidentem tentatur. Propin quior enim fiet haec nauigatio polo Magnetis, quám altera, ad quem propitùs accedere non puto tutum esse. Quia verò Magnes alium quàm Mundi polum habet,* 11.3 quo ex omni parte respicit: quò propiùs ad cum acceditur, eò directorium illud Nauticū mag∣netis virtute imbutum, magis à Septentrione deuiat, nunc in Occidentem, nunc in Orientem, pront quis vel orientalior, vel occidentalior est illo Meridiano, qui per vtrumq: polum Magne∣tis, & Mundi ducitur, Mirabilis est haec varietas, & quae nauigantē plurimùm fallere potest, nisi hanc Magnetis inconstantiam nòrit, & ad poli eleuationem per instrumenta subinde respiciat. In hac re si non sit iustructus D. Arthurus, aut ea sit dexteritate, vt deprehenso errore eum inue∣nire & castigare possit, timeo ne deuias faciat ambages, tempus illum fallat, & semiperacto ne∣gotio, à gelu praeoccupetur: Aiunt enim Sinum illum fortiùs quotannis congelari. Quod si contingat: hoc quod consultius mihi visum fuit, proximum illi erit refugium, vt in eo sinu, ijs{que} fluminibus quae dixi, portum quaerat, & per Legatum aliquem, cum magno Cham, nomine Se∣renissimae Reginae notitiam, amicitiámque contrahat: quam opinor Maximo orbis Imperatori gratam, imo gratissimam fore propter remotissima commercia. Opinor ab ostijs Bautisi & Oe∣chardi* 11.4 fluminum maximorum, vsque ad Cambalu Regiam summam Chami, non vltra 300•• milliar••a Germanica esse, & iter sumendum per Ezinam vrbem regni Tangut, que 100•• tantùm milliarijs Germanicis ab ostijs distare videtur, & paret Magno Cham.

Valde optarem cognoscere, quàm altè communiter exur gat aestus maris in eo Moscouiae* 11.5 portu, quem vestri pro statione habent, & in alijs versùs orientem locis vsque ad Tabin. Item, an mare in hoc districtu semper in vnam partem, videlic et Orientem, aut Occidentem fluat, an verò pro ratione aestuum fluat, & refluat, in medio inquam canali, hoc est, an ibi sex horis in oc∣casum, & iterum sex in ortum fluat, an verò semper in eandem partem: a liae enim speculationes non parum vtiles hinc dependent. Idem optarem à D. Frobiscero in occidentem obseruari. Quod ad Sinum Merosro, & Canadam, ac Nouam Franciam attinet, ea in meis tabulis desump∣ta sunt ex quadam Tabula marina, que à quodam sacerdote ex earum ditionum Naucleri peri∣tissimi Galli descriptione excerpta fuit, & illustrissimo Principi Georgio ab Austria episcopo Leodiensi oblata. Non dubito, quin quantùm ad littorum situm attinet & poli eleuationem, ad veritatem ea quàm proximè accedant. Habebat enim ea tabula praeter scalam graduum la∣titudinis per medium sui extensam, aliam praeterea particularem Nouae Franciae litto••••bus ad∣iunctam, qua deprauatae latitudines, occasione erroris Magnetis ibi commissae, castigarentur. Iacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis itincrarium per omnem Asiam, Affricam, & Septentrionem, o∣lim mihi Amicus Antuerpiae ab ali•• mutuò acceptum communicauit, eo vsus sum, & reddidi: post multos annos eundem ab amico repetij, & reminisci ille non potuit à quo accepisset. Gu∣lielmi Tripolitani & Ioannis de plano Carpini scripta non vidi, tantùm excerpta exillis quae∣dam

in alijs scriptis libris inueni. Abilfadae Epitome gaudeo verti, vtinam citò habeamus.

Haec (mi Domi••e) tuis respondenda putaui: si quid est aliud quod à me desideres, libentissi∣mè tibi communicabo: hoc vicissim amanter à tua humanitate petens, vt quae ex vtrius{que} na∣uigationis cursu obseruata nancisi poteris, mihi communices, penes me pro tuo arbitrio ma∣nebunt omnia, & quaecunque inde collegero, fideliter ad te perscribam, si forte ad pulcherri∣mum, vtilissimúm{que} orbi Christiano hoc nauigationis institutum aliquid opis & consilij adferre possint.

Benevale, vir doctissime.

Duisburgi in Cliuia, 28. Iulij 1580

.

* 11.6Redeunte Arthuro, quaeso discas ab illo que optaui, & num alicubi in suo itinere, dulce mare, aut parum salsum inuenerit: suspicor enim mare inter Noua Zembla, & Tabin dulce esse.

T. H. paratissimus quantus quantus sum, Gerardus Mercator.

The same in English.

SIr, I receiued your letters the 19. of Iune: it grieued me much that vpon the sight of them the time being spent, I could not giue any conuenient instructions: I wish Arthur Pet had bene informed before his departure of some speciall points. The voyage to Cathaio by the East, is dourlesse very easie and short, and I haue oftentimes marueiled, that being so happily begun, it hath bene left of, and the course changed into the West, after that more then halfe of your voiage was discouered.* 12.1 For beyond the Island of Vaigats and Noua Zembla, there foloweth presently a great Baie, which on the left side is inclosed with the mightie promontorie Tabin. Into the mids hereof there fall great riuers, which passing through the whole countrey of Serica, and be∣ing as I thinke nauigable with great vessels into y^e heart of the continent, may be an easie means whereby to traffique for all maner of merchandize, and transport them out of Cathaio, Mangi, Mien, and other kingdoms thereabouts into England. But considering with my selfe that that nauigation was not intermitted, but vpon great occasion, I thought that the Emperor of Russia and Moscouie had hindered the proceeding thereof. If so be that with his grace and fauour a fur∣ther nauigation may be made, I would counsell them certainly not first to seeke out the promon∣torie Tabin,* 12.2 but to search this baie and riuers aforesayd, and in them to picke and chuse out some conuenient port and harborough for the English merchants, from whence afterward with more opportunitie and lesse perill, the promontorie Tabin and all the coast of Cathaio may bee discoue∣red. And that there is such a huge promontorie called Tabin. I am certainly perswaded not onely out of Plinie, but also other writers, and some Maps (though some what rudely drawen:) and that the pole of the Loadstone is not farre beyond Tabin, I haue learned by the certaine obseruations of the Loadstone: about which pole and Tabin I thinke there are very many rockes, and very hard and dangerous sailing: and yet a more hard and difficile passage I thinke it to bee this way which is now attempted by the West, for it is neerer to the pole of the Loadstone, to the which I thinke it not safe to approch. And because the Loadstone hath another pole then that of the world, to the which from all parts it hath a respect, the neerer you come vnto it, the more the needle of the Compasse doeth varie from the North, sometimes to the West, and sometimes to the East, accor∣ding as a man is to the Eastward or to the Westward of that Meridian, that passeth by both the poles of the Magnes and the World.

This is a strange alteration and very apt to deceiue the Sailer, vnlesse hee know the vncon∣stancie and variation of the Compasse, and take the eleuation of the pole somtimes with his instru∣ments. If master Arthur be not well prouided in this behalfe, or of such dexteritie, that percei∣uing the errour he be not able to correct the same, I feare least in wandering vp and downe he lose his time, and be ouertaken with the ice in the midst of the enterprise. For that gulfe, as they say, is frozen euery yere very hard. Which if it be so, the best counsel I could giue for their best safetie, were to seeke some harborough in that baie, and those riuers whereof I haue spoken, and by some Ambassador to make friendship and acquaintance with the great Can, in name of the Queenes maiestie, which I beleeue will be gratefull to the mightiest Emperour in the world, yea most ex∣cellent for the length of the traffique, and great distance of the places. I thinke from the mouthes of the mighty riuers Bautisus and Oechardus to Cambalu the chiefest seat of the prince the Can,* 12.3 there are not past 300. Germane miles, and to passe by Ezina a citie of the kingdom of Tangut, which seemeth to be but 100. Germane miles from the mouthes of the sayd riuers, and is subiect to the great Can.

I would gladly know how high the sea doeth flowe commonly in the port of Moscouia where your men do harborow, and in other Easterly places vnto Tabin. And also whether the sea in this streight do flow alwaies one way to the East or to the West, or whether it do ebbe and flow accor∣ding

to the maner of the tides in the middle of the chanel, that is to say, whether it ••low there sixe houres into the West,* 12.4 and as may backe againe to the East, for hereupon depend other speculati∣ons of importance. I would wish M. Frobisher to obserue the same Westwards. Concerning the gulfe of Merosro and Canada, and new France which are in my mappes, they were taken out of a certaine sea card drawn by a certaine priest out of the description of a Frenchman, •• Pilot very skilfull in those partes, and presented to the worthy prince George of Austria, bishop of Liege: for the trending of the coast, and the eleuation of the pole, I doubt not but they are very neere the trueth: for the Charte had•• beside a scale of degrees of latitude passing through the middest of it, another particularly annexed to the coast of New France, wherewith the errour of the latitudes committed by reason of the variation of the compasse might be corrected. The historie of the voy∣age of Iacobus Cnoyen Buschoducensis throughout al Asia, Affrica, and the North, was lent me in time past by a friend of mine at Antwerpe. After I had vsed it, I restored it againe: after ma∣ny yeeres I required it againe of my friend, but hee had forgotten of whom ••ee had borrowed it. The writings of Gulielmus Tripolitanus, and Ioannes de Plano Carpini I neuer saw: onely I found certaine pieces of them in other written hand bookes. I am glad the Epitomie of Abilfada is translated, I would we might haue it shortly.

Thus much Sir I thought good to answere your letters: if there bee any thing els that you would require of me, I will most willingly communicate it with you, crauing this likewise of your curtesie, that whatsoeuer obseruations of both these voyages shall come to your hands, you would impart them to me, they shall all remaine with mee according to your discretion and plea∣sure, and whatsoeuer I gather of them, I will faithfully signifie vnto you by letters, if happily they may yeeld any helpe or light vnto this most excellent enterprise of nauigation, and most pro∣fitable to our christian common wealth. Fare you well most learned friend.

At Duisburg in Cliueland, 28. of Iulie, the yeere, 1580

.

At Arthur his returne I pray you learne of him the things I haue requested, and whether any where in his vo••age, he found the sea fresh, or not very salt: for I suppose the Sea betweene No∣ua Zembla and Tabin to be fresh.

Yours wholly to my power to be commanded, Gerardus Mercator.

The discouerie made by M. Arthur Pet, and M. Charles Iackman, of the Northeast parts, beyond the Island of Vaigatz, with two Barkes: the one called the George, the other the William, in the yeere 1580. Written by Hugh Smith.

VPon Munday the 30. of May,* 12.5 we departed from Harwich in the afternoone, the winde being at South, and to the Eastward. The ebbe being spent we could not double the pole, and therefore were constrained to put in againe vntill the next day in the morning, being the last of May: which day wee wayed our ankers a∣bout 3. a clocke in the morning, the wind being West southwest. The same day we passed Orfordnesse at an East Sunne, and Stamford at a West Sunne, and Yarmouth at a West northwest sunne, and so to Winterton, where we did anker al night: it was then calme, and the flood was come.

The next day being the first of Iune,* 12.6 we set saile at 3. a clocke in the morning, and set our course North, the wind at the Southwest, and at Southsouthwest.

The 10. day about one of the clocke in the afternoone, wee put into Norway to a place where one of the headlands of the sound is called Bottel: the other headland is called Moile. There is al∣so an Island called Kene.* 12.7 Heere I did find the pole to be eleuated 62. deg. it doeth flowe there South, and it hieth 7. or 8. foote, not aboue.

The 11. day in the morning the winde came to the South and to the Southeast: the same day at sixe in the afternoone we set saile, and bare along the coast: it was very foule weather with raine and fogge.

The 22. day the wind being at West, we did hall the coast East northeast, and East. The same day at 6. in the morning we did double the north cape.* 12.8 About 3. in the afternoone wee past Skites bearenesse, and hald along the coast East, and East southeast, and all the same night wee halled Southeast, and Southeast by East.

The 23. day about 3. in the morning we came to Wardhouse,* 12.9 the wind at the Northwest. The cause of our comming in was to seeke the William, whose companie wee lost the 6. day of this

moneth, and to send letters into England. About one of the clock in the after noone the William also came into Wardhouse to vs in good safetie, and all her company in good health.

The 24. the wind came to the East Northeast. This day the William was hald a ground, be∣cause she was somewhat leake, and to mend her steerage. This night about 12. of the clocke she did hale a flote againe.

The 25. day the wind was at East northeast.

The 26. day the Toby of Harwich departed from Wardhouse for London, Thomas Greene being master, to whom we deliuered our letters.

The 27. day the wind was at South southeast, and the 28. also.

The 29. day about 6. in the afternoone, the wind came to the West northwest for the space of one houre, and presently to the East againe, and so was variable all the same night.

The 30. about sixe in the morning, the winde came to East southeast, and continued so all the same day.

* 12.10The first of Iuly about 5. in the afternoone, the wind was at Northnorthwest: and about 7. of the clocke we set saile from Wardhouse East and by South.

The second day about 5. in the morning, the wind was East, and East southeast, and we did lie to the shorewards. And about 10. in the morning the wind came to South southeast, and we laid it to the Eastward: sometime we lay East by South, sometime East southeast, and sometimes East by North. About 5. in the afternoone we bare with the William, who was willing to goe with Kegor, because we thought her to be out of trie, and sailed very ill, where we might mend her steerage: whereupon master Pet not willing to go into harborough said to master lackman, that if he thought himselfe not able to keepe the sea, he should doe as he thought best, and that he in the meane time would beare with Willoughbies land,* 12.11 for that it was a parcel of our direction, and would meete him at Veroue Ostroue, or Vaigats, and so we set our course East northeast, the winde being at Southeast.

* 12.12The 3. day the winde at Southeast we found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees, 46. minu••s. The same night at 12. of the clocke we sounded, but had no ground, in 120. fathoms, being fifty leagues from the one side by our reckoning East northeast from Kegor.

The 4. day all the morning was calme. This day we found the pole to be eleuated 71. degrees 38. minutes. This day at 9. in the afternoone the wind at Northeast with a gentle gale, we hald along Southeast by East.

The 5. day the wind at Northwest, we hald East and East by South: this day we saw land, but we could not make it, the wind being Northerly, so that we could not come neere to it.

The 6. day about 2. in the afternoone, the wind at North northwest, we halde East southeast with a faire and gentle gale: this day we met with ice. About 6. in the afternoone it became calme: we with saile and oares laide it to the Northeast part, hoping that way to cleare vs of it: for that way we did see the head part of it, as we thought. Which done, about 12. of the clocke at night we gate cleere of it. We did thinke it to be ice of the bay of Saint Nicholas, but it was not, as we found afterwards.

* 12.13The seuenth day we met with more yce, at the East part of the other yce: we halde along a weather the yce to finde some ende thereof by East northeast. This day there appeared more land North from vs being perfect land: the ice was betweene vs and it, so that we could not come neerer to it.

The same morning at sixe of the clocke wee put into the ice to finde some way through it, wee continued in it all the same day and all the night following, the winde by the North Northwest. Wee were constrained to goe many pointes of our compasse, but we went most an Easterly course.

The eight day the winde at North northwest, we continued our course, and at fiue in the morning we sounded, and had 90. fadoms red oze. This day at foure in the afternoone we soun∣ded againe, and had 84. fadoms oze, as before. At sixe in the after noone we cleared our selues of the ice, and hald along Southeast by South: we sounded againe at 10. a clocke at night, and had 43. fathom sandy oze.

The 9. day at 2. in the morning, we sounded againe, and had 45. fadoms, then there appeared a shadow of land to vs East Northeast, and so we ran with it the space of 2. houres, and then per∣ceiuing that it was but fogge, we hald along Southeast.

* 12.14This day at 2. in the afternoone wee sounded and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze. Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes. At tenne a clocke at night wee sounded againe, and had fiftie fadoms blacke oze.

The tenth day the wind being at North northwest, we haled East and by North, which course

we set, because at ten of the clocke afore noone wee did see land, and then wee sounded hauing 35. fadoms blacke oze. All this day there was a great fogge, so that wee durst not beare with the land to make it, and so we kept an outwardly course. This day at 6. in the afternoone we espied land, wherewith we halled, and then it grew calme: we sounded and had 120. fadoms blacke oze: and then we sent our boat a land to sound and proue the land. The same night we came with our ship within and Island, where we rode all the same night. The same night wee went into a bay to ride neere the land for wood and water.* 12.15

The 11. day the wind came to the East southeast:* 12.16 this day about a league from vs to the East∣wards, we saw a very faire sound or riuer that past very farre into the countrey with 2. or 3. bran∣ches with an Island in the midst.

The 12. of Iuly the wind was East Southeast. This day about 11. a clocke in the morning, there came a great white beare down to the water side, and tooke the water of his own accord, we chased him with our boate, but for all that we could doe, he gote to land and escaped from vs, where we named the bay Bearebay.* 12.17 This day at 7. in the after noone we set saile, for we had good hope that the winde would come Westerly, and with saile and oares we gate the sea. All the night it was calme with fogge.

The 13. day in the morning the wind was very variable with fog, and as it cleared vp wee met with great store of ice, which at the first shewed like land. This ice did vs much trouble, and the more because of the fog, which continued vntill the 14. day, 12. of the clocke.

The 14. day in the morning we were so imbayed with ice, y^t we were constrained to come out as we went in, which was by great good fortune, or rather by the goodnesse of God, otherwise it had bene impossible, and at 12. of the clock we were cleere of it, the wind being at South and South by West. The same day we found the pole to be eleuated 70. degrees, 26. minutes:* 12.18 we lay along the coast Northwest, thinking it to be an Island, but finding no end in rowing so long, we suppo∣sed it to be the maine of Noua Zembla.* 12.19 About 2. in the afternoone we laide it to the Southward to double the ice, which wee could not doe vpon that boorde, so that we cast about againe and lay West along vnder the ice. About seuen in the afternoone we gote about the greatest part there∣of. About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice Southeast of vs, and thus we were ridde of this trouble at this time.

The 15. day about 3. in the morning, the wind was at South southwest: wee cast about and lay to the Eastwards: the winde did Wester, so that wee lay South southwest with a flawne sheete, and so we ranne all the same day. About 8. in the after noone we sounded, and had 23. fa∣doms small grey sand. This night at twelue of the clocke we sounded againe, and had 29. fa∣doms sand, as afore.

The 16. day vnto 3. in the morning we hald along East Southeast, where we found 18. fa∣doms red sand, then we hald along Northeast. In these soundings wee had many ouerfals.* 12.20 This day at 10. of the clocke we met with more ice, which was very great, so that we coulde not tell which way to get cleere of it. Then the winde came to the South Southeast, so that we lay to the Northwards. We thought that way to cleare our selues of it, but that way we had more ice. A∣bout 6. in the afternoone, the wind came to the East. Then we lay to the Southwards that wee had 30. fadoms blacke oze. This day we found the pole to bee eleuated 69. deg. 40. minutes, and this night at 12. a clocke we had 41. fadoms red sand.

The 17. day at 3. in the morning, we had 12. fadoms. At 9. we had 8. and 7. all this day we ran South and South by West, at the depth aforesaid, red sand, being but shallow water. At eight in the afternoone, the winde with a showre and thunder came to the Southwest, and then wee ranne East Northeast. At 12. at night it came to the South and by East, and all this was in the bay of Pechora.* 12.21

The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bare with the hea••land o•• the bay, where wee founde two Islands. There are also ouerfals of water 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••des. We went between the maine and the Island, next to the head, where we had abou•• 2. fadoms and a halfe. We found the pole eleuated 69. deg. 13 minutes. This day we had sight of Vaigatz:* 12.22 the land of the maine of Pechora did trend South∣east, we hald East southeast, and had 10. fadoms oze all the same day vntill 4. in the after noone, then being calme, we ankered in 10. fadoms all the same night.

The 19. day at two in the morning we set saile, and ran South and South southwest all the same day at 8.7. and 6. fadoms, this was off the South part of Vaigatz, this part of the land lieth North and South. This day at 4. in the afternoone we found shallow water sometime 4. fadoms, sometime 3. and 2. and a halfe, and one fadome and a halfe: there we ankered and sent our boate away to sound, and all to leeward we had 4. foote and 3. foote, and 2. foot, there was not water for the boate betweene Vaigatz & the other side: finding no more water, there was no other way but

to goe backe as we came in, hauing the wind Northwest, so at twelue at ni••ht we set saile.

The 20. day we plied to the Northwards, and got deepe water againe 6. and 7. fadoms.

The 21. day the winde by the Northwest, we hald along the coast North and North north∣west, we had 8. and 9. and 10. fadoms.

The 22. day the winde came to the Southwest, wee bare along the coast of Vaygatz, as wee found it to lie North and by West, and Northnorthwest, and North. The winde blewe very much with great fogge,* 12.23 we lacking water and wood bare within an Island where wee founde great store of wood and water, there were three or foure goodly founds. Under two points there was a crosse set vp, and a man buried at the foote of it. Upon the said crosse Master Pet did graue his name with the date of our Lorde, and likewise vpon a stone at the foote of the crosse, and so did I also, to the end that if the William did chaunce to come thither, they might haue knowledge that wee had beene there. At eight in the afternoone the winde came to the North northwest, we set saile and turned out of the Bay. The same night the winde came to the West, so that wee lay North along the land.

The 23. day at fiue in the morning, the wind came to the Southwest, a Sea boord we sawe a great number of faire Islands,* 12.24 to the number of sixe: a sea boord of these Islands, there are many great ouerfals, as great streames or tides: we halde Northeast and East northeast as the lande did trend. At eight aforenoone the winde came to the Southeast with very much wind, raine and fogge, and very great store of ice a sea boorde: so we lay to the Southwest to attaine to one of the Islands to harbour vs if the weather did so extremely continue, and to take in our boate, thinking it meete so to doe, and not to towe her in such weather. About twelue of the clocke it became very calme vpon the sudden, and came vp to the West Northwest, and Northwest by West, and then we tooke in our boate, and this done, there came downe so much winde, as we were not able to steere afore it, with corse and bonnets of each, we hald South with the land, for so the land did trend. This day all the afternoone we sailed vnder a great land of ice, we sailed betweene the land and it, being not able to crosse it. About twelue at night we found the ice to stretch into the land, that we could not get cleare to the Eastward, so we laide it to the shore, and there we founde it cleare hard aboord the shore, and we found also a very faire Island which makes a very good har∣bour, and within are 12. fadoms.

* 12.25This Island is to y^e Eastwards of Vaigatz, 4. or 5. leagues. This land of the maine doth trend Southeast, and Southeast by East. It is a very faire coast, and euen and plaine, and not full of mountaines nor rocks: you haue but shallow water of 6. or 7. fadoms, about a league from the shore, all this morning we halled East southeast. This day we found the pole to be eleuated 69. degrees 14. minutes. About 12. a clocke we were constrained to put into the ice to seeke some way to get to the Northwards of it, hoping to haue some cleare passage that way, but there was nothing but whole ice. About nine in the afternoone we had sight of the William, and when wee sawe her, there was a great land of ice betweene her and vs, so that we could not come one to the other, but as we came neere to her, we sounded our trumpet and shot off two muskets, and she put out her flag vpon her foretopmaste in token that she did see vs: all this time wee did shorten our sailes, and went with our foresaile & maine top saile, seeking the best way through the broken ice, she making away the best that she could to follow vs, we put out our flagge to answere her again with the like: thus wee continued all the afternoone till about 12. a clocke at night, and then we moared our ship to a piece of ice to tarie for the William.

* 12.26The 25. day about fiue in the morning, the William came to vs, being both glad of our mee∣ting. The William had her sterne post broken, that the rudber did hang clean besides the sterne, so that she could in no wise port her helme, with all hands she did lighten her sterne, and trimme her head, and when we had brought her forward all that we could, wee brought a table vnder her sterne, and without captaine did wind vp her sterne, and so we made it as wel as the place would giue vs leane, and in the ende wee brought her to steere againe. Wee acknowledge this our meeting to be a great benefite of God for our mutuall comfort, and so gaue his maiestie thanks for it. All the night after we tooke our rest being made fast vpon a piece of ice: the winde was at West Northwest, but wee were so inclosed with ice that we coulde not tell which way to passe. Windes wee haue had at will, but ice and fogge too much against our willes, if it had pleased the Lord God otherwise.

The 26. day the wind was at West Northwest: we set saile to the Northwardes, to seeke if we could finde any way cleare to passe to the Eastward, but the further we went that way, the more and thicker was the ice, so that wee coulde goe no further. So about foure in the afternoone we were constrained to moare vpon another piece of ice. I thinke we sailed in all a league this day, here we had 15. fadoms oze, and this oze is all the chanell ouer. All the same day after foure of

the clocke, and all the night we tarried there, being without all good hope, but rather in de∣spaire. This day Master Iugman did see land East Northeast from vs, as he did thinke, whe∣ther it were land or no, I cannot tell well, but it was very like land, but the fogges haue many times deceiued vs.

The 27. day the winde was at Northwest. This day at nine in the morning we set saile to seeke the shore. Further into the ice we could not goe, and at seuen in the afternoone we moared to a piece of ice, and the William with vs, here we had 14. fathoms oze. At three in the after∣noone we warpt from one ice to another. At nine in the afternoone we moared againe to a piece of ice vntill the next day. All this night it did snow with much wind, being at West Northwest, and at Northwest, and by West.

The 28. day the winde came to the Southwest, and Southsouthwest: this day was a very faire day. At one in the afternoone master Pet and master Iackman did conferre together what was best to be done considering that the windes were good for vs, and we not able to passe for ice, they did agree to seeke to the land againe, and so to Vaygatz, and there to conferre further.* 12.27 At 3. in the afternoone we did warpe from one piece of ice to another to get from them if it were possi∣ble: here were pieces of ice so great, that we could not see beyond them out of the toppe. Thus we warped vntil 9. in the afternoone, and then we moared both our shippes to a great and high piece of ice, vntill the next morning.

The nine and twentie day the winde came to the Southwest, wee set saile at fiue in the mor∣ning to plie into the shore if it were possible, we made many turnes among the ice to small pur∣pose, for with the winde doeth the currant runne.* 12.28 This day by misfortune a piece of ice stroke of our greepe afore at two aforenoone, yet for all this we turned to doe our best. The William beeing incumbered with ice, and perceiuing that shee did litle good, tooke in all her sailes, and made her selfe fast to a piece of ice, and about foure in the afternoone she set saile to followe vs. We were afraide that shee had taken some hurt, but she was well. At seuen afore noone we tooke in all our sailes to tarie for the William, and made our shippe fast to a piece of ice: the William before she came to vs tooke in all her sailes, and moared to another piece of ice, and thus we con∣tinued vntill the next morning.

The 30. day the winde at Southeast, and by South, and at 9. in the morning we set saile, and sooner would haue done if y^t William had bene by vs, but we did tary for her to know whether all was well with her: But as soone as we made saile, she did the like. All this day wee did our best to seeke our way as the ice would giue vs leaue, sometime we lay South, sometime West, and sometime East, and thus we continued vutill eight at night, and then being calme, wee made our ship fast to a piece of ice, and went to supper. In the meane time the wind with a faire gentle gale came vp to the East, and East and by South, but there came downe a showre of raine with it, which continued the space of one houre: Which being done, it became calme againe, so that wee could doe no good all that night, but tooke our rest vntill the next day.

The 31. the winde being at Southwest, we set saile to turne to windeward at three a clock in the morning. In this turning we did litle good, for the currant would not giue vs leaue. For as the winde is, so is the currant. We did our best vntill ten of the clocke, and then perceiuing that we did no good, and being inclosed with ice, wee made our ships fast to a piece of ice: All this day the William lay still, and did as much good as we that did labour all the forenoone. Thus we took our rest all the same day.

In the afternoone we set saile, the winde being at South & by East, we lay to the Westwards, as Southwest and Southwest and by South, and sometime to the Westward as wee might. Thus we continued vntil 9. at night, and then we could go no further for ice: so we with the Wil∣liam were constrained to make our ship fast to a piece of ice al the same night. This day we found the pole eleuated 69. degrees 20. minutes, and here we had 17. fathoms oze.

The first day of August was verie calme in the morning,* 12.29 the winde beeing at West Northwest. About twelue the winde came to the West, and continued so all the same night with great fogge.

The second day the winde was at Southwest all day with rayne and fogge. All this day wee were inclosed with ice, so that we were forced to lye still. Here we had one and twentie fa∣thoms oze. At sixe in the afternoone the winde was at West with very much foule weather, and so continued all the same night.

The third day the winde was at West, and West by North, and West Northwest, this day we lay still inclosed with yce, the weather beeing darke with fogge: thus abiding the Lords leasure, we continued with patience. And sounding we found 21. fathoms.

The fourth day we lay still inclosed with ice, the winde being at West Northwest, this ice

did euery day increase vpon vs, yet putting our trust in God, we hoped to be deliuered out of it in good time.

The fift day all the morning it rained with very much wind, being at South Southeast: about 3. in the after noone we set sayle, and presently it became calme for the space of one houre, then the wind came to the North Northeast, and here we had 33. fathoms: thus we made way a∣mong the yce Southwest, and Southsouthwest, & West, as we might finde our way for the space of 3. houres: then we met with a whole land of yce.* 12.30 so that we could go no further: here we moa∣red our ship to tarie for a further opening. Here we found 45. fathoms oze, and all the night was very darke with fogge.

The sixt day hauing no opening of the yce wee lay still, the winde being at West, and West by South: here we had sixty three fathoms oze: all the same night the winde was at the West Northwest.

The 7. day the winde was at West, and West and by North all day. And all this day we lay still being inclosed with yce, that we could not stirre, labouring onely to defend the yce as it came vpon vs. Here we had 68. fathoms oze.

The 8. day was very faire & calme but foggy. This day towards night there was litle winde by the South Southwest: then the yce began a litle to open, and here we had 70. fathoms oze: all the night was foggy.

The 9. day the winde was at Northwest, and by West, all the afternoone we lay still because of the yce, which did still inclose vs. This day we found the pole eleuated seuenty degrees, 4. mi∣nutes,* 12.31 we had 63. fathoms oze: this night was a very fayre night, but it freezed: in the morning we had much adoe to goe through the same:* 12.32 and we were in doubt that if it should haue freezed so much the night following, we should hardly haue passed out of it. This night there was one star that appeared to vs.* 12.33

The tenth day the winde was at East Northeast with a very small gale. Wee with saile and oares made way through the yce: about fiue in the morning we set saile: sometime wee laye Southwest, and sometime South, and sometime West, as wee might best finde the way. A∣bout three in the afternoone the gale began to fresh: about sixe in the afternoone the winde was at Northeast with fogge. Here we had eighty eight fathoms: we bare saile all the same night, and it snowed very much.* 12.34

The eleuenth day we were much troubled with yce, and by great force we made our way through it, which we thought a thing impossible: but extremity doth cause men to doe much, and in the weakenesse of man Gods strength most appeareth. This day we had 95. fathoms. At three in the afternoone the winde came to the Southwest, we were forced to make our shippe fast to a piece of yce, for we were inclosed with it, and taried the Lordes leasure. This night we had 97. fathoms.

The 12. day the wind was at the Southeast not very much but in a maner calme: at a 11. of the clocke the winde came to the West Southwest: all the day was very darke with snowe and fogge. At 6. in the afternoone we set saile the winde being at the North Northeast: all this night we bare away Southwest, and Southsouthwest, as well and as neere as the yce would giue vs leaue: all this night we found the yce somewhat fauourable to vs, more then it was before, wher∣upon we stood in good hope to get out of it.

The 13. day at 7. in the morning, the winde was at the Northeast, and Northeast and by East: all this day we were much troubled with the yce, for with a blow against a piece of yce we brake the stocke of our ancre, and many other great blowes we had against the yce, that it was maruei∣lous that the ship was able to abide them: the side of our boate was broken with our ship which did recule backe, the boate being betwixt a great piece of yce, and the ship, and it perished the head of our rudder. This day was a very hard day with vs: at night we found much broken yce, and all this night it blewe very much winde, so that we lay in drift with the yce, & our drift was South, for the winde was at North all this night, and we had great store of snowe.* 12.35

The 14. day in the morning wee made our shippe fast to a piece of yce, and let her driue with it. In the meane time wee mended our boate and our steerage: all this day the winde con∣tinued Northerly, and here wee had threescore and two fathoms. Thus wee lay a drift all the same night.

The 15. day we set saile at 6. in the morning, the winde being at Northeast. At 9. aforenoon we entred into a cleare Sea without yce, whereof wee were most glad, and not without great cause, and gaue God the praise. We had 19. fathoms water, and ranne in Southwest all the morning vntill we came to 14. fathoms, and thence we halled West, til we came to 10. fathoms, and then we went Northwest, for so the land doeth trend. At 12. of the clocke we had sight of

the land, which wee might haue had sooner, but it was darke and foggie all the same day: for when wee had sight of the lande, wee were not passing three leagues from it. This day we had the pole eleuated 69 degrees 49 minutes.* 12.36 All day we ran along the coast in ten and nine fadoms, pepered sand. It is a very goodly coast and a bolde, and faire soundings off it, without sandes or rocks.

The 16 day the winde was at East: this day we were troubled againe with ice, but we made great shift with it: for we gotte betweene the shoare and it. This day at twelue of the clocke we were thwart of the Southeast part of Vaigats,* 12.37 all along which part there was great store of yce, so that we stood in doubt of passage, yet by much adoe we got betwixt the shoare and it: about 6 in the afternoone was found a great white beare vpon a piece of ice: all this day in the after∣noone it was darke with fogge. And all the night we haled North and North by West, and some∣time North and by East, for so doth the land trend.

The 17 day in the morning we haled West, for so doth the land lie. The wind was at South∣east, and it was very darke with fogge, and in running along the shoare we fell a ground, but God be praised without hurt, for wee came presently off againe. The William came to an anker to stay for vs, and sent some of their men to help vs, but before they came we were vnder saile, and as we came to the William we did stowe our boates, and made saile, we went within some of the Islands,* 12.38 and haled Westsouthwest.

About two of the clocke in the afternoone, we set our course Southwest and by South: so we ranne Southwest vntill twelue at night, the wind came to the Northnortheast, and then we ha∣led West.

The 18 day at 6 in the morning we had 16 fadoms red sand: at 6 in the morning 13 fadoms. At 10, 14 fadoms, and we haled Westnorthwest. At 12 a clocke the winde came to the East, and East by South, we haled West and by North all the same day and night. At 6 in the after∣noone we had 17 fadoms red sand.

The 19 day the wind was at Eastnortheast: at 6 in the morning wee had 19 fathoms red sand: at 12 of the clocke the wind blew North and North by East, we had 17 fadoms of water, at 3 in the afternoone 15.

The 20 day the wind was at Northeast, and Northnortheast: at 7 in the morning we had 30 fadomes blacke oze: at twelue of the clocke we were vpon the suddaine in shoale water, a∣mong great sands, and could find no way out. By sounding and seeking about, we came aground, and so did the William, but we had no hurt, for the wind was off the shoare, and the same night it was calme: all night we did our best, but we could not haue her aflote. These shoales doe lie off Colgoyeue:* 12.39 it is very flat a great way off, and it doth not high aboue 2 or 3 foote water: it floweth Northeast, and Southwest.

The 21 day the wind was at Southwest, and being very faire weather we did lighten our ships as much as was possible for vs to doe, by reason of the place. The same high water, by the helpe of God, we got both a floate, and the wind being at the Southwest did help vs, for it caused it to flow the more water.

This day we found the pole to be eleuated 68 degrees 40 min. In the afternoone we both set saile to seeke way to get out of these sands, our boate a head sounding, hauing 6,7, and 8 fadomes all within the sand which was without vs. We bare to the Southward, and the William bare more to the Eastwards, and night being at hand the wind came to the Southeast, whereupon we layd it to the Southwards, lying Southwest, and South and by West, and ran to 19, and 12 and 14 fadoms, and presently we had but sixe fadoms, which was off the sands head, which we were a ground vpon the day before. Then we cast about to the Eastwards for deepe water, which we presently had, as 10,15, and 20 and so to 23 fadoms.

The 22 day at 8 in the morning, we cast about to the Southward, and this day in the morning we saw the William vnder our Ice as far as we could see her,* 12.40 and with a great fogge we lost the sight of her, and since we haue not seene her. Thus we ranne till we came to thirtie fadomes blacke oze, which we had at twelue of the clocke, and at three in the afternoone we had twenty and three fadoms, and then we ranne Westnorthwest, and West by North, all the same night following.

The 23 day we had at 6 in the morning 27 fadoms, at 8 a clocke 28 fadoms: at 9 the winde being at Eastsoutheast, we haled Westnorthwest; this day we had sight of the land of Hugri side.* 12.41 At twelue of the clocke we had thirty two fadoms sand. This day we ranne West and by North, and came to fiue fadoms off the bay of Morzouets.* 12.42 Then we layd it to the Northwards, so that we lay Northnortheast off. The wind after came to the North, and North by East, and we lay East and East by North, then we layd it to the Westward againe: and thus we lay till we came

to fortie fadoms, and then we went Northwest till wee came to fourteene fadoms, and so to tenne fadoms. Then we cast about to the Eastwards and lay East, and East by North all the same night.

The 24 day at 8 in the morning we had 32 fadoms. We ran Northwest till we came to 11 fadoms, then we lay to the Northwards till 12 at night, and then we came to forty fadoms, then the wind at Northeast we lay to the Westwards, and haled Northwest along.

The 25 at 4 in the morning we had 37 fadoms, wee ranne Northwest, the winde at North∣northeast uery much.

The 26 day we ran with the same winde, and found the pole to be eleuated 70 deg. 40 min.

The 27 at 7 in the morning we saw land, which we made to be Kegor, then we haled North∣west, and North by West to double the North Cape.

The 28 day at 3 in the morning we ran Northwest, and so all day. At night the wind came to the Southwest, and we ran Northwest all that night.

* 12.43The 29 day we put into a sound called Tane, and the towne is called Hungon: we came to an ancre at 5 in the afternoone, at 25 fadoms very faire sand. This sound is very large and good, and the same night we got water aboord.

The 30 day in the morning the winde at Northeast, and but litle, we set saile, and with our boate on head we got the sea about 12 of the clocke: the wind with a faire gale c••me to the East Southeast, and all this day and night we ran Westnorthwest.

* 12.44The 31 day at 12 of the clocke we doubled the North Cape, the wind being at Eastsoutheast, we haled West all the same day, and at night we ran Westsouthwest.

The 1 day of September the wind was at Northeast with very much fogge: all this day we ran Westsouthwest: at 2 in the afternoone the wind came North.

The second day at 3 in the morning we doubled Fowlnesse, & the wind was this day variable at all parts of the Compasse. In the afternoone we made but litle way: at 6 a clocke the winde came to the Southwest, and we went Northwest. At 9 in the night there came downe so much winde by the Westsouthwest, that we were faine to lay it a hull, we haled it to Northwards for the space of 2 houres, and then we layd her head to the Southwards, and at the breake of day we saw land, which is very high, and is called by the men of the countrey Foulenes••e.* 12.45 It is within ful of small Islands, and without full of rocks very farre out, and within the rockes you haue fayre sand at 20 fadoms.

The 3 day in the morning we bare with the sound aforesaid: Within it is but shoale water, 4 5 and 3 fadoms, sandie ground, the land is very high, and the Church that is seene is called He∣like Kirke. It doeth high here not aboue 8 or 9 foote.

The 12 day at 3 in the afternoone, we put into a sound by Lowfoote,* 12.46 where it doeth flowe Southwest, and by South, and doth high 7 or 8 foote water.

The 13 day much wind at West: we had a ledge of rocks in the wind of vs, but the road was reasonable good for all Southerly and Westerly winds. We had the maine land in the winde of vs: this day was stormie with raine.

The 23 day at foure of the clocke in the afternoone we put into Norway, into a sound called Romesal,* 12.47 where it floweth Southsoutheast, and doth high 8 foote water: this place is full of low Islands, and many good sounds without the high mountaine land. Here is great store of wood growing, as firre, birch, oke, and hasell: all this night the wind was at the South, very much winde, with raine and fogge.

The 28 day in the morning the wind being at Eastnortheast we set saile at 8 of the clocke, and haled out of the bay Westsouthwest, and Southwest, hauing a goodly gale vntill one of the clocke, and then the wind came to Southeast, and to the South with raine and fogge, and very much winde: at sixe of the clocke we came into a very good rode, where we did ride all the same night in good fafetie.

The 29 day we put into a good sound, the wind by the Southwest: at three in the after∣noone there came downe very much wind by the South, and all night with vehement blastes, and raine.

The 30 day all day the wind was at Westsouthwest. And in this sound the pole is eleuated 63 deg. 10 min.

* 12.48The first day of October the winde was at South with very much winde, and vehement blastes.

The 7 day we set saile: for from the first of this moneth vntill this 7 day, we had very foule weather, but specially the fourth day when the wind was so great, that our cables brake with the very storme, and I do not thinke that it is possible that any more wind then that was should blow:

for after the breaking of our cable, we did driue a league, before our ankers would take any hold: but God be thanked the storme began to slacke, otherwise we had bene in ill case.

The 7 day at night we came to an anker vntil the next day, which was the 8 day of the moneth, when as the winde grew great againe, with raine, whereupon we set saile and returned into the sound againe: and at our first comming to an anker, presently there blew so much winde, that al∣though our best anker was out, yet the extremitie of the storm droue vs vpòn a ledge of rocks, and did bruse our ship in such sort, that we were constrained to lighten her to saue her, and by this meanes (by the helpe of God) we got off our ship and stopped our leakes, and moared her in good safety abiding for a wind. We rid from this day by reason of contrary winds, with fogge and raine vntill the 24 day, which day in the morning the wind came to the Northeast, and at 8 of the clocke we set saile. This sound is called Moore sound,* 12.49 where it higheth about 5 foote water, & floweth Southsoutheast. The next day being the 25 day wee put into a sound which is called V••tar sound, where was a ship of the king of Denmark put into another sound there by, being 2 leagues to the southwards of vs, that came out of Island: y^e wind was contrary for vs at Southsouthwest.

The 12 day of Nouember we set saile the wind being at the East Southeast, and past through the sound where the kings ship did lie: which sound is called Sloure sound. But as we did open the sound, we found the wind at the Southwest, so that we could doe no good, so that we moared our ship betweene 2. Islands vntil the 18 day, and then the weather being faire and calme, we set saile, & went to sea hoping to find a faire wind, but in the sea we found the wind at the Southwest, and Southsouth west, so that we were constrained to returne into the same sound.

The next day being the 19 the kings ship came out also, because she saw vs put to sea, & came as farre out as we, and moared where we did moare afore: And at our returne backe againe, we moared our ship in an vtter sound called Scorpe sound, because the kings ship was without vic∣tuals, and we did not greatly desire her company, although they desired ours. In this sound the pole is eleuated 62 deg. 47 min. Thus we lay stil for a wind vntill the 1 of December, which day we set saile at 6 a clocke in the morning, & at 4 in the afternoone we laid it is the inwards.

The 9 day we had sight of the coast of Scotland which was Buquhamnesse.

The 10 day we were open off the Frith.

The 11 day at 4 in the morning we were thwart of Barwike: at 6 we were thwart of Bam∣burch: the same day at 10 at night we were shot as farre as Hollyfoote. Then the wind came to the South and Southeast, so that we lay still vntill the next day in the morning, and then we were constrained to put with Tinmouth. The same day at night wee haled aground to stoppe a leake, which we found to be in the skarfe afore. The wind continued by the Southeast & South∣southeast vntill the 20 day, and then we set saile about 12 at night, bearing along the coast.

The 22 day by reason of a Southeast wind, we thought we should haue bene put into Hum∣ber, but the wind came to the West, so that we haled Southeast: and at 3 in the afternoone we ha∣led a sea boord the sands, and had shoale water off Lymery and Owry, and were in 4 fadomes off them. The next day we haled as we might to sease Orfordnesse.

The 24 day we came thwart of the Nase, about 8 in the morning.

The 25 day being the Natiuity of Christ, we came to an anker betweene Old hauen, and Til∣berie hope. The same day we turned as high as Porsher.

The 26 day we turned as high as Ratcliffe, and praised God for our safe returne. And thus I ende, 1580.

The William with Charles Iackman arriued at a port in Norway betweene Tronden and Rostock in October 1580, and there did winter: And from thence departed againe in Februa∣rie following, and went in company of a ship of the King of Denmarke toward Island: and since that time he was neuer heard of.

Instructions made by the company of English merchants for dis∣couery of new trades, vnto Richard Gibs, William Biggat, Iohn Backhouse, William Freeman, Iohn Haly, and Iame•• Woodcock•• &c. masters of the 9 ships, and one barke that we had freigh∣ted for a voiage with them to be made (by the grace of God) from hence to S. Nicholas in Russia, and backe againe: which ships being ••ow in the riuer of Thames are presently ready to depart vpon the said voyage, with the next apt winds that may serue ••herunto: and with this Fleet afterwards was ioined M. Christopher Carlile with the Tyger. The 1 of Iune 1582.

FOrasmuch as the number of shippes which we purpose to send in this Fleete together for Saint Nicholas in Russia is greater then at any time heretofore wee haue sent thither, as also for that some speeches are giuen out that you shall be me•• withall by such as with force & violence will assault you as enemies, to the end that good order

may be established among you for keeping together in company, and vniting your ••orces, as well for the better direction to be had in your nauigation, as also for your more saf••ty and strength a∣gainst the enemie, we haue thought good to appoint among you an Admirall and Uiceadmirall, and that all of you and euery one particularly shall be bound in the summe of one hundred pounds to keepe company together.

2 Because the Salomon is the biggest ship, best appointed, and of greatest force to defend or offend the enemie, we doe therefore appoint that ship Admirall, which shall weare the flag in the maine top.

3 The Thomas Allen being a good ship and well appointed, and for that the master of her is the ancientest master of the Fleete that hath taken charge that way, we doe appoint the same ship to be Uiceadmirall, and to weare the flag in the foretop.

4 And for that the master of the Prudence is of great experience, and knowledge in that voy∣age, we doe appoint that he with the master of the Admirall and Uiceadmirall shall conferre, con∣sult and agree vpon the courses and directions that shall be vsed in this voyage, and it shall be law∣full vnto the master of the Admiral, with the consent of M. Gibs, and M. Biggat, or one of them to make his courses and directions from time to time during the whole voyage, and all the fleete are to follow and obserue the same without straying or breaking of company at any time vpon the penalty before specified.

5 The appointing of the ships for Admiral and ••iceadmiral, and those men to consult and a∣gree vpon the courses and directions of the voyage, as aforesaid, hath bene done by the consents and with the liking of you all, and therefore we doubt not but that you will all carefully and wil∣lingly obserue the premisses.

6 Item, we haue thought good to put you in mind, that at such times as you may conuenient∣ly from time to time, you do assemble and meete together, to consider, consult, and determine vpon such articles as you shall think necessary to be propounded touching your best safety and defence against all forces that may be offered you in this voyage, as well outwards bound, and while you shall remaine in the roade and bay of S. Nicholas, as also homewardes bound, and that which you shall agree vpon, or that which most of you shal consent vnto, cause it to be set down in writing for record, which may serue for an acte amongst your selues to binde you all to obserue the same.

7 We haue appointed Iames Woodcock in the smal barke to attend vpon you, & to receiue his directions from you. You are therfore to remember well what conference and talke hath bene had with you here before your going touching y^• sayd barke, to what purposes she may best serue, and the maner how to imploy her, and thereupon to giue your order and direction vnto him, as the time and place shall require.

8 Item, if you shall vnderstand as you are outwards bound, that the enemie is gone before you to S. Nicholas,* 12.50 remember what aduise hath bene giuen you for your stay at Berozoua Vstia, till you haue by espials viewed and vnderstood the forces, and the maner of their abode at that place.

9 And if in the sea either outwards or homewards, or in the time of your abode at anker at Saint Nicholas, you shall be assaulted by force of any, as enemie whatsoeuer, you are to de∣fend your selues with such forces as you may or can: trust not too farre, neither giue place to inconuenience.

10 You will not forget what conference we had touching your passing outwards bound by Wardhouse, to view and vnderstand what you can at that place, and to shew your selues, to see if there be any there that haue a mind to speake with you, for that we thinke it better then, & therea∣bout, then afterwards or els where.

11 While you shall remaine in the road at S. Nicholas, be circumspect and carefull to haue your ships in readinesse, and in good order alwaies, and vpon all suddens. The greatest danger vnto you in that place will be while you shall shift your ships: therefore you are to consider of it, but the fittest time for you to doe the same, will bee when the winde is Southerly off the shore, or calme, and at such time you may the better doe it without danger. You must take such order a∣mong you, that your companies may be alwaies willing and ready to helpe one the other, and appoint among your selues such ships to shift first, and such after, in such sort and forme as you shall thinke best and most conuenient. And while they shall be in discharging, shifting, and la∣ding, let the rest of your companies which haue not then to doe in lading or discharging, helpe those ships that shall haue labour to doe, as well for carying the barkes from ships to the shoare, or from shore to the shippe with your boates, as also for any other helpe that they shall haue neede of.

12 Remember what hath bene said vnto you touching the moring of your ships, &c. for vsing aduantage against the enemie, if you shall be assaulted in that place.

13 See that you serue God, abolish swearing and gaming, be carefull of fire and candles, &c.

14 You are to consult and agree among your selues vpon signes, tokens, and good orders for the better keeping of company together, and also the maner how and by what meanes, rescue, ayde, or helpe may be giuen by one to the other in fight, •••• you happen to come to it.

Thus we pray God to send you a prosperous voyage and safe returne.

The opinion of Master VVilliam Burrough sent to a friend, requi∣ring his iudgement for the fittest time of the departure of our ships towards S. Nicholas in Russia.

VVHereas you request me to perswade the company not to send their shippes from hence before the fine of May, I do not thinke the same so good a course for them to obserue: for you know that the sooner wee sende them hence, the sooner we may looke for their returne.* 12.51 If wee sende them in the beginning of May, then may they be at Saint Nicholas by the fine of the same moneth: and by that time the greatest parte of your lading of necessitie must bee come downe, especially the flaxe: but if it should fall out so lateward a breaking vp of the ri∣uer of Duyna, that by the ende of May the goods cannot be brought to Saint Nicholas, yet this is alwayes to be accounted for certaine, that before our ships can come thither, the goods may be brought downe to that place: and if through ice the shippes be kept backe any time, the losse and charge of that time toucheth not the companie at all, but the owners of the shippes, and yet will the Owners put that in aduenture, rather then carie longer time before their go∣ing hence.

Now seeing by sending our shippes hence in the beginning of May, their arriuall at S. Ni∣cholas may be at the ende of the same moneth, and remaining thirtie dayes there, they may bee laden and come thence by the last of Iune, and returne home hither by the 10 of August with commodities to serue the market then, it cannot bee denied but we should reape thereby great commoditie.

But it may be obiected, that if all our shippes be sent then to returne as aforesaid, you shall not be able to send vs in so much cordage, Waxe and Oyles, as otherwise you should doe if they re∣mained a moueth longer, neither could you by that time perfect your accounts to be sent in them as you would doe.

For answere thereunto this is my meaning: though I wish the greatest part of our shipping to go as aforesaid, yet would I haue one good ship or two at the most well furnished in al points that should depart alwaies from hence, betweene the beginning and the 10 day of Iune: and the same to be conditioned withall to remaine at S. Nicholas from the first arriuall there vntill the middest of August, or to be dispatched thence sooner, at the will and liking of our factors for the same: by this order these commodities following may ensue.

1 You may haue our commodities there timely to send by the riuer before it waxe shallow, to be dispersed in the countrey at your pleasure.

2 The greatest part of our goods may be returned hither timely to serue the first markets.

3 Our late ships remaining so long here may serue to good purpose, for returning answere of such letters as may be sent ouer land, and receiued here before their departure.

4 Their remaining so late with you shal satisfie your desire for perfecting your accounts, and may bring such cordage, Waxe, Oile, & other commodities, as you can prouide before that time: and chiefly may serue vs in stead to bring home our goods that may be sent vs from Persia.

Now seeing it may be so many wayes commodious to the commpany to obserue this order, without any charge vnto them, I wish that you put to your helping hand to further the same.

A copie of the Commission giuen to Sir Ierome Bowes, autho∣rizing him her Maiesties Ambassadour vnto the Emperour of Russia, Anno 1583.

ELIZABETHA Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hyberniae Regina, fidei defensatrix, &c. Vniuersis & singulis praesentes literas visuris & inspecturis, salutem. Cùm Serenis∣simus Princeps, Ioannes Basilius, Rex, & magnus Dux Russiae, Volodiomerae, Moscoulae, & Nouogrodiae, Rex Cazani, & Astracani, Dominus Plescoae, & magnus Dux Smolenscoae, Tueri, Vgori, Permiae, Valeae, Bolharae, & aliarum ditionum: Dominus & magnus Dux No∣uogrodiae

in inferiori regione Chernigae, Rezanae, Polotscoae, Ratsauiae, Yeraslauae, Bealozeri, Liflandiae, Oudori, & Condensae, & gubernator in tota prouincia Siberiae, & partium Sep∣tentrionalium, & aliarum, frater, & Amicus charissimus, Nobilem virum, Feodor Andrewich Spisemski, nuper ad nos ablegauerit, ad certa quaedam negotia nobiscum agenda, quae hono∣rem vtrinque nostrum quàm proximè attingunt, queque rectè definiri concludíque nequeunt, nisi Ambassiatorem aliquem & oratorem ad praefatum serenissimum principem amandaue∣rimus: Hinc est, quòd nos de fidelitate, industria, prouida circumspectione, & satis magno re∣rum vsu, predilecti nobis famuli nostri, Hieronimi Bowes Militis, ex nobilibus domesticis nostris vnius, plurimùm confidentes, praefatum Hieronimum Bowes Militem, nostrum ve∣rum & indubitatum Ambassiatorem, Oratorem, & Commissarium specialem facimus, & con∣stituimus per praesentes. Dantes, & concedentes eidem Hieronimo Bowes Militi oratori no∣stro tenore praesentium, authoritatem, & mandatum, tam generale, quàm speciale, ita quòd specialitas non deroget generalitati, nec è contrà generalitas specialitati, nomine nostro, & pro nobis, cum praefato serenissimo principe, e••usque consiliarijs, & deputatis quibuscunque de praefatis negotijs & eorum singulis, tractandi, cōferendi, concludendi appunctuandí{que}, pro∣u•• praefato Oratori nostro ae quum, & ex honore nostro videbitur: Nec non de, & super huius∣moditractatis, conclusis, appunctuatís{que}, caeterísque omnibus & singulis, praemissa quouismo∣do concernentibus, literas, & instrumenta valida & efficacia, nomine nostro, & pro nobis tra∣dendi, literas{que} & instrumenta consimilis vigoris & effectus, ex altera parte peten••i, & confici, & sigillari debitè procurandi, & recipiendi, & generaliter omnia, & singula praemissa qualiter∣cun{que} concernentia, faciendi, exercendi, & expediendi, in, & eodem modo, sicut nos ipsi facere∣mus, & facere possemus, si essemus praesentes, etiamsi talia sint, quae de se mandatum exigant magis speciale: promittentes bona fide, & in verbo Regio, omnia & singula, quae per praedi∣ctum Ambassiatorem, & oratorem nostrum appunctuata, promissa, conuenta, concordata, & conclusa fuerint in hac parte, nos rata & grata, & firma habituras & obseruaturas, & superinde literas nostras patentes confirmatorias, & approbatorias in forma valida, & autentica, prout o∣pus fuerit, daturas. In cuius rei restimonium, his praesentibus manu nostra signatis, magnum si∣gillum nostrum regni nostri Anglie apponi fecimus.

Datae è Regia nostra Grenwici quinto die mensis Iunij, Anno Dom. 1583. Regni verò nostri vicessimo quinto.

The same in English.

ELIZABETH by the grace of God, Queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to al and singular, to whom these presents shal come to be seen and red, greeting. Whereas the most excellent prince Iohn Basiliwich king, and great duke of all Russia, Volodo∣mer, Moscouie, and Nouogrod, king of Cazan and Astracan, lord of Plesco, and great duke of Smolensco, of Tuer, Vgor, and Permia, Valca, Bolhar and others, lord great duke of Nouogrod in the low country, of Cherniga, Rezan, Polotsco, Rostoue, Yeraslaue, Bealozera, Lie••••and, Ou∣dor, Obdor and Condensa, and gouernour of al the land of Siberia, and of the North parts and o∣ther, our most deare brother and friēd did of late send vnto vs one Feodor Andrewich Spisemsky, a noble man of his, to deale with vs in certaine speciall businesses, respecting very neerely the ho∣nour of either of vs, and being such as without the speeding of some Ambassadour of ours to the foresaid most excellent prince, cannot be sufficiently determined and cōcluded: For this cause we hauing great cōfidence in the fidelitie, industrie, prouident circumspection and conuenient experi∣ence of our welbeloued seruant Ierome Bowes knight, a gentleman of qualitie of our housholde, do by these presents make and constitute the foresaid Ierome Bowes knight our true & vndoub∣ted Ambassadour, Orator and special commissio••er, giuing and graunting to the same Ierome Bowes knight, our Orator, by the vertue of these presents authoritie and commandement, as wel general as special, so that the special shall not preiudice the generall, nor on the other side the ge∣neral the special, to intreat, conferre, conclude, and appoint in our name, and for vs with the fore∣said most excellent prince and his counsellers and deputies whatsoeuer, concerning the foresaide businesses, and ech of them, according as it shall seeme good, and for our honour to our foresaide Orator, as also of and vpon such things intreated, concluded and appointed, as in all and singular other things, any maner of way concerning the premisses, to deliuer in our name and for vs, suffi∣cient and effectual letters and instruments, and to require letters & instruments of the like validi∣tie and effect of the other part, and to procure them lawfully to bee made and sealed, and then to receiue them, and generally to doe, execute, and dispatch al and singular other things concerning the premisses, in, and after the same maner, as we our selues would and might do if we were pre∣sent, although they be such things as may seeme of themselues to require a more speciall com∣mandement:

promising in good faith and in the word of a prince, that we will hold and obserue all and singular the things which by our Ambassador aforesayd shall be appointed, promised, agreed, accorded and concluded in this behalfe, as lawfull, gratefull, and firme, and thereupon as need shall require, will giue our letters patents, confirmatory and approbatory, in forme effectuall and autenticall. In witnesse whereof, we haue caused our great seale of our kingdome of England to be put to these presents, and signed them with our owne hand.

Giuen at our pallace of Greenewich the fourth day of Iune, in the yeere of our Lord 1583, and of our reigne the fiue and twentieth.

A Letter sent from her Highnesse to the sayd great Duke of Russia, by sir Hierome Bowes aforesayd, her Maiesties Ambassadour.

Serenissimo Principi at Domino, Ioanni Basilio, Dei gratia Regi & magno Duci totius Russiae, Volodomerae &c. Regi Cazani, &c. Domino Plescoae, &c. Domino & magno Duci Nouogrodiae, &c. & Gubernatori in tota Prouincia Siberiae, &c. Fratri & amico nostro cha∣rissimo.

ELIZABETHA, Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, fidei de∣fensatrix &c. Serenissimo Principi ac Domino, Ioanni Basilio, eadem Dei gratia Regi & magno Duci totius Russiae, Volodomerae, Moscouiae, & No∣uogrodiae, Regi Cazani & Astracani, Domino Plescoae, & magno Duci Smolenscoae, Tueri, Vgori, Permiae, Viatskae, Bolhare, & aliarum ditionum, Domino & magno Duci Nouogrodiae in inferiori regione, Chernigae, Re∣zanae, Polotscoae, Rostouae, Iaroslauae, Bealozeri, Liflandiae, Oudori, & Condensae, & Gubernatori in tota prouincia Siberiae, & partium Septentrionalium, & alia∣rum, fratri & amico suo charissimo, Salutem.

Serenissime princeps, frater & amice charissime, ex ijs quae nobiscum egit S. V. illustris le∣gatus, intelleximus, quàm gratè vobis faceremus satis, si legatum aliquem cum mandatis in∣structum, ad S. V. ablegaremus. In quo certè quidem instituto adeò nobis ex animo placuit, quod est honestè postulatum, vt non nisi praestita re possemus nobis quoquo modo satisfacere. At{que} cum id haberemus apud nos decretum, nobis non incommode incurrit in mentem & o∣culos Hieronimus Bowes miles, ex nobilibus nostris Domesticis, plurim••m nobis dilectus, quem inpraesentiarum ad S. V. ablegamus, cuius prudentiae & fidei, totum hoc quicquid est, quod ad Serenitatum mutuò nostrarum dignitatem ornandam pertinere posse arbitramur, commisimus. In quo munerè perfungendo, quin omnem curam & diligentiam sit collaturus, neutiquam dubitamus: à S. autem V. rogamus, velit ei eam fidem habere in ijs persequendis quae habet à nobis in mandatis, quam nobis habendam putaret, si essemus praesentes. Praete∣reà, cùm nobis multum charus sit Robertus Iacobus medicus, quem superiori * 13.1 anno, ad S. V. misimus, rogamus vt eum eo loco S. V. habeat, quo virum probatissimum, & singulari quàm plurimarum virtutum laude ornatum habendum esse, boni principes censent. Quem à nobis neutiquam able gauissemus, nisi amicitiae nostrae, & studio gratificandi S. V. plurimum tribuis∣semus. In qua dum voluntate manemus erga S. V. non nisi optimè de bonis vestris meritis in praefatum Iacobum nobis pollicemur. Et Deum Opt. Max. precamur, vt S. V. saluam con∣seruet, & incolumem.

Datae è Regia nostra Grenouici 19 die mensis Iunij, Anno Domini 1583, regni verò nostri vicessimo quinto.

S. vestrae bona soror.

The same in English.

ELizabeth by the grace of God, Queene of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to the most excellent Prince and Lord, Iohn Basiliwich, by the same grace of God, King and great Duke of all Russia, Volodomer, Moscouie, and Nouogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, Lord of Plesco, and great Duke of Smolensco, of Tuer, Vgor, and Permie, V••a••s∣ca, Bolhar, and others, Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the lowe countrey, of Chernig••, Rezan, Polot••ko, Rostoue, Iaroslaue, Bealozera, Lifland, Oudor, Obdor, and Condensa, and Gouernour of all the land of Siberia, and of the North parts and others, her dearest brother and friend, Salutations.

Most excellent Prince, most deare brother and friend, by those things which the worthy am∣bassador of your excellency declared vnto vs, we haue vnderstood how kindly it would be taken, if

we should send to your e••cellency an ambassador from vs, with commandement and instructions. In which matter your honourable request hath so much pleased vs, that we could not any maner of way satisfie our selues, except we performed the same. And hauing purposed with our selfe so to doe, we thought of, and remembred Ierome Bowes Knight, a gentleman of qualitie of our householde, a man very much beloued of vs, whom at this present we send vnto your Maiesty, and to whose wisedome and faithfulnesse we haue committed all, whatsoeuer we take to apperteine to the aduancement of both our honors indifferently. In the discharge of which seruice, we doubt not but that all care and diligence shall be vsed on his pa••t, so that we intreat your Maiesty to giue him credence in the prosecuting of those things which he hath from vs in commandement, no lesse then to our selfe, if we were present. And whereas Robert Iacob doctor of physicke is a man ve∣ry deare vnto vs,* 14.1 whom the last yere we sent vnto your excellency, we desire that he may haue that fauor and estimation with you, which good princes thinke a most honest and vertuous man woor∣thy of: for had we not caried great respect to our mutual friendship, and indeuour to gratifie your Maiestie, we should in no case haue parted with him. And seeing we continue still the same good will towards your excellency, we doe euen promise to our selfe your honourable kindnesses to∣wards him: and we pray the almightie God to preserue your Maiesty in good safetie and health.

Giuen at our pallace of Greenewich the 19 day of Iune, in the yere of our Lord 1583, and of our reigne the fiue and twentieth.

Your Maiesties good sister.

A briefe discourse of the voyage of Sir Ierome Bowes knight, her Maiesties ambassadour to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperour of Muscouia, in the yeere 1583.

THe Emperour of Russia that then liued, by name Iuan Vasiliwich, hauing deliberately considered how necessary it were for the strengthening of his e∣state, that a sure commerce and entercourse of merchants should be againe renued betweene him and her sacred Maiesty of England, with such further immunities and priuileges for the honor and vtility of both their dominions, and subiects of the same, as vpon mutuall treatie of persons interposed on both sides, might be assented vnto: sent ouer into this realme, in the yeere of our Lord 1582, as his ambassadour for that purpose, an ancient discreet gentleman of his house∣holde called Pheodor Andreuich Phisemsky, accompanied with one of his Secretaries, for his better assistance in that expedition:* 14.2 and besides his many other directions, whereof part were to be deliuered by word of mouth, and the rest set downe in a letter vnder the Emperours signature, addressed to her Maiesty: he had in speciall charge to sollicit her Maiesty to send ouer with him to his maister an ambassador from her, to treat and contract of such affaires of importance as concer∣ned both the realmes, which was the principall end of his imployments hither. Whereupon her Maiesty very graciously inclining to the Emperors motion, and at the humble sute of the English merchants trading those countreys being caried with the same princely respects, to satisfie his demands in that behalfe, made choice of sir Ierome Bowes, a gentleman of her Court, ordinarily attending vpon her Maiesties person, towards whom was apparantly expressed her princely opi∣nion and fauor by the credit of this negociation.

After he had receiued his commission, with other speciall letters to the Emperor, with all other instructions apperteining to his charge, and that the sayd Russe ambassadour was licenced to re∣turne home to his maister, being honorably entertained and rewarded, the English ambassador be∣ing attended vpon with forty persons at the least, very honourably furnished, whereof many were gentlemen, and one M. Humfrey Cole a learned preacher, tooke his leaue of her Maiesty at the Court at Greenwich the eighteenth of Iune, and with the other ambassadour, with their seuerall companies, embarked themselues at Harwich the two and twentieth of the same, and after a stor∣my voyage at the Sea, they arriued both in safety in the road of S. Nicholas the three and twen∣tieth of Iuly next following.

The Russe ambassador lodged himselfe at the abbey of S. Nicholas: and the English ambas∣sador was lodged and well intertained by the English merchants, at their house at S. Nicholas, standing in an Island called Rose Island.

The Russe ambassador hauing reposed himselfe one whole day, tooke his leaue of the English ambassador, and departed towards Mosco.

The English ambassadour abode yet at S. Nicholas foure or fiue dayes, when hauing made prouision of boats, and meanes to that purpose, he went forward vpon his iourney towards

Mosco, to a towne called Colmogro, about foure score miles distant from S. Nicholas.

You must here vnderstand that before the English ambassadors going into Russia, there were diuers strangers, but especially certeine Dutch merchants, who had intruded themselues to trade into those countreys.* 14.3 Notwithstanding a priuilege of the sole trade thither was long before granted to the English merchants. These Dutch men had already so handled the matter, as they had by chargeable meanes woonne three of the chiefest counsellers to the Emperour to be their assured friends, namely, Mekita Romanouich, Bodan Belskoy, and Andrew Shalkan the chan∣cellor: for besides dayly gifts that they bestowed vpon them all, they tooke so much money of theirs at interest at fiue and twenty vpon the hundred, as they payd to some one of them fiue thou∣sand marks yeerely for the vse of his money, and the English merchants at that time had not one friend in Court.

The ambassador hauing now spent fiue weeks at S. Nicholas and at Colmogro, there came to him then a gentleman sent from the Emperor to enterteine him, and had in charge to conduct him vp the riuers towards Mosco, and ••o deliuer him prouision of all kinde of victuals necessary.

This gentleman being a follower of Shalkan the chancellor, was by him (as it seemed) foisted into that seruice of purpose, as afterward appeared by the course he tooke, to offer discourtesies, and occasions of mislike to the ambassador: for you must vnderstand that the chancellor and the o∣ther two great counsellors (spoken of as friends to the Dutchmen) had a purpose to oppose them∣selues directly against her Maiesties ambassage, especially in that point, for the barring of all strangers from trading into the Emperors countrey.

This gentleman conducted the English ambassador a thousand miles vp the riuers of Dwina and Soughana, to a citie called Vologda, where receiued him another gentleman sent from the Emperor, a man of better countenance then the other, who presented the ambassador from the Emperor with two faire geldings well furnished after their maner.

At a city called Yeraslaue vpon the riuer Volga there met the ambassador a duke well accom∣panied, sent from the Emperor, who presented him from the Emperor a coach and ten geldings for the more easie conueying of him to Mosco, from whence this citie was distant fiue hundred miles.

Two miles on this side Mosco there met the ambassador foure gentlemen of good account, accompanied with two hundred horse: who after a litle salutation, not familiar, without imbra∣cing, tolde him that they had to say to him from the Emperor, and would haue had him light on foot to haue heard it, notwithstanding themselues would still haue sit on horsebacke: which the ambassador soone refused to doe, and so they stood long vpon termes, whether both parties should light or not: which afterwards agreed vpon, there was yet great nicenesse whose foot should not be first on ground.

Their message being deliuered, and after hauing embraced ech other, they conducted the sayd ambassador to his lodging at Mosco, a house builded of purpose for him, themselues being placed in the next house to it, as appointed to furnish him of all prouisions, and to be vsed by him vpon all other occasions.

The ambassador hauing beene some dayes in Mosco, and hauing in all that time bene very ho∣norably vsed from the Emperor (for such was his will) though some of his chiefest counsellors (as is sayd) had another purpose, and did oftentimes cunningly put it in vse: He was sent for to Court, and was accompanied thither with about forty gentlemen honorably mounted, and sump∣tuously arayed, & in his passage from his lodging to the court, were set in a ward fiue or sixe thou∣sand shot, that were of the Emperors gard. At the entry into the court there m••t him foure noble men apparelled in cloth of gold, and rich furres, their caps embroidred with pearle and stone, who conducted him towards the Emperor, till he was met with foure others of greater degree then they, who guided him yet further towards the Emperor, in which passage there stood along the walles, and sate vpon benches and fourmes in row, seuen or eight hundred persons, said to be no∣blemen and gentlemen, all apparelled in garments of coloured satins and cloth of golde.

These foure noblemen accompanied him to the Emperors chamber doore, where met him the Emperors herald, whose office is there held great: and with him all the great officers of the Em∣perors chamber, who all conducted him to the place where the Emperor sate in his state, hauing three crownes standing by him, viz. of Moscouia, Cazan, and Astrakan, and also by him 4 yoong noblemen of about twenty yeres of age, of ech side twaine, costly apparelled in white, holding vp∣on their shoulders ech of them a brode axe, much like to a Galloglas axe of Ireland, thin and very sharpe, the steale or handle not past halfe a yard long, and there sate about the chamber vpon ben∣ches and other low seats, aboue an hundred noblem••n richly apparelled in cloth of golde.

The ambassador being thus brought to the Emperor to kisse his hand, after some complements

and inquirie of her Maiesties health, he willed him to goe sit downe in a place prouided for that purpose, nigh ten pases distant from him, from whence he would haue had him to haue sent him her Maiesties letters and present, which the ambassadour thinking not reasonable stept forward towards the Emperor: in which passage the chancellor came to meet him, and would haue taken his letters: to whom the ambassador sayd, that her Maiesty had directed no letters to him; and so went on, and deliuered them himselfe to the Emperors owne hands.

And after, hauing thus deliuered her Maiesties letters and what he had els to say at that time, he was conducted to the Councell chamber, where hauing had conference with the councell of matters of his ambassage, he was soone after sent for againe to the Emperour, where he dined in his presence at a side table, nere vnto him, and all his company at another boord by, where also di∣ned at other tables in the same place, all the chiefe noble men that were about the Court, to the number of an hundred. And in the time of this dinner, the Emperor vsed many fauors to the am∣bassadour and about the midst of dinner (standing vp) dranke a great carouse to the health of the Queene his good sister, and sent him a great bowle full of Rhenish wine and sugar to pledge him.

The ambassadour after this, was often called to Court, where he had conf••rence both with the Emperour and his councell of the matters in question, touching both ambassages, which diuers times raised many iarres: and in the end, after sundry meetings, the Emperour finding himselfe not satisfied to his liking, for that the ambassadour had not power by his commission to yeeld to euery thing that he thought ••it, as a man whose will was seldome wonted to be gainsayd, let loose his passion, and with a sterne and angry countenance tolde him that he did not reckon the Queene of England to be his fellow: for there are (quoth he) that are her betters.

The ambassadour greatly misliking these speeches, & being very vnwilling (how dangerous soeuer it might prooue to his owne person) to giue way to the Emperor, to derogate ought from the honour and greatnesse of her Maies••y: and finding also that to subiect himselfe to the angrie humour and disposition of the Emperour was not the meanes to winne ought at his hands, with like courage and countenance to answere his, tolde him that the Queene his Mistresse was as great a prince as any was in Christendome, equall to him that thought himselfe the greatest, well able to defend herselfe against his malice whosoeuer, and wanted no meanes to offend any that either shee had, or should haue cause to be enemy vnto. Yea (quoth he) How sayest thou to the French king, and the king of Spaine? Mary (quoth the ambassadour) I holde the Queene my Mistresse as great as any of them both. Then what sayest thou (quoth hee) to the Emperour of Germany? Such is the greatnesse of the Queene my Mistresse (quoth the ambassadour) as the King her father had (not long since) the Emperor in his pay, in his warres against France.

This answere misliked the Emperor yet so much more, as that he tolde the ambassadour, that were he not an ambassador, he would throw him out of the doores. Whereunto he answered that he might doe his will, for he was now fast within his countrey: but he had a Mistresse who (he doubted not) would be reuenged of any iniury that should be done vnto him. Whereupon the Emperour in great sudden bade him get him home. And he with no more reuerence then such v∣sage required, saluted the Emperor, and went his way.

All this notwithstanding, the ambassadour was not much sooner out of the chamber, and the Emperours cholar somewhat setled, but he deliuered to his councell that stood about him many commendations in the fauor of the ambassador, for that he would not indure one ill word to be spo∣ken against his Mistresse, and there withall wished himselfe to haue such a seruant.

The ambassadour had not beene much more then one houre in his lodging, but the Emperour imagining (as it seemed) by the extraordinary behauior of the ambassador (for he wanted not wit to iudge) that he had found what was the Emperors case, sent his principall secretary vnto him, to tell him, that notwithstanding what had past, yet for the great loue that he bare to the Queene his sister, he should very shortly be called againe to Court, and haue a resolution of all the matters in questi••n: and this Secretary was now further content to impart, and sayd to the ambassadour that the Emperour was fully resolued to send a greater noble man home with him in ambassage to the Queene his sister, then euer he yet at any time sent ••ut of his countrey: and that he determi∣ned also to send to the Queene a present woorth three thousand pounds, and to gratifie himselfe at his departure with a gift that should be woorth a thousand pounds: and tolde him also that the next day the Emperour would send a great noble man vnto him, to conferre with him of certaine abuses done him by Shalkan the chancellor, and his ministers.

And so the day following he sent Bodan Belskoy the chiefest counseller that he had, a man most in credit with him: this man examined all matters wherewith the ambassador had found himselfe grieued, and supplied him with what hee wanted, and righted him in all things wherein hee had beene wronged.

Not long after the returne of this noble man, the Emperor caused to be set downe in his owne presence, a n••w and much larger allowance of diet for the ambassador then he had had before, and shortly after sent the same to the ambassadour by his principall Secretarie Sauio Frollo. This diet was so great, as the ambassadour often times sought to haue it lessened, but the Emperour would not by any meanes.

The scroule of the new diet was this:

• One bushell of fine meale for three dayes.
• One bushell of wheate meale for a day and a halfe.
• Two liue geese for one day.
• Twenty hennes for the day.
• Seuen sheepe for a day.
• One oxe for three dayes.
• One side of porke for a day.
• Seuentie egges for a day.
• Ten pound of butter.
• Seuenty peny white loaues of bread.
• Twelue peny loaues of bread.
• One veather or gallon of vineger.
• Two veathers of salt cabiges.
• One pe••ke of onions.
• Ten pound of salt.
• On altine, or sixe peny woorth of waxe can∣dles.
• Two altines of tallow candles.
• One fourth part of a veather of cherrie mead.
• As much of Mallynouomead.
• Halfe a veather of burnt wine.
• One veather of sodden mead called O∣barni.
• Three veathers of sweet mead.
• Ten veathers of white mead.
• Fifteene veathers of ordinary mead.
• Foure veathers of sweet beere.
• Fifteene veathers of beere.
• Halfe a pound of pepper.
• Three sollitincks or ounces of saffron.
• One sollitincke of mase.
• One sollitincke of nutmegs.
• Two sollitincke of cloues.
• Three sollitincks of sinam••n.

Prouender,

• One bushell of oats.
• One load of hay.
• One load of straw.

Now he began so much to discouer his purpose and affections towards her Maiesty & her coun∣trey, as he sent to the ambassador, intreating him that his ‖ 14.4 preacher, and doctor Iacob his English physician, might set downe the points of the religion in vse in England, which the ambassadour caused to be done accordingly, and sent them vnto him, who seemed so well to like them, as he cau∣sed them (with much good allowance) to be publikely read before diuers of his councell, and ma∣ny others of his nobility.

Now he drew hotly againe in question to marry some kinsewoman of her Maiesties, & that he would send againe into England, to haue some one of them to wife, and if her Maiestie would not vpon his next ambassage send him such a one as he required, himselfe would then goe into Eng∣land, and cary his treasure with him, and marry one of them there.

Here you must vnderstand that the yeere before this ambassage, he had sent to her Maiesty by his ambassador to haue had the lady Mary Hastings in marriage, which intreaty by meanes of her inability of body, by occasion of much sicknesse, or perhaps, of no great liking either of herselfe or friends, or both, ••ooke no place.

The ambassador was now so farre growen into the Emperors fauor, & his affection so great to England, as those great counsellers that were the ambassadors great enemies before, were now desirous of some publike courtesies at his hands for their aduantage to the Emperour: neither durst they now any more interpose themselues twixt the Emperour and him: for not long before this, the Emperor for abusing the ambassador, had (to shew his fauor towards him) beaten Shal∣kan the chanceller very grieuously, and had sent him word, that he would not leaue one of his race aliue.

Now whilest the ambassador was thus strongly possest of the Emperours fauor, he imployed himselfe in all he might, not onely for the speedy dispatch of the negotiation he had in hand, but la∣boured also by all the good meanes he might, further to benefit his countrey and countreymen, and so not long after wanne at the Emperours hands not onely all those things he had in commis∣sion to treat for by his instructions, but also some other of good and great importance, for the be∣nefit of the merchants.

Priuate sutes obteined of the Emperor by the ambassador.

LEaue for Richard Fransham an English man and apothecary to the Emperour, his wife, and children, to come home into England, and to bring with him all such goods as he had gotten there.

He obtei••ed like leaue for Richard Elmes an Engli••hman one of the Emperours surgions.

He also got leaue for Iane Richards the widow of Doctor Bomelius a Dutchman, and physici∣an to the Emperour, who for treason practised with the king of Pole against the sayd Emperour, was rosted to death at the city of Mosco, in the yere 1579.

These following he obteined for the behoofe of the merchants.

HE procured for the merchants promise of recompense for certaine goods taken from their factors by robbery vpon the Volga.

He obtained likewise the payment of fiue hundred marks, which was payd for ten yeeres be∣fore his going into Russia (into the Emperours receit) for a rent of a house that they had at Vo∣logda.

He also got granted for them the repayment of fifteene hundred marks, which had bene exacted of them the two last yeres before his comming thither.

He got also for them order for the repayment of an olde and desperate debt of three thousand marks, a debt so desperate, as foure yeeres left out of their accounts, and by the opinion of them all, not thought fit to be dealt with, for too much offending the Emperor, or impeaching his other businesse, which was thought at least otherwise sufficient, and was therefore left out of his in∣structions from her Maiesty.

He obteined that all strangers were forbidden to trade any more into Russia, and that the pas∣sage and trade to all the Emperors Northren coasts and countries, from the Wardhouse to the riuer of Ob should be onely free to the English nation.

Lastly, of a great desire he had to do the merchants good, without motion either of themselues here, or their Agents there, or any other of them, he obteined of the Emperour the abatement of all their custome which they had long before payd, and agreed still to continue, which custome the Dutchmen and strangers being remooued, as now it was agreed, amounted to two thousand pounds yerely.

All th••se were granted, some already payd before his comming from Mosco, the olde priuilege ratified, newly written, signed and sealed, and was to be deliuered to the ambassadour at his next comming to Court, before when the Empe••or fell sicke of a surfet, and so died.

After whose death the case was woondrously altered with the ambassador: for whereas both in his owne conceit, and in all mens opinion els, he was in great forwardnes to haue growen a great man with the Emperor, what for the loue he bare to her Maiesty, and the particular liking he had of himselfe, he now fell into the hands of his great enemies, Mekita Romanouich and Andre Shalkan the chanceller, who, after the death of the Emperour, tooke the speciall gouernment vp∣on themselues, and so presently caused the ambassadour to be shut vp a close prisoner in his owne house, for the space of nine weeks, and was so straightly guarded and badly vsed by those that at∣tended him, as he dayly suspected some further mischiefe to haue followed: for in this time there grew a great vprore in Mosco of nigh twenty thousand persons, which remembring that his ene∣mies reigned, somewhat amazed the ambassadour, but yet afterwards the matter fell out against that great counsellor Bodan Belskoy, whom I noted before to be a special man in the old Empe∣rors fauor: who was now notwithstanding so outragiously assaulted, as that he was forced to seeke the Emperors chamber for his safety, and was afterwards sent away to Cazan, a place he had in gouernment, fiue hundred miles from Mosco, where he hath remained euer since, and neuer as yet called againe to court, at which time the ambassador expected some such like measure, and pre∣pared himselfe aswell as he could, for his defence: yet happily after this, was sent for to court, to haue his dispatch, and to take his leaue of the Emperor: whither being conducted (not after the woonted maner) and brought to the councell chamber, came to him onely Shalkan the chancel∣ler and a brother of his, who without more adoe, tolde him for the summe of his dispatch, that this Emperour would not treat of further amity with the Queene his mistresse, then such as was be∣tweene his late father and her, before his comming thither: and would not heare any reply to be made by the ambassadour, but presently caused both himselfe and all his company to be disarmed of their weapons, and go towards the Emperor. In which passage there were such outrages of∣fered him, as had he not vsed more patience then his disposition afforded him, or the occasion requi∣red, he had not in likelihood escaped with life, but yet at length was brought to the presence of the Emperour, who sayd nothing to him, but what the chanceller had already done, but offered him a letter to carry to her Maiesty, which the ambassadour (for that he knew it conteined nothing that did concerne his ambassage) refused till he saw his danger grow too great: neither would the Emperour suffer the ambassadour to reply ought, nor well he could, for they had now of purpose

taken away his interpretor, being yet vnwilling (as it s••emed, and suspecting the ambassadours purpose) that the Emperor and other should know how dishonorably he had beene handled: for there was at that time, in that presence a noble braue gentleman,* 14.5 one Boris Pheodorouich Go∣denoe, brother to the Emperor that now is, who yet after the death of the Emperour did alwayes vse the ambassadour most honorably, and would very willingly haue done him much more kinde∣nesse, but his authority was not yet, till the coronation of the Emperor: but notwithstanding he sent often vnto him, not long before his departure, and accompanied his many honorable fauours with a present of two faire pieces of cloth of golde, and a tymber of very good sables: and desired that as there was kindnesse and brotherhood twixt the Emperor and her Maiesty, so there might be loue and brotherhood twixt him and the ambassadour. Sauing from this man, there was now no more fauour nor friendship left for the ambassadour in Moscouia: for the chanceller Shalkan had now sent him word that the English Emperor was dead: he had now nothing offered him but dangers and disgraces too many, and a hasty dispatch from the Mosco, that he might not tary the coronation of the new Emperour: offences many in his preparation for his long iourney, onely one meane gentleman appointed to accompany him to the sea side, expecting daily in his passage some sudden reuenge to be done vpon him, for so he vnderstood it was threatned before his com∣ming from the Mosco, & therefore with resolution prouided by all the meanes he might, by him∣self and his s••ruants for his defence (for now was his danger knowen such, as the English mer∣chants did altogether leaue him, although he commanded them in her Maiesties name to accom∣pany him) that if any such thing should happen to be offered him, as many of them as he could that should offer to execute it, should die with him for company: which being perceiued was thought to make his passage the safer. So afterward being driuen to disgest many iniuries by the way, at length he recouered S. Nicholas, where remembring his vnfortunate losse of the old Emperor, and his ill vsage since then at the Mosco, he being forced to take a bare letter for the summe of his dispatch, conteyning nothing of that he came for, and the poore and disgracefull present sent him (in the name of the Emperour) in respect of that that was meant him by the old Emperor, knowing all these to be done in disgrace of her Maiestie and himselfe, determined now to be discharged of some part of them in such sort as he could, and so prouiding as he might to preuent his danger, in getting to his shippe, furnishing and placing his men to answere any assault that should be offered him, after he had bidden farewell to the vncourteous gentleman that brought him thither, by three or foure of the valiantest and discreetest men he had, he sent to be deliuered him or left at his lodging, his maisters weake letter, and worsse present, and so afterwards hap∣pily (though hardly) recouered his ship in safetie, although presently afterwards, there was great hurly burly after him, to force him to receiue the same againe, but failed of their purpose. So came the ambassadour from S. Nicholas the twelft day of August, and arriued at Grauesend the twelft of September following, and attended her Maiestie at the court at Otelands, where, after hauing kist her Maiesties hands, and deliuered some part of the successe of his ambassage, he pre∣sented her an Elke or Loshe, the Red deere of the countrey, and also a brace of Raine deare, Buck and Doe, both bearing very huge hornes: they in her Maiesties presence drew a sled and a man vpon it, after the maner of the Samoeds, a people that inhabite in the Northeast from Russia, and were that yeere come ouer the sea in the winter season vpon the yce, in their sleds, drawen with these deere into Russia, where the ambassadour bought of them seuenteene, whereof he brought nine aliue into Kent.

The maner of the preferring of sutes in Russia, by the example of our English merchants bill, exhibited to the Emperour.

IOhn Basiliwich, Lord, King, and great Duke of all Russia, the English merchants, William, sonne of Thomas, with his company sue vnto.

Lord, in the 7082. yeere of the worlds creation, thy Maiesties treasurer, named Gregorie Mekitowich Borozden, tooke of vs for thy vse 12. poods of loafe sugar, prised at 8. robles the pood, which sugar was sent to the ‖ 14.6 Sloboda. More, the sayd Gregorie treasurer, tooke of vs for thy Maiestie 200. reames of paper, prised at 20. altines the reame, for all which the money hath not bene payd which amounteth to 216. robles.

And in the 84. yeere thy diake Stephan Lighachdo tooke of vs for thy Maiesty copper plates, for the summe of 1032. robles and one fourth part vnpayd for.

Also in the said 84. yeere thy Maiesties diakes called Iuan Blasghoy, and Iuan Sobakin tooke of vs for thy vse, sundry commodities, and haue not payd 630. robles, the rest of the money due for the said goods.

In the 85. yeere thy Maiesties treasurer Peter G••olouen tooke of vs for thy Maiestie, cloth of sundry sorts, and hath not payd of the money due therefore 538. robles.

In the 88. yeere, thy diakes Andrea Shalkan, and Istomay Yeuskoy tooke of vs lead for thy Maiestie, to the value of 267. robles and a halfe not payd.

And in the same yeere thy Maiesties diak Boris Gregoriwich had for thy vse 15. broad'cloths of diuerse sorts, prised at 210. robles, whereof 90. robles are vnpayd.

Also in the said 88. yere thy diak Andrea Shalkan tooke from vs 1000. robles for thee (Lord) in ready money, yet we know not whether by thy Maiesties appointment.

And also in the 89. yeere (Lord) thy diak Andrea Shalkan tooke from vs for thy Maiesty 500. robles, we know not whether by thy Maiesties order or no, because that thy authorized people do yeerely take away from vs, neither do they giue vs right in any cause.

All the mony (Lord) which is not payd vs out of thy Maiesties treasury for our commodities or wares with the money taken from vs by Andrea Shalkan, is 4273. robles 25. altines.

Right noble king and Lord, shew they mercy, and cause the money to be payd vs which is owing for our goods, as also that which hath beene taken from vs: extend thy fauor, King and Lord.

A letter of M. Henrie Lane to the worshipfull M. VVilliam San∣derson, conteining a briefe discourse of that which passed in the North∣east discouery for the space of three and thirtie yeeres.

MAster Sanderson, as you lately requested mee, so haue I sought, and though I cannot finde things that heretofore I kept in writing, and lent out to others, yet perusing at London copies of mine old letters to content one that meaneth to pleasure many, I haue briefly and as truly as I may, drawen out as follow∣eth: The rough hewing may be planed at your leasure, or as pleaseth him that shall take the paines.

First the honourable attempt to discouer by sea Northeast and Northwest named for Cathay, being chiefly procured by priuiledge from king Edward the sixt, and other his nobilitie, by and at the cost and sute of M. Sebastian Cabota, then gouernor for discoueries with sir Andrew Iudde, sir George Barnes, sir William Garrard, M. Anthony Hussie, and a companie of merchants, was in the last yeere of his Maiesties reigne 1553.* 15.1 The generall charge whereof was committed to one sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, a goodly Gentleman, accompanied with sufficient number of Pilots, Maisters, Merchants and Mariners, hauing three shippes well furnished, to wit, The Bona Sperança, the Edward Bonaduenture, and the Confidentia. The Edward Bonaduenture, Richard Chanceller being Pilot, and Steuen Burrough Maister, hauing discouered Ward∣house vpon the coast of Finmark, by storme or fogge departed from the rest, found the bay of S. Nicholas now the chiefe port for Russia,* 15.2 there wintred in safetie, and had ayde of the people at a village called Newnox.

The other two shippes attempting further Northwards (as appeared by pamphlets found after written by sir Hugh Willoughbie) were in September encountred with such extreame colde, that they put backe to seeke a wintring place: and missing the saide baye fell vpon a desert coast in Lappia, entring into a Riuer immediately frozen vp, since discouered, named Arzina Reca, distant East from a Russian Monastery of Monkes called Pechingho, from whence they neuer returned, but all to the number of 70. persons perished, which was for want of ex∣perience to haue made caues and stoues. These were found with the shippes the next Summer Anno 1554.* 15.3 by Russe fishermen: and in Anno 1555. the place sent vnto by English Merchants as hereafter appeareth.

* 15.4Anno 1554. the sayd shippe Edward Bonaduenture (although robbed homewardes by Fle∣mings) returned with her company to London, shewing and setting foorth their entertainments and discouery of the countreys euen to the citie of Mosco, from whence they brought a priuilege written in Russe with the Kings or great Dukes seale, the other two shippes looked for and vn∣knowen to them where they were.

* 15.5An. 1555. the said company of Merchants for discouerie vpon a new supply, sent thither a∣gaine with two ships, to wit, the Edward Bonaduenture, & another bearing the name of the King and Queene,* 15.6 Philip and Marie, whose Maiesties by their letters to the said Mosco••ite, recom∣mended sundry their subiects then passing, wherof certaine, to wit, Richard Chanceller, George Killing worth, Henry Lane, and Arthur Edwards, after their arriuall at the Bay, and passing by Dwina to Vologda, went first vp to Mosco, where, vpon knowledge of the said letters, they with their traine had speciall entertainment, with houses and diet appointed, and shortly permitted to

they princes presence, they were with gentlemen brought through the citie of Mosco, to the castle and palace, replenished with numbers of people, and some gunners. They entred sundry roomes, furnished in shew with ancient graue personages, all in long garments of sundry colours, golde, tissue, baldekin, and violet, as our vestments and copes haue bene in England, sutable with caps, iewels, and chaines. These were found to be no courtiers, but ancient Moscouites, inhabitants, and other their merchants of credite, as the maner is, furnished thus from the Wardrobe and Treasurie, waiting and wearing this apparell for the time, and so to restore it.

Then entring into the presence, being a large roome floored with carpets, were men of more estate, and richer shew, in number aboue an hundred set square: who after the said English men came in, doing reuerence, they all stood vp, the prince onely sitting, and yet rising at any occasion, when our King a••d Queenes names were read or spoken. Then after speeches by interpretati∣on, our men kissing his hande, and bidden to dinner, were stayed in another roome, and at dinner brought through, where might be seene massie siluer and gilt plate, some like and as bigge as kil∣derkins, and washbowles, and entring the dining place, being the greater roome, the prince was s••t bare headed, his crowne and rich cappe standing vpon a pinnacle by. Not farre distant sate his Metropolitane, with diuers other of his kindred, and chiefe Tartarian Captaines: none sate ouer against him, or any, at other tables, their backes towards him: which tables all furni∣shed with ghests set, there was for the Englishmen, named by the Russes, Ghosti Carabelski, to wit, strangers or merchants by ship, a table in the middest of the roome, where they were set direct against the prince: and then began the seruice, brought in by a number of his yoong Lordes and Gentlemen, in such rich attire, as is aboue specified: and still from the Princes table (notwith∣standing their owne furniture) they had his whole messes set ouer all in massie fine golde, deliue∣red euery time from him by name to them, by their seuerall Christian names, as they sate, viz. Ri∣chard, George, Henry, Arthur. Likewise bread and sundry drinkes of purified mead, made of fiue white and clarified honie. At their rising, the prince called them to his table, to receiue each one a cup from his hand to drinke, and tooke into his hand Master George Killing worths beard,* 15.7 which reached ouer the table, & pleasantly deliuered it the Metropolitane, who seeming to blesse it, sayd in Russe, this is Gods gift. As in deede at that time it was not onely thicke, broad, and yellow coloured, but in length fiue foot and two inches of assize. Then taking leaue, being night, they were accompanied and followed with a number, carying pots of drinke, and dishes of meat dressed, to our lodging.

This yeere the two shippes, with the dead bodies of Sir Hugh Willoughbie, and his people, were sent vnto by Master Killingworth, (which remained there in Mosco Agent almost two yeeres) and much of the goods and victuals were recouered and saued.

Anno 1556. The company sent two ships for Russia, with extraordinary masters and saylers to bring home the two ships,* 15.8 which were frozen in Lappia, in the riuer of Arzina aforesaid. The two ships sent this yeere from England sailing from Lapland to the Bay of S. Nicholas, tooke in lading with passengers, to wit, a Russe ambassador, named Ioseph Napea, and some of his men shipped with Richard Chanceller in the Edward. But so it fel out that the two which came from Lappia, with all their new Masters and Mariners, neuer were heard of, but in foule weather, and wrought seas, after their two yeeres wintring in Lapland, became, as is supposed, vnstanch, and sunke, wherein were drowned also diuers Russes merchants, and seruants of the ambassa∣dour. A third shippe the Edward aforesayd, falling on the North part of Scotland, vpon a rocke was also lost, and Master Chanceller, with diuers other, drowned. The sayd Russe am∣bassadour hardly escaping, with other his men, mariners, & some goods sauer, were sent for into Scotland, from the King, Queene, and Merchants (the messenger being M. Doctor Laurence Hussie, and others:) And then, as in the chronicles appeareth, honorably enterteined and recei∣ued at London.

This yeere also the company furnished and sent out a pinnesse, named the Serchthrift, to dis∣couer the harborowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse, and so to the Bay of S. Nicholas. There was in her Master and Pilot, Stephen Burrough, with his brother William, and eight other. Their discouery was beyond the Bay, towarde the Samoeds, people dwelling neare the riuer of Ob, and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats, first by them put into the Carde or Mappe. In that place they threw snowe out of their said pinnesse, with sho∣uels in August, by which extremitie, and lacke of time, they came backe to Russia, and wintred at Colmogro.

* 15.9Anno 1557. The company with foure good ships, sent backe the said Russe ambassadour, and in company with him, sent as an Agent, for further discouery, Master Anthony Ienkinson,* 15.10 who afterward anno 1558, with great fauour of the prince of Moscouia, and his letters passed the

riuer Volga to Cazan, and meaning to seeke Cathay by land, was by many troupes and compa∣nies of vnciuil Tartarians encountred, and in danger: but keeping company with merchants of Bactria, or Boghar, and Vrgeme, trauelling with camels, he with his company, went to Boghar, and no further: whose entertainment of the king is to be had of master Ienkinson, which returned anno 1559. to Moscouie. And in anno 1560.* 15.11 he, with Henry Lane, came home into England: which yeere was the first safe returne, without losse or shipwracke, or dead fraight, & burnings. And at this time was the first traffike to the Narue in Liuonia,* 15.12 which confines with Lituania, & all the dominions of Russia: and the markets, faires, commodities, great townes & riuers, were sent vnto by diuers seruants: the reports were taken by Henry Lane, Agent, and deliuered to the companie, 1561. The trade to Rie, and Reuel, of old time hath bene long since frequented by our English nation, but this trade to the Narue was hitherto concealed from vs by the Danskers and Lubeckers.

Anno 1561. the said Master Anthony Ienkinson went Agent into Russia, who the next yeere after, passing all the riuer of Volga to Astracan, and ouer the Caspian sea, arriued in Persia, and opened the trade thither.

Also betweene the yeeres of 1568. and 1573. sundry voyages after Master Ienkinsons, were made by Thomas Alcock,* 15.13 Arthur Edwards,* 15.14, Master Thomas Bannister,* 15.15 and Master Geffrey Ducket, whose returne (if spoyle neere Volga had not preuented by rouing theeues) had altoge∣ther salued and recouered the companies (called the olde companies) great losse, charges, and da∣mages: but the saying is true•• By vnitie small things grow great, & by contention great things become small. This may be vnderstood best by the company. The frowardnesse of some few, and euill doing of some vniust factors, was cause of much of the euill successe.

Arthur Edwards was sent againe 1579. and died in the voyage at Astracan. About which matters, are to be remembred the voyages of Master Thomas Randolph Esquire, Ambassador, anno 1567. And late of Sir Ierome Bowes, anno 1583. both tending and treating for further discoueries, freedomes, and priuileges, wherewith I meddle not. But in conclusion, for their paines and aduentures this way (as diuers do now adayes other wayes) as worthy Gentlemen sent from princes, to doe their countrey good, I put them in your memorie, with my hearty fare∣well.

From S. Magarets neere Dartforth in Kent.

Yours Henry Lane.

The most solemne, and magnificent coronation of ‖ 15.16 Pheodor Iuanowich, Emperour of Russia &c. the tenth of Iune, in the yeere 1584. seene and obserued by Master Ierom Horsey gentleman, and seruant to her Maiesty, a man of great trauell, and long experience in those parts: wherwith is also ioyned the course of his iourney ouer land from Mosco to Emden.

* 15.17WHen the old Emperour Iuan Vasiliwich died, (being about the eighteenth of Aprill, 1584. after our computation) in the citie of Mosco, hauing raig∣ned 54. yeeres, there was some tumult annd vprore among some of the nobi∣litie, and cominaltie, which notwithstanding was quickly pacified. Imme∣diately the same night, the Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua, Knez Iuan Pheodorowich, Mesthis Slafsky, Knez Iuan Petrowich Susky, Meki∣ta Romanowich & Bodan Iacoulewich Belskoy, being all noble men, and chiefest in the Emperors Will, especially the Lord Boris, whom he adopted as his third sonne,* 15.18 & was brother to the Empresse, who was a mā very wel liked of al estates, as no lesse worthy for his valure & wisedome: all these were appointed to dispose, & settle his sonne Pheodor Iuanowich, hauing one sworne another, and all the nobilitie, and officers whosoeuer. In the morning y^e dead Emperor was layd into the Church of Michael the Archangel, into a hewen sepulcre, very rich∣ly decked with vestures fit for such a purpose: and present Proclamation was made, (Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich of all Ru••sia &c.) Throughout all the citie of Mosco was great watch and ward, with souldiers, and gunners, good orders established, and officers placed to subdue the tu∣multers, and mainteine quietnes: to see what speede and policie was in this case vsed was a thing worth the beholding. This being done in Mosco, great men of birth and accompt were also pre∣sently sent to the bordering Townes, as Smolensko Vobsko, Kasan, Nouogorod &c. with fresh garrison, and the old sent vp. As vpon the 4. of May a parliament was held, wherein were assem∣bled. the Metropolitane, Archbishops, Bishops, Priors, and chiefe clergie men, and all the nobility whatsoeuer: where many matters were determined not pertinent to my purpose, yet all tended

to a new reformation in the gouernment•• but especially the terme, and time was agreed vpon for the solemnizing of the new Emperors coronation.* 15.19 In the meane time y^e Empresse, wife to the old Emperor, was with her child the Emperors sonne, Charlewich Demetrie Iuanowich, of one yeres age or there abouts, sent with her father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay, & that kindred, being 5. Brothers, to a towne called Ouglets, which was giuen vnto her, and the young Prince her sonne, with all the lands belonging to it in the shire, with officers of all sortes appointed, ha∣uing allowance of apparell, iewels, diet, horse &c. in ample maner belonging to the estate of a prin∣cesse. The time of mourning after their vse being expired, called Sorachyn, or fortie orderlie dayes, the day of the solemnizing of this coronation,* 15.20 with great preparations, was come, being vpon the 10. day of Iune, 1584. and that day then Sunday, he being of the age of 25. yeeres: at which time, Master Ierom Horsey was orderly sent for, and placed in a fit roome to see all the solemnitie. The Emperor comming out of his Pallace, there went before him, the Metropoli∣tan, Archbishops, Bishops, and chiefest Monkes, and Clergie men, with very rich Copes, and Priestes garments vpon them, carying pictures of our Ladie &c. with the Emperours Angell, banners, censers, and many other such ceremonious things, singing all the way. The Emperour with his nobilitie in order entred the Church named Blaueshina, or Blessednes, where prayers, and seruice were vsed, according to the maner of their Church: that do••e, they went thence to the Church, called Michael the Archangell, and there also vsed the like prayers, and seruice: and from thence to our Lady Church, Prechista, being their Cathedrall Church. In the middest thereof was a chaire of maiestie placed, wherein his Auncestors vsed to sit at such extraordinarie times: his robes were then changed, and most rich and vnualuable garments put on him: being placed in this Princely seate, his nobility standing round about him in their degres, his imperi∣all Crowne was set vpon his head by the Metropolitane, his Scepter globe in his right hand, his sword of Iustice in his left of great riches: his 6. Crownes also, by which he holdeth his king∣domes were set before him, and the Lord Boris Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand: then the Metropolitan read openly a booke of a small volume, with exhortations to the Emperour to minister true Iustice, to inioy with tranquilitie the Crowne of his auncestors, which God had giuen him, and vsed these words following:

Through the will of the almighty & without beginning God, which was before this world, whom we glorifie in the Trinitie, one onely God, the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, maker of all things, worker of all in all euery where, fulfiller of all things, by which will, and working, he both liueth, and giueth life to man: that our only God which enspireth euery one of vs his only children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ, and the holy quickning spirit of life, now in these perilous times establish vs to keep the right Scepter, and suffer vs to raigne of our selues to the good profit of the land, to the subduing of the peo∣ple, together with the enemies, & the maintenance of vertue. And so the Metropolita•• blessed and layd his crosse vpon him. After this, he was taken out of his chaire of Maiestie, hauing vpon him an vpper robe adorned with precious stones of all sorts, orient pearles of great quantitie, but alwayes augmented in riches: it was in waight two hundred pounds, the traine, and parts there∣of borne vp by 6. Dukes, his chiefe imperiall Crowne vpon his head very precious: his staffe im∣periall in his right hand of an vnicornes horne of three foot and a halfe in length beset with rich stones, bought of Merchants of Ausburge by the old Emperour in An. 1581. and cost him 7000. Markes sterling. This Iewel M. Horsey kept sometimes, before the Emperor had it. His scep∣ter globe was caried before him by the prince Boris Pheodorowich, his rich cap beset with rich stones and pearles was caried before him by a Duke: his 6. Crownes also were caried by Deme∣trius Iuanowich Godonoua, the Emperors vncle, Mekita Romanowich the Emperors vncle, Stephan Vasiliwich, Gregory Vasiliwich, Iuan Vasiliwich brothers of the blood royal. Thus at last the Emperor came to the great Church doore, and the people cried, God saue our Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich of al Russia. His horse was there ready most richly adorned, with a couering of imbrodered pearle and precious stones, saddle, and all furniture agreeable to it, reported to be worth 300000, markes sterling.

There was a bridge made of 150. fadome in length, three maner of waies, three foote aboue ground and two fadome broad, for him to goe from one Church to the other with his Princes and nobles from the presse of the people, which were in number infinite, and some at that time pressed to death with the throng. As the Emperour returned out of the Churches, they were spred vnder foot with cloth of gold, the porches of the Churches with red velvet, the bridges with scarlet, and stammell cloth from one church to another: and as soone as the Emperor was passed by, the cloth of gold, veluet and scarlet was cut, and taken of those that could come by it, euery man desirous to haue a piece, to reserue it for a monument: siluer and gold coyne, then mynted

of purpose was cast among the people in great quantitie. The lord Boris Pheodorowich was sumptuously, and richly attired, with his garments decked with great orient pearle, beset with al sorts of precious stones. In like rich maner were appareled all the family of the Godonouaes in their degrees, with the rest of the princes, and nobilitie, whereof one named Knez Iuan Michalo∣wich Glynsky, whose robe, horse, and furniture, was in register found worth one hundred thou∣sand markes sterling, being of great antiquitie. The Empresse being in her pallace, was placed in her chaire of Maiesty also before a great open window: most precious, and rich were her robes, and shining to behold, with rich stones, and orient pearle beset, her crowne was placed vpon her head, accompanied with her Princesses, and Ladies of estate: then cried out the people, God pre∣serue our noble Empresse Irenia. After all this the Emperour came into the Parliament house which was richly decked: there he was placed in his royall seat adorned as before: his 6. crownes were set before him vpon a table: the basin, and ewer royall of gold held by his knight of gard with his men standing two on each side in white apparell of cloth of siluer, called Kind••y, with scepters, and battle axes of gold in their hands: the Princes, and nobilitie were all placed according to their degrees all in their rich roabs.

The Emperour after a short oration, permitted euery man in order to kisse his hande: which being done, he remoued to a princely seate prepared for him at the table: where he was serued by his nobles in very princely order. The three out roomes being very great, and large were be∣set with plate of golde, and siluer round, from the ground vp to the va••ts o••e vpon the other: among which plate were many barrels of siluer and golde: this solemnitie, and triumph lasted a whole weeke, wherein many royall pastimes were shewed and vsed: after which the chiefest men of the nobilitie were elected to their places of office, & dignitie, as the Prince Boris Pheodo∣rowich was made chiefe Counseller to the Emperor, Master of the horse, had the charge of his person, Liuetenant of the Empire, and Warlike engins, Gouernor or Liuetenant of the Empire of Cazan, and Astracan and others: to this dignitie were by Parliament, and gift of the Empe∣ror giuen him many reuenues, and rich lands, as there was giuen him, and his for euer to inherite a prouince called Vaga, of 300. English miles in length, and 250. in bredth, with many townes and great villages populous and wealthy, his yeerely reuenue out of that prouince, is 35. thou∣sand markes sterling, being not the 5. part of his yerely reuenue. Further, he and his house be of such authoritie, and power, that in 40. dayes warning they are able to bring into the fielde 100. thousand Souldiers well furnished.

The conclusion of the Emperors Coronation was a peale of ordinance, called a peale royall two miles without the citie, being 170. great pieces of brasse of all sorts, as faire as any can be made, these pieces were all discharged with shot against bulwarkes made of purpose: 20. thou∣sand hargubusers standing in 8. rankes two miles in length, appareled all in veluet, coloured silke & stammels, discharged their shot also twise ouer in good order: and so the Emperor accom∣panied with all his princes and nobles, at the least 50. thousand horse departed through the City to his pallace. This royall coronation would aske much time, and many leaues of paper to be described particularly as it was performed: it shal suffice, to vnderstand that the like magnificence was neuer seene in Russia.

The coronation, and other triumphes ended, al the nobilitie, officers, and merchants according to an accustomed order euery one in his place, and degree brought rich presents vnto the Empe∣ror, wishing him long life, and ioy in his kingdome.

The sametime also Master Ierom Horsey aforesaid, remayning as seruant in Russia for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, was called for to the Emperor, as he sate in his imperiall seat, and then also a famous Merchant of Netherland being newly come to Mosco, (who gaue him selfe out to be the king of Spaines subiect) called Iohn de Wale,* 15.21 was in like sort called for. Some of the nobilitie would haue preferred this subiect of the Spaniard before Master Horsey seruant to the Queene of England, whereunto Master Horsey would in no case agree, saying, he would haue his legges cut off by the knees, before he would yeeld to such an indignitie offered to his Soueraigne the Queenes Maiesty of England, to bring the Emperor a present, in course after the King of Spaines subiect, or any other whatsoeuer. The Emperor, and the Prince Bo∣ris Pheodorowich perceiuing the controuersie, sent the Lord Treasorer Peter Iuanowich Gala∣uyn, and Vasili Shalkan, both of the Counsell, to them, who deliuered the Emperor backe, Ma∣ster Horseys speech: whereupon he was first in order (as good reason) admitted and presented the Emperor in the behalfe of the English Merchants trading thither, a present wishing him ioy, and long to raigne intranquilitie, and so kissed the Emperors hand, he accepting the present with good liking, and auouching, that for his sisters sake Queene Elizabeth of England, he would be a gra∣cious Lord to her Merchants, in as ample maner as euer his father had ben: and being dismissed,

he had the same day sent him 70. dishes of sundry kinds of meats, with 3. carts laden with al sorts of drinks very bountifully. After him was the foresayd subiect of the Spanish king admitted with his present, whom the Emperor willed to be no lesse faithfull and seruiceable vnto him, then the Queene of Englands subiects were & had bene, and then the king of Spaines subiects should receiue fauour accordingly.

All these things thus in order performed, praises were sung in all the churches. The Emperor and Empresse very deuoutly resorted on foote to many principal Churches in the Citie, and vpon Trinitie Sunday betooke themselues to a progresse in order of procession, to a famous monaste∣rie called Sergius and the Trinitie, 60. miles distant from the Citie of Mosco, accompanied with a huge armie of Noblemen, Gentlemen and others, mounted vpon goodly horses with furniture accordingly.

The Empresse of deuotion tooke this iourney on foot all the way, accompanied with her prin∣cesses and ladies, no small number: her guard and gunners were in number 20000. her chiefe counseller or attendant, was a noble man of the blood Roial her vncle of great authoritie called Demetri Iuanowich Godonoua. All this progresse ended, both the Emperor and Empresse re∣turned to Mosco: shortly after the Emperor by the direction of the prince Boris Pheodorowich, sent a power into the land of Siberia, where all the rich Sables & Furres are gotten. This power conquered in one yeere and a halfe, 1000. miles. In the performance of this warre, there was ta∣ken prisoner the Emperor of the countrey called Chare Sibersky, and with him many other dukes and noble men, which were brought to Mosko with a guard of souldiers and gunners,* 15.22 who were receiued into the citie in very honorable maner, and do there remaine to this day.

Hereupon the corrupt officers, Iudges, Iustices, captains and lieutenants through the whole kingdom were remooued, and more honest men substituted in their places, with expresse comman∣dement, vnder seuere punishment to surcease their old bribing & extortion which they had vsed in the old Emperors time, and now to execute true iustice without respect of persons: and to the end that this might be the better done, their lands and yeerly stipends were augmented: the great taskes, customes, and duties, which were before layd vpon the people in the old Emperors time, were now abated, and ••ome wholy remitted, and no punishments commanded to be vsed, without sufficient and due proofe, although the crime were capitall, deseruing death: many Dukes and noble men of great houses, that were vnder displeasure, and imprisoned 20. yeeres by the old Em∣peror, were now set at libertie and restored to their lands: all prisoners were set at libertie, and their trespasses forgiuen. In summe, a great alteration vniuersally in the gouernment folowed, and yet all was done quietly, ciuilly, peaceably, without trouble to the Prince, or offence to the Subiect: and this bred great assurance and honour to the kingdom, and all was accomplished by the wisedom especially of Irenia the Empresse.

These things being reported and caried to the eares of the kings and princes that were borde∣rers vpon Russia, they grew so fearefull and terrible to them that the Monarch of all the Scythi∣ans called the Crimme Tartar or great Can himselfe, named Sophe•• Keri Alli,* 15.23 came out of his owne countrey to the Emperor of Russia, accompanied with a great number of his nobilitie well horsed, although to them that were Christians they seemed rude, yet they were personable men, and valiant: their comming was gratefull to the Emperor, and their entertainment was honou∣rable•• the Tartar prince hauing brought with him his wiues also, receiued of the Russe Emperor entertainment, and princely welcome according to their estates.

Not long after, 1200. Polish gentlemen, valiant Souldiors, and proper men came to Mosko offring their seruice to the Emperor, who were all entertained: and in like sort many Chirkasses, and people of other natio••s came and offred seruice. And assoone as the report of this new created Emperor was spred ouer other kingdoms of Europe, there were sent to him sundry Ambassadors to wish him ioy and prosperitie in his kingdom: thither came Ambassadors from the Turke, from the Persian, the Bogharia••, the Crimme, the Georgian, and many other Tartar princes. There came also Ambassadors from the Emperor of Almaine, the Pole, the Swethen, the Dane, &c. And since his coronation no enemie of his hath preuailed in his attempts.

It fell out not long after, that the Emperor was desirous to send a message to the most excel∣lent Queene of England,* 15.24 for which seruice he thought no man fitter than M. Ierome Horsey, sup∣posing that one of the Queenes owne men and subiects would be the more acceptable to her. The summe of which message was, that the Emperor desired a continuance of that league, friendship, amitie and intercourse of traffique which was betweene his father and the Queens maiestie and her subiects, with other priuate affaires besides, which are not to be made common.

Master Horsey hauing receiued the letters and requests of the Emperour, prouided for his iourney ouer land, and departed from Mosco the fift day of September thence vnto Otuer,* 15.25 to

Torshook, to great Nouogrod, to Vobsky, and thence to Nyhouse in Liuonia, to Wenden, and so to Riga: (where he was beset, and brought foorthwith before a Cardinall called Rageuil, but yet suffred to passe in the end:) From thence to Mito, to Golden, and Libou in Curland, to Me∣mel, to Koningsburgh in Prussia, to Elbing, to Dantzike, to Stetine in Pomerland, to Rostock, to Lubeck, to Hamborough, to Breme, to Emden, and by sea to London. Being arriued at her maiesties roiall court; and hauing deliuered the Emperors letters with good fauour, and graci∣ous acceptance, he was foorthwith againe commaunded to repasse into Ruffia, with other letters from her maiestie to the Emperor, and prince Boris Pheodorowich, answering the Emperors letters, and withall requesting the fauour and friendship; which his father had yeelded to the En∣glish merchants: and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the merchants of London them∣selues of that company, to deale in their behalfe. Being thus dispatched from London by sea, he ar∣riued in Mosco, the 20. of April 1586.* 15.26 and was very honorably welcommed. And for y^t merchants behoofe, obtained all his requests, being therein specially fauoured by y^e noble prince Boris Pheo∣dorowich, who alwayes affected M. Horsey with speciall liking. And hauing obtained priuiled∣ges for the merchants, he was recommended from the Emperor againe, to the Queene of Eng∣land his mistresse, by whom the prince Boris, in token of his honorable and good opinion of the Queens maiestie, sent her highnesse a roiall present of Sables, Luzarns, cloth of gold and other rich things. So that the Companie of English merchants, next to their thankfulnes to her maie∣stie, are to account M. Horseis paines their speciall benefit, who obtained for them those priuile∣ges, which in twentie yeeres before would not be granted.

The maner of M. Horseis last dispatch from the Emperor, because it was very honorable, I thought good to record. He was freely allowed post horses for him and his seruants, victuals and all other necessaries for his long iourney: at euery towne that he came vnto from Mosco to Vo∣logda, which is by land fiue hundred miles, he receiued the like free and bountifull allowances, at the Emperors charge, New victuall and prouision were giuen him vpon the riuer Dwina at euery towne by the kings officers, being one thousand miles in length. When he came to the new castle called Archangel, he was receiued of the Duke Knez Vasili Andrewich Isuenogorodsky by the Emperors commission into the Castle, gunners being set in rankes after their vse, where he was sumptuously feasted: from thence hee was dispatched with bonntifull prouision and al∣lowance in the Dukes boat, with one hundred men to rowe him, and one hundred Gunners in o∣ther boats to conduct him, with a gentleman captaine of the Gunners. Comming to the road where the English, Dutch, and French ships rode, the gunners discharged, and the ships shot in like maner 46. pieces of their ordinance, & so he was brought to his lodging at the English house vpon Rose Island.

And that which was the full and complete conclusion of the fauour of the Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward M. Horsey, there were the next day sent him for his further prouision vp∣on the fea by a gentleman and a captaine the things folowing:

• 16. liue oxen.
• 70. sheepe.
• 600. hens.
• 25. f••itches of Bacon.
• 80. bushels of meale.
• 600. loaues of bread.
• 2000. egs.
• 10. geese.
• 2. cranes.
• 2. swans.
• 65. gallons of mead.
• 40. gallons of Aquauitae.
• 60. gallons of beere.
• 3. yong beares.
• 4. hawkes.
• Store of onions and garlike.
• 10. fresh salmons.
• A wild bore.

All these things were brought him downe by a Gentleman of the Emperors, and another of prince Boris Pheodorowich, & were receiued in order by Iohn Frefe seruant to M. Horsey, toge∣ther with an honorable present and reward from the prince Boris, sent him by M. Francis Cherry an Englishman: which present was a whole very rich piece of cloth of gold; & a faire paire of Sa∣bles. This Gentleman hath obserued many other rare things concerning those partes, which hereafter (God willing) at more conuenient time and laisure shall come to light.

Pheodor Iuanowich the new Emperors gracious letter of priuilege to the English Merchants word for word; obtained by M Ierome Horsey. 1586.

THrough the wil of the almightie, and without beginning God, which was before this world, whom we glorifie in y^e Trinitie, one only God the father, the sonne, and the ho∣ly ghost, maker of all things, worker of all in all euery where, fulfiller of all things, by which will and working•• he both loueth and giueth life to man, That our onely God,

which inspireth euery one of vs his onely children with his word, to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ, and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times, Establish vs to keep the right Scepter, and suffer vs of our selues to raigne to the good profite of the land, and to the subduing of the people, together with the enemies, and to the maintenance of vertue.

We Pheodor the ofspring of Iohn, the great Lord, Emperor, king and great prince of all Rus∣sia, of Volodemeria, Moscouia and Nouogrod, king of Cazan, king of Astracan, Lord of Plesko, and great prince of Smolensko, of Tuer, Yougoria, Permia, Viatsko, of Bolghar and others, lord and great prince of the land of the lower Nouogrod, Chernigo, Rezan, Polotsko, Rostow, Ye∣raslaue, the White lake, Liefland, Oudor, Condensa, and Ruler of all Siberia, and all the North∣side, and lord of many other countries.

I haue gratified the merchants of England, to wit, sir Rowland Haiward, and Richard Ma••∣tin Aldermen, sir George Barnes, Thomas Smith esquire, Ierome Horsey, Richard Saltonstall, with their fellowes.

I haue licensed them to saile with their shippes into our dominion the land of Dwina, with all kind of commodities to trade freely, and vnto our kingdom and the citie of Mosco, and to all the cities of our empire of Moscouia.

And the english merchants sir Rowland Haiward & his societie desired vs, that we would gra∣tifie them to trade into our kingdom of Moscouia, and into our heritage of great Nouogrod and Plesko, and into all parts of our kingdom, to buy and sell with their wares without custome.

Therefore we for our sisters sake Queene Elizabeth, & also because that they allege that they had great losse and hinderance by the venture of the sea, and otherwise, haue gratified the said En∣glish merchants sir Rowland Haiward and his societie, freely to come into our kingdom of Mos∣couia, and into al our dominions with al kind of commodities, to trade, & traffique freely, & at their pleasure with all kind of their commodities: also I haue commanded not to take any maner of custome for their goods, nor other customs whatsoeuer: That is to say, neither for passing by any place by water, nor for lanching, neither for passing through any place by land, neither for the ves∣sels or boats, nor for their heads, nor for passing ouer bridges, nor for ferying ouer at any place, neither for acknowledgement at any place where they shall come, nor any maner of custome or dutie, by what name soeuer.

Only they shal not bring with them into our dominions, neither recarie out of our dominions, or father any other mens goods but their owne, neither sell them nor barter them away for them.

Also our naturall people shall not buy and sell for them, or from them, neither shal they retaine or keepe any of our naturall subiects goods, or pawnes by them to colour them.

Also they shall not send any of their Russe seruants about into any citie to ingrosse, or buy vp commodities, but into what citie they themselues shal come, they shal buy and sel, and shal sel their owne commodities and not ours.

And when they shal come into our inheritance of great Nouogrod and Plesko, and through all our dominions with their commodities, then our noblemen and captains, and euery one of our of∣ficers shall suffer them to depart according to this our letter, & shall take no custom at all of them, for any of their commodities, neither for passing through or passing by, nor for passage ouer any bridges, nor shall take of them any other dutie whatsoeuer name they haue.

Also into what places of our dominion, or when they shal happen to come, and to proceed to buy or sell, and wheresoeuer they shall passe through with goods not buying of any commodities, nei∣ther will sell their owne, then in those cities and townes they shall take no maner of custome or dutie of them, accordingly as before.

And I haue gratified them and giuen them free leaue to traffique throughout all the domini∣ons of our kingdom in all cities with their goods, to buy and sell all maner of commodities, with∣out any dutie or custome whatsoeuer.

And the English merchants where they are desirous to buy or sell, or barter their wares with our merchants, whole wares for wares, they shal sell their commodities whole, and not by retaile: That is to say, neither by small weight nor by the yard, to sell or barter in their owne houses, and they shal sel and barter their wares wholy, Cloth by the packe, and by the whole Cloth, and Da∣maske and veluet by the piece and not by the yard, and al maner of commodities that are to be sold by weight, not to sell by the small weigh••s, as by the pound and ounce, but by whole sale: also they shall sel wines by the pipe: and by the gallon, quart or s••oope they shal not sell.

And they shall buy, sell and exchange their owne commodities themselues, and the Russe mer∣chants shall not make sales or exchange for them or from them any of their commodities, neither shal they themselues conuey or cary through any other mans goods at no place in stead of their owne: and which of the English merchants will at any time sell his commodities at Colmogro or

Vologda or Yeraslaue, they may, and of their commodities throughout all our cities and domini∣ons, our noblemen, captains, and euery of our officers shall take no maner of custome, according as it is written in this our gracious letter: and throughout all our dominions and cities they shal hire carriers and vessels with men to labour, at their owne charge, to transport their goods.

So likewise, whensoeuer the English merchants are disposed to depart out of our kingdom into any other countrey or into their owne land, if our pleasure be, they shall take our goods with them from our Treasurie, and shall sell them, and exchange them for such commoditie as is com∣modious for our kingdom, and shall deliuer it into our Treasurie, and with those our commodities, our Noblemen and captains, and euery of our officers shall let them passe through all our cities al∣so without custome according to these our letters.

Also whensoeuer the English merchants shall haue sold their own goods & bought themselues commodities, & wil depart out of Mosco, then they shal manifest themselues to our chiefe Secre∣tarie Andrew Sholkaloue, in the office where the Ambassadors are alwayes dispatched.

And if the English merchants comming, haue had any mischance by the sea, insomuch that the ship be broken, or if that ship do come to any part of our countrey: then we will cause the goods to be sought out in true Iustice, and to be giuen to the English people, which at that time shall bee here resident in our countrey: and if so be that it so fall out that at that time there be no English∣men within our realme: then wil we cause these goods to be laid vp in a place together, and when the people of England shall come into our realme, then we will command all those goods to be de∣liuered to the sayd English people.

Also we haue gratified all the English merchants with the house of one Vrie here in the Mos∣co right ouer against S. Maximes church behind the market, and they shal dwel in the same house according as before time, and they shall keepe one alwayes in the house to keepe it, either a Russe, or one of their owne people.

Also the English merchants shal possesse their houses, to wit, at Yeraslaue, Vologda, Colmo∣gro, and the house at the hauen of the sea, & they shal dwel in those houses, according as our good∣nes hath bene to them heretofore: and we haue commanded, that there shall not be taken of them no yeerely rent, nor no maner of custome, taxe, rent or any other dutie whatsoeuer for those hou∣ses, neither shal they pay any dutie or taxe with any of the townsmen of those places, & in euery one of those houses, to wit, at Yeraslaue, Vologda, and Colmogro, they shall haue men to keepe their houses, two or three of their owne countrey people, strangers or els Russes, men of the meanest sort, which shall be no merchants, that they may lay their goods in those houses, and they may sell the commodities out of those their houses to whom they please, according to this our gracious let∣ter: and those that keepe their houses shall not sell or buy no part of their commoditie, except they be there or giue order, whereby they be not deceiued by them.

So likewise I haue gratified them with their house at the sea hauen, at the mouth of Pode∣zemsky, & we haue commanded that they shal not cary their goods from thence to the new ca••tle S. Michael the archangel, but shall ariue, and doe as they haue done heretofore with their wares at that their house, and shall vnlade their commodities out of their ships, and shal lade them againe with Russe commodities, euen there at that their house without interruption: onely they shal per∣mit our officers of Colmogro & sworn men to write vp those commodities, both the commodities of England, and those of Russeland, what the merchants shal declare themselues, & no otherwise, but they shal not ouerlooke their commodities, neither shal they vnbind any of their packs.

And when the English merchants are disposed to send into their owne countrey, to wit, any of their owne people on land through any other kingdom whatsoeuer, they shall not send their peo∣ple without our kingly knowledge and commandement, and which of their people so euer they do meane to send out of our kingdom into their owne countrey, then they shal send those their people, not without our kingly maiesties knowledge, to wit, those that go of pleasure without carying a∣ny commodities with them, and they shall haue a letter of passe giuen vnto them, out of the office where the Ambassadors haue alwayes their dispatch.

And whosoeuer hath any thing to doe with them in matters of controuersie, either concerning merchandize or iniuries, then they are to be iudged by our treasurers and Secretarie of the Am∣bassadors office to do iustice between both parties, & to seek out the trueth of matters in al things, and whatsoeuer cannot be found out by the Law, shalbe tried by othe and lots: whose lot soeuer is taken foorth, him to haue right.

And in what place of all our kingdom, in what citie soeuer they or their people shall bee, and that there happen any matter of controuersie, either concerning merchandise, iniuries or other∣wise, that they haue occasion of set vpon any man by lawe, or that any seeke vpon them, concer∣ning what matter soeuer in all our kingdom and cities, then our lieutenants, captains, and

our officers shall giue them Iustice, and shall minister all true iustice betweene them, seeking out the trueth: and what cannot be truly sought by law, shalbe sought out by othe and lot: whose lot soeuer is taken out, him to haue right accordingly as before, and the Iudges or Iu••tices shall take of them no kind of dutie, for matters of law no where throughout all our realmes. This letter is giuen in our princely palace within the citie of Mosco, in the yeere from the foundation of the world, seuen thousand fourescore and fifteene in the moneth of February.

The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher, Doctor of the Ciuil Law, sent from her Maiestie to Theodor the Emperor of Russia, Anno 1588.

IN the yeere 1588. was sent Ambassador from her highnesse into the countrey of Russia, Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil Lawe, as well to treat with the new Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich, about league and amitie, in like maner as was before with his father Iuan Vasilowich, as also for the reestablishing and redu∣cing into order the decaied trade of our Englishmen there. Who notwithstanding at his first arriuall at the Mosco, found some parts of hard entertainment, by meanes of certaine rumors concerning the late nauall victory which was there reported to haue fallen on the Spa∣nish side, as also for some dislike conceiued against the priuileged trade of our English merchāts. Yet in the end he obtained of the Emperour many good & equall conditions, and was curteously and honourably dismissed by him. The principall points which he entreated of, and were granted vnto him by the said Emperor, were these:

• 1 A continuation of league and amitie betweene her Highnesse and the sayd Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich, in like maner as was before with his father Iuan Vasilowich.
• 2 A confirmation and reestablishment of the former priuileges of the Companie of our English merchants, which were infringed and annulled in the principal points, with diuers ne∣cessary additions to the same, for the better ordering of their trade in those countreys hereaf∣ter, viz. That the state of the priuilege granted before in the names of some priuate and particu∣lar men, be altered in that point, and the same granted by the name and stile of their incorpora∣tion, viz. To the felowship of English merchants for the discouerie of new trades.
• 3 That vpon euery surmise and light quarel, the said priuilege be not reuoked and annul∣led, as before time it hath bene.
• 4 That iustice shall be administred to the said Companie and their Agent without delay, vpon such as shal offer them any despite or iniurie, or shal exact or impose vpon them any pai∣ment, taxation or imposition whatsoeuer, contrary to the freedome of the said grant.
• 5 That the goods & commodities of the said Companie, be not forcibly taken as before time they had bene by the Emperors officers or people of authoritie, either for the vse of the said Emperor or of his officers. But in case they haue need of the said commodities, the same to be taken at reasonable prices, and for ready money.
• 6 That the said Companie be not charged hereafter with the answering of such debts as are made by any Englishman not being of the societie.
• 7 That the Emperors authorized people shall not hereafter repute any Englishman resi∣ant in that countrey, to be any factor, seruant, or dealer in the said Companies affaires, but such as the Agent shall inregister by name, within the offices where custome is entered in all such places of the land where the sayd Companie haue residencies to traffike.
• 8 That the names of such as shall so be inregistred be no longer continued in record, nor themselues reputed as factors or dealers for the said Companie, then the Agent shall thinke good. But in case the said Agent in his discretion shall thinke meet to strike out of the Register any name of such as haue bene imploied in the Companies seruice, the said person to be held as priuate, & whose acte in bargaining or otherwise, shall not charge the said Companie.
• 9 That if any English man within the countrey of Russia be suspected for any notorious crime, as felony, treason, &c. the same be not straightwaies set vpō the* 15.27 Pudkey, nor otherwise tormented, till such time as he shall be conuicted by plaine and euident proofes: which being done, the whole proceeding to be sent ouer to the Queene of England.
• 10 That the said priuilege with the additions, shall be published in all townes and partes of the Emperors dominions, where the said Companie haue traffike.
• 11 That the said Companie shall be permitted to vse a sole trade through the Emperours countries, by the riuer Volga into Media, Persia, Bogharia, and the other the East countries.
• 12 Whereas there was claimed of the said Companie the summe of 23553. markes of

• debt, made by certaine of their factors for the said company, for paiment whereof, their whole stocke was in danger of arrest, by publike authoritie: Further also 2140. rubbles for custome and houserent, he obtained a rebatement of eighteene thousand, one hundred fiftie and three marks of the sayd debt.

The said Ambassador M. Giles Fletcher, as I vnderstand, hath drawen a booke intituled, Of the Russe Common wealth, containing:

First, a Cosmographicall description of the countrey, which hath these chapters.

• 1 Of the length and bredth of the countrey of Russia, with the names of the shires.
• 2 Of the soile and climate.
• 3 Of the natiue commodities of the countrey.

Secondly, a description of their policie contained in these Chapters, viz.

• 1 Of the constitution or state of the Russe Common wealth.
• 2 Of their Parliaments, and maner of holding them.
• 3 Of the Russe Nobilitie and meanes whereby it is kept in an vnder proportion agreeable to that state.
• 4 Of the maner of gouerning their prouinces or shires.
• 5 Of the Emperours priuie counsell.
• 6 Of the Emperors customs & their reuenues, with the practises for the increase of them.
• 7 Of the Russe communaltie and their condition.
• 8 Of their publike iustice and maner of proceeding therein.
• 9 Of the Emperors forces for his warres, with the chiefe officers, and their salarie or pay••
• 10 Of their maner of mustering, armour, and prouision for victuall.
• 11 Of their ordering, ma••ching, charging, and their martiall discipline.
• 12 Of their colonies and policie in maintaining their purchases by conquest.
• 13 Of their borderers with whom they haue most to doe in warre and peace.
• 14 Of their church offices and degrees.
• 15 Of their liturgie or forme of Church seruice.
• 16 Of their maner of administring the Sacraments.
• 17 Of the doctrine of the Russe church.
• 18 Of the maner of solemnizing their mariages.
• 19 Of the other ceremonies of the Russe church.

Thirdly, the Oeconomie or priuate behauiour of the Russe containing these chapters.

• 1 Of the Emperors houshold officers, and order of his house.
• 2 Of the priuate behauiour and maner of the Russe people.

The description of the countrey of Russia, with the bredth, length, and names of the Shires.

THe countrey of Russia was somtimes called Sarmatia. It changed the name (as some do suppose) for that it was parted into diuers smal, and yet absolute gouernments, not depending, nor being subiect the one to the other. For Russe in that tongue doeth signi∣fie as much as to part, or deuide. The Russe reporteth that foure brethren, Trubor, Ru∣rico, Sinees, and Variuus deuided among them the North parts of the country. Likewise that the South parts were possessed by 4. other, Kio, Scieko, Choranus, and their sister Libeda: each cal∣ling his territorie after his own name. Of this partition it was called Russia, about the yere from Christ 860. As for the coniecture which I find in some Cosmographers, that the Russe nation bo∣rowed the name of the people called Roxellani, & were the very same nation with them, it is with∣out all good probabilitie, both in respect of the etymologie of the word (which is very far fet) and especially for the seat and dwelling of that people, which was betwixt the two riuers of Tanais and Boristhenes, (as Strabo reporteth) quite another way from the countrey of Russia.* 15.28

When it bare the name of Sarmatia, it was deuided into two chiefe parts: the White and the Black. The white Sarmatia was all that part that lieth towards the North, & on the side of Lief∣land: as the prouinces now called Dwina, Vagha, Vstiug, Vologda, Cargapolia, Nouogrodia, &c whereof Nouogrod velica was the Metropolite or chiefe citie. Black Sarmatia was al that coun∣trey that lieth Southward towards the Euxin or Black sea: as the dukedome of Volodemer, of Mosco, Rezan, &c. Some haue thought that the name of Sarmatia was first taken frō one Sarma∣tes, whom Moses & Iosephus cal Asarmathes sonne to Ioktan, & nephew to Heber, of the posteritie of Sem.* 15.29 But this seemeth to be nothing but a coniecture takē out of the likenes of the name Asar∣mathes. For the dwelling of all Ioktans posteritie is described by Moses to haue bene betwixt Mescha or Masius (an hil of the Ammonites) & Sephace, nere to the riuer Euphrates: which ma∣keth

it very vnlikely that Asarmathes should plant any colonies so far off in y^e North & northwest countries.* 15.30 It is bounded northward by the Lappes & the North Ocean. On the Southside by the Tartars called Crimmes. Eastward they haue the Nagaian Tartar, that possesseth all the countrey on the East side of Volga towards the Caspian sea. On the West and Southwest border lieth Lituania, Liuonia and Polonia.

The whole Countrey being nowe reduced vnder the gouernment of one, conteineth these chiefe Prouinces or Shires.* 15.31 Volodemer, (which beareth the first place in the Emperours stile, because their house came of the Dukes of that Countrey) Mosco, Nisnouogrod, Plesko, Smo∣lensko, Nouogrod velica (or Nouogrod of the low Countrey) Rostoue, Yaruslaue, Bealozera, Rezan, Duyna, Cargapolia, Meschora, Vagha, Vstuga, Ghaletsa. These are the naturall shires perteyning to Russia, but farre greater and larger then the shires of England, though not so well peopled. The other Countreys or prouinces which the Russe Emperours haue gotten perforce added of late to their other dominion, are these which followe,* 15.32 Twerra, Youghoria, Permia, Vadska, Boulghoria, Chernigo, Oudoria, Obdoria, Condora, with a great part of Siberia: where the people though they be not naturall Russes, yet obey the Emperour of Russia, and are ruled by the Lawes of his Countrey, paying customes and taxes, as his owne people doe. Be∣sides these he hath vnder him the kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan, gotten by conquest not long since. As for all his possession in Lituania (to the number of 30. great Townes and more,) with Narue and Dorp in Liuonia, they are quite gone, being surprised of late yeeres by the Kings of Poland and Sweden. These Shires and Prouinces are reduced all into foure Iurisdictions, which they call Chetfyrds (that is) Tetrarchies, or Fourth parts.

The whole Countrey is of great length and breadth.* 15.33 From the North to the South (if you measure from Cola to Astracan which bendeth somewhat Eastward) it reacheth in length about 4260. verst, or miles. Notwithstanding the Emperour of Russia hath more territorie North∣ward, farre beyond Cola vnto the Riuer of Tromschua, that runneth a hundred verst, welnigh beyond Pechinga,* 15.34 neere to Wardhouse, but not intire nor clearely limited, by reason of the kings of Sweden and Denmarke, that haue diuers Townes there, aswell as the Russe, plotted toge∣ther the one with the other: euery one of them clayming the whole of those North parts as his owne right. The breadth (if you go from that part of his territorie that lyeth farthest Westward on the Narue side, to the parts of Siberia Eastward, where the Emperour hath his garrisons) is 4400. verst or thereabouts. A verst (by their reckoning) is a 1000. pases, yet lesse by one quar∣ter then an English mile. If the whole dominion of the Russe Emperour were all habitable, and peopled in all places, as it is in some, he would either hardly holde it all within one regiment, or be ouer mightie for all his neighbour Princes.

Of the Soile and Climate.

THe soyle of the Countrey for the most part is of a sleight sandie moulde, yet very much different one place from another, for the yeeld of such things as grow out of the earth. The Countrey Northwards towards the parts of S. Nicholas and Cola, and Northeast towards Si∣beria, is all very barren, and full of desert woods by reason of the Climate, and extremitie of the colde in Winter time. So likewise along the Riuer Volgha betwixt the Countreys of Cazan, and Astracan: where (notwithstanding the soyle is very fruitfull) it is all vnhabited, sauing that vpon the riuer Volgha on the Westside, the Emperour hath some fewe Castels with garisons in them. This happeneth by meanes of the Crimme Tartar, that will neither himselfe plant Townes to dwel there, (liuing a wild and vagrant life) nor suffer the Russe (that is farre off with the strength of his Countrey) to people those parts. From Vologda (which lyeth almost 1700. verst from the port of S. Nicholas) downe towards Mosco, and so towards the South part that bordereth vpon the Crimme, (which conteineth the like space of 1700. verst or there abouts) is a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey, yeelding pasture, and corne, with woods and waters in ve∣ry great plentie. The like is betwixt Rezan (that lyeth Southeast from Mosco) to Nouogrod and Vobsko, that reach farthest towards the Northwest. So betwixt Mosco, and Smolensko (that lyeth Southwest towards Lituania) is a very fruitfull and pleasant soile.

The whole Countrey differeth very much from it selfe, by reason of the yeere: so that a man would marueile to see the great alteration and difference betwixt the Winter, and the Summer Russia. The whole Countrey in the Winter lieth vnder snow, which falleth continually, and is sometime of a yard or two thicke, but greater towards the North. The Riuers and other wa∣ters are all frosen vp a yard or more thicke, how swift or broade so euer they bee. And this conti∣nueth commonly fiue moneths, viz. from the beginning of Nouember till towardes the ende of

March, what time the snow beginneth to mel•••• So that it would breede a frost in a man to looke abroad at that time, and see the Winter face of that Countrey.* 15.35 The sharpenesse of the aire you may iudge of by this: for that water dropped downe or cast vp into the aire congealeth into yce before it come to the ground. In the extremitie of Winter, if you holde a pewter dish or pot in your hand or any other mettall (except in some chamber where their warme stoaues bee) your fingers will friese fast vnto it, and drawe off the skinne at the p••rting. When you passe out of a warme roome into a colde, you shall sensibly feele your breath to waxe starke, and euen s••ifeling with the colde, as you drawe it in and out. Diuers not onely that trauell abroad, but in the very markets, and streetes of their Townes, are mortally pinched and killed withall: so that you shall see many drop downe in the streetes; many trauellers brought into the Townes sitting dead and stiffe in their Sleds. Diuers lose their noses, the tips of their eares, and the bals of their cheekes, their toes, fe••te, &c. Many times (when the Winter is very hard and extreeme) the beares and woolfes issue by troupes out of the woods driuen by hunger, and enter the villages, tearing and rauening all they can finde: so that the inhabitants are faine to flie for safegard of their liues•• And yet in the Sommer time you shal see such a new hiew and face of a Countrey, the woods (for the most part w••ich are all of firre and birch) so fresh and so sweete, the pastures and medowes so greene and well growen, (and that vpon the sudden) such varietie of flowers, such noyse of bir••es (specially of Nightingales, that seeme to be more lowde and of a more variable no••e then in other Cou••treys) that a man shall not lightly trauell in a more pleasant Countrey.

And this fresh and speedy growth of the Spring there seemeth to proceede from the benefite of the snow: which all the Winter time being spread ouer the whole Countrey as a white robe, and keeping it warme from the rigour of the froft, in the Spring time (when the Sunne waxeth warme, and dissolueth it into water) doeth so throughly drench and soake the ground, that is somewhat of a sleight and sandie mould, and then shineth so h••tely vpon it againe, that it draweth the hearbes and plants foorth in great plentie and varietie, in a very short time. As the Winter exceedeth in colde, so the Sommer inclineth to ouer much heat, specially in the moneths of Iune, Iuly and August, being much warmer then the Sommer aire in England.

The Countrey throughout is very well watred with springs, riuers, and Ozeraes, or lakes. Wherein the prouidence of God is to be noted, for that much of the Countrey being so farre in∣land, as that some part lieth a thousand miles and more euery way from any Sea, yet it is serued with faire Riu••rs, and that in very great number, that emptying themselues one into another, runne all into the Sea. Their lakes are many and large, some of 60. 80. 100. and 200, miles long, with breadth proportionate.

* 15.36 The chiefe Riuers are these, First, Volgha, that hath his head or spring at the roote of an Alde••tree, about 200. verst aboue Yaruslaue, and groweth so bigge by the encrease of other Ri∣uers by that time it commeth thither, that it is broad an English nule and more, and so runnesh in∣to the Caspian sea, about 2800. verst or miles of length.

The next is Boristhenes (now called Neper) that diuideth the Countrey from Lituania, and falleth into the Euxin sea.

The third Tanais or Don, (the ancient bounder betwixt Europe and Asia) that taketh his head out of Rezan Ozera, and so running through the Countrey of the Chrim Tartar, falleth into the great Sea, lake, or meare, (called Maeotis) by the Citie of Azou. By this Riuer (as the Russe reporteth) you may passe from their Citie Mosco to Constantinople, and so into all those parts of the world by water, drawing your boate (as their maner is) ouer a little Isthmus or narrowe slip of land, a few versts ouerthwart. Which was proued not long since by an Ambassadour sent to Constantinople, who passed the Riuer of Moscua, and so into another called Ocka, whence hee drew his boat ouer into Tanais, and thence passed the whole way by water.

The fourth is called Duy••a, many hundred miles long, that falleth Northward into the bay of S. Nicholas, and hath great Alabaster rockes on the bankes towards the sea side.

The fifth Duna, that emptieth into the Baltick sea by the towne Riga.

The sixt Onega, that falleth into the Bay at Solouetsko 90. verst from the port of S. Nicho∣las. This Riuer, below the towne Cargapolia, meeteth with the Riuer Volock, that falleth into the Finland Sea by the towne Yama. So that from the port of S. Nicholas into the Finland sea, and so into the Sound, you may passe all by water, as hath bene tried by the Russe.

The seuenth Suchana, that floweth into Duyna, and so into the North sea.

The eight Ocka, that fetcheth his head from the borders of the Chrim, and streameth into Volgha.

The ninth Moscua that runneth thorow the Citie Mosco, and giueth it the name.

There is Wichida also a very large and long riuer that riseth out of Permia, and falleth into

Volgha. All these are riuers of very large streames, the least to be compared to the Thames in bignesse, and in length farre more, besides diuers other. The Pole at Mosco is 55. degrees 10. minutes. At the port of S. Nicholas towards the North 63. degrees and 50. minutes.

The natiue commodities of the Countrey.

FOr kindes of fruites, they haue Apples, peares, plummes, cherries, red and blacke,* 15.37 (but the blacke wilde) a deene like a muske millian, but more sweete and pleasant, cucumbers and goords (which they call Arbouse) rasps, strawberies, and hurtilberies, with many other beries in great quantitie in euery wood and hedge. Their kindes of graine are wheat, rie, barley, oates, pease, buckway, psnytha, that in taste is somewhat like to rice. Of all these graines the Countrey yeeldeth very sufficient with an ouerplus quantitie, so that wheate is solde sometime for two al∣teens or ten pence starling the Chetfird, which maketh almost three English bushels.

Their rie is sowed before the Winter, all their other graine in the Spring time, and for the most part in May. The Permians and some other that dwell farre North, and in desert places, are serued from the parts that lye more Southward, and are forced to make bread sometimes of a kinde of roote (called Vaghnoy) and of the middle rine of the firre tree. If there be any dearth (as they accompted this last yeere Anno 1588. wheat and rie being at 13. alteens, or 5. shillings fiue pence starling the Chetfird) the fault is rather in the practise of their Nobilitie that vse to en∣grosse it, then in the Countrey it selfe.

The natiue commodities of the Countrey (wherewith they serue both their owne turnes,* 15.38 and send much abroad to the great enriching of the Emperor, and his people) are many & substantiall. First, furres of all sorts.1 15.39 Wherein the prouidence of God is to be noted, that prouideth a naturall remedie for them, to helpe the naturall inconuenience of their Countrey by the cold of the Climat. Their chiefe furres are these, Blacke fox, Sables, Lusernes, dun fox, Martrones, Gurnestalles or Armins, Lasets or Miniuer, Beuer, Wuluerins, the skin of a great water Rat that smelleth natu∣rally like muske, Calaber or gray squirrel, red squirrel, red & white fox.* 15.40 Besides the great quan∣titie spent within y^e Countrey (the people being clad al in furres the whole winter) there are trans∣ported out of the Countrey some yeeres by the merchants of Turkie, Persia, Bougharia, Geor∣gia, Armenia, and some other of Christendom, to the value of foure or fiue hundred thousand rub∣bles, as I haue heard of the merchants. The best Sable furre groweth in the countrey of Pecho∣ra, Momgosorskoy and Obdorskoy,* 15.41 the worser sort in Siberia, Perm, & other places. The blacke foxe and red come out of Siberia, white and dunne from Pechora, whence also come the white wolfe, and white Beare skin. The best Wuluerin also thence and from Perm. The best Mar∣trons are from Siberia, Cadam, Morum, Perm, and Cazan. Lyserns, Mineuer, and Armins, the best are out of Gallets, and Ouglits, many from Nouogrod and Perm. The Beauer of the best sort breedeth in Murmonskey by Cola. Other common furres, and most of these kindes grow in many, and some in all parts of the Countrey.

The second commoditie is of Waxe,2 15.42 whereof hath be••e shipped into forreigne countreys (as I haue heard it reported by those that best know it) the summe of 50000. pood yeerely, euery pood conteyneth 40. pound, but now about 10000. pood a yeere.

The third is their Honie,3 15.43 whereof besides an exceeding great quantitie spent in their ordinary drinkes (which is Mead of all sorts) and their other vses, some good quantitie is caried out of the countrey. The chiefe encrease of hony is in Mordua and Cadam neere to the Cheremissen Tar∣tar: much out of Seuerskoy, Rezan, Morum, Cazan, Dorogobose, and Vasma.

Fourthly, of Tallow they afoord a great waight for transportation:4 15.44 not onely for that their countrey hath very much good ground apt for pasturage of cattell, but also by reason of their many Lents and other fastes: and partly because their greater men vse much waxe for their lights, the poorer and meaner sort birch dried in their stoaues, and cut into long shiuers, which they call Lu∣chineos. Of tallow there hath bene shipped out of the Realme a few yeeres since about 100000. pood yerely, now not past 30000. or thereabouts. The best yeeld of tallow is in the parts and ter∣ritories of Smolensko, Yaruslaue, Ouglits, Nouogrod, and Vologda, Otfer, and Gorodetskey.

An other principall commoditie is their Losh and Cowhide.5 15.45 Their Losh or Buffe hide is very faire and large. Their bull and cowe hide (for oxen they make none, neither yet weather) is of a small sise. There hath bene transported by merchants strangers some yeres 100000. hides. Now it is decreased to 30000. or thereabouts. Besides great store of goates skinnes, whereof great numbers are shipped out of the countrey. The largest kinde of Losh or Buffe breedeth about Ro∣stoue, Wichida, Nouogrod, Morum, and Perm. The lesser sort within the kingdome of Cazan.

An other very great and principall commoditie is their Trane oyle,6 15.46 drawen out of the Seal

fish. Where it will not be impertinent to shewe the maner of their hunt••ng the Seal,* 15.47 which they make this oyle of: which is in this sort. Towards the ende of Sommer (before the frost beginne) they goe downe with their boates into the Bay of S. Nicholas, to a cape called Cusconesse or Fox∣nose, wh••re they leaue their boats till the next spring tide. When the Sunne waxeth warme to∣ward the spring, and yet the yce not melted within the Bay, they returne thither againe. Then drawing their boates ouer the sea yce, they vse them for houses to rest and lodge in. There are commonly about 17. or 18. fleete of them, of great large boates, which diuide themselues into di∣uers companies, fiue or sixe boats in a consort.

They that first finde the haunt, fire a beacon, which they carry with them for the nonce. Which being espied by the other companies, by such among them as are appointed of purpose, they come altogether and compasse the Seales round about in a ring, that lie sunning themselues together vpon the yce, commonly foure or fiue thousand in a shoale, and so they inuade them euery man with his club in his hand. If they hit them on the nose, they are soone killed. If on the sides or backe they beare out the blow, and many times so catch and holde downe the clubbe with their teeth by maine force, that the partie is forced to call for helpe to his fellowes.

The maner of the Seals is when they see themselues beset, to gather all close together in a throng or plumpe, to sway downe the yce, and to breake it (if they can) which so bendeth the yce that many times it taketh the sea water vpon it, and maketh the hunters to wade a soote or more deepe. After the slaughter when they haue killed what they can, they fall to sharing euery boate his part in equall portions: and so they flay them, taking from the body the skin, and the lard or fat with all that cleaueth to the skin. This they take with them, leauing the bodies behind, and so go to shore. Where they digge pits in the ground of a fadome and an halfe deepe, or thereabout, and so taking the fat or lard off from the skinne, they throw it into the pit, and cast in among it hoat bur∣ning stones to melt it withall. The vppermost and purest is sold, and vsed to oile wool for cloth, the grosser (that is of a red colour) they sell to make sope.

7 15.48Likewise of Ickary or Cauery, a great quantitie is made vpon the riuer of Volgha out of the fish called Bellougina, the Sturgeon, the Seueriga and the Sterledey. Whereof the most part is shipped by French and Netherlandish merchants for Italy and Spaine, some by English merchants.

8 15.49The next is of Flax and Hempe, whereof there hath bene shipped (as I haue heard merchants say) at the port of Narue a great part of 100. ships small and great yerely. Now, not past fiue. The reason of this abating and decrease of this & other commodities, that were wont to be transpor∣ted in a greater quantitie, is the shutting vp of the port of y^e Narue towards the Finland sea, which now is in the handes and possession of the Sweden. Likewise the stopping of the passage ouerland by the way of Smolensko, & Plotsko, by reason of their warres with the Polonian, which causeth the people to be lesse prouident in mainteining and gathering these and like commodities, for that they lacke sales. For the growth of flaxe the prouince of Vobsko, and the countrey about is the chiefe and onely place. For Hempe Smolensko, Dorogobose and Vasma.

9 15.50The countrey besides maketh great store of salt. Their best salt is made at Scararouse in very great quantitie, where they haue great store of salt wels, about 250. verst from the sea. At Astra∣can salt is made naturally by the sea water, that casteth it vp into great hils, and so it is digged downe, and caried away by the merchants and other that wil fetch it from thence. They pay to the Emperor for acknowledgement or custome 3.d. Russe vpon euery hundred weight. Besides these two, they make salt in many other places of the Realme, as in Perm, Wichida, Torma, Kenitsma, Solouetsky, Ocona, Bombasey, and Nonocks,* 15.51 all out of salt pits, saue at Solouetsky, which lieth neere to the sea.

10 15.52Likewise of Tarre they make a great quantitie out of their firre trees in the countrey of Duy∣na and Smolensko, whereof much is sent abroad. Besides these (which are all good and substan∣tiall commodities) they haue diuers other of smaller accompt, that are naturall and proper to that countrey: as the fi••h tooth (which they call Ribazuba) which is vsed both among themselues,11 15.53 and the Persians and Bougharians that fetch it from thence for beads, kniues, and sword hafts of No∣blemen and gentlemen, and for diuers other vses. Some vse the powder of it against poison, as the Vnicornes borne. The fish that weareth it is called a Morse, and is caught about Pechora. These fish teeth some of them are almost 2. foote of length, and weigh 11. or 12. pound apiece.

12 15.54In the prouince of Corelia, and about the riuer Duyna towards the North sea, there groweth a soft rocke which they call Slude. This they cut into pieces, and so teare it into thin flakes, which naturally it is apt for, and so vse it for glasse-lanthorns and such like. It giueth both inwards and outwards a clearer light then glasse, and for this respect is better then either glasse or horne: for that it neither breaketh like glasse, nor yet will burne like the lanthorne.13 15.55 Saltpeter they make in many places, as at Ouglits, Yaruslaue & Vstiug, and some smal store of brimstome vpon the riuer

Volgha, but wāt skil to refine it. Their iron is somewhat brittle,14 15.56 but a great weight of it is made in Corelia, Cargapolia, & Vstiug Thelesna. Other mine they haue none growing within y^e realme.

Their beasts of strange kinds are the Losh, the Ollen, the wild horse, the beare, the woluering, or wood dog, the Lyserne, the Beauer, the Sable, the Martron, the black and dunne for,* 15.57 the white Beare towards the sea coast of Pechora, the Gurnstale, the Laset or Mineuer. They haue a kinde of Squirrell that hath growing on the pinion of the shoulder bone a long ••uft of haire, much like vnto feathers with a far broader taile then haue any other squirrels, which they moue and shake as they leape from tree to tree, much like vnto a wing. They skise a large space, & seeme for to flie withal, and therefore they cal them Letach Vechshe, that is, the flying squirrels. Their hares and squirrels in Sommer are of the same colour with ours, in Winter the hare changeth her coate into milke white, the squirrel into gray, whereof commeth the Calaber.

They haue fallow deere, the roe bucke, & goats very great store. Their horses are but smal, but very swift & hard, they trauell them vnshod both winter and Sommer, without all regard of pace. Their sheepe are but smal & beare course & harsh wool. Of foule they haue diuers of the principal kinds: First, great store of hawks, the eagle, the gerfaulcon, the slightfaulcon, the goshawk, the tas∣sel, the sparhawk, &c. But the principal hawke y^t breedeth in the country, is counted y^e gerfaulcon. Of other foules their principal kinds are the swan tame & wilde, (whereof they haue great store) the storke, the crane, the tedder of the colour of a feasant, but far bigger & liueth in the firre woods. Of feasant and partridge they haue very great plentie. An owle there is of a very great bignesse, more vgly to behold then y^e owles of this country, with a broad face, & eares much like vnto a man.

For fresh water fish, besides the cōmon sorts (as carpe, pikes, pearch, tench, roach, &c.) they haue diuers kinds very good and delicate: as the Bellouga or Bellougina of 4. or 5. elnes long, the Osi∣trina or Sturgion, the Seueriga and Sterledy somewhat in fashion and taste like to the Sturgion, but not so thicke nor long. These 4. kinds of fish breed in the Volgha, and are catched in great plenty, and serued thence into the whole Realme for a great food. Of the Roes of these foure kinds they make very great store of Icary or Caueary as was said before.

They haue besides these that breed in the Volgha a fish called the Riba bela, or white salmon, which they accompt more delicate then they do the red salmon, whereof also they haue exceeding great plentie in the Riuers Northward, as in Duyna, the riuer of Cola, &c. In the Ozera or lake neere a towne called Perislaue, not far frō the Mosco, they haue a smal fish which they cal the fresh herring, of the fashion, and somewhat of the taste of a sea-herring. Their chiefe townes for fish are, Ya••••slaue, Bealozera, Nouogrod, Astracan, and Cazan: which all yeeld a large custome to the Emperour euery yeere for their trades of fishing, which they practise in Sommer, but sende it frozen in the Winter time into all parts of the Realme.

The chiefe Cities of Russia.

THe chiefe cities of Russia are Mosco, Nouogrod, Rostoue, Volodomer, Plesko, Smolensko, Iaruslaue, Petislaue, Nisnouogrod, Vologda, Vstiug, Colmogro, Cazan, Astracan, Carga∣polia, Columna. The city of Mosco is supposed to be of great antiquitie,* 15.58 though the first founder be vnknowen to the Russe. It seemeth to haue taken the name frō the riuer that runneth on the one side of the towne. Berosus the Chaldean in his 5. booke telleth that Nimrod (whō other prophane stories cal Saturne) sent Assyrius, Medus, Moscus, & Magog into Asia to plant colonies there, and that Moscus planted both in Asia and Europe. Which may make some probabilitie, that the citie, or rather the riuer whereon it is built, tooke the denomination frō this Moscus: the rather because of the climate or situation, which is in the very farthest part & list of Europe, bordering vpon Asia. The Citie was much enlarged by one Iuan or Iohn, sonne to Daniel, that first changed his title of duke into King: though that honor continued not to his posterity: the rather because he was inue∣sted into it by the Popes Legate, who at that time was Innocentius the 4. about the yeere 1246. which was very much misliked by the Russe people, being then a part of the Easterne or Greeke Church. Since that time the name of this city hath growen more famous, & better knowen to the world: insomuch that not only the prouince, but the whole Countrey of Russia is termed by some by the name of Moscouia the Metropolite city. The forme of this City is in maner round with 3. strong wals, circuling the one within the other, & streets lying betwene, whereof the inmost wall, and the buildings closed within it (lying safest as the heart within the body, fenced and watred with the riuer Moscua, that runneth close by it) is all accompted the Emperors castle. The number of houses (as I haue heard) through the whole Citie (being reckoned by the Emperor a litle before it was fired by the Crim) was 41500. in all. Since the Tartar besieged and fired the towne (which was in the yere 1571.) there lieth waste of it a great breadth of ground, which before was wel set and planted with buildings, specially that part on the South side of Moscua, built not long before

by Basilius the Emperor for his garison of souldiers, to whom he gaue priuiledge to drinke Mead, and beere at the dry or prohibited times, when other Russes may drinke nothing but water, and for that cause called this new city by the name of Naloi, that is skinck or poure in. So that now the city of Mosco is not much bigger then the city of London. The next in greatnes, & in a maner as large, is the citie Nouograd:* 15.59 where was committed (as the Russe saith) the memorable warre so much spoke of in stories of the Scythians seruants, that tooke armes against their masters: which they report in this sort: viz. That the Boiarens or gentlemen of Nouograd & the territory about (which only are souldiers after the discipline of those countreis) had war with the Tartars. Which being wel performed & ended by them, they returned homewards. Where they vnderstood by the way that their Cholopey or bondslaues whom they left at home, had in their absence possessed their townes, lands, houses, wiues and all. At which newes being somewhat amased, and yet disdeining the villany of their seruants, they made the more speed home: and so not far from Nouograd met them in warlike maner marching against them. Whereupon aduising what was best to be do••e, they agreed all to set vpon them with no other shew of weapon but with their horse whips (which as their maner is euery man rideth withal) to put them in remembrance of their seruile condition, thereby to terrifie them, & abate their courage. And so marching on & lashing altogether with their whips in their hands they gaue the onset. Which seemed so terrible in the eares of their villaines, and stroke such a sense into them of the smart of the whip which they had felt before, that they fled altogether like sheepe before the driuers. In memory of this victory the Nouogradians euer since haue stamped their come (which they cal a dingoe Nouogrodskoy currant through al Russia) with the figure of a horsman shaking a whip aloft in his hand. These 2. cities exceed y^e rest in greatnes. For strength their chiefe townes are Vobsko, Smolensko, Cazan & Astracan, as lying vpon the borders. But for situation Iaruslaue far exceedeth the rest.* 15.60 For besides the commodities that the soile yeeldeth of pasture and corne, it lieth vpon the famous riuer of Volgha, & looketh ouer it from a high banke very faire & stately to behold: whereof the towne taketh the name. For Iaruslaue in that tongue signifieth as much as a faire or famous banke. In this towne (as may be ghessed by the name) dwelt the Russe king Vladimer sirnamed Iaruslaue,* 15.61 that maried the daughter of Harald king of England, by mediation of Sueno the Dane, as is noted in the Danish story about the yere 1067.

The other townes haue nothing y^t is greatly memorable, saue many ruines within their wals. The streets of their cities and townes in stead of pauing are planked with fir trees, plained & layd euen close the one to the other. Their houses are of wood without any lime or stone,* 15.62 built very close and warme with firre trees plained and piled one vpon another. They are fastened together with dents or notches at euery corner, & so clasped fast together. Betwixt the trees or timber they thrust in mosse (whereof they gather plenty in their woods) to keep out the aire. Euery house hath a paire of staires that lead vp into the chambers out of the yard or streat after the Scottish maner. This building seemeth far better for their countrey, then that of stone or bricke; as being colder & more dampish then their wooden houses, specially of firre, that is a dry & warme wood. Wherof the pro∣uidēce of God hath giuen them such store, as that you may build a faire house for 20. or 30. rubbles or litle more, where wood is most scant. The greatest inconuenience of their wodden building is the aptnesse for firing, which happeneth very oft & in very fearful sort, by reason of the drinesse and fatnes of the fir, that being once fired, burneth like a torch, & is hardly quenched til all be burnt vp.

Of the maner of Crowning or Inauguration of the Russe Emperours.

THe solemnities vsed at y^e Russe Emperors coronation, are on this maner. In the great church of Precheste (or our Lady) within the Emperors castle is erected a stage whereon standeth a scrine that beareth vpon it the Imperial cap & robe of very rich stuffe. When the day of the Inaugu∣ratiō is come, there resort thither, first the Patriarch w^t the Metropolitanes, archbishops, bishops, abbots and priors, al richly clad in their pontificalibus. Then enter the Deacons with the quier of singers. Who so soone as the Emperor setteth foot into y^e church, begin to sing: Many yeres may liue noble Theodore Iuanowich, &c: Whereunto the patriarch and Metropolite with the rest of the cleargy, answere with a certaine hymne, in forme of a praier, singing it altogether with a great noise. The hymne being ended, the patriarch with the Emperor mount vp the stage, where standeth a seat ready for the Emperor. Whereupon the patriarch willeth him to sit downe, & then placing himself by him vpō another seat prouided for y^e purpose, boweth downe his head towards y^e ground, and saith this prayer: Oh Lord God king of kings, Lord of lords, which by thy prophet Samuel didst chose thy seruant Dauid, & annoynt him for King ouer thy people Israel, heare now our prayer, & looke frō thy sanctuary vpon this thy seruant Theodore, whom thou hast chosen and exalted for king ouer these thy holy natiōs, anoint him with the oile of gladnes, protect by thy

power, put vpon his head a crowne of gold & precious stones, giue him length of dayes, place him in the seat of Iustice, strēgthen his arme, make subiect vnto him all the barbarous nations. Let thy feare be in his whole heart, turne him from an euill faith, and all errour, and shewe him the saluation of thy holy and vniuersal Church, that he may iudge thy people with Iustice, & protect the children of the poore, & finally atteine euerlasting life. This prayer he speaketh with a low voice, & then pronounceth aloud: Al praise and power to God the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost. The prayer being ended, he commandeth certaine Abbots to reach the im∣periall roabe & cap: which is done very decently, and with great solemnitie, the Patriarch withal pronouncing aloud: Peace be vnto all. And so he beginneth another prayer to this effect: Bow your selues together with vs, and pray to him that reigneth ouerall. Preserue him (oh Lord) vnder thy holy protection, keepe him that hee may doe good and holy things, let Iustice shine forth in his dayes, that we may liue quietly without strife and malice. This is pronoun∣ced somewhat softly by the Patriarch, whereto hee addeth againe aloud: Thou art the king of the whole world, and the sauiour of our soules, to thee the Father, Sonne and Holy ghost be al praise for euer and euer. Amen. Then putting on the roabe and the cap, he blesseth the Empe∣rour with the signe of the crosse, saying withall: In the name of the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy ghost. The like is done by the Metropolites, Archbishops, and Bishops: who all in their order come to the chaire, and one after another blesse the Emperour with their two forefingers. Then is sayd by the Patriarch another prayer, that beginneth: O most holy virgin, mother of God &c. After which a Deacon pronounceth with a loude voice: Many yeres to noble Theo∣dore, good, honourable, beloued of God, great Duke of Volodemer, of Mosco, Emperour, and Monarch of all Russia, &c. Whereto the other Priests and Deacons that stand somewhat farre of by the altar or table, answere singing: Many yeres, many yeres to the noble Theodore. The same note is taken vp by the Priests and Deacons, that are placed at the right and left side of the Church, and then altogether, they chaunt and thunder out, singing: Many yeares to the noble Theodore, good, honourable, beloued of God, great Duke of Volodomer, Mosco, Emperour of all Russia, &c. These solemnities being ended, first commeth the Patriarch with the Metro∣polites, Archbishops, and Bishops, then the Nobility, and the whole company in their order, to doe homage to the Emperour, bending downe their heads, and knocking them at his feete to the very ground.

The stile wherewith he is inuested at his Coronation, runneth after this maner.

THeodore Iuanowich, by the grace of God great Lord and Emperour of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosco, and Nouogrod, King of Cazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesco, and great duke of Smolensco, of Twerria, Ioughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod of the Low countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polots∣koy, Rostoue, Yaruslaueley, Bealozera, Leifland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Condensa, Comman∣der of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and Lord of many other Countries, &c.

This stile conteineth in it all the Emperours Prouinces, and setteth foorth his greatnesse. And therefore they haue a great delight and pride in it, forcing not onely their owne people but also strangers (that haue any matter to deliuer to the Emperour by speech or writing) to re∣peate the whole forme from the beginning to the end. Which breedeth much cauill, and some∣times quarell betwixt them and the Tartar, and Poland Ambassadours: who refuse to call him Czar, that is Emperor, and to repeate the other parts of his long stile. My selfe when I had audience of the Emperour, thought good to salute him only with thus much vz. Emperour of all Russia, great Duke of Volodomer, Mosco and Nouogrod, King of Cazan, King of Astra∣can. The rest I omitted of purpose, because I knew they gloried, to haue their stile appeare to be of a larger volume then the Queenes of England. But this was taken in so ill part, that the Chancelour (who then attended the Emperour, with the rest of the nobility) with aloude cha∣sing voice, called still vpon me to say out the rest. Whereto I answered, that the Emperors stile was very long, and could not so well be remembred by strangers, that I had repeated so much of it, as might shew that I gaue honour to the rest &c. But all would not serue till I com∣manded my interpreter to say it all out.

Their forces for the wars, with the chief officers and their salaries.

THe Souldiers of Russia are called Sinaboyarskey, or the sons of Gentlemen: because they are all of that degree, by vertue of their military profession. For euery souldier in Russia is a gentleman, and none are gentlemen, but only the souldiers, that take it by discent from their

ancestors: so that the sonne of a gentleman (which is borne a souldier) is euer a gentleman,* 15.63 and a souldier withall, & professeth nothing els but military matters. When they are of yeres able to beare armes, they come to the office of Roserade, or great Constable, and there present them∣selues: who entreth their names, and allotteth them certaine lands to maintaine their charges, for the most part the same that their fathers enioyed. For the lands assigned to maintaine the army, are euer certain, annexed to this office without improuing, or detracting one foot. But that if the Emperor haue sufficient in wages, the roomes being full so farre as the land doeth extend al∣ready, they are many times deferred, and haue nothing allowed them, except some one portion of the land be deuided into two. The whole number of his souldiers in continuall pay, is this. First he hath his Dworaney, that is, Pensioners, or Gard of his person, to the number of 15000 horsemen, with their captaines and other officers, that are alwaies in a readines.

* 15.64Of these 15000 horsemen, there are three sorts or degrees, which differ as well in estimation as in wages, one degree from another. The first sort of them is called Dworaney Bulshey, or the company of head Pensioners, that haue some an hundred, some fourescore rubbles a yeare, and none vnder 70. The second sort are called Seredney Dworaney, or the middle ranke of Pensio∣ners. These haue sixty or fifty rubbles by the yeare, none vnder fortie. The third and lowest sort, are the Dyta Boiarskey, that is, the low Pensioners. Their salary is thirty rubbles a yere for him that hath most, some haue but 25, some 20, none vnder 12. Wherof the halfe part is paid them at the Mosco, the other halfe in the field by the general, when they haue any wars, & are im∣ploied in seruice. When they receiue their whole pay, it amounteth to 55000 rubbles by the yere.

And this is their wages, besides lands allotted to euery one of them, both to the greater and the lesse, according to their degrees. Whereof he that hath least, hath to yeelde him twentie rubbles or markes by the yeare. Besides these 15000 horsemen, that are of better choyce (as being the Emperors owne gard when himselfe goeth to the wars, not vnlike the Romane soul∣diers called Praetoriani) are a hundred and ten men of speciall account for their Nobilitie, and trust, which are chosen by the Emperor, and haue their names registred, that find among them for the Emperors wars, to the number of 65000.* 15.65 horsemen, with all nececessaries meet for the wars after the Russe maner.

To this end they haue yerely allowance made by the Emperor for themselues, and their companies, to the summe of 40000 rubbles. And these 65000 are to repayre to the field euery yeare on the borders towards the Crim Tartar, (except they be appointed for some other ser∣uice) whether there be wars with the Tartars, or not. This might seeme peraduenture some∣what dangerous for some state, to haue so great forces vnder the cōmand of Noblemen to assem∣ble euery yere to one certain place. But the matter is so vsed, as that no danger can growe to the Emperor, or his state by this means. First, because these noblemen are many, to wit, an 110. in al, & changed by the Emperor so oft as he thinketh good. Secōdly, because they haue their liuings of the Emperor, being otherwise but of very small reuenue, and receiue this yerely pay of 40000 rubbles, when it is presently to be payd forth againe to the souldiers that are vnder them. Third∣ly, because for the most part they are about the Emperors person being of his Counsel, either spe∣ciall, or at large. Fourthly, they are rather as paymasters, then Captaines to their companies, themselues not going forth ordinarily to the wars, saue when some of them are appointed by spe∣ciall order from the Emperor himselfe.* 15.66 So the whole number of horsemen that are euer in a readinesse, and in continuall pay, are 80000, a few more or lesse.

If he haue neede of a greater number (which seldome falleth out) then he enterteineth of those Sinaboiarskey, that are out of pay, so many as he needeth: and if yet he want of his num∣ber, he giueth charge to his Noblemen, that hold lands of him to bring into the field euery man a proportionable number of his seruants (called Kolophey, such as till his lands) with their furni∣ture, according to the iust number that he intendeth to make. Which the seruice being done, pre∣sently lay in their weapons, and returne to their seruile occupations againe.

* 15.67Of footemen that are in continuall pay, he hath to the number of 12000 all gunners, called Strelsey: Whereof 5000 are to attend about the citie of Mosco, or any other place where the Emperor shall abide, and 2000 (which are called Stremaney Strelsey, or gunners at the stirrop) about his owne person at the very Court or house where himselfe lodgeth. The rest are placed in his garison townes, till there be occasion to haue them in the field, and receiue for their sa∣larie or stipend euery man seuen rubbles a yeare, besides twelue measures a piece of Rye, and Dates. Of mercenary Souldiers, that are strangers (whom they call Nimschoy) they haue at this time 4300 of Polonians:* 15.68 of Chirchasses (that are vnder the Polonians) about 4000, wherof 3500 are abroad in his garisons: of Doutches & Scots about 150: of Greekes, Turks, Danes and Swedens, all in one band, an 100 or thereabouts. But these they vse onely vpon the

Tartar side, and against the Siberians: as they doe the Tartar souldiers (whom they hire some∣times, but only for the present) on the other side against the Polonian and Sweden: thinking it best policie to vse their seruice vpon the contrary border.

The chiefe Captaines or leaders of these forces, according to their names and degrees,* 15.69 are these which follow. First, the Voyauoda Bulshaia, that is, the Great Captaine, or Lieutenant general vnder the Emperor. This commonly is one of the foure houses of the chiefe Nobility of the land.* 15.70 Their great Voiauod or general at this present in their wars, is commonly one of these foure: Knez Feodor Iuanowich Methisloskey, Knez Iuan Michalowich Glinskoy, Cherechas∣koy, end Trowbetskoy, all of great nobilitie. Next vnto the Voiauod or general there is some o∣ther placed as Lieutenant general,* 15.71 being a man of great valour and experience in the wars, who ordereth all things that the other countenanceth. At this time their principal man, & most vsed in their wars, is one Knez Demetrie Iuanowich Forestine, an ancient and expert captaine, and one that hath done great seruice (as they say) against the Tartar and Polonian. Next vnder the Voi∣auod and his Lieutenant general are foure other that haue the marshalling of the whole army deuided among them,* 15.72 and may be called the marshals of the field.

Euery man hath his quarter, or fourth part vnder him. Whereof the first is called the Praua Polskoy, or right wing. The second is the Leuoy Polskoy, or left wing. The third is Rusnoy Polskoy, or the broken band, because out of this there are chosen to send abroad vpon any sodaine exploit, or to make a rescue or supplie, as occasion doth require. The fourth Storoshouoy Pol∣skoy,* 15.73 or the warding band. Euery one of these foure Marshals haue two other vnder them (eight in all) that twise euery weeke at the least must muster and traine their seueral wings or bands, and hold and giue iustice for all faults, and disorders committed in the campe.

And these eight are commonly chosen out of the 110. (which I spake of before) that receiue & deliuer the pay to the souldiers. Under these eight are diuers other Captaines, as the Gulauoy,* 15.74 Captaines of thousands fiue hundreds and 100. The Petyde Setskoy or Captains of fifties, and the Decetskies or Captains of tennes.

Besides the Voiauoda or general of the armie (spokē of before) they haue two other that beare the name of Voiauoda,* 15.75 whereof one is the master of the great Ordinance (called Naradna voia∣uoda) who hath diuers vnder officers, necessary for that seruice. The other is called the Voiauo∣da gulauoy, or the walking Captaine;* 15.76 that hath allowed him 1000 good horsemen of principall choyce, to range & spie abroad, & hath the charge of the running Castle, which we are to speake of in the Chapter following. Al these Captains, & men of charge must once euery day resort to the Bulsha voiauoda, or General of the armie, to know his pleasure, & to informe him, if there be any requisite matter pertaining to their office.

Of their mustering, and leuying of forces, maner of armour, and prouision of victuall for the warres.

VVHen wars are towards (which they faile not of lightly euery yere with the Tartar,* 15.77 & ma∣ny times with the Polonian & Sweden) the foure Lords of the Chetfirds send forth their summons in the Emperors name, to all the Dukes and Dyacks of the Prouinces, to be proclai∣med in the head townes of euery Shire: that al the Sinaboiarskey, or sonnes of gentlemen make their repaire to such a border where the seruice is to be done, at such a place, & by such a day, and there present themselues to such, & such Captaines. When they come to the place assigned them in the summons or proclamation, their names are taken by certaine officers that haue commissi∣on for that purpose from the Roserade, or high Constable, as Clarkes of the bands. If any make default & faile at the day, he is multted, & punished very seuerely. As for the General & other chief Captaines, they are sent thither from the Emperors owne hand, with such Commission & charge as he thinketh behoofull for the present seruice. When the souldiers are assembled, they are re∣duced into their bands, & companies, vnder their seueral Captaines of tennes, fifties, hundreds, thousands, &c. and these Bands into 4 Polskeis, or Legions (but of farre greater numbers then the Romane Legions were) vnder their foure great Leaders, which also haue the authoritie of Marshals of the field (as was sayd before.)

Concerning their armour they are but slightly appointed. The cōmon horseman hath nothing els but his bow in his case vnder his right arme,* 15.78 & his quiuer & sword hanging on the left side: ex∣cept some fewe that beare a rase of dagges, or a Iauelin, or short staffe along their horse side. The vnder captains wil haue commonly some piece of armour besides, as a shirt of male, or such like. The General with the other chiefe captaines & men of Nobilitie wil haue their horse very richly furnished, their saddles of cloth of gold, their bridles fair bossed & tasselled with gold, & silk fringe, bestudded with pearle & precious stones, thēselues in very faire armor, which they cal Buliatnoy,

made of faire shiuing steele, yet couered commonly with cloth of golde, and edged round with ar∣min furre, his steele helmet on his head a very great price, his sword bow and arrowes at his side, his speare in his hand, with another faire helmet, and Shesta pera, or horsemans scepter car∣ried before him. Their swords, bowes, and arrowes are of the Turkish fashion. They practise like the Tartar to shoote forwards and backwards, as they flie and retire.

* 15.79The Strelsey or footeman hath nothing but his piece in his hand, his striking hatchet at his back, & his sword by his side. The stock of his piece is not made calieuerwise, but with a plaine & straite stocke (somewhat like a fouling piece) the barrel is rudely & vnartificially made, very hea∣uie, yet shooteth but a very small bullet. As for their prouision of victual,* 15.80 the Emperor alloweth none, either for Captaine or souldiour, neither prouideth any for them except peraduenture some corne for their money. Euery man is to bring sufficient for himselfe, to serue his turne for foure moneths, & if neede require to giue order for more to be brought vnto him to the Campe from his tenant that tilleth his land, or some other place. One great helpe they haue, that for lodging an•• diet euery Russe is prepared to be a souldier beforehand. Though the chiefe Captains & other of account cary tents with them after the fashion of ours, with some better prouision of victual then the rest. They bring with them commonly into the Campe for victuall a kind of dried bread, (which they call Suchary) with some store of meale, which they temper with water, and so make it into a ball, or small lumpe of dowe, called Tollockno. And this they eate rawe in stead of bread. Their meat is bacon, or some other flesh or fish dryed, after the Dutch maner. If the Russe souldi∣er were as hardy to execute an enterprise, as he is hard to beare out toyle and trauell, or were o∣therwise as apt and well trained for the warres, as he indifferent for his lodging and diet, hee would farre exceede the souldiers of our parts.

Of their marching, charging, and other Martial discipline.

THe Russe trusteth rather to his number, then to the valure of his souldiers, or good ordering of his forces. Their marching or leading is without al order, saue that the foure Polskoy or Legions,(wherinto their armie is deuided) keepe themselues seuerall vnder their ensignes, & so thrust all on together in a hurrey, as they are directed by their Generall. Their Ensigne is the i∣mage of S. George. The Bulsha Dworaney or chiefe horsemen, haue euery man a small drum of brasse at his saddle bowe,* 15.81 which he striketh when he giueth the charge, or onset.

* 15.82They haue drummes besides of a huge bignes, which they cary with them vpon a boord layde on foure horses, that are sparred together with chaines, euery drumme hauing eight strikers, or drummers, besides trumpets and shawmes, which they sound after a wilde maner, much diffe∣rent from ours. When they giue any charge, or make any inuasion, they make a great hallow or shoute altogether, as lowd as they can, which with the sound of their trumphets, shawmes, and drummes, maketh a confused and horrible noyse. So they set on first discharging their arrowes, then dealing with their swordes, which they vse in a brauerie to shake, and brandish ouer their heads, before they come to strokes.

* 15.83Their footmen (because otherwise they want order in leading) are commonly placed in some ambush or place of aduantage, where they may most annoy the enemie, with least hurt to them∣selues. If it be a set battell, or if any great inuasion be made vpon the Russe borders by the Tar∣tar, they are set within y^e running or mouing Castle (called Beza,* 15.84 or Gulaygorod) which is caried about with them by the Voiauoda gulauoy (or the walking General) whom I spake of befor••. This walking or moouing Castle is so framed, that it may be set vp in length (as occasion doeth require) the space of one, two, three, foure, fiue, sixe, or seuen miles: for so long it will reach. It is nothing els but a double wall of wood to defend them on both sides behinde and before, with a space of three yards or thereabouts, betwixt the two sides: so that they may stand within it, and haue roome enough to charge and discharge their pieces, and to vse their other weapons. It is closed at both ends, and made with loope holes on either side, to lay out the nose of their piece, or to push foorth any other weapon. It is caried with the armie wheresoeuer it goeth, being ta∣ken into pieces, and so layde on cartes sparred together, and drawen by horse that are not seene, by reason that they are couered with their cariage as with a shelfe or penthouse. When it is brought to the place where it is to be vsed (which is deuised and chosen out before by the walking Voiauod) it is planted so much as the present vse requireth, sometime a mile long, sometimes two, sometimes three or more: Which is soone done without the helpe of any Carpenter, or instrument: because the timber is so framed to claspe together one piece with in another: as is easily vnderstoode by those that know the maner of the Russe building.

In this Castle standeth their shot wel fenced for aduantage, specially against the Tartar, that

bringeth no ordinance, nor other weapon into the field with him, saue his sword, and bow, and ar∣rowes. They haue also within it diuers field pieces, which they vse as occasion doth require. Of pieces for the field they carie no great store, when they warre against the Tartar: but when they deale with the Polonian (of whose forces they make more account) they go better furnished with all kind of munition, and other necessarie prouisions. It is thought that no Prince of Christen∣dome hath better store of munition, then the Russe Emperour. And it may partly appeare by the Artillery house at Mosco, where are of all sortes of great Ordinance, all brasse pieces, very faire, to an exceeding great number.

The Russe souldier is thought to be better at his defence within some castle or towne, then he is abroad at a set pitched field. Which is euer noted in the practise of his warres, and namely at ••ho siege of Vobsco, about eight yeres since: where he repulsed the Polonian king Stepan Ba∣toro,* 15.85 with his whole armie of 100000 men, and forced him in the end to giue ouer his siege, with the losse of many of his best Captaines and souldiers. But in a set field the Russe is noted to haue euer the worse of the Polonian and Sweden.

If any behaue himselfe more valiantly then the rest, or do any special piece of seruice, the Em∣peror sendeth him a piece of golde, stamped with the Image of Saint George on horsebacke.* 15.86 Which they hang on their sleeues, & set in their caps. And this is accounted the greatest honour they can receiue, for any seruice they doe.

Of their Colonies, and maintaining of their conquests, or pur∣chases by force.

THe Russe Emperors of late yeres haue very much enlarged their dominions, & territories. Their first conquest after the Dukedome of Mosco (for before that time they were but Dukes of Volodomer, as before was said) was the citie, & Dukedome of Nouogrod on y^e West, and Northwest side: which was no smal enlargement of their dominion, & strengthening to them for the winning of the rest. This was done by Iuan great grandfather to Theodor now Empe∣ror; about the yere 1480. The same began likewise to encroach vpon the countries of Lituania and Liuonia, but the conquest only intended, & attempted by him, vpon some part of those coun∣tries, was pursued & performed by his sonne Basileus, who first wan the citie & dukedom of Ples∣ko, afterwards the citie & dukedome of Smolensco, & many other faire towns, with a large terri∣tory belonging vnto them, about the yere 1514. These victories against the Lettoes or Lituani∣ans, in the time of Alexander their duke, he atchieued rather by aduantage of ciuil dissentions,* 15.87 & treasons among thēselues, then by any great policie, or force 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his own. But al this was lost a∣gaine by his son Iuan Vasillwich, about 8 or 9 yeres past, vpon cōposition with y^e Polonian king Stephan Batore: wherunto he was forced by the aduantages which the Pole had then of him, by reason of the foile he had giuen him before, and the disquietnes of his own state at home. Onely the Russe Emperor, at this time hath left him on that side his countery, the cities of Smolensco, Vobsco, Chernigo, & Bealagorod in Lituania.* 15.88 In Liuonia not a towne nor one foot of ground.

When Basilius first conquered those countries, he suffered then the natiues to keepe their pos∣sessions, and to inhabite all their townes, onely paying him a tribute, vnder the gouernement of his Russe Captaines. But by their conspiracies & attempts not long after, he was taught to deale more surely with them. And so comming vpon them the second time, he killed and caried away with him, three parts of foure, which he gaue or sold to the Tartars that serued him in those wars, and in stead of them placed there his Russes, so many as might ouermatch the rest, with certaine garisons of strength besides. Wherein notwithstanding this ouersight was committed, for that (taking away with him the vpland, or countrey people that should haue tilled the ground, & might easily haue bene kept in order without any danger, by other good policies) he was driuen after∣wards many yeres together, to vitaile the countrey (specially the great townes) out of his owne countrey of Russia, the soile lying there in the meane while wast, and vntilled.

The like fell out at the port of Narue in Liefland,* 15.89 where his sonne Iuan Vasiliwich deuised to build a towne, and a castle on the other side the riuer, (called Iuangorod) to keepe the towne and countrey in subiection. The castle he caused to be so built and forcified, that it was thought to be inuincible. And when it was furnished, for reward to the Architect (that was a Polonian) he put out both his eyes, to make him vnable to build the like againe. But hauing left the natiues all within their owne countrey, without abating their number or strength, the towne and castle not long after was betraied; and surrendred againe to the king of Sweden.

On the Southeast side, they haue got the kingdomes of Cazan, and Astracan. These were wonne from the Tartar, by the late Emperour Iuan Vasiliwich, the one about thirtie fiue, the other about thirtie and three yeares agoe. Northward out of the countrey of Siberia,* 15.90 he hath

layed vnto his realme a great breadth and length of ground, from Wichida to the riuer of Obba, about a 1000 miles space:* 15.91 so that he is bolde to write himselfe now, The great Commander of Siberia. The countries likewise of Permia and Pechora are a diuers people and language from the Russe,* 15.92 ouercome not long since, and that rather by threatning, and shaking of the sword, then by any actuall force: as being a weake and naked people, without meanes to resist.

* 15.93That which the Russe hath in his present possession, he keepeth on this sort. In his foure chief border townes of Vobsko, Smolensko, Astracan, and Cazan, he hath certaine of his counsel not of greatest nobility, but of greatest trust, which haue more authoritie within their precincts, (for the countenancing and strengthening of their gouernment there) then the other Dukes that are set to gouerne in other places, as was noted before, in the maner of ordering their prouinces. These he changeth sometime euery yere, sometime euery second or third yere, but exceedeth not that time, except vpon very speciall trust, and good liking of the party, and his seruice: least by enlarging of their time, they might grow into some femiliaritie with the enemie (as some haue done) being so farre out of sight.

The townes besides are very strongly fenced with trenches, castles, & store of munition, and haue garisons within them, to the number of two or three thousand a piece. They are stored with victual if any siege should come vpon them, for the space of two or three yeres before hand. The foure castles of Smolensko, Vobsko, Cazan and Astracan, he hath made very strong to beare out any siege: so that it is thought that those townes are impregnable.

As for the countries of Pechora and Permia, and that part of Siberia, which he hath now vn∣der him,* 15.94 they are kept by as easie meanes, as they were first got. vz. rather by shewing, then by v∣sing of armes. First, he hath stored the countrie with as many Russes as there are natiues, & hath there some few souldiers in garison, inough to keepe them vnder. Secōdly, his officers & Magi∣strates there are of his own Russe people, and he changeth them very often, vz. euery yere twise or thrise: notwithstanding there be no great feare of any innouation. Thirdly, he deuideth their into many smal gouernments, like a staffe broke in many small pieces: so y^t they haue no strength being seuered, which was but litle neither when they were al in one. Fourthly, he prouideth that the people of the countrie haue neither armor, nor money, being taxed & pilled so often as he thin∣keth good: without any meanes to shake off that yoke, or to relieue themselues.

* 15.95In Siberia (where he goeth on in pursuing his conquest) he hath diuers castles & garisons, to the number of 6000 souldiers of Russes & Polonians, & sendeth many new supplies thither, to plant and to inhabite, as he winneth ground. At this time besides he hath gotten the kings brother of Si∣beria, allured by certaine of his captaines, to leaue his own country by offers of great entertain∣ment,* 15.96 and plesanter life with the Russe Emperor, then he had in Siberia. He was brought in this last yere, and is now with the Emperor at Mosco well entertained.* 15.97

Of the Tartars, and other borderers to the country of Russia, with whom they haue most to doe in warre, and peace.

* 15.98THeir neighbors with whom they haue greatest dealings & intercourse, both in peace & war, are first the Tartar. Secondly the Polonian whom the Russe cal••eth Laches, noting the first author or founder of the nation, who was called Laches or Leches, wherunto is added Po, which signifieth People, and so is made Polaches, that is, the People or posterity of Laches: which the Latins after their maner of writing cal Polonos. The third are the Swedens. The Polonians & Swed••ns are better knowen to these parts of Europe then are the Tartars, that are farther off from vs (as being of Asia) and diuided into many tribes, different in name, and gouernment one from another. The greatest and mightiest of them is the Chrim Tartar,* 15.99 (whom some call the Great Can) that lieth South, & Southeastward from Russia, and doth most annoy the country by often inuasions, commonly once euery yere, sometimes entring very farre within the inland parts. In the yere 1571 he came as farre as the citie of Mosco,* 15.100 with an armie of 200000 men, without any battel, or resistance at al, for that the Russe Emperor (then Iuan Vasiliwich) leading forth his armie to encounter with him, marched a wrong way. The citie he tooke not, but fired the suburbs, which by reason of the buildings (which are all of wood without any stone, brick, or lime, saue certeine out roomes) kindled so quickly, and went on with such rage, as that it consu∣med the greatest part of the citie almost within the space of foure houres, being of 30 miles or more of compasse. Then might you haue seene a lamentable spectacle: besides the huge & mighty flame of the citie all on light fire, the people burning in their houses and streetes, but most of all of such as laboured to passe out of the gates farthest from the enemie, where meeting together in a mighty throng, & so pressing euery man to preuent another, wedged themselues so fast within

the gate, and streetes neere vnto it, as that three rankes walked one vpon the others head, the vppermost treading downe those that were lower: so that there perished at that time (as was said) by the fire & the presse, the number of 800000 people or more.

The principall cause of this continual quarell betwixt the Russe & the Chrim is for the right of certaine border partes claimed by the Tartar, but possessed by the Russe. The Tartar alleageth that besides Astracan and Cazan (that are the ancient possession of the East Tartar) the whole countrey from his bounds North and Westward so farre as the citie of Mosko, and Mosko it selfe perteineth to his right.* 15.101 Which seemeth to haue bene true by the report of the Russes them selues, that tell of a certaine homage that was done by the Russe Emperour euery yeere to the great Chrim or Can, the Russe Emperour standing on foot and feeding the Chrims horse, (him∣selfe sitting on his backe) with oates out of his owne cappe, in stead of a bowle or manger, and that within the castle of Mosko. And this homage (they say) was done till the time of Basileus grand∣father to this man. Who surprising the Chrim Emperour by a stratageme done by one of his no∣bilitie (called Iuan Demetrowich Belschey) was content with this raunsome, viz. with the chan∣ging of this homage into a tribute of furres: which afterwards also was denied to be paide by this Emperors father.

Hereupon they continue y^e quarrel, the Russe defending his countrey, & that which he hath won, y^e Chrim Tartar inuading him once or twise euery yere, somtime about Whitsontide, but oftner in haruest. What time if the great Can or Chrim come in his owne person, he bringeth with him a great armie of 100000. or 200000. men. Otherwise they make short & sudden rodes into the countrey with lesser numbers, running about the list of the border as wild geese flie, inuading and retiring where they see aduantage.

Their common practise (being very populous) is to make diuers armies,* 15.102 and so drawing the Russe to one or two places of the frontiers, to inuade at some other place, that is left without de∣fence. Their maner of fight, or ordering of their forces is much after the Russe maner (spoken of before) saue that they are all horsemen, and carie nothing els but a bowe, a sheafe of arrowes, and a falcon sword after the Turkish fashion. They are very expert horsemen, and vse to shoote as readily backward, as forward. Some wil haue a horsmans staffe like to a bore speare, besides their other weapons. The cōmon souldier hath no other armour then his ordinary apparell, viz. a blacke sheeps skin with the wool side outward in the day time, and inwarde in the night time, with a cap of the same. But their Morseys or noblemen imitate the Turk both in apparel and ar∣mour. When they are to passe ouer a riuer with their armie, they tie three or foure horses toge∣ther, and taking long poles or pieces of wood, bind them fast to the tailes of their horse: so si••ting on the poles they driue their horse ouer. At handie strokes (when they ioyne battell) they are ac∣counted farre better men then the Russe people, fierce by nature, but more hardy and bloody by continuall practise of warre: as men knowing no artes of peace, nor any ciuil practise.

Yet their subtilty is more then may seeme to agree with their barbarous condition.* 15.103 By reason they are practised to inuade continually, and to robbe their neighbours that border about them, they are very pregnant, and ready witted to deuise stratagems vpon the sudden for their better aduantage. As in their warre against Beala the fourth, king of Hungarie, whome they inuaded with 500000. men, and obtained against him a great victorie. Where, among other, hauing slaine his Chancelor called Nicholas Schinick, they found about him the kings priuy seale. Whereup∣on they deuised presently to counterfeit letters in the kings name, to the cities and townes next about the place, where the field was fought: with charge that in no case they should conuey thē∣selues, and their goods out of their dwellings, where they might abide safely without all feare of danger, and not leaue the countrey desolate to the possession of so vile and barbarous an ene∣mie, as was the Tartar nation, terming themselues in all reprochful maner. For notwithstan∣ding he had lost his carriages, with some few straglers that had marched disorderly, yet he doub∣ted not but to recouer that losse, with the accesse of a notable victorie, if the sauage Tartar durst abide him in the field. To this purpose hauing written their letters in the Polish character, by cer∣taine yong men whom they tooke in the field, and signed them with the Kings seale, they dispat∣ched them forth to all the quarters of Hungaria, that lay neere about the place. Whereupon the Ungarians that were now flying away with their goods, wiues, and children, vpon the rumour of the kings ouerthrow, taking comfort of these counterfeit letters, staied at home. And so were made a pray, being surprised on the sudden by this huge number of these Tartars, that had com∣passed them about before they were aware.

When they besiege a towne or fort, they offer much parle, and send many flattering messages to perswade a surrendry: promising all things that the inhabitants will require: but being once possessed of the place, they vse all maner of hostilitie, and crueltie. This they doe vpon a rule they

haue, vz. that iustice is to bee practised but towards their owne. They encounter not lightly, but they haue some ambush, whereunto (hauing once shewed themselues, and made some short conflict) they retire as repulsed for feare, and so draw the enemie into it if they can. But the Russe beeing well acquainted with their practise is more warie of them. When they come a rouing with some small number, they set on horsebacke counterfaite shapes of men, that their number may seeme greater.

When they make any onset, their maner is to make a great shoute, crying all out together Ol∣la Billa, Olla Billa, God helpe vs, God help vs. They contemne death so much as that they chuse rather to die, then to yeeld to their enemie, and are seene when they are slain to bite the very wea∣pon, when they are past striking or helping of themselues. Wherein appeareth how different the Tartar is in his desperate courage from the Russe and Turke. For the Russe souldier, if he be∣gin once to retire, putteth all his safetie in his speedy flight. And if once he be taken by his enemy, he neither defendeth himselfe, nor intreateth for his life, as reckoning straight to die. The Turk commonly, when he is past hope of escaping, falleth to intreatie, and casteth away his weapon of∣fereth both his hands, and holdeth them, as it were to be tied: hoping to saue his life, by offering himselfe bondslaue.

The chiefe bootie the Tartars seeke for in all their warres is to get store of captiues, speci∣ally young boyes, and girles, whome they sell to the Turkes, or other their neighbours. To this purpose they take with them great baskets made like bakers panniers to carry them tender∣ly, and if any of them happen to tire, or to be sicke by the way, they dash him against the ground, or some tree, and so leaue him dead. The Souldiers are not troubled with keeping the captiues and the other bootie, for hindering the execution of their warres, but they haue certaine bandes that iutend nothing else, appoynted of purpose to receiue and keepe, the captiues and the other praye.

* 15.104The Russe borderers (beeing vsed to their inuasions lightly euery yeere in the Sommer) keepe fewe other cattell on the border partes, saue swine onely which the Tartar will not touch, nor driue away with him: for that he is of the Turkish religion, and will eate no swines flesh. Of Christ our Sauiour they confesse as much as doeth the Turke in his Alkaron, viz. that he came of the Angel Gabriel and the Uirgin Marie, that he was a great Prophet, and shall be the Iudge of the worlde at the last day. In other matter likewise, they are much ordered after the manner and direction of the Turke: hauing felt the Turkish forces when hee wonne from them Azou and Casfa, with some other townes about the Euxine or blacke Sea, that were before tribula∣ries to the Crim Tartar. So that now the Emperor of the Crims for the most part is chosen one of the Nobility whom the Turke doeth commend: whereby it is brought nowe to passe, that the Crim Tartar giueth to the Turke the tenth part of the spoyle which hee getteth in his warres a∣gainst the Christians.

Herein they differ from the Turkish religion, for that they haue certaine idole puppets made of silke, or like stuffe, of the fashion of a man, which they fasten to the doore of their walking houses, to be as Ianusses or keepers of their house. And these idoles are made not by all, but by certaine religious women which they haue among them for that and like vses. They haue be∣sides the image of their King or great Can, of an huge bignesse, which they erect at euery stage when the army marcheth: and this euery one must bend and bowe vnto as he passeth by it, be he Tartar or stranger. They are much giuen to witchcraft, and ominous coniectures vpon euery ac∣cident which they heare or see.

In making of mariages they haue no regard of alliance or consanguinitie. Onely with his mo∣ther, sister, and daughter a man may not marrie, and though he take the woman into his house, and accompany with her, yet he accounteth her not for his wife till he haue a childe by her. Then hee beginneth to take a dowry of her friends of horse, sheepe, kine, &c. If she be barren after a certaine time, he turneth her home againe.

* 15.105Under the Emperour they haue certaine Dukes, whome they call Morseis or Diuoymorseis, that rule ouer a certaine number of 10000. 20000. or 40000. a piece, which they call Hoords. When the Emperour hath any vse of them to serue in his warres, they are bound to come, and to bring with them their Souldiers to a certain number, euery man with his two horse, at the least, the one to ride on, the other to kill, when it commeth to his turne to haue his horse, eatē. For their chiefe vicaile is horse flesh, which they eate without bread, or any other thing with it.* 15.106 So that if a Tartar be taken by a Russe, he shall be sure lightly to finde a horse-legge, or some other part of him at his saddle bowe.

* 15.107This last yeere when I was at the Mosco, came in one Kiriach Morsey, nephew to the Empe∣rour of the Crims that nowe is (whose father was Emperour before) accompanied with 300.

Tartars, and his two wiues, whereof one was his brothers widow. Where being intertained in very good sort after the Russe maner, hee had sent vnto his lodging for his welcome, to bee made ready for his supper and his companies, two very large and fat horses, ready flayed in a sled. They prefer it before other flesh, because the meate is stronger (as they say) then Beefe, Mutton, and such like. And yet (which is marueile) though they serue all as horsemen in the warres, and eate all of horse flesh, there are brought yeerely to the Mosco to bee exchanged for other commodities 30. or 40. thousand Tartar horse, which they call Cones. They keepe also great heards of kine, & flocks of blacke sheepe, rather for the skins and milke (which they carie with them in great bot∣tels) then for the vse of the flesh, though sometimes they eate of it. Some vse they haue of ryse, figs, and other fruits. They drinke milke or warme blood, and for the most part card them both to∣gether. They vse sometime as they trauel by the way, to let their horse blood in a vaine, and to drinke it warme, as it commeth from his bodie.

Townes they plant none, nor other standing buildings, but haue walking houses, which the latines call Veij, built vpon wheeles like a shepheards cottage.* 15.108 These they drawe with them whithersoeuer they goe, driuing their cattell with them. And when they come to their stage, or standing place, they plant their carte houses verie orderly in a ranke: and so make the forme of streetes, and of a large towne. And this is the manner of the Emperor himselfe, who hath no other seat of Empire but an Agora, or towne of wood, that moueth with him whithersoeuer hee goeth. As for the fixed and standing building vsed in other countreyes, they say they are vnwholesome and vnpleasant.

They begin to mooue their houses and cattell in the Spring time from the South part of their Countrey towards the North partes. And so driuing on till they haue grased all vp to the farthest part Northward, they returne backe againe towards their South countrey (where they continue all the Winter) by 10. or 12. miles a stage: in the meane while the grasse being sprung vp againe, to serue for their cattell as they returne. From the border of the Shalcan towards the Caspian sea, to the Russe frontiers, they haue a goodly Countrey, specially on the South and Southeast parts, but lost for lacke of tillage.

Of money they haue no vse at all, and therefore prefer brasse and steele before other mettals, specially bullate, which they vse for swordes, kniues, and other necessaries. As for golde and siluer they neglect it of very purpose, (as they doe all tillage of their ground) to bee more free for their wandring kinde of life, and to keepe their Countrey lesse subiect to inuasions. Which giueth them great aduantage against all their neighbors, euer inuading, and neuer beeing inua∣ded. Such as haue taken vpon them to inuade their Countrey (as of olde time Cyrus and Dari∣us Hystaspis, on the East and Southeast side) haue done it with very ill successe: as wee finde in the stories written of those times. For their manner is when any will inuade them, to allure and drawe them on by flying and reculing (as if they were afraide) till they haue drawen them some good way within their countrey. Then when they begin to want victuall and other necessa∣ries (as needes they must where nothing is to be had) to stoppe vp the passages, and inclose them with multitudes. By which stratagem (as wee reade in Laonicus Chalcacondylas in his Tur∣kish storie) they had welnigh surprised the great and huge armie of Tamerlan, but that hee re∣tired with all speede hee could towardes the riuer Tanais or Don, not without great losse of his men, and cariages.

In the storie of Pachymerius the Greeke (which hee wrote of the Emperors of Constanti∣nople from the beginning of the reigne of Michael Palaeologus to the time of Andronicus the elder)* 15.109 I remember he telleth to the same purpose of one Nogas a Tartarian captaine vnder Ca∣zan the Emperor of the East Tartars (of whom the citie and kingdome of Cazan may seeme to haue taken the denomination) who refused a present of Pearle and other iewels sent vnto him from Michael Palaeologus: asking withall, for what vse they serued, and whether they were good to keepe away sicknesse, death, or other misfortunes of this life, or no. So that it seemeth they haue euer, or long time bene of that minde to value things no further, then by the vse and ne∣cessitie for which they serue.

For person and complexion they haue broade and flatte visages, of a tanned colour into yel∣lowe and blacke, fierce and cruell lookes, thinne haired vpon the vpper lippe, and pitte of the thinne, light and nimble bodied, with short legges, as if they were made naturally for horsemen: whereto they practise themselues from their childhood, seldome going afoot about a∣nie businesse. Their speech is verie sudden and loude, speaking as it were out of a deepe hollowe throate. When they sing you woulde thinke a kowe lowed, or some great bandogge howled. Their greatest exercise is shooting, wherein they traine vp their children from their verie infancie, not suffering them to eate, till they haue shot neere the marke within a certaine

scantling. They are the very same that sometimes were called Scythae Nomades, or the Scythi∣an shepheards, by the Greekes and Latines. Some thinke that the Turks took their beginning from the nation of the Crim Tartars. Of which opinion is Laonicus Calcocondylas the Greek Historiographer,* 15.110 in his first booke of his Turkish storie. Wherein hee followeth diuers verie probable coniectures. The first taken from the verie name it selfe, for that the worde. Turk [unspec 1] signifieth a Shepheard or one that followeth a vagarant and wilde kinde of life. By which name these Scythian Tartars haue euer beene noted, being called by the Greekes: 〈…〉〈…〉 [unspec 2] or the Scythian shepheards. His second reason, because the Turkes (in his time) that dwelt in Asia the lesse, to wit, is Lydia, Caria, Phrygia and Cappadocia, spake the very same language that these Tartars did, that dwelt betwixt the riuer Tanais or Don, and the countrey of Sarma∣tia, which (as is well knowen) are these Tartars called Crims. At this time also the whole nati∣on of the Turkes differ not much in their common speech from the Tartar language. Thirdly [unspec 3] because the Turke and the Crim Tartar agree so well together, as well in religion, as in mat∣ter of traffique neuer inuading, or inurying one another: saue that the Turke (since Laonicus his time) hath encroched vpon some Townes vpon the Euxin Sea, that before perteined to the [unspec 4] Crim Tartar. Fourthly, because Ortogules sonne to Oguzalpes, and father to Otoman the first of name of the Turkish nation made his first roads out of those parts of Asia, vpon the next borderers, till hee came towardes the countreys about the hill Taurus, where hee ouercame the Greekes that inhabited there: and so enlarged the name and territorie of the Turkish nati∣on, till hee came to Eubaea and Attica, and other partes of Greece. This is the opinion of Laonicus, who liued among the Turkes in the time of Amurat the sixt Turkish Emperour, a∣bout the yeere 1400. when the memorie of their originall was more fresh:* 15.111 and therefore the likelier hee was to hit the trueth.

There are diuers other Tartars that border vpon Russia, as the Nagayes, the Cheremissens, the Mordwites, the Chircasses, and the Shalcans, which all differ in name more then in regiment, or other condition, from the Crim Tartar, except the Chircasses that border Southwest, to∣wardes Lituania, and are farre more ciuill then the rest of the Tartars,* 15.112 of a comely person, and of a stately behauiour, as applying themselues to the fashion of the Polonian. Some of them haue subiected themselues to the Kings of Poland, and professe Christianitie.* 15.113 The Nagay li∣eth Eastwarde, and is reckoned for the best man of warre among all the Tartars, but verie sa∣uage, and cruell aboue all the rest. The Cheremessen Tartar, that lieth betwixt the Russe and the Nagay, are of two sorts, the Lugauoy (that is of the valley) and the Nagornay,* 15.114 or of the hilly countrey. These haue much troubled the Emperours of Russia. And therefore they are content now to buy peace of thē, vnder pretence of giuing a yeerely pension of Russe commodities to their Morseys, or Diuoymorseis, that are chiefe of their tribes. For which also they are bound to serue them in their wars, vnder certaine conditions. They are said to be iust and true in their dealings: and for that cause they hate the Russe people, whom they account to be double, and false in al their dealing. And therefore the common sort are very vnwilling to keepe agreement with them, but that they are kept in by their Morseis, or Dukes for their pensions sake.

* 15.115The most rude & barbarous is counted the Mordwit Tartar, that hath many selfe-fashions and strange kinds of behauiour, differing from the rest. For his religion, though he acknowledge one God, yet his maner is to worship for God, that liuing thing y^t he first meeteth in the morning, & to sweare by it all that whole day, whether it be horse, dog, cat, or whatsoeuer els it bee. When his friend dieth, he killeth his best horse, and hauing flayed off the skinne hee carieth it on high vpon a long pole before the corpes to the place of buriall. This hee doeth (as the Russe saieth) that his friend may haue a good horse to carie him in heauen: but it is likelier to declare his loue towards his dead friend, in that he will haue to die with him the best thing that he hath.

Next to the kingdome of Astracan, that is the farthest part. Southeastward of the Russe do∣minion, lyeth the Shalcan, and the countrey of Media: whither the Russe marchants trade for rawe silkes, syndon, saphion, skinnes, and other commodities. The chiefe Townes of Media where the Russe tradeth, are Derbent (built by Alexander the great, as the inhabitants say) and Zamachi where the staple is kept for rawe silkes.* 15.116 Their maner is in the ••pring time to reuiue the silke-wormes (that lie dead all the Winter) by laying them in the warme sunne, and (to hasten their quickening that they may sooner goe to worke) to put them into bags, and so to hang them vnder their childrens armes. As for the woorme called Chrinisin (as wee call it Chrymson) that maketh coloured silke,* 15.117 it is bred not in Media, but in Assyria. This trade to Derbent and Samachi for rawe silkes, and other commodities of that Countrey, as also in∣to Persia, and Bougharia downe the riuer of Volga, and through the Caspian sea,* 15.118 is permitted aswell to the English as to the Russe merchants, by the Emperours last grant at my being there.

Which he accounteth for a very speciall fauour, and might proue indeede very beneficiall to our English merchants, if the trade were wel and orderly vsed.

The whole nation of the Tartars are vtterly voide of all learning, and without written Law: yet certaine rules they haue which they hold by tradition, common to all the Hoords for the prac∣tise of their life. Which are of this sort. First, To obey their Emperour and other Magistrates, [unspec 1] whatsoeuer they commaund about the publike seruice. 2 Except for the publike behoofe, e∣uery [unspec 2] man to be free and out of controlment. 3 No priuate man to possesse any lands, but the [unspec 3] whole countrey to be as common. 4 To neglect all daintinesse and varietie of meates, and [unspec 4] to content themselues with that which commeth next to hand, for more hardnesse, and rea∣dines in the executing of their affaires. 5 To weare any base attire, and to patch their clothes [unspec 5] whether there be any neede or not: that when there is neede, it be no shame to weare a patcht coate. 6 To take or steale from any stranger whatsoeuer they can get, as beeing enemies to [unspec 6] all men, saue to such as will subiect themselues to them. 7 Towards their owne hoorde and [unspec 7] nation to be true in worde and deede. 8 To suffer no stranger to come within the Realme. If [unspec 8] any doe, the same to be bondslaue to him that first taketh him, except such merchants and o∣ther as haue the Tartar Bull, or passport about them.* 15.119

Of the Permians, Samoites, and Lappes.

THe Permians and Samoites that lye from Russia, North and Northeast, are thought like∣wise to haue taken their beginning from the Tartar kinde. And it may partly bee ges∣sed by the fashion of their countenance, as hauing all broade and flat faces as the Tartars haue, except the Chircasses. The Permians are accounted for a very ancient people.* 15.120 They are nowe subiect to the Russe. They liue by hunting, and trading with their furres, as also doeth the Sa∣moit,* 15.121 that dwelleth more towardes the North Sea. The Samoit hath his name (as the Russe saith) of eating himselfe: as if in times past, they liued as y^e Cannibals, eating one another. Which they make more probable, because at this time they eate all kind of raw flesh, whatsoeuer it be, e∣uen the very carion that lieth in the ditch. But as the Samoits themselues will say, they were called Samoie, that is, of themselues, as though they were Indigene, or people bred vpon that ve∣ry soyle, that neuer changed their seate from one place to another, as most nations haue done. They are subiect at this time to the Emperour of Russia.

I talked with certaine of them, and finde that they acknowledge one God:* 15.122 but represent him by such things as they haue most vse and good by. And therefore they worship the Sunne, the Ollen, the Losh, and such like. As for the story of Slata Baba, or the Golden hagge,* 15.123 (which I haue read in some mappes, and descriptions of these countries, to be an idole after the forme of an olde woman) that being demanded by the Priest, giueth them certaine Oracles, concerning the successe, ond euent of things, I found it to be a very fable.* 15.124 Onely in the Prouince of Obdoria vpon the sea side,* 15.125 neare to the mouth of the great riuer Obba, there is a rocke, which naturally (being somewhat helped by imagination) may seeme to beare the shape of a ragged woman, with a child in her armes (as the rocke by the North Cape the shape of a Frier) where the Obdoriant Samoites vse much to resort, by reason of the commoditie of the place for fishing:* 15.126 and there sometime (as their manner is) conceiue, and practise their sorceries, and omi∣nous coniecturings about the good or bad speede of their iourneies, fishings, huntings, and such like.

They are clad in Seale skins, with the hairie side outwards downe as low as the knees,* 15.127 with their breeches and netherstockes of the same, both men and women. They are all blacke haired,* 15.128 naturally beardlesse. And therefore the men are hardly discerned from the women by their lookes: saue that the women weare a locke of haire downe along both their eares. They liue in a manner a wilde and sauage life, rouing still from one place of the countrey to another, without any property of house or land more to one then to another. Their leader or directer in euery companie, is their Papa or Priest.

On the North side of Russia next to Corelia, lieth the countrey of Lappia,* 15.129 which reacheth in length from the farthest point Northward, (towards the Northcape) to the farthest part South∣east (which the Russe calleth Sweetnesse or Holy nose, the English men Capegrace) about 345. verst or miles. From Sweetnesse to Candelox by the way of Versega (which measureth the breadth of that countrey) is 90. miles or thereabouts. The whole countrey in a maner is either lakes, or mountaines, which towardes the Sea side are called Tondro, because they are all of harde and craggy rocke, but the inland partes are well furnished with woods that growe on the hilles sides, the lakes lying betweene. Their diet is very bare and simple. Bread they haue

none, but feede onely vpon fish and foule. They are subiect to the Emperor of Russia, and the two kings of Sweden and Denmarke: which all exact tribute and custome of them (as was saide be∣fore) but the Emperor of Russia beareth the greatest hand ouer them, and exacteth of them farre more then the rest. The opinion is that they were first termed Lappes of their briefe and short speech. The Russe diuideth the whole nation of the Lappes into two sortes. The one they call Nowremanskoy Lapary, that is, the Noruegian Lappes because they be of the Danish religion. For the Danes and Noruegians they account for one people. The other that haue no religion at all but liue as bruite and heathenish people, without God in the worlde, they cal Dikoy Lapary, or the wilde Lappes.

The whole nation is vtterly vnlearned, hauing not so much as the vse of any Alphabet, or letter among them. For practise of witchcraft and sorcerie they passe all nations in the w••rlde. Though for enchanting of ships that saile along their coast, (as I haue heard it reported) and their giuing of winds good to their friends, and contrary to other, whom they meane to hurt by tying of certaine knots vpon a rope (somewhat like to the tale of AEolus his windbag) is a very fable, deuised (as may seeme) by themselues, to terrifie sailers for comming neere their coast. Their weapons are the long bow, and handgunne, wherein they excell, aswell for quicknesse to charge and discharge, as for neerenesse at the marke by reason of their continual practise (whereto they are forced) of shooting at wild fowle. Their maner is in Sommer time to come downe in great companies to the sea side, to Wardhuyse, Cola, Kegor, and the bay of Vedagoba, and there to fish for Codde, Salmon, & But-fish, which they sel to the Russes, Danes, & Noruegians, and nowe of late to the English men that trade thither with cloth, which they exchange with the Laps & Core∣lians for their fish,* 15.130 oyle, and furres, whereof also they haue some store. They holde their mart at Cola on S. Peters day: what time the captaine of Wardhuyse (that is resiant there for the king of Denmark) must be present, or at least send his deputie to set prices vpon their stockfish, train oile, furres, and other commodities: as also the Russe Emperors customer, or tribute taker, to receiue his custome, which is euer paide before any thing can bee bought or solde. When their fishing is done, their manner is to drawe their carbasses or boates on shore, and there to leaue them with the keele turned vpwardes, till the next spring tide. Their trauaile to and fro is vpon sleddes drawen by the Olen Deere:* 15.131 which they vse to turne a grasing all the Sommer time in an Island called Kildyn, (of a verie good soyle compared with other partes of that Countrey) and to∣wards the Winter time, when the snowe beginneth to fall, they fetch them home againe for the vse of their sledde.

The description of the regions, people, and riuers, lying North and East from Moscouia: as the way from Moscouia to the riuer Petzora, and the Prouince Iugaria or Iuhra, and from thence to the riuer Obi. Likewise the description of other countreys and regions, euen vnto the Empire of the great Can of Cathay, taken out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein.

* 15.132THE dominion of the Prince of Moscouia, reacheth farre toward the East and North, vnto the places which we will now describe. As concerning which thing. I translated a book y^t was presented vnto me in the Moscouites tongue, and haue here made a briefe rehearsall of the same. I will first therefore describe the iour∣ney from Moscouia to Petzora, and so to Iugaria and Obi.* 15.133 From Moscouia to the citie of Vologda, are numbred fiue hundred versts, one verst conteyning almost the space of an Italian myle. From Vologda to Vstiug toward the right hand, descending with the course of the riuer of Vologda and Suchana with whom it ioyneth, are counted fiue hundred verstes, where within two versts of the towne called Strelze, and hard by the citie of Vstiug, Suchana ioyneth vnto Iug which runneth from the South: from whose mouth vnto the springs of the same, are numbred fiue hundred versts.

* 15.134But Suchana and Iug, after they ioyne together, lose their first names, and make but one riuer named Dwina, by the which the passage to the citie of Colmogro conteineth fiue hundred versts, from whence, in the space of sixe dayes iourney, Dwina entreth into the North Ocean at sixe mouthes. And the greatest part of this iourney consisteth by Nauigation. For by lande from Vo∣logda vnto Colmogro, passing ouer the riuer Vuaga, are a thousand verstes. Not farre from Colmogro, the riuer Pienega running from the East on the right hand for the space of seuen hun∣dred versts,* 15.135 falleth into Dwina. From Dwina by the riuer Pienega, by the space of two hundred versts, they come to a place called Nicholai,* 15.136 from whence within halfe a verst ships haue passage into the riuer Kuluio,* 15.137 which hath his originall from a lake of the same name towarde the North,

from whose springs is eight daies viage to the mouth of the same, where it entreth into the Ocean.

Sayling by the coasts of the right hand of the sea, they passe by the regions of Stanuwische, Ca∣lunczscho,* 15.138 and Apnu: And sayling about the promontorie or cape of Chorogoski Nosz, Stanu∣wische, Camenekh, and Tolstickh, they come at length into the riuer Mezen, and from thence in the space of sixe dayes, to a village of the same name, standing in the mouth of the riuer Pieza,* 15.139 by the which againe ascending toward the left hand & sommer East, they come to the riuer Piescoia:* 15.140 from whence sayling for the space of fiue versts, they come into two lakes, in the which are seene two wayes: whereof one on the right side, goeth to the riuer Rubicho,* 15.141 by the which they passe to the riuer Czircho. Other, by an other and shorter way, bring their ships from the lake directly into Czircho:* 15.142 from whence, except they be hindered by tempest, they come in the space of three weekes to the riuer and mouth of Czilma,* 15.143 flowing into the great riuer Petzora,* 15.144 which in that place is two versts in breadth. Sayling from thence, they come in the space of sixe dayes to the Towne and castle of Pustosero,* 15.145 neare vnto the which, Petzora entreth into the North Ocean at sixe mouthes. The inhabitants of this place, are men of simple wit: they receiued the faith of Christ, and were baptised in the yeare M.D.xviii.

From the mouth of Czilma vnto the mouth of the riuer Vssa,* 15.146 going by Petzora, is one moneths viage. Vssa hath his springs in the mountaine* 15.147 Poyas Semnoi, being on the left hand toward the sommer East, and springeth out of a great stone of the same mountaine, called Camen Bolschoi. From the springs of Vssa to the mouthes of the same, are numbered more then a thousand versts. Furthermore, Petzora runneth from this south winter part, from whence ascending from the mouthes of Vssa, vnto the mouthes of the riuer Stzuchogora, is three weekes viage. They that described this vyage sayd that they rested betweene the mouthes of the riuers of Stzuchogora and Potzscheriema,* 15.148 and left their victuals there which they brought with them from Russia. Be∣yond the riuers of Petzora and Stzuchogora toward the mountaine Camenipoias,* 15.149 and the sea with the Ilands thereabout, and the Castle of Pustosero, are diuers and innumerable nations, which by one common name are called Samoged (that is)* 15.150 such as eate themselues. They haue great increase of foules, birdes, and diuers kindes of beastes:* 15.151 as Sables, Marternes, Beuers, Otters, Herntelines, Squirrels: and in the Ocean the beast called a Mors: Also Uesse, white Beares, Wolues, Hares, Equiwoduani, great Whales, and a fish called Sems••, with diuers o∣ther. The people of these nations come not to Moscouia: For they are wilde, and flee the compa∣ny and society of other men.* 15.152

From the mouthes of Stzuchogora, sayling vp the riuer vnto Poiassa, Artawische, Cameni, and Poiassa the greater,* 15.153 is three weekes vyage. Furthermore, the ascending to the mount Camen,* 15.154 is three dayes iourney: from the which descending they come to the riuer Artawis∣cha,* 15.155 and from thence to the riuer Sibut,* 15.156 from whence they passe to the Castle of Lepin,* 15.157 and from Lepin to the riuer Sossa. The people that inhabite the region by this riuer, are called Vuogo∣lici. Leauing Sossa on the right hande,* 15.158 they come to the great riuer Obi,* 15.159 that springeth out of the lake Kitaisko,* 15.160 the which, with all the haste they could make, they could scarcely passe ouer in one day, the riuer being of such breadth that it reacheth fourescore versts. The people also that dwell about the riuer, are called Vuogolici and Vgritzschi.* 15.161 From the Castle of Obea, ascen∣ding by the riuer of Oby, vnto the riuer Irtische,* 15.162 into the which Sossa entereth, is three moneths iourney. In these places are two Castles named Ierom and Tumen,* 15.163 kept by certaine Lords cal∣led Knesi Iuhorski, being tributaries to the great Duke of Moscouia, as they say. Here are di∣uers kinds of beasts and furres.

From the mouth of the riuer Irtische to the Castle of Grustina,* 15.164 is two moneths iourney: from whence to the lake Kitai,* 15.165 by the riuer Oby (which I said to haue his springs in this lake) is more then three moneths iourney. From this lake come many blacke men, lacking the vse of common speech.* 15.166 They bring with them diuers wares, and especially pearles, and precious stones, which they sell to the people called Grustintzi and Serponowtzi. These haue their name of the Castle Serponow,* 15.167 situate in the mountaines of Lucomoria,* 15.168 beyond the riuer Obi. They say that to the men of Lucomoria chaunceth a marueilous thing and incredible: For they affirme, that they die yeerely at the xxvii. day of Nouember, being the feast of S. George among the Moscouites:* 15.169 and that at the next spring about the xxiii. day of Aprill, they reuiue againe as doe Frogges.

With these also, the people of Grustintzi and Serponowtzi exercise a new and strange kinde of trade: For when the accustomed time of their dying, or rather of sleeping, approcheth, they leaue their wares in certaine places appointed, which the Grustintzi and Serponowtzi carry a∣way, leauing other wares of equall value in their places: which if the dead men at the time of their reuiuing perceiue to be of vnequall price, they require their owne againe: by reason whereof, much strife and fighting is betweene them.

* 15.170From the riuer of Obi descending toward the left hand, are the people called Calami,* 15.171 which came thither from Obiowa and Pogosa. Beneath Obi, about Aurea Anus (that is, the golden old wife) are the riuers Sossa, Berezuua, and Danadim,* 15.172 all which spring out of the mountaines Ca∣men, Bolschega, Poiassa, and the rockes ioyning to the same. All the nations that inhabite from these riuers to Aurea Anus, are subiect to the prince of Moscouia.

* 15.173Aurea Anus, called in the Moscouites tongue, Slara Baba, is an idol, at the mouthe of Obi in the prouince of Obdora,* 15.174 standing on the furthest banke toward the sea. Along by the bankes of Obi, & the riuers neare there about, are here and there many castles and fortresses: all the lordes whereof, are subiect to the prince of Moscouia, as they say. They say also, or rather fable, that the idol called Aurea Anus, is an image like vnto an old wife, hauing a child in her lay, and that there is now seene another infant, which they say to be her nephew: Also, that there are certaine instru∣ments that make a continuall sound like the noyse of Trumpets, the which, if it so be, I thinke it to be by reason of the winde, blowing continually into the holow places of those instruments.

* 15.175The riuer Cossin falleth out of the mountaines of Lucomoria: In the mouth of this is a ca∣stle, whither from the springs of the great riuer Cossin, is two monethes viage. Furthermore, from the springs of the same riuer, the riuer Cassima hath his originall,* 15.176 which running through Lucomoria, falleth into the great riuer Tachnin,* 15.177 beyond the which (as is said) dwell men of pro∣digious shape,* 15.178 of whom, some are ouergrowen with haire like wilde beastes, other haue heads like dogges, and their faces in their breasts, without neckes, and with long hands also, and with∣out feete.* 15.179 There is likewise in the riuer Tachnin a certaine fish,* 15.180 with head, eyes, nose, mouth, hands, feete, and other members vtterly of humane shape, and yet without any voyce, and plea∣sant to be eaten, as are other fishes.

* 15.181All that I haue hitherto rehearsed, I haue translated out of the saide iourney which was deli∣uered me in the Moscouites tongue: In the which, perhaps some things may seeme fabulous, and in maner incredible, as of the dombe men, and the dead reuiuing, the Aurea Anus also, and the monstrous shapes of men, with the fish of humane fourme: whereof, although I haue made diligent inquisition, yet could I knowe nothing certaine of any that had seene the same with their eyes: neuerthelesse, to giue further occasion to other to search the trueth of these things, I haue thought good to make mencion hereof.

Noss in the Moscouites tongue signifieth a nose, and therefore they call all capes or points, that reach into the sea, by the same name.

* 15.182The mountaines about the riuer of Petzora are called Semnoi Poyas, or Cingulus mundi, that is, the girdle of the world, or of the earth.

* 15.183Kithai is a lake, of which the great Can of Cathay, whom the Moscouians cal Czar Kithaiski, hath his name: For Can in the Tartars language signifieth, A King.

* 15.184The places of Lucomoria, neare vnto the sea, are saluage, full of woods, and inhabited with∣out any houses. And albeit, that the author of this iourney, said, that many nations of Lucomoria are subiect to the prince of Moscouia,* 15.185 yet for as much as the kingdome of Tumen is neare there∣unto,* 15.186 whose prince is a Tartar, and named in their tongue, Tumenski Czar, that is, a king in Tu∣men, and hath of late done great domage to the prince of Moscouia: it is most like that these na∣tions should rather be subiect vnto him.

* 15.187Neare vnto the riuer Petzora (whereof mention is made in this iourney) is the citie and ca∣stle of Papin,* 15.188 or Papinowgorod, whose inhabitants are named Papini, and haue a priuate lan∣guage, differing from the Moscouites. Beyond this riuer are exceeding high mountaines,* 15.189 reaching euen vnto the bankes, whose ridges or tops, by reason of continuall windes, are in maner vtter∣ly barren without grasse or fruits. And although in diuers places they haue diuers names, yet are they commonly called Cingulus mundi, that is, the girdle of the world. In these mountaines doe Ierfalcons breede, whereof I haue spoken before. There growe also Cedar trees, among the which are found the best and blackest kinde of Sables: and onely these mountaines are seene in all the dominions of the prince of Moscouia, which perhaps are the same that the old writers call Rhipheos, or Hyperboreos, so named of the Greeke word, Hyper, that is, Aboue, and Boreas, that is, the North: for by reason they are couered with continuall snow and frost, they can not without great difficultie be trauayled, and reach so farre into the North, that they make the vn∣knowen land of Engronland. The Duke of Moscouia, Basilius the sonne of Iohn, sent on a time two of his Captaines, named Simeon Pheodorowich Kurbski, & Knes Peter Vschatoi, to search the places beyond these mountaines, and to subdue the nations thereabout. Kurbski was yet aliue at my being in Moscouia, & declared vnto me that he spent xvii. daies in ascending the mountaine, & yet could not come to the top therof, which in their tongue is called Stolp, that is, a piller. This mountaine is extended into the Ocean vnto the mouthes of the riuers of Dwina and Petzora.

But now hauing spoken thus much of the said iourney, I will returne to the dominions of Mos∣couia, with other regions lying Eastward & South from the same, toward the mighty Empire of Cathay.* 15.190 But I will first speake somewhat briefly of the prouince of Rezan, and the famous riuer of ••anais.

The prouince of Rezan,* 15.191 situate betweene the riuers of Occa and Tanais, hath a citie builded of wood, not from the banke of Occa: there was in it a Castle named Ia••oslaue,* 15.192 whereof there now remaineth nothing but tokens of the old ruine. Not farre from that citie, the riuer Occa ma∣keth an Iland named Strub, which was sometime a great Dukedome, whose prince was subiect to none other. This prouince of Rezan is more fruitful then any other of the prouinces of Mos∣couia: Insomuch that in this (as they say) euery graine of wheat bringeth forth two, and some∣times more eares: whose stalkes or strawes grow so thicke that horses can scars••ly go through them, or Quayles flie out of them. There is great plenty of hony,* 15.193 fishes, foules, birdes, and wilde beasts. The fruits also doe farre exceede the fruits of Moscouia. The people are bolde and war∣like men.

A speciall note gathered by the excellent Venetian Cosmog••a∣pher M. Iohn Baptista Ramusius out of the Arabian Geographie of Abilfada Ismael, concerning the trending of the Ocean sea from China Northward, along the coast of Tartarie and other vnknowen lands, and then running Westwards vpon the Northerne coasts of Russia, and so farther to the Northwest.

DEscriuendo poi il predetto Abilfada Ismael ilnoghi della terra habi••abile, che c••rcuendo il mar Oceano tocca, dice cosi.* 15.194

Riuoltasi l'Oceano da leuante verso la regione delle Cine, & và alla volta di Tramontana, et passata finalmente la detta regione, se ne giunge a Gogi & Magog••, cio è all•• confini de gl•• Vltimi Tartari, et di quivi ad Alcune Terre che sono Incognite: Et correndo sempre per Ponente, passa so∣pra licon••ini Settentrionali della Rossia, et và alla volta di Maestro.

The same in English.

THe aforesaid Abilfada Ismael describing afterward the habitable places of the earth, which the Ocean sea in his circuit toucheth, sayth in this manner following.

The Ocean sea turneth from the East toward the Countrey of the Chinaes,* 15.195 and stretcheth toward the North, and at length hauing passed the sayd Countrey, it reacheth vnto the Gogi and Magogi, that is, to the confines of The vttermost Tartars,* 15.196 and from thence, vnto certaine vn∣knowen Countreys:* 15.197 and running still Westward it passeth vpon the Northerne coasts of Russia,* 15.198 and from thence it runneth toward the Northwest.* 15.199 (which it doth indeede vpon the coast of Lap∣pia.) By this most notable testimony it appeareth, that the Ocean sea compasseth and enuironeth all the East, Northeast, and North parts of Asia and Europe.

The Emperors priuate or houshold Officers.

THe chiefe Officers of the Emperors houshold are these which follow. The first is the office of the Boiaren Conesheua, or master of the Horse.* 15.200 Which conteineth no more then is ex∣pressed by the name, that is, to be ouerseer of the Horse, and not Magister equitum, or Master of the Horsemen. For he appointeth other for that seruice, as occasion doth require, as before was sayd. He that beareth that office at this time, is Boris Pheodorowich Godonoe, brother to the Empresse. Of Horse for seruice in his warres (besides other for his ordinary vses) he hath to the number of ten thousand which are kept about Mosco.

The next is the Lord Steward of his houshold at this time,* 15.201 one Gregory Vasilowich Godo∣noe. The third is his Treasurer,* 15.202 that keepeth all his moneis, iewels, plate, &c. now called Ste∣phan Vasilowich Godonoe. The fourth his Controller,* 15.203 now Andreas Petrowich Clesinine. The fift his Chamberlaine.* 15.204 He that attendeth that office at this time, is called Estoma Bisabro∣za Pastelnischay. The sixt his Tasters,* 15.205 now Theodor Alexandrowich, and Iuan Vasilowich Godonoe. The seuenth his Harbengers,* 15.206 which are three Noble men, and diuers other Gentle∣men that dothe office vnder them. These are his ordinary officers, and offices of the chiefest ac∣count.

Of Gentlemen, beside them that waite about his chamber,* 15.207 and person (called Shilsey Strap∣sey) there are two hundred, all Noblemens sonnes. His ordinary Garde is two thousand Hag∣butters readie with their pieces charged,* 15.208 and their match lighted, with other necessarie furniture

continually day and night: which come not within the house, but waite without in the court or yard, where the Emperour is abiding. In the night time there lodgeth next to his bedcham∣ber the chiefe Chamberlaine, with one or two more of best trust about him. A second chamber off, there lodge sixe other of like account for their trust and faithfulnesse. In the thirde cham∣ber lie certaine young Gentlemen, of these two hundred, called Shilsey Strapsey, that take their turnes by forties euery night.* 15.209 There are Groomes besides that watch in their course, and lie at euery gate and doore of the Court, called Estopnick.

The Hagbutters or Gunners, whereof there are two thousand (as was said before) watch about the Emperours lodging, or bed chamber by course 250. euery night, and 250. more in the Court yarde, and about the Treasure house. His Court or house at the Mosco is made Ca∣stle wise, walled about, with great store of faire ordinance planted vpon the wall, and contey∣neth a great breadth of ground within it, with many dwelling houses: Which are appointed for such as are knowen to be sure, and trustie to the Emperor.

Of the priuate behauiour, or qualitie of the Russe people.

THE priuate behauiour and qualitie of the Russe people, may partly be vnderstood by that which hath beene sayd concerning the publique state and vsage of the Countrey. As tou∣ching the naturall habite of their bodies,* 15.210 they are for the most part of a large size, and of very fleshly bodies: accounting it a grace to be somewhat grosse and burley, and therefore they nourish and spread their beards, to haue them long and broad. But for the most part they are very vn∣wieldy and vnactiue withall. Which may be thought to come partly of the climate, and the numb∣nesse which they get by the cold in winter, and partly of their diet that standeth most of rootes, onions, garlike, cabbage, and such like things that breede grosse humors, which they vse to eate alone, and with their other meates.

* 15.211Their diet is rather much then curious. At their meales they beginne commonly with a Charke or small cuppe of Aqua vitae, (which they call Russe wine) and then drinke not till to∣wardes the end of their meales, taking it in largely, and all together, with kissing one another at euery pledge. And therefore after dinner there is no talking with them, but euery man goeth to his bench to take his afternoones sleepe, which is as ordinary with them as their nights rest. When they exceede, and haue varietie of dishes, the first are their baked meates (for roste meates they vse litle) and then their broathes or pottage. Their common drinke is Mead, the poorer sort vse water, and a third drinke called Quasse, which is nothing else (as we say) but water tur∣ned out of his wits, with a litle branne meashed with it.

This diet would breede in them many diseases, but that they vse bathstoues, or hote houses in steade of all Phisicke, commonly twise or thrise euery weeke. All the winter time, and almost the whole Sommer, they heat their Peaches, which are made like the Germane bathstoues, and their Poclads like ouens, that so warme the house that a stranger at the first shall hardly like of it. These two extremities, specially in the winter of heat within their houses, and of extreame colde without, together with their diet, make them of a darke, and sallow complexion, their skinnes being tanned and parched both with cold and with heate: specially the women, that for the grea∣ter part are of farre worse complexions, then the men. Whereof the cause I take to be their kee∣ping within the hote houses, and busying themselues about the hearing, and vsing of their bath∣stoues, and peaches.

The Russe because that he is vsed to both these extremities of heat and of cold, can beare them both a great deale more patiently, then strangers can doe. You shall see them sometimes (to sea∣son their bodies) come out of their bathstoues all on a froth, and fuming as hoat almost as a pigge at a spit, and presently to leape into the riuer starke naked, or to powre cold water all ouer their bodies, and that in the coldest of all the winter time.* 15.212 The women to mende the bad hue of their skinnes, vse to paint their faces with white and red colours, so visibly, that euery man may per∣ceiue it. Which is made no matter, because it is common, and liked well by their husbands: who make their wiues and daughters an ordinarie allowance to buy them colours to paint their faces withall, and delight themselues much to see them of fowle women to become such faire images. This parcheth the skinne, and helpeth to deforme them when their painting is of.

* 15.213They apparell themselues after the Greeke manner. The Noblemans attire is on this fashion. First a Taffia, or little night cappe on his head, that couereth litle more then his crowne, commonly verie rich wrought of silke and golde threede, and set with pearle and precious stone. His head he keepeth shauen close to the very skinne, except he be in some displeasure with the Emperour. Then hee suffereth his haire to growe and hang downe vpon his shoulders, coue∣ring

his face as vgly and deformedly as he can. Ouer the Taffia hee weareth a wide cappe of blacke Fore (which they account for the best furre) with a Tiara or long bonnet put within it, standing vp like a Persian or Babilonian hatte. About his necke (which is seene all bare) is a coller set with pea••le and precious stone, about three or foure fingers broad. Next ouer his shirt, (which is curiously wrought, because hee strippeth himselfe into it in the Sommer time, while he is within the house) is a Shepon, or light garment of silke, made downe to the knees, buttoned before: and then a Caftan or a close coat buttoned, and girt to him with a Persian girdle, whereat he hangs his kniues and spoone. This commonly is of cloth of gold, and hangeth downe as low as his ancles. Ouer that hee weareth a lose garment of some rich silke, furred and faced about with some golde lace, called a Ferris. An other ouer that of tham∣let, or like stuffe called an Alkaben, sleeued and hanging lowe, and the cape commonly broo∣ched, and set all with pearle. When hee goeth abroad, he casteth ouer all these (which are but sleight, though they seeme to be many) an other garment called an Honoratkey, like to the Alkaben, saue that it is made without a coller for the necke. And this is commonly of fine cloth, or Camels haire. His buskins (which he weareth in stead of hose, with linnen folles vn∣der them in stead of boot hose) are made of a Persian leather called Saphian, embrodered with pearle. His vpper stockes commonly are of cloth of golde. When he goeth abroad, hee moun∣teth on horsebacke, though it be but to the next doore: which is the maner also of the Boiarskey, or Gentlemen.

The Boiarskey or Gentlemans attire is of the same fashion,* 15.214 but differeth in stuffe: and yet he will haue his Ca••tan or vndercoat sometimes of cloth of golde, the rest of cloth, or silke.

The Noble woman (called Chyna Boiarshena) weareth on her head,* 15.215 first a caull of some soft silke (which is commonly redde) and ouer it a fruntlet called Obrosa, of white colour. Ouer that her cappe (made after the coife fashion of cloth of gold) called Shapka Zempska, edged with some rich furre, and set with pearle and stone. Though they haue of late begunne to dis∣daine embrodering with pearle aboue their cappes, because the Diacks, and some Marchants wiues haue taken vp the fashion. In their eares they weare earerings (which they call Sargee) of two inches or more compasso, the matter of gold set with Rubies, or Saphires, or some like precious stone. In Sommer they goe often with kerchieffes of fine white lawne, or cam∣bricke, fastned vnder the ••hinne, with two long ••assels pendent. The kerchiefe spotted and set thicke with rich pearle. When they ride or goe abroad in raynie weather, they weare white hattes with coloured bandes, called Stapa Zemskoy. About their neckes they weare collers of three or foure fingers broad, set with rich pearle and precious stone. Their vpper garment is a loose gowne called Oposhen commonly of scarlet, with wide loose sleeues, hanging downe to the ground buttened before with great golde buttons, or at least siluer and guilt nigh as bigge as a walnut. Which hath hanging ouer it fastned vnder the cappe, a large broad cape of some rich furre, that hangeth downe almost to the middes of their backes. Next vnder the Opos∣ken or vpper garment, they weare another called a Leitnick that is made close before with great wide sleeues, the cuffe or halfe sleeue vp to the elbowes, commonly of cloth of golde: and vnder that a Ferris Zemskoy, which hangeth loose buttoned throughout to the very foote. On the hande wrests they weare very faire braselets, about two fingers broad of pearle and pre∣cious stone. They goe all in buskins of white, yellow, blew, or some other coloured leather, embrodered with pearle. This is the attire of the Noblewoman of Russia, when she maketh the best shewe of her selfe. The Gentlewomans apparell may differ in the stuffe, but is all one for the making or fashion.

As for the poore Mousick and his wife they goe poorely cladde.* 15.216 The man with his Hono∣ratkey, or loose gowne to the small of the legge, tyed together with a lace before, of course white or blew cloth, with some Shube or long wastcoate of furre, or of sheepeskinne vnder it, and his furred cappe, and buskins. The poorer sort of them haue their Honoratkey, or vpper garment, made of Rowes haire. This is their winter habite. In the sommer time, commonly they weare nothing but their shirts on their backes, and buskins on their legges. The woman goeth in a red or blew gowne, when she maketh the best shewe, and with some warme Shube of furre vnder it in the winter time. But in the sommer, nothing but her two shirts (for so they call them) one ouer the other, whether they be within doores, or without. On their heads, they weare caps of some coloured stuffe, many of veluet, or of cloth of gold: but for the most part ker∣chiefs. Without earings of siluer or some other mettall, and her crosse about her necke, you shall see no Russe woman, be she wife, or maide.

The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the Right Honorable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England, &c.

BY the grace of God the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Theodore Iuano∣wich, great Lord, King, and great Duke of all Russia, of Volodemer, Mosco, and Nouogorod, king of Cazan, and Astracan, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensco, Tuer, Vghori, Permi, Viatsko, Bolgorie, and other places, Lorde and great Duke of Nouogrod in the Lowe Countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, Po∣lotsky, Rostoue, Yeroslaue, Bealozera, and L••efland of Oudorski, Obdorski, Condinski, and commander of all Sibierland,* 15.217 and the North coasts, great Lorde ouer the Countrey of Iuerski, Grisinski, Emperor of Kabardinski, and of the Countrey Charchaski, and the Countrey of Gorsky, and Lord of many other regions.

From Boris Pheodorowich his Maiesties brother in law, master of his horses, gouernour of the territories of Cazan and Astracan, to William Lord Burghley, Lord high Treasurer to the most vertuous Ladie Elizabeth, Queene of England, France, and Ireland, and other domini∣ons: I receiued your Lordships letters, wherein you write that you haue receiued very ioyfully my letters sent vnto you, and aduisedly read them, and imparted the same vnto her Maiestie: and that your Merchants finde themselues agreeued,* 15.218 that when they approch these parts, and are ar∣riued here, they are not permitted to enter into a free and liberall course of barter, traffike, and exchange of their commodities, as heretofore they haue done, but are compelled before they can enter into any traffike to accept the Emperours waxe, and other goods, at high rates farre aboue their value, to their great losse: and that they are by reason of this restraint long holden vpon these coasts to the danger of wintering by the way. Hereafter there shalbe no cause of offence giuen to the Marchants of the Queenes Maiestie Queene Elizabeth: they shall not be forced to any thing, neither are there or shall be any demands made of custome or debts. Such things as haue beene heretofore demaunded, all such things haue beene already vpon their petition and supplication commaunded to be discharged. I haue sollicited his Maiestie for them, that they be not troubled hereafter for those matters, and that a fauourable hand be caried ouer them. And according to your request I will be a meane to the Emperour for them in all their occasions, and will my selfe shew them my fauorable countenance. And I pray you (William Burghley) to signifie to her Ma∣iesties Merchants that I promise to haue a care of them, and for the Queenes Maiestie of Eng∣lands sake, I will take her Merchants into my protection, and will defend them as the Empe∣rours selected people vnder the Emperors commission: and by mine appointment all his Maie∣sties officers and authorized people shall be carefull ouer them. The Emperors gracious fauor towards them was neuer such as it is now.* 15.219 And where you write that at the port the Emperors Officers sell their waxe by commission at a set rate giuen them, farre aboue the value, and that they enforce your Marchants to accept it, they deny that they take any such course, but say they barter their waxe for other wares, and also put their waxe to sale for readie money to your Mer∣chants, according to the worth thereof, and as the price goeth in the custome house here. It hath beene heretofore deare, and now is sold as good cheape as in any other place, and as they can best agree: they enforce no man to buy it, but rather kepe it: therefore your Marchants haue no iust cause to make any such report. I haue expressely giuen order, that there shall be no such course vsed to enforce them, but to buy according to their owne willes, and to tarrie at the port or to de∣part at their pleasure. And as touching the customes alreadie past, and debts demanded at your Merchants hands, whereof you write: Our Lord great Emperour and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia of famous memory hath shewed his Maiesties especial fauour and loue, for the great loue of his welbeloued sister Queene of England, and by my petition and media∣tion, whereas there was commandement giuen to take Marshes whole debt of your Merchants and factors,* 15.220 it is moderated to the halfe, and for the other halfe, commandement giuen it should not be taken, and the Merchants billes to be deliuered them. And to the end hereafter that her Maiesties Marchants moue no contention betwixt our Lord the Emperor and great Duke of Russia, and his welbeloued sister Queene Elizabeth, his Maiestie desireth order to be giuen, that your Marchants doe deale iustly in their traffike, and plainely without fraud or guile. And I will be a fauourer of them aboue all others, vnder his Maiesties authoritie: themselues shall see it.* 15.221 Written in our great Lorde the Emperours citie of Mosco in the moneth of Iuly, 7099.

The Queenes Maiesties letter to Theodore Iuanouich Emperour of Russia, 1591.

ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Ireland, de∣fender of the faith, &c. to the right high, mighty, and right noble prince The∣odore Iuanouich great Lord, King, and great Duke of all Russia, Volode∣mer, Mosco, Nouogrod, King of Cazan, and Astracan, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensko, Otuer, Vghory, Perme, Viatski, Bolgory, and other places: Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotsky, Rostoue, Yeraslaue, Bealozero, and Lif∣land, of Oudorsky, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts, great Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky, Grisinsky, Emperor of Kabardinsky, and of the countrey of Charkasky, and of the countrey of Gorsky, and Lord of many other countreys, our most deare and louing brother, greeting. Right noble and excellent prince, we haue receiued your Maiesties letters brought ouer by our merchants in their returne of their * 15.222 last voyage from your port of S. Nicholas; which letters we haue aduisedly read and considered, and thereby per∣ceiue that your Maiesty doth greatly mislike of our late imployment of Ierome Horsey into your dominions as our messenger with our Highnesse letters, and also that your Maiesty doth thinke that we in our letters sent by the sayd messenger haue not obserued that due order or respect which apperteined to your princely maiesty, in the forme of the same letter, aswel touching the in∣largement of your Maiesties stile and titles of honor which your Maiesty expected to haue bene therein more particularly expressed, as also in the adding of our greatest seale or signet of armes to the letters which we send to so great a Prince as your Maiesty is: in any of which points we would haue bene very loth willingly to haue giuen iust cause of offence thereby to our most deare and louing brother. And as touching the sayd messenger Ierome Horsey we are sory that contra∣ry to our expectation he is fallen into your Maiesties displeasure, whom we minde not to main∣teine in any his actions by which he hath so incurred your Maiesties mislike: yet that we had rea∣son at such time as we sent him to your Maiesty to vse his seruice as our messenger, we referre our selues to your princely iudgement, praying your Maiesty to reduce into your minde the espe∣ciall commendation, which in your letters written vnto vs in the yeere 1585,* 15.223 you made of the sayd Ierome Horsey his behauiour in your dominions: at which time your Maiesty was pleased to vse his seruice as your messenger to vs, requiring our answere of your letters to be returned by him and by none other. That imployment, with other occasions taken by your Maiesty to vse the seruice of the sayd Ierome Horsey (as namely in the yeere 1587) when your Maiesty sent him to vs againe with your letters, and your liberall and princely priuiledge at our request gran∣ted to our merchants (for which we haue heeretofore giuen thanks to your Maiesty, so doe we hereby reiterate our thankefulnesse for the same) mooued vs to be of minde, that we could not make choise of any of our subiects so fit a messenger to your Maiesty as he, whom your Maiesty had at seuerall times vsed vpon your owne occasions into this our Realme. But least your high∣nesse should continue of the minde that the letters which you sent by our ambassador Giles Flet∣cher (wherein some mention was made of your conceiued displeasure against the sayd Horsey) came not to our hands, and that wee were kept ignorant of the complaint which your Maiesty made therein against the sayd Horsey, we do not deny but that we were acquainted aswell by our ambassadour as by those letters of some displeasure conceiued against him by your Maiesty: but your sayd letters giuing onely a short generall mention of some misdemeanour committed by him, expressing no particulars, we were of opinion that this offence was not so hainous, as that it might vtterly extinguish all your former princely fauour towards him, but that vpon his humble submission to your Maiesty, or vpon better examination of the matter of the displeasure concei∣ued against him, the offence might haue beene either remitted, or he thereof might haue cleared himselfe. And to that end we were not onely by his great importunity long sollicited, but by the intercession of some of our Nobility giuing credit to his owne defence, we were intreated on his behalfe to vse his seruice once againe into Russia as our messenger to your Maiesty, whereby he might haue opportunity to cleare himselfe, and either by his answere or by his submission reco∣uer your Maiesties former fauour: whereunto our princely nature was mooued to yeeld, wish∣ing the good of our subiect so farre foorth as his desert might carry him, or his innocencie cleare him.

Thus noble Prince, our most louing and dearest brother, it may appeare vnto your Maiesty how we were induced to vse the seruice of the sayd messenger, aswell for the recouery of your

Maiesties fauor towards him (if he had bene found woorthy of it) as for experience of the maners and fashions of your countrey, where he hath bene much conuersant. But sith by your Maiesties letters it appeareth that he hath not cleared himselfe in your Maiesties sight, we meane not to vse him in any such price hereafter.

And as touching your Maiesties conceit of the breuitie which we vsed in the setting downe of your Maiesties stile and titles of honour: as nothing is further from vs, then to abridge so great and mighty a Prince of the honour due vnto him (whom we holde for his greatnesse to deserue more honour then we are able to giue him) so shall we need no further nor surer argument to cleare vs of the suspition of the detracting from your Maiesty any part of your iust and princely honor and greatnesse, then the consideration of our owne stile, which is thus contracted, videlicet, Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith &c. which kingdomes and dominions of ours are expressed by these generall words, videlicet, Eng∣land, France, and Ireland: in euery of which there are seuerall principalities, dukedomes, earle∣domes, prouinces and countreys: which being seuerally expressed would enlarge much our stile, and make it of great length; which by our progenitours hath not bene vsed: notwithstanding, we thinke it no dishonour to vs, compendiously to abridge the same in all our writings and letters written to what Prince, King, or Potentate soeuer. Whereupon we inferre, that holding your Maiesties generall stile, we offer your Highnesse no dishonour in not expressing all the particu∣lar prouinces: albeit we can willingly content our selfe, vpon the knowledge of your vsages and customes, to obserue that course, which your selfe shall thinke most honourable. And for the sea∣ling vp of our letters which we write to all our allies, kinsemen, and friends, Kings and Prin∣ces, we haue in vse two seuerall seales; both which we esteeme alike honourable, bring our princely seales. And as the volume of our letters falleth out to be great or small, so accordingly is our greater or lesser seale annexed to the sayd letters, without esteeming either of them more or lesse honourable then the other. So as, our most louing and dearest brother, in the said letters there was nothing done of purpose to detract from your Maiesty any thing of the vsuall regard, which our Highnesse was woont to yeeld vnto your most noble father of famous memory Iuan Basiliuich Emperor of al Russia, or to your selfe, our dearest brother. For the residue of the points of your Maiesties letters concerning the entertainement of our ambassadour, and proceeding in the cause of Anthonie Marsh we holde our selfe satisfied with your princely answere, and doe therein note an honourable and princely care in your Maiestie to preuent the like troubles, con∣trouersies and sutes, that Marshes cause stirred vp betweene our merchants and your subiects, which is, that your Maiestie doeth purpose from time to time to purge your Countrey of such straglers of our subiects, as doe or shall hereafter abide there, and are not of the Company of our merchants, but contemptuously depart out of our land without our Highnesse licence: of which sort there are presented vnto vs from our merchants the names of these seuerall persons, vide∣licet, Richard Cocks, Bennet Iackman, Rainold Kitchin, Simon Rogers, Michael Lane, Thomas Worsenham: whom it may please your Maiesty by your princely order to dismisse out of your land, that they may be sent home in the next shippes, to auoid the mislike which their resi∣dence in those parts might breed to the disturbance of our brotherly league, and the impeaching of the entercourse.

And whereas, most louing and dearest brother, one William Turnebull a subiect of oursis lately deceased in your kingdome, one with whom our merchants haue had much controuersie for great summes of money due vnto them by him while he was their Agent in their affayres of mer∣chandises: which differences by arbitrable order were reduced to the summe of 3000 rubbles, and so much should haue beene payed by h•••• as may appeare by your Maiesties councell or magi∣strates of iustice by very credible information and testimony: and whereas also the sayd Turnbull was further indebted by billes of his own hand to diuers of our subiects, amounting in the whole, to the summe of 1326 pounds, which billes are exemplified vnder our great seale of England, and to be sent ouer with this bearer: of which summes he hath often promised payment: it may please your most excellent Maiestie in your approoued loue to iustice, to giue order to your fauourable councell and magistrates, that those seuerall debts may be satisfied to our merchants and subiects out of the goods, merchandise, and debts which are due to the state of the sayd Turnbull: whereof your Maiesties councell shalbe informed by the Agent of our merchants.

We trust we shall not need to make any new request by motion to your Maiesty that some or∣der might be taken for the finding out of the rest of our merchants goods seised to your maiesties vse in the hands and possession of Iohn Chappel their seruant,* 15.224 being a thing granted, and no doubt already performed by your Maiesties order. We therfore intreat your Maiesty, that as conueni∣ently as may be, satisfaction or recompense be giuen to our said merchants towards the repairing

of their sundry great losses, aswell therein as otherwise by them of late sundry wayes sustained. And lastly, our most deare and louing brother, as nothing in all these our occasions is to be pre∣ferred before our entire league and amitie, descending vpon vs as an inheritance, in succession from both our ancestours and noble progenitours: so let vs be carefull on both sides by all good meanes to holde and continue the same to our posterity for euer. And if any mistaking or errour of either side do rise, in not accōplishing of circumstances agreeable to the fashion of either of our countreys and kingdomes, let the same vpon our enterchangeable letters be reconciled, that our league and amitie be no way impeached for any particular occasion whatsoeuer. And thus we recommend your Maiesty to the tuition of the most High. From our royall Palace of White∣hall the 14 of Ianuary, anno Domini 1591.* 15.225

The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich.

ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Ireland, defendour of the faith, &c. to the right honourable and noble Prince Lord Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua, Master of the horses to the great and mightie Emperour of Russia, his Highnesse lieutenant of Cazan and Astra∣can, our most deare and louing cousin, greeting. Right honourable, it hath appeared vnto vs vpon the reading and perusing of the Letters lately sent vnto our Highnesse from our deare and louing brother the Emperour, in what part his Maiestie tooke the late imployment of our messenger Ierome Horsey in our af∣faires into Russia: wherein we doe also finde the honourable endeuour vsed by your Lordship to appease his Highnesse mislike and exception taken aswell to the person of our Mess••nger, as to our princely letters sent by him: both of which points we haue answered in our letters sent by this bearer directed to our sayd louing brother the Emperour: vpon perusing whereof we doubt not but his Maiestie will be well satisfied touching our sayd Messenger and former letters. And for the honourable course holden by your Lordship in the interposing of your opinion and fauou∣rable construction in a thing which might grow to the offence of the league and amitie standing betweene your Soueraigne Lord and vs (wherein your Lordship performed the office of an ho∣nourable and graue Counsellour) we take our selfe beholding to your Lordship for your readi∣nesse in that behalfe, and doe assure our selfe that the same did proceed of the especiall loue and kinde affection that your Lordship hath euer borne and continued towards vs, whereof our princely nature will neuer be vnmindfull. We haue bene also from time to time made acquain∣ted by our chiefe and principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley, Lord high Treasurour of our Highnesse Realme of England, of your letters which haue passed betweene your Lordship and him, concerning the entercourse of our Merchants trafficke in your Countreys, and of the honourable offices done by your Lordship with the Emperour in fauour of our sayd Marchants. And lastly (which wee take a most assured argument of your vndoubted loue and affection to∣wards vs) that your Lordship hath vouchsafed, and of purpose taken into your hands the protec∣tion of our sayd Merchants, and the hea••ing and determining of all their causes and occasions whatsoeuer, which shall concerne them or their trade. All which wee conceiue to be done for our sake, and therefore do acknowledge our selues to be, and still will continue beholding vnto you for the same.

And whereas we haue made mention in our sayd letters written to our louing brother the Emperour of certeine debts due aswell to our merchants, as to other of our subiects by one Wil∣liam Turnebull a subiect of ours late deceased in Russia, wee pray you to be referred to the sayd letter. And forasmuch as the sayd cause will fall vnder your Lordships iurisdiction by reason of your acceptation of all their causes into your patronage and protection: we are so well assu∣red of your honourable inclination to iustice, and your good affection towards our merchants for our sake, that we shall not need to intreat your honourable furtherance either of iustice or expedition in the sayd cause. And lastly considering that your noble linage together with your great wisedome and desert hath made you a principall Counsellour and directour of the state of so great a Monarchie, whereby your aduice and direction is followed in all things that doe con∣cerne the same, we haue giuen order to our sayd principall Counsellour William Lord Burgh∣ley, treasurour of our Realme of England, that as any occasion shall arise to the hinderance of the entercourse betweene these Countreyes, or of the priuiledges graunted by his Maiestie to our merchants, that he may by aduertisement treat with your Lordshippe thereupon: which we by reason of our great princely affayres can not so conueniently at all times doe with such

••••p••••it••on as the cause may require. And thus with our princely commendations we bidde you farewell. From our royall Pallace of Whitehall the foureteenth day of Ianuariee, Anno Domini 1591.

To the right honourable my very good Lord, the Lord Boris Pheodorowich, Master of the horses to the great and mighty Emperour of Russia, his Highnesse Lieutenant of Cazan and Astracan, William Cecill Lord Burgh∣ley, Knight of the noble Order of the Garter, and Lord high Treasurer of England, sendeth greeting.

RIght honourable my very good Lord, vpon the last returne of our merchants shippes out of Russia, there was brought vnto my handes, by one Francis Cherrie an English merchant, a letter directed to the Queenes Maiestie, from the great and mightie Emperour of Russia, and another letter from your Lordship directed to me: which sayd letter written from the Emperor to her Maiesty hath beene considerately and aduisedly by her Highnesse read and perused, and the matter of complaint against Ierome Horsey therein comprised thorowly examined: which hath turned the same Horsey to some great displeasure. I did also acqua••nt our Maiesty with the contents of your Lordships letters written to mee, and enformed her of your Lordships honourable fauour shewed to her Highnesse merchants from time to time: who tooke the same in most gracious part, and confessed her selfe infinitly beholding vnto your Lord∣ship for many honourable offices done for her sake, the which she meant to acknowledge by her letters to be written to your Lordship vnder her princely hand and seale. And forasmuch as it hath pleased your good Lordshippe to take into your handes the protection of her Maiesties mer∣chants, and the redresse of such iniuries as are, or shall be offered vnto them contrary to the mea∣ning of the priuiledges and the free liberty of the entercourse, wherein in some points your Lordship hath already vsed a reformation, as appeareth by your sayd letters: yet the continu∣ance of traffique moouing new occasions and other accidents tending to the losse of the sayd mer∣chants, whereof some particulars haue beene offered vnto me to treat with your Lordship vp∣on: I thought it good to referre them to your honourable consideration, that order might be taken in the same, for that they are apparantly repugnant to the Emperours letters written to her Maiestie, and doe much restraine the liberty of the trade: one is, that at the last comming of our merchants to the port of Saint Michael the Archangel,* 15.226 where the mart is holden, their goods were taken by the Emperours officers for his Highnesse seruice at such rates, as the sayd officers were disposed to set vpon them, so farre vnder their value, that the merchants could not assent to accept of those prices: which being denied, the sayd officers restrained them of all further traffique for the space of three weekes,* 15.227 by which meanes they were compelled to yeeld vnto their demaund how vnwillingly soeuer. Another is, that our sayd merchants are driuen to pay the Emperours officers custome for all such Russe money as they bring downe from the Mosco to the Sea side to employ there at the Mart within the Emperours owne land; which seemeth strange vnto me, considering the same money is brought from one place of the Coun∣trey to another, and there imployed without any transport ouer of the sayd money. These in∣terruptions and impositions seeme not to stand with the liberties of the Emperours priuileges and freedome of the entercourse, which should be restrained neither to times or conditions, but to be free and absolute: whereof it may please your Lordship to be aduised, and to continue your honourable course holden betweene the Emperour and her Maiesty, to reconcile such differences as any occasion doth offer to their league or trafficke. Thus not doubting of your Lordships fur∣therance herein, I humbly take my leaue of your good Lordship. From her Maiesties royall palace of Whitehall this 15 of Ianuary, 1591.* 15.228

A Letter from the Emperour of Russia, Theodore Iuanouich to the Queenes Maiestie.

* 15.229THrough the tender merrie of our God, whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited vs, thereby to guide our feet into the way of peace. Euen this our God by mercy we glorifie in Trinitie.

We the great Lord, King and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich, go∣uernour of all Russia, of Volodimer, Mosco, and Nouogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, Lord of Vobsco, and great Duke of Smolensco, Otuer,

Vghori, Perme, Viatsky, Bulgary, and other regions, Lord and great Duke also of Nouogrod in the low countrey, of Chernigo, of Rezan, Polotsko, Rostoue, Yeroslaue, Bealozera, and of Lifland, of Vdorsky, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and all the countrey of Siberia, and commander of all the North parts, and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky, and King of Grusinsky,* 15.230 and of the countrey of Kabardinsky, Cherchasky, and Duke of Igorsky, Lord and ruler of many countreys more &c. To our louing sister Elizabeth Queene of England, France, and Ireland, &c. Lo∣uing sister, your letters sent by your seruant Thomas Lind, we haue receiued, and read what you haue written in the same touching our title, and touching your order holden in your letters here∣tofore sent vs by your seruant Ierome Horsey: wherein you haue answered vs sufficiently and most graciously.

And whereas your Maiestie hath written in your letter concerning the goods of William Turnebull late deceased in our kingdome, that your subiects, for whom he was factour, should haue debts growing vnto them from him by account; we at your Maiesties request haue caused not onely order to be taken, but for your Highnesse sake, louing sister, we haue caused the goods to be sought out and deliuered to your merchants Agent and his company, together with his stuffe, bookes, billes and writings, as also money to the value of sixe hundred rubbles, which Christopher Holmes and Francis Cherry are to pay for * 15.231 y••arie: and we haue set at libertie the sayd Turnebulles kinseman Raynold Kitchin and his fellowes, and deliuered them to your mer∣chants Agent.

And further, where you write vnto vs for such your subiects as haue departed out of your ma∣iesties Realme secretly without licence, that we should giue order to send them home: concer∣ning such your subiects for which you haue written vnto our Maiestie by letters, we will cause search to be made, and such as are willing to goe home into your kingdome, we will command forthwith to be deliuered vnto your merchants Agent, and so to passe. And such of your Maie∣sties people as haue giuen themselues vnder our gouernment as subiects, we thinke it not requi∣site to grant to let them passe.

And further, where you haue written vnto vs concerning the goods of Iohn Chappell, we haue written heretofore the whole discourse thereof, not once, but sundry times, and therefore it is not needfull to write any more thereof. And such goods as were found out of the goods of the sayd Chappell, the money thereof was restored to your Maiesties people William Turnbull and his fellowes.* 15.232 Your Maiesties seruant Thomas Lind we haue sent with our letters the same way whereby he came into our kingdome. The long abiding heere of your Maiesties seruant in our kingdome, was for the comming of your people from the Sea port. Written in our princely court and royall seat in the city of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101,* 15.233 in the moneth of Ianuary.

To the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua.

BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouer∣nour of Russia, Volodimer, Mosco, and Nouogrod, King of Cazan and A∣stracan, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensco, Otuer, Vghori, Perme, Viatsky, Bulgary, and other regions, Lord and great Duke of Nouo∣grod in the low countrey, of Chernigo, of Rezan, Polotsko, Rostoue, Iero∣slaue, Bealozera, and of Lifland, of Vdorsky, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and all the countrey of Sibery, and commander of all the North parts, and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky, and King of Grusinsky, and of the countrey of Kabardinsky, Cherchasky, and duke of Igorsky, Lord and ruler of many countreys more, &c.

Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England, France, and Ireland, &c. his princely Ma∣iesties seruant, Lord and Master of his horses, and high Steward of his house, and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan, Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua, vnto your most excel∣lent Maiesty, great Ladie Queene Elizabeth, send my humble commendations. It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind; which letter I receiued with all humblenesse. During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco, it pleased God of his mercifulnesse, and our Lady the mother of God, and holy Saints, by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour, the right beleeuer and louer of Christ,* 15.234 to send our Queene and gra∣cious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse, to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome, named Pheodocine. Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable,

whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs; for which all wee Christians laud and praise God.

After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port.

Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Ma∣ster by your ambassadour, therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning, in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes, in the which I will continue mine endeuour. Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie. As heeretofore I haue done it willingly, and with great care of their good, so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue; to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance.

As I haue beene to your merchants in times past, so now by the permission and comman∣dement of our Lord and Master, I will be their defendour in all causes: and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them, and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure. The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friend∣ship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time. And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased, I hauing perused your Maiesties letter, whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts, I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie, that order may be giuen therein: and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things, as billes, books and writings. All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes, and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles.

And touching your merchants, I will haue a great care ouer them, and protect them, whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade: and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie.

Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco, in the yeere from the begin∣ning of the world 7101, in the moneth of Ianuarie.

A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England.

BY the grace of God great Lord, King, and great Duke Theodor Iuano∣uich, gouernour of Russia, Volodimer, Mosco, and Nouogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, Lord of Vobsco, and great Duke of Smolensco, Otuer, Vghory, Perme, Viatsky, Bulgary, and other regions, Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys, of Chernigo, of Liffe∣land, of Vdorsky, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and all the countrey of Sibery, and commaunder of all the North parts, and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky, and King of Grosinsky, and of the countreys of Kabardinsky, Cherchasky, and Duke of Igorsky, Lord and ruler of many Countreys more &c. His princely Maiesties seruant, Lord and Master of his horses, and high Steward of his house, President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan, Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua, to the most honoura∣ble Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England, France, and Ireland, William Burghley, Lord, and Knight of the Garter, high Treasurour of England, sendeth greeting.

I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie, and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them, by the hands of Francis Cherie, * 15.235 one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty, vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty, and one from me to her Highnesse, and one from my selfe to you; and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large. And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Hor∣sey, you haue sought out the ground thereof, and that he is in great displeasure. And her High∣nesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants, that whereas I haue taken them into protection, she taketh it very louingly and kindely, that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse.

And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers, and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589, for the space of three weekes, it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure, as also against mine. Where

you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie, and your Queenes Maiestie, their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time, but to continue: and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants, and to defend them from all such damages hereafter: your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered: and as I haue bene heretofore, so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie, and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse, for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie, most ioyfully and willingly, as God knoweth, aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore: praying you to doe the like also. Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake, to do all that lyeth in m••e for the ayding, helping and protecting of her Maiesties merchants, by the order and commaunde∣ment of our Lord and king his Maiestie.

And to that ende, I haue giuen order to all our authorised people to bee carefull ouerthem, and to defende them in all causes, and to giue them free libertie to trafficke at their owne willes and pleasures. It may bee that your merchants doe not certifie you the trueth of all things, nor make knowen vnto your honour my readinesse to protect them: And howe my Letters and Commissions are sent to all authorised people for them, that they shoulde ayde and assist them according to the tenour of my Letters, to all others that bee in authoritie vnder the said Officers or otherwise.

Also your honour writeth of the debarring of your merchants at the Sea port from their ac∣customed libertie of enterchangeable trafficke and bartar. Touching which complaint search and inquisition hath bene made, and commaundement giuen, that your Queenes Maiesties mer∣chants at the Seaside, and in all places where the trade is, doe not sustaine any domage or hinde∣rance hereafter, but that they shalbe at libertie without any hindering or letting, either in the Mosco, the Treasurehouse, or else where by any of our authorised people, but absolutely to bee at free libertie at their owne will and pleasure. And also I will continue to be their protectour and defendour in all causes, by our Lorde and kings Maiesties order and commaundement: as it shalbe knowen and certified you by your people resident here in the Mosco.

Written in our Kings Maiesties royall citie of Mosco from the beginning of the world 7101••* 15.236 yeere, in the moneth of Ianuary.

A most gracious Letter giuen to the English Merchants Sir Iohn Hart and his company, by Theodore Iuanowich, the King, Lord, and great duke of all Russia, the onely vpholder thereof.

THe onely God omnipotent before all eternitie, his will be done without ende: the Father, Sonne, and holy Ghost we glorifie in Trinitie. Our onely God the maker of all things and worker of all in all euery where with plentifull in∣crease: for which cause he hath giuen life to man to loue him, and to trust in him: Our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his holy children with his word to discerne good through our Lord Iesus Christ, and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keepe the right s••epter, and suffer vs to reigne of our selues to the good profit of the land, and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies, and to the mainteinance of vertue.

We the great Lord, king, and great duke Theodore Iuanouich, of all Russia the onely vphol∣der, of Volodimer, Mosco, and Nouogrod, King of Casan, and king of Astracan, Lord of Vobs∣co, and great duke of Smolensko, of Otuer, Vghorie, Permia, Viatski, Bulgari, and other regi∣ons, great duke also of Nouogrod in the lowe Countrey, of Chernigo, of Rezan, Polotski, Ro∣stoue, Yaruslaue, Bealozero, and of Liefland, of Vdorski, Obdorski, Condenski, and commaun∣••er of all the Countrey of Siberi and of the North parts, and Lord ouer the Countrey of Iuerski, Grusinski, and King ouer the Countrey of Igorski, and ruler ouer many other kingdomes and Lordships more.

Our princely Maiestie at the request of our brother in lawe Bo••is Feodorowich Godeno∣ua our seruant, and Master of our horses, generall Comptroller of our house, and gouernour of the Lordships and kingdomes of Casan and Astracan; vnto the English merchants Sir Iohn Hart knight, sir William Webbe knight, Richard Salkenstow Alderman, Nicholas Moseley al∣derman, Robert Doue, Wil•• Garrowe, Iohn Harbey, Robert Chamberlaine, Henry Anderson, Iohn Woodworth, Frācis Cherry, Iohn Merrick, & Christopher Holmes; hath graciously giuen leaue to come & go with their ships into our kingdome & territories of Duina with all kind of com∣modities at their pleasures to trafficke frō the seaside to our roial city of Mosco, & in al other cities, townes, countries and territories of our whole kingdom of Mosco: vpon the humble petition and

sute of the saide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company, wee haue giuen them leaue to passe and trafficke into all parts of our dominions and territories of Mosco, and to our inheri∣tance of Nouogrod and Plesco with their wares and commodities without paying any custome or dueties.

We the great Lord, king, and great duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia haue firmely gi∣uen and graunted vnto the aforesaide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company, for the loue we beare to our deare sister Queene Elizabeth, we I say of our gracious goodnes haue giuen leaue to trauel and passe to our royal seat of Mosco, and to all the parts of our kingdome with all kinde of commodities, and to trafficke with all kinde of wares at their owne pleasure, without paying any custome of their said wares.

To you our Customers we wil and command not to take any maner of custome of the said mer∣chants and their company, neither for entering, weying nor passing by or through any place of our territories, nor for custome, of iudgement by Lawe, or for their person or persons; nor any duties ouer bridges, or for certificats or processes, or for conducting ouer any streames or waters, or for any other customes or dueties that may be named; we wil and straitly commaund you not to take any of them in any wise.

Prouided alwayes, that the saide merchants shall not colour any strangers wares, nor bring them into our countrey, nor fauour them colourably, nor sel for any stranger. To you our subiects also we cōmand, not to meddle or deale with any wares of strangers colourably, nor to haue them by you in keeping, nor to offer to sel their cōmodities; but themselues to sel their owne cōmodities in change or otherwise as they may or can. And in al townes, cities, countreys, or any part of our dominions and territories it shalbe lawful for the foresaid merchants and their company to sell or barter away their owne commodities in change or otherwise, for or at their pleasure as they will. And whensoeuer the said merchants or any of them come into our territories of great Nouogrod or Plesco, or to any other parts of our kingdome with their wares, by vertue of these our Maie∣sties letters we straitly charge and command you our Captaines, generals, and all other that be authorised or in office, to suffer the aforesaid merchants to passe and repasse, and to take no kinde of custome or dutie of them, or any of their goods, howsoeuer it may haue name: nor in no place else where they shal come in all our kingdome. Likewise if they sell not nor buy no wares, you shall take no custome, but suffer them quietly to passe where they will with their goods. Of our grati∣ous goodnes and meere goodwill we haue giuen the said merchants leaue to trafficke throughout all our kingdomes, and in all townes and cities with all maner of wares and commodities with∣out paying any custome or dutie. Wheresoeuer they shal happen to sel or barter away any of their commodities to our subiects, they are to barter or sell by whole sale, and not by retaile, as by the yard or by the ounce in their houses or elsewhere: but by the packe or whole clothes, veluets, da∣masks, taffaties by the piece, and not by the yard; and al other wares that are to be sold by weight, they are to be sold not by the ounce, but by great sale. Your wines shalbe sold by hogs heads, pipes or buttes, but not by quartes nor pintes.

The said English m••rchants are to sel or barter away their owne cōmodities themselues, and not to suffer any Russes to buy or sell for them: nor to carry or transport any wares of strangers in stead of their owne in no wise. And if the saide English merchants shall be desirous to sell any of their commodities at Colmogro, or vpon the Riuer of Duina, or at Vologhda or at Yeraslaue; when as the saide merchants haue solde in any of the saide Towues, Cities or territories, then you our officers and authorised people by vertue of this our gratious letter wee will and straitly commaund not to take any custome of the aforesaid merchants, howsoeuer it may be named.

Also whensoeuer the saide English merchants or any of their factours shalbe desirous to hire carriers to carry their wares to any place of our dominions or Cities, it shalbe at their ch••yse and pleasure to hier them the best they can, and where they will, either water men to rowe, or vessels.

Also when any of the said merchants themselues, or any of theirs are desirous to trauel into any part of our dominions, or into any other kingdomes, or into their owne kingdome, if any of our treasure be deliuered to them, they to take it with them, and to sel it in bartar or otherwise for such wares as are most requisit and necessary to be brought into our kingdome and to be deliuered in∣to our treasury. You, our nobilitie, generals & al others in authority suffer them to passe through al our cities, townes & countries without taking any custome of them. And when the said merchants haue done their traffick in any place & come to the Mosco, they shal make it knowen at their arriual at the house of Chancery and secretariship to Vasili Shalkan. And further when there come any English merchants with their ships or vessels by sea, that by mishap shalbe cast away vpon any of our shoars or cos••es, we wil and command you to ayde & helpe them, and to seeke for their goods so

perished by any casualtie, and to be restored againe to the saide English merchants or their assig∣nes without any prolonging or detayning. As also if any of the aforesaide me••chants goods be found in any part of our coastes or streames and they not present themselues, let the said goods be taken and layd vp in safetie in some place or other, and be deliuered to the aforesaid merchants or their factors vnder penaltie of our displeasure.

Furthermore we King, Lord, and great duke of all Russia, of our gracious goodnesse giue vnto the English merchants and their company, their ••ouse in the Citie of Mosco lying ••ard by the Church of S. Marke behinde the market place: which they shall keepe and remaine therein after their old accustomed vse. Prouided alwayes that they shall keepe one Russe porter or one of their owne people, & may keepe any other Russe seruant at their discretion. Also their houses in sundry places, as at Ieraslaue, Vologhda, Colmogro, and at S. Michael Archangel, all these houses they shall keepe and vse at their owne pleasure, according to our former letters patents without pay∣ing any dutie, rent, or custome. Nor you the communaltie of the said townes shal take any thing of them or theirs for any duetie that should belong to you, especially of the houses aforesaid: but the said English merchants shal enioy them peaceably for themselues and their families, but shall not suffer any other strangers Russes or others to vse the aforesaid houses: Also you shall suffer them to lay their wares and commodities in their warehouses, and to sell their commodities to whom they please without let or hinderance, by vertue of this our gratious letter.

Their housekeeper being a Russe shall not vndertake to meddle, or sell any of their wares with∣out they themselues be present, nor to buy any thing for them.

Also it shalbe lawfull for the said merchants when they shal arriue at their port, to lade and vn∣lade their merchandises as in times past they haue done at their pleasure. And when they lade their ships with Russe commodities or vnlade them, it shalbe lawfull for them to hire any of our sub∣iects to helpe them for the present time, and for them to carry their goods to and fro with their owne vessels to S. Michael Archangel, or elsewhere.

Also we command you our authorized people at the sea side as wel Customers as others to take of the foresaid merchants a note, or remembrance, what goods they bring in and ship out: whereby it may be knowen what goods come in and go out. But in no wise shall you open or vnpacke any of their wares or merchandises.

In like maner when as they ship or sende away any of their countrey commodities from S. Mi∣chael Archangel to any other place, or to our royall Citie of Mosco yee shall not hinder nor let them any maner of wise for the shipping of their merchandises in or out, by vertue of these our gratious letters of priuiledge giuen them.

And whensoeuer any of the said English merchants haue any occasion to send ouer land out of our dominions into their own countrey any of their seruants or factors, by vertue of this our gra∣tious letter we command you to giue them their passeport out of the office of our Secretariship.

And whensoeuer any of our subiects hath any thing to do with any of the foresaid merchants by way of contentions: or that they be damnified or hindered by any of our subiects: then we appoint and ordeine our Chanceller and Secretary Vasili Shalcan to heare their causes, and finally to de∣termine on both sides according to equitie and iustice: and that he shall search the trueth betweene both parties.

And when the trueth, cannot be proued or found out, then to cast lots by order of the foresaide Iudge, and he to whom the lot shall fall to take his othe.

Furthermore whensoeuer any of the English merchants or their factors shall come into any parts of our dominions or Cities, and shalbe wronged any kinde of wayes in trading, or otherwise by any abused, or haue any occasion of contention with any by way of trade in merchandise or o∣therwayes: we straitly charge and commaund you our gouernours, and authorised subiects with∣in all our Realme and territories of the same, to minister iustice vnto the aforesaide merchants, or to their deputies, and to search the trueth of the contention: And for want of sufficient proofe cast lots who shall take his oath for the more ready triall of the cause: And in no wise to take any fee or duetie of the aforesaid English merchants for the said iudgement in Lawe.

We wil and commaund all this to be obserued and kept in all parts of our dominions by all our subiects and authorised people, by vertue of these our royal letters patents: And the said let∣ters not to be diminished in any part or parsell thereof, by any persons howsoeuer they be named. And whosoeuer shall withstand & not regard these our gracious letters shalbe in our high displea∣sure, and shal incurre the losse of his life.

This our gracious letter was giuen in our kingdom and royal City of Mosco, in the yere from the beginning of the world 7104. in the moneth of May.* 16.1

Subscribed by the Emperours Chancellour and Secretarie Vasili Shalcan.

The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court.

FRiend Thomas Simkinson I pray you goe to Brounswik or Cassil and inquire if Master Iohn Dee be there or where he is, and when you finde him, certifie him howe that I haue sent you purposely to knowe where hee doeth remaine, and at your returne I will come and speake with him my selfe. Also you may certefie him that the Emperour of Russeland hauing certaine know∣ledge of his great learning and wisdome is marueilous desirous of him to come into his Countrey. And hath giuen me his letter with his hand and golden seale at it for to bring him into the Countrey with mee if it be possible, and for his liuing shewe him that he shall be sure of 2000. pound yeerely, and also all prouision for his table out of the Emperours kitching free: and if he thinke this too little, I will assure him that if he aske asmuch more, hee shall haue it, and for his charges into the Countrey, I haue sufficient of the Emperours allowance to bring him and all his royally into the Countrey. And because hee may doubt of these proffers, hee shall re∣maine at the borders vntill the Emperour be certified of him, and of his requests, which he would haue. And I am sure he shall be conueyed through the land with fiue hundred horses, and hee shal∣be accompted as one of the chiefest in the land next the Emperour. Also shew him howe that my Lord Protectour at my comming away did take me in his armes, and desired me as hee should be my friend to bring him with me, and he would giue him of his owne purse yeerely 1000. rubbles besides the Emperours allowance. All these foresaide grauntes and demaunds doe I Thomas Simkinson acknowledge to be spoken by Edward Garland to mee, and to be sent to declare the same vnto Master Iohn Dee••

And in witnesse that this is of a trueth I haue written the same with my owne hand, and thereunto set my name, in

Wittingaw, otherwise called Trebona, the 18. of September, Anno 1586.

By me Thomas Sinkinson of Hull.

A letter to the right worshipfull M. Iohn Dee Esquire, conteyning the summe and effect of M. Edward Garland his message, deliuered to Master Dee himselfe, (Letterwise) for a more perfect memoriall thereof. Anno 1586.

RIght worshipfull, it may please you to vnderstand, that I was sen•• vnto you from the most mightie Prince Feodor Iuanowich, Lord, Emperour and great duke of Russia, &c. As also from the most excellent prince Boris Feodorowich, Lord Protector of Russia: to giue your worship to vnderstand the great good will and heartie desire they beare vnto you; for that of long time they haue had great good report of your learning & wisedom, as also of your good counsel vnto Princes: whereupon his Maiesties most earnest desire and request is vnto you; that you would take the paines to come vnto his citie of Mosco, to visite his Maiesties Court: for that hee is desi∣rous of your company, and also of your good counsell in diuers matters that his Maiestie shall thinke needfull. And for the great goodwill that his Maiestie beareth vnto you, he will giue you yeerely toward your mainteinance 2000. pound starling; and the Lord Protectour will giue you a thousand rubbles, as also your prouision for your table you shall haue free out of his Maiesties kitchin: And further whatsoeuer you shall thinke needefull or conuenient for you, in any part or parts of his dominion, it shall be at your worships commaundement. And this is the summe and effect of my message and commandement giuen me by his Maiestie and the Lord Protectour.

In witnesse whereof I haue written this with my owne hand, the 17. of December 1586.

By me Edward Garland.

In Trebona Castel otherwise called Wittingaw in Boëmia: to which place this M. Edward Garland, came to M. Dee with two Moscouites to serue him, &c. He had sixe more, which by M. Dees counsell were sent backe.

Witnesse M. Edward Kelley, and M. Francis Garland, brother to foresaid Edward, and diuers others.

IT seemeth that this princely offer of the Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich, and of the L. Boris Pheodorowich Protectour to his Maiestie, was made vnto the learned and famous Mathema∣titian M. Iohn Dee, partly to vse his counsell & direction about certaine discoueries to the North∣east; and partly for some other weighty occasions: but because their conquest to Siberia was not as then fully settled, & for diuers other secret reasons, it was for y^e time with al thankfulnes refused.

A branch of a letter from M. Iohn Merick, Agent vnto the Moscouie company in Russia, closed vp in the Mosco the 14. of March, Anno 1597. touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich late Emperour of all Russia, &c.

HAuing thus farre proceeded with this my answere vnto the chiefest points of your worships letters receiued, my desire was to haue sent one vnto you long since, as you may perceiue by* 18.1 the first date: but by reason I could not get leaue, I haue deferred it of till this instant, for that there was none suffe∣red to passe out of the land. The causes may be iudged, for that it pleased God to call out of this world, the Emperour his Maiestie, who departed about the 7. of Ianuary: and euer since hath bene a mourning time, & no suites for any matter could be heard. But it hath bene a very dead season. Yet (thankes be to God) through the wise gouernment of Lord Boris Pheodorowich the Lord Protector vnto the saide late Em∣perour, since his death all things haue bene very quiet without any dissention; as the like in such a great kingdome I haue not heard of. And now through the prouidence of Almightie God, and by surrender of the late Empresse Irenia Feodoruna, and the common consent of the Patri∣arch, Nobles, Bishops, and the whole Cleargie, with the whole Commons besides, choise is made of none other but of the said Lord Protector, L. Boris Pheodorowich to be Emperour,* 18.2 and great duke of all Russia, who was most vnwilling to receiue the kingdome, but the people would make no other choise, nor haue any other. So that with much adoe and entreatie, it hath pleased his Ma∣iestie to take vpon him the kingdome, and he is absolute Emperor to him and his heires. And cer∣tainly God hath done much for this Countrey, and hath made the people greatly happy, in that he hath prouided and appointed so famous and worthy a Prince: whose excellent gouernment and experience these foureteene yeeres hath bene manifest to all Russia. God graunt his highnesse a most prosperous and long raigne, with his Lady the Empresse, the Prince his sonne, and the Prin∣cesse his daughter. All men do reioyce both Russe and strangers for this most famous Emperour. The Coronation is thought shalbe on the Assension day next, til which time I cannot depart from Mosco: which is a litle before the time that ordinarily I doe take my iourney from hence. And touching his Maiesties fauour towards me on your behalfe, especially for her Maiesties sake, as in foretime it was extraordinary, and so specially shewed to mee, as to none the like: so hath his highnesse promised the continuance thereof, with further fauour as shalbe desired, Whereof I haue no doubt: for dayly I do finde the same.

A learned Epistle written 1581. vnto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator concerning the riuer Pechora, Naramsay, Cara reca, the mighty riuer of Ob, the place of Yaks Olgush in Siberia, the great riuer Ardoh, the lake of Kit∣tay called of the borderers Paraha, the Countrey of Carrah Colmak, giuing good light to the discouery of the Northeast passage to Cathay, China and the Malucaes.

¶ Inclyto & celebri Gerardo Mercatori, domino & amico singulari in manus proprias Duisburgi in Cliuia.

CVm meminissem, amice optime, quanta, cum vnà ageremus, delectatione afficerere in legendis Geographicis scriptis Homeri, Strabonis, Aristotelis, Plinij, Dionis & reliquorum, laetatus sum eo quod incidissem in hunc nun∣cium, qui tibi has literas tradit, quem tibi commendatum esse valde cupio, quique dudum Arusburgi hîc ad Ossellam fluuium appulit. Hominis ex∣perientia, vt mihi quidem videtur, multum te adiuuerit in re vna, eaque summis à te votis expetita, & magnopere elaborata, de qua tam varie in∣ter se dissentiunt Cosmographi recentiores; patefactione nimirum ingentis illius Promonto∣rij Tabin, celebrisque illius & opulente regionis sub Cathayorum rege per Oceanum ad Orien∣tem brumalem. Alferius is est natione Belga, qui captiuus aliquot annos vixit in Moscouitarum ditione, apud viros illic celeberrimos Yacouium & Vnekium; à quibus Antuerpiam missus est accersitum homines rei nautice peritos, qui satis amplo proposito premio ad illos viros se reci∣piant; qui Sueuo artifice duas ad cam patefactionem naues edificarunt in Duina fluuio.* 19.1 Vt ille rem proponit, quamquam sine arte, apposite tamen, & vt satis intelligas, quod queso diligenter perpendas, aditus ad Cathayam per Orientem proculdubio breuissimus est & admodū expe∣ditus. Adijtipse fluuiū Obam tum terra per Samoedorū & Sibericorū regionem, tum mari per littus Pechorae fluminis ad Orientem. Hac experientia confirmatus certò apud se statuit nauim mercibus onustā, cuius carinā non nimiū profundè demissam esse vult, in Sinū S. Nicolai condu∣cere in regione Moscouitarū, instructam illā quidem rebus omnibus ad eam patefactionem ne∣cessarijs,

atque illic redintegrato commeatu, Moscouiticae nationis notissimos iusta mercede asciscere: qui & Samoedicam linguam pulchre teneant, & fluuium Ob exploratum habeant, vt qui quotannis ea loca ventitant. Vnde Maio exeunte constituit pergere ad Orientem per continentem Vgoriae ad Orientales partes Pechorae, Insulam que cui nomen est Dolgoia.* 19.2 Hic latitudines obseruare, terram describere, bolidem demittere, locorumque ac punctorum distantias annotare, vbi & quoties licebit. Et quoniam Pechorae Sinus vel euntibus vel redeun∣tibus commodissimus est tum subsidij tum diuersorij locus propter glaciem & tempestates, diem impendere decreuit cognoscendis vadis, facillimoque nauium aditu inueniendo: quo loco antehac aquarum altitudinem duntaxat ad quinque pedes inuenit, sed profundiores ca∣nales esse non dubitat: deinde per eos fines pergere ad tria quatuorve milliaria nautica, re∣licta Insula quàm Vaigats vocant,* 19.3 media ferè via inter Vgoriam & Nouam Zemblam: tum Sinum quendam praeterire inter Vaigats atque Obam, qui per Meridiem vergens pertingit ad terram Vgoriae,* 19.4 in quem confluunt exigui duo amnes ‖ 19.5 Marmesia atque Carah, ad quos amnes gens alia Samoedorum accolit immanis & efferata. Multa in eo tractu loca vadosa, multas cataractas inuenit; sed tamen per quas possit Nauigari. Vbi ad fluuium Obam per∣uentum fuerit, qui quidem fluuius (vt referunt Samoedi) septuaginta habet ostia, quae prop∣ter ingentem latitudinem multas magnasque concludentem Insulas, quas varij iucolunt po∣puli, vix quisquam animaduertat, ne temporis nimium impendat, constituit ad summum tria quatuorve tentare ora, ea praeserim quae ex consilio Incolarum, quos in itinere aliquot habiturus est, commodissima videbuntur, triaque quatuorve eius regionis nauigiola tentan∣dis Ostijs adhibere, quàm fieri potest ad littus proxime,* 19.6 (quod quidem sub itinere trium die∣rum incolitur) vt quo loco tutissime nauigari possit, intelligat.

Quod si nauim per fluuium Obam aduerso amne possit impellere, prima si poterit cata∣racta, eaque, vt verisimile est, commodissima, ad eumque locum appellere, quem aliquan∣do ipse cum suis aliquot per Sibericorum regionem terra adijt, qui duodecim iuxra dierum itinere distat à M••ri, quà influit in mare flumen Ob, qui locus est in continente, propè fluui∣um Ob cui nomen est Yaks Olgush,* 19.7 nomine mutuato ab illo magno Profluente flumini Ob illabente, tum certè speraret maximas se difficultates superasse. Referunt enim illic popula∣res, qui trium duntaxat dierum nauigatione ab eo loco abfuerunt (quòd illic rarum est, eo quòd multi ad vnum duntaxat diem cymbas pelliceas à littore propellentes oborta tempe∣state perierunt, cùm neque à sole neque à syderibus rectionem scirent petere) per transuersum fluminis Ob, vnde spaciosum esse illius latitudinem constat, grandes se catinas praeciosis onu∣stas mercibus magno fluuio delatas vidisse per Nigros, puta AEthiopes. Eum fluuium Ar∣doh illi vocant,* 19.8 qui influit in lacum Kittayum, quem Pataha illi nominant, cui contermina est gens illa latissimè fusa, quàm Carrah Colmak appellant, non alia certè quàm Cathaya. Illic, si necessitas postulabit, opportunum erit hybernare, se suosque reficere, resque omnes necessarias conquirere. Quòd si acciderit, non dubitat interim plurimùm se adiutum iti, plu∣ra illic quaerentem atque ediscentem. Veruntamen sperat aestate eadem ad Cathayorum fines se peruenturum, nisi ingenti glaciei mole ad os fluuij Obae impediatur, quae maior interdum, interdum minor est. Tum per Pechoram redire statuit, atque illic hybernare: vel si id non po∣terit, in flumen Duinae, quo mature satis pertinget, atque ita primo vere proximo in itinere progredi. Vnum est quòd suo loco oblitus sum. Qui locum illum Yaks Olgush incolunt, à maioribus suis olim praedicatum asserunt, se in lacu Kitthayo dulcissimam campanarum har∣moniam audiuisse, atque ampla aedificia conspexisse: Et cùm gentis Carrah Colmak mentio∣nem faciunt (Cathaya illa est) ab imò pectore suspiria repetunt,* 19.9 manibusque proiectis suspi∣ciunt in coelum, velut insignem illius splendorem innuentes atque admirantes. Vtinam Alfe∣rius hîc Cosmographiam melius saperet, multum ad illius vsum adiungeret, qui sanè plurimus est. Multa praetereo, vir amicissime, ipsumque hominem te audire cupio, qui mihi spospondit se in itinere Duisburgi te visurum. Auet enim tecum conferre sermones, & procul dubio ho∣minem multum adiuueris. Satis instructus videtur pecunia & gratia, in quibus alijsque offi∣cijs amicitiae feci illi, si vellet, mei copiam. Deus Optimus maximus hominis votis atque ala∣critati faueat, initia secundet, successus fortunet, exitum foelicissimum concedat.

Vale amicè ac Domine singularis.

Arusburgi ad Ossellam fluuium 20. Februarij 1581.

Tuus quantus quantus sum Ioannes Balakus.

To the famous and renowmed Gerardus Mercator, his Reuerend and singular friend at Duisburgh in Cliueland, these be deliuered.

CAlling to remembrance (most deare Friend) what exceeding delight you tooke at our be∣ing together, in reading the Geographicall writings of Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Plinie, Dion, and the rest, I reioyced not a little that I happened vpon such a messenger as the bearer of of these presents, (whom I do especially recommend vnto you) who arriued lately here at Arus∣burg vpon the riuer of Osella. This mans experience (as I am of opinion) will greatly auaile you to the knowledge of a certaine matter which hath bene by you so vehemently desired, and so curiously laboured for, and concerning the which the late Cosmographers do hold such varietie of opinions: namely, of the discouerie of the huge promontorie of Tabin, and of the famous and rich countreys subiect vnto the Emperor of Cathay, and that by the Northeast Ocean sea. The man is called* 20.1 Alferius being by birth a Netherlander, who for certaine yeeres liued captiue in the dominions of Russia vnder two famous men Yacouius and Vnekius, by whom he was sent to Antwerp to procure skilfull Pilots and Mariners, (by propounding liberall rewards) to go vn∣to the two famous personages aforesayd, which two had set a Sweden Shipwright on worke to build two ships for the same discouerie vpon the riuer of Dwina.* 20.2 The passage vnto Cathay by the Northeast (as he declareth the matter, albeit without arte, yet very aptly, as you may well perceiue, which I request you diligently to consider) is without doubt very short and easie. This very man himselfe hath trauelled to the riuer of Ob, both by land, through the countreys of the Samoeds, and of Sibier, and also by Sea, along the coast of the riuer Pechora Eastward. Be∣ing encouraged by this his experience he is fully resolued with himselfe to conduct a Barke la∣den with merchandize (the keele whereof hee will not haue to drawe ouer much water) to the Baie of Saint Nicholas in Russia, being furnished with all things expedient for such a disco∣uerie, and with a new supply of victuals at his arriuall there, and also to hire into his compa∣nie certaine Russes best knowen vnto himselfe, who can perfectly speake the Samoeds lan∣guage, and are acquainted with the riuer of Ob, as hauing frequented those places yeere by yeere.

Whereupon about the ende of May hee is determined to saile from the Baie of S. Nicholas Eastward, by the maine of Ioughoria, and so to the Easterly parts of Pechora, & to the Island which is called Dolgoia.* 20.3 And here also hee is purposed to obserue the latitudes, to suruey and describe the countrey, to sound the depth of the Sea, and to note the distances of places, where, and so oft as occasion shall be offered. And forasmuch as the Baie of Pechora is a most conue∣nient place both for harbour and victuall, as well in their going foorth as in their returne home in regard of Ice and tempest, he is determined to bestow a day in sounding the Flats, and in sear∣ching out the best enterance for ships: in which place heretofore he found the water to be but fiue foote deepe, howbeit he doubteth not but that there are deeper chanels: and then hee intendeth to proceed on along those coasts for the space of three or foure leagues, leauing the Island called Vaigats almost in the middle way betweene Vgoria and Noua Zembla:* 20.4 then also to passe by a certaine Baie betweene Vaigats and Ob, trending Southerly into the land of Vgoria,* 20.5 where∣into fall two small riuers called * 20.6 Marmesia and Carah, vpon the which riuers doe inhabite an other barbarous and sauage nation of the Samoeds. He found many Flats in that tract of land, and many cataracts or ouerfals of water, yet such as hee was able to saile by. When hee shall come to the riuer of Ob, which riuer (as the Samoeds report) hath seuentie mouthes, which by reason of the huge breadth thereof containing many and great Islands, which are inhabi••ed with sundry sortes of people, no man scarcely can well discouer, because he will not spend too much time, he purposeth to search three or foure at the most of the mouthes thereof, those chief∣ly which shall be thought most commodious by the aduise of the inhabitants, of whom hee mea∣neth to haue certaine with him in his voyage, and meaneth to employ three or foure boates of that Countrey in search of these mouthes, as neere as possibly he can to the shore, which within three dayes iourney of the Sea is inhabited, that he may learne where the riuer is best nauiga∣ble. If it so fall out that he may sayle vp the riuer Ob against the streame, and mount vp to that place which heretofore accompanied with certaine of his friends,* 20.7 he passed vnto by land through the countrey of Siberia which is about twelue dayes iourney from the Sea, where the riuer Ob falleth into the Sea, which place is in the Continent neere the riuer Ob, and is called Yaks Ol∣gush, borowing his name from that mightie riuer which falleth into the riuer Ob, then doubt∣lesse hee would conceiue full hope that hee had passed the greatest difficulties: for the people dwelling thereabout report, which were three dayes sayling onely from that place beyond the

riuer Ob, whereby the bredth thereof may be gathered (which is a rare matter there, because that many rowing with their boates of leather one dayes iourney onely from the shore, haue bene cast away in tempest, hauing no skill to guide themselues neither by Sunne nor Starre) that they haue seene great vessels laden with rich and precious merchandize brought downe that great riuer by blacke or swart people. They call that riuer* 20.8 Ardoh, which falleth into the lake of Kittay, which they call Paraha, whereupon bordereth that mightie and large nation which they call Carrah Colinak, which is none other then the nation of Cathay. There, if neede re∣quire, he may fitly Winter and refresh himselfe and his, and seeke all things which he shall stand in need of: which if it so fall out, he doubteth not but in the meane while he shall be much furthe∣red in searching and learning out many things in that place. Howbeit, he hopeth that hee shall reach to Cathaya that very Sommner, vnlesse he be hindered by great abundance of Ice at the mouth of the riuer of Ob, which is sometimes more, and sometimes lesse. If it so fall out, hee then purposeth to returne to Pechora, and there to Winter: or if he cannot doe so neither, then hee meaneth to returne to the riuer of Dwina, whither he will reach in good time enough, and so the next Spring following to proceed on his voyage. One thing in due place I forgate before.

The people which dwell at that place called Yaks Olgush, affirme that they haue heard their forefathers say, that they haue heard most sweete harmonie of bels in the lake of Kitthay, and that they haue seene therein stately and large buildings: and when they make mention of the people named Carrah Colmak (this countrey is Cathay) they fetch deepe sighes, and holding vp their hands, they looke vp to heauen, signifying as it were, and declaring the notable glory and magnificence of that nation. I would this Oliuer were better seene in Cosmographie, it would greatly further his experience, which doubtlesse is very great. Most deare friend, I omit many things, and I wish you should heare the man himselfe which promised mee faithfully that he would visite you in his way at Duisburg, for he desireth to conferre with you, and doubtlesse you shall very much further the man. He seemeth sufficiently furnished with money and friends, wherein and in other offices of curtesie I offered him my furtherance if it had pleased him to haue vsed me. The Lord prosper the mans desires and forwardnesse, blesse his good beginnings, fur∣ther his proceedings, and grant vnto him most happy issue.

Fare you well good sir and my singu∣lar friend.

From Arusburg vpon the riuer of Ossella, the 20. of February, 1581.

Yours wholy at commandement, Iohn Balak.

MAster Anthonie Ienkinson in a disputation before her Maiestie with sir Humfrey Gilbert for proofe of a passage by the Northeast to Cathaya, among other things alleageth this: videlicet, that there came a continuall streame or currant through Mare glaciale, of such swift∣nesse as a Colmak told him, that if you cast any thing therein, it would presently be caried out of sight towards the West, &c.

A testimonie of the Northeasterne Discouerie made by the En∣glish, and of the profite that may arise by pursuing the same: taken out of the second volume of Nauigations and Voyages, fol. 17. of the notable Cosmogra∣pher, M. Iohn Baptist a Ramusius, Secretarie to the State of Venice: Written in Italian in the yeere, 1557.

DAlla parte poi di sotte la nostra Tramontana, che chiascune scrittore & Cos∣mographo di questi & de passari tempi fin'hora vi ha messo & mette mare conge∣lato, & che la terra corra continuamente fino a' 90. gradi verso il Polo: sopra questo mappa-mondo all' incontro si vede che la terra và solamente vn poco sopra la Noruega & Suetia, & voltando corre poi Greco & Leuante nel paese della Moscouia & Rossia, & và diritto al Cataio. Et che cio sia la verità, le nauiga∣tioni che hanno fatte gl' Inglesi con le loro naus, volendo andare à scoprire al Ca∣taio al tempo del Re Odoardo Sesto d' Inghilterra, questi anni passati, ne possono far vera testi∣monianza: perche nel mezzo del loro viaggio, capitate per fortuna a i liti di Moscouia, doue tro∣uarona all hora regnare Giouanni Vasiliuich Imperatore della Rossia & gran Duca di Moscouia, il quale con molto piacere & marauiglia vedutogli, fece grandissime carezze, hanno trcuato quel mare essere nauigabile, & non agghiacciato. La qual nauigatione (ancor che con l'esito fin hora non sia stata bene intesa) se col spesso frequentarla & col lungo vso & cognitione de que' mari

si continuerà, è per fare grandissima mutatione & riuolgimento nelle cose di questa nostra par∣te del mondo.

The same in English.

MOreouer (hauing before spoken of diuers particularities, in an excellent Map of Paulus Venetus) on that part subiect to our North pole, where euery writer and Cosmographer of these and of former times hitherto, haue, and doe place the frozen Sea, and that the land stret∣cheth continually to 90. degrees, towards the pole: contrarywise, in this mappe is to bee seene, that the land extendeth onely a litle aboue Norway and Swethland, and then turning it selfe trendeth afterwards towards the Southeast and by East, vnto the countrey of Moscouie and Russia, and stretcheth directly vnto Cathay. And that this is true, the nauigations which the English men haue of late made, intending to discouer Cathay, in the time of Edward the sixt, king of England, are very sufficient witnesses. For in the mids of their voiage, lighting by chance vpon the coast of Moscouie (where they found then reigning Iohn Vasiliwich Emperor of Rus∣sia, and great duke of Moscouia, who after he had, to his great delight and admiration, seene the English men, entertained them with exceeding great curtesies) found this sea to be nauigable, and not frozen.

Which nauigation to Cathay,* 20.9 although it be not as yet throughly knowen, yet if with often frequenting the same, and by long vse and knowledge of those seas it bee continued, it is like to make a wonderfull change and reuolution in the state of this our part of the world.

The testimonie of Gerardus Mercator in his last large Mappe of Eu∣rope, touching the notable discoueries of the English, made of Moscouie by the Northeast.

MAgnam occasionem certámque rationem emendandae Europae nobis attu∣lit celeberrima Anglorum per Cronium mare nauigatio: quae littora Sep∣tentrionalia Finlappiae Moscouiae que iuxta coeli situm, mundique plagas di∣gesta habet. Exacta etiam vrbis Moscuae latitudo ab Anglis obseruata, in∣teriorum Regionum emendatiùs describendarum infallibilem legem prae∣scripsit: Quibus oblatis adminiculis pulcherrimis, iniquum putaui tabulam hanc castigatiorem non reddere.

The same in English.

THe most famous nauigation of the English men by the Northeast sea hath offered vnto me a great occasion, and certaine direction for the reformation of the mappe of Europe: which discouerie hath the Northerne parts of Finmarke, Lapland, and Moscouie, laied out according to the iust eleuation and the quarters of the world. And further, the true obseruation of the latitude of the city of Mosco, made by the foresaid Englishmen, hath yeelded me an infallible rule, for the correcting of the situation of the inland countries: which notable helps being ministred vnto me, I thought it my duetie to exhibite to the world this Mappe, more exact and perfect then hither∣to it hath bene published.

Another testimonie of Ioannes Metellus Sequanus concerning the same Nauigation and Discouerie in his Preface prefixed before Osorius de rebus gestis Emanuelis Regis Portugalliae, written about the yeere, 1574.

AT ne omnis, vnis Hispanis, Oceani maris gloria totáque concederetur, Britanni Septentriones noua in Moscouiam nauigatione, ab hinc annis viginti plus minùs illustratunt. Nam bellis Suericis à Moscouitarum, Naruaeque Liuoniae exclusi commercio, iter ad illos Oceano, hinc Norue∣giae, Finmarchiae, Lappiae, Scricfinniae, Biarmiaeque; illinc Groenlandiae littora praeteruecti, vltrà Septuagesimum latitudinis Aquilonaris gradum sibi patefaciunt. Quam nauigationem Belgae posteà, non sine tamen cum cum ijsdem Brittanis velitatione, sunt secuti. Eò vehunt argenti veteris fragmenta, lineásque vestes propè detritas, omnísque generis minutiores merces, ad vsum, cultúmque corporis ho∣minum

vtriusque sexus, veluti lintea & byssea cingula, periscelides, crumenas, cultros, & id genus sexcenta. A Moschis autem pelles omnis generis pretiosas adferunt, & salmones sali∣tos, fumóque duratos.

The same in English.

BUt least all and the whole glory of discouering the Ocean sea should be ascribed to the Spa∣niards, the Englishmen about twentie yeeres past, by a new nauigation into Moscouie, dis∣couered the Northeast partes. For they by reason of the warres of Swethland being hindered from the traffique of the Moscouites and of the Narue in Liefland, opened a passage for them∣selues by the Ocean sea, beyond the Northerne latitude of 70. degrees: hauing in their course on the one side the coastes of Norway, Finmark, Lapland, Scrickfin and Biarmia: On the other side the coast of Gronland. Which voyage the Hollanders afterwarde entred into, but not without some conflict with the English. They cary thither old plate and course lin∣nen cloth, and all kind of small Mercerie wares, seruing for the apparelling of men and women, as linnen, and silke girdles, garters, purses, kniues, and many such like things. And they bring away from the Mos∣couites, all kinde of precious Furres, and Salmons salted and dried in the smoke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Iune.
• * 1.2

  Heilick Islāds in 66 degrees 40 minutes.
• * 1.3

  Rost Islands.
• * 1.4

  Malestrand a strange whirle poole.
• * 1.5

  Zenam Island.
• * 1.6

  Kettelwike Is∣land.
• * 1.7

  Inger sound.
• * 1.8

  The North Cape.
• * 1.9

  Wardhouse.
• * 1.10

  Cattell fed with fish.
• * 1.11

  The Monaste∣ry of Pechin∣chow.
• * 1.12

  Arzina reca the riuer where sir Hugh Willough∣bie was frozen.
• * 1.13

  The Lappians couered all sa∣uing their eies.
• * 1.14

  The current at Cape Grace.
• * 1.15

  The entering of the Bay of S. Nicholas is seuen leagues broad at the least.
• * 1.16

  August.
• * 1.17

  Pinego riuer.
• * 1.18

  The towne of Yemps.
• * 1.19

  Vstiug.
• * 1.20

  The descripti∣on of their Nassades.
• * 1.21

  Good counsell for trauellers.
• * 1.22

  December.
• * 1.23

  Presents vsed in Russia are all for the most part of victu∣al••.
• * 1.24

  The citie of Boghar.
• * 1.25

  They arriued at Mosco.
• * 1.26

  M. Standish, doctor of Phi∣sicke.
• * 1.27

  Long dinners
• * 1.28

  Ordinance in Russia.
• * 1.29

  A yerely tri∣umph.
• * 1.30

  The hallowing of the riuer of Mosco.
• * 1.31

  The Russes Lent.
• * 1.32

  The Emperor leadeth y^e Me∣tropolitan•• horse in proces∣sion.
• * 1.33

  Kissing vsed in the Greeke church.
• * 1.34

  With these let∣ters M. Ienkin∣son tooke his voyage the same Ap••il to Boghar.
• * 1.35

  The Empe∣rours ward∣robe.
• “ 1.36

  Or, Basilius.
• * 1.37

  Note.
• * 1.38

  The hospitali∣tie of their mo∣nasteries.
• * 1.39

  Want of prea∣chers cause of great igno••āce and idola••••y.
• * 1.40

  Al their seruice to in their mo∣ther tongu••.
• * 1.41

  The women of Russia paint their faces.
• * 1.42

  B••••ad made of straw.
• * 1.43

  The vnmerci∣fulnesse of the Russe•• toward the poore.
• * 1.44

  Stooues 〈◊〉〈◊〉 baths vsuall with the Mas∣couites.
• * 1.45

  Reported by Thomas Bulley.
• * 1.46

  Cazan.
• * 1.47

  The Island of marchants.
• * 1.48

  The riuer of Cama.
• * 1.49

  Nagay Tartars
• * 1.50

  Hords.
• * 1.51

  The Crimme Tartars.
• * 1.52

  The riuer of Samar.
• * 1.53

  Licoris in great plentie.
• * 1.54

  Astracan.
• * 1.55

  Store of Stur∣gions.
• * 1.56

  The length of the Island of Astracan.
• * 1.57

  They enter in∣to the Caspian sea.
• * 1.58

  Baughleata be∣ing 74. leagues from Volga.
• * 1.59

  Iaic riuer.
• * 1.60

  Serachick.
• * 1.61

  The Countrie of Colmack.
• * 1.62

  The port of Manguslaue.
• * 1.63

  They goe on land.
• * 1.64

  The countrey of Manguslaue.
• * 1.65

  20. dayes tra∣uaile in the wildernesse, with scarcitie of water.
• * 1.66

  Another gulfe of the Caspian sea.
• * 1.67

  Will, de Rubri∣cis describeth this riuer of Ardok, cap. 4.
• * 1.68

  Sellizure, or Shayzure.
• * 1.69

  Letters of safe-conduct.
• * 1.70

  Vrgence.
• * 1.71

  The countrey of Turkeman.
• * 1.72

  The riuer of Ardock falleth into the lake of Kitay.
• * 1.73

  The castle of Kait.
• * 1.74

  Diutuation by forcerie.
• * 1.75

  Handguns very profitable.
• * 1.76

  Bussarmans.
• * 1.77

  Caphar.
• * 1.78

  The riuer of Oxus.
• * 1.79

  A wildernes of sande.
• * 1.80

  Boghar a citie of Bactria.
• * 1.81

  A strange worme in mens legs.
• * 1.82

  The coyne of Boghar.
• * 1.83

  Marchandise of India.
• * 1.84

  Marchandise of Persia.
• * 1.85

  Marchandise of Russia.
• * 1.86

  Marchandise of Cathay.
• * 1.87

  Taskent & Cas∣car.
• * 1.88

  He returneth the eight of March 1552.
• * 1.89

  Vrgence.
• * 1.90

  The king of Ba••ke, o•• Balg••.
• * 1.91

  The English flag in the Caspian sea.
• * 1.92

  A notable de∣scription of the Caspian sea.
• * 1.93

  His arriual at Mosco the 2. of September.
• * 1.94

  ••r•• Vrge••••••.
• * 1.95

  Angrim.
• * 1.96

  Mandeuille speaketh here∣of.
• * 1.97

  O•• ••itay.
• * 1.98

  Small people.
• * 1.99

  Pechora but six dayes iour∣ney by land or water from Ob.
• * 1.100

  Trauelling on dogs & harts.
• * 1.101

  1559
• * 2.1

  The trade to Narue forbid∣den by the ••••. of Poland.
• * 2.2

  The ancient couenants of trafficke be∣tweene Eng∣land & Prussia.
• * 2.3

  The olde liber∣tie of trafficke.
• * 2.4

  The meanes of increase of the power of the Mosco∣uite.
• * 2.5

  This letter was also writ∣ten in Hebrew, and Italian.
• * 2.6

  The passage of Noua Zembla.
• * 2.7

  Waights and drugs deliue∣red to M. Ienkinson.
• * 2.8

  The maine sea within thirtie dayes East∣ward of Col∣mogro.
• * 2.9

  1561
• * 2.10

  The Que••nes letters to the Emperour of Russia.
• * 2.11

  Request to passe into Per∣sia thorow Moscouie.
• * 2.12

  Osep Napea Ambassadour from the Em∣peror of Russia to Q. Mary.
• * 2.13

  An ambassa∣dor of Persia.
• * 2.14

  Astracan.
• * 2.15

  M. Ienkinsons voyage to Boghar.
• * 2.16

  He passeth the Caspian sea.
• * 2.17

  The countre•• of Tumen.
• * 2.18

  The Island of Chatalet.
• * 2.19

  The land of Shi••uansha.
• * 2.20

  Derbent.
• * 2.21

  A mighty wall.
• * 2.22

  Or Tiphlis.
• * 2.23

  Fortie one degrees.
• * 2.24

  Shabran.
• * 2.25

  Alcan Murcy the gouernour.
• * 2.26

  King Obdo∣lowcan.
• * 2.27

  The maiesty & attire of king Obdolowcan.
• * 2.28

  The Queenes letters to the Sophy.
• * 2.29

  Casbin.
• * 2.30

  Multitude of concubines.
• * 2.31

  The descripti∣on of Hircania.
• * 2.32

  Danger by di∣uers••tie in reli∣gion.
• * 2.33

  Barbarous crueltie
• * 2.34

  The citie of Arrash or Erex.
• * 2.35

  The commo∣dities of thi•• countre••.
• * 2.36

  The strong ca∣stle of Gullistone defaced.
• * 2.37

  The towne of Yauate.
• * 2.38

  The city of Ardouil.
• * 2.39

  The city Teb••i•• or Tauris,
• * 2.40

  M. Ienkinsons arriuall at the Sophies court. 2. No∣uember, 1562.
• * 2.41

  The Turkes Ambassadour to the Sophy.
• * 2.42

  The Turkes merchaunt•• withstand M. Ienkinson.
• * 2.43

  Shaw Thomas the Sophies name.
• * 2.44

  The Queene•• letters deliue∣red.
• * 2.45

  The Sophies questions.
• * 2.46

  The curtes••e of Shally Murzey.
• * 2.47

  Warres inten∣ded against the Portingals••
• * 2.48

  The king of Hircans s••cond letters in M. Ienkinson•• be∣halfe.
• * 2.49

  Conference with Indian Merchants.
• * 2.50

  M. Ienkinsons returne.
• * 2.51

  Priuiledges obtained of Obdolowcan, which are hereafter an∣nexed.
• * 2.52

  An Armenian sent to M. Ien∣kinson from the king of Georgia.
• * 2.53

  Teneruk king of Chircassi.
• * 2.54

  The descripti∣on of Persia.
• * 2.55

  The chiefe Ci∣ties of Persia.
• * 2.56

  The difference of religion.
• * 2.57

  The 30. of May 1563.
• * 2.58

  New priuile∣ges obtained hereafter fol∣lowing.
• * 2.59

  28. S••ptemb. 1564.
• * 2.60

  A rubble is a marke Eng∣lish.
• * 2.61

  Casbin.
• * 2.62

  Leuuacta.
• * 2.63

  A Boserman to a Renegado.
• * 2.64

  Thomas Alcocke slaine in the way betweene Leuuacta and Shammaki.
• * 2.65

  Keselbash, or Ieselbash.
• * 2.66

  Gillan in Per∣sia.
• * 2.67

  1565.
• * 3.1

  Ieraslaue a towne vpon the riuer of Volga.
• * 3.2

  Richard Iohn∣son chiefe of the third voyage into Persia.
• * 3.3

  A barke of 30. tunnes made at Ieraslaue 1564. to passe the Caspian seas.
• * 3.4

  1566
• * 4.1

  They departed from Astracan the 30. of Iuly 1565.
• * 4.2

  September.
• * 4.3

  Presents to the king Ob∣dolowcan.
• * 4.4

  A ho••se giuen our men in Shamaki by the king.
• * 4.5

  The death of Abdollocan the 2. of Octo∣ber 1565.
• * 4.6

  Mursay the new king of Media.
• * 4.7

  The death of Alexander Kitchin the 23. of October 1565.
• * 4.8

  The Caspia•• sea very shoald in diuers places.
• * 4.9

  The murthe∣ring of Tho∣mas Alcock.
• * 4.10

  Cozamomet a noble man that fauoured our nation.
• * 4.11

  The value of a tumen.
• * 4.12

  What a bat∣man is.
• * 4.13

  Varas a great mart for silke.
• * 4.14

  Gilan 7. dayes sailing from Astracan•• Alom.
• * 4.15

  Gilan 4. dayes iourney from Casbin.
• * 4.16

  From Casbin to Ormus a moneths trauel with ca∣mels.
• * 4.17

  The secret do∣ings of the Moscouie company.
• * 4.18

  Orient reds of Venice die.
• * 4.19

  A shaugh is 6. d. English.
• * 5.1

  His arriual at Casbin the 25. of May.
• * 5.2

  Conference & demands of the Shaugh.
• * 5.3

  All sorts of cloth to be sent, specially We∣sterne dozens died into skar∣let.
• * 5.4

  Londō clothes much talked of in Persia.

  Much Venice cloth worne in Persia.
• * 5.5

  The second ad∣mission to the Shaughs pre∣sence, the 29. of Iune 1566. at which time he receiued the priuiledge.
• * 5.6

  The Shaughs promise to in∣crease the pri∣uiledge.
• * 5.7

  Aleppo a citie of great trade.
• * 5.8

  Armenians barter with the Venetians
• * 5.9

  The distance from Shama∣ky to Aleppo.
• * 5.10

  Armenians and other, desi∣rous to barter silke and spices for karsies.
• * 5.11

  The Shaugh desirous to bargaine for our commo∣dities.
• * 5.12

  2000. pieces of karsies to be sent into Per∣sia.
• * 5.13

  He departed from Casbin the 15. of Iuly.
• * 5.14

  Rich. Iohn∣sons great negligence.
• * 5.15

  Cozomomet was Arthur Edwards friend to the Shaugh.
• * 5.16

  Victuals and all things dear at Casbin.
• * 5.17

  The Ambassa∣dor of y^e prince of Gilan.
• * 5.18

  Gilan but fiue dayes riding from Casbin.
• * 5.19

  Gals.
• * 5.20

  Grain••.
• * 5.21

  Ormus. Aleppo.
• * 5.22

  M. Anthonie Ienkinsons offer to the Persian.
• * 5.23

  M. Anthonie Ienkinson com∣mended.
• * 5.24

  The Shaughs letters to the Moscoup com∣panie.
• * 6.1

  By the word Karangies, I thinke they meane karsles.
• * 6.2

  Fishing for Sturgeon for 3. moneths.
• * 6.3

  The English∣men in ma∣king of cables, set on worke a 100. men in Russia.
• * 6.4

  Sosnoua tree, excellent for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the wolfe.
• * 6.5

  The descrip∣tion of Rose Island.
• * 6.6

  A verst is but 3. quarters of an english mile.
• * 6.7

  At this towne Newnox Richard Chan∣celler in his first voyage, with ••is companie a shipboard were relieued.
• * 6.8

  August.
• * 6.9

  The riuer Owiga.
• * 6.10

  The fall of a riuer.
• * 6.11

  A lake very ful of Islands.
• * 6.12

  The famous lake of Onega.
• * 6.13

  S. Clement his Monasterie.
• ‖ 6.14

  Or. Sermaxe.
• * 6.15

  The riuer of Volhuski.
• * 6.16

  The lake of Ladiskai.
• * 6.17

  The Monaste∣rie of Gosno∣poli.
• * 6.18

  The Citie of Nouogrod.
• * 6.19

  Trauel by Sleds.
• * 6.20

  2000. Sleds belongi••g to one towne.
• * 6.21

  A good caueat for seasonable trauell.
• * 6.22

  Nouogrod within 180. miles of the Narue.
• * 6.23

  This is meant by Alderman Bond the elder.
• * 6.24

  English Mer∣chants for dis∣couery of new trades.
• * 6.25

  Triall by lots.
• * 6.26

  The riuer of Ob traffikable.
• * 7.1

  The vse of furres whole∣some, delicate, graue and comely.
• * 7.2

  The trade to S. Nicholas of∣fensiue to di∣uers princes & states East∣ward.
• * 7.3

  Smolen••co won by the Russe.
• * 7.4

  Polotzko taken.
• * 7.5

  Polotzko reco∣uered by Ste∣phanus Batore.
• * 7.6

  1568
• * 7.7

  In this voy∣age went Tho∣mas Bannister, & Geofrey Duc∣ket, for their voyage into Persia.
• * 7.8

  The abbey of S. Nicholas of 20 Monks.
• * 7.9

  The English house at S. N••cholas.
• * 7.10

  The riuer of Dwina.
• * 7.11

  Colmogro.
• * 7.12

  An English house with lands at Col∣mogro.
• * 7.13

  The descripti∣on of the in∣land of Mos∣couie.
• * 7.14

  ••is arriuall at Mosco.
• * 7.15

  A special house at Mosco, built for Ambassa∣dours.
• * 7.16

  Two Pristaues.
• * 7.17

  His admission to the Empe∣rors presence.
• * 7.18

  The Queenes present.
• * 7.19

  The Empe∣ro••s speech to the Ambassa∣dour.
• * 7.20

  A second con∣ference with the Emperor.
• * 7.21

  Andrew Sauia Ambassadour to the Queene.
• * 7.22

  O••••rhos••n s••or.
• * 7.23

  Cara Rec••.
• * 7.24

  Naramsi Reca.
• * 7.25

  Their arriual at Bilbil the 14. of August 1568.
• * 7.26

  Prince Eras∣bec.
• * 7.27

  Christopher Fau∣cet and Richard Pingle.
• * 7.28

  Warre against the Portingals at Ormuz.
• * 7.29

  The gouer∣nour of Gro∣zin his Mer∣chant.
• * 7.30

  The generall inconstancie in the merchants and dealers of those parts.
• * 7.31

  The trade be∣tweene the Ve∣netians and the Armenians not easily to be broken.
• * 7.32

  Babylon 15. dayes iourne•• from Casbin.
• * 7.33

  His voyage to Gilan.
• * 7.34

  The malice of the Turkish merchants.
• * 7.35

  The price of spices.
• * 7.36

  Londro.
• * 7.37

  Lo••don.
• * 7.38

  The Veneti∣ans traffike in England.
• * 7.39

  The English Barke assaul∣ted neere A∣stracan by the Nagaian Tartars.
• * 7.40

  Astra••an be∣s••eged by 70000. Turks and Tartars.
• * 7.41

  The death of Thomas Banister and Laurence Chapman.
• * 7.42

  Humfrey Green∣sell burnt at Ormus.
• * 7.43

  The English ship taken by the Cassaks.
• * 7.44

  Ice in the be∣ginning of October.
• * 7.45

  1574
• * 7.46

  Grosin or Georgia.
• * 7.47

  How stran∣gers are vsed.
• * 7.48

  A goodly and well grounded religion.
• * 7.49

  Their opinion of Christ.
• * 7.50

  Their money.
• * 7.51

  Their bookes and learning.
• * 7.52

  Such was the law of the Ma∣cedonians for treason.
• * 7.53

  Dissention for religion.
• * 7.54

  Their priests and preaching.
• * 7.55

  Their Lent.
• * 7.56

  Their saints and holy men.
• * 7.57

  Pilgrimage.
• * 7.58

  Their praier & worshipping of God and Mahumet.
• * 7.59

  Washing and outward clen∣linesse.
• * 7.60

  Their swea∣ring.
• * 7.61

  The kings magnificence.
• * 7.62

  Pursuiuants.
• * 7.63

  The kings company with his wiues and concubines.
• * 7.64

  The succession of y^• kingdom.
• * 7.65

  Circumcision.
• * 7.66

  Their houses and maner of eating.
• * 7.67

  Bondmen and bondwomen.
• * 7.68

  Women bought & sold, and let to hire.
• * 7.69

  Abundance of oile issuing out of the ground.
• * 7.70

  Oleum Petro∣leum.
• * 7.71

  Two sorts of kine.
• * 7.72

  Foxes in great plenty.
• * 8.1

  Fiue ships of Freeboters taken.
• * 8.2

  1571
• * 9.1

  The citie of Mosco burnt by y^• Crimme. Englishmen smothered at the burning of Mosco.
• * 9.2

  M. Glouer and M. Rowley pre∣serued.
• * 9.3

  Andrew Sauin•• Ambassadour from the Em∣perour.
• * 9.4

  The causes of the Emperors displeasure.
• * 9.5

  He maruelleth the company do not cōferre with him of Lappia.
• * 9.6

  1574.
• * 9.7

  5 English men wintered in Lappia.
• * 9.8

  Christopher Colt a simple mar∣chant.
• * 9.9

  Good trade in winter in Lap∣pia.
• * 9.10

  Henry Cock∣nedge honest, but ignorant.
• * 9.11

  Roger Leche expert of Lappia
• * 9.12

  If the compa∣nie do not en∣ter into the trade of Lappia, others wil pre∣uent them.
• * 9.13

  The trade of Vedagoba.
• * 9.14

  He can say somewhat though not much.
• * 9.15

  1183 barrels of oyle bought by others.
• * 9.16

  Colt sold 27 barrels to a Hollander.
• * 9.17

  The first In∣terrogatorie.
• * 9.18

  The depo∣nents answe••
• * 9.19

  Pechingo abbey.
• * 9.20

  The second Interrogato∣rie.
• * 9.21

  The depo∣nents answer.
• * 9.22

  Note.
• * 9.23

  Hull the best market of Eng∣land for sale of fish.
• ‖ 10.1

  1568 pag. 394.
• * 10.2

  Yeraslaue.
• * 10.3

  Great store o•• Licoris.
• * 10.4

  Perauolok.
• * 10.5

  Astracan.
• * 10.6

  Peter Garrard.
• * 10.7

  Ice at Astracan for foure mo∣neths.
• * 10.8

  Anno 1580.
• * 10.9

  Astracan situate vpon an Islād.
• * 10.10

  The variation o•• the compas in A••••racan was 13. deg. 40. minuts.
• * 10.11

  May.
• * 10.12

  Vchoog.
• * 10.13

  Shoald water.
• * 10.14

  Flats.
• * 10.15

  Chetera Bo••gor••.
• * 10.16

  The Caspia•• sea.
• * 10.17

  45. degrees 20. minuts. The first obser∣u••tion in the Caspian sea.
• * 10.18

  Brackish wa∣ter farre with∣in the sea.
• * 10.19

  43. degrees 15. minuts.
• * 10.20

  41. degrees 32. minuts.
• * 10.21

  40. degrees 54. minuts.
• * 10.22

  Bilbill.
• * 10.23

  Bachu port.
• * 10.24

  Thomas H••dson o•• Limehouse, maister of the English barke.
• * 10.25

  M. Christopher Burrough.
• * 10.26

  The receiuing of the English into Derbent.
• * 10.27

  The latitude of Bildih 40. deg. 25 min. The variation of the compas 10 deg. 40. min.
• * 10.28

  Ze••e Island.
• * 10.29

  The English suffer ship∣wracke.
• * 10.30

  Arthur Edwards dieth at Ast••a∣can.
• * 10.31

  Sept••mber.
• * 10.32

  The Armeni∣an village.
• * 10.33

  The Turke his treasure sent to Der∣bent.
• * 10.34

  Osman Basha.
• * 10.35

  Derbent built by Alexander the great.
• * 10.36

  The latitude of Derbent 41. deg. 52. min.
• * 10.37

  The variation of the Com∣passe.
• * 10.38

  Nezauoo.
• * 10.39

  Two Spani∣ards deliuered by our Eng∣lish men.
• * 10.40

  A strange acci∣dent of proui∣sion for their reliefe.
• * 10.41

  Nouember.
• * 10.42

  Ice the 13 of Nouember in the mouth of the riuer of Volga.
• * 10.43

  The 16 day.
• * 10.44

  Trauaile vp•• on the yce.
• * 10.45

  Chetera Babbas.
• * 10.46

  The English ship cut in pie∣ces with yce.
• * 10.47

  December.
• * 10.48

  Their returne to Astracan.
• * 10.49

  The breaking vp of the yce.
• * 10.50

  Morgan Hubble∣thorne dier sent into Persia.
• * 10.51

  May.
• * 10.52

  Borroughs strei••s.
• * 10.53

  The land of Samoeda.
• * 10.54

  The Queenes letters.
• * 10.55

  The Queenes letters.
• * 10.56

  The Citie of Siberia.
• * 10.57

  Willoughbies land.
• * 10.58

  How to note downe in his Iornall of the voyage, his dead recko∣ning, and other obseruations.
• * 10.59

  For noting the shape and view of the land at first discouery, &c.
• * 10.60

  For obseruing of tides and currants.
• * 10.61

  To take the platformes of places wit••in compasse of view vpon land.
• * 10.62

  M. Dee gaue them a Chart of his owne making, which here he refers them vnto.
• * 10.63

  A good consi∣deration.
• * 11.1

  Ingens Sinus post Insulam Vaigats & Nou••m Zem∣blam.
• * 11.2

  Tabin promon∣torium ingens.
• * 11.3

  Quo propius ad polum acceditur, eò directorium Nauticum magis a Septeouior•• deuiat.
• * 11.4

  Bautisus & Oe∣chardus maxima flu••ina in hunc Sinum illabun∣tur.
• * 11.5

  Postulata Merca∣toris, de quibus certior fieri cupit.
• * 11.6

  Dulce mare inter Nouam Zem∣blam & Tabin suspicatur.
• * 12.1

  A great gulfe is beyond Vaigats, whereinto mighty riuers descend.
• * 12.2

  The best course to be taken in discoueries.
• * 12.3

  The mouthes of Bautisus and Oechardus 300. leagues from Cambalu.
• * 12.4

  Upon the ob∣seruations of the tides de∣pend great speculations.
• * 12.5

  May.
• * 12.6

  Iune.
• * 12.7

  Kene an Island of Norway.
• * 12.8

  The North cape doubled.
• * 12.9

  Wardhouse.
• * 12.10

  Iuly.
• * 12.11

  Willoughbies land.
• * 12.12

  ••0. leagues from Kegor.
• * 12.13

  A sight of per∣fect land.
• * 12.14

  70. deg. 3. min.
• * 12.15

  An Island.
• * 12.16

  The maine land.
• * 12.17

  Bearebay.
• * 12.18

  70. deg. 26. min.
• * 12.19

  The supposed maine of Noua Zembla.
• * 12.20

  Many ouer∣fals.
• * 12.21

  The bay of Pechora.
• * 12.22

  They had sight of Vaygatz.
• * 12.23

  In Island ha∣uing store of wood & water.
• * 12.24

  ••. faire islands.
• * 12.25

  An Island to the East of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues.
• * 12.26

  The William and the George meete againe.
• * 12.27

  Their retur••e.
• * 12.28

  The currant runneth with the winde.
• * 12.29

  August.
• * 12.30

  A whole land of yce.
• * 12.31

  70. degr. 4. min.
• * 12.32

  Frost.
• * 12.33

  The appea∣ring of the starres, signe of Winter.
• * 12.34

  Much snow.
• * 12.35

  Great store of snowe.
• * 12.36

  69 degrees 49 minutes.
• * 12.37

  Then are thwart a∣gainst Vai∣gats.
• * 12.38

  The Islands.
• * 12.39

  Shoales off Colgoyeue.
• * 12.40

  They lost the William here.
• * 12.41

  The land of Hugry.
• * 12.42

  The bay of Morezouets.
• * 12.43

  The towne of Hungon.
• * 12.44

  They double the North Cape in their returne.
• * 12.45

  Fowlenesse.
• * 12.46

  Lowfoote.
• * 12.47

  The sound of Romesal.
• * 12.48

  October.
• * 12.49

  Moore sound••
• * 12.50

  Berozoua Vstia.
• * 12.51

  The Russian fleet best to be set forth in the beginning of May.
• * 13.1

  1582
• * 14.1

  Doctor Iacob.
• * 14.2

  Pheodor Andre∣uich Phisemsky the Emperors ••mbassadour.
• * 14.3

  The Hollan∣ders intrude into our trade.
• ‖ 14.4

  M. Co••e.
• * 14.5

  The great friendship of L. Boris Pheo∣dorouich.
• ‖ 14.6

  The Empe∣rours house of recreation.
• * 15.1

  Anno 1553. M. William Bur∣rough was then yong, and with his brother in this first voy∣age.
• * 15.2

  Newnox is frō the road of S. Nicholas West∣ward 35 miles.
• * 15.3

  Note.
• * 15.4

  Anno 1554.
• * 15.5

  Anno 1555.
• * 15.6

  The King and Queenes let∣ters.
• * 15.7

  M. Killing∣worths beard of a marue••∣lous length.
• * 15.8

  Anno 1556.
• * 15.9

  Anno 1557.
• * 15.10

  Loghar voyage.
• * 15.11

  1560.
• * 15.12

  The first trade to the Narue, 1560.
• * 15.13

  Alcock slaine in Persia.
• * 15.14

  Edwards died at Astracan••
• * 15.15

  Bannister died in Media.
• ‖ 15.16

  Or Theodor.
• * 15.17

  The death of Iuan Vasiliwich 1584. Apr. 18.
• * 15.18

  ••. Boris adopted as the Empe∣rors third sonne.
• * 15.19

  The old Em∣presse, her fa∣ther, and her yong sonne sent to Ouglets,
• * 15.20

  The day of Pheodor his coronation.
• * 15.21

  Iohn de Wale.
• * 15.22

  Chare Sibersk•• prince of Siberia taken prisoner and brought to Mosco.
• * 15.23

  Sopher Keri Alli king of the Crimmes ar∣riual at Mosco.
• * 15.24

  The new Em∣peror Pheodore Iuano••ich his letters and re∣quests to the Queene.
• * 15.25

  M. Horseis voi∣age frō Mosco to England o∣uerland.
• * 15.26

  1586
• * 15.27

  It is rosting to death.
• * 15.28

  Strabo in his 7. booke of Geogr.
• * 15.29

  Gen. 10. Ioseph. l. 1,ca,14
• * 15.30

  The borders of Russia.
• * 15.31

  The Shires of Russia.
• * 15.32

  The Prouin∣ces or Coun∣tries got by conquest.
• * 15.33

  The breadth and length of the Countrey.
• * 15.34

  Pechinga.
• * 15.35

  The colde of Russia.
• * 15.36

  The chiefe Ri∣uers of Russia.
• * 15.37

  The fruits and graine of Russia.
• * 15.38

  The chiefe commodities of the Coun∣trey.
• 1 15.39

  Furres.
• * 15.40

  These Rats are in Canada.
• * 15.41

  Momgosorskoy perhaps Mol∣gomzai••.
• 2 15.42

  Waxe:
• 3 15.43

  Hony.
• 4 15.44

  Tallow.
• 5 15.45

  Hide.
• 6 15.46

  Trane oyle.
• * 15.47

  The maner of hunting the Seale fish.
• 7 15.48

  Ickary.
• 8 15.49

  Hempe and Flaxe.
• 9 15.50

  Salt.
• * 15.51

  Nonocks.
• 10 15.52

  Tarre.
• 11 15.53

  Ribazuba.
• 12 15.54

  Slude.
• 13 15.55

  Saltpeter and brimstone.
• 14 15.56

  Iron.
• * 15.57

  The strange beas••es, fish, foule, &c. that breed in Russia.
• * 15.58

  Mosco.
• * 15.59

  Nouograd.
• * 15.60

  Iaruslaue.
• * 15.61

  Saxo Gramma∣ticus lib. 11. pag. ••87.
• * 15.62

  The maner of Russe building.
• * 15.63

  Souldiers by birth and in∣heritance.
• * 15.64

  Degrees of horsemen.

  1. ••raetoriani or such as attend the Emperors person 15000.
• * 15.65

  Two other troupes to the number of 65000.
• * 15.66

  Horsemen in continuall pay 80000.
• * 15.67

  Footmen in continual pay 12000.
• * 15.68

  Strāgers mer∣cenaries in pay 4300.
• * 15.69

  The chief cap∣tains or lea∣ders.
• * 15.70

  1. The Voiauod or General.
• * 15.71

  2. Lieutenant general.
• * 15.72

  3. Marshals of the field foure.
• * 15.73

  Foure mar∣shals: deputies right.
• * 15.74

  Fiue Coronels vnder Cap∣tains.
• * 15.75

  Sixe Masters of the Artillery
• * 15.76

  The walking Captaine.
• * 15.77

  Their order of mustering.
• * 15.78

  The horsemās furniture.
• * 15.79

  The footmans furniture.
• * 15.80

  Prouision of victual.
• * 15.81

  Horsemens drummes.
• * 15.82

  The hors••mans maner of char∣ging.
• * 15.83

  The footmans charge.
• * 15.84

  The walking Castle.
• * 15.85

  1580.
• * 15.86

  Reward for valure.
• * 15.87

  1580.
• * 15.88

  Lituania.
• * 15.89

  Narue.
• * 15.90

  Siberia and Ob.
• * 15.91

  Conquest of a 1000 miles.
• * 15.92

  Permia and Pechora.
• * 15.93

  Means of hol∣ding chiefe townes.
• * 15.94

  Meanes of hol∣ding the coun∣tries of Pecho∣ra, Permia, and Siberia.
• * 15.95

  Siberia.
• * 15.96

  The kings bro∣ther of Siberia.
• * 15.97

  1588.
• * 15.98

  The Poloniās called Laches by the Russe.
• * 15.99

  The Chrim Tartar.
• * 15.100

  The firing of Mosco by the Chrim Tartar, in the yeare 1571.
• * 15.101

  Homage done b•• the Russe to the Chrim Tar∣tar.
• * 15.102

  The maner of the Tartars fight, and ar∣mour.
• * 15.103

  The subtilti•• of the Tartar.
• * 15.104

  The Tartar religion.
• * 15.105

  The Tartar nobilitie.
• * 15.106

  The Tartar diet.
• * 15.107

  1588.
• * 15.108

  The Tartars dwelling.
• * 15.109

  Pachymerius.
• * 15.110

  Laonicus Cal∣cocondylas.
• * 15.111

  1400
• * 15.112

  The Nagay Tartar the cruellest.
• * 15.113

  The Chircasce the c••u••llest Tartar.
• * 15.114

  The Cheremis∣sen Tartar of two sorts: the Lugauoy and the Nagornay.
• * 15.115

  The Mordwit Tartar y^e most barbarous of the rest.
• * 15.116

  The reuiuing of silkwormes.
• * 15.117

  Chrinisin a kind of silkworme.
• * 15.118

  Liberty to trade downe the Caspian sea.
• * 15.119

  No stranger without pas∣port admitted.
• * 15.120

  The Permians.
• * 15.121

  The Samoits.
• * 15.122

  The Samoits religion.
• * 15.123

  Slata Baba or the goldē Hag.
• * 15.124

  A fable.
• * 15.125

  The Sea.
• * 15.126

  Fishing o•• sea.
• * 15.127

  The Samoits habit and be∣hauiour.
• * 15.128

  The people of Meta Incognita such.
• * 15.129

  The ••appes.
• * 15.130

  The mart at Cola.
• * 15.131

  Sleds drawen with Deere.
• * 15.132

  The dominion of the Duke of Moscouia.
• * 15.133

  Vologda. Verst. Vstiug.
• * 15.134

  Suchana. Iug. So called of his swift and pleasant streame.
• * 15.135

  Pienega.
• * 15.136

  Nicholai.
• * 15.137

  Kuluio.
• * 15.138

  The regions by the North sea.
• * 15.139

  Pieza.
• * 15.140

  Piescoia.
• * 15.141

  Rubicho.
• * 15.142

  Czircho.
• * 15.143

  Czilma.
• * 15.144

  Petzora.
• * 15.145

  Pustosero.
• * 15.146

  Vssa.
• * 15.147

  Cingulus mund••.
• * 15.148

  Stzuchogora. Potzscheriema.
• * 15.149

  Camenipoias.
• * 15.150

  Samoged.
• * 15.151

  Foules and beasts.
• * 15.152

  Wilde people.
• * 15.153

  Poiassa.
• * 15.154

  Camen.
• * 15.155

  Artawischa.
• * 15.156

  Sibut.
• * 15.157

  Lepin.
• * 15.158

  Sossa.
• * 15.159

  Obi.
• * 15.160

  Kitaisko.
• * 15.161

  Vuogolici.
• * 15.162

  Irtische.
• * 15.163

  Ierom. Tumen.
• * 15.164

  Grustina.
• * 15.165

  Kitai.
• * 15.166

  Blacke men without speech
• * 15.167

  Serponow.
• * 15.168

  Lucomoria.
• * 15.169

  Men that yerely die and reuiue.
• * 15.170

  Obi.
• * 15.171

  Calami.
• * 15.172

  Riuers.
• * 15.173

  Aure•• Anus.
• * 15.174

  Obdora.
• * 15.175

  Cossin.
• * 15.176

  Cassima.
• * 15.177

  Tachnin a great riuer.
• * 15.178

  People of mō∣strous shape.
• * 15.179

  A fish like a man.
• * 15.180

  Plinie writeth of the like fish.
• * 15.181

  The end of the iournall.
• * 15.182

  Mountaines.
• * 15.183

  The great Can of Cathay.
• * 15.184

  Moria is the sea.
• * 15.185

  Lucomoria.
• * 15.186

  Tumen.
• * 15.187

  Petzora.
• * 15.188

  Papin.
• * 15.189

  High moun∣taines, suppo∣sed to be Hy∣perborei, and Khipphet.
• * 15.190

  Cathay.
• * 15.191

  The f••uit••ull prouince of Rezan.
• * 15.192

  I••••oslaue.
• * 15.193

  Hony.
• * 15.194

  La regione della Cine.

  Confini delli v••rimi Tartari•• Alcune Terre Incognite.

  Confini Setten∣trionall della Russia.
• * 15.195

  The Countrey of China.
• * 15.196

  The coasts of the vttermost Tarta••s.
• * 15.197

  Certaine vn∣knowne Coun∣trees.
• * 15.198

  The Northern coasts o•• Russia.
• * 15.199

  The North∣west.
• * 15.200

  Master of the Horse.
• * 15.201

  The L. Ste∣ward.
• * 15.202

  The ••. Trea∣surer.
• * 15.203

  Controller.
• * 15.204

  Chamberlaine.
• * 15.205

  Tasters.
• * 15.206

  Harbengers.
• * 15.207

  Gentlemen of the chamber.
• * 15.208

  The Gard.
• * 15.209

  Groomes.
• * 15.210

  Constitution of their bodies.
• * 15.211

  Their diet.
• * 15.212

  An admirable induring of ex∣treme heat, and colde at one and the same time.
• * 15.213

  The Noble mans attire.
• * 15.214

  The Gentle∣mans apparel.
• * 15.215

  The Noble womans at∣tire.
• * 15.216

  The Mousick•• or common mans attire.
• * 15.217

  The Empe∣rors stile in∣creased.
• * 15.218

  The English Marchants complaints.
• * 15.219

  English Mar∣chants in great fauour with the Emperor.
• * 15.220

  Halfe the debt of A••tony Marsh remitted.
• * 15.221

  Ann. Dom. 1590.
• * 15.222

  1590
• * 15.223

  1585
• * 15.224

  The Emperor seised our mer∣••••ants goods.
• * 15.225

  1591
• * 15.226

  This is a new po••t.
• * 15.227

  The English merchants 3 weeks restrai∣ned from their Mart.
• * 15.228

  1591
• * 15.229

  1592
• * 15.230

  The Empe∣rors ••••ile late∣ly enlarged.
• * 15.231

  This is a damty meat made of the ro••d of stur∣geons.
• * 15.232

  M. Thomas Lind.
• * 15.233

  1592
• * 15.234

  The Empresse Irene deliuered of a daughter.
• * 15.235

  M. Francis Che∣rie.
• * 15.236

  Anno Domini 1592.
• * 16.1

  After our ac∣compt 1596.
• * 18.1

  10. Febr. 1597.
• * 18.2

  Prince Boris Pheodorowich by generall con••ent chosen Emperour of Russia.
• * 19.1

  Duae nau••s aedi∣ficatae in Duina fluuio ad pate∣factione•• Orie••∣••••lem.
• * 19.2

  Dolgoia Insula.
• * 19.3

  Insula Vaigats.
• * 19.4

  Sinus inter Val∣gats & Obam vergens per me∣ridiem.
• ‖ 19.5

  Vel Naramsey & Cara reca.
• * 19.6

  Littus Obae inco∣litur ab Ostijs trium dierum iti∣nere.
• * 19.7

  Yaks Olgush lo∣cus super Obam fluuiū duodecim dierum itinere à mari.
• * 19.8

  Ardoh flumen influens in lacum Kitthaym: de quo in itinere ad Boghariam scri∣bit Antonius Ienkinsonus.
• * 19.9

  Carrah Colmak est Cathaya.
• * 20.1

  Or Oliuer.
• * 20.2

  Two ships built vpon the riuer of Dwina for the North∣east discouerie.
• * 20.3

  The Island of Dolgoia.
• * 20.4

  The Island of Uaigats.
• * 20.5

  A Baie be∣tweene Uai∣gats and Ob trending Sou∣therly.
• * 20.6

  Or, Naramsey and Cara Reca.
• * 20.7

  The place vp∣on the riuer Ob, where he was but 12. dayes iourney frō y^e mouthes thereof, and is called Yaks Olgush.
• * 20.8

  M. Ienkinson in his voyage to Boghar speaketh of the ri••er Ardok.
• * 20.9

  The great hope of the Northeasterne discouerie.