The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

The original, proceedings and successe of the Northren domestical and forren trades and traffiques of this Isle of Britain from the time of Nero the Emperour, who deceased in the yeere of our Lord 70. vnder the Romans, Britons, Saxons, and Danes, till the conquest: and from the conquest, vntill this present time, gathered out of the most authenticall histories and records of this nation.

A testimonie out of the fourteenth Booke of the Annales of Cornelius Tacitus, proouing London to haue bene a famous Mart Towne in the reigne of Nero the Emperour, which died in the yeere of Christ 70.

AT Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem coloniae non insigne, sed copia negociatorum & cōmea••u maxime celebre.

The same in English.

BUt Suetonius with wonderfull constancie passed through the middest of his enemies, vnto London, which though it were not honoured with the name and title of a

Romane Colonie, yet was it most famous for multitude of Marchants and concourse of people.

A testimonie out of Venerable Beda (which died in the yeere of our Lord 734.) proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffike and Marchandize not long after the beginning of the Saxons reigne.* 1.1

ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo quarto Augustinus Britannia∣rum Archiepiscopus ordinauit duos Episcopos, Mellitum videlicet & Iustum•• Mellitum quidem ad praedicandum prouinciae Orientalium Saxonum, qui Tamesi fluuio dirimuntur à Cantia, & ipsi Oriental•• Mari contigui, quo∣rum Metropolis Londonia Ciuitas est, super ripam praefati fluminis posi••a, & ipsa multorum emporium populorum, terra marique venientium.

The same in English.

IN the yeere of the incarnation of Christ 604. Augustine Archbishop of Britaine consecra∣ted two Bishops, to wit Mellitus and Iustus. He appoynted Mellitus to preach to the East Saxons, which are diuided from Kent by the riuer of Thames, and border vpon the Easterne sea, whose chiefe and Metropolitane Citie is London, seated vpon the banke of the aforesayd riuer, which is also a Marte Towne of many nations, which repayre thither by sea and by land.

The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning safe trade of the English Marchants in all the Emperours Dominion. This Offa died in the yeere of our Lord 795.

OFfa interea Carolum magnum Regem Francorum frequentibus legationi∣bus amicum parauit:* 1.2 quamuis non facile quod suis artibus conduceret in Ca∣roli animo inuenerit. Discordarunt antea, adeo vt magnis motibus vtrobi∣que concurrentibus, etiam negociatorum commeatus prohiberentur. Est Epi∣stola Albini huiusce rei index, cuius partem hic apponam.

Nescio quid de nobis venturum sit. Aliquid enim dissentionis diabolico fomento inflammante, nuper inter Regem Carolum & Regem Offam exortum est: ita vt v∣trinque nauigatio interdicta negociantibus cesset.* 1.3 Sunt qui dicant nos pro pace in illas partes mittendos. Et nonnullis interpositis, Nunc, inquit, ex verbis Caroli foedus firmum inter eum & Offam compactum subijciam. Carolus gratia Dei Rex Francorum, & Longobardo∣rum, & patricius Romanorum, viro venerando & fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum sa∣lutem. Primo gratias agimus omnipotenti deo, de salute animatum, de Catholicae fidei sinceritate, quam in vestris laudabiliter paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis vero qui pro amore Dei, & salute animarum suarum beatorum Apostolorum limina desiderant adire, cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant. Sed si aliqui, non religioni seruientes, sed lucra sectantes, inueniantur inter eos, locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia. Negociatores quoque ••olumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinium habeant in Regno nostro legitime.* 1.4 Et si aliquo loco iniusta affligantur oppressione, reclament ad nos vel nostros iudices, & plenam videbi∣mus iustitiam fieri.

The same in English.

IN the meane season Offa by often legacies solicited Charles le maign•• the king of France, to be his friend: albeit he could not easily finde king Charles any whit enclined to further and promote his craftie attempts. Their mindes were so alienated before, that, bearing hauty stomacks on both parts, euen the mutuall traffique of their Marchants was prohibited.* 1.5 The Epistle of Albinus is a sufficient testimony of this matter: part whereof I will here put downe.

I know not (quoth he) what will become of vs. For there is of late, by the instigation of the deuill, some discord and variance sprung vp betweene king Charles and king Of••a: insomuch

that sailing to and fro is forbidden•• vnto the Marchants of both their dominions.* 1.6 Some say that we are to be sent, for the obtaining of a peace, into those partes. And againe, after a fewe lines. Nowe (quoth he) out of Charles his owne words, I will make report of the league concluded betweene him and Offa.* 1.7

Charles by the grace of God king of the Franks and Lombards and Senatour of the Ro∣manes, vnto the reuerend and his most deare brother Offa king of the Merc••ans sendeth greeting. First we doe render vnto almightie God most humble thankes for the saluation of soules, and the sinceritie of the Catholique faith, which we, to your great commendation, haue found signified in your letters. As touching those pilgrimes, who for the loue of God and their owne soules health, are desirous to resort vnto the Churches of the holy Apostles, let them goe in peace without all disturbance. But if any be found amongst them not honouring religion, but following their owne gaine, they are to pay their ordinarie customes at places conuenient. It is our pleasure also and commandement, that your marchants shall haue lawfull patronage and protection in our domini∣ons.* 1.8 Who, if in any place they chance to be afflicted with any iniust oppression, let them make their supplication vnto vs, or vnto our Iudges, and we will see iustice executed to the full.

An ancient testimonie translated out of the olde Saxon lawes, containing among other things the aduancement of Marchants for their thrise crossing the wide seas, set downe by the learned Gentleman Master William Lam∣bert pagina 500. of his perambula••ion of Kent.

IT was sometime in English lawes, that the people and the lawes were in reputation: and then were the wisest of the people worship-worthy, euery one after his degree: Earle, and Churle, Thein, and vnder-Thein. And if a churle thriued so, that hee had fully five hides of his owne land, a Church and a Kitchin, a Belhouse, and a gate, a seate, and a seuerall office in the Kings hall, then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy. And if a Thein so thriued, that he serued the king, and on his message rid in his houshold, if he then had a Thein that followed him, the which to the kings iourney fiue hides had, and in the kings seate his Lord serued, and thrise with his errand had gone to the king, he might afterward with his for••oth his lords part play at any great neede. And if a Thein did thriue so, that he became an Earle; then was he afterward an Earles right worthie. And if a Marchant so thriued, that he passed thrise ouer the wide seas, of his owne craft, he was thencefoorth a Theins right worthie. And if a scholar so prospered tho∣row learning that he degree had, and serued Christ, he was then afterward of dignitie and peace so much worthie, as thereunto belonged: vnlesse he forfaited so, that he the vse of his degree vse ne might.

* 1.9A testimonie of certaine priuiledges obtained for the English and Danish Marchants of Conradus the Emperour and Iohn the Bishop of Rome by Canutus the King of England in his iourney to Rome, extracted out of a letter of his written vnto the Cleargie of England.

SIt vobis notum quia magna congregatio nobilum in ipsa solemnitate Pascali, Romae cum Domino Papa Ioanne, & imperatore Conrado erat, scilicet om∣nes principes gentium a monte Gargano, vsque ad i••tum proximum Mar•••• qui omnes me & honorifice suscepere, & magnificis donis honorauere. Maxime autem ab imperatore donis varijs & muneribus pretiosis honoratus sum, tam in vasis aureis & argenteis, quam in pallijs & vestibus valde pretiosis. Locutus sum igitur cum ipso imperatore, & Domino Papa, & principibus qui ibi erant, de ne∣cessitatibus totius populi mei, tam Angli quam Dani, vt eis concederetur lex aequior, & pax se∣curior in via Romā adeundi, & ne tot clausuris per viam arcerentur, & propter iniustum teloneū fatigarentur. Annuitque postulatis Imperator, & Rodulphus Rex, qui maxime ipsarum clau∣surarum dominatur, cunctique principes edictis firmarunt, vt homines mei tam Mercatores, quàm alij orandi gratia viatores, absque omni anguria clausurarum & telonea••iorum, cum firma pace Romam eant & redeant.

The same in English

YOu are to vnderstand, that at the feast of Easter, there was a great company of Nobles with Pope Iohn and Conradus the Emperour assembled at Rome, namely all the princes of the nations from mount Garganus vnto the West Ocean sea.* 1.10 Who all of them honourably inter∣teined me, and welcomed mee with rich and magnificent gifts: but especially the Emperour be∣stowed diuers costly presents and rewards vpon mee, both in vessels of golde and siluer, and also in cloakes and garments of great value. Wherefore I conferred with the Emperour himselfe and the Pope, and with the other Princes who were there present, concerning the necessities of all my subiects both Englishmen and Danes; that a more fauourable law & secure peace in their way to Rome might bee graunted vnto them, and that they might not bee hindered by so many stops & impediments in their iourney, and wearied by reason of iniust exactions. And the Empe∣rour condescended vnto my request, and king Rodulphus also, who hath greatest authoritie ouer the foresaid stops and streights, and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts, that my sub∣iects, as well Marchants, as others who trauailed for deuotions sake, should without all hinde∣rance and restraint of the foresaid stops and customers, goe vnto Rome in peace, and returne from thence in safetie.

The flourishing state of Marchandise in the Citie of London in the dayes of Willielmus Malmesburiensis, which died in the yeere 1142. in the reigne of K. Stephen.

HAud longe a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliarijs est Londonia Ciuitas no∣bilis,* 1.11 opima ciuium diuitijs, constipata negociatorum ex omni terra, & maxime ex Germania venientium, commercijs. Vnde fit vt cum vbique in Anglia caritas victualium pro sterili prouentu messium sit, ibi necessaria di∣strahantur & emantur minore, quàm alibi, vel vendentium compendio, vel ementium dispendio. Peregrinas inuehit merces Ciuitatis sinibus Tamesis fluuius famosus, qui citra vrbem ad '80. milliaria fonticulo fusus, vltra plus 70. nomen profert.

The same in English.

NOt farre from Rochester, about the distance of fiue and twenty miles, standeth the Noble Citie of London, abounding with the riches of the inhabitants, and being frequented with the traffique of Marchants, resorting thither out of all nations, and especially out of Germanie.* 1.12 Whereupon it commeth to passe, that when any generall dearth of victuals falleth out in Eng∣land, by reason of the scarcitie of corne, things necessary may there be prouided and bought with lesse gaine vnto the sellers, and with lesse hinderance and losse vnto the buyers, then in any other place of the Realme. Outlandish wares are conueighed into the same Citie by the famous riuer of Thames: which riuer springing out of a fountaine 80. miles beyond the Citie, is called by one and the selfe same name .70. miles beneath it.

The aforesaid William of Malmesburie writeth of traffike in his time to Bristowe in his fourth booke de∣gestis pontificum Anglorum, after this maner.

IN eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristow nomine, in quo est nauium portus ab Hi∣bernia & Norwegia & caeteris transinarinis terris venientium receptaculum, ne scilicet genitalibus diuitijs tam fortunata regio peregrinarum opum frauderetur commercio.

The same in English.

IN the same valley stands the famous Towne of Bristow, with an Hauen belonging thereunto, which is a commodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing their course for the same, from Ireland, Norway,* 1.13 and other outlandish and foren countreys: namely that a region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that nature hath vouchsafed thereupon should not bee destitute of the wealth and commodities of other lands.

The league betweene Henry the second and Fredericke Barba∣rossa Emperour of Germanie, wherein is mention of friendly traffike be∣tweene the Marchants of the Empire and England, confirmed in the yeere of our Lord 1157. recorded in the first Booke and seuenteenth Chapter of Radeuicus Canonicus Frisingensis, being an appendix to Otto Frisingensis.

IBidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis Angliae missi, varia & preciosa do∣naria multo lepore verborum adornata praestantes. Inter quae papilionem vnum quantitate maximum, qualitate optimum perspeximus. Cuius si quantitatem requitis, non nisi machinis & instrumentorum genere & admi∣niculo leuari poterat: si qualitatem, nec ma••eria nec opere ipsum putem a∣liquando ab aliquo huiusce apparatu superatum iri. Literas quoque mellito sermone plenas pariter direxerat, quarum hic tenor fuit. Praecordiali amico suo, Frederico Dei gratia Romano∣rum imperatori inuictissimo, Henricus Rex Angliae, dux Normanniae, & Aquitaniae, & Comes Andegauensis, salutem, & verae dilectionis concordiam. Excellentiae vestrae quantas possu∣mus referimus grates, dominantium optime, quod nos nuncijs vestris visitare, salutare literis, muneribus praeuenire, & quod his charius amplectimur, pacis & amoris inuicem dignatus estis foedera inchoare. Exultauimus, & quodammodo animum nobis crescere, & in maius sensimus euehi dum vestra promissio, in qua nobis spem dedistis, in disponendis Regni nostri negocijs, alacriores nos reddidit, & promptiores. Exultauimus in quam, & tota mente magni∣ficentiae vestrae assurreximus, id vobis in sincero cordis affectu respondentes, quod quicquid ad honorem vestrum spectare nouerimus, pro posse nostro effectui mancipare parati sumus. Regnum nostrum, & quicquid vbique nostrae subijcitur ditioni vobis exponimus & vestre com∣mittimus potestari, vt ad vestrum nutum omnia disponantur, & in omnibus vestri fiat voluntas imperij. Sit igitur inter nos & populos nostros dilectionis & pacis vnitas indiuisa, commercia tuta:* 1.14 Ita tamen vt vobis, qui dignitate praeminetis, imperandi cedat authoritas, nobis non deerit voluntas obsequendi. Et sicut vestrae Serenitatis memoriam vestrorum excitat in nobis munerum largitio, sic vos nostri quoque reminisci praeoptamus, mittentes quae pulchriora pe∣nes nos erant, & vobis magis placitura. Attendite itaque dantis affectum, non data, & eo animo quo dantur accipite. De manu beati Iacobi, super qua nobis scripsistis, in ore magistri Here∣berti & Guilielmi Clerici nostri verbū posuimus. Teste Thoma Cancellario apud Northanton.

The same in English.

THere were present also the same time, the messengers of Henry king of England presenting diuers rich and precious gifts, and that with great learning & eloquence of speech. Amongst the which we saw a pauilion, most large in quantity, & most excellent in quality. For if you desire to know the quantitie therof, it could not be erected without engines and a kinde of instruments, and maine force: if the qualitie, I thinke there was neuer any furniture of the same kinde, that sur∣passed the same either in stuffe or workemanship. The said king directed his letters also, full of sugred speeches, the tenour whereof was this that followeth.

To his entirely beloued friend Frederick by the grace of God Emperour of the Romanes most inuincible, Henry king of England, duke of Normandie and Aquitaine, Earle of Anjou wisheth health and concord of sincere amitie. We doe render vnto your highnes (most renow∣med and peerelesse Prince) exceeding great thanks for that you haue so graciously vouchsafed by your messengers to visite vs, in your letters to salute vs, with your gifts to preuent vs, and (which wee doe more highly esteeme of then all the rest) to beginne a league of peace and friendship betweene vs. We reioyced, and in a maner sensibly felt our selues to bee great∣ly emboldened, and our courage to encrease, whilest your promise, whereby you put vs in good comfort, did make vs more cheerefull and resolute, in managing the affaires of our king∣dome. We reioyced (I say) & in our secret cogitations did humble obeisance vnto your Maiestie, giuing you at this time to vnderstand frō the sincere & vnfained affection of our heart, that what∣soeuer we shal know to tend vnto your honour, we are, to our power most ready to put in practise. Our kingdome, and whatsoeuer is vnder our iurisdiction we doe offer vnto you, and commit the same vnto your highnesse, that all matters may be disposed according to your direction, and that your pleasure may in all things be fulfilled. Let there be therefore betweene our selues and our subiects, an indiuisible vnitie of friendship and peace, and safe trade of Marchandize: yet so, as that vnto you (who excell in dignitie) authoritie in commanding may bee ascribed, and diligence in obeying shall not want in vs. And as the liberalitie of your rewards doeth often put vs in remembrance of your Maiestie, euen so in like maner sending vnto your Highnesse the most rare

things in our custod••e, and which we thought should be most acceptable vnto you, wee doe most heartily with that your selfe also would not altogether bee vnmindefull of vs. Haue respect therefore not vnto the gifts, but vnto the affection of the giuer, and accept of them with that minde, wherewith they are offered vnto you.

Concerning the hand of S. Iames, about which you wrote vnto vs, we haue sent you word by M. Herbert, and by William the Clerke. Witnes Thomas our Chancelour at Northanton.

A generall safe conduct graunted to all forreine Marchants by king Iohn in the ‖ 1.15 first yeere of his reigne, as appeareth in the Records of the Tower, Anno 1. Regis Ioannis.

IOannes Dei gratia &c. Maiori & Communitati Londinensi salutem. Sciatis voluntatem esse nostram, quod omnes Mercatores de quacun{que} fuerint terra saluum habeant conductum ire & redire cum mercibus suis in Angliam,* 1.16 Vo∣lumus etiam quod ean dem habeant pacem in Anglia, quam Mercatores de Anglia habent in terris illis vnde fuerunt egressi. Et ideo vobis praecipimus, quod hoc faciatis denunciati in Balliua vestra, & firmiter teneri; permittentes eos ire & redire sine impedimento per debitas & rectas & solitas consuetudines in Balliua ve∣stra. Teste Galfredo silio Perri comite Essexiae apud Kinefard 5. die Aprilis.

In eadem forma scribitur vicecomiti Sudsex, Maiori & communitati Ciuitatis Winton, Bal∣liuo de Southampton, Balliuo de Lenne, Balliuo Kent, Vicecomiti Norffolciae & Suffolciae, Vicecomiti dorset & Sommerset, Baronibus de quinque portubus, Vicecomiti de Southamp∣ton sire, Vicecomiti de Herteford & Essex, Vicecomiti Cornubiae & Deuon.

The same in English

IOhn by the grace of God &c. to the Maior and communaltie of London, greeting. You are to vnderstand, that it is our pleasure, that all Marchants of what nation soeuer, shall haue safe conduct to passe and repasse with their Marchandize into England. It is our will also, that they be vouchsafed the same fauour in England, which is granted vnto the English Marchants in those places from whence they come. And therefore we giue you in charge, that you cause this to be published, and proclaimed in your bailiwicke, & firmely to be obserued, permitting them to goe & come, without impediment, according to the due, right and ancient customes vsed in your said Bailiwicke.* 1.17 Witnesse Geofry Fitz-Peter Earle of Esser at Kinefard the 5. day of April.

The same forme of writing was sent to the sherife of Sudsex, to the Maior and communaltie of the Citie of Winchester, to the Baily of Southampton, the Baily Lenne, the Baily of Kent, the sherife of Norfolke and Suffolke, the sherife of Dorset and Sommerset, the Barons of the Cinque-ports, the sherife of Southampton-shire, the sherife of Hertford and Essex, the sherife of Cornewal and Deuon.

Literae regis Henrici tertij ad Haquinum Regem Norwegiae de pacis foedere & intercursu mercandisandi ‖ 1.18 Anno 1. Henrici 3.

HEnricus Dei gratia &c. Haquino eadem gratia Regi Norwegiae salutem, Im∣mensas nobilitati vestrae referimus gratiarum actiones de his quae per literas vestras & prudentem virum Abbatem de Lisa, nobis significastis, volentes & desiderantes foedus pacis & dilectionis libenter nobiscum inire, & nobiscum confoederari. Bene autem placet & place bit nobis quod terre nostre cōmunes sint, & Mercatores & homines qui sunt de potestate vestra libere & sine impe∣dimento terram nostram adire possint, & homines & Mercatores nostri similiter terrā vestram. Dum tamen literas vestras patentes super hoc nobis destinetis, & nos vobis nostras transmitte∣mus. Interim autem bene volumus & concedimus, quod Mercatores tam de terra vestra quàm nostra eant, veniant, & recedant per terras nostras. Et si quid vestrae sederit voluntati, quod facere valeamus, id securè nobis significetis. Detinuimus autem adhuc Abbatem praedictum, vt de naui vestra & rebus in ea contentis pro posse nostro restitutionem fieri faceremus: per quem de statu nostro & Regni nostri vos certificare curabimus, & quàm citius &c. Teste me ipso apud Lamhithe decimo die Octobris.

Eodem modo scribitur S. Duci Norwegiae ibidem & eodem die.

The letters of King Henry the third vnto Haquinus King of Norway concerning a treatie of peace and mutuall traffique of marchan∣dize, &c,

HEnry by the grace of God, &c. vnto Haquinus by the same grace King of Norway, sendeth greeting. Wee render vnto your highnesse vnspeakeable thanks for those things which by your letters, and by your discreete subiect the Abbat of Lisa, you haue signified vnto vs, and also for that you are right willing and desirous to begin and to conclude betweene vs both, a league of peace and amitie. And wee for our part both nowe are, and hereafter shalbe well con∣tented, that both our lands be common, to the ende that the Marchants and people of your do∣minions may freely and without impediment resort vnto our land, and our people and Mar∣chants may likewise haue recourse vnto your territories. Prouided, that for the confirmation of this matter, your send vnto vs your letters patents, and wee will send ours also vnto you. Howbeit in the meane while wee doe will and freely graunt, that the Marchants both of our and your lands, may goe, come, and returne to and from both our Dominions. And if there be ought in your minde, whereby we might stand you in any stead, you may boldly signifie the same vnto vs. Wee haue as yet deteined the foresaid Abbat, that wee might, to our abilitie, cause restitution to be made for your ship, and for the things therein contained: by whome wee will certifie you of our owne estate, and of the estate of our kingdome so soone, &c. Witnesse our selfe at Lamhith the tenth of October.

Another letter in the same forme and to the same effect was there and then sent vnto S. Duke of Norway.

Mandatum pro Coga Regis Norwegiae Anno 13. Henrici 3.

MAndatum est omnibus Balliuis portuum in quos ventura est Coga de Norwegia, in qua venerint in Angliam milites Regis Norwegiae & Mercatores Saxoniae, quod cum praedictam Cogam in portus suos venire contigerit, saluò permittant ipsam Cogam in portubus suis morari, quamdiu necesse habuerit, & libere sine impedimento inde receder•• quando voluerint. Teste Rege.

The same in English. A Mandate for the King of Norway his Ship called the Cog.

WEe will and commaund all bailifes of Portes, at the which the Cog of Norway (wherein certaine of the king of Norwaie his souldiers, and certaine Marchants of Saxonie are comming for England) shall touch, that, when the foresaid Cog shall chance to arriue at any of their Hauens, they doe permit the said Cog safely to remaine in their said Hauens so long as neede shall require, and without impediment also freely to depart thence, whensoeuer the gouernours of the sayd ship shall thinke it expedient. Witnesse the King.

Carta pro Mercatoribus de Colonia anno 20. Hen∣rici 3. Confirmata per Regem Edwardum primum S. Iulij Anno Regni 18. prout extat in ro∣tulo cartarum de Anno 18. Regis Edwardi primi.

REx Archiepiscopis &c. salutem. Sciatis nos quietos clamasse pro nobis & haere∣dibus nostris dilectos nostros, Ciues de Colonia, & mercandisam suam de illis duobus solidis, ‖ 1.19 quos solebant dare de Gildhalla sua London, & de omnibus

alijs consuetudinibus & demandis, quae pertinent ad nos in London, & per totam terram no∣stram; & quod liberè possunt ire ad ferias, per totam terram nostram & emere & vendere in villa London & alibi, salua libertate Ciuitatis nostrae London. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus pro nobis &c haeredibus nostris, quod praedicti ciues de Colonia praenominatas libertates & liberas consuetudines habeant per totam terram nostram Angliae sicut praedi∣ctum est. His testibus, venerabili patre Waltero Caerleolensi Episcopo, Willielmo de Fe∣rarijs, Gilberto Basset, Waltero de Bello campo, Hugone Disspenser, Waltero Marescallo, Galfrido Dispenser, Bartholomaeo Pech, Bartholomaeo de Saukeuill, & alijs. Data per manum venerabilis patris Radulphi Cicistrensis Episcopi, Cancellarij nostri apud Dauintre Octauo die Nouembris, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo.

The same in English A Charter graunted for the behalfe of the Marchants of Colen in the twentieth yeere of Henry the third, confir∣med by King Edward the first, as it is extant in the roule of Charters, in the eighteenth yeere of King Edward the first.

THe King vnto Archbishops &c. greeting. Be it knowen vnto you, that wee haue quite clai∣med, and for vs and our heires released our welbeloued the Citizens of Colen and their marchandize, from the payment of those two shillings which they were wont to pay out of their Gildhall at London, and from all other customes and demaunds;* 1.20 which perteine vnto vs, either in London, or in any other place of our Dominions: and that they may safely resort vnto Fayers throughout our whole Kingdome, and buy and sell in the Citie of London. Wherefore we will and firmely command for vs and our heires, that the forenamed Marchants of Colen may enioy the liberties and free priuiledges aboue-mentioned, throughout our whole kingdome of England as is aforesaid. Witnesses, the reuerend father Walter Bishop of Carlil, William de Ferarijs, Gilbert Basset, Walter de Beau-champ, Hugh Disspenser, Walter Marescal, Geofrie Disspens∣ser, Bartholomew Peach, Bartholomew de Saukeuill and others. Giuen by the hand of the reuerend father Ralph Bishop of Chichester and our Chauncellour at Dauintre, the eight day of Nouember, in the twentieth yeere of our reigne.

Carta Lubecensibus ad septennium concessa. Anno 41. Henrici 3.

HEnricus dei gracia Rex Angliae, dominus Hiberniae, dux Normanniae, Aqui∣taniae, & Comes Andegauiae, omnibus Balliuis suis salutem. Sciatis nos ad instantiam dilecti & fidelis fratris nostri Ricardi Comitis Cornubiae in Re∣gem Romanorum electi,* 1.21 suscepisse in protectionem & defensionem no∣stram & saluum & securum conductum nostrum Burgenses de Lubek in Alemania cum omnibus rebus & mercandisis quas in Regnum nostrum deferent, vel facient deferri. Et eis concessimus, quod de omnibus rebus & mercandisis suis nihil capiatur ad opus nostrum vel alterius contra voluntatem corundem; sed libere vendant & negocientur inde in Regno praedicto, prout sibi viderint expedite. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod dictis Burgensibus vel eorum nuncijs in veniendo in terram no∣stram cum rebus & mercandisis suis, ibidem morando, & inde recedendo, nullum inse∣ratis, aut ab alijs inferri permittatis impedimentum aut grauamen. Nec eos contra quie∣tantiam praedictam vexetis, aut ab alijs vexari permittatis. In cuius rei testimonium has lite∣ras nostras fieri fecimus patentes per septennium durantes:* 1.22 Dum tamen ijdem Burgenses in∣terim bene & fideliter se habuerint erga praefatum electum fratrem nostrum. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium vndecimo die Maij Anno Regni nostri quadragesimo primo. Haec litera duplicata est, pro Burgensibus & mercatoribus Dacis, Brunswig, & Lubek.

The same in English. The charter of Lubek granted for seuen yeeres, obtained in the one and fortieth yeere of Henry the third.

HEnry by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandie and Aquitaine, and Earle of Anjou, to all his Bailifs sendeth greeting. Know ye that at the instant request of our welbeloued and trusty brother Richard Earle of Cornewal being of late elected king of the Romanes, we haue receiued vnder our protection and defence, and vnder our safe and secure conduct, the citizens of Lubek in Alemain, with all their goods and wares, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our kingdome. We haue also granted vnto them, that of all their goods and merchandize, nothing shal be seized vnto the vse of our selues, or of any other without their owne consent, but that they may freely sell and exercise traffike therewith, accor∣ding as they shall thinke expedient. And therefore we straightly command you, that neither your selues do offer, nor that you permit any other to offer any impediment or molestation vnto the said Burgers or vnto their messengers, either at their comming into our land, with their goods and marchandize, in the time of their abode there, or at their departure from thence, and that yee nei∣ther molest them your selues, nor yet suffer them by others to be molested, contrary to the afore∣said Charter. In testimonie whereof, we haue caused these our Letters to be made Patents, du∣ring the space of seuen yeeres next following.

Prouided, that the sayd Burghers doe in the meane time behaue themselues well and faith∣fully towards our foresaid elected brother. Witnesse our selues at Westminster the eleuenth day of March, in the one and fortieth yeere of our reigne.

This Letter was doubled, namely for the Burghers, and the Marchants of Denmarke, of Brunswig, and of Lubecke.

Carta pro Mercatoribus Alemanniae, qui habent domum in London, quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncu∣patur Anno 44. Henriciterty, & Anno primo & 29. Edwardi primi renouata & confirmata.

AD instantiam Serenissimi principis Richardi Romanorum Regis charissimi fratris nostri concedimus mercatoribus Alemanniae, illis videlicet qui habent domum in Ciuitate nostra London, quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgari∣ter nuncupatur, quod eos vniuersos manutenebimus per totum Regnū no∣strum in omnibus ijsdem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus, quibus ipsi nostris & ‖ 1.23 progenitorum nostrorum temporibus vsi sunt & gauisi. Ipsosque extra hui••sinodi libertates & liberas consuetudines non trahemus, nec trahi aliquatenus per∣mittemus. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes.

The same in English. A charter for the Marchants of Almaine, who haue an house at London commonly called ‡ 1.24 the Guildhall of the Dutch, graunted in the 44. yeere of Henry the third, renued and confirmed in the 1. & 29. yeere of Edward the first.

AT the instant request of the most gracious Prince Richard king of the Romanes our most deare brother, wee doe graunt vnto the Marchants of Alemain (namely vnto those that haue an house in our citie of London, commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch Merchants) that we will, throughout our whole Realme, maintaine all and euery of them, in all those liberties and free customes, which both in our times, and in the times of our progenitors, they haue vsed and enioyed.* 1.25 Neither will we inforce them beyond these liberties and free customes, nor in any wife permit them to be inforced. In witnesse whereof, wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents.

Mandatum regis Edwardi primi de mercatori∣bus alienigenis.

MErcatores extranei vendant mercimonia sua in ciuitate London &c. infra quadragin∣ta dies post ingressum suum, anno 3. Edwardi primi.

The same in English. A mandate of king Edward the first concerning outlandish marchants.

VVE will and command that outlandish marchants doe sel their wares in the citie of Lon∣don &c. within forty dayes of their arriuall.

The great Charter granted vnto forreine marchants by king Edward the first, in the 31 yeare of his reigne commonly called Carta mercatoria, Anno Domini 1303.

EDwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Hiberniae, dux Aquitaniae, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Iustitiarijs, Vicecomitibus, praepositis, ministris, & omnibus balliuis & fide∣libus suis salutem. Circa bonum statum omnium mercatorum subscripto∣rum regnorum, terrarum, & prouinciatum, videlicet Alemanniae, Franciae, Hispaniae, Protugalliae, Nauarrae, Lombardiae, Thusciae, Prouincie, Catalo∣niae, ducatus nostri Aquitaniae, Tholosanie. Caturluni, Flandriae, Brabantie, & omnium aliarum terrarum & locorum extraneorum, quocun{que} nomine censeantur, venien∣tium in regnum nostrum Anglie & ibidem conuersantium nos precipua cura sollicitar, qualiter sub nostro dominio tranquillitatis & plenae securitatis immunitas eisdem mercatoribus futuris temporibus praeparetur. Vt itaque vota ipsorum reddantur ad nostra & regni nostri seruitia promptiora, ipsorum petitionibus fauorabiliter annuentes, & pro statu eorundem plenius asse∣curando, in forma que sequitur ordinantes, pro nobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum sub∣scripta dictis mercatoribus duximus concedenda.

In primis videlicet quod omnes mercatores dictorum regnorum & terrarum saluè & secu∣re [unspec 1] sub tuitione & protectioue nostra in dictum regnum nostrum Angliae, & vbique infra pote∣statem nostram alibi veniant cum mercandisis suis quibuscunque, de muragio, pontagio & pannagio liberi & quieti. Quodque infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram in ciuitati∣bus, burgis, & villis mercatorijs possunt mercari duntaxat in grosso tam cum indigenis seu incolis, eiusdem regni & potestatis nostrae praedicta, quàm cum alienigenis, extraneis, vel pri∣uatis. Ita tamen quod merces, quae vulgariter mercerie vocantur, ac species, minutatim vendi possint, prout antea fieri consueuit. Et quod omnes praedicti mercatores mercandisas suas, quas ipsos ad praedictum regnum & potestatem nostram adducere, seu infra idem reg∣num & potestatem nostram emere, vel aliàs acquirere contigerit, possint quo voluerint tam infra regnum & potestatem nostram praedictam, quàm extra ducere vel portare facere, prae∣terquam ad terras manifestorum & notoriorum hostium regni nostri,* 1.26 soluendo consuetudi∣nes quas debebunt: vinis duntaxat exceptis, quae de eodem regno seu potestate nostra, post∣quam infra idem regnum seu potestatem nostram ducta fuerint, sine voluntate & licentia spe∣ciali non liceat eis educere quo quo modo.

Item quod praedicti mercatores in ciuitatibus, burgis, & villis praedictis pro voluntate [unspec 2] sua hospitari valeant, & morari cum bonis suis ad gratiam ipsorum, quorum sunt hospitia siue domus.

Item quod quilibet contractus per ipsos mercatores cum quibuscunque personis vnde∣cunque [unspec 3] fuerint super quocunque genere mercandisae initus, firmus sit & stabilis, ita quod neu∣ter mercatorum ab illo contractu possit recedere, vel resilire, postquam denarius Dei inter prin∣cipales personas cótrahentes datus fuerit & receptus. Et si forsan super cótractu eiusmodi con∣tentio oriatur, fiat inde probatio aut inquisitio secundū vsus & consuetudines feriarū & villarū,

vbi dictum contractum fieri contigerit & iniri.

[unspec 4] Item promittimus praefatis mercatoribus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum concedentes, quod nullam prisam vel arrestationem, seu dilationem occasione prisae de cae∣tero de mercimonijs, mercandisis seu alijs bonis suis per nos vel alium seu alios pro aliqua necessitate vel casu contra voluntatem ipsorum mercatorum aliquatenus faciemus, aut fieri patiemur, nisi statim soluto precio pro quo ipsi mercatores alijs eiusmodi mercimonia ven∣dere possint, vel eis aliter satisfacto, ita quod reputent se contentos: Et quod super merci∣monia, mercandisas, seu bona ipsorum per nos vel ministros nostros nulla appreciatio aut estimatio imponetur.

[unspec 5] Item volumus quod omnes balliui & ministri feriarum, ciuitatum, burgorum, & villarum mercatoriarum mercatoribus antedictis conquerentibus coram ijs celerem iustitiam faciant de die in diem sine dilatione secundum legem mercatoriam,* 1.27 de vniuersis & singulis quae per eandem legem poterunt terminari. Et si forte inueniatur defectus in aliquo balliuorum vel ministrorum praedictorum, vnde ijdem mercatores vel corum aliquis dila••ionis incom∣moda sustinuerint vel sustineant, licet mercator versus partem in principali recuperauerit dam∣na sua, nihilominus balliuus vel minister alius versus nos, prout delictum exigit puniatur. Et punitionem istam concedimus in fauorem mercatorum praedictorum pro eorum iustitia ma∣turanda.

[unspec 6] Item quod in omnibus generibus placitorum, saluo casu criminis pro quo infligenda est poena mo••tis, vbi mercator implacitatus fuerit, vel alium implacitauerit, cuiuscunque con∣ditionis idem implacitatus exciterit, extraneus vel priuatus, in nundinis, ciuitatibus, siue Burgis, vbi fuerit sufficiens copia mercatorum praedictarum terrarum, & inquisitio fieri debeat, sit medietas inquisitionis de eijsdem mercatoribus, & medietas altera de probis & legalibus hominibus loci illius vbi placitum illud esse contigerit. Et si de mercatoribus di∣ctarum terrarum numerus non inueniatur sufficiens, ponentur in inquisitione illi qui idonei inuenientur ibidem, & residij sint de alijs bonis hominibus & idoneis de locis in quibus pla∣citum illud erit.

[unspec 7] Item volumus, ordinamus, & statuimus, quod in qualibet villa mercatoria & feria regni nostri praedicti & alibi infra potestatem nostram pondus nostrum in certo loco ponatur, & ante ponderationem statera in praesentia emptoris & venditoris vacua videatur, & quod brachia sint equalia: & ex t••••c ponderator ponderet in aequali. Et cum stateram posuerit in aequali sta••im amoueat ma••us suas, ita quod remaneat in aequali: quodque per torum regnum & potestatem nostram sit vnum pondus & vna mensura: & signostandardi nostri signentur: Et quod quilibet possit habere stateram vnius quaternionis, & infra, vbi contra domini loci, aut libertatem per nos & antecessores nostros concessam illud non fuerit, siue contra villarum & feriarum consuetudinem hactenus obseruatam.

[unspec 8] Item volumus & concedimus, quod aliquis ceitus homo fidelis & discretus Londini re∣sidens assignetur iustitiarius mercatoribus memoratis, coram quo valeant specialiter placita∣re, & debita sua recuperare celeriter, si Vicecomites & Maiores eis non facerent de die in diem celeris iustitiae complementum: Et inde fiat Commissio extra Cartam praesentem concessa mercatoribus antedictis:* 1.28 scilicet de his quae sunt inter mercatores & mercatores secundum legem mercatoriam deducenda.

[unspec 9] Item ordinamus & statuimus, & ordinationem illam statutumque pro nobis & haere dibus nostris in perpetuum volumus firmiter obseruari, quod pro quacunque libertate, quam nos vel haere des nostri de caetero concedemus, praetati mercatores supradictas libertates vel earum aliquam non amittant. Pro praedictis autem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus ob∣tinendis, & prisis nostris remittendis ijdem supradicti mercatores vniuersi & singuli pro se & omnibus alijs de partibus suis nobis concorditer & vnanimiter concesserunt, quod de quolibet dolio vini, quod adducent vel adduci facient infra regnum & potestatem no∣stram, & vnde marinarijs fretum soluere tenebuntur,* 1.29 soluent nobis & haeredibus nostris nomine Custumae duos solidos vltra antiquas custumas debitas & in denarijs solui consuetas nobis, aut alias infra quadraginta dies, postquam extra naues ad terram posita fuerint dicta vina. Item de quolibet sacco lanarum, quem dicti mercatores, aut alij nomine ipso∣rum ement & è regno educēt, aut emi & educi facient, soluent quadraginta denarios de incre∣mēto vltra custumam antiquam dimidie marce, quae prius fuerat persoluta. Et pro lasta corio∣rum extra regnum & potestatem nostram vehendorum dimidiam marcam supra id quod ex antiqua custuma ante soluebatur. Et similiter de trecentis pellibus lanitis extra regnum & potestatem nostram ducendis quadraginta denarios vltra certum illud, quod de

antiqua custuma ••uerat prius datum. Item duos ••olidos de quol••bet scarlato & panno tin∣cto in grano. Item decem & octo denarios de quolibet panno, in quo pars grani fuerit in∣termixta. Item duodecem dena••ios de quolibet panno al••o sine grano. Item doudecem denarios de qualibet aeris quintalla.

Cumque de praefatis mercatoribus nonnulli eorum alias exercere soleant mercandisas, vt de [unspec 10] Auerio ponderis, & de alijs rebus subtilibus, sicut de pannis Tarsensibus, de setico, & cindallis, de sera & alijs diuersis mercibus, & de equis etiam & alijs animalibus, blado & alijs rebus & mercandisis multimodis, que ad certam custumam facile poni non poterunt, ijdem mercato∣res concesserunt dare nobis & heredibus nostris de qualiber libra argenti estimationis seu valoris rerum & mercandisarum huiusmodi, quocunque nomine censeantor, ••••es denarios de libra in introitu rerum & mercandisarum ipsarum in regnum & potestatem nostram praedict••m infra viginti dies postquam huiusmodi res & mercandisae in regnum & potestatem nostram adductae & etiam ibidem exoneratae seu venditae fuerint. Et similiter tres denarios de quali∣bet libra argenti in eductione quarum cunque re••um & mercandisarum huiusmodi emptarum in regno & potestate nostris praedictis vltra custumas nobis aut alijs ante datas. Et super valore & estimatione rerum & mercandisarum huiusmodi de quibus tres denarij de qualibet libra argenti sicut praedicitur sunt soluendi, credatur eis per literas, quas de Dominis aut socijs suis ostendere poterunt: Et si literas non habeant stetur in hac parte praedictorum mer∣catorum, si presentes fuerint, vel valetorum suorum in corundem mercantorum absentia, iu∣ramentis.

Liceat insuper socijs de societate predictorum mercatorum infra regnum & potestatem no∣stram [unspec 11] praedictas, lanas vendere alijs suis socijs, & similiter emere ab ijsdem absque cus••uma sol∣uenda. Ita tamen quod dictae lane ad tales manus non deueniant, quod de custuma nobis de∣bita defraudemur. Et praeterea est sciendum, quod postquam supra dicti mercatores semel in vnoloco infra regnum & potestatem nostram custumam nobis concessam ••uperius pro mer∣candisis suis in forma soluerint supradicta, & suum habeant in••e warantum, siue huius∣modimercandisae infra reg••um & potestarem nostram remaneant, siue exterius deferan∣tur, (exceptis vinis, quae de regno & potestate nostris praedictis sine volunta••e & licentia nostra sicut praedictū est, nullatenus educantur:) Volumus, ac pro nobis, ac haere dibus nostris conce∣dimus, quod nulla exactio, prisa, vel praestatio, aut aliquod onus super personas mercatorū pre∣dictorum, mercandisas seu bona eorundem aliquatenus imponatur contra formam expressam superius & concessam. His testibus veracibus principalibus, Roberto Contuariensi Archiepis∣copo totius Angliae primate, Waltero Couentriae & Lichfildie episcopo, Henrico de Lacy Lin∣colniense, Humfredo de Bohum comite Herfordiense & Essexie & Constabulo magno Anglie, Adomaro de Valentia, Galfrido de Gaymal, Hugone de Lespensor, Waltero de Bello campo, senescallo hospitij nostri, Roberto de Burijs, & alijs. Datum per manum nostrā apud Winde∣sore, primo die Februarij, anno regni nostri xxxj.

The aforesaid generall Charter in English.

EDward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aquitaine, to Archbi∣shops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons, Iustices, Uicounts, gouernours, of∣ficers, and all bayliffes, and his faithfull people sendeth greeting. Wee haue speciall care for the good estate of all marchants of the kingdomes, lands, and countreis following: to wit of Almaine, France, Spaine, Portugal, Nauarre, Lombardie, Florence, Prouence, Catalonia, of our du∣chie of Aquitaine, Tholosa, Caturlune, Flanders, Brabant, and of all other forreine countreis and places by what name soeuer they be called, which come into our kingdome of England•• and there remayne, that the sayd marchants may liue in quiet and full securitie vnder our dominion in time to come. Wherefore that their hearts desires may bee more readily inclined to our seruice and the seruice of our kingdome, wee fauourably agreeing to their petitions, for the fuller as∣ring of their estate, haue thought good to graunt to the sayd marchants for vs and our heires for euer these priuiledges vnder written, ordaining in forme as followeth.

First, that all marchants of the sayd kingdomes and countreys may come into our kingdome [unspec 1] of England, and any where else into our dominion with their marchandises whatsoeuer safely and securely vnder our defence and protection without paying wharfage, pontage, or pannage. And that in Cities, Boroughs, and market townes of the sayd kingdome and dominion they may traffique onely by the great as well with the naturall subiects and inhabitantes of our aforesayde kingdome and dominion, as with forreiners, straungers, or priuate persons. Yet so, that marchandises which are commonly called mercerie wares,

and spices, may be sold by the small, as heretofore hath bin accustomed. And that all the aforesaid marchants may cary or cause to be caried whither they will, as well within our realme or dominion, as out of the same;* 1.30 sauing vnto the countreis of the manifest and knowne enemies of our king∣dome, those marchandises which they shall bring into our foresayd realme and dominion, or buy, or otherwise purchase in our sayd realme and dominion, paying such customes as they ought to doe: except onely wines, which it shall not be any wayes lawfull for them to cary out of our sayd realme and dominion without our speciall fauour and licence, after they be once brought into our realme and dominion.

[unspec 2] Item that the aforesayd marchants may at their pleásure lodge & remaine with their goods in the cities, boroughs, and townes aforesaid, with the good liking of those which are owners of their lodgings.

[unspec 3] Item that euery bargaine made by the said marchants with any maner of persons, of what pla∣ces soeuer they be, for any kind of marchādise whatsoeuer, shalbe firme & stable, so that none of both the marchants shall shrinke or giue backe from that bargaine, after that the earnest penie be once giuen and taken betweene the principall bargayners. And if peraduenture any strife arise about the same bargaine, the triall and inquirie thereof shall be made according to the vses and customes of the fayres and townes where it chanced that the said bargaine was made and contracted.

[unspec 4] Item, we promise the aforesaid marchants granting for euer for vs and our heires, that from hence foorth we will not in any wise make nor cause to be made any stay or arrest, or any delay by reason of arrest of their wares, marchandises or other goods, by our selues, or by any other or o∣thers for any neede or accident against the will of the sayd marchants, without present payment of such a price as the marchants would haue sold those marchandises for to other men, or without ma∣king of them other satisfaction, so that they shall hold themselues well contented: and that no price or valuation shalbe set vpon their wares, marchandises, & goods by vs or by any officer of ours.

[unspec 5] Item, we will that all bayliffes and officers of fayres, cities, boroughs, and market townes shall doe speedie iustice from day to day without delay according to the lawe of Marchants to the afore∣sayd marchants when they shall complaine before them,* 1.31 touching all and singuler causes, which may be determined by the same law. And if default be found in any of the bayliffes or officers afore∣sayd, where by the sayd marchants or any of them haue sustained, or do sustaine any damage through delay, though the marchant recouer his losses against the partie principall, yet the bayliffe or other officer shall be punished to vs ward, according to the qualitie of the default. And wee doe grant this punishment in fauour of the aforesayd marchants in regard of the hastening of their iustice.

Item, that in al maner of pleas, sauing in case where punishmēt of death is to be inflicted, where a marchant is impleaded, or sueth another, of what condition soeuer hee bee which is sued, [unspec 6] whether stranger or home borne, in fayres, cities, or boroughs, where sufficient numbers of mar∣chants of the foresayd countreis are, and where the triall ought to bee made, let the one halfe of the Iurie be of the sayd marchants, and the other halfe of good and lawfull men of the place where the suite shall fall out to bee: and if sufficient number of marchants of the sayd countries cannot bee found, those which shall be found fit in that place shall be put vpon the iurie, and the rest shall be chosen of good and fit men of the places where such suit shall chance to be.

Item we will, we ordaine, aud wee appoint, that in euery market towne and fayre of our realme aforesayd and elsewhere within our dominion our weight shall bee set in some certiane [unspec 7] place; and that before the weighing the balance shall bee seene emptie in the presence of the buy∣er and of the seller, and that the skales bee equall: and that afterward the weigher weigh in the equall balance. And when hee hath set the balances euen, let him straitghway remooue his hands, so that the balance way remayne euen: And that throughout all our kingdome and do∣minion there be one weight and one measure, and that they be marked with the marke of our stan∣dard. And that euery man may haue a weight of one quarter of an hundred, and vnder, where the same hath not bin contrary to the liberty of the lord of the place, and contrary to the libertie gran∣ted by vs and our predecessors, or contrary to the custome of townes and fayres which hath hi∣therto beene obserued.

[unspec 8] Item we will and we grant that some certaine faythfull and discreete man resident in Lon∣don be appointed to doe Iustice to the aforesayd marchants, before whome they may haue their sutes decided, and may speedilie recouer their debts, if the Shiriffes and Maior should not from day to day giue them speedy iustice. And hereof let a Commission be made: which we grant vnto the aforesaid marchants besides this present Charter: to wit of such things as betweene mar∣chant and marchant are to be decided according to the lawe of marchants.

[unspec 9] Item we ordayne and appoynt, and wee will that this ordinance and statute shall firmely bee obserued for euer for vs and our heires, that the aforesayd marchants shal not loose the aforesayd li∣berties

nor any of them, for any libertie whatsoeuer, which wee or our heires hereafter shall grant. And for the obtayning of the aforesayd liberties and free customes, and for remission of our arresting of their goods, the aforesayd marchants all and euery of them for themselues and all other of their parties with one accorde and one consent haue granted vnto vs, that of euery tunne of wine, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our realme and dominion, for which they shall bee bound to pay freight vnto the mariners, besides the olde customes which are due and were woont to bee payd vnto vs, they will pay vnto vs and to our heires in the name of a custome two shillings in money, either out of hande, or else within fortie dayes after the sayd wines shall bee brought on land out of the shippes. Item for euery sacke of wooll, which the sayd marchants or others in their name shall buy and carie out of the realme, or cause to bee brought and caried out, they will pay forty pence aboue the old custome of halfe a marke, which was payed heretofore: And for a last of hides to bee caryed out of our realme and dominion halfe a marke aboue that which heretofore was payed by the olde custome. And like wise for three hun∣dreth Felles with the wooll on them to bee transpor••ed out of our realme and dominion fortie pence, aboue that certaine rate which before was payed by the olde custome: Also two shillings vpon euery scarlate and euery cloth died in graine. Item eighteene pence for euery cloth wherein any kind of graine is mingled. Item twelue pence vpon euery cloth dyed without graine. Item twelue pence vpon euerie quintall of copper.

And whereas sundrie of the aforesayd marchants are woont to exercise other marchandises, as of Huer de pois, and other fine wares, as sar••enets, lawnes, cindalles, and silke, and di∣uers other marchandises, and to sell horses and other beastes, corne, and sundrie other things and marchandises, which cannot easily bee reduced vnto a certaine custome: the sayd marchants haue granted to giue vnto vs, and to our heires of euery pound of siluer of the estemation and va∣lue of these kinde of goods and marchandises, by what name soeuer they be called, three pence in the pound in the bringing in of these goods into our realme and dominion aforesaid, within twen∣tie dayes after these goods and marchandises shall be brought into our realme and dominion, and shall be there vnladen and solde. And likewise three pence vpon euery pound of siluer in the cary∣ing out of any such goods and marchandises which are bought in our realme and dominion afore∣sayd aboue the customes beforetime payd vnto vs or any of our progenitors. And touching the va∣lue and estimation of these goods and marchandises, whereof three pence of euery pound of siluer, as is aforesayd, is to be payd, credite shalbe giuen vnto them vpon the letters which they are able to shewe from their masters or parteners. And if they haue no letters in this behalfe, we will stand to the othe of the foresayd marchants if they bee present, or in their absence to the othes of their seruants.

Moreouer, it shall be lawfull for such as be of the company of the aforesayd marchants within our realme and dominion aforesayd, to sell woolles to other of their company, and likewise to buy of them without paying of custome. Yet so, that the said wools come not to such hands, that wee be defrauded of the custome due vnto vs. And furthermore it is to be vnderstood, that after that the aforesaid marchants haue once payed in one place within our realme and dominion, the custome a∣boue granted vnto vs in forme aforesayd for their marchandises, & haue their warrant therof, whe∣ther these marchandises remayne within our kingdome or be caried out (excepting wines, which in no wise shalbe caried forth of our realme and dominion aforesayd, without our fauour & licence as is aforesayd) we wil and we grant for vs and our heires, that no execution, attachment, or loane, or any other burthen be layd vpon the persons of the aforesayd marchants, vpon their marchandises or goods in any case, contrary to the forme before mentioned and granted. The faithfull & princi∣pall witnesses of these presents are these, Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all Eng∣land, Walter bishop of Couētrey and Lichfield, Henry Lacie of Lincolne, Humfrey de Bohume, Earle of Herford and Essex, high Constable of England, Adomare of Valentia, Geofrey of Gay∣mal, Hugh Spenser, Walter Beauchampe Seneschall of our house, Robert of Bures, and others. Giuen by our owne hand at Windesore the first day of February, in the yere of our reigne xxxi.

De mercatoribus Angliae in Norwegia arestatis, & eorum mercimonijs dearrestandis literae Edwardi secundi anno sexto regni sui, Haquino regi Norwegie.

MAgnifico principi domino Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegie illustri, amico suo charis∣simo Edwardus eadē Dei gratia rex Anglie, Dom. Hibernie, & dux Aquitanie salutē cū dilectione sincera. Miramur nō modicū & in intimis conturbamur de grauaminibus

& oppressionibus quae subditis nostris infra regnum vestrum causa negociandi venien••••bus his diebus plus solito absque causa rationabili, sicut ex graui querela didicimus, inferuntur. Nu••er siquidem Willihelmus filius Laurentij de Waynfleete, Simon filius Alani de ead••m, Guido fi∣lius Mathei & eorum socij mercatores nostri nobis conquerendo monstrarunt, quod cum ipsi quosdam homines & seruientes suos cum tribus nauibus suis ad partes regni vestri, ad negoti∣andum ibidem transmisissent:* 1.32 & naues illae in portu villae vestrae de Tonnesbergh halece & alijs bonis diuersis vsque ad magnam summam oneratae fuissent: Et licet nautis nauiū praedictarum hominibusque & seruientibus praedictis à regno vestro liberè cum nauibus & bonis praedictis ad partes Anglie redeundi vestras fieri feceritis de cōductu, postmodum ramen antequā naues illae propter venti contrarietatē portum praedictum exire potuerunt, quidam balliui vestri na∣ues praedictas cum hominibus & bonis omnibus tun•• existentibus in eisdem, occasione mortis cuiusdam militis nuper balliui vestri in Vikia per malefactores & piratas, dum naues praedictae in portu supradicto sicut praemittitur remanserunt supra mare vt dicitur interfecti, de mandato vestro vt dicebant artestarunt, & diu sub aresto huiu••modi detinebant, quousque videlicet ho∣mines & marinarij praedicti de quadraginta libris sterlingorū certo die statuto ad opus vestrum pro qualibetnaui predictarum soluendis inuiti & coacti securitatem inuenissent: Et similiter de eisdem nauibus cum hominibus praedictis infra portum praedictum citra sestū natiuitatis San∣cti Ioannis Baptistae proximo futuro ad standum runc ibidem de personis & nauibus suis ve∣stre gratie seu voluntatis arbitrio reducendis tres obsides vlterius liberassent: quod ipsis valde graue censetur, & auditu mirabile auribus audientium non immerito reputatur. Et quia contra rationem & equitatem, omnem{que} iustitiam fore dinoscitur, atque legem, quòd delinquentium culpe seu demerita in personis vel rebus illorum qui criminis rei conscijvel participes, seu de huiusmodi delinquentium societate non fuerunt, aliqualiter vlciscantur, vestram amicitiam af∣fectuose requirimus & rogamus, quatenus praemissa diligenti meditatione zelo iustitiae ponde∣rantes, obsides predictos iubere velitis ab hostagiamento huiusmodi liberari, dictam{que} securita∣tem relaxari penitus & resolui. Scientes pro certo, quod si malefactores predicti, qui dictum militem vestrum, vt dicitur, occiderunt, alicubi infra regnum seu potestatem nost••am poterunt inueniri, de ipsis iustitiam & iudicium secundum legem & consuetudinem eiusdem regni fieri faciemus. Non enim possumus his diebus aequanimiter tolerare, quod naues predicte seu a∣liae de regno nostro, quae semper prompte ad nostrum seruitium esse debent, extra idem reg∣num ad partes remotas se diuertant sine nostra licentia speciali. Quid autem ad hanc nostram instantiam faciendum decreueritis in premissis, nobis si placeat reseribatis per presentium por∣tatorem. Datae apud Windesore decimo sexto die Aprilis.

The same in English. The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus king of Norway, concerning the English marchants arrested in Norway, and their goods to be freed from arrest.

TO the mighty Prince, lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king of Norway his most deare friend, Edward by the same grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. We maruell not a little, and are much disquieted in our cogitations, consi∣dering the greeuances and oppressions, which (as wee haue beene informed by pitifull complaints) are at this present, more then in times past, without a∣ny reasonable cause inflicted vpon our subiects, which doe vsually resort vnto your kingdome for traffiques sake. For of late one William the sonne of Laurence of Wain∣fleete, and one Simon the sonne of Alan of the same towne, and Guido the sonne of Mathew, and their associates our marchants, in complayning wise declared vnto vs: that hauing sent cer∣taine of their factors and seruants, with three shippes into your dominions, there to exercise traf∣fique, and the sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh,* 1.33 with Herrings and other commodities, to a great value: and also the said mariners, men, and seruants of the fore∣sayd shippes, being licenced by vertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them, freely to returne from your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goods aforesayd, but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen by reason of contrary windes: certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of the slaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia, committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea, whilest the sayd shippes remained in the hauen aforesayd, did at your commandement (as they say) arrest, and for along season also

de••ei••ed vnder that arrest, the foresaid ships, with all the men and goods that were in them: name∣ly vntill such time, as the men and mariners aforesaide (beeing driuen perforce, and constrained thereunto) should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment of fortie pounds sterling, vpon a certain day appointed, vnto your vse, for euery of the foresaide ships: and also vntill they had moreouer de∣liuered three pledges, for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againe into the foresaid ha∣uen, before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn the Baptist next ensuing, then and there to stand vn∣to your fauour and curtesie, as touching the said persons, and those ships of theirs: which dealing, the parties themselues take very grieuously, yea, and all others that heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course. And because it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason, equitie, iustice, and lawe, that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be punished in such per∣sons, or in their goods, as neither haue bene accessory nor partakers in the crime, nor haue had any society with the saide offenders: we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes, that weighing and pondering the matter in the balance of iustice, you would of your loue and friendship, command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie, and the said securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited. And know you this for a certaintie, that if the foresaide malefactors, who (as it is reported) slewe your Knight aforesaide, shall any where within our realme and dominions be found, we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vpon them, according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme. For we cannot in these times conueniently and well indure, that the ships aforesaide, or any other ships of our kingdome (which ought alwayes to be in a readinesse for our seruice) should without speciall licence, depart out of our saide kingdome, vnto forreine dominions. Nowe, what you shall think good at this our request to performe in the premisses, may it please you by the bea∣rer of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16. of April.

Another Letter of Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway, in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants.

MAgnifico Principi Dom. Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiae illustri, amico suo charissi∣mo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae, dominus Hyberniae, & dux Aquitaniae, salutem cum dilectione sincera. Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostro••um Thomae de Swyn de Waynfle••te, & Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus, continentem, Quod cùm ipsi nuper quosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis merci∣monijs transmisissent, Thesaurarius vester bona & mercimonia praedictorum Thomae & Si∣monis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum, quae seruientes praedicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt,* 1.34 die Sancti Michaelis vltimò praeterita fecit absque causa rationabili a∣restari, & ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè, in ipsorum Thomae & Simonis damnum non modicum & depauperationem manifestam. Et quia eisdem mercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus, quatenus suadente iustitia poterimus in hac parte, vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu, quatenus audita querela praedictorum Thomae & Simonis, vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione bonorum & mercimoniorum praedictorum impendere velitis eisdem celeris iustitiae complementum: I••a quod pro defectu exhibitions iustitiae super arestatione praedicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris praedictis de alio remedio prouidere. Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram instantiam duxeritis faciendum, rescribere velitis per presentium porti∣torem. Datae vt suprà.

The same in English.

TO the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous King of Norway, his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England, Lorde of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. Wee receiued the complaint of our wel••elo-Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Waynfleet, and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne: the contents whereof are, that whereas of late, the saide parties sent certaine of their seruants to traffike in your kingdome, your Treasurer vpon the feast of S. Michael last past, without any iust or reasonable occasion, caused the goods and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon, to the value of fortie pound, which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne of North∣berne, to be arrested, and as yet also iniuriously deteineth the same vnder the same arrest, to the great damage and impouerishing of the sayd Thomas and Simon. And for asmuch as our desire is to succour these our marchants so far foorth as we can, Iustice requiring no lesse in this behalfe,

wee doe right earnestly request you, that hauing hearde the complaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon, or of their Atturneyes, you woulde of your loue and friend∣ship, vouchsafe them speedie administration of Iustice, about the restitution of their goods and merchandise aforesaide: least that for want of the exhibiting of Iustice about the foresaid arrest, we be constrained to prouide some other remedie for our marchants aforesaid. Our request is, that you would by the bearer of these presents, returne an answere vnto vs, what you are deter∣mined to doe, at this our instant motion. Giuen as aboue.

A third letter of King Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants.

MAgnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiae illustri, amico suo charissimo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae, dominus Hyberniae, & dux A∣quitaniae, salutem cum dilectione sincera. Pro mercatoribus nostris Lennae, & partium vi∣cinarum, quos Balliuus & Officiarij vestri ciuitatis vestrae Bergen dudum ceperunt, & stricto carceri manciparunt, quorum multi vt iam intelleximus, propter alimentorum subtractionem & duritiam, ac asperitatem carceris perierunt, vt ipsorum & bonorum suorum deliberatio∣nem praecipere curaretis, vestrae serenitati Regiae nostras nuper transmisimus literas speciales. Sed vos, retentis adhuc in carcere nostris mercatoribus sicut prius, nobis per•• literas vestras quas audiuimus & intelleximus diligenter, inter caetera rescripsistis, quod quidam mer∣catores de regno vestro de iniurijs, violentijs & arrestationibus, quibus in regno nostro his diebus sunt, vt asserunt, contra iustitiam aggrauati, multipliciter conqueruntur, adijciendo in vestris literis memoratis, quod quidam iniquitatis silij in villa Lennae, ad piscandum vt dicebant halecia venientes, quendam militem Balhuum vestrum, in Vikia vnà cum de∣cem alijs subditis vestris, in vestris & regni vestri negorijs existentibus crudeliter occide∣runt. Super quibus mens nostra grauatur quàm plurimum & turbatur, praesertim quum nunquam nostrae fuerit voluntatis, quod iniuriae, violentiae, seu arrestationes aliquae mer∣catoribus, vel alijs de regno vestro per aliquos de regno & potestate nostris fierent inde∣bitè vel iniustè nec adhuc intelligere possumus, quod mercatoribus vestris per aliquem vel aliquos de subditis nostris huc vsque aliter factum fuerit: Scientes pro certo quod si nobis per inquisitiones legitimas constare poterit huiusmodi grauamina subditis vestris in∣fra regnum nostrum illata fuisse, nos sufficientes emendas, & satisfactiones debitas su∣per illis, celerísque iustitiae complementum fieri faciemus. Et insuper s••malefactores prae∣dicti, qui praefatum militem, & alios secum existentes, vt praemi••titur, occi••erunt, de reg∣no, seu potestate nostra sint, vel infrà idem regnum vel potestatem poterunt inueniri, de ipsis iudicium & iustitiam fieri praec••piemus, secundùm Leges & consuetudines regni nostri. Et quia inter nos & vos, nostrósque & vestros subditos hinc inde foueri desidera∣mus mutuam concordiam & amorem; ita quod mercatores nostri & vestri mercandisas suas in nostris & vestris regnis & dominijs liberè,* 1.35 & absque impedimento valeant exerce∣re, prout temporibus progenitorum nostrorum fieri consueuit, & ex dictarum literarum vestrarum se••ie collegimus euidenter vos promptos esse similiter, & paratos ad omnia & singula, quae pro vobis & vestris subditis super discordijs, contentionibus, aut grauami∣nibus inter nostros & vestros subditos qualitercunque suscitatis pro bono pacis & iustitiae fu∣erint aeq••animiter facienda: Nos consimilia pro nobis & nostris, quantum ad nos & ad ipsos attinet, illius amore, qui pacis author fore dinoscitur, & pro quiete & commodo po∣puli vtriusque regnorum nostrorum, quatenus ius & ratio dictitauerint, promittimus nos facturos: Vestram amicitiam requirentes obnixius & rogan••••s, quatenus mercatores no∣stros praedictos, qui adhuc superstites relinquuntur, quos etiam tempore, quo dicta felonia committi dicebatur, interclusos tenebat custodia carceralis, iubere velitis nostri contemplati∣one, zelóque iustitiae ab huiusmodi custodia liberari, bona ab ipsis capta eis prout iustum fuerit restitui faciendo. Et vt deliberatio mercatorum nostrorum praedictorum, & bonorum suorum eò facilius concedatur, place at vobis cum diligentia debira ponderare, quod Galfridus Drewe, & quidam alij mercatores nostri de Lenne, quibusdam mercatoribus de regno vestro occasione eiusdem grauaminis ipsis mercatoribus vestris, ad sectam Tideman ni Lippe infrà

regnum no••trum, vt dicebatur, illati, centum libras sterlingorum per••oluerunt, sicut in quodam scripto indentato inter Ingelramum Lende de Thorenden, & quosdam alios mercatores ve∣stros ex parte vna, & praefatum Galfridum, & quosdam alios de regno nostro similiter ex al∣tera confecto, vidimus contineri. Si qui verò de subditis vestris de aliquibus subditis nostris, de aliqua iniuria ipsis facta querelas in curia nostra deponere voluerint, & prosequi cum ef∣fectu, ipsorum subditorum vestrorum petitiones admitti, & eis super querelis huiusmodi ple∣nam & celerem iustitiā fieri faciemus. Ita quod ijdem subditi vestri exinde reputare debebunt meritò se contentos. Et interim de excessibus & grauaminibus subditis vestris infrà regnum no∣strum qualitercunque illatis inquiti faciemus cum diligentia veritatem. Vestrae igitur volunta∣tis beneplacitum in premissis nobis rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem. Datae apud Westminster tertio die Aprilis.

The same in English.

TO the mightie Prince king Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king of Norway, his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. We sent of late vnto your royall maiestie our special let∣ters, for the behalfe of our late marchants of Lenne, and of the coast adioyning (whome your baily and officers of the citie of Bergen lately apprehended, committing them to close prison, many of whome, as we vnderstand, are, for want of due nourishment, and by reason of the extremitie & loath∣somnesse of the prison, quite perished) that you would cause them and their goods to bee released. Howbeit, you reteining as yet our marchants in durance as before, in your letters, which we haue diligently heard, and throughly vnderstood, haue, amongst other matters, returned this answere vnto vs: that certaine marchants of your kingdome doe make sundrie complaints of iniuries, vio∣lences and arrests, whereby they haue lately (as themselues auouch) contrary to iustice bene ag∣grieued and oppressed in our dominions: adding moreouer in your sayde letters, that certaine sonnes of iniquitie of the towne of Lenne, comming, as they saide, to fish for herrings, cruelly mur∣thered a certaine Knight, who was in times past your bayliffe of Vikia, together with ten others of your subiects, being imployed about the affaires of your kingdome. In consideration whereof our minde is exceedingly and aboue measure grieued and troubled, especially sithence it was neuer any part of our intent, that any iniuries, violences, or arrests should vniustly be inflicted vpon a∣ny marchants, or any others of your realme by any of our kingdomes: neither can we as yet haue any intelligence, that any such hard measure hath bene offered vnto any of your marchants, by a∣ny one or moe of our subiects: giuing you for a certaintie to vnderstand, that if vpon lawfull in∣quisition we shalbe aduertised of any such grieuances, which haue bene offered vnto your subiects within our realme, we will cause speedie iustice to be administred, and sufficient recompence, and due satisfaction to be made in regarde thereof. And moreouer, if the saide malefactors, which, as it is aforesaid, slewe the forenamed Knight, and others of his companie, either be appertaining vn∣to our kingdome and dominion, or may at any time be found within our saide kingdome or domini∣on, we will command iustice and iudgement to be executed vpon them, according to the lawes and customes of our realme. And forasmuch as our desire is, that mutuall concord and amitie should be mainteined and cherished between your and our subiects on both parts: so that our and your mar∣chants may, in both our Realmes and dominions, freely and without impediment exercise their traffique, as in the times of our progenitors it hath bene accustomed:* 1.36 Whereas also we euident∣ly gathered out of the contents of your letter, that you are in like sort readie and willing to put all things in practise, which are by you and your subiects (for the taking away of discords, contenti∣ons, and molestations howsoeuer occasioned, and sprung vp betweene your and our subiects) lo∣uingly to be performed: we also doe promise for ourselues, and our subiects, so much as in vs and them lieth, for his sake who is knowen to be the author of peace, and for the benefite & tranquilitie of both our Realmes (as iustice and reason shall moue vs) to doe the like. Desiring and earnestly requesting at your hands, that of your loue and friendship, hauing regard of vs, and consideration of iustice, you would commaund that our foresaide marchants, who as yet remaine aliue, and who also at the time of the saide felonie committed, were shut vp in close prison, be deliuered out of the saide thraldome, causing their goods which haue bene taken from them, to bee, according vnto iustice, restored to them again. And that the deliuerie of our foresaide marchants and goods, may be the more easily yeelded vnto, may it please you with diligent obseruation to consider, that Gefferey Drew, and certaine other of our marchants of Lenne, vpon occasion of the greiuances offered vn∣to your marchants within our Realme, (as the report goeth) at the suite of Tidman Lippe, paide vnto the same your marchants an hundreth pound sterling: euen as in a certain Indenture made

betweene Ingelram Lende of Thorenden, and some other of your marchants on the one part, and betweene the foresaide Geffrey, and certaine of our marchants on the other part, wee sawe conteined. Moreouer, if any of your subiects be minded to exhibite, and effectually to prosecute their complaints in our Court, concerning any of our subiects, or of any iniury done vnto them, we will cause the petitions of those your subiects to be admitted, and also full and speedie iustice to be administred, vpon any such like complaints of theirs. Insomuch, that those your subiects shal thinke themselues right well and sufficiently contented therewithall. And in the meane space we will cause diligent inquisition of the trueth to be made, of all excesses and grieuances howsoeuer offered vnto your subiects within our dominions. May it please you therfore, by the bearer of these presents, to returne an answere vnto vs, what you are determined to doe in the premisses. Giuen at Westminster, the third day of April.

De Stapula tenenda in certo loco ordinatio, Anno 13. Edwardi secundi.

REx collectoribus custumae lanarum & pellium lanutarum in portu London salutem. Cùm nos vicesimo die Maij anno regni nostri sexto attendentes damna & grauamina, quae mercatoribus de regno nostro diuersimo••è euenerunt, ex eo quod mercatores tam indigenae quam alienigenae lanas & pelles lanutas infrà regnum & potestatem nostram ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus ad vendendum eas ad diuersa loca infrà terras Brabantiae, Flan∣driae, & de Artoys eorum libito voluntatis transtulerint: & volentes etiam huiusmodi damnis & grauaminibus quatenus bono modo possemus prouidere, de consilio nostro ordinauerimus, quod mercatores indigenae & alienigenae lanas & pelles huiusmodi infrà regnum & potesta∣tem praedictam ementes, & ad terras praedictas ibidem vendendas ducere volentes, lanas illas & pelles ad certam stapulam infrà aliquam earundem terrarum, per Maiorem & Communita∣tem eorundem mercato••um,* 1.37 de regno nostro ordinandam assignari, ac prout & quando expe∣dire viderint mu••andum, & non ad alia loca in terris illis ducant, seu duci faciant vllo modo: & inter caetera concesterimus mercatoribus de regno nostro supradicto pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quòd ipsi Maior & consilium dictorum mercatorum, qui pro tempore fuerint, qui∣buscunque mercatoribus indigenis seu alienigenis, qui contra dictam ordinationem venerint, & modo rationabili conuicti ••uerint, certas pecuniae summas pro delictis illis imponant, & quod illae huiusmodi summae de bonis & mercimonijs mercatorum sic delinquentium, vbicun∣que ea infrà regnum & potestatem predictam inueniri contigerit, per ministros nostros ad opus nostrum leuentur: prout in Charta nostra inde confecta plenius continetur:* 1.38 quam quidem Chartam per singulos comitatus regni nostri super costeras maris fecimus publicari, & firmiter inhiberi, ne qui mercatores indigene seu alienigenae contra tenorem Charte predicte sub poe∣nis contentis in eadem venerint vllo modo: Ac postmodum dato nobis intelligi, quod quàm∣plures mercatores tam indigenae quàm alienigenae, lanas & pelles lanutas infrà regnum & po∣testatem praedictas ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus ad vendendum eas ad alia loca in dictis terris, quàm ad Stapulam iuxta concessionem nostram predictam per Maiorem & cō∣munitatem dictorum mercatorum de regno nostro in aliqua terrarum illarum ordinatam & as∣signatam transtulerint in nostri contemptum, & contra Chartam ordinationis, publicationis & inhibitionis praedictarum assignauerimus quosdam fideles nostros in diuersis partibus regni ad inquirendum de lanis & pellibus lanutis ad dictas terras alibi quàm ad Stapulam illam du∣ctis, ita quod emendae inde ad nos pertinentes, ad opus nostrum leuentur; etiam intellex∣erimus, quod quasi omnes mercatores tam indigenae quàm alienigenae huiusmodi merci∣monia in dicto regno nostro exercentes sunt culpabiles de praemissis: & quod plures inde in∣dictati, ac alij timentes inde indictari, lanas suas ac pelles lanutas sub nominibus aliorum non culpabilium faciunt aduocari, & extra regnum nostrum transmitti quibusdam alienigenis, sic culpabilibus in dictum regnum forsitan non re••ersuris, vt sic forisfacturas praedictas ef∣fugiant, & nos de emenda ad nos sic pertinente illudant: quae si permitterentur sic transire ••n nostri damnum non modicum redundarent. Nos volentes huiusmodi fraudibus obuiare, & nostris damnis quatenus bono modo poterimus praecauere, vobis praecipimus firmiter iniungentes, quod à singulis mercatoribus lanas seu pelles lanutas per portum praedictum ad partes ex••eras ducere volentibus corporale sacramentum ad sancta Dei Euangelia recipi∣atis, quod ipsi lanas seu pelles lanutas sub nomine ipsius, cuius propriae sunt, & non alterius aduocabunt. & tunc recepta ab illo cuius lanae & pelles huiusmodi erunt, vel nomine suo sufficiente securitate pro qua respondere volueritis, de respondendo & faciendo nobis id quod ad nos pertinet de lanis & pellibus lanutis per ipsum ductis seu missis ad aliquam di∣ctarum

terrarum Flandriae & Brabantiae, & de Artoys contra formam Chartae, proclama∣tionis, & inhibitionis supradictarum, si ipsum super hoc conuinci contingat, lanas & pelles illas lanutas extra portum praedictum, recepta prius custuma debita de eisdem, ad partes exte∣ras transire permittatis. Teste Rege apud Doueram decimo octauo die Iunij, per ipsum Re∣gem & Consilium.

Et postmodum per breue de priuato sigillo eodem modo mandatum est collectoribus cu∣stumae praedictae in portubus subscriptis: Videlicet,

• In portu villae Southhampton.
• In portu villae Weymouth.
• In portu villae Sancti Botolphi.
• In portu villae de Kingtone super Hull.
• In portu villae de nouo Castro.
• In portu villae de magna Iernemutha.
• In portu villae de Lenne.
• In portu villae de Gypwico.

The same in English. An Ordinance of the Staple to bee holden at one certaine place.

THe King vnto his Collectors of custome, for wooll and woollen fels, in his port of London, greeting. Whereas we vpon the 20. of May, in the sixt yeere of our reigne, considering the damages and grieuances that haue diuersly happened vnto the marchants of our realme, vpon occa∣sion that the marchants both of our owne•• & of other countreis, buying vp wooll and woollen fels within our kingdome and dominions, haue, for the better sale thereof, at their pleasure conueyed thēselues, and trasported the said wooll & fels into sundry places within the prouinces of Brabant, Flanders and Artoys: and being desirous also, to our power, to prouide a remedie against such da∣mages and inconueniences, haue ordained by our counsel, that all marchants, both homeborne and aliens, buying vp such wools and fels, within our kingdome and dominion aforesaid, and being de∣sirous to transport them into the foresaid prouinces, there to bee solde, may carrie the saide wools and fels, or cause them to be caried to some certaine staple, within any of the saide Prouinces, by the Maior and Communaltie of the said marchants of our realme, to be appointed and assigned, and when they shall thinke it expedient, to be changed and remoued, and not vnto any other place with∣in the saide Prouinces whatsoeuer: and whereas also, amongst other things, we haue granted vn∣to the marchants of our foresaid realme, for vs and our heires, that the Maior and Councel of the saide marchants for the time being, may impose vpon all marchants, home-borne or aliens whatso∣euer, that shall transgresse the foresaid ordination, and shall thereof lawfully be conuicted, certaine summes of money to be paid for their offences, and that such summes must by our ministers and of∣ficers, to our vse, be leuied out of the goods and wares of the marchants so offending, wheresoe∣uer they shall chance to be found within our kingdome and dominions aforesaid, as in our Charter made for the same purpose,* 1.39 it is more plainly expressed, (which Charter we haue caused to be pub∣lished vpon the Sea-coasts, throughout all the countreys of our realme, and a strong prohibition to be proclaimed, that no marchants, neither home-borne, nor strangers, may in any wise transgresse the tenour of the foresaide Charter, vnder the penalties therein contained) and whereas afterward it beeing giuen vs to vnderstand, that diuers marchants both home-borne, and aliens, bought vp such woolles and woollen felles within our saide Realme and dominions, and conueyed them∣selues with the saide wools and felles for the sale thereof, vnto other places within the foresaide Prouinces, besides the saide Staple, which was, according to our graunt aforesaide, appointed and ordained by the Maior and communaltie of the said marchants of our Realme, in some one of those Prouinces, to the contempt of our authorititie, and contrary to the Charter of the ordination, publication, and inhibition aforesaide, wee assigned certaine of our faithfull subiects, in diuers parts of our Realme, to make inquisition for such wools and woollen felles, as were conueyed vnto any other place of the saide Prouinces, then vnto the Staple, so that by these meanes, the pe∣nalties due vnto vs might bee leuied vnto our vse: and hauing intelligence also, that in a ma∣ner all marchants both home-borne, and strangers bartering such wares in our kingdome, are culpable of the premisses, and that many being indicted thereupon, and others fearing to bee indicted, doe cause their wools and woollen felles to bee auouched vnder the names of per∣sons

not culpable, and to be sent ouer vnto certaine strangers being also culpable, and not min∣ding perhaps to return any more into our realme, that they may so escape the ••oresaid forfeitures, and defraud vs of the penaltie, appertaining of right vnto vs, (which abuses, if they were suffered so to goe vnpunished woulde redound vnto our extreame hinderance:) and beeing likewise desi∣rous to withstand such deceitefull dealing, and so farre forth as wee can, to preuent our owne losses, we firmely command, and streightly charge you, that you doe receiue of euery particular marchant, desirous to conuey any wools, or woollen fels out of the foresaid port, into any forrein dominions, a corporal oath vpon Gods holy Euangelists: that they shall auouch all those wools and woollen fels vnder his name vnto whom they doe properly belong, & vnder the name of none other: and then taking sufficient security from the owner of those wools and fels, or in his name, in regard whereof you wil vndertake to warrantize, and make good vnto vs those penalties and forfaitures which shal vnto vs appertaine, for all wools, and woollen fels conueied or sent by any of the foresaid merchants vnto any of the said prouinces of Flanders, Brabant, and Artoys, contra∣ry to the Charter of the Proclamation and inhibition aboue mentioned (if they shal chance to be conuinced hereof) that first, our due custome being receiued, you doe permit the said wools and woollen fels to passe out of the foresaid port into forrein countries. Witnes the king at Douer the 18. day of Iune. By the king himselfe and his Councell.

And afterwarde by a Writte vnder the Kings priuie. Seale there was a like commande∣ment giuen vnto the Collectors of the custome aforesayde in the portes vnderwritten.

That is to say:

In the port of the Towne of

• ...Weymouth.
• ...Southhampton.
• Saint Botulphs towne, now called Boston.
• Kingtone vpon Hull••
• ...Newcastle.
• Iernemouth magna, or Yermouth.
• ...Lenne.
• Gypwick or Ipswich.

A Catalogue of the great Masters of the Order of the Dutch knights, commonly called the Hospitalaries of Ierusa∣lem: and what great exploites euery of the saide Masters hath atchieued, either in conquering the land of Prussia, or in taming and subduing the Infidels, or els in keeping them vnder their obedience and subiection, taken out of Munster.

THe order of the Dutch knights had their first original at Ierusalem in the yere of our Lorde 1190. within the Hospitall of the blessed Uirgine: and the first Master of the saide order was called Henrie of Walpot, vnder whome many good things, and much wealth and riches were throughout all Germanie and Italie procured vnto the order: and the saide Hospitall was remoued from Ie∣rusalem vnto Ptolemais, otherwise called Acon, and the foresaid Order grew and mightily increased, whereof I will hereafter discourse more at large in my Treatise of Sy∣ria. Henrie of Walpot deceased in the yeere of Christ 1200. The 2. Master was Or••o of Ker∣pen, and he continued Master of the Order for the space of sixe yeeres. The 3. was Hermannus Bart a godly and deuout person, who deceased in the yeere 1210. being interred at Acon, as his predecessors were. The 4. was Hermannus de Saltza, who thirtie yeeres together gouerned the saide Order, and managed the first expedition of warre against the infidels of Prussia, and or∣dained another Master also in Prussia to bee his Deputie in the same region. In the yeere 1239. the knights of the sword,* 1.40 who traue••led into Liuonia to conuert the inhabitants thereof vnto Christ, seeing they were not of sufficient force to performe that enterprise, and that their enemies increased on all sides, they vnited themselues vnto the famous Order of the Dutch knights in Prussia, that their worthie attempt might bee defended and promoted by the aide and assistance of the saide Duch knights. At the very same time the ensi••ne of the crosse was exalted through∣out all Germanie against the Prussians,* 1.41 and a great armie of souldiers was gathered together, the Burgraue of Meidenburg being generall of the armie, who combining themselues vnto the Dutch knights, ioyned battell with the Infidels, and slew about fiue hundred Gentiles, who be∣foretime had made horrible inuasions and in-roades into the dominions of Christians, wasting all with fire and sword, but especially the land of Colm, and Lubonia, which were the Prouin∣ces

of Conradus Duke o•• Mas••ouia. Nowe, the ••oresaide knights hauing made so huge a slaugh∣ter, built the castle of Reden, betweene Pomerania and the land of Colm, and so by degrees they gotte footing in the lande, and daylie erected more castles, as namely, Crutzburg, Wissenburg, Resil, Bartenstein, Brunsburg, and Heilsburg, and furnishe•• them all with garrisons. The fift Master of the Order was Conradus Landgrauius, the brother of Lodouick, which was husband vnto Ladie Elizabeth. This Conradus, by his fathers inheritance, gaue great riches and pos∣sessions vnto the Order, and caused Ladie Elizabeth to be interred at Marpu••g, within the re∣ligious house of his saide Order. Under the gouernment of this Master, Acon in the lande of Palestina was subdued vnto the Saracens. Moreouer, in the yeere 1254. there was another great armie of Souldiers prepared against Prussia, by the Princes of Germanie. For Octa∣cer, aliâs Odoacer king of Bohemia, Otto Marques of Brandeburg, the Duke of Austria, the Marques of Morauia, the Bishops of Colen and of Olmutz came marching on with great strength of their Nobles and common souldiers, and inuading the lande of Prussia in the Winter season, they constrained the inhabitants thereof to receiue the Christian faith, and to become obedient vnto the knights. After which exploite, by the aduise and assistance of king Odoacer, there was a castle built vpon a certaine hill of Samogi••ia, which immediately after grewe to be a great citie, being at this day the seate of the Prince of Prussia: and it was called by Odoacer Kunigsberg, that is to say, Kings Mount, or Mount royall, being finished in the yeere 1255. Due of this fort the knights did bridle and restraine the furie of the Infidels on all sides, and compelled them to obedience. The sixt Master was called Boppo ab Osterna, vnder whom the citie of Ku∣nigsberg was built. At the very same instant the knights beeing occupied about the warre of Curland, the Prussians conspiring together, and abandoning the Christian faith,* 1.42 in furious maner armed themselues against y^e Christians, defaced and burnt down Churches, s••ew Priests, and to the vt••ost of their abilitie, banished all faithfull people. The report of which misdemeanour be∣ing published throughout all Germanie, an huge armie was leuied and sent for the defence and succour of the knights, which marching into the land of Natan, made many slaughters, & through the inconstancie of fortune sometimes woonne, and sometimes lost the victorie. Also the Infidels besieged these three castles, namely•• Barstenstein, Crutzberg and Kunigsberg, and brought ex∣treame famine vpon the Christians contained within the saide fortes. Againe, in the yeere of our Lord 1262. the Earle of Iuliers, with other Princes and great chiualrie came downe, and giuing charge vpon the Prussians•• put three thousand of them to the edge of the sworde. After∣ward the Prussians banding themselues together, were determined to spoile the castle of Kunigs∣berg, but their confederacie being disclosed, they had the repulse. And when the knightes had preuailed against them, they laide in pledges, and yet for all that were not afraid to breake their fidelitie. For vpon a certaine time, after they had giuen diuers pledges, they slewe two noble knights of the Order, and so by that meanes incensed the principall of the saide order, insomuch that they caused two paire of gallous to be set vp besides the castle, & thirtie of the Prussians pled∣ges to be hanged therupon. Which seueritie so vexed and prouoked the Prussians, that in reuenge of the said iniury, they renewed bloody and cruel warres, slew many Christians, yea, and put 40. knights with the master of the Order, and the Marshal, vnto the edge of the sword. There was at the same instant in Pomerania a Duke called Suandepol••us, professing the Christian faith, but being ioyned in league with the Prussians, he indeuoured for many yeeres, not onely to expell the knights, but all Christians whatsoeuer out of the lande of Prussia, in which warre the foresaide knights of the Order suffered many abuses. For they lost almost all their castles, and a great number of themselues also were slaine. This Suandepolcus put in practise many lewde attempts against religion. For albeit he was baptized, he did more mischiefe then the very Infidels them∣selues, vntill such time as the knights being assisted by the Princes of Germanie, brought the saide Duke and the Prussians also into such straights, that (maugre their heads) they were con∣strained to sue for peace. Afterward Swandepolcus lying at the point of death, admonished his sonnes that they should not doe any in••urie vnto the knights of the order, affirming that him∣selfe neuer prospered so long as he vrged warre against them. Howbeit his sonnes for a certaine time obserued not their fathers counsel, vntill at length one of them named Warteslaus, was cre∣ated one of the Order, and the other called Samborus bestowed by legacie his goods and possessi∣ons vpon the saide Order, receiuing maintenance and exhibition from the saide Order, during the terme of his life. It fortuned also vnder the gouernment of the foresayde Master Boppo, that one Syr Martine a Golin beeing accompanied with another knight, went into the countrey to see howe the Prussians were imployed. And meeting with three Prussians, they slew two, and the thirde they reserued to guide them the directest way. But this guide betrayed them into their enemies handes. Which when they perceiued, they slewe the Traytour. Then

fiue Prussian horsemen came riding and tooke them, deliuering them bounde to the custo∣die of two. And the other three pursued the horses of the two, which broke loose in the time of t••e fr••ye. And they tarying somewhat long, the other two woulde haue beheaded the two Knightes in the meane season.* 1.43 And as one of them was striking with his drawen sworde, at the necke of Sir Martine, hee saide vnto them: Sirs, you doe vnwisely in that you take not off my garment before it bee defiled with blood. They therefore loosing the cordes wherewith hee was bounde, to take off his garment, set his armes more at liber∣tie. Which Syr Martine well perceiuing reached his keeper such a boxe, that his sworde fell to the grounde. Which hee with all speede taking vp, slewe both the keepers and vn∣b••unde his fellowe Knight. Moreouer, seeing the other three Prussians comming furiously vpon them, with staute couragious hearts they made towarde the saide Prussians, and slew th••m, and so escaped the danger of death. The seuenth great Master was Hanno de San∣ge••shusen, who deceased in the yeere one thousand two hundreth seuentie fiue. The eight was Hartmanous ab Heldringen who deceased in the yeere 1282. The ninth was Burc∣kardus a Schuuenden beeing afterwarde made knight of the order of Saint Iohns. The tenth was Conradus a Feuchtuuang: vnder this man the Citie of Acon in Palestina was sacked by the Soldan, and manie people were slayne. The T••mplars which were therein returned home out of Fraunce, where they had great reuenewes. The Knightes of Saint Iohn, who also had an Hospitall at Acon, changed their place, and went into the Isle of Cyprus, and from••thence departing vnto Rhodes, they subdued that Islande vnto them∣selues. Nowe the Dutch Knights abounded with wealth and possessions throughout all Ger∣manie, beeing Lordes of a good part of Prussia, Liuonia, and Curland, whose chiefe house was then at Marpurg, till such time as it was remooued vnto Marieburg, a Towne of Prussia. The eleuenth great Master was Godfrey Earle of Hohenloc. Under this man the knights sustained a great ouerthrowe in Liuonia: but hauing strengthned their armie, they slewe neere vnto Rye foure thousande of their enemies.* 1.44 The twelfth Master was Sifridus a Feuchtuuang. Under this man, the principall house of the Order was translated from Mart∣purg to Marieburg, which in the beginning was established at Acon, and from thence was re∣mooued vnto Venice, and from Venice vnto Martpurg. This Sifridus deceased in the yeere 1341. The thirteenth Master was called Charles Beffart of Triers. This man built a fort vpon the riuer of Mimmel, and it was named Christmimmel. The foureteenth was War∣nerus ab Orsele, whome a certaine knight of the Order slewe with his sworde. The 15. was Ludolphus Duke of Brunswick, who built the Towne of Ylgenburg, and deceased 1352. The sixteenth was Theodoricus Earle of Aldenborg, and hee built the Towne of Bartenstein. The seuenteenth was Ludolphus sirnamed King. The eighteenth was Henrie a Tusimer. The nineteenth Winricus a Knoppenrodt. In this mans time the knights took the king of the Lithu∣anians named Kinstut captiue, and kept him prisoner in Marieburg halfe a yeere, but by the helpe of a seruaunt, hauing broken out of the Castle, hee escaped away by night. But fea∣ring that hee was layde waite for in all places, hee left his horse, and went on foote through vnknowen pathes. In the day time hee hidde himselfe in secrete places, and in the night hee continued his iourney vntill hee came vnto Massouia. But all the Knightes ioye was turned into sorrowe, after they had lost so great an enemie. The twentieth grand Master was Conradus Zolner of Rotenstein.* 1.45 The one and twentieth Conradus Walenrod. The two and twentieth Conradus a Iungingen, who deceased in the yeere one thousand foure hun∣dreth and seuen. The three and twentieth Vlricus a Iungingen. This man dyed in battell in the yeere one thousand foure hundreth and tenne: which battell was fought against Vla∣dislaus Father of Casimire. Both partes had leuied mightie and huge forces: vnto the Polonians the Lithuanians and the Tartars had ioyned themselues, ouer whome one Vi∣toldus was captaine: the Dutch Knights had taken vp Souldiers out of all Germanie. And when eache armie had encamped themselues one within twentie furlongs of another, (hoping for victorie and impatient of delay) the great Master of the Prussians sent an He∣rault to denounce warre vnto the King, and immediately (alarme beeing giuen) it is re∣ported that there were in both armies fourtie thousand horsemen in a readinesse. Vladislaus commaunded the Lithuanians and the Tartars to giue the first onsette, and placed the Po∣lonians in the rerewarde of the battell: on the contrarie side, the Prussians regarded least of all to reserue any strong troupes behinde, which might rescue such as were wearie, and renewe the fight, if neede shoulde require, but set forwarde the flower and chiualrie of all his Souldiers in the verie forefront of the battell. The charge beeing giuen certaine vnarmed

Tartars & Lithuanians were slaine handsmooth: howbeit the multitude pressed on, neither durst the fearefull Polonians turne their backes, and so a cruell battell was fought vpon the heapes of dead carkases. The combate continued a long time, terrible slaughters were committed, and the Lithuanians and Tartars were slaine like sheepe. But when newe and fresh enemies continually issued foorth, the Dutch knights being wearied, began to fight more faintly. Which Vladislaus no sooner perceiued, but in all haste hee sends forwarde his mightie and well armed hande of Polonians, who suddenly breaking in renewed the skirmish. The Dutch were not able to with∣stand the furie of the fresh troupes (great oddes there is betweene the wearied Souldier and him that comes in a fresh) insomuch that the knights with their people were constrained to flee. The master of the Order seeing his souldiers giue way vnto the enemie, gathered a companie to∣gether, and withstoode him in the face, howbeit himselfe was slaine for his labour, the flight of his people proued greater and more dishonourable, neither did the Dutch cease to flee, so long as the Polonian continued the chase. There fell on the Knights partie manie thousands of men, and the Polonians gotte not the victorie without great spoile and damage. This battell was foughten in regard of the bounds of regions in the yeere 1410. All Prussia following the happie successe of the Polonian king (except Marieburg onely) yeelded themselues vnto him being Con∣querour. Howbeit the Emperour Sigismund taking vp the quarell, peace was ordained between the knights and Polonia, and a league concluded, certaine summes of money also were paide vnto the Polonian, Prussia was restored vnto the knights, neither was the saide order disturbed in the possession of their lands vntill the time of Friderick. The 24. Master was Henrie Earle of Plaen. This man being deposed by the Chapter, was 7. yeres holden prisoner at Dantzik. The 25. Master was Michael Kuchenmeister, that is, master of the Cookes of Sternberg. The 26. was Paulus a Russdorff. The 27. Conradus ab Ellerichshausen. This man, after diuers and sundry conflicts betweene the Dutch knights, and the king of Polonia, concluded a perpetuall league with the saide king. Howbeit the citizens of Dantzig secretely going about to obteyne their freedome, that the foresaide Order might haue no dominion ouer them, made sute vnto the Po∣lonian king to be their Protector. This Conradus died in the yeere 1450. The 28. was Lewis ab Ellerichshausen. Under this man there arose a dangerous sedition in Prussia betweene the chiefe cities and the knights of the Order. The citizens demanded libertie, complaining that they were oppressed with diuers molestations. Whereupon they priuily made su••e vnto Casimir then king of Polonia. The Master of the Order seeing what would come to passe began to expostu∣late with the king, that he kept not the peace which had bene concluded betweene them to last for euer. Also Frederick the Emperour commaunded the Prussians to returne vnto the obedience of the knights, who by the dint of their swordes had released that prouince out of the hands of Infi∣dels, and had bought it with the shedding of much blood. Notwithstanding the popular sort per∣sisting ••t••l in their stubborne determination, proceeded at length to open warre. The cities a••hea∣ring vnto the king vsurped diuers Castles belonging to the Master, tooke certain Commanders and knights, yea, and some they slewe also. Fiftie and fiue townes conspired together in that re∣bellion: but thinking their estate and strength not sure enough against their own gouernors with∣out forrein aide, they chose king Casimir to be their lord. Heereupon the Polonian king marched into Prussia with a great armie, taking possession of such cities as yeelded themselues vnto him, and proceeding forward against Marieburg, besieged the castle and the towne. In the meane sea∣son the Master hauing hired an armie of Germane souldiers, suddenly surprised the king at vna∣wares in his tents, and slewe about 300. Polonians,* 1.46 tooke prisoners 136. noblemen, spoiled their tents, tooke away their horses, victuals, and armour, insomuch that the king himselfe hard∣ly escaped vpon one horse. These things came to passe in the yeere 1455. The Master hauing thus obtained the victorie, sent his armie into the countrey, and recouered the castles and cities which he had lost, to the nūber of 80. putting many of his enemies also vnto the sword. Moreouer, he recouered Kunigsberg being one of the foure principall cities, which are by name Thorne, El∣burg, Kunigsberg, and Gdanum, that is to say, Dantzig. And when the warre was longer pro∣tracted then the Master could well beare, and a whole yeres wages was vnpaid vnto his captains, those captaines which were in the garison of Marieburg conspired against the Master,* 1.47 and for a great summe of money betrayed the castle of Marieburg vnto the king. Which practice beeing knowen, the Master fled to Kunigsberg, and newe warre was begunne, and great spoile and de∣solation was wrought on both sides: vntill at length, after composition made, the king re∣tayned Pomerella, and all the castles and townes therein, together with Marieburg and El∣burg: and the master inioyed Sama••tia, Kunigsberg, &c. This composition was concluded in the yeere 1466. The 29. Master was Henrie Reuss, first being deputie, and afterwarde Master of Prussia. The 30•• was Henrie a Richtenberg, who deceased in the yeere 1477. The 31. called

Martine Truchses died in the yeere 1489. The 32. Iohn a Tieflen died in the yeere 1500. The 33. being Duke of Saxonie, and marques of Misn, deceased in the yeere 1510. This man began to call in question, whether the foresaid composition concluded betweene the king of Polonia, and the Order, were to bee obserued or no? especially sithence it conteined certaine articles against e∣quitie and reason. Whereupon he appealed vnto the Bishop of Rome, vnto the Emperor, vnto the princes and electors of Germany, and preuailed with them so farre forth, that there was a day of hearing appointed at Posna in Polonia. And the Legates of both parts meeting heard complaints and excuses, & dispatched no other businesse. In the meane time Prince Frederick deceased in the tenth yeere of his gouernment. The 34. Master was Albertus marques of Brandenburg, whom the King of Polonia did so grieuously molest with war, and oppressed all Prussia with such extreme rigour, that the Prince of the countrey was constrained to make a league of foure yeeres with him, and to yeeld vnto such conditions, as turned to the vtter ouerthrowe of the whole Order. And amongst other conditions are these which follow. Sithence that the originall of all discorde be∣tweene Polonia and the order doeth from hence arise, for that hitherto in Prussia, no lawfull heyre and successor hath borne rule and authority, but diuers and sundry haue had the gouernment therof, by whose meanes the nations haue bene prouoked one against another, much Christian blood hath bin shed, the lands and inhabitants grieuously spoiled, and many widowes and Orphans made: the Popes, Emperors, and Princes being often sollicited for the establishing of that perpetual league, which Casimir hath heretofore concluded &c. Sithence also that the truce which hath bene agreed vpon of both parties is in short time to be expired, and that it is to bee feared, that bloody warres will then be renewed, and that all things will proue worse and worse, vnlesse some lawfull com∣position be made, and some good and wholesome deuise be put in practise, as well for the benefit of the King and of his posteritie, as for the commoditie of the whole common weale of Prussia, espe∣cially considering that Albertus the Marques refuseth not to submitte himselfe to the Councell of the King, &c.

The Oration or speech of the Ambassadours sent from Conradus de Zolner Master generall of the land of Prussia, vnto Richard the second, King of Eng∣land, and France, &c.

The messengers which are sent from the Master generall of the land of Prussia, doe pro∣pound and declare the affaires and negotiations vnderwritten.

WHereas it is apparant, that diuers and sundrie times heeretofore, your fa∣mous progenitours and predecessours the kings of England haue alwaies bene gracious promoters and speciall friends vnto the generall Masters of the land of Prussia, and of the whole order: whereas also they haue vouch∣safed by their Barons, Knights, and other their nobles of the kingdome of England,* 1.48 vnto the Masters and order aforesaide, sundry and manifolde fa∣uourable assistances in the conquest of the Infidels (in whose steppes your excellent Maiestie insisting, haue, in these your dayes shewed your selfe in like sort right graci∣ously affected vnto the Master generall which nowe is, and vnto his famous Predecessour) in due consideration of the premisses, and in regard also of diuers other affaires, which are at this present to be propounded vnto your Highnes, the foresaid Master general which now is hath cau∣sed vs his messengers to be sent with letters of credence vnto your Maiestie: humbly praying, and earnestly beseeching your roial clemency, that in times to come, the said Master general, his succes∣sors, & our whole Order may of your bounty most graciously obtaine the same fauour, beneuolēce, and stedfast amity & friendship, which hath bin continued from the times of your foresaid predeces∣sors: in regard wherof we do offer the said Master of ours, and our whole company, vnto your high∣nes, as your perpetual and deuote friends. Notwithstanding (most souereigne Prince) certaine o∣ther things we haue to propound vnto your Grace, in the name & behalfe of our saide Master and Order, by way of complaint, namely, that at certaine times past, and especially within the space of x. yeres last expired, his subiects and marchants haue sustained sundry damages and ablations of their goods, by diuers subiects and inhabitants of your realme of England, and that very often, both by sea and land: the which, for the behalf, and by the appointment of the Master general afore∣said, & of his predecessor, are put downe in registers, and recorded in the writings of his cities in the land of Prussia. Of which parties damnified, some haue obtained letters frō the Master-general

that now is, & also from his predecessor,* 1.49 vnto your renoumed grandfather K. Edward of famous memory, and sundry times vnto your highnes also, to haue restitution made for their goods taken from them: whereby they haue nothing at al preuailed, but heaping losse vpon losse haue misspent their time & their charges: both because they were not permitted to propound & exhibit their com∣plaints & letters before your maiesty, and also for diuers other impediments. Certain of them also considering how others of their countriemen had laboured in vain, & fearing the like successe, haue troubled the Master general very often with grieuous and sundry complaints, crauing & humbly beseeching at his hands, that he would vouchsafe graciously to prouide for thē as his faithful & loial subiects, as touching the restitution of their losses: especially seeing y^t so much wealth of the Eng∣lish marchants was euery yeere to be found in Prussia, as being artested, they might obtaine some reasonable satisfaction for their losses. Which thing the Master general aforesaid & his predecessor also haue deferred vnto this present (albeit to y^e great losse of their subiects) therby hauing meere & principal respect vnto those special curtesies and fauours which your excellent Maiesty & your worthy progenitors haue right gra••iously vouchsafed vpon our Masters and Order: neither yet for the iniuries aforesaid, was there euer any maner of offence, or molestation offered vnto any of your subiects noble or ignoble whatsoeuer. Moreouer, in the name & behalfe of our foresaid Ma. general we do propound vnto your excellency by way of cōplaint, that in the yere last past, 6. dayes after y^e feast of the Ascension, certain persons of your realm of England, with their ships & captains comming vnto the port of Flanders, named Swen, & finding there, amongst sundry other, 6. ships of Prussia resident, which had there arriued w^t diuers goods & marchandises: and being informed that they were of Prussia, & their friends, they caused them & their ships to remain next vnto their owne ships, protesting vnto them, that they should in no sort be molested or damnified by thēselues or by any other of their company, & that they would faithfully defend them, as if they were their own peo∣ple, frō y^e hands of their aduersaries: & for their farther security & trust, they deliuered some of their own men & their standerds into our mens ships: howbeit a while after being stirred vp, & bent far otherwise, they took out of y^e foresaid ships al kind of armors, wherwith they were to gard & defēd themselues frō pirats, & they deteined the masters of those ships, not suffring them to return vnto their own ships & cōpanies, one also of y^e said ships (hauing taken al the goods out of her) they cōsu∣med with fire. And within 3. daies after they came with one accord vnto y^e abouenamed ships, and tooke away from them all goods and marchandises which they could find, and all the armour and weapons of the said ships, the chestes also of the marchants, of the ship-masters, & of other persons they brake opē, taking out money, iewels, garments, & diuers other commodities: and so they in∣flicted vpō them irrecouerable losses and vnkind grieuances. And departing out of the foresaid ha∣uen, they caried 2. of the Prussian ship-masters with thē, as their captiues vnto an hauen of Eng∣land called Sandwich. Who, being afterward released, were compelled to sweare, that they should not declare y^e iniuries offred vnto them, either before your roiall maiesty, or your hon. Councell, or your chācelor: neither were they permitted to come on shore. And being offred such hard measure, when they made pitiful mones & complaints vnto your foresaide subiects, amongst other matters they spake on this wise vnto them: Do you complain of iniuries & losses offered vnto you? Loe, in your own coūtrey of Prussia there are English marchants, & goods sufficient, go your waies home therfore, & recouer your losses, taking two for one: and in this maner they were left, & so departed. Afterward returning vnto y^e land of Prussia, they & their friends repaired vnto the Mast. general, iointly and w^t one consent making their complaint vnto him of the losses which had bin inflicted vpon thē by your subiects. And prostrating thēselues at his feet, they all and euery of them made their humble sutes, y^t he would haue compassion on them, as vpon his poore subiects, regarding thēselues, their wiues, & children, and pitying their distres, and penury, and that he would graciously procure some redresse for them. And when he offred his letters vnto them, wishing them to prose∣cute their cause before your highnes, they answered that they were no way able to defray the ex∣penses, and that others, who were in like sort damnified, had laboured that way altogether in vain & to no purpose: beseeching him again and again, that he would by another kind of means, namely by arresting of your marchants and their goods,* 1.50 procure thē restitution of their losses. At length the Master general being moued by so many and so great complaints, and by the molestation of his subiects, caused (alb••eit full sore against his will) a certaine portion of English marchants goods to be laid hold on, and to be arrested, in his cities of Elburg & Dantzik, and to be bestowed in sure places, vntil such time as he might conueniently by his messengers propound and exhibit all and singular the premisses vnto your highnes. And forasmuch as the foresaid Master general and our Order do know no iust occasion, wherby they haue deserued your maiesties indignation, but are firmely and most vndoubtedly perswaded, to finde all curtesie, fauour, and friendship at your Highnesse, according to your wonted clemencie: the said Master generall therefore maketh

no doubt, that al the aboue written••damages & molestations, being in such sort, against God and iu∣stice, offred vnto his subiects by yours, be altogether vnknown vnto your magnificence, & commit∣ted against your mind: wherfore presently vpon the foresaid arrest of your marchants goods, he dis∣patched his messengers vnto your roial maiesty. Wherof one deceased by the way, namely in the ter∣ritory of Holland: & the other remained sick in those parts for a long season: & so that ambassage took none effect. Wherfore the said master general was desirous to send vs now y^e second time also vnto your Highnes. We do make our humble sute therfore, in the name & behalf of our Master and Or∣der aforesaid, vnto your kingly supremacy, that, hauing God and iustice before your eies, and also the dutifull and obsequious demeanor of the said master, and order towards you, you would vouchsafe to extend your gracious clemency, for the redresse of the premisses: wherby the foresaid losses may be restored and repaied vnto our subiects. All which notwithstanding, that it would please you of your wisedome & prouidence to procure so absolute a remedy, by meanes whereof, in time to come, such dealings and inconueniences may be auoided on both parts, & finally that your marchants may quietly be possessed of their goods arrested in Prussia, and our marchants may be admitted vnto the possession of their commodities attached in England, to conuert & apply them vnto such vses, as to themselues shal seem most conuenient. Howbeit (most gracious prince and lord) we are to sollicite your Highnesse, not onely about the articles to be propounded concerning the losses aforesaide, but more principally, for certain sinister reports and superstitious slanders, wherwith certaine of your subiects, not seeking for peace, haue falsly informed your maiesty, & your most honorable & discreete Coūcel: affirming that at the time of y^e aforesaid arrest your marchants were barbarously intreated, that they were cast into lothsom prisons, brenched in myre and water vp to y^e neck, restrained from al conference and company of men, and also that their meat was thrown vnto them, as a bone to a dog, with many other enormities, which they haue most slanderously deuised concerning the master ge∣neral aforesaid, and his people, and haue published them in these dominions: vpon the occasion of which falshoods certain marchants of our parts, and of other regions of Alemain (who, of your spe∣cial beneuolence, were indued with certaine priuileges and fauours in your citie of London, and in other places) were, as malefactors, apprehended and caried to prison, vntil such time as the trueth was more apparant. Whereupon, the foresaide master generall propoundeth his humble sute vnto your maiestie, that such enemies of trueth and concord, your Maiesty woulde vouchsafe in such sort to chastise, that they may be an example vnto others presuming to doe the like.

Moreouer, (high and mighty Prince and lord) it was reported vnto our Master general, that his former Legats required of your maiesty safe conduct freely to come into your highnesse Realme. Which when hee heard, he was exceedingly offended therat, sithence vndoubtedly they did not this at his commaundement or direction. We therefore humbly beseech your Grace, as touching this ouersight, to holde the Master generall excused, because there is no need of safeconduct, between so speciall friends.

Furthermore, sundry damages and complaints of the foresaid general Master, and his subiects are briefly exhibited, and put downe in the billes following. Also, all and singular damnified per∣sons, besides other proofes, were compelled to verifie their losses by their formall othes, taken vp∣on the holy Bible.

Lastly, we doe make our humble suite and petition vnto the prouidence and discretion of your Highnes, and of your honorable Councell, that concerning the premisses, and all other matters propounded, or to be propounded vnto your Maiesty, we may obtaine a speedy answere, and an ef∣fectuall end. For it would redound vnto our great charges and losse to make any long delayes.

An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia, confirmed by king Richard the second.

RIchard by the grace of God, king of England, and France, and lorde of Ireland, To all, vnto whom these present letters shall come, greeting. We haue seene and considered the composi∣tion, ordination, concord, and treatie, betweene our welbeloued clearke, master Nicholas Stocket, licentiat in both lawes, Walter Sibel, and Thomas Graa, citizens of our cities of London & York, our messengers and ambassassadors on the one part: and the honourable and religious personages, Conradus de Walrode, great commander, Sifridus Walpode de Bassenheim, chiefe hospitalary commander in Elburg, and Vlricus Hachenberg, Treasurer, the messengers and ambassadors of the right reuerend and religious lord, lord Conradus Zolner de Rothenstein, master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of Saint Mary at Ierusalem on the other part, lately con∣cluded and agreed vpon in these words. In the name of the supreame and indiuisible Trinitie, the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, Amen. Forasmuch as the author of peace will haue peace∣makers

to be the sons of blessednes, and the execrable enemie of peace to be expelled out of the do∣minions of Christians: therefore for the perpetuall memorie of the thing, be it knowen vnto all men who shall see or heare the tenour of these presents: that there being matter of dissension and discord bred betweene the most renowmed prince and king, Richard by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, and his subiects on the one part: and the right reuerend and religious lord, lord Conradus Zolner de Rothinstein, Master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospitall of S. Marie at Ierusalem, and his land of Prussia, and his subiects also, on the other part: the foresaid lord and generall master, vpon mature counsell and deliberation had, sent his honourable ambassadours towards England vnto the forenamed most soueraigne prince and king, to propound and make their complaint vnto him of violence and iniuries offered (as it is sayd) by the English vnto the Prussians: in consideration whereof certaine goods of the mar∣chants of England were arrested in the land of Prussia. Whose complaint the foresayd most gra∣cious prince did courteously and friendly admit, receiue, and accept, and after many speeches vtte∣red in this treaty, louingly dismissed them vnto their owne countrey againe, promising by his letters vnto the foresayd reuerend Master generall, that hee would dispatch his ambassadours vnto the land of Prussia. Whereupon, in the yeere 1388.* 2.1 he sent hono: and reuerend personages Master Nicholas Stocket licentiate of both lawes, Thomas Graa, and Walter Sibill, citizens of London and Yorke, with sufficient authority and full commandement, to handle, discusse, and fi∣nally to determine the foresaid busines, and with letters of credence vnto the right reuerend lord and master generall aforesayd. Which ambassadours, together with Iohn Beuis of London their informer, and the letters aforesaid, and their ambassage, the said right reuerend lord and Master ge∣nerall, at his castle of Marienburgh, the 28. of Iuly, in the yeare aforesaid, reuerently and honou∣rably receiued and enterteined: and in his minde esteemed them worthy to treate and decide the causes aforesayd: and so vnto the sayd ambassadouurs he ioyned in commission on his behalfe, three of his owne counsellers, namely the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander, Seiffridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary and commander in El∣burg, Wolricus Hachenberger treasurer, being all of the order aforesaid. Which ambassadors so entreating about the premisses, and sundry conferences and consultations hauing passed between them, friendly and with one consent, concluded an agreement and concord in manner following: That is to say:

First, that all arrestments, reprisals, and impignorations of whatsoeuer goods and marchandi∣ses [unspec 1] in England and Prussia, made before the date of these presents, are from henceforth quiet, free, and released, without all fraud and dissimulation: insomuch that the damages, charges and ex∣penses occasioned on both parts by reason of the foresayd goods arrested, are in no case hereafter to be required or chalenged by any man: but the demaunds of any man whatsoeuer propounded in this regard, are and ought to be altogether frustrate and voide, and all actions which may or shall be commenced by occasion of the sayd goods arrested, are to be extinct and of none effect.

Moreouer, it is secondly concluded and agreed, that all and singuler Prussians pretending them∣selues [unspec 2] to be iniuried by the English at the Porte of Swen, or elsewhere, howsoeuer, and whensoe∣uer, before the date of these presents, hauing receiued the letters of the foresaide right reuerende lord and Master generall, and of the cities of their abode, are to repayre towards England, vnto the sayd hon: embassadours, who are to assist them, and to propound and exhibite their complaintes, vnto the forenamed lord and king. The most gracious prince is bounde to doe his indeuor, that the parties damnified may haue restitution of their goods made vnto them, or at least complete iustice and iudgement without delay. Also in like maner all English men affirming themselues to haue bene endamaged by Prussians, wheresoeuer, howsoeuer, and whensoeuer, are to haue recourse vn∣to the often forenamed right reuerend lorde the Master generall, with the letters of their king and of the cities of their aboad, propounding their complaints and causes vnto him. Who like∣wise is bound to doe his indeuour that the sayd losses and damages may be restored, or at the least that speedie iudgement may be, without all delayes, executed. This caueat being premised in each clause, that it may and shall be freely granted and permitted vnto euery man that will ciuilly make his suite and complaint, to doe it either by himselfe, or by his procurator or procurators.

Also thirdly it is agreed, that whosoeuer of Prussia is determined criminally to propound his cri∣minal [unspec 3] complaints in England: namely that his brother or kinseman hath beene slaine, wounded, or maimed, by English men, the same partie is to repayre vnto the citie of London in England, and vnto the sayd ambassadors, bringing with him the letters of the sayd right reuerend lord the ma∣ster generall, and of the cities of their abode: which ambassadors are to haue free and full authority, according to the complaints of the men of Prussia, and the answers of the English men, to make and ordaine a friendly reconciliation or honest recompence betweene such parties: which reconci∣liation

the sayd parties reconciled are bound vndoubtedly & without delay to obserue. But if there be any English man found, who shall rashly contradict or cont••mne the composition of the foresayd ambassadors: then the sayd ambassadours are to bring the forenamed Prussian plain∣tifes before the presence of the kings Maiestie: and also to make supplication on the behalfe of such plaintifes, that complete iustice and iudgment may without delayes bee administred, accor∣ding as those suites are commenced. Moreouer whatsoeuer English man, against whom anie one of Prussia would enter his action, shall absent himselfe at the terme, the sayd ambassadours are to summon and ascite the foresayd English man to appeare at the terme next insuing, that the plaintifes of Prussia may in no wise seeme to depart or to returne home, without iudg••ment or the assistance of lawe. Nowe if the sayd English man being summoned shall be found stub∣borne or disobedient, the forenamed ambassadours are to make their appeale and supplication in manner aforesayd. And in like sorte in all respects shall the English plaintifes be dealt withall in Prussia, namely in the citie of Da••tzik, where the deputies of the sayd citie and of the citie of El∣burg shal take vnto themselues two other head boroughs, one of Dantzik, and the other of Elburg: which foure commissioners are to haue in al respects, the very like authority of deciding, discussing, and determining all criminall complaints propounded criminally, by English men against any Prussian or Prussians, by friendly reconciliation, or honest recompense, if it be possible. But if it cannot friendly be determined, or if anie Prussian shall not yeeld obedience vnto any such order or composition, but shalbe found to contradict and to contemne the same: from thenceforth the said foure deputies and headboroughs are to make their appeale and supplication vnto the Master ge∣nerall of the land aforesayd, that vnto the sayd English plaintifes speedy iudgement and complete iustice may be administred. But if it shall so fall out that any of the principall offenders shall de∣cease, or already are deceased in either of the sayd countries, that then it shall bee free and lawfull for the plaintife to prosecute his right against the goods or heires of the party deceased. Also, for the executing of the premisses the termes vnder written are appointed: namely the first, from the Sunday whereupon Quasi modo geniti is to be sung next ensuing, vntill the seuenth day following: The second vpon the feast o•• the holy Trinitie next to come, and for seuen dayes fol∣lowing: The third vpon the eight day after Saint Iohn Baptist next to come, & for seuen daies following: The fourth, last, and peremptory terme shall be vpon the feast of S. Michael next to come, and vpon seuen dayes next following. And from thenceforth all causes which concerne death, or the mayming of a member, with all actions proceeding from them, are to remaine alto∣gether voide and extinct. And if peraduenture any one of the foresayd ambassadours, shall in the meane season dye, then the other two shall haue authoritie to chuse a third vnto them. And if after the date of these presents any cause great or small doth arise or spring foorth, it must bee decided in England and in Prussia,* 2.2 as it hath beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times.

[unspec 4] * 2.3Also, it is farther concluded and agreed vpon, that all lawfull marchants of England whoso∣euer shall haue free licence and authority, with all kindes of shippes, goods, and marchandi∣ses, to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia, and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia, and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale, as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed. Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England. And if after the date of these presents, betweene the sayd kingdome of England, and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde (which God forefend) should arise: then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England, and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another, concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord: which intimation, on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince & king of England, shall be deliuered in the forenamed ca∣stle of Marienburg: but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall, such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd, vnto the Maior of the said city: that then such a denunciation or intimation being made, the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may, within the space of one yeere next following, freely and safely returne home with al their goods & marchandises: if at the least, in the mean while, some composition, & friendly league betweene the two for••sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded. And that all the pre∣misses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise a••d execution on both partes, for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity: and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses, the three foresayd honourable and religious per∣sonages being by the said right reuerēd lord the Master general appointed as cōmissioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition, haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be

put: and the sayd ordination also, and letter in the same tenour word for word, and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents, they haue mutually receiued frō the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales. Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd, vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August. And we therefore doe accept, approue, ratifie, and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme, the composition, ordination, concorde, and treaty aforesayd. In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents.

Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October, in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne.

By the king and his counsell, Lincolne.

The letters of Conradus de Iungingen, Master generall of Prussia, written vnto Richard the second, king of England, in the yeere 1398, for the renouncing of a league and composition conclu∣ded betweene England and Prussia, in regard of mani∣fold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians.

OUr humble commendations, with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie, premi∣sed. Most renowmed prince and mighty lord, it is not (we hope) out of your Maiesties re∣membrance, how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse, effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances, iniuries and losses, wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises, haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiled∣ges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs. Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme, being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono: perso∣nages, master Nicholas Stocket, Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil, in the yeare 1388, with the as∣sistance of their coarbiters on our part, and contrary to God and all iustice, oppressed with mani∣fold damages, losses, and grieuances: as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors afore∣sayd it doeth more manifestly appeare. In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties, he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters, for com∣plement and execution of iustice. About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor, signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme, and that your highnesse purposed, after consultation had in your par∣liament, to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses, vnto our predecessour afore∣sayd. Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world, and our selues by the pro∣uidence of God succeeding in his roome, and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse, are not yet informed as we looked for: albeit the complaints of iniuries and los∣ses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase. But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come, the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me. Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition, neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire: and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse: as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd, by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande, and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered, & as yet sundrie wayes do suffer ma∣nifold discommodities, losses and iniuries. Wherefore (most soueraigne prince and mighty lord) being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd, we doe, by the aduise of our counsellers, re∣uoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written, together with the effect thereof, purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents: refusing hereafter to haue ei∣ther our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition: but from henceforth, and for the times heretofore also, bee it altogether voide and of none effect.

Prouided notwithstanding, that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono: Maior of your citie of London, for the space of a yeare next ensuing, it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer, with their goods and marchandises to returne home, according to the forme in the foresayd compo••ition expressed: conditionaly tha•• our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart, with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions: this present renun••iation, reuocation, and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd, notwithstanding. Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer, deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command, both our selues, and our whole order are right

willing and desirous: and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vt∣most of our ability.

Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398, and vpon the 22. day of February

.

Frater Conradus de Iungingen, master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem.

A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy, and Iohn Kington concer∣ning their ambassages into Prussia, and the Hans-townes.

* 3.1IN primis, that in the moueth of Iuly, and in the yeare of our Lord 1403, and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is, there came into England the ambassa∣dours of the mighty lord Fr: Conradus de lungingen, being then Master general of Prussia, with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king, requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master gene∣rall, written in 20. articles, which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe &c.

Item, that the third day of the moneth of October, in the yeare of our Lord aboue written, and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king, between the reuerend father in God, Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor, and William lord de Roos high treasurer of Eng∣land, on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party, it was (according to their petition) amongst other things ordayned: namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted, vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia, and from thence with their goods & marchandises to returne vnto their own home: and also, that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue li∣cence and liberty to doe the like. Prouided alwayes, that after the time aboue limitted, neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia, nor the Prussian marchāts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all, vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general.

Item, immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall, for to haue mutuall conuersation and inter∣course of dealing to continue some certain space, betweene the marchants of England and of Prus∣sia: promising in the same letters, that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid: which letters the foresayd Ma∣ster, for diuers causes, refused to yeelde vnto, as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king, bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly, in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth.

Item, that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid, which are next aboue mentio∣ned, our sayd king, according to his promise, sent William Esturmy knight, M. Iohn Kington c••erke, and William Brampton citizen of London, from his court of parliament holden at Co∣uentrie, very slightly informed, as his ambassadours into Prussia.

Item, before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia, all intercourse of traffique be∣tweene the English and the Prussians, in the realme of England, and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited: and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise, that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods, he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods, out of that porte, vnto any other place of the land of Prussia, either by water, or by lande, vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same: but was en∣ioyned to sell them in the very same porte, vnto the Prussians onely and to none other, to the great preiudice of our English marchants.

Item, that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia, it was or∣dayned, that from the eight day of the moneth of October, in the yeare of our lord 1405,* 3.2 all Eng∣lish marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia, and to make sale of them in the said land, as hath hereto∣fore from auncient times bene accustomed. Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established: as in the indentures made for this pur∣pose it doth more manifestly appeare.

Item, the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia, demanded of the ••aid Master generall, a reformation and amends, for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king, written in fifteene articles, which losses a∣mounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles.

Item, the said Master generall, besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king (as it is aboue mentioned) deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine

iniuries offered (as he ••ayth) vniustly by English men, vnto his subiects, which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles.

Item, it was afterward concluded, that vpon the first of May next then insuing, namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406,* 3.3 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuen••ent, iust, and reasonable satisfaction, for all molestatious vniustly of••••red on both partes, as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king, as of the foresayd Master general. Which satisfaction not being performed, the Prussians with their goods & marchandises, within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following, were without molestation or impedi∣ment, enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods, and the Eng∣lish men likewise, out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general, & both of them, without any further admonition, to abstaine & separate themselues, from both the countreis afore∣sayd. For the performance of which premisses, the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed, were appointed to meete the first day of May, at the towne of Dordract in Holland.

Item, that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans, and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them, that there were sent messengers and agents, in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants, vnto the towne of Dordract, to conferre with the am∣bassadors of England, about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts: where diuers a∣greements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors, and messengers, as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare.

Item, that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract, vpon the first of May, was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors, proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing, and af∣terward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following: and there was another day of prorogation also.

Item, that after the prorogations aforesayd, the ambassadors of England, and the messengers & commissioners of Prussia met together at the towne of Hage in Holland, the 28. day of August, in the yere of our lord 1407. And there was a treaty between thē concerning the summe 25934. nobles and an halfe, demanded on the behalfe of the sayd Master generall for amends and recom∣pense in consideration of wrongs offered vnto himselfe and vnto his subiects of Prussia, as is afore∣sayd. Also the sayd Master and his Prussians, besides the summe not yet declared in the articles, which is very small, are to rest contented and satisfied with the summe of 8957. nobles, in lieu of al the damages aforesaid: no times of pa••ment being then assigned or limited, but afterward to be reasonably limited and assigned, by our sayd soueraigne lord the king. Insomuch, that our said so∣ueraigne lord the king is to write his ful intention & determination concerning this matter, in his letters to be deliuered the 16. day of March, vnto the aldermen of the marchants of the Hans re∣siding at Bruges. Otherwise, that from thenceforth all league of friendship shall bee dissolued be∣tweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia.

Also it is farther to be noted, that in the appointment of the summe next before written to be dis∣bursed out of England, this condition was added in writing, namely, that if by lawful testimonies it may sufficiently and effectually be prooued, concerning the chiefe articles aboue written, or any part of them, that satisfaction was made vnto any of those parties, to whom it was due: or that the goods, of and for the which complaint was made on the the behalfe of Prussia, in the sayd arti∣cles, did or doe pertayne vnto others, or that any other iust, true, or reasonable cause may law∣fully be proued & alledged, why the foresaid sums or any of them ought not to be payed: that thē in the summes contained in the articles abouementioned, so much only must be cut off, or stopped, as shalbe found, either to haue bene payd already, or to appertaine vnto others, or by any true, iust, and reasonable cause alleaged, not to be due. Neither is it to be doubted, but for the greater part of the summe due vnto the Prussians, that not our lord the king, but others (which will in time be nominated) are, by all equity and iustice, to be compelled to make satisfaction.

Also, at the day and place aboue mentioned it was appointed and agreed vpon, that our lord the king and his liege subiects, for the said 4535. nobles demanded of the Engli••h in consideration of recompense to be made for iniuries offered vnto the Prussians, are to discharge & pay the summe of 764. nobles, which are not as yet disbursed: but they haue reserued a petition to them, vnto whom the sayd summe is due, or if they please, there shalbe made satisfaction: which will be very hard and extreme dealing.

Item, that in the last assembly of the sayd ambassadors of England and messengers of Prussia, holden at Hage, made as is aforesayd, for the behalfe of England, there were exhibited anew cer∣taine articles of iniuries against the Prussians. The value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 1825. nobles and three shillings.

Item, on the contrary part for the behalfe of the Prussians the summe of 1355. nobles, eight shillings and sixe pence.

Item, forasmuch as diuers articles propounded, as well on the behalfe of England, as of Prus∣sia, and of the cities of the Hans, both heretofore and also at the last conuention holden at Hage, were so obscure, that in regard of their obscurity, there could no resolute answere bee made vnto them: and other of the sayd articles exhibited, for want of sufficient proofes, could not clearely be determined vpon: it was appointed and concluded, that all obscure articles giuen vp by any of the foresayd parties whatsoeuer, ought before the end of Easter then next ensuing, and within one whole yeare after, to be declared before the Chancelour of England, for the time being: and o∣ther articles euidently exhibited, but not sufficiently proued, to be proued, vnder paine of perpetu∣all exclusion. Which being done accordingly, complete iustice shall be administred on both parts.

Item, as concerning the eleuenth article, for the behalfe of the Prussians, first exhibited, which conteined losses amounting vnto the summe of 2445. nobles: as touching the first article on the behalfe of England exhibited in the land of Prussia, conteining losses which amoūted to the summe of 900. nobles: after many things alleadged on both parts, relation thereof shall be made in the audience of the king and of the Master generall: so that they shall set downe, ordaine, and deter∣mine such an ende and conclusion of those matters, as shall seeme most expedient vnto them.

Now concerning the Liuonians who are subiect vnto the great Master of Prussia.

IN primis, that the Master of Prussia demaunded of the sayd English ambassadours, at their be∣ing in Prussia, on the behalfe of them of Liuonia, who are the sayd Master his liege people, to haue restitution of their losses, vniustly (as he sayth) offered vnto them by the English, namely, for the robbing and rifling of three ships.* 3.4 The value of which ships and of the goods contained in them, according to the computation of the Liuonian marchants, doeth amount vnto the summe of 8037. pound, 12. shillings 7. pence.

Howbeit afterward the trueth being inquired by the sayd ambassadors of England, the losse of the Liuonians exceedeth not the summe of 7498. pound, 13. shillings, 10. pence halfepeny far∣thing.

Item, forasmuch as in the sayd ships, on the behalfe of the sayd Master, and of certaine cities of the Hans, there are alleadged aboue 250. men very barbarously to be drowned, of whome some were noble, and others honourable personages, and the rest common marchants & mariners, there was demaunded, in the first dyet or conuention holden at Dordract, a recompense at the handes of the sayd English ambassadors: albeit this complaint was exhibited in the very latter end of al the negotiations, informe of a scedule, the tenor whereof is in writing at this present, & beginneth in maner following: Cum vita hominum &c. Howbeit in the last conuention holden at Hage, as is aforesaid, it was concluded betweene the ambassadours of England, and the messengers and commissioners of the land of Prussia, and of the cities of the Hans; that our sayd soueraigne lord the king, should, of his great pietie, vouchsafe effectually to deuise some conuenient and wholesome remedie for the soules of such persons as were drowned.

Item, that our sayd soueraigne lord the king will signifie in writing his full purpose & intenti∣on as touching this matter, vnto the aldermen of the Hans marchants residing at Bruges, vpon the sixteenth day of March next following. Otherwise, that from hencefoorth all amity and friend∣ship, betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia shall be dissolued.

Neither is it to be doubted, but that a great part of the sayd goods, for the which they of Liuo∣nia doe demaund restitution, namely waxe and furres, redounded vnto the vse and commoditie of our soueraigne lord the king. And also our said soueraigne lord the king gaue commandement by his letters, that some of the sayd goods should be deliuered vnto others. And a great part of them is as yet reserued in the towne of Newcastle. One Benteld also hath the best of the sayd three ships in possession. Also it is reported and thought to be true, that certaine Furriers of London, which will be detected in the end, haue had a great part of the sayd goods, namely of the Furres.

Now as concerning the cities of the Hans.

* 3.5IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles, wherein they demaunded restitution for certaine damages offered, as they sayd, by the English men, the value of which losses amoun∣ted vnto the summe of 9117. nobles, 20. pence. For the which, after due examination, there was promised restitution to the summe of 416. nobles, 5. shillings. Besides the two articles propoun∣ded

against thē of Scardeburg, the summe wherof was 231. pounds, 15. s. 8. d. cōcerning the which there was sentence giuen in England by the cōmissioners of our lord the king, the execution wher∣of was promised vnto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England: leaue and licence being reserued vnto the sayd Hamburgers, of declaring or explaning certaine obscure articles by them exhibited, which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter then next to come, or with∣in one yeare next ensuing the said feast, vnto the chancelor of England for the time being, and of proouing the sayd articles and others also, which haue not as yet sufficiently bene proued. Which being done they are to haue full complement and execution of iustice.

Also by the Hamburgers there are demaunded 445. nobles from certaine of the inhabitants of Linne in England. Which summe, if it shalbe prooued to be due vnto any English men, the Ham∣burgers are to rest contented with those goods, which they haue already in their possessions.

Item, they of Breme propounded ••••xe articles,* 3.6 wherein the summe conteined amounteth vnto 4414. nobles. And there was no satisfaction promised vnto them. But the same libertie and li∣cence was reserued vnto them, in like maner as before vnto the Hamburgers.

Item, they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles,* 3.7 wherof the summe amounted vnto 7415. nobles, 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles. 3. q. Also here is a ca∣ueat to be obserued: that they of Stralessund had of English mens goods a great summe particu∣larly to be declared, which will peraduenture suffice for a recompense. And some of their articles are concerning iniuries offered before 20,22,23,24. yeres past. Also their articles are so obscure that they will neuer, or very hardly be able to declare or proue them. Howbeit there is reserued the very same liberty vnto them, that was before vnto the Hamburgers.

Item, they of Lubec propounded 23. articles,* 3.8 the summe whereof extended vnto 8690. nobles and an halfe: whereupon it was agreed, that they should haue paied vnto them 550. nobles. There was reserued the same libertie vnto them, which was vnto the men of Stralessund.

Item, they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles,* 3.9 the summe whereof amounted vnto 2092. no∣bles, and an halfe. For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half. And the said men of Gripeswold haue of the goods of English men in possession, to the value of 22015. nobles, 18. s, as it is reported by them of Linne. And the same libertie is reserued vnto them that was vnto the Hamburgers.

Item, they of Campen propounded ten articles,* 3.10 the summe whereof extended vnto 1405. no∣bles. There is no satisfaction promised vnto them: but the same liberty is reserued vnto them, which was vnto the other abouementioned.

Item, the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok & Wismer, for damages & iniuries by them committed against the subiects of the foresayd souereigne king 32407. nobles, 2. s. 10. d. And albeit euery of the foresayd cities sent one of their burgomasters vnto the towne of Hage in Holland, to treat with the English ambassadours, it was in the end found out, that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding ought at al. And therfore they made their faith∣full promises, that euery of the said cities should send vnto our soueraigne Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat & conclude with our said souereigne lord the king about the damages and iniuries aforesaid at the feast of the nauitie of Saint Iohn the Baptist.

Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messen∣gers of Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia: and the chancelor and treasurer of the realme of England 1403.

IN the yere of our Lord 1403, vpon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel, the right hono: Hen∣rie bishop of Lincoln, chancelor of England, and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England, & the ambassadors of Prussia, Iohn Godek of Dantzik, & Henry Monek of Elbing, masters of the same cities haue at Westminster treated in maner of composition about the articles vnderwrit∣ten: between the most souereigne lord the king of England, and the right reuerend & honorable Conradus de Iungingen Master general of Prussia, as concerning the iniuries offered vnto the people of Prussia and Liuonia vpon the sea by the English.

First, that all ships with their appurtenances, & the commodities of the mariners, according vn∣to the condition of the things, and all other goods taken away by the English, which are actually vndiuided & whole, are incontinently & with al speed to bee restored. And if there bee any defect in ought, the value of the said defect is to be accounted, & with other losses of goods to be restored, at the terme of the restitution to be made and deliuered.

Item, that all ships, damages, and goods (as they are conteined in our bill of accusation) which are not now immediately restored, are to be restored and payd in the land of Prussia, between this

and the terme appointed, with full execution and complement of iustice.

Item, concerning the persons throwen ouer boord or slaine in the sea: it shall remayne to bee determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England, and of the right reuerend the Master of Prussia.

Item, betwene this and the terme appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away, & vntill there be due payment & restitution of the said goods performed, the marchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffique of marchandise at all in the foresaid lands.

* 3.11Memorandum, that the third day of the moneth of October, in the yere of our Lord 1403. and in the fift yere of the reigne of the most mighty prince and lord, king Henrie the fourth, by the grace of God king of England and France &c. betweene the reuerend father Henrie bishop of Lincol••, chancelor, and the right honorable William lord de Roos, high treasurer of England, both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party, and the right worshipfull Iohn Go∣deke, and Henrie Moneke, sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage, Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party: it was, at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers, appoynted, and mu∣tually agreed vpon, that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing, safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd, there to remaine, and thence, with their ships, marchandises, & other their goods whatsoeuer, to returne vnto their owne home: which on the other side, all the subiects of the sayd Master general may, within the terme prefixed, likewise doe, in the foresaid realme of England. Prouided alwaies, that after the time aboue limited, neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia, nor the marchants of that land, in the realme of England, exer∣cise any traffique at al: vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition, betweene the foresaid king of England, & the said Master general in the meane time concluded. In witnesse wherof, one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers. Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London, the day and yere aboue written.

The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England, vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen, master generall of Prussia 1403.

RIght reuerend and mighty lord, your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke, and Henry Mo∣neke, the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France, and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauou∣rable countenance, they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie, with that reuerence which be seemed them: expounding vnto his highnes, sundry piracies & molestati∣ons offered of late vpon the sea, by his liege people & subiects vnto yours, contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie, which hitherto (by Gods grace) haue bene maintained and continued on both parts. In consideration of which piracies and molestations, your messengers demanded full resti∣tution and recompe••se to be made, either vnto the damnified parties, or vnto their procurators. We therefore at that time, especially being in the presence of our soueraigne (who with his puis∣sant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his domini∣on, to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts, who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne, contrary to their allegeance) right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention, that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him, especial∣ly your subiects, and that with all fauour, whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated, as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men, whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect: insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party, and betweene you and yours on the other party, great abundance and perfection of mu∣tuall amity may increase. And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers, after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs, to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made, firmely inioyning them, vnder grieuous penalties, that with∣out delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified, or vnto their procura∣tours, all ships, marchandises, wares, and goods, by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects. And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire, we haue commaunded certaine ‡ 4.1 ships, marchandises, wares, and goods, found in certaine hauens, to be deliuered vnto them. Howbeit, as touching other goods, which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortu∣nate dissipation or destruction, and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited: may it please your honor to vnderstand,

that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king, being as yet farre distant from vs, wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time. Notwithstanding, at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne, we are determined to commune with him about this matter. Of whose answere so soone as we be certified, we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters. Sithens also (right reuerend and mighty lord) your sayd messengers are contented, for the present, to ac∣cept of our offer aforesayde, as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content, espe∣cially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purpo∣ses (to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer, we will, by Gods helpe, en∣deuour, to the vtmost of our ability) may it be your will and pleasure, that as in the kingdome of England, your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated: euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts, ei∣ther in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion, may there in like manner friendly bee vsed, and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate, and to haue intercourse of traf∣fique, inioying the commodities of the ancient league. By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare: albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia, the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past.* 4.2 And thus (right reuerend and mighty lord) wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity, wee take our leaues.

Written at Lon∣don the fift of October, in the yeare of our lord 1403

.* 4.3

By the chancelor, the treasurer, and other lords of the hono: counsell of the king of England and France, being perso∣nally present at London.

The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iun∣gingen the master general of Prussia, for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia, for a certaine terme of time.

HEnry by the grace of God, king of England & France, and lord of Ireland, to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion, Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master ge∣nerall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie &c. our most deare and welbelo∣ued friend, greeting, and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity. By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique, as it were circular wise too & fro both our dominions, we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages, which as well our as your marchants (who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peacea∣bly to vse mutual conuersation together, whereupon very many commodities are knowen to haue proceeded) haue, by occasion of pirates, rouing vp and downe the sea, sometimes heretofore sustay∣ned: both the sayd marchants of our & of your dominions do abstaine themselues frō their wonted mutual cōuersation & traffique, as they haue likewise carefully abstained at sometimes heretofore, and especially from that time, wherein at the instant request of your messengers, being of late before our presence, the free accesse of our marchants vnto your territories and dominions, & of your mar∣chants vnto our realmes hath bene forbidden. Sithens therefore (our most deare friend) such iniu∣ries (if any) as haue bene attempted against your subiects, were neuer committed by our will and consent, as we thinke that your selfe on the other side haue done the like: sithens also, so much as in vs lieth, wee are ready to exhibit full iustice with fauour vnto any of your people being desirous to make complaint, so that accordingly iustice may equally be done vnto our marchants by you & your subiects, which marchants haue in like sort bene iniuried, wishing with all our heart, that the anci∣ent friendship & loue,* 4.4 which hath continued a long time between our realme and your territories and dominions, may perseuere in time to come, and that sweet and acceptable peace, which is to be embraced of al Christians, may according to the good pleasure of the author of peace, be nourished & mayntained: we do most heartily require the sayd friendship, exhorting you in the Lord that you would on your behalf consent & ordain (euen as, if you shall so do, we for our part wil consent like∣wise) that from this present vntil the feast of Easter next insuing (al molestatiōs & iniuries which may be offred ceasing on both parts) our subiects by your territories & dominions, & your subiects by our realms, may peaceably & securely trauel, & that according to their wonted maner, they may friendly cōuerse & exercise mutual traffick together: because we are determined to send vnto you & your counsel in the mean time some of our ambassadors, friendly to intreat about the foresaid pre∣tēded iniuries, so far forth as they shal cōcerne our subiects. At whose ariual we stand in good hope

that by the due administration of iustice on both parts, such order (by Gods assistance) shalbe taken, that mutual peace and tranquillity may be established between vs in times to come. Also our desire is in particular, that our marchants & liege subiects may haue more free passage granted them vn∣to the parts of Sconia, for the prouiding of herrings and of other fishes there, that they may there remayne, and from thence also may more securely returne vnto their owne home: and we beseech you in consideration of our owne selues, that you would haue our marchants and liege subiects especially recommended vnto you, safely protecting them (if need shall require) vnder the shadow of your defence: euen as you would haue vs to deale in the like case with your own subiects. More∣ouer, whatsoeuer you shall thinke good to put in practise in this behalfe, may it please you of your friendship, by our faythfull subiect Iohn Browne the bearer her••of to giue vs to vnderstand. In the sonne of the glorious virgine fare ye well, with continuall prosperity and felicity according to your owne hearts desire. Giuen vnder our priuie seale, at our palace of Westminster, the fift day of Iune, and in the fift yere of our reigne.

Postscriptum.

RIght reuerend and our most deare friend: albeit our welbeloued Arnold de Dassele the pro∣curator of your foresaid messengers, being desirous at this time to make his final returne vn∣to your parts, by reason of the affayres, for which he hath remained in our realme of England, can∣not as yet obtaine his wished expedition: notwithstanding you of your sincere affection ought not to maruel or any whit to be grieued thereat: because troubles of wars arising, which in some sort concerned our selues, and especially in regard of the continuall assaults of the French men & Bri∣tons against vs and our kingdome, for the offence of whom, and our owne defence, our liege sub∣iects (especially they, of whom your subiects damnified haue made their complaints) haue armed themselues to combate vpon the sea: we could not grant vnto the foresayd Arnold such and so spee∣dy an expedition, as he earnestly desired to haue. Unto the which Arnold your procurator we haue offered in as short time as may be, to administer complete iustice with fauour, to y^e end that for this cause he might dispose himselfe to remaine in our realme of England: & yet notwithstanding wee would do the very same euen in the absence of the sayd procurator. Giuen as aboue.

To the most renowmed prince and mighty Lord, Henrie king of England &c. our gracious Lord.

OUr humble recommendations, with our most instant and continuall prayers for you being graciously by your Maiestie taken in good part &c. Most soueraigne king, mighty prince, gra∣tious lord, and vnto vs most vnfaynedly beloued, we receiued of late your gracious letters by your Maiesties liege subiect Iohn Brown, the contents whereof seemed to be these following: first that of long time heretofore, there haue bene between the marchants of your realm & of our lands, not on∣ly quiet & peaceable accesse one vnto another, but also mutual participation, & common traffique of their wares, being right cōmodious & auaileable for them both: howbeit, that now the foresaid pro∣fitable conuersation, by reason of certain notorious robberies, committed vpon the sea by pyrates against both parts, & the wonted accesse also of your subiects vnto our dominions, were altogether forbidden. Moreouer, you call to remembrance the ancient amity & friendship betweene both our lands, with the inualuable commodity of sweet amiable peace, which are by al faithful Christians, to the vtmost of their endeuour to be imbraced. Wherupon you of your exceeding clemency, do of∣fer your Maiesties ful consent, that the foresaid prohibition being released vntil the feast of Easter next ensuing, the said marchants of your dominions may in our territories, and our marchants likewise may in your realms (al molestations ceasing) exercise their woonted traffique: especially sithens in the mean season your royall wisdome hath determined to direct vnto vs your hono: am∣bassadors in friendly sort to treat and parle with vs as touching the pretended iniuries, so far forth as they may concerne your subiects. Adding moreouer in particular that when your people shall repayre vnto the parts of Sconia to fish for herrings, hauing consideration & regard vnto your ma∣iestie, we would haue them especially recommended vnto our protection &c. Most soueraigne lord & king, & gracious prince, wee doe with vnfained and hearty affection embrace the oracles of your maiesties most courteous & acceptable offer: wherein you haue vsed most diligent & effectuall per∣swasions, that cōplement of iustice should be done vnto the parties iniuried, & that peace & friend∣ship should take place, making no doubt of your own royall person, nor of our selues or of any ap∣pertayning vnto vs, but that our inclinations and desires in this regarde are all one and the same: neither would we lightly transgresse the limits of your perswasions without some iust, weighty, &

reasonable cause, forasmuch as the matters perswaded are in very deede most happy preseruatiues of a common weale, yea & of nature it selfe. Moreouer whereas your highnes hath farther reque∣sted vs, that the prohibition of your subiects accesse vnto our dominions might, vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing, be released: we answere (vnder correction of your maiesties more deliberate counsell) that it is farre more expedient for both parts to haue the sayd prohibition continued then released, vntil such time as satisfaction be performed on both sides vnto the parties endamaged, not in words only, but actually & really in deeds, or by some course of law or friendly composition. For there is no equall nor indifferent kinde of consort or trade between the impouerished party and him that is inriched, betweene the partie which hath obtayned iustice and him that hath obtayned none between the offender and the party offended: because they are not mooued with like affecti∣ons. For the remēbrance of iniuries easily stirreth vp inconsiderate motions of anger. Also, such a kind of temperature or permixtion, as it were, by way of contrariety breedeth more bitternes then sweetnes, more hate then loue: whereupon more grieuous complaints aswel vnto your highnes as vnto our selues, might be occasioned. The lord knoweth, that euen now we are too much wearied and disquieted with the importunate and instant complaints of our subiects, insomuch that wee cannot at this present by any conuenient meanes release or dissolue the sayd prohibition, before wee be sufficiently informed by your maiesties ambassadors, of the satisfaction of our endamaged subiects. Furthermore, whereas your maiesties request, concerning your subiects that shal come vnto the parts of Sconia, is that we would defend them vnder our protection: be it knowen vnto your highnes, that for diuers considerations vs reasonably mouing, being prouoked by the queene of Denmarke and her people,* 4.5 being also vrged thereunto full sore against our wils, for the repel∣ling and auoiding of iniuries, we haue sent forth our armie against them. Howbeit for a certaine time a ••ruce is concluded on both parts, so that our people are actually returned home. Farre be it from vs also, that our subiects being occupied in warres, should in any sort willingly molest or reproch any strangers, of what landes or nations soeuer, not being our professed enemies. For this should be to oppresse the innocent in stead of the guilty, to condemne the iust for the vn∣iust: then which nothing can be more cruel, nor a reuenge of greater impietie. In very deede (most gracious prince and lorde) we are mou••d with right hearty sympathy and compassion for any inconuenience which might happen in your regiment: wishing from the bottome of our hearts, that all affayres may right prosperously and happily succeede, about the royall person and regiment of your most excellent Maiestie; and that continually. The like whereof wee hope from you: most humbly commending our selues, and our whole Order vnto your highnes. Giuen at our castle of Marienburgh, the 16. day the moneth of Iuly, in the yere of our Lord 1404.

An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the land of Prussia.

THis Indentnre made between Sir William Esturmy knight, Iohn King∣ton clerke, and William Brampton citizen of London the ambassadors, com∣missioners, & messengers of the most mighty prince and lord, our souereigne lord Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France, and lorde of Ireland, for the repayring, reforma••ion, and am••nds of whatsoeuer damages, grieuances, excesses, violences, and iniuries in any sort vniustly attempted, done, or offered, by our sayd soueraigne lord the king and his liege people and subiects, vnto the great and mighty lord Conradus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospitall of Ierusalem, or his subiects: and for the requiring, de∣manding, and receiuing of such like reparations, reformations & amends, by the foresayd lord the Master generall, for the behalfe of himselfe or any of his subiects whatsoeuer, from & in the name of our soueraign lord the king & his subiects, vnto the sayd Master general, into his land of Prussia, by our souereigne lord the king, & appointed as ambassadors on the one party: And betweene the hono: Lords and religious personages Conradus de Lichtenstein great commander, Warnherus de Tet••ingen chiefe hospitalary & commāder in Elbing, & Arnold de Hacken treasurer, the pro∣curators & commissioners of the great & mighty lord the Master general, being in like & equal sort and in all respects, as the ambassadours of England are, authorized on the contrary side by the au∣thoritie and power of the sayd Master general on the other part, witnesseth: That diuers treaties & conferences being holden between the said ambassadors, messengers, & procurators or cōmissio∣ners of & concerning the reparations, reformations & amends of certaine damages, grieuances, excesses, violences & iniuries offered and attempted, aswel by the Prussians against the English

as by the English against the Prussians, and of other actes vniustly committed on both parts: in conclusion, after the sayd treatise, the foresayd ambassadours, procurators and commissioners by vertue of the authority committed vnto them appoynted, and with one consent agreed vnto the ar∣ticles vnder written.

Inprimis, that for the consideration of mutuall loue and woonted friendship, and of peace and tranquillity hereafter to be continued and maintained, and also that the articles vnderwritten may more prosperously be brought vnto a wished effect, between our said soueraign lord the king & his liege people & subiects, & the subiects, people, & inhabitants of the territories and dominions of the foresayd lord the Master generall, it is agreed and concluded, that all liege marchants of Eng∣land whatsoeuer, shall haue free licence and libertie to arriue with their shippes, goods and mar∣chandises whatsoeuer, at any Porte of the land of Prussia, and also the sayd goods and marchan∣dises farther vnto any place of the sayd land of Prussia to transport, and there with any person or persons freely to contract and bargaine, euen as heretofore, and from auncient times it hath bene accustomed. Which liberty in all respects is granted vnto the Prussians in England.

Item it is farther agreed betweene the sayd ambassadours, procurators, and commissioners, that whereas of late, namely in the yeare of our lord 1403,* 4.6 the sayd Master general by his discreet subiects Iohn Godek of Dantzik, and Henry Monek of Elbing, his ambassadors & messengers, for this purpose hath caused certain articles, (namely 20, in number) containing in them matters of damages, molestations, violences, and iniuries committed and offered against the said Master generall & his subiects, by our sayd soueraigne lord the king his subiects & liege people, to be ex∣hibited, giuen vp and deliuered vnto our lord the king aforesaid in his kingdome of England: it is concluded and agreed about the sayd 20. articles, by the aforesaid ambassadors, commissioners, and procurators, as in the acts & pleas had and made before the sayd ambassadors, commissioners and procurators, and in the records made and written of and about the examination of such articles, it is more at large contayned (vnto the which the sayd ambassadors, commissioners, and messen∣gers doe here in this place referre themselues) of the which articles also some are receiued by the commissioners aforesayd, and others are proroged vnto a certaine time vnder written, euen as in the foresayd registers it is more fully contayned and put downe in writing.

As touching certaine other articles also exhibited a newe vnto the sayd English ambassadors, in the land of Prussia being 16 in number (whereof one is admitted, & the rest are proroged vntil a terme vnderwritten) the same course is to be taken and obserued, which was before appoynted and agreed vpon, about the articles deliuered and exhibited vnto our foresayd souraigne lorde the king, as is aforesayd.

Moreouer, as touching the articles exhibited by the English ambassadours in the name and be∣halfe of their sayd soueraigne lord the king of England, vnto the procuratours and commissioners of the foresayd lord the Master generall (of the which some are declared already, and the declara∣tion of the rest is proroged vntill a certayne terme vndernamed, euen as in the registers made of and vpon the examination of the sayd articles, it is more manifestly prouided) the same course is to be taken, which must be obserued about the articles of the sayd lord the Master generall, ex∣hibited, as well vnto the foresayd soueraigne prince in England, as vnto his ambassadors in the land of Prussia, euen as about the sayd articles it is before concluded.

* 4.7And whereas on the behalfe of the citizens and marchants of the cities of Rij and Dorp, and of other townes in the land of Liuonia, many and great complaints haue bene•• by way of arti∣cles exhibited and deliuered vnto the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia, which for diuers causes, could not as then be ended: therefore it is concluded and agreed vpon be∣tweene the ambassadours, and the commissioners aforesayd, that the saide citizens and mar∣chants may in the towne of Dord••act in Holland, vpon the first day of the moneth of May next ensuing (at the which time and place, the continuation and prorogation of all other articles not fully declared in the partes of Prussia, shall be put in vre) by themselues or their lawfull pro∣curators, make their appearance, for the obtayning of a conuenient, iust, and reasonable refor∣mation of all iniuries attempted against them, then, or at some other times within one whole yere next following, and not afterward, being effectually set downe and limited, at the place aforesaid, by the consent of the ambassadours and commissioners of either parte, all lawfull impediments ceasing.

Prouided alwayes, that the value and price of all wares, goods, and marchandises, whereof the said citizens and marchants of Liuonia, in their articles receiued by the sayde English am∣bassadours, as is aforesayd, doe make mention, shall be iustly esteemed, prized, and approoued, not by any of England, or of Prussia, or of Liuonia, but by some other indifferent marchants of good credite, valuing them at the true rate of marchants, which such like marchandise would

haue amounted vnto, if, at the time when they were taken, they had bene to be solde at the town of Bruges in Flanders.

Forasmuch also, as diuers and sundry Prussians (who exhibited manifolde Articles of com∣plaints, being receiued by the said English Ambassadours, at their abode in Prussia) made not their personall appearance, before the saide English Ambassadours, in the lande of Prussia afore∣saide: The prorogation aboue-mentioned was made vnto the first day of the moneth of May: and also it was agreed vpon vy the saide Ambassadours, Procurators, and Commissioners, that the saide parties which had not appeared before shall haue libertie graunted them, lawfully to make their appearance, vpon the first of May aforesaide, at the towne of Dordract, either by them∣selues or by their Procurators, and also to bring with them the letters testimonial, and patents, sealed with the seale of the saide Lord the Master generall, (he hauing first of all receiued sound and sufficient information from the cities whereof the parties plaintife are citizens, of the dama∣ges and grieuances any way vniustly inflicted vpon them or any of them by the English) to the end that they may there by articles conueniently declare and proue, before the Ambassadours, Pro∣curators, messengers, and Commissioners of both partes, the rate and value of their saide goods: and that in so doing they may obtaine conuenient, iust, and reasonable restitution, for all acts vn∣iustly attempted against them, then, or at some other times effectually to bee set downe and limi∣ted at the foresaid place by the consent of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts, euen as it was aboue promised vnto the marchants of Liuonia.

But if they of Prussia last aboue-mentioned, shall not vpon the first of May, and at the place appointed, for some cause, make their appearance, that then it shalbe lawfull for them at anytime within one whole yeere next following, to repaire vnto the lord Chancelor of England, at the ci∣tie of London, and to insinuate and declare vnto him their complaints before exhibited vnto the saide English Ambassadours in the land of Prussia, or which complaints should haue bene deli∣uered at the foresaid terme and place, or els, the which were not then and there fully finished and dispatched: and also by articles as is aforesaide, to declare and proue the true worth and estima∣tion of all damages and grieuances any wayes vniustly offered by the English vnto them or any of them: to the ende that they may (as it is aboue mentioned) effectually receiue, and also spee∣dily and easily obtaine conuenient, iust, and reasonable reformation and satisfaction, for al acts vniustly attempted against them, which are contained in the complaints not as yet fully declared and finished.

Moreouer, it is appointed and agreed vpon betweene the foresaide Ambassadours and Com∣missioners: that the forenamed souereign Lord & the said lord the Master general are to send and set forward their Ambassadours, messengers, and Commissioners, vpon the first of May vnto the place appointed, to treate, parle, agree, and conclude about those affaires, which shal then and there happen to be treated of and handled among them.

Furthermore, betweene the often mentioned Ambassadours, Procurators, and Commissi∣oners, it is enacted and concluded: that vnto all and singular lawfull statutes, ordinations, and prohibitions framed, made, and ordained, by the saide lorde the Master generall,* 4.8 in his land of Prussia, or by his Proconsuls and Consuls, and his gouernours of cities, townes, villages, and of other places in the land of Prussia, vnto the obseruation whereof, aswell the subiectes of the said Master general, as foreners and strangers, are tyed and bound: vnto the very same statutes, ordinations, and prohibitions, al English marchants whatsoeuer resorting vnto the land of Prus∣sia, must be firmely bounden and subiect.

Also it is ordained, that whatsoeuer sale-clothes are already transported, or at any time here∣after to bee transported out of England into Prussia by the English marchants, and shall there be offered to bee solde, whether they be whole cloathes or halfe cloathes, they must containe both their endes.

Lastly, that the matters aboue-mentioned fall not short and voyde of their wished effect; the treaty and conference about all and singular damages and grieuances (whereof there is not as yet done, but there must be, by the vertue of these presents, performed, a reformation and a∣mendment) must be continued and proroged vntill the first of May next ensuing: as by these pre∣sents they are continued and proroged with the continuation of the dayes then immediately fol∣lowing, at the towne of Dordract aforesaide: at the which time and place, or at other times and places, in the meane space, as occasion shall serue, by both parties to be limited and assigned, or else within oue yeere after the said first day of the moneth of May next ensuing bee expired: the hurt and damaged parties generally before-mentioned, shall haue performed vuto them a conue∣nient, iust, and reasonable reformation on both partes. Prouided alwayes, if within the terme of the saide yeere, some conuenient, iust, and reasonable reformation bee not performed vnto the

parties iniuried, and endamaged, which are generally aboue mentioned: that then, within three whole moneths after the foresaid yere shall expired, the Prussians shall depart out of the realmes and dominions of the saide Soueraigne Lorde the king of England, together with their mar∣chandize, and with other goods which they shal haue gotten or bought, within the space of the fore∣saide three moneths: and that the English men also are likewise in all respects bounden to auoid and (no lawfull impediment hindering them) to withdrawe themselues and to depart out of the territories and dominions of the saide Master generall, without all molestation•• perturbati∣on, and impediment whatsoeuer, none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this regard.

Howbeit least that by the robberies and piracies of some insolent and peruerse people, matter should be ministred vnto the said lord the Master generall, of swaruing from the faithfull obser∣uation of the foresaide agreements, or (which God forbid) any occasion bee giuen him of not ob∣seruing them: it is also decreed by the often aboue mentioned Ambassadours and messengers, that if the goods and marchandize of any of the saide lorde Master generall his subiectes what∣soeuer shall be from hencefoorth vniustly taken vpon the Sea, by any English Pirates, and shal∣be caried into the realme of England, and there receiued, that the Gouernours and keepers of portes, and of other places (with whatsoeuer names they be called) at the which portes and places such marchandises and goods shall chaunce to arriue, beeing onely informed of the saide goods and marchandises, by sole report, or (other proofes wanting) by probable suspition are bound to arrest and to keep them in safe custodie, fauourably to be restored vnto the owners ther∣of, whensoeuer they shall be lawfully demaunded: which if they shall omit or deny to performe, from thenceforth the saide gouernours and keepers are bound to make vnto the parties endama∣ged, a recompease of their losses.

And for fault of iustice to be executed, by the said gouernours and keepers, our soueraign lord the king aboue named, after he shall conueniently be requested by the parties damnified, is bound within three moneths next ensuing (all lawfull impediments being excepted) to make correspon∣dent, iust, and reasonable satisfaction, vnto the saide parties endamaged. Otherwise, that it shal be right lawfull for the saide lorde the Master generall, to arrest, and after the arrest to keepe in safe custodie the goods of the English marchants being in the land of Prussia, to the condigne sa∣tisfaction of such iniuries, as haue bene offered vnto his subiects, vntill his said subiects be iustly and reasonably contented.

Likewise also in all respects, the same iustice is to be done vnto the English by the said Lord the Master generall and his subiects in Prussia, euen as it hath bene enacted and decreed in the a∣boue written clause, beginning, Caeterum ne per &c. In English. Howbeit least that &c. for the said Master general, and his subiects by the foresaide ambassadors of England, and the commissi∣oners of the said lord the Master generall, that in like cases iustice ought to be administred on the behalfe of himselfe, and of his subiects in the realme of England.

And that all and singular the couenants aboue written, may in time to come, by the parties whom they concerne, firmly and inuiolably be obserued; the forenamed ambassadors, messengers, and commissioners, all and euery of them, for the full credite, probation, and testimonie of all the premisses, haue vnto these present Indentures, made for the same purpose, caused euerie one of their seales with their owne hands to be put. One part of the which indentures remaineth in the custodie of the English ambassadors, and the other part in the hands of the commissioners of Prus∣sia. Giuen at the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia, in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. vpon the 8. day of the moneth of October.

An agreement made betweene King Henrie the fourth and the common societie of the Marchants of the Hans.

THis Indenture made betweene the honourable Sir William Esturmy knight, and Iohn Kington clearke, procurators, messengers, and commissioners sufficiently deputed and au∣thorized by the most mighty Prince, Lord Henry, by the grace of God king of England, & France, and lord of Ireland, for the performation of y^e things vnder written, on the one part: & the hon. per∣sonages M. Henry Vredeland, M. Riman Salum chief notaries, Thederic Knesuolt secretary, M. Simō Clouesten chief notary, and Iohn Zotebotter citizen, being sufficiently made and ordained procurators and messengers, on the behalfe of the cities of Lubec, Bremen, Hamburg, Sund, and Gripeswold, for the demanding & obtaining seuerally, of due reformation, and recompense at the hands of our saide souereigne lord the king, and of his messengers and commissioners aforesayde,

for all iniuries, damages, grieuances, and manslaughters, any wayes vniustly done, and offred seuerally by the liege people and subiects of our soueraigne lord the king, vnto the common so∣cietie of the marchants of the Hans, and vnto any of the Citizens, people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide whatsoeuer on the other part, Witnesseth: That betweene all and euery of the saide Procurators, messengers, and Commissioners, by vertue of the authoritie committed vnto them, it hath bene and is appointed, concluded, and decreed: that the liege marchants and subiects of our said soueraigne lord the king, and the marchants of the common societie of the Dutch Hans aforesaide, from hencefoorth for one whole yeere and seuen moneths immedi∣ately next ensuing and following, shalbe permitted and licenced friendly, freely, and securely, to exercise mutual traffike, and like marchants to buy & sell together, one of, and vnto another, euen as in times past, namely, in the yeere 1400.* 4.9 and before that time also, they haue bin accu∣stomed to exercise mutuall traffike and marchandise•• and to buy and sell.

Also the saide William and Iohn agreed and consented, that they themselues, or some other perhaps to be appointed in this behalfe by their saide lord the king in their stead, shall vpon the first day of the moneth of May next to come, with the continuation of the dayes following, at the towne of Dordract in Holland, or vpon any other terme or termes, then perhaps to bee limited, competently satisfie, and performe conuenient recompence vnto the saide common societie, ci∣tizens, people, and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide, and also of other cities, townes, and villa∣ges of the•• Hans, of and for all iniuries, damages, grieuances, and drownings, or manslaughters done and committed, as they alleage, against them, deliuered and exhibited in written articles, vn∣to the aboue named William and Iohn, or els heereafter to bee deliuered and exhibited, either by the same procurators or by some others, which shall perhaps be authorized in their stead, or by the messengers procurators and commissioners of other cities, townes, and places of the Hans, in equall and like maner and forme, euen as at the saide terme limited, or then perhaps to be proro∣ged, there is appointed by the said William and Iohn, reparation, reformation, and recompence vnto the inhabitants of Prussia, and Liuonia, for the iniuries, damages, and grieuances uniustly done and committed against them by the liege people and subiects of the saide soueraigne lord the king, in the presence of the mightie lord the Master general of Prussia, in his land of Prussia, as in certain letters indented, bearing date in the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia the eight day of the moneth of October, in the yeere of our lord 1405. and being made and written about the reparati∣on, reformation, and recompence of such like iniuries &c. (the tenour whereof ought here to be vn∣derstood as if it were inserted) it is more manifestly contained.

It was furthermore promised by the said William and Iohn, that they should not inforce nor compell the citizens, people, or inhabitants of the common society of the Hans, or of the aboue na∣med cities, or of any other cities of the Hans aforesaid (hauing receiued sufficient information of their dwelling and place of abode) to more difficult or district proofes of their Articles of complaints alreadie exhibited, and in the foresaide termes to come, to bee exhibited, then vn∣to the inhabitants of the lands of Prussia and Liuonia, according to the forme of the Indentures aboue mentioned.

Moreouer the saide William and Iohn doe promise, that so soone as they shall come into the kingdome of England, and before the presence of their king, they shall prouide, that all and sin∣gular the priuiledges graunted vnto the marchants of the saide Hans by the renowmed kings of England, and confirmed by the said Soueraigne lord the king that now is, must, according to al their contents, be inuiolably obserued by the said soueraigne king and his subiects: and also, that from henceforth nothing is vniustly to be attempted, vpon any occasion, pretense, or colour, by the saide Soueraigne Prince, and the inhabitants of the realme of England, to the preiudice of the sayde priuiledges. They shall prouide also, that all things heretofore attempted and prac∣tised against the saide priuiledges, shall, by reasonable amendement and iust reformation, vtterly be abolished.

But if after the date of these presents (which God forfend) within the space of the said one yere and seuen moneths prescribed any damages, iniuries or grieuances, in ships, goods, or persons, should, either by the English and the inhabitants of England be vniustly inflicted vpon the cities, and marchants of the cities, townes, and places of the Hans aforesaid, or by any marchants or o∣thers of the cities or townes of the saide Hans, either vnto the English, or vnto any of the inhabi∣tants of that Realme, vpon any fained pretense whatsoeuer, all and singular the foresaide messen∣gers, commissioners, ambassadours, and procurators haue promised, that all such damages, in∣iuries and molestations so inflicted by them who shall offer and commit them, must bee reformed and amended, after the very same forme and manner, that in the like case reformation, reparati∣on and amends of iniuries, damages, and molestations committed by the English against them of

Prussia is to be performed, according vnto a certaine clause contained in the letters aboue mentio∣ned, which beginneth: Ceterum ne per &c. In English: Howbeit least that &c. continuing vn∣to that clause: Et vt praescripta omnia &c. In English: And that all the couenants aboue writ∣ten &c.

It was also concluded betweene the foresaide messengers, commissioners, and procurators, and with one generall consent agreed vpon, that if from the first day of the moneth of May next to come, within one whole yeere following, some conuenient, iust, and reasonable reformation be not performed vnto the parties iniuried and damnified generally aboue mentioned, in regard of their damages, molestations, and iniuries: then, within three moneths after the saide yeere bee expired, the marchants of the Hans cities aforesaid are bound, without any molestation, pertur∣bation, and impediment whatsoeuer (none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this behalfe) to auoyde (and if no lawfull impediment shall hinder them) to abstaine and depart from the Realmes and dominions of the said Soueraigne king of England, with their marchan∣dize and other goods bought or gotten within the space of the saide three moneths: and also the English likewise in all respects shall auoide, abstaine, and depart from the territories and domi∣nions of the Hans cities aforesaide.

Also it was promised by the saide William and Iohn, that at the terme appointed, namely vp∣on the first of May next following, or at some other terme or termes then limited or to bee limi∣ted, there must be made a due recompense, and a proportionall satisfaction, for all those persons of the land of Prussia, Liuonia, and of the cities, townes, and other places of the Hans, who haue vniustly bene drowned, and slaine by the English: and that according to the tenour of a certain schedule written concerning a recompense to be had in regarde of the saide persons drowned and slaine, and presented vnto them by Albertus Rode consul of the citie of Thoren, and by the fore∣named procurators and messengers of the cities aforesaid, they must faithfully and effectually, to the vt••ost of their abilitie indeuour, for the obtaining of the saide recompense and amends. In witnesse whereof (these letters of Indenture remaining in the possession of the saide William and Iohn the messengers, procurators, & commissioners of England aforesaid, and left in their custo∣die, by the aboue named procurators and messengers Henrie Rimarus, Thedericus, Simon, and Iohn Sotebotter, of their certaine knowledge and assurance) and for the full confirmation and te∣stimonie of al the premisses, the foresaid procurators and messengers haue put to their seales. Gi∣uen in the towne of Dordract the 15. day of December in the yere of our Lord 1405.

William Esturmy knight, and Iohn Kington canon of Lincolne (being in this behalfe suffici∣ently authorized and deputed as Ambassadours, procurators, messengers and commissioners, by our said soueraigne lord the king, namely in regard of the molestations, iniuries and damages vn∣iustly done and committed against the liege people and subiectes of the foresaide most excellent Prince and lord, Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England & France, and Lord of Ire∣land, by the commumalties of the cities of Wismer and Rostok vnderwritten, their common coū∣sel being assembled for the same purpose, & authorized also, and as well closely as expresly main∣tained and ratified, by the whole companie of the common society of the marchants of the Dutch Hans) doe, in this present diet at the towne of Hage situate in the countrey of Holland, being ap∣pointed for the very same occasion, demaund of you Syr Iohn de Aa knight, and Hermannus Meyer deputies for the cities of Wismer and Rostok, and sufficiently ordeined by authority re∣quisite in this behalfe, to be the procurators and messengers of the said cities, that conuenient, iust, and reasonable satisfaction and recompense may certainely and effectually be done vnto the iniuried and endamaged parties, who are specified in the articles vnder written.

* 4.10Imprimis, that about the feast of Easter, in the yeere of our Lord 1394. Henry van Pomeren, Godekin Michael, Clays Sheld, Hans Howfoote, Peter Hawfoote, Clays Boniface, Rainbek, and many others, with them of Wismer and of Rostok, being of the societie of the Hans, tooke, by maine force, a ship of Newcastle vpon Tine, called Godezere sailing vpon the Sea towards Prussia,* 4.11 being of the burthen of two hundred tunnes, and belonging vnto Roger de Thorneton, Robert Gabiford, Iohn Paulin, and Thomas de Chester: which ship, together with the furn••ture thereof amounteth vnto the value of foure hundred pounds: also the woollen cloth, the red wine, the golde, and the summes of money contained in the said ship amounted vnto the value of 200. marks of English money: moreouer they vniustly slew Iohn Patanson and Iohn Russell in the surprising of the shippe and goods aforesaide, and there they imprisoned the sayde parties ta∣ken, and, to their vtter vndoing, detayned them in prison for the space of three whole yeeres.

* 4.12Item, that in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine persons of Wismer and Rostok, with o∣thers of the Hans their confederates robbed one Richard Horuse of Hull of diuers goods

any•• marchandizes in a ship called the Shipper Berline of Prussia, beeing then valued at 160. nobles.

Item, that in the yeere of our Lorde 1395. Hans van Wethemonkule, Clays Scheld,* 4.13 Godekin Mighel, and one called Strotbeker, by force of armes, and by the assistance of the men of Wismer and Rostok, and others of the Hans, did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway, wickedly, and vniustly take from Iohn Tutteburie, fiue pieces of ware, foure hundred of werke, and halfe a last of osmundes, and other goods, to the value of foure hundred seuentie sixe no∣bles.

Item, in the yeere of our Lorde 1396. one Iohn van Derlowe, Hans van Gelder,* 4.14 and other their complices of the Hans villainously and vniustly tooke a shippe of William Ter∣ry of Hul called the Cogge, with thirtie wollen broad clothes, and a thousand narrow clothes, to the value of 200. pounds.

Item, in the yeere of our Lorde 1398. one Iohn van Derlowe, Wilmer, Hans van Gel∣der,* 4.15 Clays Scheld, Euerade Pilgrimson, and diuers others of the Hans, did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway villainously and vniustly take a shippe of Iohn Wisedome of Hull called the Trinitie, with diuers goods and marchandizes, namely oyle, waxe, and werke, to the value of 300. pounds.

Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1399. one Clays Scheld, and others aboue written of Wismer and Rostok,* 4.16 with certaine others of the Hans, their confederates, wickedly and vniustly took from one William Pound mar••hant of Hull, two cakes of waxe, to the value of 18. poundes, out of the ship called the Hawkin Derlin of Dantzik.

Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1394. one Goddekin Mighel, Clays Scheld, Storbiker,* 4.17 and di∣uers others of Wismer and Rostok, and of the Hans, wickedly and vniustly tooke out of a ship of Elbing (the master whereof was called Henry Puys) of the goods and marchandizes of Henrie Wyman, Iohn Topeliffe, aud Henry Lakenswither of Yorke, namely in werke, waxe, osmunds, and bowstaues, to the value of 1060. nobles.

Item, in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok,* 4.18 with o∣thers of the Hans, their confederats, wickedly vniustly took out of a ship of Holland (the ma∣ster whereof was called Hinkensman) 140. woollen clothes (the price of one of the which clothes was eight nobles) from Thomas Thester of Yorke, and a chest, with armour, siluer and golde of the foresaid Thomas, to the value of 9. pounds.

Item, in the yere of our Lord 1393. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok,* 4.19 and others their complices of the Hans, wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Abel of London woollen cloth, greene cloth, meale and fishes, to the value of 133. li.6.s.

Item, in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. about the feast of S. Michael,* 4.20 one Nicholas Femeer of Wismer marchant of the Hans, with the assistance of other his complices of the Hans aforesaide, wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Morley citizen of London fiue lasts of herrings, besides 32. pounds, in the sea called Northsound.

Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the moneth of September, one Godekin Wisle,* 4.21 and Gerard Sleyre of Wismer and Rostok, with others of the Hans, their confederats wickedly and vniustly took out of a ship of Prussia (wherof the master was named Rorebek) from Iohn Se∣burgh marchant of Colchester two packs of woollen cloth, to the value of an 100. markes: from Stephan Flispe, and Iohn Plumer marchants of the same town two packs of woollen cloth, to the value of 60. pounds: from Robert Wight marchant of the same towne, two packes of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. marks: from William Munde marchant of the same town, two far∣dels of woollen cloth, worth 40.li. & from Iohn Dawe, and Thomas Cornwaile marchants of the same towne, three packs of woollen cloth, worth 200. marks. Moreouer they tooke and im∣prisoned certaine English men, which were in the said ship, namely William Fubborne seruant vnto Iohn Diere, Thomas Mersh seruant vnto Robert Wight, which Thomas paid for this ran∣some 20. nobles of English money, William Munde marchant of the towne aforesaide, which William, by reason of the extremity of that imprisonment, lost the sight of his eyes, and Thomas Cornwaile, marchant of the foresaide Towne, which Thomas paide for his raunsome twentie nobles.

Item, in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok,* 4.22 vp∣on the coastes of Denmarke and Norway, beneath Scawe, and at Anold, tooke Thomas A∣dams and Iohn Walters marchants of Yermouth: and Robert Caumbrigge and Reginald Le∣man marchants of Norwich,* 4.23 in a certaine shippe of Elbing in Prussia (whereof one Clays Goldesmith was master) with diuers woollen clothes of the saide Thomas, Iohn, Robert, and Reginald, to the value of one thousande marks English, and carried the persons and

goods aforesaide, away with them: and the said Thomas, Iohn, Robert, and Reginald they im∣prisoned at Courtbuttressow, and there detained them, vntill they paide an hundred markes for their redemption.

* 4.24Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1401. some of the inhabitants of Wismer and of Rostok wickedly tooke at Longsound in Norway,* 4.25 a certaine shippe of West-Stowe in Zeland (the Master whereof was one Gerard Dedissen) laden with diuerse goods and marchandises of Iohn Hughson of Yermouth, namely with the hides of oxen and of sheepe, with butter, masts, sparres, boordes, questingstones and wilde werke, to the value of an hundred marks, and do as yet detaine the said things in their possession, some of the Hans being their assistants in the pro∣misses.

* 4.26Item, in the yeere of our Lorde 1402. certaine of the Hans, of Rostok, and of Wismer, tooke vpon the coast of England, neere vnto Plimmouth a certaine barge called the Michael of Yar∣mouth (whereof Hugh ap Fen was the owner, and Robert Rigweys the master) laden with bay salt, to the quantitie of 130. wayes, and with a thousand canuasse clothes Britaine, and doe as yet detaine the saide goods in their possession, the said Hugh being endamaged, by the losse of his ship, and of his goods aforesaid 800. nobles and the foresaid Master and the mariners loosing, in regard of their wages, canuas, and armour, 200. nobles.

* 4.27Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1405. certaine malefactors of Wismer wickedly and vniustly tooke, in a certaine port of Norway called Selaw, a ship of Yarmouth (the owner whereof was William Oxney and the master Thomas Smith) laden with salt, cloth, and salmon, to the value of 40. pound, and doe as yet detaine the said ship and goods in their possession, some of the Hans their confederates ayding and assisting them at the same time.

Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1395. one Godekin Mighel, Clays Scheld, Stertebeker, and o∣ther their accomplices of the Hans tooke vpon the sea a certain ship of one Iohn Dulwer of Cley,* 4.28 called the Friday (whereof Laurence Tuk of Cley was master) and conueighed the said ship vnto Maustrond in Norway, and the saide Master and mariners they robbed of diuers commodities, namely of artillery, furniture, and salt fishes being in the same ship, to the value of 500. nobles.

* 4.29Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1395. Godekin Mighel, Clays Scheld, Stertebeker, and other their accomplices of the Hans, vnlawfully tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of one William Bets of Cley called the Margaret (wherein Robert Robines was master) and conueyed the ship it self vnto Mawstrond in Norway, and there robbed the master and his partners of diuers commodi∣ties, namely of artillerie, furniture, and salt fishes, to the value of 400. nobles, and one of the said masters mates they maliciously drowned.

* 4.30Item, in the yere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist, the fore∣named Godekin and Stertebeker, with others their accomplices of the Hans, vnlawfully took vp∣on the sea a certain ship of Nicholas Steyhard and Iohn Letis of Cley called the Nicholas, (wher∣of Iohn Prest was master) and conueyed the said ship vnto Mawstrond, and there robbed the said master and his companie of diuers commodities, namely of furniture and salt fishes, being in the said ship, to the value of 320. nobles.

* 4.31Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast aforesaid, the said Godekins and Sterte∣beker, & their companions of the Hans vniustly took vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Peirs of Cley called the Isabel (whereof William Noie was master) and conueyed it vnto Mawstrond, and there robbed the said master and his company of diuers commodities, as namely of furniture, and salt fishes, being in the said ship, to the value of 406. nobles.

* 4.32Item, in the yeere next aboue mentioned, vpon the Saterday, about the foresaid feast, the fore∣named Godekins and Stertebeker, and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpō the sea, a certain ship of one Thomas Lyderpole of Cley, called the Helena, wherein Robert Al∣wey was master, & also wickedly and vniustly drowned in the bottom of the sea diuers commo∣dities, as namely salt fishes, together with the ship itselfe.

* 4.33Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the feast of S. Michael the archangel, the foresaid Godekin & Stertebeker, with other their cōfederats of the Hans, took at Langsound in Norway a certain crayer of one Thomas Motte of Cley, called the Peter, (wherein Thomas Smith was master) & the foresaid crayer they wickedly and vniustly caried away, being worth 280. nobles.

* 4.34Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist, the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker, and others of the Hans vniustly tooke a certain ship of Si∣mon Durham, called the Dogger-ship, and the Peter of Wiueton, laden with salt fishes (whereof Iohn Austen was master) vpon the coast of Denmarke. And they caried away the saide Dogger, with the furniture thereof, and the foresaid salt fishes, to the value of 170. pound. Moreouer, the master, and 25•• mariners in the same ship they maliciously slewe, and a certaine ladde of the saide

Dogger they caried with t••em vnto Wismer.

Item, in the foresaid yeere, and about the feast aforesaid, the forenamed Godekins and Ster∣tebeker,* 4.35 with other their complices, vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Lyder∣pole, and Iohn Coote of Wiueton: and the master and mariners which were in the saide shippe, they villanously slue, among whom they put to death one Simon Andrew, the godsonne, nephew, and seruant of the foresaid Simon Durham. Which ship, with the goods and furniture that were therein was worth 410. nobles.

Item, in the very same yeere, about the feast aforesaid,* 4.36 the forenamed Godekins and Stertebe∣ker & other their complices wickedly spoiled a certaine ship of the foresaid Simon Durham called the Dogger, wherein Geruase Cat was master, lying at an anker, while the companie were oc∣cupied about fishing, and likewise vniustly tooke away with them the salt fishes, and furniture of the said ship. Moreouer, the master and his company that were in the said Dogger they beate and wounded, so that they vtterly lost their fishing for that yeere, the master and his said companie be∣ing endamaged thereby, to the summe of 200. nobles.

Item, in the yere of our Lord 1396. the foresaid Godekins and Stertebeker,* 4.37 and other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certain crayer, called the Buss of Zeland, which one Iohn Ligate marchant, and seruant vnto the forenamed Simon Durham had laden in Prussia, on the behalfe of the said Simon, to saile for England, and spoiled the said craier, and also tooke and caried away with them the goods and marchandises of the said Simon, being in the foresaid ship, to the value of 66. pounds.

Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1397. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok,* 4.38 with cer∣taine others of the Hans, tooke a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zeland, called the Bussship, which A∣lan Barret the seruant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with mastes, sparres, and other marchandize, for the behalfe of the said Simon, and vniustly tooke from thence the goods of the said Simon, to the value of 24. pounds, and caried the same away.

Item, in the yeere of our Lord 1394.* 4.39 certaine malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans vniustly tooke vpon the sea, and caried away with them a packe of woollen cloth of the foresaid Si∣mon, worth 42. pounds, out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bound for Dantzik in Prussia.

Item, pitifully complaining the marchants of Lenne doe auouch,* 4.40 verifie, & affirme, that about the feast of S. George the martyr, in the yeere of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer & Rostok, and others of the Hans, with a great multitude of ships, arriued at the towne of Norbern in Norway, and tooke the said town by strong assault, and also wickedly and vniustly took al the marchants of Lenne there residing with their goods & cattels, and burnt their houses and mansions in the same place, and put their persons vnto great ransoms: euen as by the letters of safeconduct deliuered vnto the said marchants it may more euidently appeare, to the great da∣mage and impouerishment of the marchants of Lenne:* 4.41 namely, Imprimis they burnt there 21. houses belonging vnto the said marchants, to the value of 440. nobles. Item, they tooke from Ed∣mund Belyetere, Thomas Hunt, Iohn Brandon, and from other marchants of Lenne, to the va∣lue of 1815. pounds.

Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway, and the 8. Chapter writeth in maner following.

IN the meane while Norway enioyed peace vnder the gouernment of a woman: vntil Albertus king of Suecia, who had now seuen yeeres continued in captiuity vnder Queen Margaret, was to be set at liberty. Which, when the common souldiers of Rostok & Wismer, called the Vitalians perceiued,* 4.42 (who, whilest their king was holden captiue, in the right of the forenamed cities, for the behalfe of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth, vndertooke and waged warre al the time of his captiuitie) banding their forces together, they resolued, at their own costs & char∣ges, but in the right of the said cities, to saile into the 3. kingdoms, and to take such spoiles as they could lay hold on. These common souldiers therfore, s••eing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approch, sassed into Norway, vnto the towne of Norbern, being a mart town for al the marchants of Germanie: who transporting fishes from thence, doe bring thither marchandises of all kinds, especially corne, vnto the scarcitie wherof, vnlesse it be brought out of other countreys, that kingdome (as we haue said) is very much subiect. Departing out of their ships and going on shore, they set vpon the towne, and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwel∣ling in weake wodden houses, to giue place. Thus these Vitalians entring and surprising the towne conueyed such spoiles vnto their ships as them pleased, and hauing laden their ships with those booties, they returned home frolike vnto the ports of their own cities. Without all respect,

they robbed and rifled the goods, aswel of the Germanes, as of the No••uagians: and like lewde companions, wasting and making hauock of all things, prooued themselues neuer the wealthier. For it is not the guise of such good fellowes to store vp or to preserue ought. The citizens, at the first, seemed to be inriched: howbeit afterward, (no man misdoubting any such calamitie) goods ill gotten were worse spent. Thus farre Kran••zius.

Item, pitifully complaining, the foresaide marchants auouch, verifie, and affirme, that vpon* 4.43 the 14. day after the feast of S. George, in the yeere of our Lord next aboue written, as 4. ships of Lenne, laden with cloth, wine, and other marchandises, were sailing vpon the maine sea, with all the goods and wares conteined in them, for Prussia, sundry malefactors of Wismer and Ro∣stok, with others of the Hans, being in diuers ships, came vpon them, and by ••orce of armes and strong hand tooke the said ships, with the goods and marchandises contained in them: and some of the people which were in the saide foure ships, they slew, some they spoyled, and others they put vnto extreame ransomes. And carying away with them those foure ships with the commodi∣ties and marchandise therin, they parted stakes th••rwith, as them listed, to the great imp••uerish∣ment & losse of the said marchants of Lenne, namely in cloth of William Silesden, Tho. Water∣den, Ioh. Brandon, Ioh. Wesenhā, & other marchants of Lenne, to the value of 3623.li.5.s.11. d.

Item, pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants doe affirme, that one Henry Lambolt and* 4.44 other his adherents, in the yeere of our Lord 1396. looke vpon the maine sea betweene Nor∣way and S••aw, one crayer laden with osmunds, and with diuers other marchandises, perteining vnto Iohn Brandon of Lenne, to the summe and value of 443.li.4.s.2.d. Moreouer, they tooke from Iohn Lakingay 4. lasts and an halfe of osmunds, to the value of 220.lib.10.s.

Item, the foresaid marchants complaine, that certain malefactors of Wismer, with other their* 4.45 compli••es of the Hans, in the yeere of our Lord 1396. tooke from Thomas Ploker of Lenne, out of a certaine ship sailing vpon the maine sea towa••ds Scon••land (whereof Iames Snycop was master) cloth and other marchandise, to the summe and value of 13.lib.13.s.4.d.

Item, the aboue-named marchants complaine saying, that certaine malefactors of Wismer,* 4.46 with others of the Hans society, in the yere of our Lord 1397. wickedly and vniustly took out of a certaine ship of Dantzik (whereof Laurence van Russe was master) from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne, one fardel of cloth worth 52.li.7.s.6.d. Also, for the ransome of his seruant, 8.li.6.s.8.d. Item•• they tooke from Thomas Earle diuers goods, to the value of 24. pounds.

Item, the foresaid marchants complain•••• that certaine malefactors of Wismer & Rostok, with* 4.47 others of the Hans, in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly & vniustly tooke one crayer pertay∣ning vnto Iohn Lakingli••h of Lenne, laden with diuers goods and marchandise pertaining vnto sundry marchants of Lenne, namely from the forenamed Iohn one fardel of cloth, and one chest full of harneis, and other things, to the value of 90.lib. Item, they took out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood, one fardel of cloth, and one chest with diuers goods, to the value of 58.lib. Item, from Iohn Pikeron, one fardell of cloth, and one chest with diuers goods, to the value of 440.lib. Item, from Andrew Purser one farnell of cloth, and one chest with diuers commodities therein, to the value of ten pounds.

Item, the aboue-named marchants complaine saying, that certaine malefactors of Wismer &* 4.48 Rostok, and others of the Hans, namely, Godekin Mighel, Henrie van Hall de Stertebeker, with other of their confederates, in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly and vniustly took from Iohn Priour of Lenne, out of the ship of Michael van Bu••gh, namely ••60. nests of mase••s, worth 100.lib.13.s.4.d. Item, 30. furres rigges of Kaleber woorth 13.s.4.d. a pi••ce, the summe totall a∣mounting to 20.li. Item, 20. furres wombys of Kalebre worth &c. Item, one girdle of siluer, and one dagger adorned with siluer worth 30.s. Item, two coates, and one long iacket, and other goods, to the value of 30.s. Item, he paide for his ransome 4.lib.13.s.4.d.

Unto all and singular the articles aboue-written, the ambassadors of England aforesaid do fur∣ther adde, that the doers and authors of the damages, iniuries, and robberies set down in the arti∣cles aboue written, (of whom some are named in particular, and others in general) performed and* 4.49 committed all those outrages, being hired thereunto at the expenses and charges of the common societies of the cities aforesaid. And that the inhabitants of euery houshold in the foresaide cities (ech man according to his ability) wittingly & purposely set foorth one, two, or more men•• for the very same expedition, wherein all and singular the foresaid trespasses were committed.

The foresaid English ambassadors doe exhibite the articles aboue written vnto the procura∣tors of the cities of Wismer and Rostok aforesaid: leaue and libertie being alwayes reserued vn∣to the said ambassadors, to enlarge, or to diminish, or to expound all, or euery, or any of the said Ar∣ticles whatsoeuer, so often as it shall ••eeme expedient vnto them.

These be the grieuances and offences, whereat the marchants of the Hans of Almaine, comming vnto, and residing in the Realme of England, doe finde themselues aggrieued, contrarie to the Articles and priuileges of the Charter graunted vnto them by the worthy Progeni∣tors of the king of England that now is, and also by the saide soueraigne Lord the King, ratified, and confirmed.

IMprimis, whereas the foresaide marchants haue a priuilege graunted vn∣to them by Charter, that they may, in cities, boroughs, and in other towns and villages throughout the whole realme of England, exercise traffique in grosse, as wel with the natural inhabitants of the kingdome, ••s with stran∣gers, and priuate person••: of late, those that are free de••izens in the cities, boroughs, and villages within the foresaid kingdome, do hinder and restrain all others that be strangers, foreners, and aliens, that they neither c••n, nor dare buy and sel with the marchants of the Hans aforesaid, to their great hinderance and losse.

Item, the foresaid marchants by vertue of their charter were wont to haue and to hold Innes and mansions, for the reposing of themselues and of their goods, wheresoeuer they pleased in any cities, boroughs, or villages, throughout the whole kingdome: howbeit of late the foresaide mar∣chants are not suffered to take vp their mansions, contrary to the teno••r of their charter.

Item, the foresaid marchants are priuileged not to vndergoe any other burthens or impositi∣ons, but onely to pay certaine customs, as it doeth by their charter manifestly appeare. Notwith∣standing at y^e same time when Simon de Moreden was maior of London, the foresaid marchants were constrained, in the ward of Doue-gate at London, to pay fifteenths, tallages, and other sub∣sidies contrary to the liberties of their charter. Whereupon the saide marchants prosecu••ed the matter before the Councel of our soueraign lord the king, insomuch that they were released from paying afterward any such tallages, fifteenths, and subsidies. Which marchants, a while after, of their owne accord and free will, gaue vnto the gild-hall of London an hundreth markes sterling, conditionally, that they of the citie aforesaide should not at any time after exact or demaund of the said marchants, or of their successors, any tallages, fifteenths, or subsidies, contrary to the t••nor of their charter, as by records in the foresaid gild-hall, it doth more plainly appeare. Howbeit of late the officers of our lord the king, in the foresaid ward of Doue-gate, constrained the marchants a∣foresaid to pay tallages, fifteenths, & other subsidies. And because the saide marchants murmured and refused to pay any such contributions, alleaging their priuileges, the foresaid officers arre∣sted the goods of those said marchants (which are as yet detained vpon the ar••est) notwithstanding that they were released before the councel of our soueraigne lord the king, & also that they gaue vnto the said gild-hall one hundreth marks to be released, as it is aforesaid. And also the foresaid marchants were constrained to pay 12.d. in the pound, and of late 6.d. and other subsidies, more then their ancient customes, to the great damage of those marchants.

Item, the foresaid marchants are priuileged as touching customs of wols by thē bought within* 4.50 the realm of England, y^t they are not bound to pay, ouer & besides their ancient cus••oms, but onely xl.d. more then the homeborn marchants of England were wont to pay. But now y^e foresaid mar∣chants are compelled to pay for euery sack of wool (besides y^e ancient custom & the 40.d. aforesaid) a certain impositiō called Pence for the town of Cales, namely for euery sack of wool 19.d. more* 4.51 then the marchants of England doe pay, to their great losse, & against the liberty of their charter.

Item, the foresaid marchants are priuileged by their charter, that concerning the quantity of their marchandize brought into the realme of England (in regard whereof they are bound to pay 3.d. for the worth of euery pound of siluer) credit is to be giuen vnto them for the letters of their masters and of their companies, if they were able to shew them. And if so be they had no letters in this behalfe to shew, that then credite should bee giuen vnto themselues, and that their othe, or the othe of their atturney should be taken, without any other proof, as touching the value of their marchandize so brought in, & that thereupon they should be bound to pay customs, namely the cu∣stomes of 3.d. iustly for that cause to be paid. But nowe the customers of our soueraigne lorde the king put their goods to an higher rate then they ought or were woont to be: and heereupon they compell them to pay custome for their goods, at their pleasure, scanning about their fraight and expenses particularly disbursed in regard of the said goods and marchandize, to the great hinde∣rance of the said marchants, and against the te••or of their charter.

Item, the foresaid marchants by way of pitiful complaint do alleage, that whereas the worthy* 4.52 progenitors of our Lord the king that now is, by vertue of the saide great charter, g••aunted liber∣tie vnto them to pay the customes of certain clothes, namely of skarlet, and cloth died in grayne,

and of other clothes of assise, which were by them to be caried out of the realme of England, euen as by their foresaid Charter in doeth more plainly appeare: and whereas our soueraigne lord the king that now is (ratifying and confirming the saide charter, and being willing that they shoulde haue more especiall fauour shewed vnto them) granted vnto them by their Charter, that the said marchants should be exempted and freed from all custome and imposition of small clothes, as in pie••es and in narrow clothes which were not of assise, and in such other clothes of like qualitie: yet of late the Customers of our Lorde the King that nowe is, not allowing their saide speciall* 4.53 Charter so graunted vnto the marchants aforesaid, do compel them to pay for straight clothes and for pieces of clothes which are not of assise, (together with other demands particularly & seueral∣ly made) as great custome as if the clothes were full ou•• of assise. Moreouer also of late, the custo∣mers* 4.54 of the smal or pety custome & of the subsidie doe demand of them custome for kersey-clothes equal vnto the custome of those clothes, that be of ful assise, whereas the foresaid marchants were no•• wont to pay for those kerseys by vertue of their Charter, but onely according to the worth of ech pound of siluer, as namely for other goods which are of golde weight: to the great hinderance of the foresaid parties, and against the manifest graunt of our soueraigne Lord the king, as it ap∣peareth in the said speciall Charter.

Item, the said marchants alleage, that they are priuiledged by their Charter, if they pay cu∣stome and subsidy for their goods in the behalfe of our lord the king, at any port of England where those goods haue arriued, and afterward would transport the saide goods or any part of them vn∣to any other port within the realme aforesaid: that then they should be quite released from paying of any other custome for the same goods, if they bring a warrant that they haue paide the saide cu∣stome, as is aforesaide. Of late it fortuned, that a certaine man of their socie••••e named Nicholas Crossehaire, being a marchant of the lande of Prussia, immediatly after the concord was conclu∣ded betwene the English and the Prussians, brought vnto the towne of Sandwich a shippe laden* 4.55 with bow-s••aues and other marchandize, and there well and truely paide the custome of our lord the king, for all his wares: and selling there part of the same goods, he afterward transported par∣cel thereof in a small barke vnto London, there to be solde, and caried a warrant also with him, that he had at Sandwich paid the custome due vnto our lord the king: & yet (the said warrant not∣withstanding) the customers of the pety custome & subsidy of London came & demanded custome of him at another time cōtrary to reason, & against the tenor of their charter: and the said Nicholas offred pledges vnto them, yea, euen ready m••ney downe into their hands, vntil the question were discussed and determined, whether he should pay new custome or no: but this they would not do••. Then the said Nicholas brought a brief from our lord the king, to get himselfe discharged from paying the said custome: and for all that, the foresaid customers would not as yet haue regard vnto him, but kept the said goods within shipboord, vpō the riuer of Thames, for the space of 15. dayes, vntil he had paid another custom, to the great losse of the said Nicholas, for that which he sold first at Sandwich to be deliuered at London for seuen nobles, he could not afterward haue for it aboue foure nobles, and yet so was it solde, by reason of the harme which his wares had taken by ly∣ing so long vpon the water, contrary to the tenor of their Charter.

Itē, the said marchants do alleage, that another of their company called Peter Hertson bought at Bristow certain clothes, & laded the same in a ship, to be transported for Prussia, for the which he truely paide at Bristow, the customs & subsidies due vnto our soueraign lord the king: which ship with the foresaid goods arriuing at London: the customers of the pety-custome and of the subsidie there would not permit the said ship with the goods to passe vnto the parts aforesaid, vntil the said Peter had paid another custome for the same goods (the warrant, which he brought with him not∣withstanding) to his great hinderance, and contrary to the tenour of their Charter.

Itē, pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants alleage, that wheras euery marchant, bring∣ing wares into the realm, was wont to haue a schedule wherein his name was written, for a speci∣fication & certificat of the quantity of his goods in the said schedule to be found at the arriual of the ship, without paying therfore ought at all, of late the customers of the pety custome do compel thē to pay for ech mans name written a peny, at y^e arriual of their goods out of euery ship wherein the said goods are found, what commodities & marchandize soeuer they be: whenas notwithstanding, if there be a chest or any other smal matter, there should not therfore be any custome due vnto our lord the king, nor any receiued vnto his Maiesties vse. In like maner do the customers of the sub∣sidy deale. Wheras also the foresaid marchants were not wont to pay for a cocket for the conuey∣ance* 4.56 & transportation of their goods out of the realme (albeit many names were written therein) more then 4.d. of late the customers of the pety custom do compel them to pay for euery name con∣tained in the same cocket, 4.d. and in like sort do the customers of the saide subsidy deale. Which contribution in a yere extendeth it self vnto a great summe, to the vnknown preiudice of our lord

the king, more then any man could suppose (for the customers enioy their tees and commodities from his Maiestie that they may doe him faithfull seruice) and likewise to the great damage of the said marchants.

Itē, pitifully complaining the said marchants do alleage that they are constrained to pay for subsidy, sometime 12.d. and somtime 6.d. in the pound, contrary to the tenor of their charter: and yet notwithstanding when their marchandize commeth to the wharf, the customers prolong & de∣lay the time 3. or 4. weeks before they wil take custome for their goods, in the which space other marchants sel their goods, the customers not regarding whether the goods aforesaid take we•• or no; to the great damage aswel of our lord the king, as of the said marchants: because, if they had quicke dispatch, they migh•• pay custome vnto his Maiestie oftner then they doe.

Item, the said marchants doe farther alleage, that the customers of the peti•• custome, and of the subsidie in the port of London haue appointed among themselues certaine men to seale vp the goods of the saide marchants, so soon as they are arriued at the port of safetie, vntil the said goods be customed. By meanes of the which sealing, the foresaide parties doe compell the marchants aboue-named, (vpon an vse and custome whereof themselues haue bene the authors) to paye a certaine summe of money, to the great hinderance of the sayde marchants, and co••trarie to iu∣stice and to their charter. Moreouer, the saide customers haue ordained betweene themselues, that the saide marchants shall put or make vp no clo••h i••to fardels, to transport out of the realme, vn∣lesse certaine m••n appointed by them for the same purpose bee there present, to see what ma∣ner of clothes they bee, vnder paine of the forf••iture of the saide goods. Also of late, when the sayde marchants would haue made vp such fardels, the foresayde parties assigned to be ouerseers refused to come, vnlesse they might haue for their comming some certaine summe of money, de∣laying and procrastinating from day to day, so long as themselues listed, to the great losse and vndoing of the foresaide marchants, and contrarie to their liberties: because the foresaide custo∣mers are bound by their office to doe this, without any contribution therefore to bee paide vnto them by the saide marchants: for that they doe enioy from our soueraigne Lorde the King their fees and commodities, to the ende that they may serue him and euery marchant iustly and faithfully, without any contribution by them to be imposed anewe vpon the sayde marchants, of custome.

Item, the said marchants doe alleage, that the customers & bailifs of the town of Southhamp∣ton do compel them to pay for euery last of herrings, pitch, & sope ashes brought thither by thē 2.s. more then the kings custome: and for ech hundreth of bowstaues & boords called Waghenscot, 2. d. for euery hundreth of boords called Richolt, 4.d. & for al other marchandize brought by the fore∣said marchants vnto the same towne: which contributions they neuer paid at any time heereto∣fore, being greatly to their hinderance, and contrary to the t••nour of their Charter.

Item, the foresaid marchants do alleage, that one of their company, called Albert Redewish of Prussia, bringing diuers goods & marchandizes vnto Newcastle vpon Tine, & there paying the vsual custom of 3.d. in the pound for al his wares, the bailifs of the saide towne, against all reason, exacted 7. pound sterling at his hands more then the custome: whereupon the foresaide marchant got a briefe from the kings maiesty, for the recouery of the said 7.li. according to equity & reason: howbeit, that at the comming of the said briefe the foresaid bailifes would do nothing on his be∣halfe, but would haue slaine their foresaid associate, contrary to their charter and priuiledges.

William Esturmy knight, & Iohn Kington canon of Lincolne, being by y^e most mighty prince & lord, L. Henry by Gods grace ••. of England & France & lord of Ireland, sufficiently deputed and appointed to parle, treate, & agree w^t the common society of y^e marchants of the Hans of Dutchland or Almain, concerning & about the redressing & reformation of vniust attēpts happening between our said soueraign L. the king his liege people & subiects on the one part, & between the cōmon so∣ciety aforesaid, the cities, towns, & particular persons therof on the other part: do (for the behalf of our said souraign L. the king, with a mind & intention to haue al & singular y^e things vnderwritten to come to the knowledge of the said common society) intimate, declare, & make known vnto you (hono.sirs) Henr. Westhoff citizen & deputy of the city of Lubec, Henry Fredelaw, Ioh. van Berk citizen of Colen, Mainard Buxtehude citizen, & deputy of the city of Hamburgh, M. Simō Clawsten clerk, sir Iohn de Aa knight deputie of the citie of Rostok, Herman Meyer deputy of the citie of Wismar, being, as the procurators•• messengers, & commissioners of the foresaid cities, assembled together at the town of Hage in Holland, with y^e forenamed Will•• & Iohn in regard of the foresaid redres & reformation: that, euen as our said soueraign L. the king his meaning is not to disturb or hinder such priuiledges as haue bin heretofore granted & vouchsafed vnto the cōmon society of the marchāts aforesaid, by the renoumed kings of England, & the worthy progenitors of our L. the K. that now is, & by himself also vnder a certain form confirmed: euen so he is determined (without y^e

preiudice of forren lawes) vpon iust, mature and sober deliberation, by his royall authoritie to withstand such priuiledges, as by reason of the abuse thereof•• haue bene infinitely pre••••diciall vnto himselfe and his subiects.

Inprimis the said ambassadours doe affirme as afore, that whereas all and euery the Mar∣chants of the said company, as often as they would, were, both in the Realme of England, and in other territories & dominions subiect vnto our soueraigne lord the king, admitted and suffered (according to the tenor of the forenamed priuiledges granted vnto them) freely, friendly and se∣curely to traffique and conuerse with any of his Maiesties liege people and subiects whatsoeuer, or with other people of whatsoeuer nation liuing in the realme of England, or in the dominions aforesaid: the said common society of marchants by their publike & deliberate common counsel did appoint & ordain, y^t no society in any cities, townes, or places, neither yet any particular man of any such society (there being no lawfull or reasonable cause why) shoulde in any wise admit any mar∣chants of the realm of England resorting vnto their cities or other places for marchandise, to en∣ioy intercourse of traffike: but that the saide English marchants should bee altogether excluded from all traffike and mutuall conuersation among them, by denouncing and inflicting grieuous penalties of money as well vpon cities as other places, and vpon particular marchants also of the foresaid societie practising the contrary.

Item, that immediatly after, the foresaid parties enacting and ordaining published their sayde statute and ordinance, in all kingdomes, prouinces, partes, cities, and townes, wherin any mar∣chants of the said societie were conuersant.

Item, that after that publication, the statute and ordinance aforesaid by euery of the marchants of the forenamed society were inuiolably obserued.

Item, that the said statute and ordinance hath bene so rigorously put in execution, that whereas immediatly after certaine English marchants with their ships, mariners, and marchandize bee∣ing in a cer••aine part of one of the principall cities of the foresaide societie, vtterly destitute of meate, drinke, and money, publikely offred to sell their wollen clothes of England, onely to pro∣uide themselues of necessary victuals: yet the marchants of the saide citie, s••outely persisting in their statute and ordinance aforesaid, straightly prohibited the buying of such clothes, vnchristian∣ly denying meate and drinke vnto the said English marchants.

Item, the foresaid society decreed and ordained, that no marchant of the saide company should in any place or countrey whatsoeuer, buy any woollen clothes of the realme or dominion of Eng∣land (albeit offered by others and not by English men) or, hauing bought any, should, after the terme prefired, sel them, imposing grieuous pecuniary mulets, besides the forfeiture of the clothes so bought or sold, vpon them that would attempt the contrary

Item, that after the said statute and ordinance, the foresaide societie decreed, that all marchants of the said companie, hauing among their wares and marchandise any woollen clothes made in England, should either sell the saide clothes, or within a short space then limited should, vnderpe∣naltie of forfeiting the said clothes, vtterly renounce the vse and commoditie thereof: Notwithstā∣ding a grieuous penaltie of money being imposed vpon the violaters of the same statute.

Item, that the statutes and ordinances aforesaid might with more speed and celerity be put in* 4.57 execution, the said authors and publishers thereof imagining, according to their desire, that by this meanes an vtter extirpation and ouerthrow of English marchants might•• yea & of necessity must ensue: vpon their serious & long premeditated deliberation, straitely commanded & inioyned, vn∣der pain of losing the benefit of all priuileges, wheresoeuer, or by the princes of what lands, or the Magistrates of what Cities or townes soeuer vouchsafed vnto the said common societie, that not only the aldermen of that society in al places throughout the realme of England, but also al other marchants of the said company, after the maner of marchants conuersing in the saide Realme, should, without exception of persons, vtterly abstein from all intercourse of traffike with the mar∣chants of the realme aforesaid: yea, and that they shoulde depart out of the said kingdome within a very short space limited. For the dispatching of al which premisses without delay, it was accor∣ding to their commandement effectually prouided.

Item, that the society aforesaid hath approued diuers very vnreasonable statutes & ordinances,* 4.58 made & published by the marchants of the same society residing in the kingdoms of Norway and Swedland, to the great preiudice of the kingdome of England, and the marchants thereof: and as yet both couertly and expresly do approue the same, vniustly putting them in daily execution.

Item, wheras in the priuileges & indulgences granted by y^e renoumed princes somtimes kings of Englād, y^e worthy progenitors of our souereign lord the king y^t now is, vnto the society aforesaid, it is prouided, y^t the said marchants shal not auow any man which is ••ot of their company, nor shal not colour his goods and marchandize vnder their company: whereas also in the confirmation of

the sayd priuiledges made by our soueraigne lord that nowe is, it is manifestly prouided, that the marchants of the Hans towns, vnder the colour of their priuiledges in England, shall not vpon paine of the perpetuall frustration and reuocation of the foresayd priuiledges, receiue any stran∣ger of any other towne in their liberties, by whom the kings custome may in any sort be withholden or diminished: & yet the contrary vnto al these prouisoes hath bin euery yer••, for these 20. yeres or thereabout notoriously practised and committed, as well ioyntly by the generall counsell, and ••ole∣ration of the foresayd society, as also seuerally by the aduise and permission of diuers particular ci∣ties of the foresayd Hans company to the great diminution of his maiesties custome, the estimati∣on whereof the foresayd ambassadors are not able at this present fully to declare. But that all oc∣casions of the last aboue mentioned diminution may b••e preuented for the time to come, the sayd ambassadors doe demand to haue from the foresayd societie a declaration in writing, what and* 4.59 what maner of territories, cities, townes, villages or companies they be, for which the sayd society challengeth and pretendeth, that they ought to enioy the priuiledges granted vnto their marchants, as is aboue mentioned.

Moreouer, it is required by the foresaid ambassadors, if the societie aforesayd hath not decreed nor ordayned the things aboue written, that the names of the cities and places decreeing and or∣daining such statutes & ordinances, may by the sayd common society either now or at some other times and places conuenient for the same purpose, be expressed and set downe in writing.

A letter of Henry the fourth king of England &c. vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen the master generall of Prussia.

HEnrie &c. to the most noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Fr: Conradus de Iun∣gingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie, our most deare friend, greeting, and continual perfection of amity.

When as your messengers and ambassadors were of late personally present in Holland, and there expected the arriual of our ambassadors vntill the first day of the moneth of Nouember last expired, that there might bee by way of friendly conference a remedie prouided in regard of cer∣taine iniuries pretended to be off••••ed, by both our subiects one against another•• for the publique commoditie of both parts, we were determined to haue sent vnto Dordract, at the foresaid daye, our welbeloued and faithfull knight William Sturmy, and our welbeloued clerke Iohn Kington, vpon our ambassage-affayres: hauing as yet in our desires, for a peaceable ending of the matter, (which, our foresayd ambassadors, by reason of the shortnes of time, or the finding out of some other remedie and happy conclusion of all and singular the foresaid attempts concerning the principall busines, could by no meanes at that instant attaine vnto) that vpon some other more conuenient day (to the end your ambassadors might not returne home altogether frustrate of their expectation) there might be, after the wonted friendly maner, a conferēce & agreement with your foresayd am∣bassadors, euen as by other letters of ours directed vnto your sayd ambassadors the second day of the moneth of Nouember aforesayd wee haue deliuered our mind vnto them. But it fortuned not long before the departure of your ambassadors into their owne countrey, that no sufficient shipping could be found wherein our sayd ambassadors might haue secure and safe passage vnto Dordract, or Middleburgh, neither was it thought that they should get any passage at all, till the ships at Middleborough were returned into our kingdome, by the force whereof they might be the more strongly wafted ouer. And so by reason of the departure of your ambassadours, all matters re∣maine in suspense till such time as the sayd ambassadors shall againe meete with ours to adde per∣fection vnto the busines as yet imperfect. Wherefore (our friend vnfainedly beloued) desiring from the bottome of our heart that the integritie of loue, which hath from auncient times taken place betweene our & your subiects, may in time to come also be kept inuiolable, we haue thought good once again to send one of our foresaid ambassadors, namely William Esturmy knight to Dor∣dract, giuing him charge thither to make haste, and there to stay, till some of your messengers, at your commandement doe in time conuenient repayre vnto that place, there (by Gods assistance) to bring the matter vnto an happy conclusion. May it please you therefore of your vnfay••ed friendship, without all inconuenience of delay, to returne, not vnto vs, but vnto our forenamed knight an answere in writing, what your will and determination is. Neither let it seeme strange vnto you, that we haue not at this present sent our forenamed Iohn Kington clerke together with the sayd William: for the cause of his abode with vs is, that he may in the meane season employ his care and diligence about those matters which must be preparatiues for the finall conclusion of the foresayd busines. Honorable sir, and most deare friend, we doe most heartily with increase of pro∣sperity and ioy vnto your person. Giuen in our palace of Westminster the 14. day of Feb. in the yeare of our Lord 1407.

To the right noble and valiant knight Sir VVilliam Sturmy sent at this present by the most souereigne King of England &c as his ambassadour vnto Dordract, his most sincere friend.

HOnorable sir, our most entier friend, wee receiued the royall letters of the most mighty prince and lord, our lord the king of England and France and lord of Ireland, sent vnto vs vnder the date of the 14. day of February (which we receiued at our castle of Marienburgh the 11. of April) containing, amongst other matters, that his Maiesties purpose was once againe to sende one of his ambassadors, namely your selfe our very sincere friend vnto Dordract, giuing you in charge that you would make haste thither & there slay, vntill some of our subiects might at our commandemēt, in conuenient time repaire vnto the same place, there (by Gods assistance) to bring our matters vnto a happy conclusion. And then he requested that wee should without delay write our determination vnto you, as the conclusion of the said letter importeth. Howbeit (our most deare friend) the treaties & conferences about the redresse or reformation of vniust attempts com∣mitted by the subiects of our sayd lord the king & our subiects, one against another, are both on our behalfe, and on the behalfe of the common societie of the Hans marchants, hitherto had, made, and continued common. And so our commissioners vpon our full and absolute commandement, shal, for the managing of these and of other affaires of the foresaid societie, many waies vrgent and diffi∣cult, vpon the feast of our Lords Ascension next to come, meet with the said societie at Lubec, there to giue notice what they haue determined to conclude in this present busines & in others for their owne behalfe. For we wil giue our ambassadours which are there to appeare, streightly in charge that according to the kings request aforesayde they doe without delay procure an answere to be written vnto your honour concerning the determination of the foresayd societie.

Giuen at the place and vpon the day aboue named, in the yeare of our Lord 1407

.

Fr. Wernherus de Tettingen, commander in Elbing•• general vice-master and lieutenant in the roome of the Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Marie &c. of late deceased.

The letters of Henry the 4. king of England &c vnto Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia, 1408. wherein he doth ratifie and accept the last agreement made at Hage in Holland.

HEnry &c. vnto the honourable and religious personage Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen Master ge∣nerall of the Dutch knights of S. Marie &c. our most deare friend, greeting and dayly in∣crease of our accustomed amity and friendship. We doe by these presents giue your houour to vn∣derstand, that our faithfull & welbeloued William Esturmy knight, and Master Iohn Kington clerke, our ambassadors and messengers sent of late on our behalfe, vnto the presence of your pre∣decessour for the redressing of certaine grieuances and damages being contrary to iustice offered against vs and our liege subiects by the people & subiects of your predecessors, & against them al∣so by our subiects as it is aforesayd, in friendly maner to be procured, of late returning out of the parts of Alemain made relation vnto vs and to our counsell, that hauing conferred with your fore∣named predecessour about the foresayd affayres, the particulars following were at length conclu∣ded: namely first of all, that at a certaine day and place they should meete in Holland with his ambassadors and messengers, to hold a friendly conference between them about the redressing and reformation of the grieuances and damages aforesayd: and that they should by the equall waight of diligent examination ponder, & in the balance of iustice discusse & define al & singular the foresaid grieuances & damages inflicted on both parts. Howbeit at length after sundry prorogations then made & continued on this behalfe, our ambassadors & messengers aforesaid vpon the 28. of August last past,* 5.1 assembling themselues for our part at the towne of Hage in Holland, the hon. & discreete personages Arnold Heket burgomaster of the towne of Dantzik, & Iohn Crolowe, for the behalf of your subiects of Prussia, and Tidman de Meule, & Iohn Epenscheid for the behalfe of Liuonia, being assembled as messengers and commissioners about the redresse and reformation aforesayd, did then and there demaund in certaine articles, of our ambassadours and messengers abouena∣med 25034. nobles & half a noble, for the grieuances & damages offered (as it was thē ••aid) to your subiects of Prussia, and 24082. nobles, 12.s.8.d. in recompense of the damages offered vnto those

your subiects of Liuonia. And when the substance of those articles about the grieuances & losses aforesayd was by the sayd ambassadours and messengers throug••ly examined and discussed, by their generall consent it was finally agreed, that your subiects, in consideration of all and singu∣lar the foresayd grieuances and damages offered vnto them by our people, should within three yeares after the feast of Easter next ensuing, at three equall payments receiue from vs, name∣ly they of Prussia, 8957. nobles, and they of Liuonia 22496. nobles, sixe pence, halfe peny, far∣thing, and no more, so that we our selues thought good to condescend thereunto. Howbeit, foras∣much as certaine other articles of your subiects of Prussia, and also certaine articles in the be∣halfe of our subiects containing grieuous complaints in them, being propounded before the ambas∣sadors & messengers aforesaid, for the attaining of reformation in regard of the damages & grieuan∣ces offered on both parts, could not as thē, for the great obscurity of diuers of the sayd articles, and also for want of sufficiēt proofe at the last meeting appointed and held by the foresayd ambassadors at the towne of Hage in Holland, sufficiently to be examined, discussed, and defined, it was agreed vpon by the ambassadors and messengers of both partes, that from the 15. day of October then last expired vnto the feast of Easter now next ensuing, and from thenceforth within one whole yere im∣mediatly following, the plaintifes of both parts should throughly declare before our chancelour of England for the time being, the foresayd obscurities cōcerning the substance of their articles, and that they should, for the obtaining of execution, and complement of iustice at our sayd chancelours hands, peremptorily minister necessary probations, vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion from the petition of those things which are contayned in the articles aboue mentioned.

Prouided alwayes, that if at the last it shall be by lawfull proofes made manifest concerning the summes aboue written or any part or parcell thereof, that due satisfaction hath beene made to him or them vnto whom it was due, or that those goods of and for the which complaint hath bene made on the behalfe of your subiects haue pertained or doe appertaine vnto others, or any other iust, true, and reasonable cause may lawfully bee alleaged, why the payment of all the foresayd summes or any of them ought not to be performed: that then so much only is to be cut off or deduc∣ted from the sayd summes as shall be found to be already payd or to pertaine vnto others, or else vpon some true, iust, and reasonable cause (as is aforesayd) not to be due. We therefore conside∣ring that the sayd friendly conference, and the finall agreement ensuing thereupon are agreeable vnto reason and equitie, doe, for our part rati••ie and willingly accept the very same conference and agreement. And forasmuch as it hath bene alwayes our desire, and is as yet our intention, that the league of amity and the integritie of loue, which hath of olde time bene obserued betweene our and your subiects, may in times to come perpetually remaine inuiolable, and that your and our people may hereafter, not onely for the good of our common weale but also for the commodity and peace of both parts, according to their woonted maner, assemble themselues and enioy the faithfull and mutuall conuersation one of another: we will cause in our citie of London, with the summe of 8957. nobles satisfaction to bee made vnto the Prussians, and with the summe of 22496. nobles, sixe pence, halfe peny, farthing, recompense to be performed vnto the Liuonians, in regard of the damages and iniuries (which in very deede proceeded not of our consent) by our subiects offered vnto them, as it is aforesayd, and within three yeares after the feast of Easter next ensuing the sayd summes of money to bee payed at three payments, and by three equall portions. Conditionally that vnto our subiects which be endamaged correspondent satisfaction be likewise on your part within the terme of the foresayd three yeeres performed, with paying the summes of 766. nobles and of 4535. nobles, demaunded on our behalfe, and also with the payment of such summes as within one yeere immediately ensuing the feast of Easter aforesayd, shalbe found by sufficient delarations and proofes to be made on the behalfe of our subiects (as is aforesayd) to be due. Euen as we in like maner will make satisfaction vnto your subiects within our citie afore∣sayd. Now as touching the request of your ambassadors and of the Liuonians, whereby we were required to procure some holesome remedy for the soules of certaine drowned persons, as consci∣ence and religion seemeth to chalenge (in regard of whom we are moued with compassion, and do for their sakes heartily condole their mishaps) you are (our entier friend) of a certaintie to vnder∣stand, that after we shall be by your letters aduertized of the number, state, and condition of the sayd parties drowned, we will cause suffrages of prayers and diuers other holesome remedies pro∣fitable for the soules of the deceased and acceptable to God and men, religiously to be ordained and prouided: vpon condition, that for the soules of our drowned countrey men there be the like re∣medie prouided by you. The almighty grant vnto your selfe and vnto your whole Order, that you may prosperously triumph ouer the enemies of Christ his crosse. Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the 26. of March, in the yere of our Lord 1408. and in the ninth yere of our reigne.

The letters of Fr: Vlricus Master of Prussia directed vnto the king of England, signifying that he is contented with the agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage.

To the most renowmed prince and mighty lord L Henrie king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, our most gracious lord.

VNto your highnes pleasure at all assaies humbly recommending my voluntarie seruice &c. Most reuowmed king, mighty prince, and gracious lord, we recei∣ued of late with great reuerence as it be commeth vs, by our welbeloued Arnold de Dassel the bearer of of these presents, your Maiesties letters of late directed vnto vs, making mention amongst other matters of certaine appointments first made and concluded between the noble and worthy personages William Estur∣my knight, Iohn Kington clerke, and William Brampton citizen of London your ambassa∣dours and messengers on the one par••e, and our houorable and religious brethren, namely Conradus Lichtensten great cōmander, Warnherus de Tettingen chiefe hospitalary & comman∣der in Elbing, and Arnold de Hacken treasurer, being the procuratours and commissioners of Fra. Conradus de Iungingen our last predecessour of famous memory on the other parte, con∣cerning the redressing, reformation, and amendement of vniust attempts committed on both sides, at our castle of Marienburgh, and also very lately at the towne of Hage in Holland, namely the twenty eight of the moneth August in the yeare immediately past, betweene your foresayde ambassadours William Esturmy knight, and Iohn Kington clerke, for your part, and our trusty and welbeloued commissioners and procurators, namely Arnold Hecht burgoma∣ster of our citie of Dantzik, and Iohn Crolow citizen of the same citie, for our parte. And for our more perfect knowlege in this behalfe, our sayd commissioners made relation vnto vs and vnto our whole counsell, that associating vnto themselues our messengers of Liuonia, namely, Tidman Myeul, and Iohn Epensh••id, together with your foresaid ambassadours and messengers, they there finally appoynted and concluded, of and about the aboue mentioned summes of money due on both partes, of the which mention is made in your letters aforesayd. With this speciall prouiso, that in like manner satisfaction be made in all points, both vnto other of our damnis••ed subiects of Prussia, namely such whose goods or the true value thereof haue bene finally adiudged by the iudges or professors of our lawes, and vnto such who hauing brought their articles of complaints vnto the audience of the most dread and mighty prince and lorde, our lord Rupertus king of the Romans alwayes most soueraigne,* 6.1 were in conclusion to haue the esti∣mations of their goods to be adiudged by the sentence of the sayd lord, with the aduise of two of his counsellers, and also vnto other of our subiects who haue brought in sufficient proofe of damages vniustly inflicted vpon them by your subiects, ouer and besides the premisses. So that in like maner satisfaction be made vnto the common societie of the Hans marchants: and by the arbitrament set downe in the conferences had at Marienburgh, of the which it was aboue prouided and enacted on their behalfe, namely if they will rest contented with our sub∣iects in the courses and meanes then concluded. If not, we intend not at all to adhere vnto them in this behalfe. Afterward our messengers aforesayd, both they of Prussia and of Liuonia deman∣ded conuenient, iust, and speedy satisfaction, with the payment of all and singular the summes a∣boue mentioned, due vnto both parts (so farre foorth as equity and reason would yeeld vnto, for the recompense of the parties iniuried and endamaged on both sides) to be made within one whole yere accompting from the feast of Easter now last expired vnto the very same feast next to come in the yere immediatly following, & that in three seueral termes of payment, by three portions of the said summes equally to be diuided, at the towne of Bruges in Flanders as being a place indifferent for all parties, in maner and forme as it was before at Marienburgh required and stoode vpon: name∣ly that reforma••ion, reparation, and amendement of all vniust attempts committed on both parts ought to bee performed within one yere. Howbeit contrariwise your ambassadors aforesayd de∣creed that the sayd satisfaction should be performed vnto the parties iniuried of both parts with∣in three yeeres, beginning to accompt from the feast of Easter last past. And when your ambas∣sadours were not contented with the maner of satisfaction set downe by our men, nor our com∣missioners were willing in any sort to consent vnto that course which was thought conuenient by your ambassadors, the honorable messengers of the sea-townes of the Hans being there at that time present, made a motion that the foresayd satisfaction might be performed within two yeeres and an halfe, accompting from the feast of Easter last past, often before mentioned: yet vnder

a certaine pro••sta••o••, namely it both parties should agree vnto that forme of satisfaction, and if they should thinke good finally and conclusiuely to yeeld their consent, vnto it. Which kind of sa∣tisfaction also conceiued by the messengers, your sayd ambassadours without giuing notice therof vnto your royall Maiestie, refused finally to approue; being rather desirous to make a true & faith∣full report of the sayd forme of satisfaction last aboue mentioned vnto your kingly highnesse, and that in such sorte, that (as they hoped) effectuall satisfaction and payment of all and singuler the summes due and to bee due on both partes should more conueniently and speedily bee performed. Whereupon we might be put in good hope, that more speedy and conuenient appointments of termes, for the sayd satisfaction friendly on both parts to be performed in, would haue proceeded from your bountifull and gracious clemencie. And in very de••de (most mighty prince) albeit it was neuer the meaning of our foresayd predecessor, so far foorth as these affayres concerned him, to protract and delay the execution of the sayd busines so many and such long distances of time, and that for diuers respects, both because restitution vnto the parties robbed consisted herein, and al∣so because the sayd restitutions and satisfactions are to be made vnto poore people, widowes, or∣phanes, and other miserable creatures, diuersly and miserably slaine and oppressed: notwithstan∣ding we being moued with hearty & feruent zeale and speciall affection vnto your royall crowne of England, and hauing due regard and consideration of your most excellent Maiestie, vpon the aduise of our honourable brethren our counsellers, doe thankfully receiue, & by the tenour of these presents totally ratifie and approue such satisfactions of the foresayd summes howsoeuer due vnto our subiects both Prussians and Liuonians, in friendly sorte to be performed at such times and seasons limited and prefixed by your highnes as are expressed in your maiesties letters, and also of other summes which within one yeare immediately ensuing after the feast of Easter last past, by sufficient proofes to be made on their part before your chancelour at your citie of London shall be found due vnto them. Conditionally that without inconuenience of delay and impediment they be performed as they ought to be, according to the premisses. In like maner also we our selues with∣in the termes of payment aboue mentioned will procure satisfaction to be without fayle perfour∣med vnto your subiects endamaged, with the summe of 766. nobles, being in regard of their los∣ses, of the which they haue giuen vp sufficient informations, due vnto them•• and with other like summes also which are by sufficient proofes, within the yeare aforesayd, and in maner and forme prescribed to be exhibited before our treasurer at our citie of Dantzik. The almighty vouchsafe prosperously and long time to preserue your maiesties royal person.

Giuen at our castle of Mari∣enburgh the 27. of September, in the yeare of our Lord 1408

.* 6.2

Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen master generall of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital of Ierusalem.

The letters of king Henry the 4. sent vnto Fr. Vlricus master general of Prussia, wherein he doth absolutely approue the foresaid conference holden at Hage, and treateth about a perpetual league and amitie to be concluded betweene England and Prussia.

HEnry by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland, vn∣to the noble & mighty personage of sacred religion Vlricus de Iungingen ma∣ster generall of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospitall of Ieru∣salem, our entirely beloued friend, greeting and increase of vnfained friendship. After diuers conferences had in sundry places beyond the seas, betweene the ambassadours and messengers of your late predecessor and of your selfe also, on the one parte, and betweene our especiall ambassadors and messengers on the other parte, con∣cerning reformations, reparations, & restitutions in certaine maner & forme to be performed vn∣to our subiects of both parts, in regard of manifold iniuries practised against them both, and after that, in the last conference holden by the ambassadours of vs both at the towne of Hage in Hol∣land, there was a motion made concerning a certaine forme of satisfaction, by way of finall conclusion in that behalfe: but not being as then by our ambassadours condescended vnto, be∣cause they durst not proceede vnto the same conclusion without our priuitie, relation thereof at length being by them made before vs and our counsel: we returned vnto your honour an answere in writing by our letters vnder our priuie seale, of our full purpose and intention (vnto the which letters we doe at this present referre our selues, as if they were here againe expresly written) what we thought good to haue done in this behalfe: so that wee also might by your friendly let∣ters be certaynly informed of your will and expresse consent, being likewise conformable vnto your foresayd intention. Nowe whereas since that time we haue of late receiued the certaintie

of the matter by your letters written vnto vs from your castle of Marienburgh, bearing date the 27. of September last past, contayning in effect amongst other matters, that you being mooued with a feruent zeale and speciall affection (as you write) vnto the royall crowne of our realme, and hauing due regard and considerat••on of our royall maiestie, vpon the aduise of your honoura∣ble brethren your counsellers, doe with a thankfull mind accept, and by the tenour of the said let∣ters of yours totally approue the concord of a certaine satisfaction to be performed with the pay∣ment of certaine summes of money howsoeuer due vnto your subiects as well of Prussia as of Li∣uonia, expressed in our former letters, within the termes prefixed by our consent and limited in our said letters, aud also of other summes which within one whole yeare immediatly following the feast of Easter last past, by sufficient proofes on their part to bee made before our chauncelour at our citie of London, shall be found due vnto them: conditionally, that without inconuenience of delay and impediments, the premisses be performed as they ought to be. And that your selfe also will without fayle, vpon the termes appoynted for the said payments, procure satisfaction ••o be made accordingly vnto our endamaged subiects with the summes due vnto them by reason of their losses, whereof they haue sufficient information. Wherefore in regard of those your friendly letters, and your courteous auswere returned by them vnto vs, as is aforesaid, wee doe yeelde vnto you right vnfained thanks. But because it will vndoubtedly be most acceptable and pleasing both vnto vs and vnto our people, and vnto you and your subiects, that the zeale and ferue••cie of loue which hath from auncient times growen and increased betweene our progenitours for them and their subiects, and your predecessors and their subiects, and which by the insolencie of of certayne lewde persons, without any consent of the principall lords, hath often bene violated betweene vs and you and mutually betweene the subiects of vs both, may be put in perpetuall vre and obtaine full strength in time to come,* 6.3 sithens hereupon (by Gods assistance) it is to be ho∣ped, that vnspeakeable commodity and quiet will redound vnto both parts: may it seeme good vnto your discretion, as it seemeth expedient vnto vs, that some messengers of yours sufficiently authorised to parle, agree, and conclude with our deputy, about the mutuall contraction of a perpetuall league and confirmation of friendship, may with all conuenient speede be sent vnto our presence. At whose arriuall, not onely in this busines so profitable and behoouefull, but also in certaine other affaires concerning the former treaties and conclusions, they may, yea and of ne∣cessitie must greatly auayle. Wherefore (our entirely beloued friend) euen as vpon confidence of the premisses we haue thought good to grant vnto the marchants and subiects of our realme full authority to resort vnto your dominions, so we doe in like maner graunt vnto your mar∣chants and subiects free licence and liberty with their marchandises and goods securely to come into our realmes and dominions, there to stay, and at their pleasures thence to returne home. Moreouer, if Arnold Dassel, who last of all presented your foresayd letters vnto vs, shal thinke good in the meane season to make his abode here in our dominions (as in very deede it is expedient) he may both by serious consideration and deliberate consulting with our commissio∣ners more conueniently and prosperously finde out wayes and meanes, for the more speedy ex∣pedition of all the premisses. Fare ye well in Christ. Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster, the seuenth of March, in the yere of our lord 1408, according to the computation of the Church of England, and in the tenth yere of our reigne.

A new concord concluded between king Henry the 4. and Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia, in the yeare of our Lord 1409.

BY this indenture or letters indented be it euidently knowen (for the perpetual me∣mory of the matter) vnto all faithfull Christians, that the noble & honourable per∣sonages Richard Merlowe Maior and citizen of London, Master Iohn Kington clerke, and William Askham citizen and Alderman of the same citie, the commis∣sioners of the most soueraigne prince and lord, L. Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, and Tidericus de Longenthorpe knight, Lefardus de Hereford burgomaster of Elbing, and Iohn Crolowe citizen of the citie of Dantzik, the pro∣curators, commissioners, deputies and messengers of the right noble and religious personage Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital of Ierusalem, hauing in the names of the sayd king and Master by vertue of the power on both parts committed vnto them, sufficient authority, haue appointed and with one consent agreed vpon all and singular the things vnder written.

Imprimis for the conseruation of mutuall loue and wonted ami••ie, and for the tranquilitie of [unspec 1] sweete amiable peace, it is decreed and ordained, that all and singular the liege people & subiects of the Realme of England and the Marchants of the territories & dominions of the said Realme and all other persons of what state or condition soeuer, shall and may safely and securely, as well by land as by water enter into the parts of Prussia, and there mutually conuerse, and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique aswell with the Prussians as with others of what na∣tion or qualitie soeuer, there also make their abode, and thence vnto their owne homes and dwel∣ling places returne, and depart vnto any place whither and so often as they shall thinke good, as well by land as by water, with their goods, marchandize, and wares whatsoeuer; faithfully pay∣ing in the meane time all rights & customes due in regard of their said wares and marchandize. Reserued alwaies vnto the said Master and his successours all right and remedie ordained, gran∣ted, and vouchsafed in certaine obligations by our Lord the king, whereof mention shall be made in the articles following.

Item it is ordained, that all and singular the subiects of the said Master generall and of his [unspec 2] order, of what state and condition soeuer, shall and may, as well by water as by land enter into the kingdome of England and into the territories and dominions thereof, and there mutually conuerse, and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique as well with all English people as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer, and there also make their abode, and thence returne vnto their owne habitations and dwelling places, and to depart whither they will and as oft as they shall thinke good, as well by land as by water, with their goods, marchandize and wares whatsoeuer: truely paying in the meane time all rights and customes due in regard of their said wares and Marchandize. Reserued alwayes vnto the said soueraigne king, his heires and successours, all rights and remedies ordained and graunted vnto them in certaine obligati∣ons, by the commissioners and procurators of the said Master generall aboue-named, and in the name of the said Master generall.

Item it is with one consent agreed vpon, promised, and graunted that for all and singular da∣mages, [unspec 3] grieuances, and robberies howsoeuer done and committed before the date of these pre∣sents against the foresaid soueraigne Prince and his subiects whatsoeuer, and all others which at the time of the grieuances, damages, and robberies aforesaid, were, or at this present are the said soueraigne king his subiects; there are due to be payed vnto the said king or his successours by the said Master generall or his successours, in full satisfaction and recompence of the damages, grieuances, and robberies aboue-written, certaine summes of English money: euen as in the letters obligatorie made by the said Master generall his procurators, and messengers aboue-named in this behalfe, and sealed with their seales, and deliuered vnto the forenamed procurators and commissioners of our said Lord the king it is expressed more at large.

Item it is couenanted, graunted, and promised, that no subiect of the said Master generall or [unspec 4] of his successours, by reason or occasion of the damages, grieuances, and robberies aforesaid, shall, by the said soueraigne king or his successours, or by their authoritie or commandement, or by any other person whatsoeuer who in regard of the foresaid losses, grieuances and robberies hath bene molested and damnified, or at the procurement or instant suite of any, be attached, arrested, im∣prisoned, or detained; nor that the goods of the said Master generall, or of his successors, or of any of them, shalbe laid hold on, arrested, or detained.

Item it is couenanted and ordained, that if any of the liege people and subiects of the sayde [unspec 5] Master generall or of his successors shall, contrary to the forme of the concord and graunt next aboue-written, chance to be molested or endamaged: that then the foresaid soueraigne Lord the King and his successors the kings of England are bound to make full satisfaction for all such losses as the subiects of the said Master generall or of his successours or any of them shall for that cause haue vniustly sustained, vnto the parties endamaged. Which thing, if the foresaid soueraigne Prince, or his successours in the Realme of England, being conueniently requested by the let∣ters of the said Master generall or of his successours, shall refuse to doe, that then after the terme of sixe moneths immediatly following the said deniall or refusall, it shalbe right lawfull for the Master generall that now is and for any of his successors in time to come (hauing first made con∣uenient proofe that the foresaid request was by him or them exhibited) to arrest so many goods of the foresaid king his subiects found in the land of Prussia, as may suffice for the reasonable satis∣faction and recompense of any person or persons whatsoeuer vniustly molested in this behalfe; and also to detaine the said goods vnder arrestes, vntill condigne satisfaction and amends be made vnto the party or parties molested.

Item by the commissioners and procuratours often aboue-named it is couenanted, promised, [unspec 6] and graunted, that for all and singular the damages, molestations, and robberies by the foresayde

soueraigne king his liege people & subiects howsoeuer before the date of these presents committed and offred against the said Master general or against any of his subiects whether Prussians or Li∣uonians, and against all others who at the time of the damages, grieuances & robberies aforesaid were, or at this present are the subiects of the Master generall aforesaid (except notwithstanding certaine damages & grieuances hereafter to be mentioned, whereof also some prouiso••s shalbe had in the articles following, which damages were before y^e date of these presents by y^e said soueraigne king his liege people and subiects inflicted vpon certaine subiects of the foresaid general Master, especially them of Prussia which hereafter shalbe named) there are certaine summes of money due to be payed vnto the said Master generall or vnto his successors by the said soueraigne Prince or his successours for the full satisfaction of the foresaid damages, molestations and robberies in∣flicted vpon the Prussians and Liuonians, and the others aboue mentioned, euen as in the leters obligatorie of the said soueraigne Lord the king made in this behalfe, being giuen and deliuered vnto the said Master generall his procuratours and messengers, it is declared more at large.

[unspec 7] Item, it is couenanted, graunted and promised, that none of the liege people or subiects of the foresaid soueraigne prince or of his heires shall, by reason or occasion of the damages, grieuances, and robberies aforesaid, by the sayd Master generall or his successours or by their authoritie and commandement, or by any other who in respect of the said damages, grieuances and robberies aboue mentioned, hath beene molested or damnified, or by any of their procurements or instant suites, shalbe attached, arrested, imprisoned or detained; nor that any goods of the subiects of the said soueraigne king or his heires or any of them, shall bee attached, arrested, or detained. Reserued alwayes vnto the forenamed Master generall and his subiects all right and remedie any way requisite or competent vnto them by meanes of the obligations aforesaid.

[unspec 8] Item it is couenanted and agreed that if any of the liege people or subiects of the sayde soueraigne prince or of his heires and successours shall (contrary to the forme of concord and graunt next aboue-written) chaunce to bee molested or endamaged; that then the saide Master generall and his successours, for all losses and hinderances which the liege people and subiects the foresayde soueraigne prince or of his heires or successours, shall by that meanes haue vn∣iustly sustained, are bound to make full satisfaction vnto the partie endamaged. Which if the Master generall aforesaid or his successours being conueniently requested by the letters of the sayde soueraigne prince or of his heires, shall refuse to doe; that then, after the space of sixe moneths next ensuing the time of the foresayde request, it may bee right lawfull for the fore∣named soueraigne prince that nowe is, or that then for that time shall be (conuenient proofe being first brought, that the foresayd request had conueniently beene exhibited) to arrest so many goods of the sayde Master generall his subiects founde in the Realme of England, as may suffice for the reasonable satisfaction and amends of any person or persons vniustly molested in this behalfe; and also to detaine the sayde goods vnder safe custodie, vntill con∣digne satisfaction and amends be made vnto the partie or parties aggrieued.

[unspec 9] Item it is couenanted, that besides the summes due vnto the sayde Master generall and his successours in the behalfe of his subiects both of Prussia and of Liuonia (whereof men∣tion is made in the former Articles) there are due to bee payed vnto the sayde Master gene∣rall and his successours, for sundry other damages, grieuances, and robberies against him∣selfe and diuers other of his subiects of Prussia, namely Matthewe Ludekensson, Arnold Asshen, Henri Culeman, Iohn Vnkeltop, Iohn Halewater, Egghard Scoffe of Dantzik, and Nicolas Wolmerstene of Elbing, done and committed by the sayde soueraigne king his liege people and subiects vnder-written, euen before the date of these presents, for the full satisfaction of the sayde damages, grieuances and robberies, certaine summes of nobles hereafter following. Namely Inprimis by Tutburie, and Ter••y of Hull, 82. nobles, which are due vnto y^e foresaid Matthew Ludekinson. Item by Nicholas Scot of Caleis the sonne of Tutbury, and Hilg of Hull, 256. nobles, which are due vnto the foresayd Arnold de Aschen. Item by the inhabitants of Scardeburgh, Blakeney, and Crowmer (who had one Iohn Iolly of Blakeney for their captaine) 156. nobles, which are due vnto Henrie Culeman aforesayd. Item by the inhabitants of Bayon (Whose Capitaine was one Pideuille) 125. nobles which are due vnto the said Iohn Vnkeltop. Item by the inhabitants of Plymmouth and Dertmouth (whose Captaines were Henry Pay, and William Gadeling) 600. nobles which are due vnto the fore∣sayde Iohn Halewater, in respect of his goods by them violently taken away. Item 334. nobles to be payed by the selfe same parties, being due vnto the sayde Iohn Halewater by reason that they detained his ship from him three moneths and more, which ship was of the burthen of three hundreth tonnes of wine,* 6.4 and had in it all the foresayde time fiue and fourtie seruants maintained at the expenses of the sayde Iohn Halewater. Item that Sir

William de Ethingham knight, who was Uice-admirall for the sea, must bee summoned to alleage a reasonable cause (for that the sayd Sir William with his seruants expelled the said Iohn Halewater out of his ship for the space of fifteene dayes together, and tooke of the goods and victuals of the said Iohn to the summe of 114. nobles) why he ought not to pay the said summe of 114. nobles vnto Iohn Halewater aforesaid: which if hee shall not bee willing nor able to alleage before the first of April next ensuing, that then by the kings authoritie hee must be compelled to pay vnto the foresaid Iohn the said 114 nobles. Item by the inhabitants of Caleis (whose captaines were Michael Scot, Bishop, and William Horneby) 1900. nobles, which are due vnto the foresayde Eggard Scoff, because the saide soueraigne king hath giuen them in charge by the said Michael Scot and the rest concerning the payment of the summe a∣foresaid. Item by Iohn Bilis neere vnto Crowmer, 68. nobles, which are due vnto Nicholas Wolmersten of Elbing. Which summes of nobles must by the kings authoritie bee leuied at the hands of his subiects aboue-mentioned, betweene the time that nowe is and the feast of the Purification of the blessed virgine which shall fall in the yeere of our Lord 1411. effectually to bee deliuered and payed vnto the sayd Master generall or his lawfull procurator, or vnto his successours or their lawfull procuratours, at the Citie of London, vpon the feast aforesaid.

Item it is couenanted that besides the summes specified in the foresayde letters obligatorie made in the behalfe of the said soueraigne prince, there are due to be paied vnto one Iohn Marion of Wersingham lately deceased being in his life-time the liege subiect of the foresaid soueraigne prince 200. nobles of English money in regard of certaine iniuries and robberies done and com∣mitted before the date of these presents against the foresayde Iohn, by one Eghard Scoff subiect vnto the said Master generall, for the full satisfaction of the saide damages and robberies to bee made vnto the said deceased Iohn, his wife, children, heires or exceutors by the said Egghard, his he••res, or by the administrators of his goods at the time and place aboue-mentioned.

Item it is couenanted, confirmed, and promised, that for all the iniuries and robberies done and [unspec 10] committed against one Iohn Dordewant of Elbing, being in his life time subiect vnto the sayd Master generall, by the liege people and subiects of the said soueraigne king the inhabitants of Scardeburgh before the date of these presents; for the full recompense of all such iniuries and robberies, there must bee payed vnto one Iohn Gruk of Dantzik eight hundred nobles of English money, vpon the feast of Easter next following in the Citie of London by them of Scardeburgh being guiltie and culpable in this behalfe; who are by definitiue sentence condem∣ned vnto the said Iohn in the summe of 800. nobles by reason of the iniuries and robberies afore∣said. Except the lawfull expenses in this behalfe layed out: they are also taxed in due time for the issue. And therefore the foresayde condemned parties (whose names are in the sentence against them pronounced in this behalfe, more expresly contained) must in the meane season by the kings authoritie be compelled and constrained really and actually to obey the foresaid sentence, namely by deliuering and paying vnto Iohn Gruk the summe of 800. nobles at the time and place aboue mentioned, with reasonable expences, wherein also the said parties stand condemned, their law∣full taxation being reserued.

Item it is couenanted and granted, that the heires of Lord Henrie de Percy the yonger after they shall come vnto lawfull age, and shall haue attained vnto the possessions and goods of their inheritance, must be compelled by the kings authoritie (iustice going before) to make satisfaction vnto the great procurator of Marienburgh with the summe of 838. nobles in lieu of certaine corne and graine which the foresaid Lord Henrie, in the yeere 1403, bought and receiued of the said great procuratour, for the vse of the castle of Zutberwik. In testimonie and confirmation of all the which premisses, the said Tedericus, Lefardus, and Iohn Crolow, of their certaine knowledges haue put t••eir seales vnto these present letters indented, in the presence of the aboue-named Richard Merlow, Iohn Kington, and William Askam, commissioners for the behalfe of England. Giuen at the Citie of London in England the fourth day of December, in the yeere of our Lord 1409.

Carta Henrici quarti Anno ‖ 6.5 quinto regni sui conces••a merca∣toribus Angliae in partibus Prussiae, Daciae, Norwegiae, Swethiae, & Ger∣maniae, de gubernatore inter ipsos ibidem constituendo.

HEnricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae & Dominus Hiberniae omnibus, ad quos praesentes literae peruenerint, salutem. S••iatis quod cum, vt accepi∣mus, ob defectum boni & sani regiminis & gubernationis, diuersa damna, dissensiones, grauamina, & angustiae inter mercatores Regni nostri Angliae in partibus Pruciae, Daciae, Norwegiae, Hansae, & Swethiae commor••ntes saepius ante haec tempora mota fuissent & perpetrata, ac maiora exinde, quod absit, futuris temporibus verisimiliter euenire formidantur, nisi pro meliori gubernatione inter eosdem mercatores mutuò habenda manus nostras adiutrices apponamus: Nos dam∣nis & periculis in hac parte imminentibus praecauere, & eosdem Mercatores & alios de dicto regno nostro ad partes praedictas venturos iuste & fideliter regi & pertractari intime deside∣rantes, volumus & tenore praesentium concedimus eisdem mercatoribus, quod ipsi quo∣ties & quando eis placuerit in quodam loco competenti & honesto, vbi sibi placuerit, se congregare & vnire, & certas personas sufficientes & idoneas in gubernatores suos in eisdem pattibus inter se ad eorum libitum eligere & obtinere valeant libere & impune: Dantes vlte∣rius & concedentes huiusmodi gubernatoribus per praedictos Mercatores sic eligendis, quan∣tum in nobis est, potestatem & authoritatem speciales, omnes & singulos mercatores Anglicos ad partes praedictas de caetero venientes & declinantes per se vel sufficientes loca sua tenentes regendi & gubernandi, ac eis & eorum cuilibet in suis causis & querelis quibuscunque inter eos in partibus praedictis motis vel mouendis plenam & celerem iusticiam faciendi & quas∣cunque quaestiones, contentiones, discordias, & debatas inter ipsos mercatores Anglicos partium praedictarum motas seu mouendas reformandi, reformationemque petendi, redigendi sedandi, & pacificandi, & quascunque transgressiones, damna, mesprisiones, excessus, vio-, lencias, & iniurias mercatoribus partium praedictarum per praedictos mercatores Anglicos factas seu faciendas redigendi, reparandi, restaurandi, & emendandi, consimilesque restitu∣tiones, reparationes, restaurationes & emendationes de ipsis mercatoribus partium praedicta∣rum seu deputatis suis requirendi, petendi, & recipiendi: Ac de communi assensu mercatorum Anglicorum praedictorum statuta, ordinationes, & consuetudines, prout pro meliori guberna∣tione status eorundem mercatorum Anglicorum in hac parte videbitur expedire, faciendi & stabiliendi, & omnes & singulos mercatores Anglicos praefatis gubernatoribus sic eligendis vel eorum loca tenentibus seu eorum alicui, aut alicui statutorum, ordinationum, & consue∣tudinum praedictarum contrarios, rebelles, vel inobedientes iuxta quantitatem delicti sui in hac parte rationabiliter puniendi. Volentes insuper omnia iusta & rationabilia statuta, ordi∣nationes & consuetudines per dictos gubernatores sic eligendos in forma praedicta facienda & stabilienda, nec non omnes iustas & rationabiles ordinationes per ‖ 6.6 nuper gubernatores praedictorum mercatorum Anglicorum de communi assensu eorundem mercatorum pro hu∣iusmodi gubernatione sua in partibus praedictis iuxta priuilegia & authoritates sibi per magi∣strum Pruciae seu alios dominos partium praedictarum concessa, factas & stabilitas, seu per praedictos gubernatores nunc vt praemittitur eligendos iuxta priuilegia praedicta, seu alia pri∣uilegia eisdem mercatoribus Anglicis per praedictos magistrum & dominos in posterum con∣cedenda, facienda & stabilienda, rata, firma & accepta haberi, & pro ratis, firmis, & ac∣ceptis ibidem firmiter & inuiolabiliter obseruari. Damus autem vniuersis & singulis merca∣toribus Anglicis praedictis tenore praesentium firmiter in mandatis, quod eisdem gubernato∣ribus sic eligendis & eorum loca tenentibus in praemissis omnibus & singulis ac••alijs guber∣nationem & regimen in hac parte qualitercunque concernentibus intendentes sint, consu∣lentes, obedientes & auxiliantes, prout decet. Data in palatio nostro Westmonasterij sub magni sigilli nostri testimonio sexto die Iunij Anno regni nostri quinto.

A Charter of King Henry the fourth graunted in the fift yeere of his reigne to the English Marchants resident in the partes of Prussia, Denmarke, Norway, Sweden and Germanie for the chusing of Gouernours among themselues.

HEnry by the grace of God king of England and of France, and Lord of Ireland: to all to whom these present letters shall come, sendeth greeting. Know ye, that whereas, accor∣ding as we are informed, through want of good and discreete rule and gouernement, sundry da∣mages, strifes, oppressions, and wrongs oftentimes heretofore haue bene moued and committed among the Marchants of our kingdome of England remaining in the parties of Prussia, Den∣marke, Norway, the Hans steeds, and Sweden, and greater hereafter, which God forbid, are feared to be like to fall out, vnlesse we put to our helping hands for the procuring of better go∣uernement to be maintained among the said Marchants: wee heartily desiring to preuent the perrils and dangers which are like to fall out in this case, and that the sayde Marchants and others which shall trauaile out of our said Realme into the partes aforesaid may iustly and faith∣fully be ruled and intreated, we will and graunt by the tenour of these presents to the said Mar∣chants, that they may freely and without danger assemble and meete together as often and when∣soeuer they please in some conuenient and honest place where they shall thinke good, and that they may choose among themselues certaine sufficient and fit persons for their gouernours in those parts at their good liking. And furthermore we giue and graunt to the said Gouernours which are in such sort to be chosen by the aforesaid Marchants, as much as in vs lieth, speciall power and authoritie to rule and gouerne all and singular the English Marchants which hereafter shall come or repayre to the parts aforesaid by themselues or their sufficient Deputies, and to mini∣ster vnto them and euery of them in their causes and quarels whatsoeuer, which are sprung vp or shall hereafter fall out among them in the parts aforesaid full and speedie iustice, and to re∣forme all maner of questions, content••ous discords, and debates moued or to be moued betweene the English Marchants remayning in those parts, and to seeke reformation, to redresse, appease, and compound the same. And further to redresse, restore, repayre and satisfie all transgressions, damages, misprisions, outrages, violences, and iniuries done or to be done by the aforesaid English Marchants against the Marchants of those parts: And to require, demaund and receiue the like restitutions, reparations, satisfactions and amends of the Marchants of those parts or of their deputies. And by the common consent of the aforesaid English Marchants to make and establish statutes, ordinances, and customes, as shall seeme expedient in that behalfe for the better go∣uernement of the state of the said English Marchants: and to punish with reason according to the quantitie of their fault in that behalfe all and singular the English Marchants which shall withstand, resist or disobey the aforesaid gouernours so to be chosen or their deputi••s, or any of them; or any of the aforesaid statutes, ordinances, or customes. Moreouer we doe ratifie, con∣firme, and approoue, and as ratified, confirmed, and approoued, wee command firmely and inuio∣lably there to be obserued all iust, and reasonable statutes, ordinances, and customes which shalbe made and established by the said gouernors, so to be chosen, in forme aforesaid, and also all iust and reasonable ordinances made & established by the late gouernours of the aforesaid English Mar∣chants with the common consent of the sayd Marchants for this their gouernement in the parts aforesayd, according to the priuileges and authorities now granted vnto them by the Master of Prussia, or other Lords of the partes aforesayd, or which shall be made and established by the afore∣sayd gouernours now as is mentioned to be chosen according to the aforesaid priuileges hereto∣fore graunted, or other priuileges hereafter to bee granted to the sayde English Marchants by the aforesayde Master and lords of the Countrey. And furthermore by the tenor of these pre∣sents wee straitely commaund all and singular the aforesaid English Marchants, that they attend, aduise, obey and assist, as it becommeth them, the sayde gouernours so to bee chosen, and their deputies in all and singular the premisses, and other things, which any way may concerne in this behalfe their rule and gouernement. Giuen in our Palace at Westminster vnder the testimonie of our great Seale the sixt day of Iune in the fift yeere of our reigne.

A note touching the mighty ships of King Henry the fift, men∣tioned hereafter in the treatie of keeping the Sea, taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester.

EOdem Anno quo victoria potitus est videlicet Anno Domini 14••5. & regni sui Annotertio, post bellum de Agencourt, conducti a Francis venerunt cum multis Nauibus recuperatur•• Harfletum, Sed Rex Angliae misit fratrem suum Iohannem Ducem Bedfordiae & An∣degauiae,

qui pugnauit cum eis & vicit, & Naues cepit, & quasdam submersit: caeteri fugerunt cum Hispanis nauibus qui venerant cum eis Anno gratiae 1416. Sequenti vero Anno redierunt poten∣tiores, & iterum deuicti perpetuam pacem ••cum Rege composuerunt, & propter eorum naues fecit Rex fieri naues quales non erant in mundo. De his sic conductis a Francis ita metricè scribitur.

* 6.7Regum belligero trito celeberrimus aruo Gallos, Hispanos, Ianos, deuicit, & Vrget, Vastat; turbantur caetera regna metu. Nauali bello bis deuicti quoque Iani.

A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the sixt, for the trade to Norwey, Sweueland, Denmarke, and Fynmarke.

ITem because that the kings most deare Uncle, the king of Denmarke, Norway & Sweueland, as the same our soueraigne Lord the king of his intimation hath vnderstood, considering the ma∣nifold & great losses, perils, hurts and damage which haue late happened aswell to him and his, as to other foraines and strangers, and also friends and speciall subiects of our said soueraigne Lord the king of his Realme of England, by y^e going in, entring & passage of such forain & strange per∣sons into his realme of Norwey & other dominions, streits, territories, iurisdictions & places sub∣dued and subiect to him, specially into his Iles of Fynmarke, and elswhere, aswell in their persons as their things and goods: for eschuing of such losses, perils, hurts & damages, and that such like (which God forbid) should not hereafter happen: our said soueraigne Lord the king hath ordeined and statuted, that all and singular strangers, aswell Englishmen and others willing to apply by Ship and come into his Realme of Norwey and other dominions, streits, territories, iurisdic∣tions, Isles & places aforesaid with their ships, to the intent to get or haue fish or any other Mar∣chandises, or goods, shall apply and come to his Towne of Northberne, where the said king of Denmarke hath specially ordained and stablished his staple for the concourses of strangers and specially of Englishmen, to the exercise of such Marchandises: granting to the said Englishmen that they shall there inioy in and by all things•• the same fauour, priuileges and prerogatiues which they of the Hans did enioy. Therefore our said soueraigne Lord the king willing the loue, affi∣nitie and amities to be firmely obserued, which betwixt his said Uncle and his noble progenitors of good memory, their Realmes, lands, dominions, streites, territories, iurisdictions and their said places, and the same our soueraigne Lord the king & his noble progenitours of famous memory, his great men, subiects, Realmes, lands & dominions hath bene of old times hitherto continued, nor nothing by our said soueraigne Lord the king or his people to be attempted or done whereby such amities by reason of any dissensions, enemities or discords might be broken: by the aduise of the Lords spirituall & temporall & of the cōmons of his said Realme of England, assembled in this present Parliament, hath ordained, prohibiting that none of his liege people nor subiects of his Realme of England by audacitie of their follie presume to enter the Realmes, lands, domini∣ons, straits, territories, iurisdictions & places of the said king of Denmarke against y^• ordinance, prohibition & interdictiō of y^e same his Uncle aboue remembred, & in contempt of the same, vpō paine of forfeiture of all their moueable goods & imprisonment of their persons at the kings will.

Another branch of a statute made in the tenth yeere of the reigne of Henry the sixt concerning the state of the English Marchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke.

ITem because that our soueraigne Lord the king at the grieuous complaint to him made in this Parliament by the commons of his realme of England being in this Parliament is informed, that many of his faithfull liege people be greatly impouerished, vndone, & in point to be destroyed by the king of Denmarke & his lieges, which be of the amitie of the king our soueraigne Lord, be∣cause that they do daily take of his said faithful subiects their goods, so that they haue taken of mar∣chants of York and Kingston vpon Hul goods & marchandises to the valour of v.M.li. within a yeere, and of other lieges & marchants of y^e Realme of England goods & cattals to the valour of xx.M.li. wherof they haue no remedie of the said king of Denmarke, nor of none other, forasmuch as none of them cōmeth within the Realme of England, nor nothing haue in the same Realme of England, & that y^e goods be taken out of the same Realme: The king willing to prouide remedy for his said liege people, hath ordeined & established, that if y^e goods of any of y^e said his lieges be or shalbe taken by the said king of Denmarke or any of his said lieges, the keeper of the priuie seale for y^e time being, shall haue power to make to y^e partie grieued letters of request vnder the priuie seale, w^tout any other pursuite to be made to any for restituti••n to be had of y^e goods so taken & to be

taken. And if restitution be not made by such letters, the king our soueraigne lord by the aduise of his counsel shal prouide to the partie grieued his couenable remedy, according as y^e case requireth.

Here beginneth the Prologue of the processe of the Libel of English policie, exhorting all England to keepe the sea, and namely the nar∣rowe sea: shewing what profite commeth thereof, and also what worship and saluation to England, and to all English-men.

* 6.8THe true processe of English policie Of vtterward to keepe this regne in Of our England, that no man may deny, Ner say of sooth but it is one of the best, Is this, that who seeth South, North, East and Wes•••• Cherish Marchandise, keepe the admiraltie; That we bee Mas••ers of the narrowe see.

* 6.9For Sigismond the great Emperour, * 6.10With yet reigneth, when he was in this land With king Henry the fift, Prince of honour, * 6.11Here much glory, as him thought, he found, A mightie land which had take in hand To werre in France, and make mortalitie, And euer well kept round about the see.

And to the king thus hee sayd: My brother, (When hee perceiued two Townes Caleis and Douer) Of all your Townes to chuse of one and other, To keepe the sea and soone to come ouer To werre outwards and your regne to recouer: Keepe these two Townes sure, and your Maistie As your tweyne eyne: so keepe the narrowe see.

For if this sea bee kept in time of werre, Who can heere passe without danger and woe? Who may escape, who may mischiefe differre? What Marchandie may forby bee agoe? For needs hem must take trewes euery foe: Flanders and Spaine, and other, trust to mee, * 6.12Or ellis hindred all for this Narrow see.

Therefore I cast mee by a little writing To shewe at eye this conclusion, * 6.13For conscience and for mine acquiting Against God and ageyne abusion, And cowardise, and to our enemies confusion. For foure things our Noble sheweth to me, King, Ship, and Swerd, and power of the see.

Where ben our ships, where ben our swerds become? Our enemies bed for the ship set a sheepe. Alas our rule halteth, it is benome. Who dare well say that lordship should take keepe? I will assay, though mine heart ginne to weepe, To doe this werke, if wee will euer thee, For very shame to keepe about the see.

Shall any Prince, what so be his name, Which hath Nobles moch leche ours, Bee Lord of ••ee: and Flemings to our blame, Stop vs, take vs, and so make fade the flowers Of English state, and disteyne our honours? For cowardise alas it should so bee. Therefore I ginne to write nowe of the see.

Of the commodities of Spaine and of Flan∣ders. The first Chapter.

* 6.14KNowe well all men that profits in certaine Commodities called comming out of Spaine And Marchandie, who so will weete what it is, Bene Figs, Raisins, wine Bastard, and Datis, And Licorts, Siuill oyle, and graine, White Pastill Sope, and Waxe is not vayne. Yron, Wooll, Wadmolle, Gotefell, ••idfell also: For Poynt-makers full needefull bene they tweyn: Saffron, Quickesilver, which owne Spaine Marchandy, Is into Flanders shipped full craftily, Unto Bruges as to her staple fayre: The Hauen of S••luse hir Hauen for her repayre Wich is cleped Swyn tho shippes giding: Where many vessels and fayre are abiding. But these Marchandes with their shippes great, And such chaffare as they bye and get By the weyes must nede take on hand By the coasts to passe of our England, Betwixt Douer and Caleis, this is no doubt. Who can well els such matter bring about?

And when these sayd Marchants discharged bee Of Marchandie in Flanders nere the see, Then they bee charged againe with Marchandy, That to Flanders bougethfull richly. Fine cloth of Ypre that named is better than ours, Cloth of Curtrike, fine cloth of all colours, Much Fus••ian, and also Linen cloth. But Flemings, if yee bee not wroth, * 6.15The great substance of your cloth at the full Yee wot ye make it of our English woll.

Then may it not sinke in mannis brayne, But that it must this Marchandy of Spaine Both out and in by our costes passe: Hee that sayd nay in witte was like an asse. Wee should haue peace with the grounds tweyne Thus if this see were kept, I dare well sayne. * 6.16For Spaine and Flanders is as eche other brother, And nether may well liue without other: They may not liuen to maintaine their degrees, Without our English commodities:

Wolle and Tynne: for the woolle of England Susteineth the Commons Flemings I vnderstand. Then if England would her wolle restraine From Flanders, this followeth in certaine, Flanders of nede must with vs haue peace, Or els shee is destroyed without lees. Also if Flanders thus destroyed bee: Some Marchandy of Spaine will neuer ythee: For destroyed it is, and as in cheeffe The wolle of Spaine it commeth not to preeffe, But if it be costed and menged well Amongst the English wolle the greter delle. For Spanish wooll in Flaunders draped is, And euer hath bee, that men haue minde of this:

And yet Wooll is one of the chiefe Marchandy That longeth to Spaine: who so will espie, It is of little value, trust vnto mee, With English wooll but if it menged bee. Thus if the sea be kept, than herken hether, If these two lands comen not ••ogether: So that the Fleete of Flanders passe nought That in the narrowe see it be not brought•• Into the Rochelle to fetch the fumose wine, Ner into Bytonuse Bay for salt so fine, What is then Spaine? What is Flanders also? As who sayd, nought, the thrift is agoe. For the little land of Flanders is But a staple to other lands ywis: And all that groweth in Flanders graine and seede May not a Moneth finde hem meate and brede. What hath then Flanders, bee Flemings lieffe or loth•• But a little Mader and Flemish Cloth: By Drapering of our wooll in substance Liuen her commons, this is her gouernance, Without wich they may not liue at ease. Thus must hem sterue, or with vs must haue peace.

Of the commodities of Portugal. The second Chapter.

THe Marchandy also of Portugal By diuers lands turne into sale. Portugalers with vs haue trouth in hand: Whose Marchandy ••ommeth much into England•• They ben our friends, with their commodities, And wee English passen into their countrees. * 6.17Her land hath wine, Osey, Waxe, and Graine, Figges, Reysins, Hony and Cordoweyne: Dates, and Salt, Hides, and such Marchandy: And if they would to Flanders passe for by, They should not bee suffred ones ner twyes, For supporting of our cruell enemies, That is to say Flemings with her gyle: * 6.18For changeable they are in little while. Then I conclude by reasons many moe, If we suffred neither friend nor foe, What so enemies, and so supporting Passe for by vs in time of werring, Seth our friends will not ben in cause Of our hindring, if reson lede this clause: Then nede from Flanders peace bee to vs sought, And other lands should seeke peace, dout nought: For Flanders is Staple, as men tell mee, To all nations of Christianitie.

The commodities of pety Britaine, with her Rouers on the sea. The third Chapter.

FUrthermore to write I am faine Somewhat speaking of the little Britayne. Commoditie thereof there, is and was,

Salt, and wine, crest cloth and canuas. And the land of Flaunders sickerly Is the staple of their Marchandy. Wich Marchandie may not passe away But by the coast of England, this is no nay. And of this Britaine, who so trueth louis, * 6.19Are the greatest rouers and the greatest theeuis, That haue bene in the sea many one yeere: That our Marchants haue bought full dere. For they haue tooke notable goods of ours, On this side see, these false pelours Called of Saincte Malo, and ellis where: Wich to their Duke none obeysance will bere: With such colours wee haue bee hindred sore. And fayned peace is called no werre herefore. Thus they haue bene in diuers coasts many Of our England, more then rehearse can I: In Norfolke coastes, and other places about, And robbed and brent and slaiue by many a rowte: And they haue also ransomed Towne by Towne: That into the regnes of bost haue run her sowne: Wich hath bin ruth vnto this Realme and shame: They that the sea should keepe are much to blame. For Britayne is of easie reputation; And Saincte Malo turneth hem to reprobation.

A storie of Edward the third his ordinance for Britayne.

* 6.20HEre bring I in a storie to mee lent, That a good Squire in time of Parliament Tooke vnto mee well written in a scrowe: That I haue commond both with high and lowe, Of which all men accorden into one, That it was done not many yeeres agone. But when noble King Edward the thrid Reigned in grace, right thus it betyd. For hee had a maner gelosie To his Marchants and loued them hartily. He feld the weyes to rule well the see, Whereby Marchants might haue prosperitee. That for Harflew Houndflew did he maken; And great werre that time were vndertaken, betwixt the King and the Duke of Britayne: At last to fall to peace both were they fayne: Upon the wich made with conuencion Our Marchants made hem readie bowne Toward Britayne to loade their Marchandie, Wening hem friends they went foorth boldly: But soone anon our Marchants were ytake, And wee spedde neuer the better for truce sake. They lost her good, her nauy and spending: But their complaint came vnto the king. Then wext he wroth, and to the Duke he sent, And complained that such harme was hent; By conuention and peace made so refused: With Duke sent againe, and him excused, Rehearsing that the mount of Saincte Michael,

And Sainct Malo would neuer a dell Be subiect vnto his gouernance, Nor be vnder his obeysance: And so they did withouten him that deede. But when the king anon had taken heede: Hee in his herte set a iudgement, Without calling of any Parliament, Or greate tarry to take long aduise To ••ortifie anon he did deuise Of English Townes three, that is to say, Der••mouth, Plymouth, the third it is Fowey: And gaue hem helpe and notable puisance With insistence set them in gouernance Upon pety Bretayne for to werre. Those good sea men would no more differre, But bete hem home and made they might not cowte, Tooke prisoners, and made them for to lowte. And efte the Duke, an ensample wise, Wrote to the king as he first did deuise, Him excusing: But our men wood With great power passed ouer the floode And werred foorth into the Dukes londe, And had ny destroyed free and bond. But than the Duke knewe that the townes three Should haue lost all his natiue Countrie, He vndertooke by suretie true not false, For mount Michael and Saincte Malo als, And other parties of the litle Brytaine, Which to obey, as sayd was, were not fayne. The Duke hymselfe for all did vndertake: With all his herte a full peace did hee make: So that in all the life time of the king, Marchants had peace withouten werring:

He made a statute for Lombards in this land,* 6.21 That they should in noe wise take on hande Here to inhabite, here to chardge and dischardge But fortie dayes, no more time had they large. This good king by witte of such appreiffe Kept his Marchants and the sea from mischiefe.

Of the commodities of Scotland and draping of her wolles in Flanders. The fourth Chapiter.

MOreouer of Scotland the commodities Are Felles, Hides, and of Wooll the Fleese. And all these must passe by vs away Into Flanders by England, sooth to say. And all her woolle was draped for to sell In the Townes of Poperinge and of Bell; Which my Lord of Glocester with ire For her falshed set vpon a fi••e.* 6.22 And yet they of Bell and Poperinge Could neuer drape her wooll for any thing, But if they had English woll withall. Our goodly wooll which is so generall Needefull to them in Spaine and Scotland als, And other costes, this sentence is not false: Yee worthy Marchants I doe it vpon you,

I haue this learned ye wot well where and howe: Ye wotte the Staple of that Marchandie, Of this Scotland is Flaunders sekerly. And the Scots bene charged knowen at the eye, Out of Flanders with little Mercerie, And great plentie of Haberdashers War••, And halfe her shippes with cart wheeles bare, And with Barrowes are laden as in substance: Thus most rude ware are in her cheuesance. So they may not forbeare this Flemish land. Therefore if wee would manly take in hand, To keepe this Sea from Flanders and from Spaine, And from Scotland, like as from pety Britaine, Wee should right soone haue peace for all her bosts, For they must needes passe by our English costs.

Of the commodities of Pruce, and High Dutch men, and Easterlings. The fifth Chapitle.

NOwe goe foorth to the commodities, That commeth from Pruce in two maner degrees. For two maner people haue such vse, That is to say, High Duch men of Pruse, And Esterlings, which might not be forborne, Out of Flanders, but it were verely lorne. For they bring in the substance of the Beere, That they drinken feele too good chepe, not dere. Yee haue heard that two Flemings togider Will vndertake or they goe any whither, Or they rise once to drinke a Ferkin full, Of good Beerekin: so sore they hall and pull. Under the board they pissen as they sit; This commeth of couenant of a worthie wit. Without Caleis in their Butter they cakked When they fled home, and when they leysure lacked To holde their siege, they went like as a Doe: Well was that Fleming that might trusse, and goe. For feare they turned backe and hyed fast, My Lord of Glocester made hem so agast With his comming, and soght hem in her land, And brent and slowe as he had take on hand: So that our enemies durst not bide, nor stere, They fled to mewe, they durst no more appeare, Rebuked sore for euer so shamefully, Unto her vtter euerlasting villanie.

Nowe Beere and Bakon bene fro Pruse ybrought Into Flanders, as loued and farre ysought; Osmond, Copper, Bow-staues, Steele, and Wexe, Peltreware and grey Pitch, Terre, Board, and flexe: And Colleyne threed, Fustian and Canuas,* 6.23 Card, Bukeram: of olde time thus it was. But the Flemings among these things dere, In common louen best Bakon and Beere. Also Pruse men maken her aduenture Of Plate of siluer of wedges good and sure In great plentie which they bring and bye, Out of the lands of Beame and Hungarie: Which is increase full great vnto their land, And they bene laden, I vnderstand,

With wollen cloth all maner o•• colours By dyers crafted full diuers, that ben ours. And they aduenture full greatly vnto the Bay, for salt that is needefull withouten nay•• Thus if they would not our friends bee, We might lightly stoppe hem in the see: They should not passe our streemes withouten leue, It would not be, but if we should hem greue.

Of the commodities of the Genuoys and her great Caracks. Chap. 6.

THe Genuois comen in sundry wises Into this land with diuers marchandises In great Caracks, arrayed withouten lacke With cloth of gold, silke, and pepper blacke They bring with them, and of ‖ 6.24crood great plentee, Woll Oyle, Woad ashen, by vessel in the see, Cotton, Rochalum, and good gold of Genne. And then be charged with wolle againe I wenne, And wollen cloth of ours of colours all. And they aduenture, as ofte it doth befall, Into Flanders with such things as they bye, That is their chefe staple sekerly: And if they would be ou•• full enemies, They should not passe our stremes with marchandise.

The comodities and nicetees of the Venetians and Florentines, with their Gallees. Chap. 7.

THe great Galees of Venice and Florence Be well laden with things of complacence, All spicery and of grossers ware: With sweete wines all maner of chaffare, Apes, and Iapes, and marmusets tayled, Nifles and trifles that little haue auayled: And things with which they fetely blere our eye: With things not induring that we bye. For much of this chaffare that is wastable Might be forborne for dere and deceiuable. And that I wene as for infirmities In our England are such commodities Withouten helpe of any other lond Which by witte and practise both yfound: That all humors might be voyded sure, Which that we gleder with our English cure: That we should haue no neede of Scamonie, Turbit, enforbe, correct Diagredie, Rubarbe, Sene, and yet they ben to needefull, But I know things al so speedefull, That growen here, as those things sayd. Let of this matter no man be dismayde; But that a man may voyde infirmitie Without degrees ••et fro beyond the sea. And yef they should except be any thing It were but sugre, trust to my saying: He that trusteth not to my saying and sentence, Let him better search experience. In this matter I will not ferther prease, Who so not beleeueth, let him leaue and cease.

Thus these galeys for this licking ware, And eating ware, bare hence our best chaffare: Cloth, woll, and tinne, which as I sayd before, Out of this lond worst might be forbore, Foreth other land of necessitie Haue great neede to buy some of them three: And we receiue of h••m into this coste Ware and chaffare that lightly wilbe loste. And would Iesus, that our Lord is wold Consider this well both yong and old: Namely old that haue experience, That might the yong exhorte to prudence; What harme, what hurt, and what hinderance Is done to vs, vnto our great grieuance, Of such lands, and of such nations: As experte men know by probations, By writings as discouered our counsailes, And false colour alwaies the countertailes Of our enimies: that doth vs hindering Unto our goods, our Relme, and to the king: As wise men haue shewed well at eye; And all this is couloured by marchandye. * 6.25ALso they bere the gold out of this land, And sucke the thrift away out of our hand: As the Waspe souketh honie fro the bee, So minisheth our commoditee. Now wol ye here how they in Cotteswold Were wont to borrow or they shold be sold Her woll good as for yere and yere. Of cloth and tinne they did in like manere: And in her galies ship this marchandie: Then soone at Venice of them men woll it bye. Then vtterne there the chaffare by the peise, And lightly als there they make her reise. And when the goods beene at Venice sold, Then to carie her change they this money haue, They will it profer, their subtiltie to saue, To English marchants to yeue it out by eschange To be payed againe they make not strange, At the receiuing and sight of a letter, Here in England, seeming for the better, by foure pence lesse in the noble round: That is twelue pence in the golden pound. And if wee wol haue of payment A full moneth, than must him needes assent To eight pence losse, that is shillings twaine In the English pound; as eft soone againe, For two moneths twelue pence must he pay. In the English pound what is that to say, But shillings three? So that in pound fell For hurt and harme hard is with hem to dwell. And when English marchants haue content This eschange in England of assent, That these sayd Uenecians haue in woone And Florentines to bere her gold soone Ouer the see into Flanders, againe: And thus they liue in Flanders, sooth to sau••e, And in London with such cheuisance, That men call vsury, to our losse and hinderance.

Another example of deceite.

NOw lesten well how they made vs a valeys When they borrowed at the town of Caleis As they were wont, their woll that was hem lent, For yere and yere they should make payment. And sometime als two yere and two yeare. This was fayre‖ 6.26 loue: but yet will ye heare, How they to Bruges would her woll carie, And for hem take payment withouten tarie, And sell it fast for ready money in hand. For fifty pounds of money of losse they wold not wond In a thousand pound, and liue thereby Till the day of payment easily, Come againe in exchange: making Full like vsury, as men make vndertaking. Than whan this payment of a thousand pound Was well content, they should haue chaffare sound If they wold fro the Staple full, Receiue againe three thousand pound in woll. In Co••teswold also they ride about, And all England, and buy withouten doubte What them list with freedome and franchise, More then we English may gitten many wise. But would God that without lenger delayes These galees were vnfraught in fortie dayes, And in fortie dayes charged againe, And that they might be put to certaine To goe to oste, as we there with hem doe. It were expedient that they did right soe, As we doe there. If the king would it: Ah what worship wold fall to English wit? What profite also to our marchandie Which wold of nede be cherished hertilie? For I would witte, why now our nauie fayleth,* 6.27 When manie a foe vs at our doore assayleth. Now in these dayes, that if there come a nede, * 6.28What nauie should we haue it is to drede. In Denmarke were full noble conquerours In time past, full worthy warriours: Which when they had their marchants destroyed,* 6.29 To pouerty they fell, thus were they noyed: And so they stand at mischiefe at this day. This learned I late well writon, this no nay. Therefore beware, I can no better will, Is grace it woll, of other mennis perill. For if marchants were cherished to her speede, We were not likely to fayle in any neede. If they be rich, then in prosperitee Shalbe our londe, lords, and commontee, And in worship. Now thinke I on the sonne Of marchandy Richard of Whitingdon;* 6.30 That load sterre, and chiefe chosen floure: What hath by him our England of honour, And what profite hath bin of his riches, And yet lasteth dayly in worthines? That pen and paper may not me suffice Him to describe: so high he was of price

Aboue marchants, that set him one of the best: I can no more, but God haue him in rest.

Now the principal matter.

VVHat reason is it that we should goe to oste In their countries, & in this English coste They should not so? but haue more liberty Then we our selues now also motte I thee. I would to gifts men should take no heede That letteth our thing publicke for to speede. For this we s••e well euery day at eye, Gifts and fests s••open our policie. Now see that fooles ben either they or wee: But euer we haue the worse in this countree. Therefore let hem vnto oste go here, Or be we free with hem in like manere In their countrees: and if it will not bee, Compell them vnto oste, and yee shall see Moch auantage, and moch profite arise, Moch more then I can write in any wise.

Of our charge and discharge at her marts.

COnceiue wel here, that Englishmen at martes be discharged, for all her craftes and artes, In Brabant of her marchandy In fourteene dayes, and ageine hastily In the same dayes fourteene acharged eft. And if they bide lenger all is bereft, Anon they should forfeit her goods all, Or marchandy: it should no better fall. And we to martis in Brabant charged beene With English cloth full good and fayre to seene: We ben againe charged with mercerie, Haburdasher ware, and with grosserie: To which marts, that English men call fayres, Ech nation oft maketh her repayres: English, and French, Lombards, Iennoyes, Catalones, thedre they take her wayes: Scots, Spaniards, Irishmen there abides, With great plenty bringing of sale hides. And I here say that we in Brabant bye, Flanders and Zeland more of marchandy In common vse then done all other nations: This haue I heard of marchants relations: And if the English ben not in the marts They ben feeble, and as nought bene her parts. For they byemore, and fro purse put out More marchandie then all the other rowte. Kept then the see, shippes should not bring ne fetch, And then the carreys wold not thidre stretch: And so those marts wold full euill thee, If we manly kept about the see.

Of the commodities of Brabant and Zeland and Henauld and marchandy carried by land to the martes. Cap. 8.

YEt marchandy of Brabant and Zeland * 6.31The Madre and Woad, that dyers take on hand

To dyen with, Garlike and Onions, And saltfishe als for husband and commons.* 6.32 But they of Holland at Caleis byen our felles, And wolles our, that Englishmen hem selles. And the chaf••are that Englishmen doe byen In the marts, that noe man may denien, Is not made in Brabant that cuntree: It commeth from out of Henauld, not by see, But al by land, by carts, and from France, Bourgoyne, Colein, Cameret in substance, Therefore at marts if there be a restraint, Men seyne plainely that list no fables paynt, If Englishmen be withdrawen away, Is great rebuke and losse to her affray: As though we sent into the land of France Ten thousand people, men of good puissance, To werre vnto her hindring multifarie, So ben our English marchants necessarie. If it be thus assay, and we shall witten Of men experte, by whom I haue this written. For sayd is that this carted marchandy Draweth in value as much verily, As all the goods that come in shippes thider,* 6.33 Which Englishmen bye most and bring it hither. For her marts ben febel, shame to say, But Englishmen thider dresse her way.

A conclusion of this depending of keeping of the sea.

THan I conclude, if neuer so much by land Were by carres brought vnto their hand, If well the sea were kept in gouernance They should by sea haue no deliuerance. Wee should hem stop, and we should hem destroy, As prisoners we should hem bring to annoy. And so we should of our cruell enimies Make our friends for feare of marchandies, If they were not suffered for to passe Into Flanders. But we be frayle as glasse And also brittle, not thought neuer abiding; But when grace shineth soone are we sliding; We will it not receiue in any wise: That maken lust, enuie, and couetise: Expone me this; and yee shall sooth it find, Bere it away, and keepe it in your mind. Then shuld worship vnto our Noble bee In feate and forme to lord and Maiestie: Lirhe as the seale the greatest of this land On the one side hath, as I vnderstand, A prince riding with his swerd ydraw, In the other side sitting, soth it is in saw, Be tokening good rule and punishing In very deede of England by the king. And it is so, God blessed mought he bee. So in likewise I would were on the see By the Noble, that swerde should haue power, And the ships on the sea about vs here. What needeth a garland which is made of Iuie Shewe a tauerne winelesse, also thriue I?

If men were wise, the Frenchmen and Fleming Shuld bere no state in sea by werring. * 6.34Then Hankin lyons shuld not be so bold To stoppe wine, and shippes for to hold Unto our shame. He had be beten thence. Alas, alas, why did we this offence, Fully to shend the old English fames; And the profits of England, and their names: Why is this power called of couetise; With false colours cast beforn our eyes? That if good men called werriours Would take in hand for the commons succours, To purge the sea vnto our great auayle, And winne hem goods, and haue vp the sayle, And on our enimies their liues to impart, So that they might their prises well departe, As reson wold, iustice and equitie; To make this land haue lordship of the sea.* 6.35 Then shall Lombards and other fained friends Make her chalenges by colour false offends, And say their chaffare in the shippes is, And chalenge al. Looke if this be amisse. For thus may al that men haue bought to sore,* 6.36 Ben soone excused, and saued by false colour. Beware yee men that bere the great in hand That they destroy the policie of this land,* 6.37 By gifte and good, and the fine golden clothis, And silke, and other: say yee not this soth is? But if we had very experience That they take meede with priuie violence,* 6.38 Carpets, and things of price and pleasance, Whereby stopped should be good gouernance: And if it were as yee say to mee, Than wold I say, alas cupiditie, That they that haue her liues put in drede, Shalbe soone out of winning, all for meed, And lose her costes, and brought to pouerty, That they shall neuer haue lust to goe to sea.

An exhortation to make an ordinance against colour of maintainers and excusers of folkes goods.

FOr this colour that must be sayd alofte And be declared of the great full ofte, * 6.39 That our seamen wol by many wise Spoile our friends in steede of our enimies: For which colour and Lombards maintenance, The king it needes to make an ordinance With his Counsayle that may not fayle, I trowe, That friends should from enimies be knowe, Our enimies taken and our friends spared: The remedy of hem must be declared. Thus may the sea be kept in no sell, For if ought he spoken, wot yee well, We haue the strokes, and enemies haue the winning: But mayntainers are parteners of the finning. We liue in lust and ••ide in couetise: This is our rule to maintaine marchandise, And policie that wee haue on the sea. And, but God helpe, it will no other bee.

Of the commodities of Ireland, and policie and keeping thereof, and conquering of wild Irish: with an incident of Wales. Chap. 9.

I Cast to speake of Ireland but a litle: Commodities of it I will entitle, Hides, and fish, Salmon, Hake, Herringe, Irish wooll, and linen cloth, faldinge, And marterns goode ben her marchandie, Hertes Hides, and other of * 6.40 Uenerie. Skinnes of Otter, Squirell and Irish hare, Of sheepe, lambe, and Fore, is her chaffare, Felles of Kiddes, and Conies great plentie. So that if Ireland helpe vs to keepe the sea, Because the King cleped is Rex Angliae, And is Dominus also Hyberniae, Did possessed by Progenitours: The Irish men haue cause like to ours Our land and hers together to defend, That no enemie should hurt ne offend, Ireland ne vs: but as one commontie Should helpe well to keepe about the sea: For they haue hauens great, and goodly bayes, Sure, wyde and deepe, of good assayes, At Waterford, and colles many one. And as men sayne in England be there none Better hauens, ships in to ride, No more sure for enemies to abide. Why speake I thus so much of Ireland? For all so much as I can vnderstand, It is fertile for things that there doe growe And multiplien, loke who lust to knowe, So large, so good, and so commodious, That to declare is strange and maruailous. For of siluer and golde there is the oore,* 6.41 Among the wilde Irish though they be poore. For they are rude and can thereon no skill: So that if we had their peace and good will To myne and fine, and metal for to pure, In wilde Irish might we finde the cure, As in London saith a Iuellere, Which brought from thence golde oore to vs here, Whereof was fyned mettal good and clene, As they touch, no better could be seene. Nowe here beware and heartily take intent, As yee will answere at last iudgement, That for slought and for racheshede Yee remember with all your might to hede To keepe Ireland that it be not lost. For it is a boterasse and a post, Under England, and Wales another: God forbid, but ech were others brother, Of one ligeance due vnto the king. But I haue pittie in good faith of this thing That I shall say with auisement: I am aferde that Ireland will be shent: It must awey, it wol bee lost from vs, But if thou helpe, thou Iesu gracious, And giue vs grace al slought to leue beside.

For much thing in my herte is hide, Which in another treatise I caste to write Made al onely for that soile and site, Of fertile Ireland, wich might not be forborne, But if England were nigh as goode as gone. God forbid that a wild Irish wirlinge Should be chosen for to bee their kinge, After her conqueste for our last puissance, And hinder vs by other lands alliance. Wise men seyn, wich felin not, ne douten, That wild Irish so much of ground haue gotten There vpon vs, as likenesse may be Like as England to sherris two or three Of this our land is made comparable: So wild Irish haue wonne on vs vnable Yet to defend, and of none power, That our ground is there a litle corner, To all Ireland in true comparison. It needeth no more this matter to expon. Which if it bee lost, as Christ Iesu forbed, Farewel Wales, then England commeth to dred, * 6.42 For aliance of Scotland and of Spaine, And other m••e, as the pety Bretaine, And so haue enemies enuiron round about. I beseech God, that some prayers deuout Mutt let the said a••parance probable Thus disposed without feyned fable. But all onely for ••erill that I see Thus imminent, it's likely for to bee. And well I wotte, that from hence to Rome, And, as men say, in all Christendome, Is n•• ground ne land to Ireland liche, So large, so good, so plenteous, so riche, That to this worde Dominus doe long. Then mee seme••h that right were and no wrong, To get the lande: and it were piteous To vs to lese this high name Dominus. And all this word Dominus of name Shuld haue th•• ground obeysant wilde and tame, That name and people togidre might accord Al the ground subiect to the Lord. And that it is possible to bee subiect, Unto the king wel shal it bee detect, In the litle booke that I of spake. I trowe reson al this wel vndertake. And I knowe wel howe it stante, Alas fortune beginneth so to scant, Or ellis grace, that deade is gouernance. For so minisheth parties of our puissance, In that land that wee lese euery yere, More ground and more, as well as yee may here. * 6.43 I herd a man speake to mee full late. Which was a lord of full great estate; Than expense of one yere done in France Werred on men well willed of puissance This said ground of Ireland to conquere. And yet because England might not forbere * 6.44 These said expenses gadred in one yeere, But in three yeeres or foure gadred vp here,

Might winne Ireland to a finall conqueste, In one sole yeere to set vs all at reste. And how soone wolde this be paied ageyne: Which were it worth yerely, if wee not feyne: I wol declare, who so luste to looke, I trowe full plainely in my litle booke. But couetise, and singularitie Of owne profite, enuie, crueltie, Hath doon vs harme, and doe vs euery day, And musters made that shame is to say: Our money spent al to litle auaile, And our enimies so greatly doone preuaile, That what harme may fall and ouerthwerte I may vnneth write more for sore of herte.

An exhortation to the keeping of Wales.

BEware of Wales, Christ Iesu mu••t vs keepe, That it make not our childers childe to weepe, Ne vs also, so if it goe his way, By vnwarenes: seth that many a day Men haue bee ferde of her rebellion, By great tokens and ostentation: Seche the meanes with a discrete auise, And helpe that they rudely not arise For to rebell, that Christ it forbede. Looke wel aboute, for God wote yee haue neede, Unfainingly, vnfeyning and vnfeynt, That conscience for slought you not atteynt: Kepe well that grounde, for harme that may ben vsed, Or afore God mutte yee ben accused.

Of the commodious Stockfish of Island, and keeping of the Sea, namely the Narrow sea, with an incident of the keeping of Caleis. Chap. 10••

* 6.45 OF Island to write is litle nede, Saue of Stock-fish: Yet forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe, and costes many one, Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while, Within twelue yere, and without perill Gon and come, as men were wont of old * 6.46 O•• Scarborough vnto the costes cold. And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware, That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare: Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys: thus much harme they caught, Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas: Este and Weste, South and North they bee, And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see, Betweene Douer and Caleis: and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs: And they abide our danger in the length, What for our costis and Caleis in our strength.

An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis.

ANd for the loue of God, and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is,

See well thereto, and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen, that woll no lies paint, And as yee know that wri••ing commeth from thence: Doe n••t to England for slought so great offence, But that redressed it bee for any thing: Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing. For litle wea••th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese: What wo it were for all this English ground. * 6.47 Which wel c••nceiued the Emperour Sigismound, Tha•• of all ••oyes made it one of the moste, That Caleis, was subiect vnto English coste. Hun thought it was a iewel most of all, A••d so the same in Latine did it call. And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe, I cast to write within a litle scrowe, Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie. Loke how hard it was at the first to get; And by my counsell lightly doe not it let. For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully, it is for lacke of grace. Howe was Harflew tried vpon, and Rone, That they were likely for shought to be gone; Howe was it warned and cried on in England, I make record with this pen in my hand. It was warened plainely in Normandie, And in England, and I thereon did crie. The world was defrauded, it betyde right so. Farewell * 6.48Harflew: Iewdly it was a go. Nowe ware Caleis, I can say no better: My soule discharge I by this present letter.

After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands, sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incident•• of King Edward the third, and King Henrie the fifth. Chap. 11.

NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle, And our king with royal apparayle, With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent; Should be lord of the sea about, To keepe enimies from within and without; To behold through Christianitee Mast••r and lord enuiron of the see: All liuing men such a prince to dreed, Of such a a r••gne to bee aferd indeed. Thus pr••ue I well that it was thus of old; Which by a * 6.49 Chronicle anon shalbe told, Right curious: but I will interprete It into English, as I did it gete: Of king Edgar: O most marueilous Prince liuing, wittie, and cheualerous: So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours.

Hee was fortunate and more grac••ous Then other before, and more glorious: He was beneth no man in holines: Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes. Of English kings was none so commendable: To English men no lesse memorable, Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance, And as great Charles was to them of France, And as to the Romanes was great Romulus, So was to England this worthy Edgarus. I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time, ne of his holines: But to my matter I him exemplifie, Of conditions tweyne and of his policie: Within his land was one, this is no doubt, And another in the see without; That in time of Winter and of werre, When boystrous windes put see men into fere; Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through, perceiuing his princes, Lords, aud others of the commontee, Who was oppressour, and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought, and who was clene in life, And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion: And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied: and his ministers als, Who did trought, and which of hem was fals: Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute, and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees, If they were well kept in all countrees: Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie, and other mens relation. Among other was his great busines, Well to ben ware, that great men of riches, And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression. Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide. This was his labour for the publike thing, Thus was hee occupied: a passing holy King, Nowe to purpose, in the Soonner faire * 6.50 Of lusty season, whan clered was the aire, He had redie shippes made before Great and huge, not fewe but many a store: Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe. The Chronicles say, these shippes were full boysteous: Such things long to kings victorious. In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone, With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay. Who could hem well in any wise descriue? It were not light for eny man aliue. Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres, that ioy full was to see

Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee, There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along, So regal liche about the English isle; To all strangers terrours and perile. Whose fame went about in all the world stout, Unto great fere of all that be without, And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree. For courage of nede must haue exercise, Thus occupied for esshewin of vice. This knew the king that policie espied; Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied. Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike, that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King, And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing: For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo. That worthy king I leue, Edgar by name, * 6.51 And all the Chronike of his worthy fame: Saffe onely this I may not passe away, A worde of mightie strength till that I say, That graunted him God such worship here, For his merites, hee was without pere, That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings, and Erles of many a countree, And princes fele were there present, And many Lords came thider by assent, To his worship: but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to bee redie of aray: For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist, Hee assigned to Erles, Lords, and knights Many ships right goodly to sights: And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo, A good shippe, and entrede into it With eight kings, and downe did they sit; And eche of them an ore tooke in hand, At ore hales, as I vnderstand, And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde. Such another rowing I dare well say, Was not seene of Princes many a day. Lo than how hee in waters got the price, In lande, in see, that I may not suffice To tell, O right, O magnanimitee, That king Edgar had vpon the see.

An incident of the Lord of the sea King Ed∣ward the third.

Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande, on sea yee knowe his worthines: The siege of Caleis, ye know well all the matter Round about by land, and by the water, * 6.52 Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe, After the battell of Creeye was ydoe:

Howe it was closed enuiron about, Olde men sawe it, which liuen, this is no doubt, Did Knights say that the Duke of Burgoyn, Late rebuked for all his golden coyne; Of ship on see made no besieging there, For want of shippes that durst not come for feare. It was nothing besieged by the see: Thus call they it no siege for honestee. Gonnes assailed, but assault was there none, No siege, but fuge: well was he that might be gouer: This maner carping haue knights ferre in age, Expert through age of this maner language. But king Edward made a siege royall, * 6.53And wanne the towne: and in especiall The sea was kept, and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record; In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie. * 6.54 Battell of Scluse yee may rede every day, Howe it was done I leue and goe my way: It was so late done that yee it knowe, In comparison within a litle throwe: For which to God giue we honour and glorie; For Lord of see the king was with victorie.

Another incident of keeping of the see, in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince, King Henrie the fifth, and of his great shippes.

ANd if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift, what was his purposing, Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons, Which passed other great ships of all the commons; * 6.55 The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost, And other nwe, which as nowe bee lost. What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes, and what in minde hee meant? It was not ellis, but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see. And when Harflew had her siege about, * 6.56 There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide, To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride. My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure, D••stroyed they were by that discomfiture. * 6.57 This was after the king Harflew had wonne, Whan our enemies to siege had begonne; * 6.58 That all was staine or take, by true relation, To his worshippe, and of his English nation. There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes; which knoweth this in certaine; He can it tell otherwise then I: Aske him, and witte; I passe foorth hastily. What had this king of his magnificence, Of great courage, of wisedome, and prudence? Prouision, forewitte, audacitee, Of fortitude, iustice, and agilitee, Discretion, subtile auisednesse,

Attemperance, Noblesse, and worthinesse: Science, prowesse, deuotion, equitie, Of most estate, with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar, and the saide Edward, As much of both liche hem as in regard. Where was on liue a man more victorious, And in so short time prince so maruellous? By land and sea, so well he him acquitte, To speake of him I stony in my witte. Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse, Henry the fift, with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping, entending victorie I leaue endly: for about in the see No Prince was of better strenuitee. And if he had to this time liued here, He had bene Prince named withoutenpere: His great ships should haue ben put in preese,* 6.59 Unto the ende that he ment of in cheefe. For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see: And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence, And wonne vs good, and wisely brought it thence: That no passage should be without danger, And his licence on see to moue and sterre.

Of vnitie, shewing of our keeping of the see: with an endly or finall processe of peace by autho∣ritie. Chap. 12.

NOw in than for loue of Christ, and of his ioy, Bring it England out of trouble and noy: Take heart and witte, and set a gouernance, Set many wits withouten variance, To one accord and vnanimitee.* 6.60 Put to good will for to keepe the see, First for worship and profite also, And to rebuke of eche euill wisted foe. Thus shall worship and riches to vs long. Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong, To beare that coyne in figure and in deede, To our courage, and to our enemies dreede: For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste, Or ellis their thrift to standen, and to waste. As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy; And by stories which proued well this parte: Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte, But many londs would seche her peace for nede, The see wel kept: it must bee d•••• for drede. Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs: it will non other bee, Within short while: and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours. This vnitee is to God pleasance:* 6.61 And peace after the werres variance. The ende of battaile is peace sikerly, And power causeth peace finally. Kept than the sea about in speciall,

Which of England is the towne wall. As though England were likened to a citie, And the wall enuiron were the see. Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England: And than is England kept by Goddes hande; That as for any thing that is without, England were at ease withouten doubt. And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon, as brother with his brother, And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie, Without rancour in very charitie, In rest and peace, to Christes great pleasance, Without strife, debate and variance. Which peace men should enserche with businesse, And knit it saddely holding in holinesse. The Apostle seith, if ye list to see, Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee* 6.62 Of the spirit in the bond of peace. Which is nedeful to all withouten lese. The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it, this is holy desire. Our Lord Jesu saith, Blessed motte they bee That maken peace; that is tranquillitee. For peace makers, as Matthew writeth aright,* 6.63 Should be called the sonnes of God almight. God giue vs grace, the weyes for to keepe Of his precepts, and slugly not to sleepe In shame of sinne: that our verry foo Might be to vs conuers, and turned so. For in the Prouerbs is a text to this purpose* 6.64 Plaine inough without any glose: When mens weyes please vnto our Lord, It shall conuert and bring to accord Mans enemies vnto peace verray, In vnitie, to liue to Goddis pay, With vnitie, peace, rest and charitie. Hee that was here cladde in humonitie, That came from heauen, and styed vp with our nature, Or hee ascended, he yaue to vs cure, And left with vs peace, ageyne striffe and debate, Mo••e giue vs peace, so well irradicate Here in this world: that after all this selfe Wee may haue peace in the land of beheste, Ierusalem, which of peace is the sight,* 6.65 With his brightnes of eternall light, There glorified in rest with his tuition, The Deitie to see with full fru••••ion: Bee second person in diuinenesse is, Who vs assume, and bring vs to the blis.

Amen.

Here endeth the true processe of the Libel of English policie, exhorting all England to keepe the sea enuiron: shewing what profit and saluation, with worship commeth thereof to the reigne of England.

GOe furth Libelle, and meekely shew thy face; Appearing euer with humble countenance: And pray my Lords to take in grace,

In opposaile and cherishing the aduance. To hardines if that not variance Thou hast fro trought by full experience Authors and reasons: if ought faile in substance Remit to h••m that yafe thee this science; That seth it is soth in verray fayth, That the wise Lord Baron of Hungerford* 6.66 Hath thee ouerseene, and verely he saith That thou art true, and thus hee doeth record, Next the Gospel: God wotte it was his worde, When hee thee redde all ouer in a night. Goe forth trew booke, and Christ defend thy right.

Explicit libellus de Politia conseruatiua maris.

A large Charter granted by K. Edward the 4. in the second yere of his reigne, to the marchants of England resident especially in the Ne∣therland, for their chusing of a master and gouernor among themselues, which go∣uernement was first appointed vnto one William Obray: with expresse mention, what authoritie he should haue.

* 6.67EDward by the grace of God king of France, & of England, & lord of Ireland, to al those which shal see or heare these letters, sendeth greeting, & good wil. Know ye, that whereas we haue vnderstood, as well by the report of our louing and faithfull Counsellors, as by the common complaint and report of all men, that many vexations, griefs, debates, discords, annoyes, dissentions, & damages, haue heretofore bene done, moued, committed•• ••nd happened, and do daily fal out and happen among the common marchants & mariners, our subiects of our realmes of France & Eng∣land, & our lordships of Ireland and Wales, & of other our dominions, seigneuries, and territories, because that good discretion and authority hath not bin obserued among our saide subiects, which abide, frequent, conuerse, remain, inhabit, & passe, aswel by sea as by land, into y^e parts of Brabant, Flanders, Henault, Holland, Zeland, and diuers other countreis & seigneuries belonging aswell to the high and mighty prince, our most deere and louing cousin y^e Duke of Burgoine, of Brabant, carle of Flanders, &c. as being in the obedience & dominion of other lords, which are in friendship, alliance, & good wil with vs: and that it is to be doubted that through the saide inconuenience and occasion, many discommodities may ensue & fal out in time to come (which God forbid) vnles we should prouide conuenient remedie in this behalfe for our subiects aforesaid: wherefore we desi∣ring most effectually and heartily to auoide the mischiefe of the saide inconueniences & to prouide conuenient remedy for the same, to the end that the said common marchants and mariners and o∣thers our subiects of our said realms & dominions, which at this present & hereafter shal haunt and frequent y^e said countreis, may be iustly & lawfully ruled, gouerned, and intreated by right & equi∣ty in the countreis aforesaid, and that equity, reason, & iustice may be ministred vnto them and eue∣ry of them, according as the cases shal require, we being wel assured and hauing ful confidence, in the discretion, faithfulnes, wisdome, experience, & good diligence of our most deare & welbeloued subiect Will. Obray our seruant, & in regard of the good, faithfull, and acceptable seruices, which he hath done vs in our realm & among our subiects in times past, & hoping that he wil do also here∣after, we haue made, ordained, constituted, committed, and established, and by the tenour of these presents, of our special grace, ful power, & authority royall, we ordaine, appoint, commit, and esta∣blish, (during our pleasure) to be gouernor, iudge, warden of iustice, and the appurtenances & ap∣pendances therof, which we haue or may haue ouer our said common subiects the marchants tra∣uailing hereafter as wel by sea as by land, and abiding in the said countries of Brabant, Flanders, Henault, Holland, Zeland, and other countreis beyond the sea, as is aforesaide, together with the wages, rights, profits, and emoluments heretofore accustomed, & as the said Will. Obray at other times hath had and receiued of our said subiects, when he had, vsed, and exercised the said office of gouernor, & also with other such rights and profits, as hereafter shal more plainly be declared. And furthermore for our parts we haue giuen him, and by these presents do giue him, as much as in vs lieth, during our pleasure, ful power, authority, and special commandement, to gouerne, rule, and cause to be gouerned and ruled with good iustice by himselfe, or by his sufficient lieuetenants or deputies, all a••d euery our foresaid subiects the common marchants & mariners comming, remai∣ning, frequenting, passing, & repairing from henceforth into the said countreis of Brabant, Flan∣ders,

Henault, Holland, Zeland and other countreyes beyond the sea, as it is said, and to keep and cause to be kept, to exercise and maintein, for vs and in our place, the said office of gouernour, and to doe all such things which a faithfull gouernour ought to do, and to take knowledge and admini∣stration of the causes of the said common marchants and mariners, our subiects, and of euery of them, and of their causes and quarels moued, or hereafter to be moued in the countreis aforesaid, or within the limits & borders therof, and to doe them full & speedy iustice. And to reforme, cause reformation, gouerne, appease, and pacifie all contentions, discords, questions, or debates between those our said subiects moued, or to moued: and to right, redresse, repaire, restore, and amend all transgressions, domages, enterprises, outrages, violences and iniuries committed, or to be cōmit∣ted: and like wise to require, to aske, demand, and receiue, restitutions, reparations, restaurations, and amends of our said subiects the common marchants & mariners, or of their factors in the coū∣treis aforesaid. And that, whensoeuer and as often as it shal please the said gouernor or his depu∣ties, they may in some conueuient and honest place within the said countreis make or cause to be made, somon, and hold in our name iurisdictions, courts, and assemblies: and in our said name take administration and knowledge of causes, as it is aforesaide, and to hold and keepe pleas, for and in our behalfe, and to make agreements, mediatours, and vmpires, to iudge, to make decrees, and to minister iustice, to ordaine, appoint, censure, and constraine our saide subiects to sweare and take all kind of oathes, which order of iustice and custome r••quire and affoorde, and to enioy our authoritie, and to vse, execute and accomplish, by way of equitie and iustice, and to doe, or cause to be done all execution and exercise of law and iustice; and to ordain, appoint, & establish sire sergeants or vnder, to doe the executions & arrests of our said court, by the commandement of the said gouernour or of his deputies, or at the request of the partie or otherwise, according as the case shall require by their aduise, and to discharge and displace the said sergeants, as shall seeme good vnto him, as often and whensoeuer as it shall please him, and change them, and appoint and set others in their roomes, and to require returne and answere of the court, whensoeuer need shal be, of all causes, quarels, and businesses in regard of the said office belonging vnto vs and to our said subiects the common marchants and mariners at all times, and as often as the case shall per∣mit and require: and generally and specially to doe as much for vs and in our stead, in the cases before mentioned, and which hereafter shalbe declared, as we could doe or cause to be done, could say or require, if we were there present in our owne person. Moreouer wee will, and by the te∣nour of these presents wee giue and graunt vnto the saide gouernour, and to our saide subiects the common marchants and mariners, that as oft and whensoeuer it please them, they may meet and assemble in some honest and conuenient place, and by the consent of the saide gouernour to choose and appoynt among them at their pleasure, freely and without danger, certaine suffi∣cient and fit persons to the number of twelue or vnder, which we wil haue to be named Iusticers, vnto the which Iusticers so elected by the saide gouernour and our saide subiects, as it is said, and to euerie of them, we giue and graunt especiall power and authoritie to sitte and assist in court, with the said gouernour or his lieutenants, for their aide and assistance, and to heare the griefs, complaints, and demands of our said subiects their suites, pleas, and the state of their causes and quarels whatsoeuer moued or to be moued vnto the ende of their cause, and at the request of the saide gouernour, his lieutenants, or any of them, to say, propound, and plainely to expresse and declare their opinions, according to right and conscience, vpon the causes brought before them and by the parties vttered and declared, and well, lawfully, and faithfully to counsell and aduise the saide gouernour or his lieutenants, to order and censure, iudge and determine, and ende the same iustly and equally, according as the case shall permit and require. And furthermore we wil, that all iust and reasonable statutes, lawes, ordinances, decrees, and constitutions made and e∣stablished, or to be made and established, in the countreys aforesaide, by the consent of the said go∣uernour, and of the saie Iusticers, shalbe corrected, amended, and made, as they shall see to bee expedient in this behalfe, for the better gouernment of the estate of the common marchants and mariners our saide subiects, and shalbe held as ratified, firme, acceptable and approued; and from henceforth we accept, admit, allow and approue them for ratified and confirmed, there to be firme∣ly and inuiolably obserued, kept and obeyed. And also, of our farther fauour and grace wee will and we grant, that by the consent of our said gouernour, our said subiects the common marchants and mariners may make and set downe in the said countreis, by their common consent, as often as they shall thinke good for their better gouernment and estate, such iust and reasonable lawes, statutes, ordinances, decrees, constitutions, and customes, as they shal thinke expedient in this be∣halfe: which we cōmand to be kept as ratified, confirmed, allowed, & approued, auailable, and esta∣blished. Prouided alwaies, that they do not nor seeke any thing preiudicial to this present power and authoritie giuen and graunted by vs to the saide gouernour, in any poynt or article heerein

comprised, by any meanes or way whatsoeuer: in which case if they shoulde doe anything, or ought should happen, we wil that it shal take no place, force, vigour, strength, nor vertue: neither that it shalbe of any effect, but it shalbe abolished, disanulled, and vtterly frustrate; and as aboli∣shed, disanulled, and vtterly frustrated, from this time forward, wee holde and take it, and will hereafter hold and take the same. And so to doe, and put in execution in our name, we haue and doe giue full and absolute power, & speciall authority to our said seruant William Obray, & to his said lieutenants. And likewise, to the end that y^e course of marchandise may be kept in good estate, and that by order of iustice a firme and constant rule may be set downe among those our said subiects and marchants, we haue ordained and do ordaine, haue consented & doe consent, and by these pre∣sents haue giuen & do giueful power & especiall authority to our said seruant Will. Obray gouer∣nour aforesaid, that at al time and times when he shal think good, he may ordaine, elect, chuse, and appoint, in the countreis aforesaid, such ministers, officers, and seruitours as hereafter shalbe na∣med, and such others as he shal think necessary, and to discharge them, and to change them, & set others in their roomes, at his good will and pleasure, vnto such a number as he shall thinke good and reasonable for the time being to be employed: as namely correctors or brokers as many as he shal thinke good, to make and to witnes the bargaines which are made or to be made, betweene our said subiects and others with whom they shal haue to do or to deale in the foresaid countreis: and also as many alnagers to alner and measure al kinds of marchandises which they shal buy or sel by the yard: and also as many weighers to weigh the marchandise which shalbe sold or bought by weight: and also so many folders to fold their clothes, and so many packers to pack their packs, and to make their fardels, maunds, and baskets, and other things needefull for the defence & pre∣seruation of their marchandize. Al which ministers, officers, and seruitors, so chosen, elected, char∣ged, admitted, and established by the saide gouernour, as is saide, may take their wages for their paines & attendances vpon the said marchants, according to the custome of the said countreis, and as they haue bene accustomed to take of the said marchants before these presents by vs giuen and graunted. And hereupon we haue giuen and doe giue expresse charge and commandement by vs and in our names to all our said subiects common marchants and mariners, and to euery of them which shall frequent, come, remaine, passe, repaire, or inhabite within the countreis aforesaid, that they shall not make contract or bargaine, sell or buy, nor shall not cause any contract or barga••ne to be made, nor in the said countreis sell or buy any maner of wares, goods, or marchandises, se∣cretely nor openly, by way of fraude, barat, or deceite whatsoeuer, with any person or persons, of what estate, countrey, or condition soeuer they be, without he hath some of the said brokers at the bargain making, to present, report, and to testifie the said contracts or bargains before the said go∣uernor or others, if need require, and strife or contention should grow therof betweene them: nor to packe or cause to be packed any goods or marchandises belonging vnto them, in packs, bales, or fardels, coffers, chests, maunds, dryfats, or rowles, without hauing some deputy present thereat: nor to take or cause to be taken or set on worke in the said countreis, any other brokers, alnagers, weighers, folders, or packers, then the aforesaid so chosen, admitted, established, and ordained by the saide gouernor, & hereto authorized in our name, as it is said, vnder paine of falling into, and incurring of our displeasure, and of forfeiture, and confiscation of all such goods, wares, and mar∣chandises, which shalbe found to haue passed by other hands or order, then that or those which are before mentioned: the fourth part of which forfeitures and confiscations shall be imployed to the repairing and maintenance of two chappels founded to the honour of Saint Thomas of Canter∣burie by our saide subiects, in the townes of Bruges in Flanders, and of Middleborough in Ze∣land; the other fourth part to vs, & our vse; the third fourth part to our said cousin of Burgundie, or the natural Lord of the countrey wherein the saide go••ds shall be found; and the fourth fourth part to him or them which shall discouer, detect, or finde out the saide fraude. And also that none of our said subiects shall vnlade or cause to be vnladen, vnder any colour nor otherwise, nor vn∣packe, in the countreis abouesaide, no kind of wares, goods, nor marchandises whatsoeuer, which they shall bring or cause to bee brought into the couutreyes aforesaide, comming out of our countr••yes, dominions, or obeysance, without first and beforehand they make the gouernour or his deputies acquainted with their arriuall, and craue leaue, and deliuer, shewe, and de∣clare their cockets, that it may duely appeare, that the saide goods and marchandises haue tru∣ly and lawfully payde vnto vs our rights and customes, and not to vnpacke them but in the pre∣sence of the saide gouernour, his lieuetenants or deputies, vpon paine of forfaiture, and confisca∣tion of the saide goods, in maner and forme before declared in the foresaide article. And if it bee found by the visitation of the saide gouernor, his lieuetenants or deputies, that any goods, wares, or marchandises whatsoeuer be arriued and discharged in the countreis aforesaid, belonging to our saide subiectes, not lawfully customed and acquited towarde vs of our right and custome, for

which they cannot nor are not able to make any due proofe of our letters of coquet, as is metioned, or if they finde any other fraud: we will, we ordaine, and we grant, that the sayd gouernour, his lieutenants or deputies may seaze vpon the sayd goods on our behalfe, and may confiscate and for∣feit the same, distributing the same into foure parts in maner aforesayd. And also wee will, that euery one of the sayd packes, fardels, baskets, maunds, cofers, tunnes, bales, roules, and other furnitures and geare, wherein the sayd marchandises shalbe packed, to be sent out of the said coun∣treis, shall not be laden vpon ships, carts, nor horses, to come into our dominion, without being first sealed with a seale ordayned by vs and giuen by the sayd gouernour, vpon paine to be forfay∣ted, applyed, and confiscated to vs and into our hand, if they be found vnsigned and not sealed with the seale. And for euery piece of marchandise which shall be sealed with the sayd seale, they shall pay to the sayd sealer two pence of grosse money of Flanders, which shall goe to the profite of the sayd gouernour. And forasmuch as according to right and conscience, we ought not to vse the la∣bour, trauels, nor seruice of any man, without waging, paying, and fully contenting him accor∣ding to reason and equity, especially when we doe appoint any person or persons to doe or cause to be done so great trauels, labours, busines, and executions, as these which are contayned in this present charter, aswell for the benefit and profit of vs and our selues, as for the holesome, perfect, & good gouernment of our sayd subiects: we by the good aduise and deliberation of the sayd lords of our priuie counsell, haue granted and giuen, and as before, doe grant and giue, of our sayd grace, to the sayd William Obray our sayd seruant and gouernour abouenamed, during our pleasure, for part of his wages and fee of the sayd office, one pennie of our money of England of the value of a liuer of grosse money of Flanders, vpon al and singuler the goods, wares and marchandises of our sayd subiects frequenting the sayd countreis, to be leuyed, gathered, receiued, and payed vnto the sayd William Obray or to his deputies, vpon the sayd wares and marchandises belonging vnto our sayd said subiects buying and selling, or which they shall cause to sell, buy, put away, trucke or exchange in the countreys abouesaid, aswell of the goods and marchandises which they shall bring or cause to be brought into the sayd countries, as of all other goods which they shall lade and carie, or cause to bee caried and conueyed out of those countreis into our dominion or elsewhere into any other part whatsoeuer. And to cause the same to be gathered, receiued, leauied and pay∣ed, we haue giuen, and by these presents doe giue full power and speciall authoritie vnto the sayd William Obray, and to his lieutenants and deputies aforesayd, to leauy, gather, and cause to bee leauied and receiued the sayd money, in forme and maner aboue mentioned, to his profite and vse, during our pleasure: and to enioy and vse the same as his proper goods, without any contradicti∣on, constraining and arresting if neede bee, as well on land, as on the water, our said subiects, their sayd goods, and euery of them, by way of law and iustice, and to cause them to yeelde and pay the sayd money, vpon the said goods and marchandises, as is aforesayd. For such is our pleasure, and so will we haue it done without contradiction or impeachment to him and his, during our plea∣sure. And also we will that the sayd William Obray, ouer and aboue that which is sayd, shall take, gather, and receiue of our sayd subiects from henceforth yearely, during our pleasure, all such and like wages and profits, as he had and receiued of our sayd subiects, in the yeare 1458, when hee held and exercised the said office of gouernour, without diminishing or rebating any thing there∣of, notwithstanding this present augmentation made, increased, and done vnto him, of our grace and fauour: and that hee shall gather, take, and receiue the same in such forme and manner, as the other money aboue mentioned is to be gathered. And to the ende that the sayd William Obray may haue and take possession, season, and enterance of the said office of gouernour in our name we haue and doe place him, by the deliuery of these presents, in possession, season, and entrance of the said office, and of the rights, profits, stipends, wages, and moneis aforesayd, to begin to exer∣cise the sayd office of gouernour in our name, the first day of May next ensuing after the date of these presents, for the sayd William Obray to hold and exercise, practise and vse the same, during our pleasure, with the sayd wages, moneys, rights, and profites aboue mentioned, without any contradiction or impeachment. And all and singular our subiects the common marchants and ma∣riners, which shall be contrary, rebellious, and disobedient to the said gouernour so ordayned by vs, to his said lieutenants, to the sayd iusticers so chosen, or to any of them, or to any of the statutes, lawes, decrees, sentences, ordinances, and customes, offices, gifts, and grants abouesayd, let them grieuously be punished by the sayd gouernour or his lieutenants, in this behalfe, according to the quantity of their offences, and the exigencie of the cases. We doe sommon, commaund, straitly and expresly enioine by these presents all and euery our saide subiects, that vnto the sayd gouer∣nour so by vs ordained, to his lieutenants, attorneis, or deputies, and also to the said iusticers, offi∣cers, and ministers, in all and euerie the things aforesaid, and others any waie concerning in this behalfe our said ordinances, their gouernmēt and rule, the circumstances and dependances theron

that they giue their attendance, counsayle, comfort, o••edience, and aide, diligently without fault or difficulty, surely, safely, fully and peaceably: without doing, inferring, or inflicting, or suffering to be done, inferred, or inflicted to them or any of them in body or goods, any disturbance or impeach∣ment, in any maner whatsoeuer: but rather if any thing bee done vnto them contrary and to the preiudice of these presents, they shall remoue and cause the same to be remooued, and that which shall be hindered they shall set at free deliuerance, vpon payne to fall into and to incurre our high displeasure. For such is our pleasure and so will wee haue it, notwithstanding anie letters false∣ly crept in, obtayned, or to be obtayned contrary hereunto. And you our subiects, the common marchants and mariners, so behaue your selues, that you may receiue commendation of vs for your good obedience, knowing that such as shall be found doing or to haue done the contrary, we will see them so punished without redemption, that they shall bee an example to all rebellious persons. We pray and most instantly require in the ayde of equitie, all others our friends, al∣lies, and well-willers, aswell princes and potentates, as their iusticers, officers, lieutenants, de∣puties, commissaries, and subiects, and euery of them, in regard of equitie; that they would vouch∣safe, and that it would please them to giue, doe, and lend comfort, ayde, assistance, and prisons if neede require, to our sayd gouernour, his lieutenants, commissaries, deputies, iusticers, & others our officers and ministers aforesayd: and herein wee pray them on our behalfe, and in our owne name. And it may please them herein to doe so much, that we may haue occasion to thanke them, and to accompt our selues beholding for the same: and as they would that we should do for them in the like matter, or in a greater: which we will willingly doe, if we be required thereunto by them. In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to bee made patents. Witnes our selues at Westminster, the sixteenth of April, in the second yere our reigne.

A declaration of the Indies and lands discouered, and subdued vnto the Emperour, and the king of Portingal: And also of other partes of the Indies and rich countries to be discouered, which the wor∣shipfull M. Robert Thorne merchant of London (who dwelt long in the citie of Siuil in Spaine exhorted king Henrie the eight to take in hand.

MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE,

EXperience prooueth that naturally all princes bee destrous to extend and en∣large their dominions and kingdomes. Wherefore it is not to be marueile••, to see them euery day procure the same, not regarding any cost, perill, and labour, that may thereby chance, but rather it is to be maruelled, if there be any prince content to liue quiet with his owne dominions. For surely the people would thinke he lacketh the noble courage and spirit of all other.

The world knoweth that the desires of Princes haue bene so feruent to obtaine their purpose, that they haue aduentured and prooued things to mans coniecture impossible, the which they haue made possible, and also things difficult haue made facill: and thus to obtaine their purpose, haue in maner tnrned vp and downe the whole world so many times, that the people inhabiting in the far∣thest region of the Occident haue pursued with great distresse, labours and perils, to penetrate and enter into the farthest regions of the Orient: and in likewise those people of the said parts of the Orient haue had no lesse labour and desire to enter and penetrate into the farthest land of the Occident, and so following their purchase haue not ceased vntill they could passe no farther by reason of the great seas.

This naturall inclination is cause, that scarsely it may be said, there is any kingdome stable, nor king quiet, but that his owne imagination, or other princes his neighbours doe trouble him. God and nature hath prouided to your Grace, and to your gracious progenitors, this Realme of England, and set it in so fruitfull a place, and within such limites, that it should seeme to be a place quiet and aparted from all the foresayd desire. One speciall cause is, for that it is compassed with the Sea: by reason therof it seemes, this notwithstanding, their desires and noble courages haue beene most commonly like vnto others: and with marueilous great labours, costes and perils, they haue traueiled and passed the Seas, making warre, not onely with Kings and domini∣ons nigh neighbours, but also with them of farre countries, and so haue woonne and conque∣red many rich and fayre dominions, and amplified this your Graces Realme with great victory and glory. And also now of late your Grace hauing like courage and desire, and not without iust cause, to enlarge this your kingdome, and demaund your limits and tribute of the French king.

which at that present he restrained, your Grace in person passed with a great power into France, putting your Graces person to great paine and labour, and without doubt victoriously you had conquered the sayd Realme of France, as ye began, if your aduersary had not reconciled himselfe, and knowledged your Graces right and title: and so promised truly to pay the tribute then due, & fulfill your request in all things, and also desired your Grace for peace, the which of your clemen∣cie you could not refuse.

Now I considering this your noble courage and desire, and also perceiuing that your Grace may at your pleasure, to your greater glory, by a godly meane, with little cost, perill, or labour to your Grace or any of your subiects, amplifie and inrich this your sayd Realme, I know it is my bounden duety to manifest this secret vnto your Grace, which hitherto,* 6.68 as I suppose, hath beene hid: which is, that with a small number of ships there may bee discouered diuers New lands and kingdomes, in the which without doubt your Grace shall winne perpetuall glory, and your sub∣iectes infinite profite. To which places there is left one way to discouer,* 6.69 which is into the North: for that of the foure partes of the worlde, it seemeth three parts are discouered by other Princes. For out of Spaine they haue discouered all the Indies and Seas Occidentall, and out of Portingall all the Indies and Seas Orientall: so that by this part of the Orient & Occident, they haue compassed the world. For the one of them departing toward the Orient, and the other toward the Occident, met againe in the course or way of the middest of the day, and so then was discouered a great part of the same Seas and coastes by the Spaniards. So that now rest to be discouered the sayd North parts, the which it seemeth to mee, is onely your charge and duety. Because the situation of this your Realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and also for that you haue * 6.70 already taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leaue so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily and with so little cost, labour and dan∣ger, be followed and obtayned: though heretofore your Grace hath made thereof a proofe, & found not the commodity thereby as you trusted, at this time it shall be no impediment. For there may be now prouided remedies for things, then lacked, and the inconueniences and lets remooued, that then were cause that your Graces desire tooke no full effect, which is, the courses to be changed, & followed the foresaid new courses. And concerning the mariners, shippes, and prouision, an or∣der may be deuised and taken meete and conuenient, much better then hitherto. By reason wher∣of, and by Gods grace, no doubt your purpose shall take effect. Surely the cost herein will be no∣thing, in comparison to the great profit. The labour is much lesse, yea nothing at all, where so great honour and glory is hoped for: and considering well the courses, truely the danger & way is shorter to vs, then to Spaine or Portingall, as by euident reasons appereth.

And now to declare something of the commodity and vtilitie of this Nauigation and discoue∣rie:* 6.71 it is very cleere and certaine, that the Seas that commonly men say, without great danger, difficulty and perill, yea rather it is impossible to passe, that those same Seas be nauigable and without anie such danger, but that shippes may passe and haue in them perpetuall clerenesse of the day without any darkenesse of the night: which thing is a great commoditie for the nauigants, to see at all times round about them, as well the safegards as dangers, and how great difference it is betweene the commoditie and perils of other which leese the most part of euery foure and twentie houres the said light, and goe in darkenesse groping their way, I thinke there is none so ignorant but perceiueth this more plainely, then it can be expressed. Yea what a vantage shal your Graces subiects haue also by this light to discouer the strange lands, countries, and coastes? For if they that be discouered, to saile by them in darkenesse is with great danger, much more then the coastes not discouered be daungerous to trauell by night or in darkenesse. Yet these dangers or darkenesse hath not letted the Spanyards and Portingals and other, to discouer many vnknowen Realmes to their great perill. Which considered (and that your Graces subiects may haue the same light) it will seeme your Graces subiects to be without actiuity or courage, in leauing to doe this glorious and noble enterprise. For they being past this litle way which they named so dange∣rous, (which may be two or three leagues before they come to the Pole,* 6.72 and as much more after they passe the Pole) it is cleere, that from thence foorth the seas and landes are as temperate as in these partes, and that then it may be at the will and pleasure of the mariners, to choose whether they will sayle by the coastes, that be colde, temperate or hote. For they being past the Pole, it is plaine, they may decline to what part they list.

If they will goe toward the Orient, they shall inioy the regions of all the Tartarians that ex∣tend toward the midday,* 6.73 and from thence they may goe and proceede to the land of the Chinas,* 6.74 and from thence to the land of the Cathaio Orientall, which is of all the maine land most Orientall that can be reckoned from our habitation. And if from thence they doe continue their nauigation, fol∣lowing the coasts that returne toward the Occident, they shall fall in with Malaca, and so with all

the Indies which we call Orientall, and following the way, may returne hither by the Cape of Buona Speransa: and thus they shall compasse the whole worlde. And if they will take their course after they be past the Pole, toward the Occident, they shall goe in the backe side of the new found land, which of late was discouered by your Graces subiects,* 6.75 vntill they come to the backe side and South Seas of the Indies Occidentall. And so continuing their voyage they may re∣turne thorow the streight of Magellan to this countrey, and so they compasse also the world by that way: and if they goe this third way, and after they be past the Pole, goe right toward the Pole Antarctike, and then decline toward the lands and Islands situated between the Tropikes, and vnder the Equinoctiall, without doubt they shall finde there the richest landes and Islands of the world of golde, precious stones, balmes, spices, and other thinges that we here esteeme most: which come out of strange countries, and may returne the same way.

By this it appeareth, your Grace hath not onely a great aduantage of the riches, but also your subiects shall not trauell halfe of the way that other doe, which goe round about as aforesayd.

The booke made by the right worshipful M. Robert Thorne in the yeere 1527. in Siuil, to Doctour Ley, Lord ambassadour for king Henry the eight, to Charles the Emperour, being an information of the parts of the world, discouered by him and the king of Portingal: and also of the way to the Moluccaes by the North.

RIght noble and reuerend in &c. I haue receiued your letters, and haue procu∣red and sent to know of your seruant, who, your Lordship wrote, should be sicke in Merchena. I cannot there or els where heare of him, without he be returned to you, or gone to S. Lucar, and shipt. I cannot iudge but that of some conta∣gious sicknesse hee died, so that the owner of the house for defaming his house would bury him secretly, and not be knowen of it. For such things haue often times happened in this countrey.

Also to write vnto your Lordshippe of the new trade of Spicery of the Emperour, there is no doubt but that the Islands are fertile of Cloues, Nutmegs, Mace, and Cinnamom: and that the said Islands, with other there about, abound with golde, Rubies, Diamondes, Balasses, Gra∣nates, Iacinets, and other stones & pearles, as all other lands, that are vnder and neere the Equi∣noctiall. For we see, where nature giueth any thing, she is no nigard. For as with vs and o∣ther, that are aparted from the said Equinoctiall, our mettals be Lead, Tinne, and Iron, so theirs be Gold, Siluer, and Copper. And as our fruits and graines bee Apples, Nuts, and Corne, so theirs be Dates, Nutmegs, Pepper, Cloues, and other Spices. And as we haue Ieat, Amber, Cristall, Iasper, and other like stones, so haue they Rubies, Diamonds, Balasses, Saphyres, Iacinets, and other like. And though some say that of such precious mettals, graines, or kind of spices, and precious stones, the abundance and quantity is nothing so great, as our mettals, fruits or stones aboue rehearsed: yet if it be well considered, how the quantitie of the earth vnder the E∣quinoctiall to both the Tropicall lines, (in which space is found the sayd Golde, spices and preci∣ous stones) is as much in quantity, as almost all the earth from the Tropickes to both the Poles; it cannot be denied but there is more quantity of the sayd mettals, fruites, spices, and precious stones, then there is of the other mettals and other things before rehearsed. And I see that the preciousnes of these things is measured after the distance that is between vs, and the things that we haue appetite vnto. For in this nauigation of the Spicerie was discouered, that these Islands nothing set by golde, but set more by a knife and a nayle of iron, then by his quantitie of Golde: and with reason, as the thing more necessary for mans seruice. And I doubt not but to them should be as precious our corne and seedes, if they might haue them, as to vs their spices: & like∣wise the pieces of glasse that here we haue counterfeited are as precious to them, as to vs their stones: which by experience is seene daylie by them that haue trade thither. This of the riches of those countries is sufficient.* 7.1

Touching that your Lordship wrote, whether it may bee profitable to the Emperor or no? it may be without doubt of great profite: if, as the king of Portingal doth, he would become a mer∣chant, and prouide shippes and their lading, and trade thither alone, and defend the trade of these Islands for himselfe. But other greater businesse withholdeth him from this. But still, as now it is begunne to be occupied, it would come to much. For the shippes comming in safetie, there would thither many euery yere, of which to the Emperour is due of all the wares and iewels that come from thence the fift part for his custome cleare without any cost. And besides this hee put∣teth

in euery flote a certaine quantitie of money, of which hee enioyeth of the games pound and pounds like as other aduenturers doe.* 7.2 In a fleete of three shippes and a Carauel that went from this citie armed by the marchants of it, which departed in Aprill last past, I and my partener haue one thousand foure hundred duckets that we employed in the sayd fleete, principally for that two English men, friends of mine, which are somewhat learned in Cosmographie, should goe in the same shippes, to bring me certaine relation of the situation of the countrey, and to be expert in the nauigation of those seas, and there to haue informations of many other things, and aduise that I desire to knowe especially. Seeing in these quarters are shippes, and mariners of that countrey, and cardes by which they saile, though much vnlike ours, that they should procure to haue the said cards, and learne how they vnderstand them, and especially to know what nauigation they haue for those Islands Northwards, and Northeastward.

For it from the sayd Islands the sea did extend,* 7.3 without interposition of land, to saile from the North point to the Northeast poynt one thousand seuen hundred or one thousand eight hundred leagues, they should come to the New found Islands that we discouered,* 7.4 and so we should be nee∣rer to the sayd Spicerie by almost two thousand leagues then the Emperour, or the king of Por∣tingal are. And to aduise your Lordship whether of these Spiceries of the king of Portingal or the Emperours is neerer, and also of the titles that either of them hath, and howe our New found lands are parted from it, (for that by writing without some demonstration, it were hard to giue any declaration of it) I haue caused that your Lordship shall receiue herewith a little Mappe or Carde of the world:* 7.5 the which, I feare me, shall put your Lordship to more labour to vnder∣stand, then me to make it, onely for that it is made in so litle roome that it cannot be but obscurely set out, that is desired to be seene in it, and also for that I am in this science little expert: Yet to re∣medy in part this difficulty, it is necessary to declare to your Lordship my intent, with which I trust you shall perceiue in this Card part of your desire, if, for that I cannot expresse mine intent, with my declaration I doe not make it more obscure.

First, your Lordship knoweth that the Cosmographers haue diuided the earth by 360 de∣grees in latitude, and as many in longitude, vnder the which is comprehended all the roundnes of the earth: the latitude bring diuided into foure quarters, ninetie degrees amount to euery quarter, which they measure by the altitude of the Poles, that is the North and South starres, being from the line Equinoctiall till they come right vnder the North starre the said ninetie degrees: and as much from the sayd line Equinoctiall to the South starre be other ninety degress. And as much more is also from either of the sayd starres agayne to the Equinoctiall. Which imagined to bee round, is soone perceiued thus, 360 degrees of latitude to be consumed in the said foure quarters of ninetie degrees a quarter: so that this latitude is the measure of the worlde from North to South, and from South to North. And the longitude, in which are also counted other 360, is counted from West to East, or from East to West, as in the Card is set.

The sayd latitude your Lordship may see marked and diuided in the ende of this Card on the left hand:* 7.6 so that if you would know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth, take a compasse, and set the one foot of the same in the Equinoctial line right against the said region, & apply the other foote of the compasse to the said region or coast, & then set the sayd compasse at the end of the Card, where the degrees are diuided. And the one foote of the compasse standing in the line Equinoctial, the other will shew in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the said re∣gion is in. Also the longitude of the world I haue set out in the nether part of the Card, contei∣ning also 360 degrees: which begin to be counted after Ptoleme and other Cosmographers from an headland called Capo Verde, which is ouer against a little crosse made in the part Occidental, where the diuision of the degrees beginneth, and endeth in the same Capo Verde.

Now to know in what longitude any land is, your Lordship must take a ruler or a compasse,* 7.7 and set the one foot of the compasse vpon the land or coast whose longitude you would know, and extend the other foot of the compasse to the next part of one of the transuersall lines in the Orien∣tall or Occidental part: which done, set the one foot of the compasse in the said transuersal line at the end of the nether scale, the scale of longitude, and the other foot sheweth the degree of longi∣tude that the region is in. And your Lordship must vnderstand that this Card, though little, con∣teineth the vniuersall whole world betwixt two collaterall lines, the one in the Occidentall part descendeth perpendicular vpon the 175 degree, & the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree, whose distance measureth the scale of longitude. And that which is without the two said transuer∣sall lines, is onely to shew how the Orientall part is ioined with the Occident, and Occident with the Orient. For that that is set without the line in the Oriental part, is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidentall part: and that that is set without the line in the Occidentall part, is the same that is set within the line in the Orientall part, to shew that though this figure of the

world in plaine or flatte seemeth to haue an end, yet one imagining that this sayd Card were set vpon a round thing, where the endes should touch by the lines, it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part ioyneth with the Occident, as there without the lines it is described and figured.

And for more declaration of the said Card, your Lordship shall vnderstand, that beginning on the part Occidental within the line, the first land that is set out, is the maine land and Islands of the Indies of the Emperour. Which maine land or coast goeth Northward, and finisheth in the land that we found, which is called here Terra de Labrador. So that it appeareth the sayd land that we found, and the Indies to be all one maine land.

The sayd coast from the sayd Indies Southward, as by the Card your Lordshippe may see, commeth to a certaine straight Sea, called Estrecho de todos Santos:* 7.8 by which straight Sea the Spaniards goe to the Spiceries, as I shall declare more at large: the which straight Sea is right against three hundred fifteene degrees of longitude, and is of latitude or altitude from the Equinoctiall three and fifty degrees. The first land from the sayd beginning of the Card to∣ward the Orient are certaine Islands of the Canaries, and Islandes of Capo verde. But the first maine land next to the line Equinoctial is the sayd Capo verde, and from thence Northward by the straight of this sea of Italie. And so followeth Spayne, France, Flanders, Almaine, Den∣marke, and Norway, which is the highest parte toward the North. And ouer against Flanders are our Islands of England and Ireland. Of the landes and coastes within the streights I haue set out onely the Regions, diuiding them by lines of their limits, by which plainely I thinke your Lordship may see, in what situation euerie region is, and of what highnesse, and with what re∣gions it is ioyned. I doe thinke few are left out of all Europe. In the parts of Asia and Affrica I could not so wel make the sayd diuisiōs: for that they be not so wel knowen, nor need not so much. This I write because in the said Card be made the said lines & strikes, that your Lordship should vnderstand wherefore they doe serue. Also returning to the foresaid Capo verde, the coast goeth Southward to a Cape called Capo de buona speransa: which is right ouer against the 60. & 65. degree of longitude. And by this Cape go the Portingals to their Spicerie. For from this Cape toward the Orient, is the land of Calicut, as your Lordship may see in the headland ouer against the 130. degree. Frō the sayd Cape of Buona speransa the coast returneth to ward the line Equi∣noctial, and passing forth, entreth the red sea, & returning out, entreth again into the gulfe of Per∣sia, and returneth toward the Equinoctiall line, till that it commeth to the headland called Cali∣cut aforesayd, and from thence the coast making a gulfe, where is the riuer of Ganges, returneth toward the line to a headland called Malaca, where is the principall Spicerie: & from this Cape returneth and maketh a great gulfe, and after the coast goeth right toward the Orient, and ouer against this last gulfe and coast be many Islands, which be Islandes of the Spiceries of the Em∣perour. Upon which the Portingals and he be at variance.

* 7.9The sayd coast goeth toward the Orient, and endeth right against the 155. degrees, and after returneth toward the Occident Northward: which coast not yet plainely knowen, I may ioine to the New found lande found by vs, that I spake of before. So that I finish with this briefe de∣claration of the Card aforesayd. Well I know I should also haue declared how the coasts with∣in the straights of the Sea of Italie runne. It is playne that passing the streights on the North side of that Sea after the coast of Granado, and with that which pertaines to Spaine, is the coast of that which France hath in Italie. And then followeth in one piece all Italie, which laud hath an arme of the Sea, with a gulfe which is called Mare Adriaticum. And in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice. And on the other part of the sayd gulfe is Sclauonia, and next Grecia, then the streits of Constantinople, and then the sea called Euxinus, which is within the sayd streights: and comming out of the sayd streights, followeth Turcia maior (though now on both sides it is called Turcia.) And so the coast runneth Southward to Syria, and ouer against the sayd Turcia are the Islands of Rhodes, Candie, and Cyprus. And ouer against Italie are the Islands of Si∣cilia and Sardinia. And ouer against Spaine is Maiorca and Minorca. In the ende of the gulfe of Syria is Iudea. And from thence returneth the coast toward the Occident, till it commeth to the streights where we began, which all is the coast of Afrike and Barbarie. Also your Lord∣ship shall vnderstand that the coastes of the Sea throughout all the world. I haue coloured with yellow, for that it may appeare that all that is within the line coloured yellow, is to be imagined to be maine land or Islands: and all without the line so coloured to bee Sea: whereby it is easie and light to know it. Albeit in this little roome any other description would rather haue made it obscure then cleere. And the sayd coasts of the Sea are all set iustly after the maner and forme as they lie, as the nauigation approueth them throughout all the Card, saue onely the coastes and Isles of the Spicerie of the Emperour which is from ouer against the 160. to the 215. degrees of longitude, For these coastes and situations of the Islands, euery of the Cosmographers and

pilots of Portingal & Spayne do set after their purpose. The Spaniards more towards the O∣rient, because they should appeare to appertain to the Emperour: & the Portingals more toward the Occident, for that they should fal within their iurisdiction. So that the pilots and nauigants thither, which in such cases should declare the truth, by their industrie do set them falsly euery one to fauour his prince. And for this cause can be no certaine situation of that coast and Islands, till this difference betwixt them be verified.* 7.10 Now to come to the purpose of your Lordships demaund touching the difference between the Emperour and the king of Portingal, to vnderstand it better, I must declare the beginning of this discouerie. Though peraduenture your Lordship may say that in that I haue written ought of purpose, I fall in the prouerbe, A gemino ouo bellum: But your Lordship commanded me to be large, and I take licence to be prolixious, and shalbe perad∣uenture tedious, but your Lordship knoweth that Nihil ignorantia verbofius.

In the yeere 1484 the king of Portingal minded to arme certaine Caruels to discouer this Spicerie. Then forasmuch as he feared that being discouered, euery other prince woulde sende and trade thither, so that the cost and perill of discouering should be his, and the profite common: wherefore first hee gaue knowledge of this his minde to all princes Christened, saying that hee would seeke amongst the infidels newe possessions of regions, and therefore would make a cer∣taine armie: and that if any of them would helpe in the cost of the sayd armie, he should enioy his part of the profite or honour that should come of it. And as then this discouering was holden for a strange thing and vncertaine. Nowe they say, that all the Princes of Christendome answered, that they would be no part of such an armie, nor yet of the profit that might come of it. After the which he gaue knowledge to the Pope of his purpose, and of the answere of all the Princes, desi∣ring him that seeing that none would helpe in the costes, that he would iudge all that should bee found and discouered to be of his iurisdiction, and commannd that none other princes should in∣termeddle therewith. The Pope sayd not as Christ saith, Quis me consticui•• iudicem inter vos?* 7.11 He did not refuse, but making himselfe as Lord and Iudge of all, not onely granted that all that should be discouered from Orient to Occident, should be the kings of Portingal, but also, that vp∣on great censures no other Prince should discouer but he. And if they did, all to bee the kings of Portingal. So he armed a fleete, and in the yeere 1497 were discouered the Islands of Calicut, from whence is brought all the spite he hath.

After this in the yere 1492 the king of Spaine willing to discouer lands toward the Occident without making any such diligence, or taking licence of the king of Portingal, armed certaine Caruels, and then discouered this India Occidentall, especially two Islands of the sayd India, that in this Card I set forth, naming the one la Dominica, and the other Cuba, and brought cer∣taine golde from thence. Of the which when the king of Portingal had knowledge, he sent to the king of Spaine, requiring him to giue him the sayd Islands. For that by the sentence of the Pope all that should be discouered was his, and that hee should not proceede further in the discouerie without his licence. And at the same time it seemeth that out of Castil into Portingal had gone for feare of burning infinite number of Iewes that were expelled out of Spaine, for that they would not turne to be Christians, and carried with them infinite number of golde and siluer. So that it seemeth that the king of Spaine answered, that it was reason that the king of Portingal asked, and that to be obedient to that which the Pope had decreed, he would giue him the sayd Islands of the Indies. Nowe for as much as ••t was decreed betwixt the sayde kings, that none should receiue the others subiects fugitiues, nor their goods, therfore the king of Portingal should pay and returne to the king of Spaine a million of golde or more, that the Iewes had caryed out of Spaine to Portingal, & that in so doing he would giue these Islands, and desist from any more dis∣couering. And not fulfilling this, he would not onely not giue these Islands, but procure to disco∣uer more where him thought best. It seemeth that the king of Portingal would not, or could not with his ease pay this money. And so not paying that he could not let the king of Spaine to disco∣uer: so that he enterprised not toward the Orient where he had begun & found the Spicerie. And consented to the king of Spaine, that touching this discouering they should diuide the worlde be∣tweene them two. And that all that should be discouered from Cape Verde, where this Card be∣ginneth to be counted in the degrees of longitude, to 180 of the sayd scale of longitude, which is halfe the world toward the Orient, & finisheth in this Card right ouer against a litle crosse made at the said 180 degrees, to be the king of Portingals. And all the land from the said Crosse towarde the Occident, vntill it ioyneth with the other Crosse in the Orient, which conteineth the other hundreth and eightie degrees, that is the other halfe of the worlde, to be the king of Spaines. So that from the land ouer against the said hundreth & eighty degrees vntill it finish in the three hun∣dred and sixtie on both the ends of the Card, is the iurisdiction of the king of Spaine. So after this maner they diuided the world betweene them.

Now for that these Islands of Spicery fall neere the terme and limites betweene these prin∣ces (for as by the sayd Card you may see they begin from one hundred and sixtie degrees of longi∣tude, and ende in 215) it seemeth all that falleth from 160 to 180, degrees, should be of Portin∣gal: and all the rest of Spaine. And for that their Cosmographers and Pilots coulde not a∣gree in the situation of the sayde Islandes (for the Portingals set them all within their 180 degrees, and the Spaniards set them all without:) and for that in measuring, all the Cosmo∣graphers of both partes, or what other that euer haue bene cannot giue certaine order to mea∣sure the longitude of the worlde,* 7.12 as they doe of the latitude: for that there is no starre fixed from East to West, as are the starres of the Poles from North to South, but all mooueth with the moouing diuine: no maner can bee founde howe certainely it may bee measured, but by coniectures, as the Nauigants haue esteemed the way they haue gone. But it is manifest that Spaine had the situation of al the lands from Cape Verde, toward the Orient of y^e Portingals to their 180 degrees. And in all their Cardes they neuer hitherto set the saide Islands within their limitation of the sayd 180 degrees, (though they knewe very well of the Islands,) till now that the Spaniards discouered them. And it is knowen that the king of Portingal had trade to these Islands afore, but would neuer suffer Portingal to go thither from Calicut: for so much as he knew that it fell out of his dominion: least by going thither there might come some know∣ledge of those other Islands of the king of Spaine, but bought the cloues of Marchants of that countrey, that brought them to Calicut, much deerer then they would haue cost, if he had sent for them, thinking after this maner it would abide alwayes secret. And now that it is discouered he sendes and keepes the Spaniards from the trade all that he can.

Also it should seeme that when this foresaid consent of the diuision of the worlde was agreed of betweene them, the king of Portingal had already discouered certaine Islandes that lie ouer a∣gainst Cape Verde, and also certaine part of the maine land of India toward the South, from whence he fette Brasill, and called it the land of Brasil. So for that all should come in his terme and limites, hee tooke three hundred and seuentie leagues beyond Cape Verde: and after this, his 180 degrees, being his part of the worlde, should begin in the Carde right ouer against the 340 degrees, where I haue made a little compasse with a crosse, and should finish at the 160 de∣gree, where also I haue made another little marke. And after this computation without any con∣trouersie, the Islands of the spicery fal out of the Portingals domination. So that nowe the Spa∣niards say to the Portingals, that if they would beginne their 180 degrees from the sayde Cape Verde, to the intent they should extende more toward the Orient, and so to touch those Islandes of the Spicerie of the Emperour, which is al that is betweene the two crosses made in this Card, that then the Islands of Cape Verde and the lande of Brasil that the Portingals nowe obtaine, is out of the sayd limitation, and that they are of the Emperours. Or if their 180 degrees they count from the 370 leagues beyond the said Cape Verde, to include in it the said Islands and lands of Brasil, then plainely appeareth the said 180 degrees should finish long before they come to these Islands of the Spicerie of the Emperour: As by this Carde your Lordship may see. For their limits should begin at the 340 degrees of this Carde, and ende at the 160 degrees, where I haue made two little markes of the compasse with crosses in them.

So that plainely it should appeare by reason, that the Portingals should leaue these Islands of Cape Verde and land of Brasil, if they would haue part of the Spicerie of the Emperours: or els holding these, they haue no part there. To this Portingals say, that they will beginne their 180 degrees from the selfe same Cape Verde: for that it may extende so much more to∣ward the Orient, and touch these Islandes of the Emperours: and would winne these Islandes of Cape Verde and land of Brasil neuerthelesse, as a thing that they possessed before the consent of this limitation was made.

So none can verely tell which hath the best reason. They be not yet agreed, Quare sub Iudice lis est.

But without doubt (by all coniectures of reason) the sayd Islands fall all without the limita∣tion of Portingal, and pertaine to Spaine, as it appeareth by the most part of all the Cardes made by the Portingals, saue those which they haue falsified of late purposely.

But now touching that your Lordship wrote, whether that which we discouered toucheth any thing the foresayd coastes: once it appeareth plainely, that the Newefound land that we dis∣couered,* 7.13 is all a maine land with the Indies Occidentall, from whence the Emperour hath all the gold and pearles: and so continueth of coast more then 5000 leagues of length, as by this Carde appeareth. For from the said New lands it proceedeth toward the Occident to the Indies, and from the Indies returneth toward the Orient, and after turneth Southward vp tillit come to the Straits of Todos Sa••tos, which I reckon to be more then 5000 leagues.

So that to the Indias it should seeme that we haue some title,* 7.14 at least that for our discouering we might trade thither as other doe. But all this is nothing neere the Spicerie.

Now then it from the sayd New found lands the Sea be nauigable, there is no doubt, but sayling Northward and passing the Pole,* 7.15 descending to the Equinoctial line, we shall hit these Islands, and it should be a much shorter way, then either the Spaniards or the Portingals haue. For we be distant from the Pole but thirty and nine degrees, and from the Pole to the Equinoctiall be ninetie, the which added together, bee an hundred twenty and nine degrees, leagues 2489. and miles 7440: Where we should find these Islands. And the Nauigation of the Spaniards to the Spicerie is, as by this Carde you may see, from Spaine to the Islandes of Canarie, and from these Islandes they runne ouer the line Equinoctiall Southwarde to the Cape of the maine land of the Indians, called the Cape of Saint Augustine, and from this Cape Southwards to the straites of Todos Santos,* 7.16 in the which nauigation to the said straites is 1700. or 1800 leagues; and from these Straites being past them, they returne towarde the line Equinoctiall to the Islands of Spicerie, which are distant from the saide Straites 4200. or 4300. leagues.

The nauigation of the Portingals to the said Islandes is departing from Portingal South∣ward towarde the Cape Verde, and from thence to another Cape passing the line Equinoctial called Capo de bona speransa, and from Portingal to the Cape is 1800 leagues, and from this Cape to the Islands of Spicerie of the Emperour is 2500. leagues.

So that this nauigation amounteth all to 4300. leagues. So that (as afore is sayd,) if be∣tween our New found lands or Norway, or Island, the seas toward the North be nauigable, we should goe to these Islands a shorter way by more then 2000. leagues.

And though we went not to the sayd Islandes,* 7.17 for that they are the Emperours or kings of Portingal, wee shoulde by the way and comming once to the line Equinoctiall, finde landes no lesse riche of golde and Spicerie, as all other landes are vnder the sayd line Equinoctiall: and al∣so should, if we may passe vnder the North, enioy the nauigation of all Tartarie.* 7.18 Which should be no lesse profitable to ••ur commodities of cloth, then these Spiceries to the Emperour, and king of Portingal.

But it is a generall opinion of all Cosmographers, that passing the seuenth clime,* 7.19 the sea is all ice, and the colde so much that none can suffer it. And hitherto they had all the like opinion, that vnder the line Equinoctiall for much heate the land was vnhabitable.

Yet since (by experience is proued) no land so much habitable nor more temperate.* 7.20 And to con∣clude I thiuke the same should be found vnder the North, if it were experimented. For as all iudge, Nihil fit vacuum in rerum natura: So I iudge, there is no land vnhabitable, nor Sea in∣nauigable.* 7.21 If I should write the reason that presenteth this vnto me, I should be too prolixe, and it seemeth not requisite for this present matter. God knoweth that though by it I should haue no great interest,* 7.22 yet I haue had and still haue no litle mind of this businesse: So that if I had facul∣tie to my will, it should be the first thing that I woulde vnderstand, euen to attempt, if our Seas Northward be nauigable to the Pole, or no. I reason, that as some sickenesses are hereditarious, and come from the father to the sonne, so this inclination or desire of this discouerie I inheri∣ted of my father, which with another marchant of Bristow named Hugh Eliot, were the discoue∣rers of the New found lands, of the which there is no doubt, (as nowe plainely appeareth) if the mariners would then haue bene ruled, and followed their Pilots minde, the lands of the West In∣dies (from whence all the gold commeth) had bene ours.* 7.23 For all is one coast, as by the Carde ap∣peareth, and is aforesayd.

Also in this Carde by the coastes where you see C. your Lordship shall vnderstand it is set for Cape or headland, where I. for Iland, where P. for Port, where R. for Riuer. Also in all this little Carde I thinke nothing be erred touching the situation of the land, saue onely in these Ilands of Spicerie: which, for that (as afore is sayd) eueryone setteth them after his minde, there can be no certification how they stand. I doe not denie, that there lacke many things, that a consummate Carde should haue, or that a right good demonstration desireth. For there should be expressed all the mountaines and Riuers that are principall of name in the earth, with the names of Portes of the sea, the names of all principall cities, which all I might haue set, but not in this Carde, for the little space would not consent.

Your Lordship may see that setting the names almost of euery Region, and yet not of all, the roome is occupied. Many Islands are also left out, for the said lack of roome, the names almost of all Portes put to silence, with the roses of the windes or points of the compasse: For that this is not for Pilots to sayle by, but a summary declaration of that which your Lordship commanded. And if by this your Lordship cannot wel perceiue the meaning of this Card, of the which I would

not marueile, by reason of the rude composition of it, will it please your Lordship to aduise mee to make a bigger and a better Mappe, or els that I may cause one to be made. For I know my selfe in this and all other nothing perfect, but Licet semper discens, nunquam tamen ad perfectam scientiam perueniens. Also I know, to set the forme Sphericall of the world in Plano after the true rule of Cosmographie, it would haue bene made otherwise then this is: howbeit the demon∣stration should not haue bene so plaine.

And also these degrees of longitude, that I set in the lower part of this card, should haue bin set along by the line Equinoctiall, & so then must be imagined. For the degrees of longitude neere ei∣ther of the poles are nothing equall in bignesse to them in the Equinoctiall. But these are set so, for that setting them along the Equinoctial, it would haue made obscure a great part of the map. Many other curiosities may be required, which for the nonce I did not set downe, as well for that the intent I had principally was to satisfie your doubt touching the spicerie, as for that I lack leasure and time. I trust your Lordship correcting that which is erred, will accept my good will, which is to doe any thing that I may in your Lordships seruice. But from henceforth I knowe your Lordship will rather commaund me to keepe silence, then to be large, when you shall be wea∣ried with the reading of this discourse. Iesus prosper your estate and health.

Your Lordships Robert Thorne

1527.

ALso this Carde and that which I write touching the variance betweene the Emperour and the king of Portingall, is not to be shewed or communicated there with many of that court. For though there is nothing in it preiudiciall to the Emperour, yet it may be a cause of paine to the maker: as well for that noue may make these Cardes, but certaine appointed and allowed for masters, as for that peraduenture it would not sound well to them, that a stranger should know or discouer their secretes: and would appeare worst of all, if they vnderstand that I write touching the short way to the spicerie by our Seas. Though peraduenture of troth it is not to be looked to, as a thing that by all opinions is vnpossible, and I thinke neuer will come to effect: and therefore neither here nor else where is it to be spoken of. For to moue it amongst wise men, it should bee had in derision. And therefore to none I would haue written nor spoken of such things, but to your Lordship, to whom boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasie as to my self. But if it please God that into England I may come with your Lordship, I will shew some con∣iectures of reason, though against the generall opinion of Cosmographers, by which shall appeare this that I say not to lacke some foundation. And till that time I beseeche your Lordship let it be put to silence: and in the meane season it may please God to send our two Englishmen, that are gone to the Spicerie, which may also bring more plaine declaration of that which in this case might be desired.

Also I knowe I needed not to haue beene to prolixe in the declaration of this Carde to your Lordship, if the sayd Carde had bene very well made after the rules of Cosmographie. For your Lordship would soone vnderstand it better then I, or any other that could haue made it: and so it should appeare that I shewed Delphinū natare. But for that I haue made it after my rude ma∣ner, it is necessary that I be the declarer or gloser of mine own worke, or els your Lordship should haue had much labour to vnderstand it, which now with it also cannot be excused, it is so grossely done. But I knew you looked for no curious things of mee, and therefore I trust your Lord∣ship will accept this, and hold me for excused. In other mens letters that they write they craue pardon that at this present they write no larger: but I must finish, asking pardon that at this pre∣sent I write so largely. Iesus preserue your Lordship with augmentation of dignities.

Your seruant Robert Thorne, 1527.

Epitaphium M. Roberti Thorni, sepulti in Ecclesia Templariorum Londini.

RObertus iacei hic Thorne, quem Bristolia quondam Praetoris meritò legit ad officium. Huic etenim semper magnae Respublica cure, Charior & cunctis patria diuitijs. Ferre inopi auxilium, tristes componere lites,

Dulce huic consilio quósque iuuare suit. Qui pius exaudis miserorum vota precésque, Christe huic coeli des regione locum.

A briefe Treatise of the great Duke of Muscouia his genealogie, being taken out of the Moscouites manuscript Chronicles written by a Polacke.

IT hath almost euer bene the custome of nations, in searching out the in∣fancie and first beginnings of their estate, to ascribe the same vnto such authors as liued among men in great honour and endued mankinde with some one or other excellent benefite. Nowe, this inbred desire of all nations to blaze and set foorth their owne petigree hath so much pre∣uayled with the greater part, that leauing the vndoubted trueth, they haue be taken themselues vnto meere fables and fictions. Yea and the Chronicles of many nations written in diuers and sundrie ages doe testi∣fie the same. Euen so the Grecians boasted that they were either Autocthones, that is earth∣bredde, or els lineally descended from the Gods. And the Romans affirme that Mars was fa∣ther vnto their first founder Romulus. Right well therefore and iudicially sayth Titus Liuius: Neither meane I to auouch (quoth he) ne to disable or confute those thinges which before the building and foundation of the Citie haue beene reported, being more adorned and fraught with Poeticall fables then with incorrupt and sacred monuments of trueth: antiquitie is to be pardoned in this behalfe, namely in ioyning together matters historicall and poeticall, to make the beginnings of cities to seeme the more honourable. For sith antiquity it selfe is ac∣compted such a notable argument of true nobility, euen priuate men in all ages haue conten∣ded thereabout. Wherefore citizens of Rome being desirous to make demonstration of their Gentrie, vse to haue their a••ncestours armes painted along the walles of their houses: in which regarde they were to puffed vp, that oftentimes they would arrogantly disdaine those men, which by their owne vertue had attained vnto honour. In like sorte Poets, when the originall of their worthines and braue champions was either vtterly vnknowen or some∣what obscure, would ofte referre it vnto their Gods themselues. So in these our dayes (to lette passe others) the Turkish Emperour with grert presumption boasteth himselfe to bee de∣scended of the Troian blood. Likewise the great duke of Moscouie, to make himselfe and his predecessours seeme the more souereigne, deriueth the beginnings of his parentage from the Romane Emperours, yea euen from Augustus Cesar. Albeit therefore no man is so fonde as to accept of this report for trueth, yet will wee briefly set downe what the Moscouites haue written in their Chronicles as touching this matter.

Augustus (beleeue it who lifteth) had certaine brethren or kinsfolkes which were ap∣poynted gouernours ouer diuers prouinces. Amongst the rest one Prussus (of whome Prus∣sia was named) had his place of gouernment assigned vnto him vpon the shore of the eastern or Baltick sea, and vpon the famous riuer of Wixel. This mans graund children or ne∣phewes of the fourth generation were Rurek, Sinaus, and Truuor, who likewise inhabited in the very same places. Whereas therefore at the very same time the Russians or the Mosco∣uites without any ciuill regiment possessed large and spacious territories towards the north, the foresayd three brethren, vpon the perswasion of one Gostomislius the chiefe citizen of Nouogrod, in the yeare since the worldes creation (according to the computation of the Greekes) 6370, which was in the yeare of our Lord 572,* 8.1 were sent for, to beare rule. And so ioyning their kinsman Olechus vnto them, and diuiding these huge countreys a∣mong themselues, they laboured to reduce the barbarous and sauage people vnto a ciuill kinde of life.

Sinaus and Truuor deceasing without issue, Rurek succeeded and lefte a sonne behinde him named Igor; who not being of sufficient yeres to beare rule, was committed vnto the protec∣tion of his kinsman Olechus. The sayde Igor begate of O••ha daughter vnto a citizen of Plesco (who, after her husbande was slaine by his enemies, taking her iourney to Constan∣tinople, was there baptized by the name of Helena) a sonne called Stoslaus, who fought many battels with the neighbour countreys. Howbeit at length Stoslaus was slayne by his foe, who making a drinking cup of his skull, engraued therupon in golden letters this sentence: Seeking

after other mens, he lost his owne. He left behind him three sonnes, namely Teropolchus, Ole∣ga, and Vulodimir. The which Vulodimir hauing slaine his two brethren, became sole gouer∣nour of Russia, or (as the Moscouites call it) Rosseia, his owne selfe. This man beginning at length to loath and mislike the ethnik religion, and the multitude of false gods, applyed his minde vnto the religion of Christ, and hauing taken to wife Anna sister vnto Basilius and Con∣stantinus Emperours of Constantinople, was together with his whole nation, in the yeare of Christ 988. baptized, and imbraced the Christian religion, with the rites and ceremonies of the Greeke Church, and his name being changed, he was called Basilius.

Howbeit Zonaras reporteth that before the time of Vulodimir, Basilius Emperour of Con∣stantinople sent a bishop vnto the Russians, by whose meanes they were conuerted vnto the Chri∣stian faith. He reporteth moreouer that they would not be perswaded vnlesse they might see a mi∣racle: whereupon the said bishop hauing made his prayers vnto almighty God, threwe the booke of the Euangelists into the fire, which remained there vnconsumed. And that by this miracle they were mooued to giue credite vnto the doctrine of Christ, and to conforme themselues thereunto.

The sonnes of Vulodimir were Vuiseslaus, Isoslaus, Iaroslaus, Suatopolcus, Borissus, Glebus, Stoslaus, Vulzeuolodus, Stanislaus, Sudislaus, and Podius who died in his childhood. Amongst the residue all Russia was diuided by their father, who not being contented with their portions, but inuading each other, were most of them slaine by their mutuall contentions. Borissus and Gle∣bus in regard of their holy conuersation were registred for Saints, whose feasts are euery yeere celebrated with great solemnitie vpon the twelfth of Nouember.

At length Iaroslaus only got the Souereigne authoritie into his owne hands, and left behind him foure sonnes, Vvlodimir, Isoslauus, Weceslauus, and Vuszeuolodus.

* 8.2The foresaid Vulodimir sonne of Iaroslaus kept his residence at the ancient citie of Kiow standing vpon the riuer of Boristhenes, and after diuers conflicts with his kinsmen, hauing sub∣dued all the prouinces vnto himselfe, was called Monomachos, that is, the onely champoin. This man (for I thinke it not amisse to report those things which their owne Manuscript Chro∣nicles make mention of) waged warre against Constantine the Emperour of Constantinople, and when he had wasted & ouerrun Thracia, being returned home with great and rich spoyles, and making preparation for new wars, Constantine sent Neophytus the Metropolitane of Ephesus and two Bishops, with the gouernour of Antiochia, and Eustaphius, the Abbat of Ierusalem, to present rich and magnificent gifts vnto him; as namely, part of the crosse of our Sauiour Christ, a crowne of gold, a drinking cup curiously made of Sardonyx stone, a cloake set all ouer with pre∣cious, stones, and a golden chaine; commaunded them to salute him by the name of Czar (which name, as it may be prooued by many arguments, signifieth a king, and not an Emperour) and con∣cluded a most inuiolable league of amity and friend ship with him.

The foresayd Vulodimir begate Vuszeuolodus the second. This Vuszeuolodus lefte eight sonnes behind him, Miscislaus, Isoslaus, Stoslaus, Teropolcus, Weceslaus, Romanus, Georgius, and Andrew. The sonnes of George were Roseslaus, Andrew, Basilius, and Demetrius.

* 8.3Demetrius begat George, who in the yere 1237. was slaine by one Bathy a Tartarian duke, which Bathy wasted Moscouia, and subdued the same vnto himselfe. Since which time the Rus∣sians were tributary to the Tartars, and were gouerned by such dukes as they pleased to set ouer them. Howbeit the Tartars so greatly abused that authoritie, that when they sent their ambassa∣dours vnto the prince of Moscouie, he was constrained to goe forth and meete with them, and (as Herbortus Fulstinius in his Polonian historie reporteth) to offer them a bason full of mares milk, and if they had spilt any whit thereof vpon their horses maines, to licke it off with his toung, and hauing conducted them into his princely court, to stand bareheaded before them while they sate downe, and with all reuerence to giue eare and attendance vnto them. But by what meanes they shooke off at the length this yoake of seruitude, I will forth with declare.

About the same time almost all Polonia, and the dukedome of Silesia were ouerrun by the Tar∣tars with fire and sword. Who hauing burnt Pres••a the chiefe citie of Silesia, & being come before the citie of Legnitz, they fought there a most cruel and bloody field, wherin was slain duke Henrie himselfe being sonne vnto the most holy and deuout lady Heduice, with many others, whose monuments and graues be as yet extant in sundry places, and with an infinite multitude of com∣mon souldiers, insomuch that the Tartars filled nine great sackes with the eares of them which they had slaine. The Tartars to the end they might obtaine the victorie, presented vnto the view of our souldiers the portrature of a mans head placed by arte magique vpon a banner, wherein the letter X. was painted, which being shaken and mooued vp and downe breathed foorth a most loathsome stench, & strooke such a terrour into the hearts of our men, that being as it were astoni∣shed with the snaky visage of Medusa, they were vtterly daunted and dismayed.

From thence Bathy and his company with the same bloodthirstie intent marched into Hunga∣rie, and had almost slaine king Bela the fourth, who together with his sonne escaping by slight did scarcely ridde themselues out of the enemies hand. And when the whole world almost was excee∣dingly terrified at the cruell inuasions of this most barbarous nation, at length Pope Innocen∣tius the fourth sending ambassadours vnto Bathy obtained peace for fiue yeeres:* 8.4 but to forsake his heathenish superstitions and to become a Christian, hee would by no meanes bee perswaded. For he was by the instigation of the Saracens infected with deuilish opinions of Mahomet, as being more agreeable vnto his barbarous rudenes, which euen vnto this day the Tartars do main∣taine, like as the prophane Turkes also.

This Bathy had a sonne called Tamerlan, whome the Moscouites call Temirkutla, who like∣wise, as it is recorded in histories, attained vnto great renoume. For he caried about with him in a cage Baiazet the Turkish Emperour being fettered in golden chaines, and made him a laughing stocke vnto all men.

Let vs now returne vnto the Russians. George being slaine, Iaroslaus his brother succeeded in his roome, and left behinde him three sonnes, Theodorus, Alexander and Andreas. Daniel the sonne of Alexander first established his royall seate in the citie of Mosco,* 8.5 and magnificently buil∣ding the castle which before time had bene obscure, he tooke vpon him the title of the great Duke of Russia. He had fiue sonnes, namely, George, Alexander, Borissus, Ophonias, and Iohn. This Iohn succeeded his father, and because he continually caried a scrippe about with him to bestow almes, he was sirnamed Kaleta, which word signifieth a scrippe. His sonnes were, Simeon, Iohn, and Andrew. He gaue vnto his sonne Simeon the prouinces of Vvlodimiria and Moscouia: which Simeon deceasing without issue his brother Iohn succeeded, who begate a sonne called Demetri∣us. This Demerius had seuen sonnes, namely Daniel, Basilius, George, Andrew, Peter, Iohn, & Constantine. Basilius reigned after his fathers death. This mā dishinheriting his sonne which was called after his owne name, because he suspected his mother of adulterie, at his death sur∣rendred his Dukedome vnto his brother George, who kept his nephewe a long time in prison. Howbeit at his death, though himselfe had two sonnes namely Andrew and Demetrius, yet be∣ing stricken perhaps with remorse of conscience, he bestowed the Dukedome vpon his nephew Basilius. Against whom his two cousins bearing a grudge waged warre, and at length hauing ta∣ken him by a wyly stratageme they put out his eyes. Notwithstanding the Boiarens (for so the Moscouites call their nobles) continued their duetifull alleageance vnto this their blinde Duke, whom for his blindnes they called Cziemnox, that is to say, darke or darkened. He left a sonne behinde him called Iuan Vasilowich who brought the Russian common wealth,* 8.6 being before his time but obscure, vnto great excellencie and renowme. Who that he might the better get all the superiority into his owne hands put to death so many sonnes and nephewes of the former Dukes as he could lay hold on, and began to take vpon him the title of the great Duke of Vvlodimiria, Moscouia, and Nouogardia, and to call himselfe the Monarch or Czar of all Russia. He brought vnder his subiection two principall cities namely Plesco being the only walled citie in all Mos∣couie,* 8.7 and Mouogrod, both of them being in regard of traffike most riche and flourishing cities, and hauing bin subiect vnto the Lithuanians for the space of 50. yeeres before. The treasure of Nouogrod was so exceeding, that the great Duke is reported to haue carried home from thence 300. carts laden with gold and siluer.

He also was the first man that waged warre against the Polonians and the Liuonians: against Polonia he pretended a quarell, alleaging that his daughter Helena (whome hee had married vn∣to Alexander the great Duke of Lithuania, which was afterward king of Polonia) was euil in∣treated, and was withdrawen from the Greekish religion vnto the ceremonies of the Church of Rome. But against the Liuonians for none other cause, but onely for an incredible desire of enlar∣ging his dominions. Howbeit what impulsiue causes of litle or no moment happened in the mean season, we will in another place more plainely declare. Notwithstanding he was very often and in diuers battels vanguished by Plettebergius the great master of the Dutch knights: but it is not to the purpose to stand any longer vpon this discourse.

He was married first vnto Marie the Duke of Tyuersky his daughter, and of her hee begate Iohn, vnto whom in his life time he surrendred his Dukedome, and married him vnto the daugh∣ter of Stephan the Palatine of Moldauia: which Iohn, after he had begotten his sonne Demetri∣us deceased before his father.

Afterward Iuan Vasilowich aforesaide married a wife called Sophia being daughter vnto Thomas Palaelogus, which is reported to haue had her dowry out of the Popes treasury, because the Moscouite had promised to conforme himselfe vnto the Romish Church. This Sophia being a woman of a princely and aspiring minde, and often complaining that she was married vnto the

Tartars vassal, at length by her instant intreatie and continual perswasions, and by a notable stra∣tageme she cast off that slauish yoke very much vnbeseeming so mighty a prince. For whereas the Tartarian Duke had his procuratours and agents in the Moscouites court, who dwelt iu their owne houses built within the very castle of Mosco, and were eye witnesses of all affaires which were there performed: Sophia said she was admonished from heauen to builde a Temple in the selfe same place where the Tartars house stoode, and to consecrate it vnto Saint Nicholas. Being therfore deliuered of a sonne she inuited the Tartarian Duke vnto the solemne baptizing of him, and beeing come, shee requested him to giue her his house, and obtained it at his hands. Which house being razed and those Tartarian espials beeing excluded,* 8.8 the Tartars at length were quite bereaued and vtterly dispossessed of their authoritie which they had exercised ouer the Russians for many yeres, and could neuer yet recouer it; albeit they haue giuen sundry attempts. Of his wife Sophia he begate sixe children, namely, a daughter called Helena, & fiue sonnes, that is to say, Gabriel, Demetrius, George, Simeon, and Andrew.

The Dukedome of right appertayned vnto Demetrius the sonne of Iohn, which was the sonne of Vasilowich by his first marriage. Howbeit Sophia preuailed so with her husband, that neglecting his graund-childe Demetrius, hee bestowed his Dukedome vpon Gabriel his sonne.

Andrew the younger had a sonne called Vvlodimir, of whom Mary was borne, which in the yeere of Christ 1573. was maried vnto Magnus the Duke of Holst.

* 8.9Gabriel hauing obtained the great dukedome of Russia, changed his name calling himselfe Ba∣silius, and applied his minde to the atchieuing of high and great enterprises. For hee reduced a great part of the dukedome of Moscouie, which Vitoldus the great Duke of Lithuania helde in possession, vnder his owne iurisdiction, and wonne vpon the riuer of Boristhenes (which the Rus∣sians call Neiper) many cities and especially Smolensco, in the yeere of our Lord 1514. Hauing diuorced his first wife, hee begate of Helena daughter vnto Duke Glinskie, Iuan Vasilowich,* 8.10 which now this present 1580. reigneth as great Duke. Hee was borne in the yeere of our Lorde 1528. the 25. of August, sixe houres after the rising of the sonne. The great dukedome of Russia fell vnto the said Iuan Vasilowich in the fifth yeere of his age, hauing his vncle George for his great protector: being 25. yeeres of age, and being of a strong body and of a couragious mind he subdued the Tartars of Cazan and Astracan vpon the riuer of Volgha, carrying their Dukes and chieftaines into captiuitie.

But by what wayes and meanes (after the league which by the in••erecession of the most sacred Roman Emperour, continued from the yeere 1503. for the space of fifty yeeres, was expired) ha∣uing renewed warres against Liuonia, hee brought that most flourishing prouince into extreame miserie, vsing for the same purpose a new pretense, and alleadging that it belonged vnto him by right of inheritance, I tremble to recount: and it requireth a large historie, which perhaps in time and place conuenient some more learned then my selfe will take vpon them to addresse.

He is exceedingly addicted vnto piety and deuotion, and doth oftentimes obserue very strict fa∣stings and abstinence with his monks: and wheras the Russes in doing reuerence & adoration vn∣to God doe beate their foreheads against the ground, this Iuan Vasilowich with performing of the same ceremonie causeth his forehead to be ful of boines and swellings, and sometimes to be black and blew, and very often to bleed. He is much delighted with building of Churches & spareth no cost for that purpose. Whether therfore by nature, or (which hee pretendeth to be the cause) by reason of his subiects malice & treacherie, he be so addicted vnto all rigour and cruelty, I dare not determine, especially sithens he hath not an illiberal or mishapen countenance, as Attila is repor∣ted to haue had. Of his first wife which was sister vnto Mikita Romanowich, beeing nowe great steward of his houshold, he begate two sonnes, namely Iuan and Theodore.* 8.11 And albeit he was fiue times married, yet had he not one childe more.

Whereas this Iuan Vasilowich vpon certaine friuolous reasons calleth himselfe the naturall lord of Liuonia, I thought it not amisse to adde an Epistle hereunto, which was written by a cer∣taine honourable man concerning the same matter.

S. All wee which inhabite this Prouince with all seemely reuerence and submission of mind, do offer most humble thanks vnto the Emperors most sacred and peerelesse maiesty our most gra∣cious lord, in that according to his fatherly affection which he beareth towards all Christendome, and for the good & commodity of this our distressed and afflicted countrey, which these many yeres hath bin in stead of a bulwarke against the inuasion of barbarous nations, he hath sent his ambas∣sadors vnto the great duke of Moscouia. In regard of which his fatherly loue and great benefite vouchsafed on vs, wee are ready when occasion shall serue, to aduenture our liues and goods: praying in the meane season vnto Almightie God, who is the onely establisher and confounder

of common wealths, to bring this excellent woorke, the foundation whereof is already lai••e vnto a prosperous conclusion. But as touching the title which the Moscouite maketh to this prouince, to say the very trueth, we greatly wondred and were astonished at the declaration thereof. For it is most apparant, not onely out of all ancient and credible histories, but euen from the experience and state of these regions, that the said title and allegations are fabulous and fained. For out of all auncient monuments, by what names soeuer they bee called (whereof there are diuers extant among vs) it cannot be proued by any mention, nor yet by any likelihoode or coniecture, that those things which the Moscouite affirmeth concerning the people which were gouernors of these regions in times past, and concerning the right and title of his ancestors vnto this prouince, are grounded vpon truth.

For it is not vnknowen by what meanes this prouince, partly through the industry of mar∣chants,* 8.12 and partly by the benefite of nauigation, was first discouered: neither is it vnknowen howe the inhabitants thereof beeing wholly addicted vnto heathenish superstitions and ido∣latrie, were by the croised knights (who drew other knights professing the same order in Prussia to aide and accompanie them in this their enterprise) and that with great labour and difficultie, conuerted vnto the Christian faith: when as at the same time the ••iuonians had no knowledge at all of the iurisdiction, religion, maners, or language of Moscouie: who had not onely no conuersation nor dealings with the Moscouites, but were estranged also from all other nations whatsoeuer: for leading a miserable, poore, barbarous, and heathenish life, in sauage maner among wilde beastes, and in the desert and solitary woods, they were vtterly ignorant of God and desti∣tute of ciuil magistrates. Howbeit this kind of gouernment was peculiar vnto them, namely that all of our familie and society vsed a kinde of reuerence vnto their elders more then to any other, whom also, that their authoritie might be the greater, they called by the name of kings, and (albe∣it one of their families consisted of a 100. persons) th••y obeyed them in al respects, and after their rude and barbarous maner did them loyal seruice. At the very same time the Moscouites had receiued the religion, and the Ecclesiasticall ceremonies of the Greeke and Easterne Church, which religion they published and dispersed throughout all prouinces subiect to their domi∣nion, vsing their owne proper letters and charac••ers for the same purpose. Of all which things the Liuonians which very barbarously inhabited a lande beeing enuironed with Russia, Li∣thuania, Samogitia, Prussia, and the Balthic sea, neuer heard any report at all. It is moreouer to be noted that neuer at any time heretofore either within the earth, or in other places of Liuonia, there haue bene found any monuments at all of the antiquitie or letters of the Russes: which veri∣ly must needs haue come to passe, if the Moscouites, Russes, or any other nations which vse the foresaid particulars, had borne rule and authority ouer the Liuonians: yea there had beene left some remainder and token, either of their religion and diuine worship, or of their lawes and cu∣stomes, or at the least of their maners, language, and letters. This indeed we can in no wise deny, that euen in Liuonia it selfe, there haue bin in times past and at this present are many and diuers languages spoken by the people. Howbeit no one language of them all hath any affinity either with the Moscouian tongue, or with the tongues of any other nations. But whereas the Mosco∣uite pretendeth that there hath bin vsually paide a pension or tribute vnto himselfe and his prede∣cessours out of the whole prouince, it is as incredible as the former.

About the beginning of this tragicall warre, the Moscouite, to cloke his tyranny and ambition vnder some faire pretense, amongst other of his demaunds, made mention also of a tribute which should be due vnto him out of the bishop of Dorpat his iurisdiction, whereof notwithstanding hee could neither bring any iust account, nor affirm any certainty: howbeit there is no man liuing to be found which either can tell of his owne remembrance, or from the relation of others, that any such tribute was euer paid vnto the Moscouite. What time therefore he referred al this negotia∣tion vnto the master of the Liuonian order, and commanded him to get what knowledge hee could therof from the men of Dorpat, & vrged the tribute, saying if it were worth but one haire, that he would not remit it: at length it was found recorded in the ancient Chronicles of Dorpat, that be∣yond the memory of man, when the territory of Plesco contained nothing but woods and forrests for wilde beastes, that the pesaunts of the liberty of Dorpat called Neuhus, by the consent of the Russian borderers, enioyed Bee-hiues in the said woods, and paid euery yeere in lieu thereof vn∣to the Russian gouernours, sixe shillings of Liuonian coine. But so soone as the Russians had fel∣led the woods and had built townes and villages in their place, the saide pension ceased together with the trees which were cut downe. Wherefore the saide sixe shillings were neuer since that time either demanded by the Russes or paid by the Liuonians. These things which I knew con∣cerning the causes of the Liuonian warres I thought good to signifie vnto you. Giuen the 22. of May, in the yeere of our Lord 1576.

Ordinances, instructions, and aduertisements of and for the di∣rection of the intended voyage for Cathay, compiled, made, and deliue∣red by the right worshipfull M. Sebastian Cabota Esquier, gouernour of the mysterie and companie of the Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of Regions, Domini∣ons, Islands and places vnknowen, the 9. day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1553. and in the 7. yeere of the reigne of our most dread soueraigne Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God, king of England, Fraunce and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the Church of England and Ireland, in earth supreame head.

FIrst the Captaine general, with the pilot maior, the masters, marchants & other officers, to be so knit and accorded in vnitie, loue, conformitie, and obedience in euery degree on all sides, that no dissention, variance, or contention may rise or spring betwixt them and the mariners of this companie, to the damage or hinde∣rance of the voyage: for that dissention (by many experiences) hath ouerthrown many notable intended and likely enterprises and exploits.

2 Item, for as much as euery person hath giuen an othe to be true, faithfull, and loial subiects, and liege men to the kings most excellent Maiestie, his heires and successors, and for the obserua∣tion of all lawes & statutes, made for the preseruation of his most excellent Maiestie, & his crown Imperiall of his realmes of England and Ireland, and to serue his grace, the Realme, and this present voyage truely, and not to giue vp, intermit, or leaue off the said voyage and en••erprise vn∣till it shalbe accomplished, to farre forth as possibilitie and life of man may serue or extend: Ther∣fore it behoueth euery person in his degree, as well for conscience, as for dueties sake to remem∣ber his said charge, and the accomplishment thereof.

3 Item, where furthermore euery mariner or passenge•• in his ship, hath giuen like othe to bee obedient to the Captaine generall, and to euery Captaine and master in his ship, for the obserua∣tion of these present orders contained in this booke, and all other which hereafter shalbe made by the 12. counsailers in this present book named, or the most part of them, for the better conduction, and preseruation of the flette, and atchieuing of the voyage, and to be prompt, ready and obedient in all acts and feates of honesty, reason, and duetie to be ministred, shewed & executed, in aduance∣ment and preferment of the voyage and exploit: therfore it is conuenient that this present booke shall once euery weeke (by the discretion of the Captaine) be read to the said companie, to the in∣tent that euery man may the better remember his othe, conscience, duetie and charge.

4 Item, euery person by vertue of his othe, to doe effectually & with good wil (as farre forth as him shall complie) all, and euery such act and acts, deede and deeds, as shalbe to him or them from time to time commanded, committed and enioyned (during the voyage) by the Captain generall, with the assent of the Counsell and assistants, as well in and during the whole Nauigation and voyage, as also in discouering and landing, as cases and occasions shall require.

5 Item, all courses in Nauigation to be set and kept, by the aduice of the Captaine, Pilot ma∣ior, masters, & masters mates, with the assents of the counsailers and the most number of them, and in voyces vniformely agreeing in one to preuaile, and take place, so that the Captaine generall, shall in all counsailes and assemblies haue a double voyce.

6 Item, that the fleete shal keep together, and not separate themselues asunder, as much as by winde & weather may be done or permitted, & that the Captaines, Pilots & masters shall speedily come aboord the Admiral, when and as often as he shall seeme to haue iust cause to assemble them for counsaile or consultation to be had concerning the affaires of the fleete and voyage.

7 Item, that the marchants, and other skilful persons in writing, shal daily write, describe, and put in memorie the Nauigation of euery day and night, with the points, and obseruation of the lands, tides, elements, altitude of the sunne, course of the moon and starres, and the same so noted by the order of the Master and pilot of euery ship to be put in writing, the captaine generall assem∣bling the masters together once euery weeke (if winde and weather shal serue) to conferre all the obseruations, and notes of the said ships, to the intent it may appeare wherein the notes do agree, and wherein they dissent, and vpon good debatement, deliberation, and conclusion determined, to put the same into a common leger, to remain of record for the company: the like order to be kept in proportioning of the Cardes, Astrolabes, and other instruments prepared for the voyage, at the charge of the companie.

8 Item, that all enterprises and exploits of discouering or landing to search Iles, regions, and such like, to be searched, attempted, and enterprised by good deliberation, and common assent, determined aduisedly. And that in all enterprises, notable ambassages, suites, requests, or pre∣sentment of giftes, or presents to Princes, to be done and executed by the captaine generall in

person, or by such other, as he by common assent shall appoint or assigne to doe or cause to be done in the same.

9 Item, the steward and cooke of euery ship, and their associats, to giue and render to the cap∣taine and other head officers of their shippe weekely (or oftner) if it shall seeme requisite, a iust or plaine and perfect accompt of expenses of the victuals, as wel flesh, fish, bisket, meate, or bread, as also of beere, wine, oyle, or vineger, and all other kinde of vi••••ualling vnder their charge, and they, and euery of them so to order and dispe••de the same, that no waste or vnprofitable excesse be made otherwise then reason and necessitie shall command.

10 Item, when any inferiour or meane officer of what degree or condition he shalbe, shalbe tri∣ed vntrue, remisse, negligent, or vnprofitable in or about his office in the voyage, or not to vse him selfe in his charge accordingly, then euery such officer to be punished or remoued at the discretion of the captaine and assistants, or the most part of them, and the person so remoued not to be repu∣ted, accepted, or taken from the time of his remoue, any more for an officer, but to remaine in such condition and place, as hee shall be assigned vnto, and none of the companie, to resist such chastise∣ment or worthie punishment, as shalbe ministred vnto him moderately, according to the fault or desert of his offence, after the lawes and common customes of the seas, in such cases heretofore v∣sed and obserued.

11 Item, if any Mariner or officer inferiour shalbe found by his labour not meete nor worthie the place that he is presently shipped for, such person may bee vnshipped and put on lande at any place within the kings Maiesties realme & dominion, and one other person more able and worthy to be put in his place, at the discretion of the captaine and masters, & order to be taken that the par∣tie dismissed shalbe allowed proportionably the value of that he shall haue deserued to the time of his dismission or discharge, & he to giue order with sureties, pawn, or other assurance, to repay the ouerplus of that he shall haue receiued, which he shall not haue deserued, & such wages to be made with the partie newly placed as shalbe thought reasonable, and he to haue the furniture of al such necessaries as were prepared for the pa••tie dismissed, according to right and conscience.

12 Item, that no blaspheming of God, or detestable swearing be vsed in any ship, nor commu∣nication of ribaldrie, filthy tales, or vngodly talke to be suffred in the company of any ship, neither dicing, carding, tabling, nor other diuelish games to be frequented, whereby ensueth not onely po∣uertie to the players, but also strife, variance, brauling, fighting, and oftentimes murther to the vt∣ter destruction of the parties, and prouoking of Gods most iust wrath, and sworde of vengeance. These and all such like pestilences, and contagious of vices, and sinnes to bee eschewed, and the offenders once monished, and not reforming, to bee punished at the discretion of the captaine and master, as appertaineth.

13 Item, that morning and euening prayer,* 8.13 with other common seruices appointed by the kings Maiestie, and lawes of this Realme to be read and saide in euery ship daily by the minister in the Admirall, and the marchant or some other person learned in other ships, and the Bible or paraphrases to be read deuoutly and Christianly to Gods honour, and for his grace to be obtained, and had by humble and heartie praier of the Nauigants accordingly.

14 Item, that euery officer is to be charged by Inuentorie with the particulars of his charge, and to render a perfect accompt of the diffraying of the same together with modest & temperate dispending of powder, shot, and vse of all kinde of artillery, which is not to be misused, but dili∣gently to be preserued for the necessary defence of the fleete and voyage, together with due kee∣ping of all instruments of your Nauigation, and other requisites.

15 Item, no liquor to be spilt on the balast, nor filthines to be left within boord: the cook room, and all other places to be kept cleane for the better health of the companie, the gromals & pages to bee brought vp according to the laudable order and vse of the Sea, as well in learning of Naui∣gation, as in exercising of that which to them appertaineth.

16 Item, the liueries in apparel giuen to the mariners be to be kept by the marchants, and not to be worne, but by the order of the captaine, when he shall see cause to muster or shewe them in good aray, for the aduancement and honour of the voyage, and the liueries to bee redeliuered to the keeping of the marchants, vntill it shal be thought conuenient for euery person to haue the ful vse of his garment.

17 Item, when any mariner or any other passenger shal haue neede of any necessarie furniture of apparell for his body, and conseruation of his health, the same shall bee deliuered him by the Marchant, at the assignement of the captaine and Master of that shippe, wherein such needie person shall be, at such reasonable price as the same cost, without any gaine to be exacted by the marchants, the value therof to be entred by the marchant in his booke, and the same to be discoun∣ted off the parties wages, that so shal receiue, and weare the same.

18 Item the sicke, diseased, weake, and visited person within boord, to be tendred, relieued, comforted, and holpen in the time of his infirmitie, and euery maner of person, without respect, to beare anothers burden, and no man to refuse such labour as shall be put to him, for the most be∣nefite, and publike wealth of the voyage, and enterprise, to be atchieued exactly.

19 Item if any person shal fortune to die, or miscary in the voyage, such apparell, and other goods, as he shall haue at the time of his death, is to be kept by the order of the captaine and Ma∣ster of the shippe, and an inuentorie to be made of it, and conserued to the vse of his wife, and chil∣dren, or otherwise according to his mind, and wil, and the day of his death to be entred in the Mar∣chants and Stewards bookes: to the intent it may be knowen what wages he shall haue deser∣ued to his death, and what shall rest due to him.

20 Item, that the Marchants appointed for this present voyage, shall not make any shew or sale of any kind of marchandizes, or open their commodities to any forrein princes, or any of their subiects, without the consent, priuitie, or agreement of the Captaines, the cape Marchants and the assistants, or foure of them, whereof the captaine generall, the Pilot Maior, and cape mar∣chant to be three, and euery of the pettie marchants to shewe his reckoning to the cape mar∣chant, when they, or any of them shall be required: and no commutation or trucke to be made by any of the petie marchants, without the assent abouesaid: and all wares, and commodities truc∣ked, bought or giuen to the companie, by way of marchandise, trucke, or any other respect, to be booked by the marchants, and to be wel ordred, packed, and conse••••ed in one masse entirely, and not to be broken or altered, vntil the shippes shall returne to the right discharges, and inuentorie of al goods, wares, and marchandises so trucked, bought, or otherwise dispended, to be presented to the Gouernor, Consuls, and Assistants in London, in good order, to the intent the Kings Maie∣stie may be truly answered of that which to his grace by his grant of corporation is limited,* 8.14 accor∣ding to our most bound dueties, and the whole companie also to haue that which by right vnto them appertaineth, and no embezelment shall be vsed, but the truth of the whole voyage to bée o∣pened, to the common wealth and benefite of the whole companie, and mysterie, as appertaineth, without guilt, fraude, or male engine.

21 Item, no particular person, to hinder or preiudicate the common stocke of the company, in sale of preferment of his own proper wares, and things, and no particular emergent or purchase to be employed to any seuerall profite, vntill the common stocke of the companie shall be furni∣shed, and no person to hinder the common benefite in such purchases or contingents, as shal for∣tune to any one of them, by his owne proper policie, industrie, or chance, nor no contention to rise in that behalfe, by any occasion of iewel, stone, pearles, precious mettals, or other things of the region, where it shall chance the same to rise, or to be found, bought, trucked, permuted, or giuen: but euery person to be bounden in such case, and vpon such occasion, by order, and direction•• as the generall captaine, and the Councell shall establish and determine, to whose order and discretion the same is left: for that of things vncertaine, no certaine rules may or can be giu••n.

22 Item not to disclose to any nation the state of our religion, but to passe it ouer in silence, without any declaration of it, seeming to beare with such lawes, and rites, as the place hath, where you shall arriue.

23 Item for as much as our people, and shippes may appeare vnto them strange and wonde∣rous, and theirs also to ours: it is to be considered, how they may be vsed, learning much of their natures and dispositions, by some one such person, as you may first either allure, or take to be brought aboord your ships, and there to learne as you may, without violence or force, and no wo∣man to be tempted, or intreated to incontinencie, or dishonestie.

24 Item the person so taken, to be well entertained, vsed, and apparelled, to be set on land, to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw nigh to shewe the commodities: and if the person taken may be made drunke with your beere, or wine, you shal know the secrets of his heart.

25 Item our people may not passe further into a lande, then that they may be able to recouer their pinnesses, or ships, & not to credit the faire words of the strange people, which be many times tried subtile, and false, nor to be drawen into perill of losse, for the desire of golde, siluer, or riches, and esteeme your owne commodities aboue al other, and in countenance shew not much to desire the forren commodities: neuerthelesse take them as for friendship, or by way of permutation.

26 Item euery nation and region is to be considered aduisedly, & not to prouoke them by a∣ny disdaine, laughing, contempt, or such like, but to vse them with prudent circumspection, withal gentlenes, and curtesie, and not to tary long in one place, vntill you shall haue attained the most worthy place y^t may be found, in such sort, as you may returne w^t victuals sufficient•• prosperously.

27 Item the names of the people of euery Island, are to be taken in writing, with the com∣modities, and in commodities of the same, their natures, qualities, and dispositions, the site of the

same, and what things they are most desirous of, & what commodities they wil most willingly de∣part with, & what mettals they haue in hils, mountaines, streames, or riuers, in, or vnder the earth.

28 Item if people shal appeare gathering of stones, gold, mettall, or other like, on the sand, your pinnesses may drawe nigh, marking what things they gather, vsing or playing vpon the drumme, or such other instruments, as may allure them to harkening, to fantasie, or desire to see, and heare your instruments and voyces, but keepe you out of danger, and shewe to them no poynt or signe of rigour and hostilitie.

29 Item if you shall be inuited into any Lords or Rulers house, to dinner, or other parliance, goe in such order of strength, that you may be stronger then they, and be warie of woods and am∣bushes, and that your weapons be not out of your possessions.

30 Item if you shall see them weare Lyons or Beares skinnes, hauing long bowes, and ar∣rowes, be not afraid of that sight: for such be worne oftentimes more to feare strangers, then for any other cause.

31 Item there are people that can swimme in the sea, hauens, & riuers, naked, hauing bowes and shafts, coueting to draw nigh your ships, which if they shal finde not wel watched, or warded, they wil assault, desirous of the bodies of men, which they couet for meate: if you resist them, they diue, and so will flee, and therefore diligent watch is to be kept both day & night, in some Islands.

32 Item if occasion shal serue, that you may giue aduertisements of your proceedings in such things as may correspond to the expectation of the company, and likelihood of successe in the voy∣age, passing such dangers of the seas, perils of ice, intollerable coldes, and other impediments, which by sundry authors & writers, haue ministred matter of suspition in some heads, that this voyage could not succede for the extremitie of the North pole, lacke of passage, & such like, which haue caused wauering minds, and doubtful heads, not onely to withdraw themselues from the ad∣uenture of this voyage, but also disswaded others from the same, the certaintie wherof, when you shall haue tried by experience, (most certaine Master of all worldly knowledge) then for declara∣tion of the trueth, which you shall haue exper••ed, you may by common assent of counsell, sende ei∣ther by land, or otherwaies, such two or one pe••son, to bring the same by credite, as you shal think may passe in safetie: which sending is not to be done, but vpon vrgent causes, in likely successe of the voyage, in finding of passage, in towardlines of beneficiall traffike, or such other like, whereby the company being aduertised of your estates and proceedings, may further prouide, foresee, and determine that which may seeme most good and beneficiall for the publike wealth of the same: either prouiding before hand such things, as shall bee requisite for the continuance of the voyage, or else otherwise to dispose as occasion shall serue: in which things your wisedomes and discreti∣ous are to be vsed, and shewed, and the contents of this capitule, by you much to be pondred, for that you be not ignorant, how many persons, as well the kings Maiestie, the Lords of his honora∣ble Counsel, this whole companie, as also your wiues, children, kinsfolkes, allies, friends and fa∣miliars, be replen••shed in their hearts with ardent desire to learne and know your estates, conditi∣ons, and welfares, and in what likelihood you be in, to obtain this notable enterprise, which is ho∣ped no lesse to succeed to you, then the Orient or Occident Indias haue to the high benefite of the Emperour, and kings of Portingal, whose subiects industries, and trauailes by sea, haue inriched them, by those lands and Islands, which were to all Cosmographers, and other writers both vn∣knowne,* 8.15 and also by apparances of reason voide of experience thought and reputed vnhabitable for extremities of heates, and colds, and yet indéed tried most rich, peopled, temperate, and so com∣modious, as all Europe hath not the like.

33 Item no conspiracies, parttakings, factions, false tales, vntrue reports, which be the very seedes, and fruits of contention, discord, & confusion, by euill tongues to be suffered, but the same, & all other vngodlines to be chastened charitably with brotherly loue, and alwaies obedience to be vsed and practised by al persons in their degrees, not only for duetie and conscience sake towards God, vnder whose mercifull hand nauigants aboue all other creatures naturally bee most nigh, and vicine, but also for prudent and worldly pollicie, and publike weale, considering and alwaies hauing present in your mindes that you be all one most royall kings subiects, and naturals, with daily remembrance of the great importance of the voyage, the honour, glorie, praise, and benefite that depend of, and vpon the same, toward the common wealth of this noble Realme, the aduance∣ment of you the trauailers therein, your wiues, and children, and so to endeuour your selues as that you may satisfie the expectation of them, who at their great costs, charges, and expenses, haue so furnished you in good sort, and plentie of all necessaries, as the like was neuer in any realme seene, vsed, or knowen requisite and needful for such an exploit, which is most likely to be atchie∣ued, and brought to good effect, if euery person in his vocation shall endeuour himselfe according to his charge, and most bounden duetie: praying the liuing God, to giue you his grace, to accom∣plish

your charge to his glorie, whose merciful hand shal prosper your voyage, and preserue you from all dangers.

In witnes whereof I Sebastian Gabota, Gouernour aforesaide, to these present ordinances, haue subscribed my name, and put my seale, the day and yeere aboue written.

The names of the twelue Counsellors appointed in this voyage.

• 1 SIr Hugh Willoughby Knight, Captaine generall.
• 2 Richard Chancelour Captaine of the Edward Bonauenture, and Pilot generall of the fleete.
• 3 George Burton Cape marchant.
• 4 Master Richard Stafford Minister.
• 5 Thomas Langlie Marchant.
• 6 Iames Dalabere Gentleman.
• 7 William Gefferson Master of the Bona Speranza Admirall.
• 8 Stephen Burrough Master of the Edward Bonauenture.
• 9 Gornelius Du••furth Master of the Considentia.
• 10 Roger Wilson. Masters mates.
• 11 Iohn Buckland. Masters mates.
• 12 Richard Ingram. Masters mates.

Exemplar Epistolae seu literarum Missiuarum, quas illustrissi∣mus Princeps Eduardus eius nominis Sextus, Angliae, Franciae, & Hi∣berniae Rex, misit ad Principes Septentrionalem, ac Orientalem mundi plagam inhabi∣tantes iuxta mare glaciale, nec non Indiam Orientalem; Anno Domini 1553 Regni sui anno septimo, & vltimo.

EDuardus sextus, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Rex, &c. Omnibus Regibus & principibus ac dominis, & cunctis Iudicibus terrae, & Ducibus eius, qui∣buscunque est excellens aliqua dignitas in ea, cunctis in locis quae sunt sub vniuerso coelo: Pax, tranquillitas, & honor vobis, terris, & regionibus ve∣stris quae imperio vestro subiacent, cui{que} vestrum quemadmodum conue∣nit ei. Proptereà quòd indidit Deus Opt. Max. hominibus prae cunctis alij•• viuentibus, cor & desiderium tale, vt appetat quisque cum aliis societatem inire, amare, & vicissim amari, beneficijs afficere, & mutua accipere beneficia studeat, ideò cui∣que pro facultate sua hoc desiderium in omnibus quidem hominibus beneficijs fouere & con∣setuare conuenit, in illis autem maximè, qui hoc desiderio adducti, à remotis etiam regionibus ad eos veniunt. Quo enim longius iter eius rei gratia ingressi sunt, eò ardentius in eis hoc desi∣derium fuisse declararunt. Insuper etiam ad hoc, nos patrum maiorum{que} nostrorum exempla inuitant, qui semper humanissimè susceperunt & benignissimè tractauerunt illos, qui tum à lo∣cis propinquis, t••••••••à remotis, cosamicè adibant, eorum se protectioni commendantes. Quod si omnibus id praestare aequum est, certè mercatoribus imprimis praestari debet, qui per vniuer∣sum orbem discurrunt, mare circumlustrantes & aridam, vt res bonas & vtiles, que Dei benefi∣cio in regione eorum inueniuntur, ad remotissimas regiones & regna adferant, atque inde vi∣cissim referant, quòd suae regioni vtile ibi repeterint: vt & populi ad quos eunt, non destituan∣tur commodis quae non profert illis terra eorum, & ipsi sint participes rerum quibus illi abun∣dant. Nam Deus coeli & terrae, humano generi maximè consulens, noluit vt omnia in quauis regione inueni••entur, quò regio ope alterius regionis indigeret, & gens ab alia gente commo∣dum aliquod expectaret, ac ita stabiliretur amicitia inter omnes, singuli{que} omnibus benefa∣cere quaererent. Hoc ita que ineundae ac stabiliendae amicitiae desiderio moti viri quidam regni nostri, iter in remotas maritimas regiones instituerunt, vt inter nostros & illos populos, viam mercibus inferendis & efferendis aperirent, nos{que} rogauerunt vt id illis concederemus, Qui petitioni illorum annuentes, concessimus viro honorabili & forti, Hugoni Wilib••o, & alijs qui cum eo sunt seruis nostris fidis & charis, vt pro sua voluntate, in regiones eis priùs incogni∣tas eant, quaesituri ea quibus nos caremus, & adducant illis ex nostris terris id quo illi carent. Atque ita illis & nobis commodum inde accedat, sit{que} amicitia perpetua, & foedus indissolu∣bile inter illos & nos, dum permittent illi nos accipere de rebus, quibus superabundant in reg∣nis

suis, & nos concedemus illis ex regnis nostris res, quibus destituuntur. Rogamus itaque vos Reges & Principes, & omnes quibus aliqua est potestas in terra, vt viris istis nostris, transitum permittatis per regiones vestras. Non en••m tangent quicquam ••x rebus vestris inuitis vobis. Cogitate quòd homines & ipsi sunt. Et si qua re caruerint, oramus pro vestra beneficentia, eam vos illis tribuatis, accipientes vicissim ab eis quod poterunt rependere vobis. Ita vos gerite er∣ga cos, quemadmodum cuperetis vt nos, & subditi nostri, nos gereremus erga seruos vestros, si quando transierint per regiones nostras. Atque promittimus vobis per Deum omnium quae coelo, terra & mari continentur, per{que} vitam nostram, & tranquillitatem regnorum nostrorum, nos pari benignitate seruos vestros accepturos, si ad regna nostra aliquando venerint. Atque à nobis & subditis nostris, ac si nati fuissent in regnis nostris ita benignè tractabuntur, vt repen∣damus vobis benignitatem, quam nostris exhibueritis. Postquam vos Reges, Principes, &c. ro∣gauimus, vt humanitate & beneficentia omni prosequamini seruos nostros nobis charos, ora∣mus omnipotentem Deum nostrum, vt vobis diuturnam vitam largiatur, & pacem quae nullam habeat finem. Scriptum Londini, quae ciuitas est primaria regni nostri, Anno 5515. à creato mundo, mense Iiar, 14. die mensis, anno septimo regni nostri.

The copie of the letters missiue, which the right noble Prince Edward the sixt sent to the Kings, Princes, and other Potentates, in∣habiting the Northeast partes of the worlde, toward the mighty Empire of Cathay, at such time as Sir Hugh Willoughby knight, and Richard Chancelor, with their company, attempted their voyage thither in the yeere of Christ 1553. and the seuenth and last yeere of his raigne••

EDward the sixt, by the grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, &c. To all Kings, Princes, Rulers, Iudges. and Gouernours of the earth, and all other hauing any excellent dignitie on the same, in all places vnder the v∣niuersall heauen: peace•• tranquillitie, and honour be vnto you, and your lands and regions, which are vnder your dominions, and to euery of you, as is conue∣nient.

Forasmuch as the great and Almightie God hath giuen vnto mankinde, aboue all other liuing creatures, such an heart and desire, that euery man desireth to ioine friendship with other, to loue, and be loued, also to giue and receiue mutuall benefites: it is therefore the duety of all men, ac∣cording to their power, to maintaine and increase this desire in euery man, with well deseruing to all men, and especially to shew this good affection to such, as being moued with this desire, come vnto them from farre countreis. For how much the longer voyage they haue attempted for this intent, so much the more doe they thereby declare that this desire hath bene ardent in them. Furthermore also, the examples of our fathers and predecessors doe inuite vs hereunto, forasmuch as they haue euer gently and louingly intreated such as of friendly mind came to them, aswell from Countries neare hand, as farre remote, commending themselues to their pro∣tection. And if it be right and equity to shew such humanitie toward all men, doubtlesse the same ought chiefly to be shewed to marchants, who wandering about the world, search both the land and the sea, to carry such good and profitable things, as are found in their Countries, to re∣mote regions and kingdomes, and againe to bring from the same, such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries: both aswell that the people, to whom they goe, may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them, as that also they may be partakers of such things, whereof they abound. For the God of heauen and earth great∣ly prouiding for mankinde, would not that all things should be found in one region, to the ende that one should haue neede of another, that by this meanes friendship might be establi∣shed among all men,, and euery one seeke to gratifie all. For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie, certaine men of our Realme, mooued heereunto by the said de∣sire, haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis, to the intent that betweene our people and them, a way may bee opened to bring in, and cary ou•• marchandi∣zes, desiring vs to further their enterprise. Who assenting to their petition, haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby, knight, and other our trusty and faithfull seruants, which are with him, according to their desire, to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen, aswell to seeke such things as we lacke, as also to cary vnto them from our regions, such things as they lacke. So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs, but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both, while they per∣mit

vs to take of their things, such whereof they haue abundance in their regions, and we againe grant them such things of ours, whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings & prin∣ces, and al other, to whom there is any power on the earth, to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions: for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vn∣to you. Consider you that they also are men. If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing, we desire you of all humanitie, and for the nobilitie which is in you, to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke, receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in r••compense. Shew your selues so towards them, as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants, if at any time they shall passe by our regions.

Thus doing, we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen, earth, and the Sea, and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes, that we will with like humanitie ac∣cept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes, where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained, as if they were borne in our Dominions, that wee may hereby re∣compence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men. Thus after we haue de∣sired you Kings and princes, &c. with all humanity and fauour, to entertaine our welbeloued ser∣uants, we will pray our Almighty God, to graunt you long life, and peace, which neuer shall haue ende. Written in London, which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome, in the yeere from the creat••∣on of the world, 5515. in the moneth of Iiar, the foureteenth day of the moneth, and seuenth yeere of our reigne.* 8.16

This letter was written also in Greeke, and diuers other languages.

The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships, to wit, the Speranza, which wintred in Lappia, where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died, being frozen to death. Anno 1553.

THe voiage, intended for the discouerie of Cathay, and diuers other regions, do∣minio••s, Islands, and places vnknowen, set forth by the right worshipful, ma∣ster Sebastian Cabota Esquire, and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London: which fleete being fur∣nished, did set forth the tenth day of May, 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord, and King, Edward the sixt.

The names of the shippes of the fleete, and of their burden, together with the names of the Captaines, and Counsellors, Pilot Maior, Masters of the ships, Marchants, with other officers, and Mariners, as hereafter followeth.

• * 8.17The Bona Esperanza, Admirall of the fleete, of 120. tunnes, hauing with her a pinnesse, and a boate.
• Sir Hugh Willoughby, knight, Captaine generall of the fleete.
• William Gefferson, Master of the shippe.
• Roger Wilson, his Mate.
• William Gittons, Charles Barret, Gabriel Willoughby, Iohn Andrews, Alexander Wood∣foord, Ralph Chatterton, Marchants.

Mariners and officers, according to the custome, and vse of the Seas,

• Iohn Brooke, Master Gunner.
• Nicholas Anthony, Boateswaine.
• Iohn Web, his Mate.
• Christopher Banbrucke, Thomas Dauison, Robert Rosse, Thomas Simpson, quarter Masters.
• William White, Iames Smith, Thomas Painter, Iohn Smith, their Mates.
• Richard Gwinne, George Goiswine, Carpenters.
• Robert Gwinne, Purser.
• Laurence Edwards, his Mate, and Couper,
• Richard Morgan, Cooke.
• Thomas Nashe, his Mate.
• William Light, Iohn Brande, Cutbert Chelfie, George Blage, Thomas Walker, Thomas Allen, Edward Smith, Edward Hunt, Iohn Fawkner, Rowland Brooke.
• Alexander Gardiner, Richard Molton, Surgeons, which two were taken in at Harwich.
• ...

• Discharged at Harwich, by reason of sicknes, George Blake, Nicholas Anthony.
• For pickerie ducked at the yards arme, and so discharged Thomas Nash.
• The Edward Bonauenture, of 160. tunnes, with her a pinnesse, and a boate.* 8.18
• Richard Chancelor, Captaine, and Pilot maior of the fleete.
• Stephen Borowgh, Master of the ship.
• Iohn Buckland, his Mate.
• George Burton, Arthur Edwards, Marchants.
• Iohn Stafford, Minister.* 8.19
• ...Iames Dallaber, Nicholas Newborrow, Iohn Segswike, Thomas Francis, Iohn Hasse, Ri∣chard Iohnson, William Kempe.

Mariners and officers, according to the custome and vse of the Seas.

• Robert Stanton, Master Gunner.
• Iohn Walker, his Mate.
• Iames Long, Iohn Cocks, Gunners.
• Thomas Walter, Surgeon.
• Peter Palmer, Boateswaine.
• Richard Strowde, his Mate.
• Iohn Robinson, Iohn Carowe, Thomas Stone, Roger Lishbie, quarter Masters.
• Iohn Austen, Steward: Patricke Steuens, his Mate.
• Austen Iacks, Cooke.
• William Euery, Cowper.
• Griffin Wagham, Carpenter.
• ...Thomas Stelston, Thomas Townes, Iohn Robinson, Iohn White, William Laurence, Miles Butter, Iohn Browne, William Morren, William Watson, Thomas Handcocks, Edward Pa∣cie,* 8.20 Thomas Browne, Arthur Pet, George Phibarie, Edward Patterson, William Beare, Iohn Potter, Nicholas Lawrence, William Burrough, Roger Welford, Iohn Williams.
• The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes, hauing with her a pinnesse, and a boate.* 8.21
• Cornelius Durfoorth, Master of the shippe.
• Richard Ingram, his Mate.
• Thomas Langlie, Edward Keuer, Henrie Dorset, Marchants.

Mariners and officers, according to the vse and custome of the Sea.

• Henrie Tailer, Master Gunner.
• George Thurland, his Mate.
• Wiliam Hamane, Boateswaine.
• Iohn Edwards, his Mate.
• Thomas Kirbie, Henrie Dickenson, Iohn Haye, William Shepwash, quarter Masters.
• Iohn Reyne, Steward.
• Thomas Hante, Cooke.
• William Lassie, his Mate.
• Nicholas Knight, Carpenter.
• ...Peter Lewike, Nicholas Wiggleworth, Iohn Moore, William Chapman, Brian Chester, William Barrie, Richard Wood, Clement Gibson, Iohn Clarocke, Erasmus Bently, Iohn Duri∣forth.

The Iuramentum, or othe, ministred to the Captaine.

YOu shall sweare to be a faithfull, true, and loyal subiect in all points, and duties, that to a sub∣iect appertaineth, to our soueraigne Lord the kings Maiestie, his heires, and successors: and that you shall wel and truely to the vttermost of your capacitie, wit, & knowledge, serue this pre∣sent voiage, committed to your charge, and not to giue vp, nor sooner intermit the same, vntil you shall haue atchieued the same, so farre foorth, as you may without danger of your life, and losse of the fleete: you shall giue good, true, and faithful counsell to the said societie, and to such as shal haue the charge with or vnder you, and not to disclose the secrets, or priuities of the same to any person by any maner of meane, to the preiudice, hurt, or damage of it. You shal minister iustice to all men vnder your charge, without respect of person, or any affection, that might moue you to de∣cline from the true ministration of iustice. And further, you shal obserue, and cause to be obserued, as much as in you lieth, all and singular rules, articles, prouisions hitherto made, or heereafter to be made for the preseruation or safe conduct of the fleete and voyage, and benefit of the company. You shall not permit nor suffer the stocke or goods of the company to be wasted, imbezeled, or con∣sumed, but shall conserue the same whole and entire, without diminishment, vntill you shall haue

deliuered, or cause to be deliuered the same, to the vse of the companie. And finally you shal vse your selfe in all points, sorts, and conditions, as to a faithfull captaine, and brother of this compa∣nie shall belong and appertaine: So helpe you God, &c.

The othe ministred to the Maister of the ship, &c.

YOu shall sweare by the holy contents in that booke, that you according and to the vttermost of your knowledge, and good vnderstanding in mariners science and craft, shall in your vocation doe your best to conduct the good shippe called the N. &c. whereof you nowe are Maister vnder God, both vnto and from the portes of your discouerie, and so vse your indeuour and faithfull diligence, in charging, discharging, lading againe, and roomaging of the same shippe, as may be most for the benefite and profite of this right woorshipfull fellowship: and you shall not pri∣uately bargein, buy, sell, exchange, barter, or distribute any goods, wares, merchandize, or things whatsoeuer (necessary tackles and victuals for the shippe onely excepted) to or for your owne lu∣cre, gaine or profit, neither to nor for the priuate lucre, gaine, or profit of any other person or per∣sons whatsoeuer. And further, If you shall know any boatswaine, mariner, or any other person or persons whatsoeuer, to buy, sell, barter, trucke, or exchange any goods, wares, marchandizes, or things for priuate account, reckoning, or behalfe, you shall doe your best to withstand and let the same: and if you cannot commodiously so doe, that then before the discharge of such goods bought for priuat account, you shal giue knowledge therof to the cape marchant of this said fellowship for the time being. And you shal not receiue nor take, nor suffer to be receiued or taken into your said ship during this voyage any maner person or persons whatsoeuer, going or returning, but onely those mariners wh••ch without fraud or guile shall be hired to be of your company, and to serue in mariners craft and science onely: So helpe you God, &c.

These foresaid shippes being fully furnished with their pinnesses and boates, well appointed with al maner of artillerie, and other things necessary for their defence with al the men aforesaid, departed from Ratcliffe, and valed vnto Detford, the 10. day of May, 1553.

The 11. day about two of the clocke, we departed from Detford, passing by Greenwich, salu∣ting the kings Maiesty then being there, shooting off our ordinance, & so valed vnto Blackwall, and there remained vntil the 17. day, and that day in the morning we went from Blackwall, and came to Woolw••ch by nine of the clocke, and there remained one tide, and so the same night vnto Heyreth.

The 18. day from Heyreth vnto Grauesend, and there remained vntil the twentieth day: that day being Saterday, from Grauesend vnto Tilberie Hope, remaining there vntill the two and twentieth day.* 8.22

The 22. day from Tilbery Hope to Hollie hauen.

The 23. day from Hollie Hauen, till we came against Lee, and there remained that night, by reason that the winde was contrary to vs.

The 24. day the winde being in the Southwest in the morning, we sailed along the coast ouer the Spits, vntill we came against S. Osyth, about sixe of the clocke at night, and there came to anker, and abode there all that night.

The 25. day about tenne of the clocke we departed from S. Osyth, and so sailed forward vn∣to the Nase, and there abode that night for winde and tide.

The 26. day at fiue of the clock in the morning, we weyed our anker, and sailed ouer the Nase, the winde being at the Southwest, vntill wee came to Orwell wands, and there came to an an∣ker, and abode there vntill the 28. day.

The same day being Trinitie Sunday about 7. of of the clocke before noone we weyed our an∣kers, and sailed til we came athwart Walsursye, and there came to an anker.

The 29. day from thence to Holmehead, where we stayed that day, where we consulted which way, and what courses were best to be holden for the discouerie of our voyage, and there agreed.

The 30. day of May at fiue of the clocke in the morning wee set saile, and came against Yer∣mouth about three leagues into the sea, riding there at anker all that night.

The last of May ••nto the Sea sixe leagues Northeast, and there taried that night, where the winde blew very sore.

* 8.23The first of Iune the winde being at North contrary to vs, wee came backe againe to Or∣well, and remained there vntill the 15. day, tarying for the winde, for all this time the winde was contrary to our purpose.

The 15 day being at Orwel in the latitude of 52 degrees, in the morning wee weyed our an∣kers, and went forth into the wands about two miles from the towne, and lay there that night.

The 16 day at eight of the clocke we set forward, and sayled vntill we came athwart Albur∣rough, and there stayed that night.

The 17 day about fiue of the clocke before noone we went backe vnto Orfordnesse, aud there remained vntill the 19 day.

The 19 day at eight of the clocke in the morning we went backe to Orwel, and abode there three dayes tarying for the winde.

The 23 day of Iune the wind being faire in the Southwest we hailed into the seas to Orford∣nesse, and from thence into the seas ten leagues Northeast: then being past the sands, we changed our course sixe leagues Northnortheast: about midnight we changed our course againe, and went due North, continuing in the same vnto the 27 day.

The 27 day about seuen of the clocke Northnorthwest 42 leagues to the ende to fall with Shotland: then the wind veared to the West, so that we could lie but North and by West, con∣tinuing in the same course 40 leagues, whereby we could not fetch Shotland: then we sayled North 16 leagues by estimation, after that North and by West, & Northnorthwest, then South∣east, with diuers other courses, trauersing and tracing the seas, ••y reason of sundry and manifolde contrary windes, vntill the 14 day of Iuly:* 8.24 and then the sunne entring into Leo, we discouered land Eastward of vs, vnto the which we sayled that night as much as we might: and after wee went on shore with our Pinnesse, & found little houses to the number of 30, where we knew that it was inhabited, but the people were fled away, as we iudged, for feare of vs.

The land was all full of little Islands, and that innumerable, which were called (as we learned afterwards) AEgeland and Halgeland,* 8.25 which lieth from Orfordnesse North and by East, being in the latitude of 66 degrees. The distance betweene Orfordnesse and AEgeland 250 leagues. Then we sailed from thence 12 leagues Northwest, and found many other Islandes, and there came to anker the 19 day, and manned our Pinnesse, and went on shore to the Islands, and found people mowing and making of hay, which came to the shore and welcomed vs. In which place were an innumerable sort of Islands, which were called the Isles of Rost,* 8.26 being vnder the domi∣nion of the king of Denmarke: which place was in latitude 66 degrees, and 30 minutes. The winde being contrary, we remayned there three dayes, & there was an innumerable sort of foules of diuers kindes, of which we tooke very many.

The 22 day the winde comming fayre, we departed from Rost, sailing Northnortheast, kee∣ping the sea vntill the 27 day, and then we drew neere vnto the land, which was still East of vs: then went foorth our Pinnesse to seeke harborow, & found many good harbours, of the which we entred into one with our shippes, which was called Stanfew,* 8.27 and the land being Islands, were called Lewfoot, or Lofoot,* 8.28 which were plentifully inhabited, and very gentle people, being also vnder the king of Denmarke: but we could not learne how farre it was from the maine land: and we remained there vntil the 30 day, being in latitude 68 degrees, and from the foresaid Rost about 30 leagues Northnortheast.

The 30 day of Iuly about noone we weyed our ankers,* 8.29 and went into the Seas, and sayled a∣long these Islands Northnortheast, keeping the land still in sight ••ntill the second day of Au∣gust: then hailing in close aboord the land, to the entent to knowe what land it was, there came a skiffe of the Island aboord of vs, of whom we asked many questions, who shewed vnto vs, that the Island was called Seynam, which is the latitude of seuenty degrees,* 8.30 and from Stanfew thirtie leagues, being also vnder the king of Denmarke, and that there was no merchandise there, but onely dryed fish, and traine oyle. Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke, inquired of him, if we might haue a pilot to bring vs vnto Finmarke, & he said, that if we could beare in, we should haue a good harbour, and on the next day a pilot to bring vs to Finmarke, vnto the wardhouse, which is the strongest holde in Finmarke, and most resorted to by report. But when wee would haue entred into an harbour, the land being very high on eu••ry side, there came such flawes of winde and terrible whirle winds, that we were not able to beare in, but by violence were constrai∣ned to take the sea agayne, our Pinnesse being vnshipt: we sailed North and by East, the wind in∣creasing so sort that we were not able to beare any saile, but tooke them in, and lay a drift, to the end to let the storme ouer passe. And that night by violence of winde, and thickenesse of mists, we were not able to keepe together within sight, and then about midnight we lost our pinnesse, which was a discomfort vnto vs. Assoone as it was day, and the fogge ouerpast, we looked about, and at the last we descried one of our shippes to Leeward of vs: then we spred an bullocke of our fore∣saile, and bare roome with her, which was the Confidence, but the Edward we could not see. Then the flaw something abating, we and the Confidence hoysed vp our sailes the fourth day,

sayling Northeast and by North, to the end to fall with the Wardhouse, as we did consult to doe before, in case we should part company. Thus running Northeast and by North, and Northeast fiftie leagues, then we sounded, and had 160 fadomes, whereby we thought to be farre from land, and perceiued that the land lay not as the Globe made mention. Wherfore we changed our course the sixt day, and sailed Southeast and by South eight and fortie leagues, thinking thereby to find the Wardhouse.

The eight day much winde rising at the Westnorthwest, we not knowing how the coast lay, strook our sayles, and lay a drift, where we sounded and found 160 fadomes as afore.

The ninth day, the wind ••earing to the South Southeast, we sailed Northeast 25 leagues.

The tenth day we sounded, and could get no ground, neither yet could see any land, wherat we wondered: then the wind comming at the Northeast, we ran Southeast about 48 leagues.

The 11 day, the wind being at South, we sounded, and found 40 fadoms, aud faire sand.

The 12 day the winde being at South and by East, we lay with our saile East, and East and by North 30 leagues.

The 14 day early in the morning, we descried land, which land we bare with all, hoising out our boat to discouer what land it might be: but the boat could not come to land the water was so shoale, where was very much ice also, but there was no similitude of habitation, and this land ly∣eth from Seynam East and by North 160 leagues, being in latitude 72 degrees.* 8.31 Then we ply∣ed to the Northward the 15,16 and 17 day.

The 18 day, the winde comming at the Northeast, and the Confidence being troubled with bilge water, and stocked, we thought it good to seeke harb••ur for her redresse: then we bare roome the 18 day Southsoutheast, about 70 leagues.

The 21 day we sounded, and found 10 fadome, after that we sounded againe, and found but 7 fadome, so shoalder and shoalder water, and yet could see no land, where we maru••iled greatly: to auoide this danger, we bare roomer into the sea all that night Northwest and by West.

The next day we sounded, and had 20. fadoms, then shaped our course, and ran West South∣west vntill the 23. day: then we descried Low land, vnto which we bare as nigh as we could, and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable. Then wee plyed Westward along by that lande, which lyeth West Southwest, and East Northeast, and much winde blowing at the West, we haled into the sea North and by East 30. leagues. Then the winde comming about at the Northeast, we sailed West Northwest: after that, the winde bearing to the Northwest, we lay with our sailes West southwest, about 14. leagues, and then descried land, and bare in with it, being the 28. day, finding shoale water, and bare in till we came to 3. fadome, then perceiuing it to be shoale water, and also seeing drie sands, we haled out againe Northeast along that land vntil we came to the point ther∣of. That land turning to the Westwarde, we ran along 16. leagues Northwest: then comming into a faire bay, we went on land with our boat, which place was vnhabited, but yet it appeared vnto vs that the people had bin there, by crosses, and other signes: from thence we went all along the coast Westward.

* 8.32The fourth day of September we lost sight of land, by reason of contrary winds, and the eight day we descried land againe. Within two dayes after we lost the sight of it: then running West and by South about 30. lea••••es, we ••at the sight of land againe, and bare in with it vntill night: then perceiuing it to be a lee shore, we gat vs into the sea, to the end to haue sea roome.

The 12. of September we hailed to shoareward againe, hauing then indifferent winde and weather: then being neere vnto the shoare, and the tide almost spent, wee ranne to an anker in 30. fadoms water.

The 13. day we came along the coast, which lay Northwest and by West, and Southeast and by East.

The 14. day we came to an anker within two leagues of the shoare, hauing 60. fadoms.

There we went a shore with our boat, & found two or three good harboroughs, the land being rocky, and high, but as for people could we see none. The 15 day we ran still along the coast vn∣till the 17 day: then the winde being co••trary vnto vs, we thought it best to returne vnto the har∣bor which we had found before, and so we bare ro••mer with the same, howbeit we could not accō∣plish our desire that day. The next day being the 18 of September, we entred into the hauen,* 8.33 and there came to an anker at 6 fadoms. This hauen runneth into the maine, about two leagues, and is in bredth halfe a league, wherein were very many seale fishes, & other great fishes, and vpon the maine we saw beares, great deere, foxes, with diuers strange beasts, as ‖ 8.34 guloines, and such other which were to vs vnknowen, and also wonderfull. Thus remaining in this hauen the space of a weeke, seeing the yeare farre spent, & also very euill wether, as frost, snow, and haile, as though it had beene the deepe of winter, we thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men

Southsouthwest, to search i•• they could and people, who went thr••e dayes iourney,* 8.35 but could finde none: after that, we sent other three Westward foure daies iourney, which also returned without finding any people. Then sent we three men Southeast three dayes iourney, who in like sorte returned without finding of p••ople, or any similitude of habitation.

These two notes following were written vpon the outside of this Pamphlet, or Booke.

• 1 The proceedings of Sir Hugh Willoughbie after he was separated from the Edward Bonauenture.
• 2 Our shippe being at an anker in the harbour called Sterfier in the Island Lofoote.

The riuer or hauen wherein Sir Hugh Willoughbie with the companie of his two ships pe∣rished for cold, is called Arzina in Lapland, neere vnto Kegor. But it appeareth by a Will found in the ship that Sir Hugh Willoughbie and most of the company were aliue in Ianuary 1554.

The booke of the great and mighty Emperor of Russia, and Duke of Moscouia, and of the dominions orders and commo∣dities thereunto belonging: drawen by Richard Chancelour.

FOrasmuch as it is meete and necessary for all those that minde to take in hande the trauell into farre or strange countreys, to endeuour themselues not onely to vnderstande the orders, commodities, and fruitfulnesse thereof, but also to applie them to the setting foorth of the same, whereby it may incourage o∣thers to the like trauaile: therefore haue I nowe thought good to make a briefe rehearsall of the orders of this my trauaile in Russia and Moscouia, and other countreys thereunto adioyning; because it was my chaunce to fall with the North partes of Russia before I came towards Moscouia, I will partly declare my knowledge therein. Russia is very plentifull both of land and people, and also welthy for such commo∣dities as they haue. They be very great fishers for Salmons and small Coddes: they haue much oyle which wee call treine oyle, the most whereof is made by a riuer called ‖ 8.36 Duina. They make it in other places, but not so much as there. They haue also a great trade in see∣thing of salte water. Toithe North parte of that countrey are the places where they haue their Furres, as Sables, marterns, greesse Beuers, Foxes white, blacke, and redde, Minkes, Ermines, Miniuer, and Harts. There are also a fishes teeth, which fish is called a Morsse. The takers thereof dwell in a place called Postesora,* 8.37 which bring them vpon Hartes to Lam∣pas to sell, aud from Lampas carie them to a place called Colmogro, where the hie market is holden on Saint Nicholas day. To the West of Colmogro there is a place called Grata∣noue, in our language Nouogorode, where much fine Flaxe and Hempe groweth, and also much waxe and honie. The Dutch marchants haue a Staplehouse there. There is also great store of hides, and at a place called Plesco: and thereabout is great store of Flaxe, Hempe, Waxe, Honie; and that towne is from Colmogro 120 miles.

There is a place called Vologda; the commodities whereof are Tallowe, Waxe, and Flaxe: but not so great plenty as is in Gratanoue. From Vologda to Colmogro there runneth a riuer called Duyna, and from thence it falleth into the sea, Colmogro serueth Gratanoue, Vologda and the Mosco with all the countrey thereabout with salte and saltfish. From Vo∣logda to Ieraslaue is two hundreth miles: which towne is very great. The commodities thereof are hides, and tallowe, and corne in great plenty, and some Waxe, but not so plentifull as in other places.

The Mosco is from Ieraslaue two hundreth miles. The countrey betwixt them is very wel replenished with small Uillages, which are so well filled with people, that it is wonder to see them: the ground is well stored with corne which they carie to the citie of Mosco in such abun∣dance that it is wonder to see it. You shall meete in a morning seuen or eight hundred sieds comming or going thither, that carrie corne, and some carie fish. You shall haue some that carie corne to the Mosco, and some that fetch corne from thence, that at the least dwell a thousand miles off: and all their cariage is on sleds. Those which come so farre dwell in the North partes of the Dukes dominions, where the cold will suffer no corne to grow, it is so

extreme. They bring thither fishes, furres, and beastes skinnes. In those partes they haue but small store of cattell.

The Mosco it selfe is great: I take the whole towne to bee greater then London with the suburbes: but it is very rude, and standeth without all order. Their houses are all of timber ve∣ry dangerous for fire. There is a faire Castle, the walles whereof are of bricke, and very high: they say they are eighteene foote thicke, but I doe not beleeue it, it doth not so seeme, notwith∣standing I doe not certainely know it: for no stranger may come to viewe it. The one side is ditched, and on the other side runneth a riuer called Moscua which runneth into Tartarie and so into the sea called Mare Caspium: and on the North side there is a base towne, the which hath al∣so a bricke wall about it, and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall. The Emperour lieth in the ca∣stle, wherein are nine fayre Churches, and therin are religious men. Also there is a Metro∣politane with diuers Bishops. I will not stande in description of their buildinges nor of the strength thereof because we haue better in all points in England. They be well furnished with ordinance of all sortes.

The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew, nor yet with∣in the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene. It is very lowe built in eight square, much like the olde building of England, with small windowes, and so in other poynts.

Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie: After I had remained twelue daies, the Se∣cretary which hath the hearing of strangers did send for me, aduertising me that the Dukes plea∣sure was to haue me to come before his Ma. with the kings my masters letters: whereof I was right glad, and so I gaue mine attendance. And when the Duke was in his place appointed, the interpretour came for me into the vtter chamber, where sate one hundred or moe gentle∣men, all in cloth of golde very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the Counsaile cham∣ber, where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles, which were a faire company: they sateround about the chamber on high, yet so that he himselfe sate much higher then any of his nobles in a chaire gilt, and in a long garment of beaten golde, with an emperial crowne vpon his head, and a staffe of Cristall and golde in his right hand, and his other hand halfe leaning on his chaire. The Chancelour stoode vp with the Secretary before the Duke. After my dutie done and my letter deliuered he bade me welcome, & enquired of me the health of the King my master, and I answe∣red that he was in good health at my departure from his court, and that my trust was that he was now in the same. Upon the which he bade me to dinner. The Chancelour presented my present vnto his Grace bareheaded (for before they were all couered) and when his Grace had receiued my letter, I was required to depart: for I had charge not to speake to the Duke, but when he spake to me. So I departed vnto the Secretaries chamber, where I remayned two houres, and then I was sent for againe vnto another palace which is called the golden palace, but I saw no cause why it should be so called; for I haue seene many fayrer then it in all poynts: and so I came into the hall, which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England, and the table was couered with a tablecloth; and the Marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod in his hand, which boorde was full of vessell of golde: and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire cupborde of place. From thence I came into the dining chamber, where the Duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth of estate, in a gowne of siluer, with a crowne emperiall vpon his head, he sate in a chaire somewhat hie: There sate none neare him by a great way. There were long tables set round about the chamber, which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner: they were all in white. Also the places where the ta∣bles stoode were higher by two steppes then the rest of the house. In the middest of the cham∣ber stoode a table or cupbord to set place on; which stoode full of cuppes of golde: and a∣mongst all the rest there stoode foure maruellous great pottes or crudences as they call them, of golde and siluer: I thinke they were a good yarde and a halfe hie. By the cupborde stoode two gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders, and in their handes each of them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones, which were the Dukes owne drinking cups: when he was disposed, he drunke them off at a draught. And for his seruice at meate it came in without order, yet it was very rich seruice: for all were serued in gold, not onely he himselfe, but also all the rest of vs, and it was very massie: the cups also were of golde and very massie. The num∣ber that dined there that day was two hundred persons, and all were serued in golden vessell. The gentlemen that waited were all in cloth of gold, and they serued him with their caps on their heads. Before the seruice came in, the Duke sent to euery man a great shiuer of bread, and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude, and sayd, Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of Moscouia doth reward thee with bread: then must all men stand vp, and doe at all times when those wordes are spoken. And then last of all he giueth the Marshall

bread, whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace, and so doth reuerence and departeth. Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swannes all in pieces, and euery one in a seuerall dish: the which the Duke sendeth as he did the bread, and the bearer sayth the same wordes as he sayd be∣fore. And as I sayd before, the seruice of his meate is in no order, but commeth in dish by dish: and then after that the Duke sendeth drinke, with the like saying as before is tolde. Also before dinner hee changed his crowne, and in dinner time two crownes; so that I saw three seuerall crownes vpon his head in one day. And thus when his seruice was all come in hee gaue to e∣uery one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand, & so likewise drinke. His intent thereby is, as I haue heard, that euery man shall know perfectly his seruants. Thus when din∣ner is done hee calleth his nobles before him name by name, that it is wonder to heare howe he could name them, hauing so many as he hath. Thus when dinner was done I departed to my lodging, which was an hower within night. I will leaue this, and speake no more of him nor his houshold: but I will some what declare of his land and people, with their nature and power in the wars. This Duke is Lord and Emperour of many countreis, & his power is marueilous great. For he is able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men: he neuer goeth into the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men: And when he goeth himselfe he fur∣nisheth his borders all with men of warre, which are no small number. He leaueth on the bor∣ders of Liefland fortie thousand men, and vpon the borders of Letto 60 thousand men, and to∣warde the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand, which is wonder to heare of: yet doeth hee neuer take to his warres neither husbandman nor marchant. All his men are horsemen: he vseth no footmen, but such as goe with the ordinance and labourers, which are thirtie thousand. The horsemen are all archers, with such bowes as the Turkes haue, and they ride shore as doe the Turkes. Their armour is a coate of plate, with a skull on their heads. Some of their coates are couered with veluet or cloth of gold: their desire is to be sumptuous in the field, and especially the nobles and gentlemen: as I haue heard their trimming is very costly, and partly I haue seene it, or else I would scarcely haue beleeued it: but the Duke himselfe is richly attired aboue all measure: his pauilion is couered either with cloth of gold or siluer, and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it. I haue seene the Kings Maieslies of England and the French Kings pauilions, which are fayre, yet not like vnto his. And when they bee sent into farre or strange countreys, or that strangers come to them, they be very gorgious. Els the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell: and when he goeth betwixt one place and ano∣ther hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other times. In the while that I was in Mosco the Duke sent two ambassadours to the King of Poleland, which had at the lest fiue hundred horses; their sumptuousnes was aboue measure, not onely in themselues, but also in their hor∣ses, as veluet, cloth of golde, and cloth of siluer set with pearles and not scant. What shall I farther say? I neuer heard of nor sa•• men so sumptuous: but it is no dayly guise, for when they haue not occasion, as I sayd before, all their doing is but meane. And now to the effect of their warres: They are men without al order in the field. For they runne hurling on heapes, and for the most part they neuer giue battell to their enemies: but that which they doe, they doe it all by stelth. But I beleeue they be such men for hard liuing as are not vnder the sun: for no cold wil hurt them. Yea and though they lie in the field two moneths, at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke, the common souldier hath neither tent nor any thing else ouer his head: the most defence they haue against the wether is a felte, which is set against the winde and weather, and when Snowe commeth hee doth cast it off, and maketh him a fire, and laieth him down there∣by. Thus doe the most of all his men, except they bee gentlemen which haue other prouision of their owne. Their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their hardnes: from euery man must carie & make prouision for himselfe & his horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderful. For he himselfe shal liue vpon water & otemeale mingled together cold, and drinke water thereto: his horse shal eat green wood, & such like baggage, & shal stand open in the cold field without couert, & yet wil he labour & serue him right wel. I pray you amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the field with thē but one moneth. I know no such region about vs that beareth that name for man & beast. Now what might be made of these men if they were trained & broken to order and knowledge of ciuill wars? If this Prince had within his countreys such men as could make thē to vnderstand y^e things aforesaid, I do beleeue that 2 of the best or greatest prin∣ces in Christendome were not wel able to match with him, cōsidering the greatnes of his power & the hardnes of his people & straite liuing both of people and horse, and the small charges which his warres stand him in: for he giueth no wages, except to strangers. They haue a yerely s••ipend & not much. As for his own countrey men euery one serueth of his owne proper costes and char∣ges, sauing that he giueth to his Harcubusiers certaine allowance for powder & shot: or else no

man in all his countrey hath one pennie wages. But it any man hath done very good seruice he giueth him a ferme or a piece of lande; for the which hee is bound at all times to bee readie with so many men as the Duke shall appoynt: who considereth in his mind what that lande or ferme is well able to finde: and so many shall he bee bound to furnish at all and euery such time as warres are holden in any of the Dukes dominions. For there is no man of liuing, but hee is bound likewise, whether the Duke call for either souldier or labourer, to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong.

Also, if any gentleman or man of liuing do die without issue male, immediately after his death the Duke entreth his land, notwithstanding he haue neuer so many daughters, and peraduenture giueth it foorthwith to another man, except a small portion that he spareth to marrie the daugh∣ters with all. Also if there be a richman, a fermour, or man of liuing, which is striken in age or by chance is maimed, and be not able to doe the Duke seruice, some other gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe seruice, will come to the Duke and complayne, saying, your Grace hath such an one, which is vnmeete to doe seruice to your Hig••nes, who hath great abun∣dance of welth, and likewise your Grace hath many gentlemen which are poore and lacke liuing, and we that lacke are well able to doe good seruice, your Grace might doe well to looke vpon him, and make him to helpe those that want. Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth: and if it be so proued, he shall be called before the Duke, and it shall bee sayd vnto him, friend, you haue too much liuing, and are vnseruiceable to your prince, lesse will serue you, and the rest will serue other men that are more able to serue. whereupon immediately his liuing shal be taken away from him, sauing a little to find himselfe and his wife on, and he may not once repine thereat: but for answere he will say, that he hath nothing, but it is Gods and the Dukes Gra∣ces, and cannot say, as we the common people in England say, if wee haue any thing; that it is Gods and our owne. Men may say, that these men are in wonderfull great awe, and obedience, that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath bene scraping and scratching for all his life to be at his Princes pleasure and commandement. Oh that our sturdie rebels were had in the like subiection to knowe their duety towarde their Princes. They may not say as some snudges in England say, I would find the Queene a man to serue in my place, or make his friends tarrie at home if money haue the vpper hand. No, no, it is not so in this countrey: for hee shall make humble sute to serue the Duke. And whom he sendeth most to the warres he thinketh he is most in his fauour: and yet as I before haue sayde, hee giueth no wages. If they knewe their strength no man were able to make match with them: nor they that dwel neere them should haue any rest of them. But I thinke it is not Gods will: For I may compare them to a young horse that knoweth not his strength, whome a little childe ruleth and guideth with a bridle, for all his great strength: for if hee did, neither childe nor man could rule him. Their warres are holden against the Crimme Tartarians and the Nagai••••••.

I will stand no longer in the rehearsall of their power and warres. For it were too tedious to the reader. But I will in part declare their lawes, and punishments, and the execution of iustice. And first I will begin with the commons of the countrey, which the gentlemen haue rule on: And that is, that euery gentleman hath rule and iustice vpon his owne tenants. And if it so fall out that two gentlemens seruants or tenaunts doe disagree, the two gentlemen examine the matter, and haue the parties before them, and soe giue the sentence. And yet cannot they make the ende betwixt them of the controuersie, but either of the gentlemen must bring his seruant or tenant before the high iudge or iustice of that countrey, and there present them, and declare the matter and case. The plaintife sayth, I require the law; which is graunted: then commeth an officer and arresteth the party defendant, and vseth him contrarie to the lawes of England. For when they attach any man they beate him about the legges, vntill such time as he findeth suerties to answere the matter: And if not, his handes and necke are bound together, and he is led about the towne and beaten about the legges, with other extreme punishments till he come to his answere: And the Iustice demaundeth if it be for debt, and sayth: O west thou this man any such debt? He will perhaps say nay. Then sayth the Iudge: art thou able to de∣nie it? Let vs heare how? By othe sayth the defendant. Then he commandeth to leaue beating him till further triall be had.

Their order in one point is commendable. They haue no man of Lawe to pleade their cau∣ses in any court: but euery man pleadeth his owne cause, and giueth bill and answere in wri∣ting: contrarie to the order in England. The complaint is in maner of a supplication, & made to the Dukes Grace, and deliuered him into his owne hand, requiring to haue iustice as in his complaint is alleaged.

The duke giueth sentence himselfe vpon all matters in the Law. Which is very cōmendable, that such a Prince wil take paines to see ministration of iustice. Yet notwithstanding it is won∣derfully abused: and thereby the Duke is much deceiued. But if it fall out that the officers be espied in cloking the trueth, they haue most condigne punishment. And if the plaint••fe can nothing prooue, then the defendant must take his oth vpon the crucifixe whether he bee in the right or no. Then is demanded if the plaintife be any thing able further to make proofe: if hee bee not; then sometimes he will say, I am able to prooue it by my body and hands, or by my champions body, so requiring the Campe. After the other hath his othe, it is graunted aswell to the one as to the other. So when they goe to the field, they sweare vpon the Crucifixe, that they bee both in the right, and that the one shall make the other to confesse the trueth before they depart foorth of the field: and so they goe both to the battell armed with such weapons as they vse in that countrey: they fight all on foote, & seldome the parties themselues do fight, except they be Gentlemen. for they stand much vpon their reputation. for they wil not fight, but with such as are come of as good an house as themselues. So that if either partie require the combate, it is granted vnto them, and no champion is to serue iu their roome: wherein is no deceit: but otherwise by champions there is. For although they take great othes vpon them to doe the battell truely, yet is the contrary often seene: because the common champions haue none other liuing. And assoone as the one party hath gotten the victorie, hee demandeth the debt, and the other is carried to prison, and there is shamefully vsed till he take order. There is also another order in the lawe, that the plaintife may sweare in some causes of debt. And if the partie defendant be poore, he shalbe set vnder the Cru∣cifixe, and the partie plaintife must sweare ouer his head, and when hee hath taken his othe, the Duke taketh the partie defendant home to his house, and vseth him as his bond-man, and putteth him to labour, or letteth him for hier to any such as neede him, vntill such time as his friends make prouision for his redemption: or else hee remaineth in bondage all the dayes of his life. Againe there are many that will sell themselues to Gentlemen or Marchants to bee their bond-men, to haue during their life meate, drinke and cloth, and at their comming to haue a piece of mony. yea and some will sell their wiues and children to bee bawdes and drudges to the byer. Also they haue a Lawe for Fellons and pickers contrary to the Lawes of England. For by their law they can hang no man for his first offence; but may keepe him long in prison, and oftentimes beate him with whips and other punishment: and there he shall remaine vntill his friends be able to bayle him. If he be a picker or a cut-purse, as there be very many, the second time he is taken, he hath a piece of his Nose cut off, and is burned in the forehead, and kept in prison till hee finde sureties for his good behauiour. And if he be taken the third time, he is hanged. And at the first time he is extremely punished and not released, except hee haue very good friends, or that some Gentleman require to haue him to the warres: And in so doing, he shall enter into great bonds for him: by which meanes the countrey is brought into good quietnesse. But they be naturally giuen to great deceit, except extreme beating did bridle them. They be naturally giuen to hard liuing aswell in fare as in lodging. I heard a Russian say, that is was a great deale merrier li∣uing in prison then foorth, but for the great beating. For they haue meate and drinke without any labour, and get the charitie of well disposed people: But being at libertie they get nothing. The poore is very innumerable, and liue most miserably: for I haue seene them eate the pickle of Hearring and other stinking fish: nor the fish cannot be so stinking nor rotten, but they will eate it and praise it to be more wholesome then other fish or fresh meate. In mine opinion there be no such people vnder the sunne for their hardnesse of liuing. Well, I will leaue them in this poynt, and will in part declare their Religion. They doe obserue the lawe of the Greekes with such excesse of superstition, as the like hath not bene heard of. They haue no grauen images in their Churches, but all painted, to the intent they will not breake the commandement: but to their painted images they vse such idolatrie, that the like was neuer heard of in England. They will neither worship nor honour any image that is made forth of their owne countrey. For their owne images (say they) haue pictures to declare what they be. and howe they be of God, and so be not ours: They say, Looke how the Painter of Caruer hath made them, so we doe worship them, and they worship none before they be Christened. They say we be but halfe Christians: because we obserue not part of the olde law with the Turks. Therefore they call themselues more holy then vs. They haue none other learning but their mother tongue, nor will suffer no other in their countrey among them. All their seruice in Churches is in their mother tongue. They haue the olde and newe Testament, which are daily read among them: and yet their superstition is no lesse. For when the Priests doe reade, they haue such tricks in their reading, that no man can vn∣derstand them, nor no man giueth eare to them. For all the while the Priest readeth, the people sit downe and one talke with another. But when the Priest is at seruice no man sitteth, but gagle

and ducke like so many Geese. And as for their prayers they haue but little skill, but vse to say As bodi pomele: As much to say, Lord haue mercy vpon me. For the tenth man within the land cannot say the Pater noster. And as for the Creede, no man may be so bolde as to meddle therewith but in the Church: for they say it shoulde not bee spoken of, but in the Churches. Speake to them of the Cōmandements, and they wil say they were giuen to Moses in the law, which Christ hath nowe abrogated by his precious death and passion: therefore, (say they) we obserue little or none thereof. And I doe beleeue them. For if they were examined of their Lawe and Commaundements together, they shoulde agree but in fewe poynts. They haue the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in both kindes, and more ceremonies then wee haue. They present them in a dish in both kindes together, and carrie them rounde about the Church vpon the Priestes head, and so doe minister at all such times as any shall require. They bee great offerers of Candles, and sometimes of money, which wee call in England, Soule pense, with more ceremonies then I am able to declare. They haue foure Lents in the yeere, whereof our Lent is the greatest. Looke as we doe begin on the Wednesday, so they doe on the Munday before: And the weeke before that they call The Butter weeke: And in that weeke they eate nothing but Butter and milke. Howbeit I beleeue there bee in no other countrey the like people for drunkennesse. The next Lent is called Saint Peters Lent, and be∣ginneth alwayes the Munday next after Trinitie sunday, and endeth on Saint Peters euen. If they should breake that fast, their beliefe is, that they should not come in at heauen gates. And when any of them die, they haue a testimoniall with them in the Coffin, that when the soule commeth to heauen gates it may deliuer the same to Saint Peter, which declareth that the partie is a true and holy Russian. The third Lent beginneth fifteene dayes before the later Lady day, and endeth on our Lady Eeuen. The fourth Lent beginneth on Saint Martins day, and endeth on Christmas Eeuen: which Lent is fasted for Saint Philip, Saint Peter, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clement. For they foure be the principall and greatest Saints in that countrey. In these Lents they eate neither Butter, Egges, Milke, nor Cheese; but they are very straitely kept with Fish, Cabbages, and Rootes. And out of their Lents, they obserue truely the Wednesdayes and Fridayes throughout the yeere: and on the Saturday they doe eate flesh. Furthermore they haue a great number of Religious men: which are blacke Monks, and they eate no flesh throughout the yeere, but fish, milke and Butter. By their order they should eate no fresh-fish, and in their Lents they eate nothing but Coleworts, Cabbages; salt Cowcumbers, with other rootes, as Radish and such like. Their drinke is like our peny Ale, and is called Quass. They haue seruice daily in their Churches; and vse to goe to seruice two houres before day, and that is ended by day light. At nine of the clocke they goe to Masse: that ended, to dinner: and after that to seruice againe: and then to supper. You shall vnder∣stand that at euery dinner and supper they haue declared the exposition of the Gospel that day: but howe they wrest and twine the Scripture and that together by report it is wonderfull. As for whoredome and drunkennesse there be none such liuing: and for extortion, they be the most abhominable vnder the sunne. Nowe iudge of their holinesse. They haue twise as much land as the Duke himselfe hath: but yet hee is reasonable eeuen with them, as thus: When they take bribes of any of the poore and simple, he hath it by an order. When the Abbot of any of of their houses dieth, then the Duke hath all his goods moueable and vnmoueable: so that the successour buieth all at the Dukes hands: and by this meane they be the best Fermers the Duke hath. Thus with their Religion I make an ende, trusting hereafter to know it better.

To the right worshipfull and my singular good Vncle, Master Christopher Frothingham, giue these.

Sir, Reade and correct; For great is the defect.

The Testimonie of M. Richard Eden in his Decades, concerning the Booke following.

AND whereas (saith he) I haue before made mention howe Moscouie was in our time discouered by Richard Chanceler in his voyage toward Cathay, by the direction and information of M. Sebastian Cabota, who long before had this secret in his minde: I shall not neede here to describe that voyage, foras∣much as the same is largely and faithfully written in the Latine tongue, by that learned yong man Clement Adams, schoolemaster to the Queenes henshmen, as he receiued it at the mouth of the said Richard Chanceler.

The newe Nauigation and discouerie of the kingdome of Moscouia, by the Northeast, in the yeere 1553: Enterprised by Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, and perfourmed by Richard Chancelor Pilot maior of the voyage: Written in Latine by Clement Adams.

AT what time our Marchants perceiued the commodities and wares of Eng∣land to bee in small request with the countreys and people about vs,* 8.38 and neere vnto vs, and that those Marchandizes which strangers in the time and memo∣rie of our auncesters did earnestly seeke and desire, were nowe neglected, and the price thereof abated, although by vs carried to their owne portes, and all forreine Marchandises in great accompt, and their prises wonderfully raised: certaine graue Citizens of London, and men of great wisedome, and carefull for the good of their Coun∣trey, began to thinke with themselues, howe this mischiefe might bee remedied. Neither was a remedie (as it then appeared) wanting to their desires, for the auoyding of so great an in∣conuenience: for seeing that the wealth of the Spaniards and Portingales, by the discouerie and search of newe trades and Countreys was marueilously increased, supposing the same to be a course and meane for them also to obteine the like, they thereupon resolued vpon a newe and strange Nauigation. And whereas at the same time one Sebastian Cabota, a man in those dayes very renowmed, happened to bee in London, they began first of all to deale and consult diligently with him, and after much speech and conference together, it was at last concluded that three shippes should bee prepared and furnished out, for the search and discouerie of the Northerne part of the world,* 8.39 to open a way and passage to our men for trauaile to newe and vnknowen kingdomes.

And whereas many things seemed necessary to bee regarded in this so hard and diff••cult a matter, they first make choyse of certaine graue and wise persons in maner of a Senate or com∣panie, which should lay their heads together, and giue their iudgements, and prouide things requisite and profitable for all occasions: by this companie it was thought expedient, that a cer∣taine summe of money should publiquely bee collected to serue for the furnishing of so many shippes. And left any priuate man should bee too much oppressed and charged, a course was taken, that euery man willing to be of the societie, should disburse the portion of twentie and fiue pounds a piece: so that in short time by this meanes the summe of sixe thousand pounds being gathered, the three shippes were bought, the most part whereof they prouided to be newly built and trimmed. But in this action, I wote not whether I may more admire the care of the Marchants, or the diligence of the Shipwrights: for the Marchants, they get very strong and well seasoned plankes for the building, the Shippewrights, they with daily tra∣uaile, and their greatest skill doe fitte them for the dispatch of the shippes: they calke them, pitch them, and among the rest, they make one most stanch and firme, by an excellent and inge∣nious inuention. For they had heard that in certaine parts of the Ocean, a kinde of wormes is bredde, which many times pearceth and eateth through the strongest oake that is: and therfore that the Mariners, and the rest to bee imployed in this voyage might bee free and safe from this danger, they couer a piece of the keele of the shippe with thinne sheetes of leade: and hauing thus built the ships, and furnished them with armour and artillerie, then followed a second care no lesse troublesome and necessarie then the former, namely, the prouision of victuals,* 8.40 which was to be made according to the time and length of the voyage. And whereas they afore deter∣mined to haue the East part of the world sayled vnto, and yet that the sea towards the same was not open, except they kept the Northren tract, whereas yet it was doubtfull whether there were any passage yea or no, they resolued to victuall the ships for eighteene moneths, which they did for this reason. For our men being to passe that huge and colde part of the world, they wisely foreseeing it, allowe them sixe moneths victuall to saile to the place, so much more to re∣maine there if the extremitie of the winter hindered their returne, and so much more also for the time of their comming home.

Nowe this prouision being made and caried aboord, with armour and munition of all sorts, sufficient Captaines and gouernours of so great an enterprise were as yet wanting:* 8.41 to which office and place, although many men, (and some voyde of experience) offered themselues, yet one Sir Hugh Willoughbie a most valiant Gentleman,* 8.42 and well borne•• very earnestly requested to haue that care and charge committed vnto him: of whom before all others, both by reason of his goodly personage (for he was a tall stature) as also for his singular skill in the seruices of warre, the company of the Marchants made greatest accompt: so that at the last they con∣cluded and made choyce of him for the Generall of this voyage, and appoynted to him the Ad∣mirall,

with authoritie and commaund ouer all the rest. And for the gouernement of other ships although diuers men seemed willing, and made offers of themselues thereunto, yet by a com∣mon consent one Richard Chanceler, a man of great estimation for many good partes of wit in him, was elected, in whom alone great hope for the performance of this businesse rested. This man was brought vp by one master Henry Sidney, a noble yong Gentleman and very much beloued of King Edward, who at this time comming to the place where the Marchants were ga∣thered together, beganne a very eloquent speech or Oration, and spake to them after this maner following.

* 8.43My very worshipfull friends, I cannot but greatly commend your present godly and ver∣tuous intention, in the serious enterprising (for the singular loue you beare to your Countrey) a matter, which (I hope) will prooue profitable for this nation, and honourable to this our land. Which intention of yours wee also of the Nobilitie are ready to our power to helpe and fur∣ther: neither doe wee holde any thing so deare and precious vnto vs, which wee will not wil∣lingly forgoe, and lay out in so commendable a cause. But principally I reioyce in my selfe, that I haue nourished and maintained that witte, which is like by some meanes and in some measure, to profite and steede you in this worthy action. But yet I would not haue you ignorant of this one thing, that I doe now part with Chanceler, not because I make little reckoning of the man, or that his maintenance is burdenous and chargeable vnto mee, but that you might conceiue and vnderstand my good will and promptitude for the furtherance of this businesse, and that the authoritie and estimation which hee deserueth may be giuen him. You know the man by report, I by experience, you by wordes, I by deedes, you by speech and companie, but I by the daily triall of his life haue a full and perfect knowledge of him. And you are also to remember, into howe many perils for your sakes, and his countreys loue, he is nowe to runne: whereof it is requisite that wee be not vnmindefull, if it please God to send him good successe. Wee com∣mit a little money to the chaunce and hazard of Fortune: He commits his life (a thing to a man of all things most deare) to the raging Sea, and the vncertainties of many dangers. We shall here liue and rest at home quietly with our friends, and acquaintance: but hee in the meane time labouring to keepe the ignorant and vnruly Mariners in good order and obedience, with howe many cares shall hee trouble and vexe himselfe? with how many troubles shall he breake himselfe? and howe many disquietings shall hee bee forced to sustaine? We shall keepe our owne coastes and countrey: Hee shall seeke strange and vnknowen kingdomes. He shall com∣mit his safetie to barbarous and cruell people, and shall hazard his life amongst the monstrous and terrible beastes of the Sea. Wherefore in respect of the greatnesse of the dangers, and the excellencie of his charge, you are to fauour and loue the man thus departing from vs: and if it fall so happily out that hee returne againe, it is your part and duetie also, liberally to re∣ward him.

After that this noble yong Gentleman had deliuered this or some such like speech, much more eloquently then I can possiblie report it, the companie then present beganne one to looke vpon another, one to question and conferre with another: and some (to whom the vertue and suf∣ficiencie of the man was knowen) began secretly to reioyce with themselues, and to conceiue a speciall hope, that the man would prooue in time very rare and excellent, and that his vertues al∣ready appearing and shining to the world would growe to the great honour and aduancement of this kingdome.

After all this, the companie growing to some silence, it seemed good to them that were of grea∣test grauity amongst them, to inquire, search and seeke what might be learned & knowen, concer∣ning the Easterly part or tract of the world. For which cause two Tartarians, which were then of the kings S••abie, were sent for, & an interpreter was gotten to be present, by whom they were demaunded touching their Countrey and the maners of their nation: But they were able to an∣swere nothing to the purpose: being in deede more acquainted (as one there merily and openly said) to tosse pottes, then to learne the states and dispositions of people. But after much adoe and many things passed about this matter, they grewe at last to this issue, to set downe and appoynt a time for the departure of the shippes: because diuers were of opinion, that a great part of the best time of the yeere was already spent, and if the delay grewe longer, the way would bee stopt and bard by the force of the Ice, and the colde climate: and therefore it was thought best by the opinion of them all, that by the twentieth day of May, the Captaines and Mariners should take shipping, and depart from Radeliffe vpon the ebbe,* 8.44 if it pleased God. They ha∣uing saluted their acquaintance, one his wife, another his children, another his kinsfolkes, and another his friends deerer then his kinsfolkes, were present and ready at the day appoynted: and hauing wayed ancre, they departed with the turning of the water, and sailing easily, came

first to Greenewich. The greater shippes are towed downe with boates, and oares, and the mariners being all apparelled in Watchet or skie coloured cloth, rowed amaine, and made way with diligence. And being come neere to Greenewich, (where the Court then lay) pre∣sently vpon the newes therof, the Courtiers came running out, and the common people flockt to∣gether, standing very thicke vpon the shoare: the priuie Counsel, they lookt out at the windowes of the Court, and the rest ranne vp to the toppes of the towers: the shippes hereupon discharge their Ordinance, and shoot off their pieces after the maner of warre, and of the sea, insomuch that the tops of the hilles sounded therewith, the valleys and the waters gaue an Eccho, and the Ma∣riners, they shouted in such sort, that the skie rang againe with the noyse thereof. One stoode in the poope of the ship, and by his gesture bids farewell to his friendes in the best maner hee could. Another walkes vpon the hatches, another climbes the shrowds, another stands vpon the maine yard, and another in the top of the shippe. To be short, it was a very triumph (af∣ter a sort) in all respects to the beholders. But (alas) the good King Edward (in respect of whom principally all this was prepared) hee onely by reason of his sickenesse was absent from this shewe, and not long after the departure of these ships, the lamentable and most sorowfull accident of his death followed.

But to proceede in the matter.

The shippes going downe with the tyde came at last to Woolwich, where they stayed and cast ancre, with purpose to depart therehence againe, as soone as the turning of the water, and a better winde should drawe them to set saile. After this they departed and came to Harwich, in which porte they stayed long, not without great losse and consuming of time: yet at the last with a good winde they hoysed vp saile, and committed themselues to the sea, giuing their last adieu to their natiue Countrey, which they knewe not whether they should euer returne to see againe or not. Many of them looked oftentimes backe, and could not refraine from teares, con∣sidering into what hazards they were to fall, and what vncertainties of the sea they were to make triall of.

Amongst the rest, Richard Chanceler the Captaine of the Edward Bonauenture, was not a little grieued with the feare of wanting victuals, part whereof was found to be corrupt and pu∣trified at Harwich, and the hoggesheads of wine also leaked, and were not stanch: his naturall and fatherly affection also somewhat troubled him, for he left behinde him his two little sonnes, which were in the case of Orphanes if he spedde not well: the estate also of his companie moo∣ued him to care, being in the former respects after a sort vnhappie, and were to abide with him∣selfe euery good or badde accident: but in the meane time while his minde was thus tormented with the multiplicitie of sorowes and cares, after many dayes sayling, they kenned land afarre off, whereunto the Pilots directed the ships: and being come to it, they land, and finde it to be Rost Island, where they stayed certaine dayes, and afterwards set saile againe, and proceeding towards the North, they espied certaine other Islands, which were called the Crosse of Islands. From which places when they were a litle departed, Sir Hugh Willoughby the General, a man of good foresight and prouidence in all his actions, erected and set out his flagge, by which hee called together the chiefest men of the other shippes, that by the helpe and assistance of their coun∣sels, the order of the gouernement, and conduction of the shippes in the whole voyage might bee the better: who being come together accordingly, they conclude and agree, that ••f any great tem∣pest should arise at any time, and happen to disperse and scatter them, euery shippe should inde∣uour his best to goe to Wardhouse, a hauen or castell of some name in the kingdome of Nor∣way, and that they that arriued there first in safetie should stay and expect the comming of the rest.

The very same day in the afternoone, about foure of the clocke, so great a tempest suddenly arose, and the Seas were so outragious, that the ships could not keepe their intended course, but some were perforce driuen one way, and some another way, to their great perill and hazard: The generall with his lowdest voyce cried out to Richard Chanceler, and earnestly requested him not to goe farre from him: but h••e neither would nor could keepe companie with him, if he sailed still so fast: for the Admirall was of better saile then his shippe. But the said Admirall (I knowe not by what meanes) bearing all his sailes, was caried away with so great force and swiftnesse, that not long after hee was quite out of sight, and the third ship also with the same storme and like rage was dispersed and lost vs.

The shippe boate of the Admirall (striking against the shippe,* 8.45) was ouerwhelmed in the fight and viewe of the Mariners of the Bonauenture: and as for them that are already returned and arriued, they know nothing of the rest of the ships what was become of them.

But if it be so, that any miserable mishap haue ouertaken them, If the rage and furie of the

Sea haue deuoured those good men, or if as yet they liue, and wander vp and downe in strange Countreys, I must needs say they were men worthy of better fortune, and if they beliuing, let vs wish them safetie and a good returne: but if the crueltie of death hath taken holde of them, God send them a Christian graue and Sepulchre.

Nowe Richard Chanceler with his shippe and company being thus left alone, and be∣come very pensiue, heauie, and sorowfull, by this dispersion of the Fleete, hee (according to the order before taken,) shapeth his course for Wardhouse in Norway, there to expect and abide the arriuall of the rest of the shippes. And being come thither, and hauing stayed there the space of 7. dayes, and looked in vaine for their comming, hee determined at length to proceede alone in the purposed voyage. And as hee was preparing himselfe to depart, it happened that hee fell in company and speech with certaine Scottishmen: who hauing vnderstanding of his inten∣tion, and wishing well to his actions, beganne earnestly to disswade him from the further prose∣cution of the discouerie, by amplifying the dangers which hee was to fall into, and omitted no reason that might serue to that purpose. But hee holding nothing so ignominious and reproch∣full, as inconstancie and leuitie of minde, and perswading himselfe that a man of valour coulde not commit a more dishonourable part then for feare of danger to auoyde and shunne great at∣tempts, was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots, remaining stedfast and immutable in his first resolution: determining either to bring that to passe which was intended, or els to die the death.

And as for them which were with Master Chanceler in his shippe, although they had great cause of discomfort by the losse of their companie (whom the foresaid tempest had separated from them,) and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of minde, in re∣spect of their doubtfull course: yet notwithstanding, they were of such consent and agreement of minde with Master Chanceler, that they were resolute, and prepared vnder his direction and gouernment, to make proofe and triall of all aduentures, without all feare or mistrust of fu••ure dangers. Which constancie of minde in all the companie did exceedingly increase their Cap∣taines carefulnesse: for hee being swallowed vp with like good will and loue towards them, feared lest through any errour of his, the safetie of the companie should bee indangered. To conclude, when they sawe their desire and hope of the arriuall of the rest of the shippes to be eue∣ry day more and more frustrated, they prouided to sea againe, and Master Chanceler held on his course towards that vnknowen part of the world, and sailed so farre, that hee came at last to the place where hee found no night at all, but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shi∣ning clearely vpon the huge and mightie Sea. And hauing the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes, at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay,* 8.46 which was of one hundreth miles or thereabout ouer. Whereinto they entred, and somewhat farre within it cast ancre, and looking euery way about them, it happened that they espied a farre off a certaine fisher boate, which Master Chanceler, accompanied with a fewe of his men, went to∣wards to common with the fishermen that were in it, and to knowe of them what Countrey it was, and what people, and of what maner of liuing they were: but they being amazed with the strange greatnesse of his shippe, (for in those partes before that time they had neuer seene the like) beganne presently to auoyde and to flee: but hee still following them at last ouertooke them, and being come to them, they (being in great feare, as men halfe dead) prostrated them∣selues before him, offering to kisse his feete: but hee (according to his great and singular cour∣tesie,) looked pleasantly vpon them, comforting them by signes and gestures, refusing those dueties and reuerences of theirs, and taking them vp in all louing sort from the ground. And it is strange to consider howe much fauour afterwards in that place, this humanitie of his did purchase to himselfe. For they being dismissed spread by and by a report abroad of the ar∣riuall of a strange nation, of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie: whereupon the common peo∣ple came together offering to these newe-come ghests victuals freely, and not refusing to traffique with them, except they had bene bound by a certaine religious vse and custome, not to buy any for∣reine commodities, without the knowledge and consent of the king.

* 8.47By this time our men had learned that this Countrey was called Russia, or Moscouie, and that Iuan Vasiliwich (which was at that time their Kings name) ruled and gouerned farre and wide in those places. And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were, and what they came for: whereunto answere was made, that they were Englishmen sent into those coastes, from the most excellent King Edward the sixt, hauing from him in comm••nde∣ment certaine things to deliuer to their King, and seeking nothing els but his amitie and friend∣ship, and traffique with his people, whereby they doubted not, but that great commoditie and profit would grow to the subiects of both kingdomes.

The Barbarians heard these things very gladly, and promised their aide and furtherance to acquaint their king out of hand with so honest and a reasonable request.

In the meane time Master Chanceler intreated victuals for his money of the gouernour of that place (who together with others came aboord him) and required hostages of them like∣wise for the more assurance of safetie to himselfe and his company. To whom the Gouernours answered, that they knewe not in that case the will of their king, but yet were willing in such things as they might lawfully doe, to pleasure him: which was as then to affoord him the benefit of victuals.

Nowe while these things were a doing, they secretly sent a messenger vnto the Emperour, to certifie him of the arriuall of a strange nation, and withall to knowe his pleasure concerning them. Which message was very welcome vnto him, insomuch that voluntarily hee inuited them to come to his Court. But if by reason of the tediousnesse of so long a iourney, they thought it not best so to doe, then hee graunted libertie to his subiects to bargaine, and to traffique with them: and further promised, that if it would please them to come to him, hee himselfe would beare the whole charges of poste horses. In the meane time the gouernours of the place dif∣ferred the matter from day to day, pretending diuers excuses, and saying one while that the con∣sent of all the gouernours, and another while, that the great and waightie affaires of the king∣dome compelled them to differ their answere: and this they did of purpose, so long to protract the time, vntill the messenger (sent before to the king) did returne with relation of his will and pleasure.

But Master Chanceler, (seeing himselfe held in this suspense with long and baine expec∣tation, and thinking that of intention to delude him, they posted the matter off so often,) was ve∣ry instant with them to performe their promise: Which if they would not doe, hee tolde them that hee would depart and proceede in his voyage. So that the Moscouites (although as yet they knew not the minde of their king) yet fearing the departure in deede of our men who had such wares and commodities as they greatly desired, they at last resolued to furnish our people with all things necessarie, and to conduct them by land to the presence of their king. And so Master Chanceler beganne his iourney, which was very long and most troublesome, where∣in hee had the vse of certaine sleds, which in that Countrey are very common, for they are ca∣ried themselues vpon sleds, and all their carriages are in the same sort, the people almost not knowing any other maner of carriage, the cause wherof is the exceeding hardnesse of the ground congealed in the winter time by the force of the colde, which in those places is very extreme and horrible, whereof hereafter we will say something.

But nowe they hauing passed the greater part of their iourney, mette at last with the Sledde∣man (of whom I spake before) sent to the king secretly from the Iustices or gouernours, who by some ill happe had lost his way, and had gone to the Sea side, wh••ch is neere to the Countrey of the Tartars, thinking there to haue found our ship. But hauing long erred and wandered out of his way, at the last in his direct returne, hee met (as hee was comming) our Captaine on the way. To whom hee by and by deliuered the Emperours letters,* 8.48 which were written to him with all courtesie and in the most louing maner that could be: wherein expresse commandement was giuen, that post horses should bee gotten for him and the rest of his company without any money. Which thing was of all the Russes in the rest of their iourney so willingly done, that they began to quarrell, yea, and to fight also in striuing and contending which of them should put their post horses to the sledde: so that after much a••oe and great paines taken in this long and wearie iourney, (for they had trauailed very neere fifteene hundred miles) Master Chanceler came at last to Mosco the chiefe citie of the kingdome, and the seate of the king: of which citie, and of the Emperour himselfe, and of the principall cities of Moscouie, wee will speake imme∣diatly more at large in this discourse.

Of Moscouie, which is also called Russia.

MOscouie, which hath the name also of Russia the white, is a very large and spacious Coun∣trey, euery way bounded with diuers nations. Towards the South and the East, it is com∣passed with Tartaria: the Northren side of it stretcheth to the Scytian Ocean: vpon the West part border the Lappians, a rude and sauage nation, liuing in woods, whose language is not knowen to any other people: next vnto these, more towards the South, is Swecia, then Finlandia, then Liuonia, and last of all Lituania. This Countrey of Moscouie, hath also very many and great riuers in it, and is marish ground in many places: and as for the riuers, the greatest

and most famous amongst all the rest, is that, which the Russes in their owne tongue call Volga, but others know it by the name of Rha. Next vnto it in fame is Tanais, which they call Don, and the third Boristhenes which at this day they call Neper. Two of these, to wit, Rha, and Boristhe∣nes yssuing both out of one fountaine, runne very farre through the land: Rha receiuing many other pleasant riuers into it, & running from the very head or spring of it towards the East, after many crooked turnings and windings, dischargeth it selfe, and all the other waters and riuers that fall into it by diuers passages into the Caspian Sea. Tanais springing from a fountaine of great name in those partes, and growing great neere to his head, spreds it selfe at length very largely, and makes a great lake: and then growing narrowe againe, doth so runne for certaine miles, vntill it fall into another lake, which they call Iuan: and therehence fetching a very croo∣ked course, comes very neere to the riuer Volga: but disdaining as it were the company of any other riuer, doth there turne it selfe againe from Volga, and runnes toward the South, and fals at last into the Lake of Moeotis. Boristhenes, which comes from the same head that Rha doth, (as wee sayde before) carieth both it selfe, and other waters that are neere vnto it, towards the South, not refusing the mixture of other small riuers: and running by many great and large Countreys fals at last into Pontus Euxinus. Besides these riuers, are al∣so in Moscouie certaine lakes, and pooles, the lakes breede fish by the celestiall influence: and amongst them all, the chiefest and most principall is called Bealozera,* 8.49 which is very famous by reason of a very strong towre built in it, wherein the kings of Moscouie reserue and repose their treasure in all time of warre and danger.

Touching the Riphean mountaines, whereupon the snow lieth continually, and where hence in times past it was thought that Tanais the riuer did spring, and that the rest of the wonders of nature, which the Grecians fained and inuented of olde, were there to be seene: our men which lately came from thence, neither sawe them, nor yet haue brought home any perfect relation of them, although they remained there for the space of three moneths, and had gotten in that time some intelligence of the language of Moscouie. The whole Countrey is plaine and champion, and few hils in it: and towards the North it hath very large & spacious woods, wherein is great store Firre trees, a wood very necessarie, and fit for the building of houses: there are also wilde beastes bred in those woods, as Buffes, Beares, and blacke Wolues, and another kinde of beast vnknowen to vs, but called by them Rossomakka: and the nature of the same is very rare and wonderfull: for when it is great with yong, and ready to bring foorth, it seeketh out some nar∣row place betweene two stakes, and so going through them, presseth it selfe, and by that meanes is eased of her burden, which otherwise could not be done. They hunt their buffes for the most part a horsebacke, but their Beares a foot, with woodden forkes. The north parts of the Countrey are reported to be so cold, that the very ice or water which distilleth out of the moist wood which they lay vpon the fire is presently congealed and frozen: the diuersitie growing suddenly to be so great, that in one and the selfe same firebrand, a man shall see both fire and ice. When the winter doth once begin there it doth still more & more increase by a perpetuitie of cold: neither doth that colde slake, vntill the force of the Sunne beames doth dissolue the cold, and make glad the earth, returning to it againe. Our mariners which we left in the ship in the meane time to keepe it, in their going vp onely from their cabbins to the hatches,* 8.50 had their breath oftentimes so suddenly taken away, that they eftsoones fell downe as men very neere dead, so great is the sharpenesse of that colde climate: but as for the South parts of the Countrey, they are somewhat more tem∣perate.

Of Mosco the chiefe Citie of the kingdome, and of the Emperour thereof.

IT remaineth that a larger discourse be made of Mosco, the principall Citie of that Countrey. and of the Prince also, as before we haue promised. The Empire and gouernment of the king is very large, and his wealth at this time exceeding great. And because the citie of Mosco is the chiefest of al the rest, it seemeth of it selfe to challenge the first place in this discourse. Our men say, that in bignesse it is as great as the Citie of London, with the suburbes thereof. There are ma∣ny and great buildings in it, but for beautie and fairenesse, nothing comparable to ours. There are many Townes and Uillages also, but built out of order, and with no hansomnesse:* 8.51 their streetes and wayes are not paued with stone as ours are: the walles of their houses are of wood: the roofes for the most part are couered with shingle boords. There is hard by the Citie a very faire Castle, strong, and furnished with artillerie, whereunto the Citie is ioyned directly

towards the North, with a bricke wall: the walles also of the Castle are built with bricke, and are in breadth or thickenesse eighteene foote. This Castle hath on the one side a drie ditch, on the other side the riuer Moscua, whereby it is made almost i••erpugnable. The same Moscua tren∣ding towards the East doth admit into it the companie of the riuer Occa.

In the Castle aforesaide, there are in number nine Churches, or Chappels, not altogether vnhansome, which are vsed and kept by certaine religious men, ouer whom there is after a sort, a Patriarke, or Gouernour, and with him other reuerend Fathers, all which for the greater part, dwell within the Castle. As for the kings Court and Palace, it is not of the nearest, onely in forme it is foure square, and of lowe building, much surpassed and excelled by the beautie and elegancie of the houses of the kings of England. The windowes are very narrowly built, and some of them by glasse, some other by leuisses admit the light: and whereas the Palaces of our Princes are decked, and adorned with hangings of cloth of gold, there is none such there: they build and ioyne to all their wals benches, and that not onely in the Court of the Emperour, but in all priuate mens houses.

Nowe after that they had remained about twelue dayes in the Citie, there was then a Messen∣ger sent vnto them, to bring them to the Kings house: and they being after a sort wearied with their long stay, were very ready, and willing so to doe: and being entred within the gates of the Court, there sate a very honorable companie of Courtiers, to the number of one hundred, all ap∣parelled in cloth of golde, downe to their ankles: and there-hence being conducted into the cham∣ber of presence, our men beganne to wonder at the Maiestie of the Emperour: his seate was a∣loft, in a very royall throne, hauing on his head a Diademe, or Crowne of golde, apparelled with a robe all of Goldsmiths worke, and in his hand hee held a Scepter garnished, and beset with precious stones: and besides all other notes and apparances of honour, there was a Maiestie in his countenance proportionable with the excellencie of his estate: on the one side of him stood his chiefe Secretarie, on the other side, the great Commander of silence, both of them arayed al∣so in cloth of gold: and then there sate the Counsel of one hundred and fiftie in number, all in like sort arayed, and of great state. This so honorable an assemblie, so great a Maiestie of the Em∣perour, and of the place might very well haue amazed our men, and haue dash•• them out of coun∣tenance: but not withstanding Master Chanceler being therewithall nothing dismaied saluted, and did his duetie to the Emperour, after the maner of England, and withall, deliuered vnto him the letters of our king, Edward the sixt.* 8.52 The Emperour hauing taken, & read the letters, began a litle to question with them, and to aske them of the welfare of our king: whereunto our men an∣swered him directly, & in few words: hereupon our men presented some thing to the Emperour, by the chiefe Secretary, which at the deliuery of it, put of his hat, being before all the time coue∣red: and so the Emperour hauing inuited them to dinner, dismissed them from his presence: and going into the chamber of him that was Master of the Requests to the Emperour, & hauing stayed there the space of two howres, at the last, the Messenger commeth, and calleth them to dinner: they goe, and being conducted into the golden Court, (for so they call it, although not very faire) they finde the Emperour sitting vpon an high and stately seate, appar••lled with a robe of siluer, and with another Diademe on his head: our men being placed ouer against him, sit downe: in the middes of the roome stoode a mightie Cupboord vpon a square foote, whereupon stoode al∣so a round boord, in manner of a Diamond, broade beneath, and towardes the toppe nar∣rowe, and euery steppe rose vp more narrowe then another. Upon this Cupboorde was placed the Emperours plate, which was so much, that the very Cupboord it selfe was scant able to sustaine the waight of it: the better part of all the vessels, and goblets, was made of very fine gold: and amongst the rest, there were foure pots of very large bignesse, which did adorne the rest of the place in great measure: for they were so high, that they thought them at the least fiue foote long. There were also vpon this Cupbord certaine siluer caskes, not much differing from the quantitie of our Fyrkins, wherein was reserued the Emperours drinke: on each side of the Hall stood foure Tables, each of them layde and couered with very cleane table clothes, whereunto the company ascended by three steps or degrees: all which were filled with the assemblie present: the ghests were all apparelled with linnen without, and with rich skinnes within, and so did notably set out this royall feast. The Emperour, when hee takes any bread or knife in his hand, doth first of all crosse himselfe vpon his forehead: they that are in speciall fauour with the Emperour sit vpon the same bench with him, but somewhat farre from him: and before the comming in of the meate, the Emperour himselfe, according to an ancient custome of the kings of Moscouy, doth first bestow a piece of bread vpon euery one of his ghests, with a loud pronunciation of his title, and honour, in this manner: The great Duke of Moscouie, and chiefe Emperour of Russia, Iohn Basiliwich (& then the officer nameth the ghest)

doth giue thee bread. Whereupon al the ghests rise vp, and by & by sit downe againe. This done, the Gentleman Usher of the Hall comes in, with a notable company of seruants, carying the dishes, and hauing done his reuerence to the Emperour, puts a yong Swanne in a golden platter vpon the table, and immediatly takes it thence againe, deliuering it to the Caruer, and seuen other of his fellowes, to be cut vp: which being perfourmed, the meate is then distributed to the ghests, with the like pompe, and ceremonies. In the meane time, the Gentleman Usher receiues his bread, and tasteth to the Emperour, and afterward, hauing done his reuerence, he departeth. Touching the rest of the dishes, because they were brought in out of order, our men can report no certaintie: but this is true, that all the furniture of dishes, and drinking vessels, which were then for the vse of a hundred ghests, was all of pure golde, and the tables were so laden with vessels of gold, that there was no roome for some to stand vpon them.

We may not forget, that there were 140. seruitors arayed in cloth of gold, that in the dinner time, changed thrise their habit and apparell, which seruitors are in like sort serued with bread from the Emperour, as the rest of the ghests. Last of all, dinner being ended, and candles brought in, (for by this time night was come) the Emperour calleth all his ghests and Noble men by their names, in such sort, that it seemes miraculous, that a Prince, otherwise occupied in great matters of estate, should so well remember so many and sundry particular names. The Russes tolde our men, that the reason thereof, as also of the bestowing of bread in that maner, was to the ende that the Emperour might keepe the knowledge of his owne houshold: and withal, that such as are vnder his displeasure, might by this meanes be knowen.

Of the discipline of warre among the Russes.

VVHensoeuer the iniures of their neighbours doe call the King foorth to battell, hee neuer armeth a lesse number against the enemie, then 300. thousand soldiers, 100. thousand whereof hee carieth out into the field with him, and leaueth the rest in garison in some fit places, for the better safet••e of his Empire. He presseth no husbandman, nor Marchant: for the Countrey is so populous, that these being left at home, the youth of the Realme is sufficient for all his wars. As many as goe out to warfare doe prouide all things of their owne cost: they fight not on foote, but altogether on horsebacke: their armour is a coate of maile, & a helmet: the coate of maile w^tout is gilded, or els adorned with silke, although it pertaine to a common soldier: they haue a great pride in shewing their wealth: they vse bowes, and arrowes, as the Turks do: they carylances al∣so into the field. They ride with a short stirrop, after the maner of the Turks: They are a kinde of people most sparing in diet, and most patient in extremitie of cold, aboue all others. For when the ground is couered with snowe, and is growen terrible and hard with the frost, this Russe hangs vp his mantle, or souldiers coate, against that part from whence the winde and Snowe driues, and so making a little fire, lieth downe with his backe towards the weather: this mantle of his serues him for his bed, wall, house and all: his drinke is colde water of the riuer, mingled with oatemeale, and this is all his good cheere, and he thinketh himselfe well, and daintily fe••re therewith, and so sitteth downe by his fire, and vpon the hard ground, rosteth as it were his wearie sides thus daintily stuffed: the hard ground is his feather bed, & some blocke or stone his pillow: and as for his horse, he is as it were a chamberfellow with his master, faring both alike. How iustly may this barbarous, and rude Russe condemne the daintinesse and nicenesse of our Captaines, who liuing in a soile & aire much more temeprate, yet commonly vse furred boots, and clokes? But thus much of the furniture of their common souldiers. But those that are of higher degrees come into the field little better prouided. As for the furniture of the Emperour himselfe, it is then aboue all other times, most notable. The couerings of his tent for the most part, are all of gold, adorned with stones of great price, and with the curious workemanship of plumasiers. As often as they are to skirmish with the enemie, they goe forth without any order at all: they make no wings, nor militarie diuisions of their men, as we doe, but lying for the most part, in ambush, doe suddenly set vpon the enemie. Their horses can well abstaine two whole daies from any meate. They feede vpon the barkes of trees, and the most tender branches, in all the time of warre. And this scant and miserable maner of liuing, both the horse and his Master can well endure, sometimes for the space of two moneths, lustie, and in good state of body. If any man behaue himselfe valiantly in the fielde, to the contentation of the Emperour, he bestoweth vpon him in recompense of his seruice, some farme, or so much ground as he and his may liue vp∣on, which not withstanding after his death, returneth againe to the Emperour, if he die without a male issue. For although his daughters be neuer so many, yet no part of that inheritance comes to them, except peraduenture the Emperour of his goodnesse, giue some portion of the land

amongst them, to bestowe them withall. As for the man, whosoeuer he be, that is in this sort re∣warded by the Emperours liberalitie, hee is bound in a great summe, to maintaine so many soul∣diers for the warre, when need shall require, as that land, in the opinion of the Emperour, is able to maintaine. And all those, to whom any land fals by inheritance, are in no better condition: for if they die without any male issue, all their lands fall into the hands of the Emperour. And moreouer, if there be any rich man amongst them, who in his owne person is vnfit for the warres, and yet hath such wealth, that thereby many Noble men and warriours might be maintained, if any of the Courtiers present his name to the Emperour, the vnhappy man is by and by sent for, and in that instant, depriued of all his riche••, which with great paines and trauell all his life time he had got∣ten together: except perhaps some small portion thereof be left him, to maintaine his wife, chil∣dren and familie. But all this is done of all the people so willingly at the Emperours comman∣dement, that a man would thinke, they rather make restitution of other mens goods, then giue that which is their owne to other men. Nowe the Emperour hauing taken these goods into his hands, bestoweth them among his Courtiers, according to their deserts: and the oftener that a man is sent to the warres, the more fauour he thinketh is borne to him by the Emperour, although he goe vpon his owne charge, as I said before. So great is the obedience of all men generally to their Prince.

Of the Ambassadors of the Emperour of Moscouie.

THe Moscouite, with no lesse pompe, and magnificence, then that which we haue spoken of, sends his Ambassadors to forren Princes, in the affaires of estate. For while our men were abiding in the Citie of Mosco, there were two Ambassadors sent to the King of Poland, accom∣panied with 500. notable horses, and the greater part of the men were arayed in cloth of gold, and of silke, and the worst apparell was of garments of blewe colour, to speake nothing of the trap∣pings of the horses, which were adorned with gold and siluer, and very curiously embrodered: they had also with them one hundred white and faire spare horses, to vse them at such times, as any wearinesse came vpon them. But now the time requireth me to speake briefly of other Cities of the Moscouites, and of the wares and commodities that the Countrey yeeldeth.

Nouogorode.

NExt vnto Mosco, the Citie of Nouogorode is reputed the chiefest of Russia: for although it be in Maiestie inferior to it, yet in greatnesse it goeth beyond it. It is the cheifest and grea∣test Marte Towne of all Moscouie: and albeit the Emperours seate is not there, but at Mosco, yet the commodiousnesse of the riuer, falling into that gulfe, which is called Sinus Finnicus, whereby it is well frequented by Marchants, makes it more famous then Mosco it selfe. This towne excels all the rest in the commodities of flaxe and hempe: it yeeldes also hides, honie, and waxe. The Flemings there sometimes had a house of Marchandize, but by reason that they vsed the like ill dealing there, which they did with vs, they lost their priuileges, a restitution whereof they earnestly sued for at the time that our men were there. But those Flemings hearing of the arriuall of our men in those parts,* 8.53 wrote their letters to the Emperour against them, accusing them for pirats and rouers, wishing him to detaine, and imprison them. Which things when they were knowen of our men, they conceiued feare, that they should neuer haue returned home. But the Emperour beleeuing rather the Kings letters, which our men brought, then the lying and false suggestions of the Flemings, vsed no ill intreatie towards them.

Yeraslaue.

YEraslaue also is a Towne of some good fame, for the commodities of hides, ••allow, and corne, which it yeeldes in great abundance. Cakes of waxe are there also to bee solde, although other places haue greater store: this Yeraslaue is distant from Mosco, about two hundred miles: and betwixt them are many populous villages. Their fields yeeld such store of corne, that in con∣uaying it towards Mosco, sometimes in a forenoone, a man shall see seuen hundred or eight hundred sleds, going and comming, laden with corne and salt fish: the people come a thousand miles to Mosco, to buy that corne, and then cary it away vpon sleds: and these are those people that dwell in the North parts, where the colde is so terrible, that no corne doth growe there, or if it spring vp, it neuer comes to ripenesse. The commodities that they bring with them, are salt∣fish, skinnes, and hides.

Vologda.

VOlogda being from Mosco, 550. miles yeeldes the commodities of Hempe and Flaxe also: although the greatest store of Flaxe is solde at Nouogrode.

Plesco.

THe Towne of Plesco, is frequented of Marchants for the good store of Honie and Waxe that it yeeldeth.

Colmagro.

THe North parts of Russia yeelde very rare and precious skinnes: and amongst the rest, those principally, which we call Sables, worne about the neckes of our Noble women and Ladies: it hath also Martins skinnes, white, blacke, and red Foxe skinnes, skinnes of Hares, and Ermyns, and others, which they call and terme barbarously, as Beuers, Minres, and Miniuers. The sea adioyning, breedes a certaine beast, which they call the Mors, which seeketh his foode vpon the rockes, climing vp with the helpe of his teeth. The Russes vse to take them, for the great vertue that is in their teeth, whereof they make as great accompt, as we doe of the Elephants tooth. These commodities they cary vpon Deeres backes to the towne of Lampas: and from thence to Colmagro, and there in the winter time, are kept great Faires for the sale of them. This Citie of Colmagro, serues all the Countrey about it with salt, and salt fish. The Russi∣ans also of the North parts, send thither oyle, which they call traine, which they make in a riuer called ‖ 8.54 Vna, although it be also made else-where: and here they vse to boile the water of the sea, whereof they make very great store of salt.

Of controuersies in Lawe, and how they are ended.

HAuing hitherto spoken so much of the chiefest Cities of Russia, as the matter required: it re∣maineth that we speake somewhat of the lawes, that the Moscouits doe vse, as farre foorth as the same are come to our knowledge. If any controuersie arise among them, they first make their Landlords Iudges in the matter, and if they cannot end it, then they preferre it to the Ma∣gistrate. The plaintif craueth of t••e said Magistrate, that he may haue leaue to enter law against his aduersarie: and hauing obtained it, the officer fetcheth the def••ndant, and beateth him on the legges, till he bring forth a suretie for him: but if he be not of such credite, as to procure a surety, then are his hands by an officer tied to his necke, and he is beaten all the way, till he come before the Iudge. The Iudge then asketh him (as for example in the matter of debt) whether he oweth any thing to the plaintife. If he denies it, then saith the Iudge, How canst thou deny it? the defen∣dant answereth, By anothe: thereupon the officer is commaunded to cease from beating of him, vntill the matter be further tried. Th••y haue no Lawyers, but euery man is his owne Aduocate, and both the complaint of the accuser, and the answere of the defendant, are in maner of petition deliuered to the Emperour•• intreating iustice at his hands. The Emperour himselfe heareth eue∣ry great controuersie, and vpon the hearing of it, giueth iudgement, and that with great equitie, which I take to be a thing worthy of speciall commendation, in the Maiestie of a Prince. But al∣though he doe this with a good purpose of mind, yet the corrupt Magistrates do wonderfully per∣uert the same: but if the Emperour take them in any fault, he doeth punish them most seuerely. Now at the last, when ech partie hath defended his cause with his best reasons, the Iudge deman∣deth of the accuser, whether he hath any more to say for himselfe: he answereth, that he will trie the matter in fight by his Champion, or else intreateth, that in fight betwixt themselues the matter may be ended: which being graunted, they both fight it out: or if both of them, or either of them seeme vnfit for that kinde of triall, then they haue publike Champions to be hired, which liue by en∣ding of quarrels. These Champions are armed with yron axes, and speares, and fight on foote, and he whose Champion is ouercome, is by and by taken, and imprisoned, and terribly handled, vntill he agree with his aduersarie. But if either of them be of any good calling, and degree, and doe challenge one another to fight, the Iudge granteth it: in which case they may not vse publike Champions. And he that is of any good birth, doth contemne the other, if he be basely borne, and wil not fight with him. If a poore man happen to grow in debt, his Creditor takes him, & maketh him pay the debt, in working either to himselfe, or to some other man, whose wages he taketh vp. And there are some among them, that vse willingly to make themselues, their wiues, and chil∣dren

bondslaues vnto rich men, to haue a little money at the first into their hands, and so for euer after content themselues with meate and drinke: so little accompt doe they make of libertie.

Of punishments vpon theeues.

IF any man be taken vpon cōmitting of theft, he is imprisoned, and often beaten, but not hanged for the first offence, as the manner is with vs: and this they call the lawe of mercie. He that offendeth the second time hath his nose cut off, and is burnt in the forehead with a hot yron. The third time, he is hanged. There are many curpurses among them, and if the rigour of the Princè did not cut them off, they could not be auoyded.

Of their religion.

THey maintaine the opinions of the Greeke Church: they suffer no grauen images of saints in their Churches, but their pictures painted in tables they haue in great abundance, which they do adore and offer vnto, and burne waxe candles before them, and cast holy water vpon them, without other honour. They say that our images which are set vp in Churches, and carued, haue no diuinitie in them. In their priuate houses they haue images for their houshold saints, and for the most part, they are put in the darkest place of the house: hee that comes into his neighbours house doth first salute his saints, although he see them not. If any foorme or stoole stand in his way, hee oftentimes beateth his browe vpon the same, and often ducking downe with his head, and bo∣dy, worshippeth the chiefe Image. The habite, and attire of the Priests, and of the Lay men, doth nothing at all differ: as for marriage, it is forbidden so no man: onely this is receiued and held amongst them for a rule, and custome, that if a Priests wife doe die, he may not marry againe, nor take a second wife: and therefore they of secular Priests, as they call them, are made Monkes, to whom then chastitie for euer is commanded. Their diuine seruice is all done and said in their owne language, that euery man may vnderstand it: they receiue the Lords Supper with leauened bread, and after the consecration, they carry it about the Church in a saucer, and prohibite no man from receiuing and taking of it, that is willing so to doe. They vse both the Olde and the Newe Testament, and read both in their owne language, but so confusedly, that they themselues that doe reade, vnderstand not what themselues doe say: and while any part of either Testament is read, there is ••••bertie giuen by custome to prottle, talke, and make a noise: but in the time of the rest of the seruice they vse very great silence and reuerence, and behaue themselues very modestly, and in good sort. As touching the Lords praier, the tenth man amongst them knowes it not: and for the articles of our faith, and the ten commandements, no man, or at the least very fewe of them doe either know them or can say them: their opinion is, that such secrete and holy things as they are should not rashly and imprudently be communicated with the common people. They holde for a Maxime amongst them, that the olde Lawe, and the comman∣dements also are abolished by the death and blood of Christ: all studies and letters of humanitie they vtterly refuse: concerning the Latine, Greeke, and Hebrew tongues, they are altogether ignorant in them.

Euery yeere they celebrate foure seuerall fastes, which they call according to the names of the Saints: the first beginnes with them, at the time that our Lent beginnes. The second is called amongst them the fast of S. Peter. The third is taken from the day of the Uirgin Marie. And the fourth and last begins vpon S. Philips day. But as we begin our Lent vpon Wednesday, so they begin theirs vpon the Sunday. Upon the Saturday they eate flesh: whensoeuer any of those fasting feastes doe drawe neere, looke what weeke doth immediatly goe before them, the same weeke they liue altogether vpon white meates, and in their common language they call those weekes, the fast of Butter.

In the time of their fasts, the neighbours euery where goe from one to another, and visite one another, and kisse one another with kisses of peace, in token of their mutuall loue and Christian concord: and then also they doe more often then at any other time goe to the holy Communion. When seuen dayes are past, from the beginning of the fast, then they doe often either goe to their Churches, or keepe themselues at home, and vse often prayer: and for that seuennight they eate nothing but hearbes: but after that seuennights fast is once past, then they returne to their old in∣temperancie of drinking, for they are notable tospots. As for the keeping of their fasting dayes, they doe it very streightly, neither doe they eate any thing besides hearbes, and salt fish, as long as those fasting dayes doe endure: but vpon euery Wednesday and Friday, in euery weeke throughout the yeere, they fast.

There are very many Monasteries of the order of S. Benedict, amongst them, to which many great liuings, for their maintenance, doe belong: for the Friers and the Monkes doe at the least possesse the third part of the liuings, throughout the whole Moscouite Empire. To those Monkes that are of this order, there is amongst them a perpetuall prohibition, that they may eate no flesh: and therefore their meate is onely salt fish, milke, and butter: neither is it permitted them by the lawes, and customes of their religion, to eate any fresh fish at all: and at those foure fasting times, whereof we spake before, they eate no fish at all: onely they liue with hearbes, and cucumbers, which they doe continually for that purpose cause and take order to grow and spring, for their vse and diet.

As for their drinke, it is very weake, and small. For the discharge of their office, they do euery day say seruice, and that early in the mornings before day: and they doe in such sort, and with such obseruation begin their seruice, that they will be sure to make an ende of it, before day: and about nine of the clocke in the morning they celebrate the Communion.* 8.55 When they haue so done, they goe to dinner, and after dinner they goe againe to seruice, and the like also after supper: and in the meane time while they are at dinner there is some exposition or interpretation of the Gospel vsed.

Whensoeuer any Abbot of any monasterie dieth, the Emperour taketh all his housholde stuffe, beastes, flockes of sheepe, golde, siluer, and all that he hath: or els hee that is to succeede him in his place and dignitie doth redeeme all those things, and buyeth them of the Emperour for money.

Their churches are built of timber, and the towers of their churches for the most part are co∣uered with shingle boordes. At the doores of their churches, they vsually build some entrance or porch as we doe, and in their churchyardes they erect a certaine house of wood, wherein they set vp their bels, wherein sometimes they haue but one, in some two, and in some also three.

There is one vse and custome amongst them, which is strange and rare, but yet it is very ridi∣culous, and that is this: when any man dyeth amongst them, they take the dead body and put it in a coffine or chest, and in the hand of the corps they put a litle scroule, & in the some there are these wordes written, that the same man died a Rusle of Russes, hauing receiued the faith, and died in the same. This writing or letter they say they send to S. Peter, who receiuing it (as they affirme) reades it, and by and by admits him into heauen, and that his glory and place is higher and grea∣ter then the glory of the Christians of the Latine church, reputing themselues to be followers of a more sincere faith and religion then they: they hold opinion that we are but halfe Christians, and themselues onely to be the true and perfect church: these are the foolish and childish dotages of such ignorant Babarians.

Of the Moscouites that are Idolaters, dwelling neere to Tartaria.

* 8.56THere is a certaine part of Moscouie bordering vpon the countreys of the Tartars, wherin those Moscouites that dwell are very great idolaters: they haue one famous idole amongst them, which they call the Golden old wife: & they haue a custome that whensoeuer any plague or a∣ny calamitie doth afflict the countrey, as hunger, warre, or such like, then they goe to consult with their idol, which they do after this maner: they fall down prostrate before the idol, & pray vnto it, & put in the presence of the same, a cymbal: & about the same certaine persons stand, which are cho∣sen amongst them by lot•• vpon their cymball they place a siluer tode, and sound the cymball, and to whomsoeuer of those lotted persons that tode goeth, he is taken, and by and by slaine: and im∣mediately, I know not by what illusions of the deuill, or idole, he is againe restored to life, & the•• doth reueale and deliuer the causes of the present calamitie. And by this meanes knowing how to pacifie the idole, they are deliuered from the imminent danger.

Of the forme of their priuate houses, and of the apparell of the people.

THe common houses of the countrey are euery where built of beames of Firre tree: the lower beames doe so receiue the round holownesse of the vppermost, that by the meanes of the building thereupon, they resist, and expell all winds that blow, and where the timber is ioined together, there they stop the chinks with mosse. The forme & fashion of their houses in al places is foure square, with streit and narrow windowes, whereby with a transparent casement made or couered with skinne like to parchment, they receiue the light. The roofes of their houses are made of boords couered without with y^e barke of trees: within their houses they haue benches or

griezes hard by their wals, which commonly they sleepe vpon, for the common people knowe not the vse of beds: they haue stooues wherein in the morning they make a fire, and the same fire doth either moderately warme, or make very hote the whole house.

The apparell of the people for the most part is made of wooll, their caps are picked like vnto a rike or diamond, broad beneath, and sharpe vpward. In the maner of making whereof, there is a signe and representation of nobilitie: for the loftier or higher their caps are, the greater is their birth supposed to be, and the greater reuerence is giuen them by the common people.

The Conclusion to Queene Marie.

THese are the things most excellent Queene, which your Subiects newly retur∣ned from Russia haue brought home concerning the state of that countrey: wher∣fore if your maiestie shall be fauourable, and grant a continuance of the trauell, there is no doubt but that the honour and renowme of your name will be spred a∣mongst those nations, whereunto three onely noble personages from the verie creation haue had accesse, to whom no man hath bene comparable.

The copie of the Duke of Moscouie and Emperour of Russia his letters, sent to King Edward the sixt, by the hands of Richard Chancelour.

THe Almighty power of God, and the imcomprehensible holy Trinitie, right∣full Christian beliefe, &c. We great Duke Iuan Vasiliuich,* 8.57 by the grace of God great lord and Emperor of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mos∣co, and Nouograd, King of Kazan, King of Astracan, lord of Plesko, and great duke of Smolensko, of Twerria, Ioughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, lord and great duke of Nouograd in the Low countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskoy, Rostoue, Yaruslaueley, Bealozera, Liefland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Con∣densa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and lord of many other countries, gree∣ting. Before all, right great and worthy of honour Edward King of England &c. according to our most hearty and good zeale, with good intent and friendly desire, & according to our holy Chri∣stian faith, & great gouernance, & being in the light of great vnderstāding, our answere by this our honourable writing vnto your kingly gouernance, at the request of your faithfull seruant Ri∣chard Chancelour, with his company, as they shall let you wisely know, is this. In the strength of the twentieth yeere of our gouernance, be it knowen, that at our sea coastes arriued a shippe, with one Richard, and his companie, and sayd, that hee was desirous to come into our dominions, and according to his request, hath seene our Maiestie, and ‖ 8.58 our eyes: and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire, as that we should grant vnto your subiects, to goe and come, and in our do∣minions, and among our subiects, to frequent free Marts, with all sortes of marchandizes, and vp∣on the same to haue wares for their returne. And they haue also deliuered vs your letters, which declare the same request. And hereupon we haue giuen order, that wheresoeuer your faithful ser∣uant Hugh Willoughbie land or touch in our dominions, to be wel entertained, who as yet is not arriued, as your seruant Richard can declare.

And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnes, and according to your honourable request, and my honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone: and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and vessels, when and as often as they may haue passage, with good assu∣rance on our part to see them harmelesse. And if you send one of your maiesties counsel to treate with vs whereby your countrey marchants may with all kinds of wares, and where they will make their market in our dominions, they shall haue their free Marte with all free liberties through my whole dominions with all kinde of wares to come and goe at their pleasure, without any let, damage or impediment, according to this our letter, our word and our seale which we haue commaunded to be vnder sealed. Written in our dominion, in our citie and our palace in the ca∣stle of Mosco, in the yeare 7060, the second moneth of February.

This letter was written in the Moscouian tongue, in letters much like to the Greeke letters, very faire written in paper, with a broad seale hanging at the same, sealed in paper vpon waxe. This seale was much like y^e broad scale of England, hauing on the one side the image of a man on horseback in complete harnesse fighting with a dragon. Under this letter was another paper writ∣ten in the Dutch tongue, which was the interpretation of the other written in the Moscouian let∣ters. These letters were sent the next yere after the date of king Edwards letters, 1554.

The coines, weights and measures vsed in Russia, written by Iohn Hasse, in the yere, 1554.

FOrasmuch as it is most necessary for al marchants which seeke to haue traffique in any strange regions, first to acquaint thēselues with the coines of those lands with which they do intend to ioyne in traffique, and how they are called from the valuation of the highest piece to the lowest, and in what sort they make their pai∣ments, as also what their common weights and measures be: for these causes I haue thought good to write some thing thereof according to mine owne know∣ledge and experience, to the end that the marchants of that new aduenture may the better vnder∣stand how the wealth of that new frequented trade will arise.

* 8.59First, it is to be noted that the Emperour of Russia hath no other coines then siluer in all his land, which goeth for paiment amongst merchants, yet notwithstanding there is a coine of copper, which serueth for the reliefe of the poore in Mosco, & no where els, and that is but only for quasse, water and fruit, as nuts, apples, and such other like. The name of which money is called Pole or Poles, of which Poles there goe to the least of the siluer coines, 18. But I will not stand vpon this, because it is no currant money among merchants.

Of siluer coines there be three sortes of pieces: the least is a Poledenga, the second a Denga, the third, Nowgrote, which is as much to say in English as halfepenie, penie, and twopence, and for other valued money then this, there is none: there are oftentimes there coines of gold, but they come out of forrein countreys, whereof there is no ordinarie valuation, but they passe according to the agreement of merchants.

Their order in summing of money is this: as we say in England, halfpenie, penie, shilling and pound, so say they Poledenga, Denga, Altine and Rubble: There goeth two Poledengas to a Denga, six Dengaes to an Altine, and 23 Altines, and two Dengaes to a Rubble.

* 8.60Concerning the weights of Russia they are these: There are two sorts of pounds in vse amōgst them, the one great, y^e other small: the great pound is iust two small pounds: they call the great weight by the name of Beasemar, and the smal they call the Skalla weight: with this smal weight they weigh their siluer coines, of the which the Emperor hath commanded to put to euery small pound three Rubbles of siluer, and with the same weight they weigh all Grocerie wares, and al∣most al other wares which come into the land, except those which they weigh by the Pode, as hops salt, iron, lead, tinne & batrie with diuers others, notwithstanding they vse to weigh batrie more often by the small weight then by the great.

Whensoeuer you find the prices of your wares rated by the Pode, consider that to be the great weight, and the pound to be the small. Also they diuide the small pound into 48 parts, and they call the eight and fortieth part a Slotnike, by the which Slotnike the retailers sell their wares out of their shops, as Goldsmiths, Grocers, Silkesellers and such other like as we doe vse to retaile by the ounce: and as for their great weight which they cal the Beasemar, they sel by pode, or ship∣pond. The pode doth containe of the great weight, 40 pounds, and of the smal 80: there goe 10. podes to a shippond.

Yet you must consider that their great weight is not full with ours: for I take not their great pound to be full 13 ounces, but aboue 12 I thinke it be. But for your iust proofe, weigh 6 Rub∣bles of Russia money with our pound weight, and then shal you see what it lacketh: for 6 Rubbles of Russia is by the Emperors standerd, the great pound: so that I thinke it the next way to know the iust waight, as well of the great pound as of the small.

* 8.61There is another weight needfull to be knowen, which is the weight of Wardhouse, for so much as they weigh all their drie fish by weight, which weight is the Beasemar, as they of Russia doe vse, not withstanding there is another sorte in it: the names of those weights are these: the marke pound, the great pound, the weie, and the shippond. The marke pound is to be vnderstood as our pound, and their great pound is 24 of their marke pound: the weie is 3 great pound, and 8 weie is a shippound.

* 8.62Now concerning their measures. As they haue two sortes of weights, so they haue also two sortes of measures: wherewith they measure cloth both linnen and wollen: they cal the one an Areshine, and the other a Locut: the Areshine I take to bee as much as the Flanders ell, and their Locut halfe an English yard: with their Areshine they may mete all such sorts of clothes as come into the land, and with the Locut all such cloth both linnen and wollen, as they make them∣selues. And whereas we vse to giue yard and inch, or yard and handfull, they do giue nothing but bare measure.

They haue also a measure wherewith they doe met•• their corne which they cal a Setforth, and the halfe of that an Osmine: this Setforth I take take to bee three bushels of London measure. And as for their drinke measure, they call it a Spanne, which is much like a bucket, and of that I neuer saw any true rate, but that some was greater then other some. And as for the measures of Wardhouse wherewith they mete their cloth,* 8.63 there is no difference between that and the measure of Danske, which is halfe an English ell.

Cōcerning the tolles & customs of Russia, it was reported to me in Moscouia, that the Turkes and Armenians pay the tenth penie custome of all the wares they bring into the Emperors land,* 8.64 and aboue that they pay for all such goods as they weigh at the Emperours beame, two pence of the Rubble, which y^e buyer or seller must make report to of the Master of the beame: they also pay a certaine horse toll, which is in diuers places of his Realme foure pence of a horse.

The Dutch nation are free of this: notwithstanding for certaine offences,* 8.65 they had lost their priuiledges which they haue recouered this Summer to their great charge. It was reported to me by a Iustice of that countrey, that they paied for it thirtie thousand Rubbles,* 8.66 and also that Rye, Dorpte and Reuel haue yeelded themselues vnder the gouernment of the Emperour of Russia: whether this was a bragge of the Rusles or not, I know not, but thus he sayd, and in deed whiles we were there, there came a great Ambassadour out of Liefland, for the assurance of their priuiledges.

To speake somewhat of the commodities of this countrey, it is to be vnderstood, that there is a certaine place foure score miles from the Sea called Colmogro:* 8.67 to which place there resorte all the sortes of Wares that are in the North parts, as Oyles, Salt, Stockfish, Salmon, Fe∣thers and Furres: their Salt they make of saltwater by the sea side: their Oyles they make of Seales, whereof they haue great store which is brought out of the Bay where our shippes came in: they make it in the Spring of the yeere, and bring it to Colmogro to sell, and the merchants there carie it to Nouogrode, and so sell it to the Dutch nation. Their Stockefish and Salmon commeth from a place called Mallums, not farre from Wardhouse: their Salmon and their Salt they carrie to Mosco, and their drie fishe they carrie to Nouogrode, and sell it there to the Lieflanders.

The Furres and Fethers which come to Colmogro, as Sables, Beauers, Minkes, Armine, Lettis, Grai••s, Wooluerings, and white Foxes, with Deere skinnes, they are brought thither, by the men of Penninge, Lampas, and Powstezer, which fetch them from the Samoedes that are counted sauage people: and the merchants that bring these Furres doe vse to trucke with the merchants of Colmogro for Cloth, Tinne, Batrie, & such other like, and the merchants of Col∣mogro carie them to Nouogrode, Vologda, or Mosco, & sell them there. The Fethers which come from Penning they doe little esteeme.

If our merchants do desire to know the meetest place of Russia for the standing house, in mine opinion I take it to be Vologda, which is a great towne standing in the heart of Russia, with ma∣ny great and good towns about it. There is great plentie of corne, victuals, and of all such wares as are raised in Rusland, but specially, flaxe, hempe, tallow and bacon: there is also great store of ware, but it commeth from the Mosko.

The towne of Vologda is meetest for our marchants,* 8.68 because it lieth amongest all the best towns of Russia, and there is no towne in Russia but trades with it: also the water is a great com∣moditie to it. If they plant themselues in Mosco or Nouogrode, their charge will be great and wonderfull, but not so in Vologda: for all things will there be had better cheape by the one half. And for their vent, I know no place so meet. It is likely that some will thinke y^e Mosko to be the meetest by the reason of the court, but by that reason I take it to be woorse: for the charge there would be so great by crauers and expenses, that the ••••••itie of the profite would bee wholly consu∣med, which in the other place will bee saued. And yet not withstanding our marchants may bee there in the Winter to serue the Emperour and his court. The Emperour is a great marchant himselfe of ware and sables,* 8.69 which with good foresight may bee procured to their hands: as for o∣ther commodities there are litle or none in Moscouia, besides those aboue rehearsed: if there bee other, it is brought thither by the Turkes, who will be daintie to buy our clothes considering the charges of cariage ouer land.

Our marchants may doe well to prouide for the Russes such wares as the Dutch nation doeth serue them of, as Flanders and Holland clothes, which I bel••eue, they shal serue better and with lesse charge then they of Rye or Dorpt, or Reuel: for it is no smal aduenture to bring their clothes out of Flanders to either of these places, and their charge not litle to cary them ouer lande to No∣uogrode, which is from Rye nine hundred Russian miles.

This Nouogrode is a place wel furnished with flare, Waxe, Hides, tallow and many other things: the best flare in Russia is brought thither and there sold by the hundred bundles, which is done also at Vologda, and they that bring the flare to Nouogrode, dwell as neere Vologda, as Nouogrode, and when they heare of the viterance which they may haue with our nation, they wil as willingly come to them as goe to other.

They haue in Russia two sorts of flaxe, the one is called great flaxe, and the other small: that which they call great flaxe is better by foure rubbles in 100. bundels then the small:* 8.70 It is much longer then the other, and cleaner without wood: and whereas of the small flaxe there goe 27. or 28 bundles to a shippound, there goeth not of the greater sort aboue 22. or 24 at the most. There are many other trifles in Russia, as sope, mats, &c. but I thinke there will bee no great account made of them.

The letters of king Philip and Queene Marie to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperour of Russia written the first of April 1555 and in the second voyage.

PHilip and Marie by the grace of God, King and Queene of England, France, Naples, Ierusalem, and Ireland, defenders of the faith. Princes of Spaine and Sicilie, Archdukes of Austrich, Dukes of Burgundie, Millaine, and Brabant, Countries of Haspurge, Flanders, and Tiroll: To the right High, right Migh∣tie, and right excellent Prince, garnished with all gifts of nature, by Gods gra••e Iohn Va••iliuich Emperour of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Mosco, and Nouogrod, King of Cazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesco, and great Duke of Smo∣lensko, of Tueria, Ioughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lorde and great Duke of Nouogrod of the lowe Countrey, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskay, Rostoue, Yera∣slaue, Bealozera, Liefland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Condensa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North partes, and lord of many other countreys, greeting. Whereas by the con∣sent and licence of our most deare and entirely bele∣ued late brother, King Edward the sixt, whose soule God pardon, sundrie of our subiects marchants of the citie of London within this our realme of England did at their owne proper costs and aduenture furnish three shippes to disco∣uer, serch, and find lands, Islands, regions, and territories before this aduenture not knowen, ne commonly h••unted and frequented by seas. The one of the which three shippes, named the Ed∣ward Bonauenture, (whereof our right welbeloued Richard Chancelour was then gouernour and great Captaine) chanced by the grace of God, and the good conduct of the sayd Chance∣lour to arriue and winter in the North part of your Empire of Russia. Forasmuch as we be cre∣dibly informed by the report of our trustie and welbeloued subiect, that your Maiestie did not one∣ly call him and certaine of his company to your emperiall presence and speech, entertayned and banqueted them with all humanitie and gentlenes: but also being thereunto requested partly by the letters of our said brother, & partly by request of the sayd Richard Chancelour, haue by your letters patents vnder your seale among other things granted: That all such marchants as shall come forth of anie of our realms of England or Ireland withal maner of wares, if they wil trauel or occupie within your dominions, The same marchants with their marchandises in al your lord∣ship may freely, & at their libertie trauaile out and in without hinderance or any maner of losse: And of your farther ample goodnesse haue promised that our ambassadours, if wee send any, shall with free good will passe to and from you without any hinderance or losse, with such mes∣sage as shall come vnto you, and to returne the same to our kingdomes well answered, as by the same your letters, written in your lordly Palace and Castle of Mosco in the yeere 7063 the moneth of Februarie more at large appeareth. Like as wee cannot but much commend your princely fauour and goodnesse, and in like manner thanke you for the aboundant grace, extended to the sayd Richard Chancelour, and others our subiects marchants: Euen so these are to pray and request you to continue the same beneuolence toward them, and other our marchants and subiects, which doe or heereafter shall resorte to your countrey: And for the more assurance and incouragement to trade and exercise the feate of marchandise with your subiects and all other marchants within your dominions, that it may please you at this our contemplation to assigne and authorise such Commissaries as you shall thinke meete to trade and conferre with our welbeloued subiects and marchants, the sayd Richard Chancelour, George Killing worth, & Richard Graie, bearers of these our letters: who are by vs authorise••

for that purpose: and to confirme and graunt such other liberties and priuiledges vnto the Go∣uernour, Consuls, Assistants, and Communaltie of the fellowship of the saide Marchants, as the said bearers in their name propone and require by you to be granted for their safe conduct, good gouernment, and order to bee erected and continued among them in your saide dominions; And this with such your clemencie and expedition, as wee, vpon the next arriuall of the saide Richard Chancelour may bee enformed of your gracious disposition and answere. Which your bene∣uolences so to bee extended, wee bee minded to requite towards any your subiects Marchants, that shal frequent this our realme at your contemplation therefore to be made. Thus right high, right Excellent, and right mightie, Almightie God the Father, the Sonne and the holy Ghost haue you in his blessed keeping. Giuen vnder our seale at our Palace of Westminster, the first of April, in the yere from the blessed incarnation of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, 1555. and in the first and second yeeres of our reignes.

Articles conceiued and determined for the Commission of the Merchants of this company resiant in Russia, and at the VVarhouse, for the second voyage, 1555. the first of May, as followeth.

FIrst, the Gouernour, Consuls, Assistants and whole company assembled this day in open court, committeth and authorizeth Richard Gray and George Kil∣ling worth, iointly and seuerally to be Agents, Factors, and Atturneis generall and speciall, for the whole body of this companie, to buy, sel, trucke, change and permute al, and euery kind and kindes of wares, marchandizes and goods to the said company appertaining, now laden & shipped in the good ship called the Ed∣ward Bonauenture, appointed for Russia, the same ••o vtter and sell to the best commoditie, profit and aduantage of the said corporation, be it for ready money, wares & marchandises, or truck, pre∣sently, or for time, as occasion & benefit of the company shal require: and all such wares as they or either of them shal buy, trucke, or prouide, or cause to be bought for the company to lade thē home∣ward in good order and condition, as by prudent course of marchandises, shall, and ought to apper∣taine, which article extendeth also to Iohn Brooke for the Wardhouse, as in the 17. and 18. arti∣cles of this commission appeareth.

2 Item, it is also committed, as aboue, to the said Agents, to binde & charge the said company by debt for wares vpon credit, as good opportunitie and occasion shal serue, with power to charge and bind the said company, and their successors, for the paiments of such things as shalbe taken vp for credite, and the said Agents to be relieued ab opere satis dandi.

3 Item full authoritie and power is committed to the said first named factors, together with Richard Chancelor grand Pilot of this fleete, to repaire to the Emperors court, there to present the king and Queenes Maiesties letters, written in Greeke, Polish, and Italian, and to giue and exhibite the marchants presents at such time and place as shalbe thought most expedient, they, or one of them to demand, and humbly desire of y^e Emperour such further grants and priuiledges to be made to this companie, as may be beneficiall for the same, to continue in traffike with his sub∣iects, according to such instructions as bee in this behalfe deuised and deliuered to the Agents whereunto relation is to be had, and some one of these persons to attend vpon the court for the ob∣taining of the same, as to their discretions shalbe thought good.

4 Item, that all the saide Agents doe well consider, ponder and weigh such articles as bee de∣liuered to them to know the natures, dispositions, lawes, customes, maners and behauiours of the people of the countreis where they shal traffike, as well of the Nobilitie as of the Lawyers, Mar∣chants, Mariners and common people, and to note diligently the subtilties of their bargaining, buying and selling, making as fewe debtes as possiblie may bee, and to bee circumspect, that no lawe neither of religion nor positiue bee broken or transgressed by them or any minister vnder them, ne yet by any mariner or other person of our nation, and to foresee that all tolles, customes, and such other rites be so duely paid, that no forfeiture or confiscation may ensue to our goods either outward or inward, and that al things passe with quiet, without breach of the publike peace or common tranquillitie of any of the places where they shall arriue or traffique.

5 Item, that prouision bee made in Mosco or elswhere, in one or mo good townes, where good trade shall be found for a house or houses for the Agents, and companie to inhabite and dwell at your accustomed diets, with warehouses, sellers, and other houses of offices requisite, and that none of the inferiour ministers of what place or vocation soeuer he be, doe lie out of the house of the Agents without licence to be giuen, and that euery inferiour officer shalbe obedient to the or∣ders

rules and gouernments of the said Agents, and in case any disobient person shall be found a∣mong any of them, then such person to be punished for his misbehauiour, at the discretion of the said Agents, or of one of them in the absence of the other.

6 Item, if any person of the said ministers shall be of such pride or obstinacie, that after one or two honest admonitions, hee will not bee reformed nor reconciled from his faultes, then the saide Agents to displace euery such person from the place or roume to him heere committed, and some other discreete person to occupie the same, as to the saide Agents by their discretions shal seeme meete.

7 Item, if any person shall bee found so arrogant, that he will not be ordered nor reformed by the said Agents or by one of them in the absence of the other, then the sayde person to bee deliue∣red to the Iustice of the countrey, to receiue such punishment, as the lawes of the countrey doe require.

8 Item, that the saide Agents and factours shall daily one houre in the morning conferre and consult together what shall bee most conuenient and beneficiall for the companie, and such orders as they shall determine, to bee written by the Secretarie of the companie in a booke to bee pro∣uided for that purpose, and no inferiour person to infringe or breake any such order or deuise, but to obserue the same exactly, vpon such reasonable paine as the Agents shall put him to by discre∣tion.

9 Item, that the said Agents shall in the ende of euerie weeke, or oftener as occasion shall re∣quire, peruse, see and trie, not onely the Casshers, bookes, reckonings and accounts, firming the same with their handes, but also shall receiue and take w••••kly the account of euery other officer, as well of the Vendes, as of the ••mpteous, and also of the s••ate of the houshold expenses, making thereof a perfect declaration as shall appertaine, the same accounts also to bee firmed by the saide Agents hands.

10 Item, that no inferiour minister shall take vpon him to make any bargaine or sale of any wares, marchandises or goods, but by the Commission and Warrantise of the sayde Agents vnder their handes, and hee not to transgresse his Commission by any way, pretense or co∣lour.

11 Item, that euery inferiour minister, that is to vnderstand, all Clerks and yong merchants being at the order of the saide Agents, shall ride, goe, saile and trauaile to all such place, and pla∣ces, as they or hee shall be appointed vnto by the saide Agents, and effectually to follow and do all that which to him or them shall be committed, well and truely to the most benefite of the compa∣ny, according to the charge to him or them committed, euen as by their othes, dueties and bondes of their masters they be bounden and charged to doe.

12 Item, that at euery moneths end, all accounts and reckonings shalbe brought into perfect order, into the Lidger or memoriall, and the decrees, orders, and rules of the Agents together with the priuileges, and copies of letters, may and shall be well and truely written by the secreta∣rie, in such forme as shalbe appointed for it, and that copies of all their doings may be sent home with the said ship at her returne.

13 Item, that all the Agents doe diligently learne and obserue all kinde of wares, as wel na∣turals as forrein, that be beneficiall for this Realme, to be sold for the benefit of the company, and what kinde of our commodities and other things of these West partes bee most vendible in those Realmes with profite, giuing a perfect aduise of all such things requisite.

14 Item, if the Emperour will enter into bargain with you for the whole masse of your stock, and will haue the trade of it to vtter to his owne subiects, then debating the master prudently a∣mong your selues, set such high prises of your commodities, as you may assure your selues to be gainers in your owne wares, and yet to buy theirs at such base prises, as you may here also make a commod••tie and gaine at home, hauing in your mindes the notable charges that the companie haue diffrayed in aduancing this voyage: and the great charges that they sustai••e dayly in wages,* 8.71 victuals and other things: all which must bee requ••ted by the wise handling of this voyage, which being the first president shalbe a perpetual pr••••id••nt foreuer: and therefore all circumspection is to be vsed, and foreseene in this first enterprise, which God blesse and prosper vnder you, to his glo∣rie, and the publike wealth of this Realme, whe••eof the Queenes Maiestie, and the Lords of the Councell haue conceiued great hope, whose expectations are not to be frustrated.

* 8.7215 Item, it is to be had in minde, that you vse all wayes and meanes possible to learne howe men may passe from Russia, either by land or by sea to Cathaia, and what may be heard of our o∣ther ships, and to what knowledge you may come, by conferring with the learned or well trauai∣led persons, either naturall or forrein, such as haue tr••uailed from the North to the South.

16 Item, it is committed to the said Agents, that if they shall be certified credibly, that any

of our said first ships be arriued in any place whereunto passage is to be had by water or by land, that the•• certaine of the company at the discretion of the Agents shall bee appointed to be sent to them, to learne their estate & condition, to visite, refresh, relieue, and furnish them with all neces∣saries and requisites, at the common charges of the companie, and to imbrace, accept, and intreat them as our deare and welbeloued brethren of this our societie, to their reioycing and comfort, ad∣uertising Syr Hugh Willoughbie and others of our carefulnes of them and their long absence, with our desire to heare of them, with all other things done in their absence for their commoditie, no lesse then if they had bene present.

17 Item, it is decreed, that when the ships shal arriue at this goi••g foorth at the Wardhouse, that their Agents, with master Chancelor grand pilot, Iohn Brooke merchant, deputed for the Wardhouse, with Iohn Buckland master of the Edward, Iohn Howlet master, and Iohn Ro∣bins pilot of the Philip and Marie,* 8.73 shall conferre and consult together, what is most profitable to be done therfore for the benefit of the company, & to consider whether they may bargaine with the captaine of the castle, and the inhabitants in that place, or alongst the coall for a large quantity of fish, drie or wet, killed by the naturals, or to be taken by our men at a price reasonable for trucke of cloth, meale, salt, or beere, and what traine oyle, or other commodity is to be had there at this time, or any other season of the yeere, and whether there will be had or found sufficient lading for both the sayd shippes, to be bought there, and how they may conferre with the naturals for a con∣tinuance in hanting the place, if profit wil so arise to the company, and to consider whether the Ed∣ward in her returne may receiue at the Wardhouse any kind of lading homeward, and what it may amount vnto, and whether it shall be expedient for the Philip to abide at the Wardhouse the returne of the Edward out of Russia, or getting that she may returne with the first good wind to England, without abiding for the Edward, and so to conclude & accord certainely among them∣selues vpon their arriuall, that the certaintie may (vpon good deliberation) be so ordered and de∣termined betweene both ships, that the one may be assured of the other, and their determinations to be put in writing duplicate to remaine with ech ship, according to such order as shall be taken betweene them.

18 Item, that Iohn Brooke our marchant for the Wardhouse take good aduise of the rest of our Agents, how to vse himselfe in al affaires, whiles the ship shalbe at the Wardhouse, he to see good order to be be kept, make bargains aduisedly, not crediting the people vntill their natures,* 8.74 dispositions & fidelities shal be well tried, make no debts, but to take ware for ware in hand, and rather be trusted then to trust. Note diligently what be the best wares for those parts,* 8.75 and howe the fishe falleth on the coast, and by what meane it is to bee bought at the most aduantage, what kindes and diuersities of sortes in fishes be, and whether it will keepe better in bulke piled, or in caske.

19 Item, he to haue a diligent eye & circumspection to the beere, salt, and other liquid wares, and not to suffer any waste to be made by the companie, and he in all contracts to require aduise, counsel, and consent of the master and pilot, the marchant to be our houswife, as our speciall trust is in him, he to tender that no lawes nor customes of the countrey be broken by any of the com∣pany, and to render to the prince, and other officers, all that which to them doth appertaine, the com∣pany to be quiet, voide of all quarrelling, fighting, or vexation, absteine from all excesse of drink∣ing as much as may bee, and in all to vse and behaue themselues as to quiet marchants doeth, and ought to apperteine.

20 Item, it is decreed by the companie, that the Edward shall returne home this yeere with as much wares as may be conueniently & profitably prouided, bought, and laden in Russia, and the rest to be taken in at the Wardhouse, as by the Agents shall be accorded. But by all meanes it is to be foreseene and noted, that the Edward returne home, and not to winter in any forrein place, but to come home, and bring with her all the whole aduertisements of the marchants, with such further aduise for the next yeeres prouision, as they shall giue.

21 Item, it is further decreed and ordeined, inuiolably to be obserued, that when the good ships, or either of them (by Gods grace) shall returne home to the coastes of England, that nei∣ther of them shall stay or touch in any Hauen or Port of England, otherwise then wind and wea∣ther shall serue, but shall directly saile and come to the Port of the citie of London, the place of their right discharge, and that no bulke be broken, hatches opened, chest, fardell, trusse, barrel, fat, or whatsoeuer thing it shall be, be brought out of the shippe, vntill the companie shall giue order for the same, and appoint such persons of the companie as shall be thought meet for that purpose, to take viewe, and consider the shippe and her ladi••g, and shall giue order for the breaking vp of the saide bulke, or giue licence by discretion, for things to be brought to land. And that euery of∣ficer shall shewe the inuoise of his charge to him first committed, and to examine the wastes and

losses, and to deliuer the r••mainder to the vse and benefit of the company, according to such order as shall be appointed in that behalfe.

* 8.7622 Item, the company exhorteth, willeth, and requireth, not onely all the said Agents, pilots, masters, marchants, clerkes, boatswaines, stewards, skaf••masters, and all other officers and mi∣nisters of this present voyage, being put in charge and trust dayly to peruse, reade, and studie such instructions as be made, giuen, & deliuered to them for perfect knowledge of the people of Russia, Moscouia, Wardhouse, and other places, their dispositions, maners customes, vses, tolles, caria∣ges, comes, weights, numbers, measures, wares, merchandises, commodities, and incommodi∣ties, the one to be accepted and imbraced, the other to be reiected and vtterly abandoned, to the intent that euery man taking charge, may be so well taught, perfited, and readily instructed in all the premisses, that by ignorance, no losse or preiudice may grow or chance to the company: assu∣ring themselues, that forasmuch as the company hath trauelled and laboured so in these their in∣structions to them giuen, that euery man may bee perfect, and fully learned to eschew all losses, hurts and damages that may ins••e by pretense or colour of none knowledge, the company enten∣deth not to allow, or accept ignorance for any lawfull or iust cause of excuse, in that which shall be misordered by negligence, the burden whereof shall light vpon the negligent offending person, especially vpon such as of their owne heads, or temeritie, will take vpon him or them to doe or to attempt any thing, whereby preiudice may arise, without the commission of the Agents as aboue is mentioned, whereunto relation must be had.

23 Forasmuch as it is not possible to write and indite such prescribed orders, rules and com∣missions to the Agents and factours, but that occasion, time and place, and the pleasures of the princes, together with the operation or successe of fortune shall change or shift the same, although not in the whole, yet in part, therefore the said company doe commit to you their deare and intire beloued Agents and factors to doe in this behalfe for the commodity and wealth of this company, as by your discretions, vpon good aduised deliberations shalbe thought good and beneficiall. Pro∣uided alwayes, that the honour, good name, fame, credite, and estima••ion of the same companie be conserued and preserued: which to confirme we beseech the liuing Lord to his glory, the publike benefite of this realme, our common profits, and your praises.

Finally for the seruice, and due accomplishment of all ••he premisses, euery Agent and mini∣ster of and for this voyage, hath not onely giuen a corporall othe vpon the Euangelists to ob∣serue, and cause to be obserued, this commission, and euery part, clause and sentence of the same, as much as in him lyeth, as well for his owne part as for any other person, but also haue bounde themselues and their friendes to the companie in seuerall su••mes of money, expressed in the actes and records of this societie, for the trueth and fidelities of them, for the better, and also manifester testification of the trueth, and of their othes, promises, and ••ands aforesaid, they haue to this Commission subscribed particularly their seuerall hands, and the company also in confir∣mation of the same, haue set their seale. Yeuen the day, moneth, and yeeres first aboue mentioned.

The othé ministred to the seruants of the fellowship.

YE sweare by the holy contents of that booke, that ye shal wel, faithfully and true∣ly, and vprightly, and with all your indeuour, serue this right worshipfull com∣pany in that order, which by this fellowships Agent or Agents in the dominions of the Emperours of Russia, &c. shall bee vnto you committed, by commission, commandement, or other his direction. And that you shall bee obedient and faith∣full to the same our Agent or Agents, and that well, and truely and vprightly ac∣cording to the commission, charge, commādement, or other direction of the said Agent or Agents to you from time to time giuen and to be giuen, you shall prosecute and doe all that which in you li∣eth, for the good renowme, commoditie, benefite and profite of the said fellowship: and you shall not directly or indirectly, openly or couertly doe, exercise or vse any trade or feate of marchandi∣zes for your owne priuate account, commodity, gaine or profite, or for the account of or for any o∣ther person or persons, without consent or licence of this said fellowship, first obtained in writing. And if you shall know or vnderstand any other person or persons to vse, exercise or doe any trade, traffike or feat of marchandise, to or for his or their own account or accounts, at any time or times hereafter, that then ye shall truely and plainly disclose, open, vtter and reueale, and shew the same vnto this said fellowship, without fraude, colour, cou••n or delay: So helpe you God, &c.

The letter of M. George Killingworth the companies first Agent in Moscouie, touching their interteinement in their se∣cond voyage. Anno 1555. the 27. of Nouember in Mosco.

RIght worshipfull, my duetie considered, &c. It may please your worship to vn∣derstand, that at the making hereof we all be in good health, thanks be to God, saue onely William our cooke as we came from Colmogro fell into the riuer out of the boate, and was drowned. And the 11. day of September wee came to Vologda, and there we laide all our wares vp, and sold very litle: but one mar∣chant would haue giuen vs 12. robles for a broad cloth, & he said he would haue had them all, and 4. altines for a pound of sugar, but we did refuse it because he was the first, and the marchants were not come thither, nor would not come before Winter, trusting to haue more: but I feare it will not be much better. Yet notwistanding we did for the best. And the house that our wares lie in costs from that day vntil Easter ten robles. And the 28. day of September we did determine with our selues that it was good for M. Gray, Arthur Edwards, Thomas Hauto∣ry, Christopher Hudson, Iohn Segewicke, Richard Iohnson, and Richard Iudde, to tarie at Vo∣logda, and M. Chancelor, Henry Lane, Edward Prise, Robert Best and I should goe to Mosco. And we did lade the Emperours suger, with part of all sorts of wares to haue had to the Mosco with vs, but the way was so deepe, that we were faine to turne back, and leaue it stil at Vologda till the frost. And we went forth with poste horse, & the charge of euery horse being stil ten in num∣ber, comes to 10. ••. 7. d. halfe penie, besides the guides. And wee came to the Mosco the 4. day of October, and were lodged that night in a simple house: but the next day we were sent for to the Emperour his secretarie, and he bade vs welcome with a cheerefull counte••ance and cheerefull wordes, and wee shewed him that we had a letter from our Queenes grace to the Emperour his grace,* 9.1 and then he desired to see them all, and that they might remain with him, to haue them per∣fect, that the true meaning might be declared to the Emperour, and so we did: and then we were appointed to a better house: and the seuenth day the secretary sent for vs againe, & then he shewed vs that we should haue a better house, for it was the Emperour his will, that we should haue all things that we did lacke, and did send vs meade of two sorts, and two hens, our house free, and e∣uery two dayes to receiue eight hens, seuen altines, and two pence in money, and meade a cer∣taine, and a poore fellow to make cleane our house, & to doe that wherunto we would set him. And wee had giuen many rewards before, which you shal perceiue by other, and so we gaue the messen∣gers a reward with thanks: and the ninth day we were sent to make vs readie to speak with the Emperour on the morow. And the letters were sent vs, that wee might deliuer them our selues, & we came before him the tenth day: and before we came to his presence we went thorow a great chamber, where stood many small tunnes, pailes, bowles and pots of siluer, I meane, like washing bowles, all parsel gilt: and within that another chamber, wherein sate (I thinke) neere a hundred in cloth of gold, and then into the chamber where his grace sate, & there I thinke were more then in the other chamber also in cloth of gold, and we did our duety, & shewed his grace our Queenes graces letters, with a note of your present which was left in Vologda: and then his grace did aske how our Queenes grace did, calling her cousin, saying that hee was glad that wee were come in health into his Realme, and we went one by one vnto him, and tooke him by the hand, and then his grace did ••id vs goe in health, and come to dinner againe, and we dined in his presence, and were set with our faces towards his grace, & none in the chamber sate with their backes towards him, being I thinke neere a hundred at dinner then, and all serued with golde, as platters, chargers, pottes, cuppes, and all not slender but very massy, and yet a great number of platters of golde, standing still on the cupboord, not moued•• and diuers times in the dinner time his grace sent vs meat and drinke from his owne table, and when we had dined we went vp to his grace, and rece••∣ued a cuppe with drinke at his owne hand, and the same night his grace sent certaine gentlemen to vs with diuers sortes of wine and mede, to whome wee gaue a rewarde. And afterwarde we were by diuers Italians counselled to take heed whom we did trust to make the copie of the priui∣leges that we would desire to haue,* 9.2 for feare it should not be writtē in the Bussle tongue, as we did meane. So first a Russian did write for vs a breu••at to the Emperor, the t••nour wherof was, that we did desire a stronger priuilege: & when the Secretary saw it, he did deliuer it to his grace, and when we came againe, his grace willed vs to write our minds, and hee would see it, and so we did. And his grace is so troubled with preparations to warres, that as yet wee haue no answere: but we haue byn required of his Secretary, and of the vnder Chancelor, to know what wares we had

brought into the Realme, and what wares we doe intend to haue, that ••re, or may bee had in this Realme: and we shewed them, and they shewed the Emperor therof. And then they said his gra∣ces pleasure was, that his best marchants of the Mosco should be spoken to, to meet and talk with vs. And so a day was appointed, and wee meete in the Secretarie his office, and there was the vnder Chancelor, who was not past two yeeres since the Emperors marchant, and not his Chan∣celour: and then the conclusion of our talke was, that the Chancelour willed vs to be thinke vs, where we would desire to haue a house or houses, that wee might come to them as to our owne house, and for marchandize to be made preparation for vs, and they would know our prises of our wares and frise: and we answered, that for our prices they must see the wares before we coulde make any price thereof, for the like in goodnesse hath not bene brought into the Realme, and we did looke for an example of all sorts of our wares to come from Vologda, with the first ••ledway, and then they should see them, and then we would shew them the prices of them: and likewise we could not tell them what we would giue them iustly, till we did knowe as well their iust weights as their measures:* 9.3 for in all places where we did come, al weights and measures did vary. Then the Secretary (who had made promise vnto vs before) saide, that we should haue all the iust mea∣sures vnder seale, & he that was found faulty in the contrary, to buy or sel with any other measure then that, the law was, that he should be punished: he said moreouer, that if it so happē that any of our marchants do promise by couenāt at any time to deliuer you any certain sum of wares in such a place, and of such like goodnesse, at such a day, for such a certaine price, that then because of vari∣ance, we should cause it to be writtē, according as the bargain is, before a iustice or the next ruler to the place: if he did not keepe couenant & promise in all points, according to his couenant, that then looke what losse or hinderance we could iustly proue that we haue therby, he should make it good if he be worth so much: and in like case we must do to them: and to that we did agree, saue onely if it were to come ouer the sea, then if any such fortune should bee (as God forbid)•• that the ship should mischance or be robbed, & the proofe to be made that such kind of wares were laden, the English marchants to beare no losse to the other marchant. Then y^e Chancelor said, me thinks you shall do best to haue your house at Colmogro, which is but 100. miles frō the right discharge of the ships, and yet I trust the ships shal come neerer hereafter, because the ships may not tary long for their lading, which is 1000. miles from Vologda by water, and all our marchants shall bring all our marchandize to Colmogro to you,* 9.4 and so shall our marchants neither go empty nor come empty: for if they lacke lading homeward, there is salt, which is good ware here, that they may come lo∣den againe. So we were very glad to heare that, and did agree to his saying: for we shal neuerthe∣lesse, if we lust, haue a house at Vologda, & at the Mosco, yea, & at Nouogrode, or where we wil in Rusland: But the three & twentieth of this present we were with the secretary, and then among other talke, we moued, that if we should tary at Colmogro with our wares, and should not come to Vologda, or further to seeke our market, but tary stil at Colmogro, and then the marchants of the Mosco and others should not come and bring their wares, and so the ships should come, and not haue their lading ready, that then it were a great losse and hinderance for vs: then saide hee a∣gaine to vs, that the marchants had been againe together with him, and had put the like doubt, that if they should come and bring their wares to Colmogro, and that they should not find wares there sufficient to serue them, that then they should be at great losse and hinderance, they leauing their other trades to fal to that: and to that we did answere, that after the time that we do appoint with them to bring their wares to Colmogro, God willing, they should neuer come thither, but at the beginning of the yere, they should find that our marchants would haue at the least for a thou∣sand robles, although the ships were not come: so that he saide, that then wee must talke further with the marchants: so that as yet I know not, but that we shall haue neede of one house at Col∣mogro, and another at Vologda, and if that they bring not their wares to Colmogro, then wee shal be sure to buy some at Vologda, and to be out of bondage.* 9.5

And thus may we continue three or foure yeeres, and in this space we shall know the countrey and the marchants, and which way to saue our selues best, and where to plant our houses, and where to seeke for wares: for the Mosco is not best for any kind of wares for vs to buy, saue onely ware, which we cannot haue vnder seuen pence the Russe pound, and it lackes two ounces of our pound, neither will it be much better cheape, for I haue bidden 6. pence for a pound. And I haue bought more, fiue hundred weight of yarne, which stands mee in eight pence farthing the Russe pound one with another. And if wee had receiued any store of money, and were dispatched heere of that we tary for, as I doubt not but we shalbe shortly (you know what I meane) then as soone as we haue made sale, I doe intend to goe to Nouogrode,* 9.6 and to Plesco, whence all the great number of the best tow flaxe commeth, and such wares as are there I trust to buy part. And feare you not but we will do that may be done, if God send vs health, desiring you to prepare fully for

one ship to be ready in the beginning of April to depart off the coast of England.

Concerning all those things which we haue done in the wares, you shal receiue a perfect note by the next bearer (God willing) for he that carieth these from vs is a marchant of Terwill and he was caused to cary these by the commandement of the Emperour his secretarie, whose name is Iuan Mecallawich Weskawate,* 9.7 whom we take to be our very friend. And if it please you to send any letters to Dantiske to Robert Elson, or to William Watsons seruant Dunstan Walton to be conueyed to vs, it may please you to inclose ours in a letter sent from you to him, written in Polish, Dutch, Latine or Italian: so inclosed, comming to the Mosco to his hands, he wil con∣uey our letters to vs wheresoeuer we be. And I haue written to Dantiske already to them for the conueyance of letters from thence.

And to certifie you of the weather here, men say that these hundred yeres was neuer so warme weather in this countrey at this time of the yeere. But as yesternight wee receiued a letter from Christopher Hudson from a citie called Yeraslaue, who is comming hither with certaine of our wares, but the winter did deceiue him, so that he was faine to tarie by the way: and he wrote that the Emperours present was deliuered to a gentleman at Vologda, and the sled did ouerthrow, and the butte of Hollocke was lost, which made vs all very sory.

I pray you be not offended with these my rude letters for lacke of time: but assoone as sales be made, I will finde the meanes to conuey you a letter with speed: for the way is made so doubtful, that the right messenger is so much in doubt, that he would not haue any letters of any effect sent by any man, if he might, for he knowes not of these: and to say the truth, the way is not for him to trauell in. But I will make another shift beside, which I trust shall serue the turne till he come, if sales be made before he be readie, which is and shall be as pleaseth God: who euer preserue your worship, and send vs good sales. Written in haste.

By yours to commaund GEORGE KILLINGVVORTH Draper.

A copie of the first Priuileges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English Marchants in the yeere 1555.

IOhn Vasiliuich, by the grace of God Emperor of Russia, great duke of No∣uogrode, Moscouia, &c. To all people that shal see, reade, heare or vnderstād these presents, greeting. Forasmuch as God hath planted al realmes and do∣minions in the whole world with sundry cōmodities, so as the one hath neede of the amity and commodities of the other, and by means therof traffike is v∣sed from one to another, and amity therby increased: and for that as amongst men nothing is more to be desired then amity, without the which no creature being of a naturall good disposition can liue inquietnes, so that it is as troublesome to be vtterly wanting, as it is perceiued to be grieuous to the body to lacke aire, fire, or any other necessaries most requisite for the conseruation and maintenance thereof in health: considering also how need∣full marchandize is, which furnisheth men of all that which is conuenient for their liuing and nou∣riture, for their clothing, trimming, the satisfying of their delights, and all other things conueni∣ent and profitable for them, and that marchandize bringeth the same commodities from diuers quarters in so great abundance, as by meanes thereof nothing is lacking in any part, and that all things be in euery place (where entercourse of marchandizes is receiued and imbraced) generally in such sort, as amity thereby is entred into, and planted to continue, and the inioyers thereof be as men liuing in a golden world: Upon these respects and other weighty and good considerations, vs hereunto mouing, and chiefly vpon the contemplation of the gratious letters, directed from the right high, right excellent, and right mighty Queene Mary, by the grace of God Queene of Eng∣land, France, &c. in the fauour of her subiects, merchants, the gouernour, consuls, assistants, and communaltie of merchants aduenturers for discouery of lands, &c.

Know ye therefore, that we of our grace speciall, meere motion, and certaine knowledge, haue giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successours, do giue and grant as much as in vs is and lieth, vnto Sebastian Cabota Gouernour, Sir George Barne•• knight, &c. Consuls: Sir Iohn Gresham, &c. Assistants, and to the communaltie of the aforenamed fellow∣ship, and to their successours for euer, and to the successours of euerie of them, these articles,

graunts, immunities, franchises, liberties and priuileges, and euery of them hereafter following, expressed and declared. Videlicet:

1 First, we for vs, our heires and successors, do by these presents giue and graunt free licence, facultie, authority and power vnto the said Gouernour, Consuls, Assistants, and communalty of the said fellowship, and to their successors for euer, that all and singular the marchants of the same company, their Agents, factours, doers of their businesse, atturneys, seruants, and ministers, and euery of them may at all times hereafter for euer more surely, freely and safely with their shippes, merchandizes, goods and things whatsoeuer saile, come and enter into all and singular our lands, countries, dominions, cities, townes, villages, castles, portes, iurisdictions and destrai••ts by sea, land or fresh waters, and there tary, abide and soiourne, and buy, sell, barter and change all kind of merchandizes with al maner of marchants and people, of whatsoeuer nation, rite, condition, state or degrees they be, and with the same or other ships, wares, marchandizes, goods & things what∣soeuer they be, vnto other empires, kingdomes, dukedomes, parts, and to any other place or pla∣ces at their pleasure and liberty by sea, land or fresh waters may depart, and exercise all kinde of merchandizes in our empire and dominions, and euery part thereof freely and quietly without a∣ny restraint, impeachment, price, exaction, prest, straight custome, ••oll, imposition, or subsidie to be demanded, taxed or paid, or at any time hereafter to be demāded, taxed, set, leuied or inferred vpon them or any of them, or vpon their goods, ships, wares, marchandizes and things, of, for or vpon a∣ny part or parcell thereof, or vpon the goods, ships, wares, merchandizes, and things of any of them, so that they shall not need any other safe conduct or licence generall, ne speciall of vs, our heires or successours, neither shall be bound to aske any safe conduct or licence in any of the afore∣said places subiect vnto vs.

2 Item, we giue and graunt to the said marchants this power and liberty, that they, ne any of them, ne their goods, wares, marchandizes or things, ne any part thereof, shal be by any meanes within our dominions, landes, countreyes, castles, townes, villages, or other place or places of our iurisdiction, a•• any time heereafter attached, staied, arrested ne disturbed for anie debt, due∣tie or other thing, for the which they be not principall debters or sureties, ne also for any offence or trespasse committed, or that shall be committed, but onely for such as they or any of them shall actually commit, and the same offences (if any such happen,) shall bee by vs onely heard, and de∣termined.

3 Item, we giue and graunt, that the said Marchants shal and may haue free libertie, power, and authoritie to name, choose and assigne brokers, shippers, packers, weighers, measurers, wa∣goners, and all other meet and necessary laborers for to serue them in their feat of marchandises, and minister and giue vnto them and euery of them a corporall othe, to serue them well and truely in their offices, and finding them or any of them doing contrary to his or their othe, may punish and dismisse them, and from time to time choose, sweare and admit other in their place or places, without contradiction, let, vexation or disturbance, either of vs, our heires or successors, or of any other our Iustices, officers, ministers or subiects whatsoeuer.

4 Item, we giue and graunt vnto the saide Marchants and their successours, that such per∣son as is, or shalbe commended vnto vs, our heires or successors by the Gouernour, Consuls and assistants of the said fellowship restant within the citie of London within the realme of England, to be their chiefe Factor within this our empire and dominions, may and shal haue ful power and authoritie to gouerne and rule all Englishmen that haue had, or shall haue accesse, or repaire in or to this said Empire and iurisdictions, or any part thereof, and shal and may minister vnto them, and euery of them good iustice in all their causes, plaints, quarrels, and disorders betweene them moued, and to be moued, and assemble, deliberate, consult, conclude, define, determine and make such actes, and ordinances•• as he so commended with his Assistants shall thinke good and meete for the good order, gouernment and rule of the said Marchants, and all other Englishmen repai∣ring to this our saide empire and dominions, or any part thereof, and to set and leuie vpon all, and euery Englishmen•• offender or offenders, of such their acts and ordinances made, and to be made, penalties and mul••ts by fine or imprisonment.

5 Item, if it happen that any of the saide Marchants, or other Englishman, as one or more doe rebell against such chiefe Factor or Factors, or his or their deputies, and will not dispose him or themselues to obey them and euery of them as shall appertaine, if the saide Rebels or disobedients doe come, and bee founde in our saide Empire and iurisdictions, or any part and place thereof, then wee promise and graunt, that all and euery our officers, ministers, and subiects shall effectually ayde and assist the saide chiefe Factour or Factours, and their deputies, and for their power shall really woorke, to bring such rebell or disobedient rebels, or disobedi∣ents to due obedience: And to that intent shall lende vnto the same Factour or Factours, and their

deputies vpon request therefore to be made, prisons, and instruments for punishments ••rom time to time.

6 Item, we promise vnto the saide Marchants, and their successours vpon their request to ex∣hibite and doe vnto them good, exact and fauourable iustice, with expedition in all their causes, and that when they or any of them shall haue accesse, or come to or before any of our Iustices, for any their plaints mooued, and to bee mooued betweene any our subiects or other stranger, and them, or any of them, that then they shalbe first and forthwith heard, as soon as the party wh••ch they shal find before our Iustices shalbe depeached, which party being heard forthwith, and assoone as may be, the said English marchants shall be ridde and dispatched: And if any action shall be moued by or against any of the said Marchants being absent out of our saide empire and dominions, then such Marchants may substitute an ••tturney in all and singular his causes to be followed as need shall require, and as shall seeme to him expedient.

7 Item, wee graunt and promise to the saide Marchants, and to their successours, that if the same Marchants or ••ny of them shall bee wounded, or (which God forbid) slaine in any part or place of our Empire or dominions, then good information thereof giuen, Wee and our Iustices and other officers shall execute due correction and punishment without delay, according to the exigence of the case: so that it shall bee an example to all other not to commit the like. And if it shall chaunce the factors, seruants, or ministers of the saide Marchants or any of them to tres∣passe or offende, whereby they or any of them shall incurre the danger of death or punishment, the goods, wares, marchandizes, and things of their Masters shall not therefoore bee forfai∣ted, confiscated, spoiled ne seised by any meanes by vs, our heires or successours, or by any our of∣ficers, ministers or subiects, but shall remaine to their vse, franke, free, and discharged from all punishment and losse.

8 Item, we graunt that if any of the English nation be arrested for any debt, he shal not be laid in prison, so farre as he can put in sufficient suretie and pawne: neither shall any sergeant, or offi∣cer leade them or any of them to prison, before he shall haue knowen whether the chiefe Factor or factors, or their deputies shalbe sureties, or bring in pawne for such arrested: then the officers shal release the partie, and shall set h••m or them at libertie.

9 Moreouer, wee giue, graunt and promise to the saide Marchants, that if any of their ships or other vessels shall bee spoyled, robbed, or damnified in sayling, anckoring or returning to or from our saide Empires and Dominions, or any part thereof, by any Pirats, Marchants, or other person, whatsoeuer hee or they bee, that then and in such case, wee will doe all that in vs is to cause restitution, reparation, and satisfaction to bee duely made to the said English mar∣chants by our letters and otherwise, as shall stand with our honour, and be consonant to equitie and iustice.

10 Item, for vs, our heires and successours, wee doe promise and graunt to performe, main∣teine, corroborate, autenticate, and obserue all and singular the aforesaide liberties, franchises, and priuiledges, like as presently we firmely doe intend, and will corroborate, autentike and per∣forme the same by all meane and way that we can, as much as may be to the commoditie and pro∣fite of the said English Marchants, and their successours for euer.

And to the intent that all and singuler the saide giftes, graunts and promises, may bee inuiola∣bly obserued and performed, we the said Iohn Vasiliuich by the grace of God Emperor of Russia, great Duke of Nouogrode, Mosco, &c. for vs, our heires and successors, by our Imperiall and lordly word in stead of an othe, haue and doe promise by these presents, inuiolably to mainteyne and obserue, and cause to be inuiolably obserued and mainteined all and singuler the aforesayde giftes, graunts and promises from time to time, and at all and euery time and times heereafter. And for the more corroboration hereof haue caused our Signet hereunto to be put: Dated in our Castle of Mosco the 20. day of in the yeere.

The Charter of the Marchants of Russia, graunted vpon the discouerie of the saide Countrey, by King Philip and Queene Marie.

PHilip and Marie, by the grace of God King and Queene, &c. To all manner of officers, true Iurie men, ministers aud subiects, and to all other people as well within this our Realme or elsewhere vnder our obeysance, iurisdiction, and rule, or otherwise vnto whome these our letters shall bee shewed, séene, or read, greeting.

Whereas wee be credibly informed, that our right trus••ie, right faithfull,

and welbeloued Counsailors, William Marques of Winchester Lord high Treasurer of this our Realme of England, Henrie Earle of Arundel Lord Steward of our housholde, Iohn Earle of Bedford Lord keeper of our priuie Seale, William Earle of Pembroke, William Lorde Howard of Esfingham Lorde high Admirall of our saide Realme of England, &c. Haue at their owne aduenture, costs and charges, prouided, rigged, and tackled certaine ships, pinnesses, and o∣ther meete vessels, and the same furnished with all things necessary haue aduanced and set for∣ward, for to discouer, descrie, and finde Iles, landes, territories, Dominions, and Seigniories vnknowen, and by our subiects before this not commonly by sea frequented, which by the suffe∣rance and grace of Almightie God, it shall chaunce them sailing Northwards, Northeastwards, and Northwestwards, or any partes thereof, in that race or course which other Christian Mo∣narches (being with vs in league and amitie) haue not heeretofore by Seas traffiqued, haunted, or frequented,* 9.8 to finde and attaine by their said aduenture, as well for the glorie of God, as for the illustrating of our honour and dignitie royall, in the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne, and generall wealth of this and other our Realmes and Dominions, and of our subiects of the same: And to this intent our subiects aboue specified and named, haue most humbly beseeched vs, that our abundant grace, fauour and clemencie may be gratiously extended vnto them in this behalfe: Whereupon wee inclined to the petition of the foresaide our Counsailours, subiects and mar∣chants, and willing to animate, aduance, further and nourish them in their said godlie, honest, and good purpose, and, as we hope, profitable aduenture, and that they may the more willingly, and readily atchieue the same, Of our especiall grace, certaine knowledge and meere motion, haue graunted, and by these presents doe graunt, for vs, our heires and successours, vnto our said right trustie, and right faithfull, and right welbeloued Counsailours, and the other before named per∣sons, that they by the name of marchants aduenturers of England, for the discouery of lands, ••er∣ritories, Iles, Dominions, and Seigniories vnknowen, and not before that late aduenture or en∣terprise by sea or Nauigation, commonly frequented as aforesaid, shalbe from h••nceforth one bo∣die and perpetuall fellowship and communaltie of themselues, both in deede and in name, and them, by the names of Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of lands, territories, Iles & s••ig∣niories vnknowen, and not by the seas, and Nauigations, before their saide late aduenture or en∣terprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented, We doe incorporate, name, and declare by these presents, and that the same fellowship or communalty from henceforth shalbe, and may haue one Gouernour of the saide fellowship, and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers.

* 9.9And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the chiefest setter forth of this iour∣ney or voyage, therefore we make, ordeine, and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie, by these presents. To haue and enioy the said office of Gouernour, to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his naturall life, without amouing or dimissing from the same roome.

And furthermore, we graunt vnto the saine fellowship and communaltie and their successors, that they the saide fellowship and communaltie, and their successors af••er the decease of the saide Sebastian Cabota, shall, and may freely and lawfully in places conuenient and honest, assemble themselues together, or so many of them as will or can assemble together, as well within our ci∣tie of London, or elsewhere, as it shall please them, in such sort and maner, as other worshipfull corporations of our saide citie haue vsed to assemble, and there yeerely name, elect and choose one Gouernour or two, of themselues, and their liberties, and also as well yeerely during the natural life of the said Sebastian Cabota now Gouernour, as also at the election of such saide Gouernour or gouernours before his decease, to choose, name and appoint eight and twenty of the most sad, discreete, and honest persons of the saide fellowship, and communaltie of Marchant aduenturers, as is aboue specified, and 4. of the most expert and skilfull persons of the same 28. to be named and called Consuls, and 24. of the residue, to be named and called Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours, and Consuls for the time being, which shal remaine and stand in their authorities for one whole yeere then n••••t following. And if it shall fortune the saide Gouernour, Consuls, and assistants, or any of them so to be elected, and chosen as is aforesaid, to die within the yeere after his or their election, that then and so often, it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said fellow∣ship, and communalty, to elect and choose of themselues other Gouernour or gouernours, Con∣suls and assistants, in the place and sleade of such as so shall happen to die, to serue out the same yeere.

* 9.10And further we do make, ordeine, and constitute George Barnes knight and Alderman of our Citie of London, William Garret Alderman of our saide Citie, Athonie Husie, and Iohn Suth∣cot, to be the first and present 4. Consuls of the said felowship and communalty by these presents, to haue and enioy the said offices of Consuls to them the said George Barnes, William Garret,

Anthony Husie, & Iohn Suthcot, for terme of one whole yere next after y^e date of these our letters patents: And we doe likewise make, ordeine and constitute Sir Iohn Gresham knight, Sir An∣drew Iudde knight, Sir Thomas White knight, Sir Iohn Yorke knight, Thomas Offley the el∣der, Thomas Lodge, Henry Herdson, Iohn Hopkins, William Watson, Will. Clifton, Richard Pointer, Richard Chamberlaine, William Mallorie, Thomas Pallie the elder, William Allen, Henry Becher, Geffrey Walkenden, Richard Fowles, Rowland Heyward, George Eaton, Iohn Ellot, Iohn Sparke, Blase Sanders, & Miles Mording, to be the first and present 24. Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours, and Consuls, and to the said fellowship and communaltie by these presents, to haue and enioy the said offices of assistants to them for terme of one whole yere, next after the date of these our letters patents. And further, we for vs, our heires and successors, as much as in vs is, wil & graunt by these presents vnto the saide Gouernour, Consuls, assistans, fellowship & company of Marchants aduenturers aforesaid, & to their successors, that the said go∣uernour or gouernours, 4. Consuls, & 24. assistants, that now by these patents are nominated and appointed, or that hereafter by the saide fellowship & communaltie of marchants aduenturers, or the more part of them, which shalbe then present, so from time to time to be chosen, so that there be 15. at the least wholy agreed therof, the said Gouernour or gouernors, or one of them, and 2. of the said Consuls shalbe there, and 12. of the residue of the said number of 15. shall be of the saide assi∣stants, and in the absence of such Gouernour, that then 3. of the said Consuls, and 12. of the saide assistants at the least for the time being shal & may haue, vse and exercise ful power and authority to rule and gouerne all and singuler the Marchants of the said fellowship and communaltie, and to execute and doe full and speedie iustice to them, and euery of them, in all their causes, differen∣ces, variances, controuersies, quarrels, and complaints, within any our realmes, dominions & iu∣risdictions onely moued, and to be moued touching their marchandise, traffikes, and occupiers a∣foresaid, or the good order or rule of them or any of them.

Also wee for vs, our heires and successours, so much as in vs is, doe likewise by these presents graunt, that the said Gouernour, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and communaltie, and their suc∣cessors shall and may haue perpetuall succession, and a common Seale which shall perpetually serue for the affaires and businesse of the saide fellowship and communaltie. And that they and their successours, shall and may bee for euer able persons, and capa•• in the lawe, for to purchase and possesse in fee and perpetuitie, and for terme of life or liues, or for terme of yeeres or other∣wise, lands, tenements, rents, reuersions, and other possessions, and hereditaments whatsoe∣uer they bee, by the name of the Gouernour, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and communaltie of the Marchants aduenturers by Seas and Nauigations for the discouerie of landes, territo∣ries, Iles, Dominions, and Seigniories vnknowe••, and before the saide last aduenture or en∣terprise by seas not frequented, as before is specified, and by the same names shall and may law∣fully alien, graunt, let and set the same or any part thereof to any person or persons able in the lawe to take and receiue the same. So that they doe not graunt nor alien the same, or any part thereof into mortmaine, without speciall licence of vs, our heires or successours, first had and obtained.

Also wee for vs, our heires and successours haue graunted, and by these presents doe graunt vnto the saide Gouernours, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and communaltie of the saide Mar∣chants and to their successours, that they and their successours, shall and may lawfully purchase vnto them and their successors for euer, landes, tenements and hereditaments whatsoeuer, of the cleare yeerely value of threescore sixe ••ounds, thirteene shillings & foure pence of lawful money of England and not aboue, as well of such lands, tenements and hereditaments, as bee holden or shall be holden of vs, our heires or successours, as of any other person or persons, the statutes prouided against alienations into mortmaine, or any of them, or any article or clause in them or any of them contained, or any other lawe, custome, statute or prouision to the contrary in any wise notwithanding. And that they by the name of the Gouernour, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers, for the discouerie of lands territories, Isles, domi∣nions and Seigniories vnknowen by the Seas and Nauigations, and not before the said late ad∣uenture or enterprise by seas frequented as aforesaid, shall and may be able in the law to implead, and be impleaded, to answere, and to be answered, to defende, and to be defended before whatsoe∣uer Iudge or Iustice, temporall or spirituall, or other persons whatsoeuer, in whatsoeuer court, or courts, and in all actions personall, reall, and mixt, and in euery of them, and in all plaints of no∣uel disseison, and also in all plaints, suites, quarels, affaires, businesses and demaunds whatsoeuer they bee, touching and concerning the saide fellowship and communaltie, and the affaires and businesse of the same onely, in as ample manner and forme, as any other corporation of this our Realme may doe.

Moreouer, wee for vs, our heires and successours, haue giuen and graunted, and by these pre∣sents doe giue and graunt vnto the said Gouernour, Consuls, assistants, fellowshippe, and com∣munaltie of Marchants aduenturers aforesaide, and to their successours, that the saide Gouer∣nour, or Gouernours, Consuls and assistants, and their successors, in maner, forme, and number afore rehearsed, shall haue full power and authoritie from time to time hereafter, to make, ordein, establish and erect all such statutes, actes and ordinaunces, for the gouernement, good condition, and laudable rule of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers aforesaid, as to them shall bee thought good, meete, conueuient and necessarie, and also to admit vnto the saide Corporation and fellowship to be free of the same, such and as many persons, as to them shal bee thought good, meete, conuenient and necessarie. And that euery such person or persons, as shall fortune heereafter to bee admitted into the saide fellowshippe, communaltie and corporati∣on, shal from the time of his or their admittance, be free of the same. And also wee will, and by these presents graunt for vs, our heires and successours, vnto the saide Gouernours, Consuls, as∣sistants, fellowship; communaltie of Marchants aduenturers aforesaid, and to their successours, that the Gouernour, or gouernors, Consuls and assistants of the same, in maner, forme, and num∣ber afore rehearsed, and their successours for the time being, shall, and may haue full power and authoritie by these presents from time to time, as to them shal seeme good, to limite, set, ordeine and make, mulets, and penalties by fines, forfeitures, & imprisonments, or any of them vpon any offender of the saide fellowship and communaltie, for any offence touching the same fellowship and communaltie, and also that all acts and ordinances by them or their successours to bee made, which time shalt thinke not necessarie or preiudiciall to the saide fellowship or communaltie, at al times to reuoke, breake, frustrate, annihilate, repeale and dissolue at their pleasure and liberty. And further, wee will, that if any of the saide fellowship and communaltie shalbe found contrari∣ous, rebellious, or disobedient to the saide Gouernour or gouernours, Consuls, and the said assi∣stants for the time being, or to any statutes, acts or ordinances by them made or to be made, that then the saide Gouernour or gouernours, Consuls, and the saide assistants, in maner, forme, and number aboue specified, for the time being, shall and may by vertue of these presents, mulet, and punish euery such offender or offenders, as the quality of the offence requireth, according to their good discretions.

And further, we will that none of the saide offender or offenders shall decline from the power of the saide Gouernour, or gouernours, Consuls and assistants, in maner, forme, and number a∣bouesaide for the time being: so alwayes, that the saide actes, statutes and ordinances, doe onely touch and concerne the saide Gouernour or gouernours, Consuls, assistants, and the saide fel∣lowship and communaltie of our before named Marchants aduenturers, or the men of the same fellowship and communaltie, and none other; And so alwayes, that such their acts, statutes and ordinances hee not against our prerogatiue, lawes, statutes, and customes of our realmes and Dominions, nor contrary to the seuerall duetie of any our subiects towards vs, our heires and successours, nor contrarie to any compacts, treaties or leagues, by vs or any our progenitours heretofore had or made, or hereafter by vs, our heires and successours to bee made, to or with any forreine Prince or potentate, nor also to the preiudice of the corporation of the Maior, commu∣nalties and Citizens of our Citie of London, nor to the preiudice of any person or persons, bodie politique, or corporate, or incorporate, iustly pretending, clayming, or hauing any li∣berties, franchises, priuiledges, rightes or preheminences, by vertue or pretext of anie graunt, gift, or Letters patents, by vs, or anie our Progenitours, heeretofore giuen, graun∣ted, or made.

Moreouer, we for vs, our heires, and successours, will, and by these presents, doe graunt vnto the said Gouernors, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and communaltie of our Marchants aforesaid, that their said Gouernour or gouernours, Consuls and assistants, and their successors for the time being, in maner, forme and number aboue rehearsed, shal haue full power and authority to assigne, constitute and ordaine one officer, or diuers officers as well within our aforesaide Citie of Lon∣don, as also in any other place or places of this our Realme of England, or else where within our dominions, which officer or officers, wee will to be named and called by the name of Ser∣geant or Sergeants to the fellowship or communalty of the said marchants, and that the said ser∣geant or sergeants, shall and may haue full power and authoritie by these presents, to take, leuie and gather all maner fines, forfeitures, penalties and mulcts of euery person and persons, of the saide fellowship and communaltie conuict, and that shalbe conuicted, vpon or for breaking of any statutes, acts, ordinances, to bee made by the saide Gouernour or gouernours, Consuls and assi∣stants for the time being.

And further, wee will and also graunt for vs, our heires and successours, that the saide officer

or officers shall haue further power and authoritie for the default of payment, or for disobedience in this behalfe (if neede be) to set hands and arrest aswell the bodie and bodies, as the goods and chattels of such offender, and offenders, & transgressers, in euery place and places not franchised. And if it shall fortune any such offender or offenders, their goods and chattels or any part there∣of, to be in any citie, borough, towne incorporate, or other place franchised or priuiledged, where the said officer or officers may not lawfully intromit or intermeddle, that then the Maior, shirifes, baylifes, and other head officers, or ministers, within euery such citie, borough, towne incorporate, or place or places franchised, vpon a precept to them, or any of them, to be directed from the go∣uernour or gouernours, Consuls and assistants of the said fellowship, in number and forme afore∣said, vnder the common seale of the sayd fellowship and communaltie for the time being, shall and may attach & arrest the body or bodies of such offender or offenders, as also take, and selfe the goods and chattels of all and euery such offender or offenders, being within any such place or places franchised, and the same body and bodies, goods and chattels of all and euery such offender and offenders, being within any such place or places franchised, and euery part therof so attached and seazed, shall according to the tenor and purport of the sayd precept, returne, and deliuer vnto the sayd officer or officers of the aforesaid fellowship, and communaltie.

And further, we will and grant for vs, our heires and successours by these presents, that all, and euery such Maior, shirife, baylife, or other head officers or ministers of any citie, borough, towne incorporate, or other places franchised, shall not be impeached, molested, vexed or sued in any our court or courts, for executing or putting in execution of any of the said precept or precepts.

And furthermore, we of our ample and abundant grace, meere motion, & certaine knowledge, for vs, our heires, and successors, as much as in vs is, haue giuen and granted, and by these pre∣sents doe giue and grant vnto the sayd gouernour, Consuls, assistants, fellowship, and communal∣tie of Marchants aduenturers, and to their successors, and to the Factor and Factors, assigne and assignes of euery of them, ful and free authoritie, libertie, facultie and licence, and power to saile to all portes, regions, dominions, territories, landes, Isles, Islands, and coastes of the sea, where∣soeuer before their late aduenture or enterprise vnknowen, or by our Marchants and subiects by the seas not heretofore commonly frequented, vnder our ••anner, standerd, flags and ensignes,* 9.11 with their shippe, ships, barke, pinnesses, and all other vessels of whatsoeuer portage, bulke, quan∣titie or qualitie they may be, and with any Mariners, and men as they will leade with them in such shippe or shippes, or other vessels at their owne and proper costs and expences, for to traffique, de∣scrie, discouer and finde, whatsoeuer Isle, Islands, countreis, regions, prouinces, creekes, armes of the sea, riuers & streames, as wel of Gentiles, as of any other Emperor, king, prince, gouernor or Lord whatsoeuer he or they shalbe, and in whatsoeuer part of the world they be situated, being before the sayd late aduenture or enterprise vnknowen, and by our Marchants and subiects not commonly frequēted: and to enter and land in the sanle, without any maner of denying, paine, pe∣naltie or forfeiture to be had or taken by anie our lawes, customes or statutes to our vse, or to the vse of our heires or successors for the same.

And we haue also granted, and by these presents, for vs, our heires and successors, doe graunt vnto the sayd Gouernours, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and comminalty, and to their succes∣sours, and to their Factors and assignes, and to euery of them, licence for to reare, plant, erect, and fasten our banners, standards, flags, and Ensignes, in whatsoeuer citie, towne, village, castle, Isle, or maine lande, which shall be by them newly found, without any the penalties, forfeitures,* 9.12 or dan∣gers aforesayde, and that the sayd fellowship and comminalty, and their successors, Factors & as∣signes and euery of them shall and may subdue, possesse and occupie, all maner cities, townes, Isles, and maine lands of infidelitie, which is or shall be by them, or any of them newly founde or descried, as our vassals and subiects, and for to acquire and get the Dominion, title, and iuris∣diction of the same Cities, Townes, Castles, Uillages, Isles, and maine landes, which shall bee by them, or any of them newly discouered or found vnto vs, our heires and successours for euer.

And furthermore, whereas by the voyage of our subiects in this last ‖ 9.13 yeere attempted by Nauigation, towards the discouerie and disclosure of vnknowen places, Realmes, Islandes, and Dominions by the seas not frequented, it hath pleased Almighty God to cause one of the three shippes by them set foorth for the voyage, and purpose aboue mentioned, named the Edward Bonauenture, to arriue, abide, and winter within the Empire and dominions of the high and mightie Prince our cousin and brother, Lord Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of all Rus∣sia, Volodomer, great duke of Moscouie, &c. Who, of his clemencie, for our loue and zeale, did not onely admitte the Captaine, and marchants our subiects into his protection, and Princely presence, but also receiued and intertained them very graciously, and honourably,

granting vnto them by his letters addressed vnto vs,* 9.14 franke accesse into all his Seigniories and dominions, with licence freely to traffique in and out with all his Subiects in all kinde of Marchandise, with diuers other gracious priuiledges, liberties and immunities specified in his sayde letters vnder his Signet: Know yee therefore that wee of our further royall fauour and munificence, of our meere motion, certaine knowledge, and speciall grace, for vs our heires and successours, haue giuen and graunted, and by these presents doe giue and grant vn∣to the same Gouernours, Consuls, assistants, fellowship, and comunalty aboue named, and to their successours, as much as in vs is, that all the mayne landes, Isles, portes, hauens, creekes, and ri∣uers of the said mighty Emperour of all Russia, and great duke of Mosco, &c. And all and sin∣guler other lands, dominions, territories, Isles, Portes, hauens, creekes, riuers, armes of the sea, of al and euery other Emperor, king, prince, ruler and gouernor, whatsoeuer he or they before the said late adenture or enterprise not knowen, or by our foresayd marchants and subiects by the seas, not commonly frequented, nor by any part nor parcell thereof lying Northwards, North∣eastwards, or Northwestwards,* 9.15 as is aforesayd, by sea shall not be visited, frequented nor hanted by any our subiects, other then of the sayd company and felowship, and their successours without expresse licence, agreement and consent of the Gouernour, Consuls, and Assistants of the said fe∣lowship and communaltie aboue named, or the more part of them, in manner and number asore∣sayd, for the time being, vpon paine of forfeiture and losse, as well of the shippe and shippes, with the appurtenances, as also of all the goods, marchandises, and things whatsoeuer they be, of those our subiects, not being of the sayd felowship and communalty, which shall attempt or presume to saile to any of those places, which bee, or hereafter shall happen to bee found, and ••raffiked vnto: the one halfe of the same forfeiture to be to the vse of vs, our heires and successors, and the o∣ther halfe to be to the vse of the sayd fellowship and communaltie. And if it shall fortune anie stranger or strangers, for to attempt to hurt, hinder, or endamage the same marchants, their fac∣tors, deputies or assignes, or any of them is sailing, going or returning at any time in the sayd ad∣uenture, or for to saile or trade to or from any those places, landes or coastes, which by the sayd marchants, their factors, deputies and assignes haue bene, or shall bee descried, discouered and found, or frequented, aswell within the coastes and limites of gentility, as within the dominions and Seigniories of the sayd mighty Emperour and Duke, and of all and euery other Empe∣rour, King, Prince, Ruler and gouernour whatsoeuer he or they be, before the sayd late aduenture or enterprise not knowen by any our said marchants and subiects, by the seas not commonly fre∣quented, and lying Northwards, Northwestwards or Northeastwards as aforesaid, then wee will and grant, and by these presents doe licence, and authorise for vs, our heires and successors, the said marchants, their factors, deputies, and assignes, and euery of them to doe their best in their defence, to resist the same their enterprises and attempts. Willing therefore, and straightly com∣manding and charging al and singuler our Officers, Maiors, Sherifes, Escheators, Constables, Barlifes, and all and singuler other our ministers and liege men, and subiects whatsoeuer, to bee aiding, fauouring, helping & assisting vnto the sayd gouernour or gouernours, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and communalty, and to their successeors and deputies, factors, seruants, and assignes, and to the deputies, factors and assignes of euery of them, in executing and enioying the premis∣ses, as well on land as in the sea, from time to time, and at all times when you or any of you shall be thereunto required. In witnesse whereof, &c.* 9.16

Apud Westmonasterium, 6 die Feb. Annis regnorum nostro∣rum, primo & secundo.

Certaine instructions deliuered in the third voyage, Anno 1556. for Russia to euery Purser and the rest of the seruants, taken for the voyage, which may serue as good and necessary directions, to all other like aduenturers.

FIrst you shall before the ship doth begin to lade, goe aboord, and shall there take, and write one inuentorie, by the aduise of the Master, or of some other principall officer there aboord, of all the tackle, apparell, cables, ankers, ordi∣nance, chambers, shot, powder, artillerie, and of all other necessaries whatso∣euer doth belong to the sayd ship: and the same iustly taken, you shall write in a booke, making the sayd Master, or such officer priuie of that which you haue so written, so that the same may not be denied, when they shall call accompt thereof: that done, you shall write a copie of the same with your owne hand, which you shall deliuer before the

shippe shall depart, for the voyage to the companies booke keeper here to be kept to their behalfe, to the ende that they may be iustly answered the same, when time shall require: and this order to be seene and kept euery voyage orderly, by the Pursers of the companies owne ship, in any wise.

2 Also when the shippe beginneth to lade, you shall be ready a boord with your booke, to enter such goods as shall be brought aboord, to be laden for the company, packed, or vnpacked, taking the markes and numbers of euery packe, fardell, trusse, or packet, corouoya, chest, fatte, butte, pipe, punchcon, whole barrell, halfe barrell, firken, or other caske, maunde, or basket, or any other thing, which may, or shall be packed by any other manner of waies or deuise. And first, all such packes, or trusses, &c. as shal be brought aboord to be laden, not marked by the companies marke, you shall doe the best to let that the same be not laden, and to enquire diligently to know the ow∣ners thereof, if you can, and what commoditie the same is, that is so brought aboord to be laden: if you can not know the owners of such goods, learne what you can thereof, as well making a note in your booke, as also to send or bring word thereof to the Agent, and to some one of the foure Marchants with him adioined so speedily as you can, if it be here laden or to be laden in this riuer, being not marked with the companies marke, as is aforesaid: and when the sayd shippe hath re∣ceiued in all that the companies Agent will haue laden, you shal make a iust copie of that which is laden, reciting the parcels, the markes and numbers of euery thing plainely, which you shall like∣wise deliuer to the sayd bookekeeper to the vse aforesayd.

3 Also when the ship is ready to depart, you shall come for your cockets and letters to the A∣gent, and shall shew him all such letters as you haue receiued of any person or persons priuately or openly, to be deliuered to any person or persons in Russia or elsewhere, and also to declare if you know any other that shall passe in the ship either master or mariner that hath receiued any letters to be priuily deliuered to any there, directed frō any person or persons, other then from the Agent here to the Agent there: which letters so by you receiued, you shall not carie with you, without you be licenced so to doe by the Agent here, and some of the foure merchants, as is aforesayd: and such others as do passe, hauing receiued any priuie letters to be deliuered, you shal all that in you lieth, let the deliuerie of them at your arriuing in Russia: and also if you haue or do receiue, or shal know any other that doth or hath receiued any goods or ready money to be imployed in Russia, or to bee deliuered there to any person or persons from any person or persons, other then such as bee the companies goods, and that vnder their marke, you shall before the ship doeth depart, declare the same truely to the sayd Agent, and to some of the other merchants to him adioyned, as it is before declared.

4 Also when the shippe is ready to depart, and hath the master and the whole company aboord, you shall diligently foresee and take heede, that there passe not any priuie person or persons, other then such as be authorized to passe in the said ship, without the licence and warrant of one of the Gouernours and of the assistants, for the same his passage, to be first shewed. And if there be any such person or persons that is to passe and will passe without shewing the same warrant, you shall let the passage of any such to the vttermost of your power: And for that there may no such priuie person passe vnder the cloke and colour of some mariner, you shall vpon the weying of your ships anker, call the master and the mariners within boord by their names and that by your bookes, to the ende that you may see that you haue neither more nor lesse, but iust the number for the voyage.

5 Also you must haue in remembrance, that if it shall chance the shippe to bee put into anie harbour in this coast by contrary windes or otherwise in making the voyage, to send word there∣of from time to time as the case shall require, by your letters in this maner. To master I. B. A∣gent for the company of the New trades in S. in London: If you doe hier any to bring your let∣ters, write that which he must haue for the portage. And for your better knowledge and learning, you shall do very well to keepe a dayly note of the voyage both outwards and homewards.

6 And principally see that you forget not dayly in all the voiage both morning and euening, to call the company within boord to prayer, in which doing you shall please God, and the voiage will haue the better successe thereby, and the company prosper the better.

7 Also in calme weather and at other times when you shall fortune to come to anker in the seas during the voyage, you shall for the companies profite, and for the good husbanding of the victuals aboord, call vpon the Boateswaine and other of the company to vse such hookes and other engines as they haue aboord to take fish with, that such fish so taken may bee eaten for the cause aforesayd: and if there bee no such engines aboord, then to prouide some before you goe from hence.

8 And when God shall send you in safetie into the Bay of S. Nicholas at an anker, you shall goe a shore with the first boate that shall depart from the ship, taking with you such letters as you

haue to deliuer to the Agent there: and if he be not there at your comming a land, then send the companies letters to Colmogro to him by some sure mariner or otherwise, as the master and you shall thinke best, but goe not your selfe at any hand, nor yet from aboord the ship, vnlesse it bee a shore to treate with the Agent for the lading of the ship that you be appointed in, which you shall applie diligently to haue done so speedily as may be. And for the discharging of the goods there∣in in the Bay, to be carried from thence, see that you doe looke well to the vulading thereof, that there be none other goods sent a shore then the companies, and according to the notes entred in your booke as is aforesaid: if there be, inquire diligently for whom they bee, and what goods they be, noting who is the receiuer of the sayd goods, in such sort that the company may ••anethe true knowledge thereof at your comming home.

9 Also there a shore, and likewise aboord, you shall spie and search as secretly as you may, to learne and know what bargaining, buying and selling there is with the master and the mariners of the shippe and the Russes, or with the companies seruants there: and that which you shall perceiue and learne, you shall keepe a note thereof in your booke secretly to your selfe, which you shall open and disclose at your comming home to the gouernours and assistants, in such sorte as the trueth of their secret trades and occupyings may be reuealed and knowen. You shal need alwayes to haue Argos eyes, to spie their secret packing and conueyance, aswell on land as a∣boord the shippe, of and for such ••urres and other commodities, as yeerely they doe vse to buy, packe and conuey hither. If you will bee vigilant and secrete in this article, you cannot misse to spie their priuie packing one with another, either on shore or aboord the shippe: worke herein wisely, and you shall deserue great thanks of the whole company.

10 Also at the lading againe of the shippe, you shall continue and abide abord, to the ende that you may note and write in your booke all such goods and marchandises as shall be brought and laden, which you shall orderly note in all sortes as heretofore, as in the second article partly it is touched: and in any wise put the Master and the company in remembrance, to looke and fore∣see substancially to the roomaging of the shippe, by faire meanes or threats, as you shall see and thinke will serue for the best.

11 Thus when the shippe is full laden againe, and all things aboord in good order, and that you doe fortune to goe a shore to the Agent for your letters, and dispatch away: you shall demand whether all the goods be laden that were brought thither, and to know the trueth therof, you shal repaire to the companies storehouse there at S. Nicholas, to see if there be any goods left in the sayd storehouse: if there be, you shaldemand why they be not laden, and note what kinde of goods they be that be so left: and seeing any of the shippes there not fully laden, you shall put the Agent in remembrance to lade those goods so left, if any such be to be laden, as is aforesayd. And thus God sending you a faire wind, to make speede and away.

12 Finally, when God shall send you to arriue againe vpon this coast in safetie, either at Hare∣wich, or elsewhere, goe not you aland, if you may possiblie, to the ende that when you be gone a shore, there may no goods be sent priuily ashore to be solde, or else to be solde aboord the ship in your absence, but keepe you still aboord, if you can by any meanes, for the causes aforesaid, and write the company a letter form the shippe of your good arriuall, which you may conuey to them by land by some boy or mariner of the shippe, or otherwise as you shall thinke best: and likewise when God shall send you and the shippe into the riuer here, doe not in any wise depart out of the shippe that you be in, vntil the company doe send some other aboord the shippe, in your ste••de and place, to keepe the shippe in your absence.

The Nauigation and discouerie toward the riuer of Ob, made by Master Steuen Burrough, Master of the Pinnesse called the Serch∣thrift, with diuers things worth the noting, passed in the yere 1556.

* 9.17WE departed from Ratclifte to Blackewall the 23 of April. Satturday being S. Markes day, we departed from Blackewall to Grays.

[unspec 27] The 27 being Munday, the right Worshipfull Sebastian Cabota came a∣boord our Pinnesse at Grauesende, accompanied with diuers Gentlemen•• and Gentlewomen, who after that they had viewed our Pinnesse, and tasted of such cheere as we could make them aboord, they went on shore, giuing to our mari∣ners right liberall rewards: and the good olde Gentleman Master Cabota gaue to the poore most liberall almes, wishing them to pray for the good fortune, and prosperous successe of the Serchthrift, our Pinnesse. And then at the signe of the Christopher, hee and his friends banket∣ted, and made me, and them that were in the company great cheere: and for very ioy that he had

to see the towardnes of our intended discouery, he entred into the dance himselfe, amongst the rest of the young and lusty company: which being ended, hee and his friends departed most gently, commending vs to the gouernance of almighty God.

Tuesday we rode still at Grauesend, making prouision for such things as we wanted. [unspec 28]

Wednesday in the morning we departed from Grauesende, the winde being at Southwest, [unspec 29] that night we came to an anker thwart our Lady of Hollands.

Thursday at three of the clocke in the morning we weyed, and by eight of the clocke, we were [unspec 30] at an anker in Orwell wannes, and the•• incontinent I went aboord the Edward Bonauenture, where the worshipfull company of marchants appointed me to be, vntill the sayd good ship arri∣ued at Wardhouse. Then I returned againe into the pinnesse.* 9.18

[unspec 15] Friday the 15 of May we were within 7 leagues of the shore, on the coast of Norway:* 9.19 the lati∣tude at a South sunne, 58 degrees and a halfe, where we saw three sailes, beside our owne com∣pany: and thus we followed the shoare or land, which lieth Northnorthwest, North and by West, and Northwest and by North, as it doth appeare by the plot.

Saturday at an East sunne we came to S. Dunstans Island, which Island I so named. It [unspec 16] was off vs East two leagues and a halfe, the wind being at Southeast: the latitude this day at a South sunne 59 degrees, 42 minutes. Also the high round mountaine bare East of vs, at a south sunne: and when this hill is East of you, and being bound to the Northward, the land lyeth North and halfe a point Westerly, from this sayd South sunne, vnto a North sunne twenty leagues Northwest alongst the shoare.

Upon Sunday at sixe of the clocke in the morning, the farthest land that we could see that lay [unspec 17] Northnorthwest, was East of vs three leagues, and then it trended to the Northwards, and to the Eastwards of the North, which headland I iudged to be Scoutsnes••e. At seuen of the clocke we changed our course and went North, the wind being at Southsoutheast, and it waxed very thick and mistie, and when it cleered, we went Northnortheast. At a South sunne we lost sight of the Serchthrift, because of the mist, making our way North. And when we lost sight of the shoare and pinnesse, we were within two leagues & a halfe of the shoare: the last land that we saw when this mist came vpon vs, which is to the Northwards of Scowtsnesse, lay Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest, and we made our way North vntill a west sunne fiue leagues.

From that vntill Munday three a clocke in the morning ten leagues Northnortheast: and then [unspec 18] we went North and by East, because the winde came at the Westsouthwest with thicke miste: the latitude this day at a South sunne sixtie three degrees and a halfe truely taken: at this season we had sight of our Pinnesse againe.

From that vntill Tuesday a South sunne Northnortheast fortie foure leagues, and then Northeast. From a South sunne vntill eight of the clocke, fifteene leagues Northeast. [unspec 19]

From that vntill Wednesday a South sunne Northnortheast, except the first watch North∣east: [unspec 20] then had we the latitude in sixtie seuen degrees, thirtie nine minutes. From that vnto a Northwest sunne eighteen leagues Northeast, & then we were within two leagues off the shore, and saw the high land to the Southwards of Lowfoot breake out through the mist, and then we went North and by east.

From the sayd Northwest sunne vntill foure of the clocke in the morning North and by East [unspec 21] ten leagues and a halfe: and then Northnortheast vntill a South sunne, the latitude being sixtie nine degrees, and a halfe. From that vntill halfe an houre past seuen of the clocke, Northnorth∣east eleuen and a halfe, and then we went Northeast ten leagues. From that 3 leagues [unspec 22] and a halfe Eastnortheast, and then we sawe the land through the cloudes and hazie thwart on the broad side of vs the winde being then a Southsouthwest.

From that vntill Saturday, at eight of the clocke in the morning Eastnortheast, and to the [unspec 23] Northwards fortie eight leagues, and then the wind came vp at North, wee being aboord the shore, and thwart of the Chappel, which I suppose is called Kedilwike:* 9.20 then we cast the shippes head to the seawards, because the winde was verie scant: and then I caused the Pinnesse to beare in with the shore, to see whether she might find an harborough for the ships or not, and that she found and saw two roaders ride in the sound: and also they sawe houses. But notwithstan∣ding, God be praysed, the winde enlarged vpon vs, that we had not occasion to goe into the harbo∣rough: and then the Pinnesse bare her Myssen mast ouer boord with flagge and all, and lost the flagge: with the mast there fell two men ouer boord, but God be praised, they were saued: the flagge was a token, whereby we might vnderstand whether there were a good harbour there or not.

At a North sunne the Norh cape (which I so named the first voyage) was thwart of vs,* 9.21 which is nine leagues to the Eastwards of the foresayd Chappel from the Eastermost point of it.

Iune.

[unspec 7] THe sunday we weied in Corpus Christi Bay, at a Northeast and by East sunne: the Bay is almost halfe a league deepe: the headland which is Corpus Christi point, lyeth Southeast and by East, one league from the head of the Bay, where we had a great ryde, like a race ouer the flood: the Bay is at the least two leagues ouer: so doe I imagine from the fayre foreland to Corpus Christi poynt ten leagues Southeast and by East: It floweth in this Bay, at a South and by West moone full sea. From that we went vntill seuen a clocke at after noone twentie leagues Southeast and by South: and then we tooke in all our sailes, because it was then very mistie, and also we met with much ice that ran out of the Bay, and then wee went Southsouth∣east with our foresayle: at eight of the clocke, we heard a piece of ordinance, which was out of the Edward, which bade vs farewell, and then we shot off another piece, and bade her farewell: wee could not one see the other, because of the thicke miste: at a Northwest sunne it began some∣what to cleere, and then we sawe a head lande, and the shoare trended to the Southwest∣ward, which I iudged to be about Crosse Island: it was off vs at a Northnorthwest sunne, West∣southwest.

[unspec 8] From this Northnorthwest sunne, vntill Munday, we went Southeast, and this morning we came at anker among the shoales that lie off of point Looke out, at a Northeast and by East sunne, the wind being at Eastsoutheast. At this poynt Looke out, a south Moone maketh a full sea. Cape good fortune lyeth from the Isle of Crosses Southeast, and betweene them is tenne leagues: point Looke out lieth from Cape Good fortune Eastsoutheast, and betweene them are sixe leagues. S. Edmonds point lieth from point Looke out Eastsoutheast, and halfe a point to the Southwards, and betweene them are sixe leagues. There is betweene these two points, a Bay that is halfe a league deepe, and is full of shoales and dangers. At a Southeast sunne we weyed, and turned to the windwards, the winde being at Eastsoutheast: and at a Southeast sunne, we came to an anker, being then a full sea, in fiue fadoms and a halfe water. It hieth at this place where we roade, and also at point Looke out, foure fadome water. At a Westnorth∣west [unspec 9] sunne we weyed, and driued to the windewards, vntill Tuesday, a Northnortheast sunne, and then being a high water, we came to an anker open of the riuer Cola, in eight fadome wa∣ter. Cape S. Bernard lyeth from S. Edmonds point, Southeast and by South, and betwixt them are sixe leagues, and also betwixt them is the Riuer Cola, into which Riuer wee went this euening.

[unspec 10] Wednesday we roade still in the sayd riuer, the winde being at the north: we sent our skiffe a∣land to be dressed: the latitude of the mouth of the riuer Cola is sixtie fiue degrees,* 9.22 fortie and eight minutes.

[unspec 11] Thursday at 6 of the clocke in the morning, there came aboord of vs one of the Russe Lodiaes,* 9.23 rowing with twentie oares, and there were fcure and twenty men in her. The master of the boate presented me with a great loafe of bread, and sixe ringes of bread, which they call Cola∣ches, and foure dryed pikes, and a pecke of fine o••emeale, and I gaue vnto the Master of the boa••e, a combe, and a small glasse: and he declared vnto me, that he was bound to Pechora, and after that, I made them to drinke, the tide being somewhat broken, they gently departed. The Ma∣sters name was Pheodor.

Whereas the tenth day I sent our Pinnesse on shoare to be mended, because she was leake, and weake, with the Carpenter and three men more to helpe him, the weather chanced so, that it was Sunday before they could get aboord our shippe. All that time they were without proui∣sion of victuals, but onely a little bread, which they spent by Thursday at night, thinking to haue come aboord when they had listed, but winde and weather denied them: insomuch that they were faine to eate grasse, and such weedes as they could finde then aboue grounde, but fresh water they had plentie, but the meate with some of them could scant frame by reason of their queazie stomackes.

[unspec 14] From Thursday at afternoone, vntill Sunday in the morning, our barke did ride such a road sted that it was to be marueiled, without the helpe of God, how she was able to abide it.

In the bight of the Southeast shoare of the riuer Cola, there is a good roade in fiue fadome, or foure fadome and a halfe, at a lowe water: but you shall haue no land Northnortheast of you then. I proued with our pinnesse, that the depth goeth on the Southeast shoare.

[unspec 18] Thursday we weyed our ankers in the Riuer Cola, and went into the Sea seuen or eight leagues, where we met with the winde farre Northerly, that of force it constrained vs to goe a∣gaine backe into the sayd riuer, where came aboord of vs sundry of their Boates, which decla∣red

vnto me that they were also bound to the northwards, a fishing for Morse, and Salmon, and gaue me liberally of their white and wheaten bread.

As we roade in this riuer, wee sawe dayly comming downe the riuer many of their Lodias,* 9.24 and they that had least, had foure and twenty men in them, and at the last they grew to thirtie saile of them: and amongst the rest, there was one of them whose name was Gabriel, who shew∣ed me very much friendshippe, and he declared vnto mee, that all they were bound to Pechora, a fishing for Salmons, and Morses: insomuch that hee shewed mee by demonstrations, that with a faire winde wee had seuen or eight dayes sailing to the Riuer Pechora,* 9.25 so that I was glad of their company. This Gabriel promised to giue mee warning of shoales, as hee did in∣deede.

Sunday being the one and twentieth day, Gabriel gaue me a barrell of Meade, and one of his [unspec 21] speciall friends gaue me a barrell of beere, which was caryed vpon mens backs at least 2 miles.

Munday we departed from the riuer Cola, with all the rest of the said Lodias, but sailing be∣fore [unspec 22] the wind, they were all too good for vs: but according to promise,* 9.26 this Gabriel and his friend did often strike their sayles, and caried for vs forsaking their owne company.

Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sunne we were thwart of Cape S. Iohn. It is to be vnderstood, [unspec 23] that from the Cape S. Iohn vnto the riuer or bay that goeth to Mezen,* 9.27 it is all sunke land, and full of shoales and dangers, you shall haue scant two fadome water, and see no land. And this pre∣sent day wee came to an anker thwart of a creeke, which is 4 or 5 leagues to the Northwards of the sayd Cape, into which creeke Gabriel and his fellow rowed, but we could not get in: and be∣fore night there were aboue 20 saile that went into the sayd creeke, the wind being at the North∣east. We had indifferent good landfang.

This afternoone Gabriel came aboord with his skiffe, and then I rewarded him for the good company that he kept with vs ouer the shoales with two small iuory combes, and a steele glasse, with two or three trifles more, for which he was not vngratefull. But notwithstanding, his first company had gotten further to the Northwards.

Wednesday being Midsummer day, we sent our skiffe aland to sound the creeke, where they [unspec 24] found it almost drie at a low water. And all the Lodais within were on ground.

Although the harborough were euil, yet the stormie similitude of Northerly winds tempted vs to set our sayles, & we let flip a cable and an anker, and bare with the harborough, for it was then neere a high water: and as alwaies in such iourneis varieties do chance, when we came vpon the barre in the entrance of the creeke, the wind did shrink so suddenly vpon vs, that we were not able to lead it in, and before we could haue flatted the shippe before the winde, we should haue bene on ground on the lee shore, so that we were constrained to let fall an anker vnder our sailes, and rode in a very breach, thinking to haue warpt in. Gabriel came out with his skiffe, and so did sundry others also, shewing their good will to helpe vs, but all to no purpose, for they were likely to haue bene drowned for their labour, in so much that I desired Gabriel to lend me his anker, because our owne ankers were two big for our skiffe to layout, who sent me his owne, and borrowed another also and sent it vs. Then we layd out one of those ankers, with a hawser which he had of 140 fa∣dom long, thinking to haue warpt in, but it would not be: for as we shorted vpon y^e said warpe the anker came home, so that we were faine to beare the end of the warpe, that we rushed in vpon the other small anker that Gabriel sent aboord, and layd that anker to seawards: and then betweene these two ankers we trauersed the ships head to seawards, and set our foresaile and maine sayle, and when the barke had way, we cut the hawser, and so gate the sea to our friend, and tryed out al that day with our maine corse.

The Thursday we went roome with Cape S. Iohn, where we found indifferent good rode [unspec 25] for a Northnortheast wind, and for a neede, for a North and by West winde.

Friday at afternoone we weyed, and departed from thence, the wether being meetly faire, & the [unspec 26] winde at Eastsoutheast, and plied for the place where we left our cable and anker, and our hawser: & as soone as we were at an anker, the foresaid Gabriel came aboord of vs, with 3 or foure more of their small boats, and brought with them of their Aquauitae & Meade, professing vnto me very much friendship, and reioiced to see vs againe, declaring that they earnestly thought that we had bene lost. This Gabriel declared vnto me, that they had saued both the ankers and our hauser, and after we had thus communed, I caused 4 or 5 of them a goe into my cabbin, where I gaue them f••gs, and made them such cheere as I could. While I was thus banketing of thē, there came ano∣ther of their skiffes aboord with one who was a Keril, whose name afterwards I learned, & that he dwelt in Colmogro, & Gabriel dwelled in the towne of Cola, which is not far from the riuers mouth. This foresaid Keril said vnto me that one of the ankers which I borowed was his, I gaue him thanks for the loue of it, thinking it had bene sufficient. And as I continued in one accustomed

maner, that if the present which they brought were worth enterteinment, they had it accordingly, he brought nothing with him, & therfore I regarded him but litle. And thus we ended, & they took their leaue and went a shore. At their comming ashore, Gabriel and Keril were at vnconuenient words, and by the eares, as I vnderstand: the cause was because the one had better enterteinmēt then the other: but you shal vnderstand that Gabriel was not able to make his party good, because there were 17 lodias of the Kerils company who tooke his part, and but 2 of Gabriels company.

* 9.28The next high water Gabriel and his company departed from thence, and rowed to their for∣mer company and neighbours, which were in number 28 at the least, and all of them belonging to the riuer Cola.

[unspec 27] And as I vnderstood Keril made reckoning that the hawser which was fast in his anker should haue bene his owne, and at first would not deliuer it to our boat, insomuch that I sent him worde that I would complaine vpon him, whereupon he deliuered the hawser to my company.

The next day being Saturday, I sent our boat on shore to fetch fresh water and wood, and at their comming on shore this Keril welcomed our men most gently, and also banketed them: and in the meane time caused some of his men to fill our baricoes with water, and to help our men to beare wood into their boat: and then he put on his best silke coate, and his coller of pearles, and came aboord againe, & brought his present with him: and thus hauing more respect vnto his pre∣sent then to his person, because I perceiued him to be vainglorious, I bade him welcome, and gaue him a dish of figs: and then he declared vnto me that his father was a gentleman, and that he was able to shew me pleasure, and not Gabriel, who was but a priests sonne.

[unspec 28] After their departure from vs we weied, and plyed all the ebbe to the windewards, the winde being Northerly, & towards night it waxed very stormie, so that of force we were constrained to go roome with Cape S. Iohn againe, in which storme wee lost out skiffe at our sterne, that wee bought at Wardhouse, and there we rode vntil the fourth of Iuly. The latitude of Cape S. Iohn is 66 degrees 50 minutes.* 9.29 And it is to be noted, that the land of Cape S. Iohn is of height from the full sea marke, as I iudge, 10 fadomes, being cleane without any trees growing, & also with∣out stones or rockes, and consists onely of blacke earth, which is so rotten, that if any of it fall into the sea,* 9.30 it will swimme as though it were a piece of wood. In which place, about three leagues from the shore you shall not haue aboue 9 fadom water, and clay ground.

Iulie.

[unspec 4] SAturday at a Northnorthwest sunne the wind came at Eastnortheast, & then we weied, and pli∣ed to the Northwards, and as we were two leagues shot past the Cape, we saw a house standing in a valley, which is dainty to be seene in those parts, and by and by I saw three men on the top of the hil. Then I iudged them, as it afterwards proued, that they were men which came from some other place to set traps to take vermin for their furres, which trappes we did perceiue very thicke alongst the shore as we went.

[unspec 5] Sunday at an East sunne we were thwart off the creeke where the Russes lay, and there came to an anker, and perceiuing the most part of the Lodias to be gone we thought it not good to tary any longer there, but weyed and spent all the ebbe, plying to the windewards.

[unspec 6] Munday at a South sunne it was high water. All alongst the coast it floweth little, onely a South moone makes a full sea: and as we were a weying we espied the Russe Lodias, which we first lost. They came out of a creeke amongst the sandy hilles, which hilles beginne 15 leagues Northnortheast from Cape S. Iohn.

[unspec 7] Plying this ebbe to an end, we came to an anker 6 leagues Northnortheast frō the place where we saw the Russes come out: and there the Russes harboured themselues within a soonke banke, but there was not water enough for vs.

At a North sunne we weyed and plied to the Northwards, the land lying Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest, vntil a South sunne, and then we werein the latitude of 68 degrees & a halfe •• and in this latitude ende those sandy hilles,* 9.31 and the land beginneth to lie North and by West, South and by East, and Northnorthwest, and to the Westwards, and there the water beginneth to ware deepe.

At a Northwest sunne we came to an anker within halfe a league of the shore, where wee had good plenty of fish, both Haddocks and Cods, riding in 10 fadom water.

[unspec 8] Wednesday we weyed, and plyed neerer the headland, which is called Caninoz, the wind be∣ing at East and by North.

[unspec 9] Thursday the wind being scant we turned to windwards the ebbe, to get about Caninoz: the latitude this day at noone was 68 degreee 40 minutes.

Friday we turned to the windward of the ebbe, but to no purpose: and as we rode at an anker, [unspec 10] we saw the similitude of a storme rising at Northnorthwest, & could not tell where to get rode nor succor for that winde, and harborough we knew none: & that land which we rode vnder with that winde was a lee shor••. And as I was musing what was best to be done. I saw a saile come out of a creeke vnder the foresayd Caninoz, which was my friend Gabriel, who forsooke his harbo∣rough and company, and came as neere vs as he might, and pointed vs to the Eastwards, & then we weyed and followed him, and went East and by South, the wind being at Westnorthwest, and very mistie.

Saturday we went Eastsoutheast & followed Gabriel, and he brought vs into an harborough [unspec 11] called Morgiouets,* 9.32 which is 30 leagues from Caninoz, & we had vpon the barre going in two fadome and a fourth part: and after we were past in ouer the barre, it waxed de••per, for we had 5 fadoms, 4 and a half, and 3 fadom &c. Our barke being mored, I sent some of our men to shoare to prouide wood, where they had plenty of drift wood,* 9.33 but none growing: and in this place we found plenty of young foule, as Gulles, Seapies, and others, whereof the Russes would eate none, whereof we were nothing sory, for there came the more to our part.

Sunday our men cut wood on shoare, and brought it aboord, and wee balasted our shippe with [unspec 12] stones.

This morning Gabriel saw a smoke on y^e way, who rowed vnto it with his skiffe, which smoke was two leagues from the place where we road: and at a Northwest sunne he came aboord again, and brought with him a Samoed,* 9.34 which was but a young man: his apparell was then strange vn∣to vs, and he presented me with three young wild geese, and one young barnacle.

Munday I sent a man to the maine in Gabriels boat, and he brought vs aboord 8 barricoes of [unspec 13] fresh water: the latitude of the said Morgiouets is sixtie eight degrres and a terce. It floweth there at a Southsouthwest moone full sea, and hyeth two fadome and a halfe water.

At a Westnorthwest sunne we departed from this place, and went East 25 leagues, and then [unspec 14] saw an Island North and by West of vs eight leagues, which Island is called Dolgoieue:* 9.35 and from the Eastermost part of this Island, there lyeth a sand East and by South 7 leagues long.

Wednesday at a North and by East sunne Swetinoz was South of vs 5 leagues. This day [unspec 15] at afternoone we went in ouer the dangerous barre of Pechora,* 9.36 and had vpon the barre but one fadome water.

Thursday we road still. [unspec 16]

Friday I went on shoare and obserued the variation of the Compasse, which was three de∣grees [unspec 17] and a halfe from the North to the West:* 9.37 the latitude this day was sixtie nine degrees ten minutes.

From two or three leagues to the Eastward of Swetinoz, vntill the entering of the riuer Pe∣chora, it is all sandy hilles, and towards Pechora the sandie hilles are very low.

It higheth on the barre of Pechora foure foote water, & it floweth there at a Southwest moone a full sea.

Munday at a North & by East sunne, we weyed, and came out ouer the sayd dangerous barre, [unspec 20] where wee had but flue foote water, insomuch that wee found a foote lesse water comming out then wee did going in. I thinke the reason was, because when we went in the winde was off the sea. which caused the sands to breake on either side of vs, and wee kept in the smoothest betweene the breaches, which we durst not haue done, except we had seene the Russes to haue gone in be∣fore vs: and at our comming out the winde was off the shoare, and fayre weather, and then the sands did not appeare with breaches as at our going in: we thanke God that our ship did draw so little water.

When we were a seaboord the barre the wind scanted vpon vs, and was at Eastsoutheast, in∣somuch that we stopped the ebbes, and plyed all the floods to the windewards, and made our way Eastnortheast.

Tuesday at a Northwest sunne we thought that we had seen land at East, or East & by North [unspec 21] of vs: which afterwards prooued to be a monstrous heape of ice.

Within a little more then halfe an houre after, we first saw this ice,* 9.38 we were inclosed within it before we were aware of it, which was a fearefull sight to see: for, for the space of sixe houres, it was as much as we could doe to keepe our shippe aloofe from one heape of ice, and beare roomer from another, with as much wind as we might beare a coarse. And when we had past from the danger of this ice, we lay to the Eastwards close by the wind.

The next day we were againe troubled with the ice. [unspec 22]

Thursday being calme, we plyed to the windwards, the winde being Northerly. We had the [unspec 23] latitude this day at noone in 70 degrees 11 minutes.* 9.39

We had not runne past two houres Northwest, the wind being at Northnortheast and North∣east and by North a good gale, but we met againe with another heape of ice: we wethered the head of it, and lay atime to the seawards, and made way West 6 leagues.

[unspec 24] Friday at a Southeast sunne we cast about to the Eastwards, the wind being at Northnorth∣east: the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees 15 minutes.

[unspec 25] On S. Iames his day bolting to the windewardes, we had the latitude at noone in seuenty de∣grees twentie minutes. The same day at a Southwest sunne, there was a monstrous Whale aboord of vs, so neere to our side that we might haue thrust a sworde or any other weapon in him, which we durst not doe for feare hee should haue ouerthrowen our shippe: and then I called my company together, and all of vs shouted, & with the crie that we made he departed from vs: there was as much aboue water of his backe as the bredth of our pinnesse, and at his falling downe, he made such a terrible noyse in the water, that a man would greatly haue maruelled, except hee had knowen the cause of it: but God be thanked, we were quietly deliuered of him. And a little after we spied certaine Islands, with which we bare, and found good harbor in 15 or 18 fadome, and blacke oze: we came to an anker at a Northeast sunne, & named the Island S. Iames his Island,* 9.40 where we found fresh water.

[unspec 26] Sunday, much wind blowing we rode still.

[unspec 27] Munday I went on shoare and tooke the latitude, which was 70 degrees 42 minutes: the va∣riation of the compasse was 7 degrees and a halfe from the North to the West.* 9.41

Tuesday we plyed to the Westwards alongst the shoare, the wind being at Northwest, and as [unspec 28] I was about to come to anker, we saw a sayle comming about the point, wherunder we thought to haue ankered. Then I sent a skiffe aboord of him, and at their comming aboord, they tooke ac∣quaintance of them, and the chiefe man said hee had bene in our company in the riuer Cola,* 9.42 and also declared vnto them that we were past the way which should bring vs to the Ob.* 9.43 This land, sayd he, is called Noua Zembla,* 9.44 that is to say, the New land: and then he came aboord himselfe with his skiffe, and at his comming aboord he told mee the like, and sayd further, that in this No∣ua Zembla is the highest mountaine in the worlde, as he thought, & that Camen Bolshay, which is on the maine of Pechora, is not to be compared to this mountaine, but I saw it not: he made me also certaine demonstrations of the way to the Ob, and seemed to make haste on his owne way, being very lothe to tarie, because the yeere was farre past, and his neighbour had set Pechora, and not he: so I gaue him a steele glasse, two pewter spoones, and a paire of veluet sheathed kniues: and then he seemed somewhat the more willing to tary, and shewed me as much as he knew for our purpose: he also gaue me 17 wilde geese, and shewed me that foure of their lodias were dri∣uen perforce from Caninoze to this Noua Zembla. This mans name was Loshak.* 9.45

[unspec 29] Wednesday, as we plied to the Eastwards, we espied another saile, which was one of this Lo∣shaks company, and we bare roome, and spake with him, who in like sort tolde vs of the Ob, as the other had done.

[unspec 30] Thursday, we plied to the Eastwards, the winde being at Eastnortheast.

[unspec 31] Friday, the gale of winde began to increase, and came Westerly withall, so that by a North∣west sunne we were at an anker among the Islands of Uaigats, where we saw two small lodias,* 9.46 the one of them came aboord of vs, and presented me with a great loafe of bread: and they told me that they were all of Colmogro, except one man that dwelt at Pechora, who seemed to be the chie∣fest among them in killing of the Morse.

There were some of their company on shoare, which did chase a white beare ouer the high clifs into the water, which beare the lodia that was aboord of vs killed in our sight.

This day there was a great gale of wind at North, and we saw so much ice driuing a seaboord, that it was then no going to sea.

August.

[unspec 1] SAturday I went ashore, and there I saw three morses that they had killed: they held one tooth of a Morse, which was not great, at a roble, and one white beare skin at three robles & two ro∣bles: they further tolde me, that there were people called Samoeds on the great Island,* 9.47 and that they would not abide them nor vs, who haue no houses, but onely couerings made of Deers skins, set ouer them with stakes: they are men expert in shooting, and haue great plenty of Deere.

This night there fell a cruell storme, the wind being at West.

[unspec 2] Sunday we had very much winde, with plenty of snow, and we rode with two ankers a head.

[unspec 3] Munday we weyed and went roome with another Island, which was fiue leagues Eastnorth∣east from vs: and there I met againe with Loshak, and went on shore with him, and hee brought

me to a heap of the Samoeds idols, which were in number aboue 300, the worst and the most vn∣artificiall worke that euer I saw:* 9.48 the eyes and mouthes of sundrie of them were bloodie, they had the shape of men, women and children, very grosly wrought, & that which they had made for other parts, was also sprinckled with blood. Some of their idols were an olde sticke with two or three notches, made with a knife in it. I saw much of the footing of the sayd Samoeds, and of the sleds that they ride in. There was one of their sleds broken, and lay by the heape of idols, & there I saw a deers skinne which the foules had spoyled: and before certaine of their idols blocks were made as high as their mouthes, being all bloody, I thought that to be the table wheron they offered their sacrifice: I saw also the instruments, whereupon they had roasted flesh, and as farre as I could perceiue, they make their fire directly vnder the spit.

Loshak being there present tolde me that these Samoeds were not so hurtful as they of Ob are,* 9.49 and that they haue no houses, as indeede I saw none, but onely tents made of Deers skins, which they vnderproppe with stakes and poles: their boates are made of Deers skins, and when they come on shoare they cary their boates with them vpon their backes: for their cariages they haue no other beastes to serue them, but Deere only. As for bread and corne they haue none, ex∣cept the Russes bring it to them: their knowledge is very ba••e, for they know no letter.

Tuesday we turned for the harborough where Loshaks barke lay, whereas before we road vn∣der [unspec 4] an Island. And there he came aboord of vs and said vnto me: if God sende winde and wea∣ther to serue, I will goe to the Ob with you, because the Morses were scant at these Islands of Vaigats: but if he could not get to the riuer of Ob, then he sayd hee would goe to the riuer of Naramzay, where the people were not altogether so sauage as the Samoyds of the Ob are:* 9.50 hee shewed me that they will shoot at all men to the vttermost of their power, that cannot speake their speech.

Wednesday we saw a terrible heape of ice approch neere vnto vs, and therefore wee thought [unspec 5] good with al speed possible to depart from thence, and so I returned to the Westwards againe, to the Island where we were the 31 of Iuly.

Thursday I went a shoare, and tooke the latitude, which was 70 degrees 25 minutes: and the [unspec 6] variation of the compasse was 8 degrees from the North to the West.* 9.51

Loshak and the two small Lodias of Pechora departed from this Island, while I was on shoare taking the latitude, and went to the Southwards: I maruailed why he departed so sudden∣ly, and went ouer the shoales amongst the Islands where it was impossible for vs to follow them. But after I perceiued them to be weatherwise.

Friday we road still, the winde being at Northnortheast, with a cruell storme. The ice came in [unspec 7] so abundantly about vs at both ends of the Island that we road vnder, that it was a feareful sight to behold: the storme continued with snow, raine, and hayle plenty.

Saturday we road still also, the storme being somewhat abated, but it was altogether mi∣sty, [unspec 8] that we were not able to see a cables length about vs, the winde being at Northeast and by East.

Sunday at foure of the clocke in the morning we departed from this Island, the winde being [unspec 9] at Southeast, and as we were cleere a sea boord the small Islandes and shoales, it came so thick with mistes, that we could not see a base shotte from vs. Then we tooke in all our sailes to make little way.

At a Southeast sunne it waxed cleere, and then we set our sayles, and lay close by the wind to the Southwards alongst the Islands of Vaigats. At a West sunne we tooke in our sayle againe because of the great mist and raine. Wee sounded at this place, and had fiue and twenty fadomes water, and soft blacke oze, being three leagues from the shoare, the winde being at South and by East, but still misty.

Munday at an East sunne we sounded, and ••ad 40 fadomes, and oze, still misty: at noone wee [unspec 10] sounded againe, and had 36 fadome, still misty.

Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sunne we let fall our anker in three and twenty fadome, the mist [unspec 11] still continuing.

Wednesday at three of the clocke in the morning the mist brake vp, the wind being at North∣east [unspec 12] & by East, and then we saw part of the Islands of Vaigats, which we bare withall, and went Eastsoutheast close by the winde: at a West sunne we were at an anker vnder the Southwest part of the said Vaigats,* 9.52 and then I sent our skiffe to shoare with three men in her, to see if they might speake with any of the Samoeds, but could not: all that day was rainie, but not windie.

Thursday the wind came Westerly, so that we were faine to seeke vs another place to ride in, because the wind came a seaboord land, and although it were misty, yet wee followed the shoare [unspec 10] by our lead: and as we brought land in the winde of vs, we let fall our anker. At a West sunne

the mist brake vp, so that we might see about vs, and then we might perceiue that we were entred into a sound.

This afternoone we tooke in two or three skiffes lading of stones to balast our shippe withall. [unspec 14] It hyeth here foure foot water, and floweth by fits, vncertaine to be iudged.

* 9.53Friday we road still in the sound, the wind at Southwest, with very much raine, and at the end of the raine it waxed againe mistie.

[unspec 15] Saturday there was much winde at West, and much raine, and then againe mistie.

[unspec 16] Sunday was very mistie, and much winde.

[unspec 17] Munday very mistie, the winde at Westnorthwest.

[unspec 18] Tuesday was also mistie, except at noone: then the sunne brake out through the mist, so that we had the latitude in 70 degrees 10 minutes: the afternoone was misty againe, the wind being at Westnorthwest.

[unspec 19] Wednesday at three of the clocke afternoone the mist brake vp, & the wind came at Eastnorth∣east, and then we weyed, and went South & by East, vntil seuen of the clocke, eight leagues, thin∣king to haue had sight of the sandie hilles that are to the Eastwards of the riuer Pechora. At a Northwest sunne we took in our maine saile, because the wind increased, & went with a foresaile Westnorthwest, the wind being at Eastnortheast: at night there grewe so terrible a storme, that we saw not the like, although we had indured many stormes since we came out of England. It was wonderfull that our barke was able to brooke such monstrous & terrible seas, without the great helpe of God, who neuer fayleth them at neede, that put their sure trust in him.

[unspec 20] Thursday at a Southsouthwest sunne, thanks be to God, the storme was at the highest, & then the winde began to slake, and came Northerly withall, & then I reckoned the Westermost point of the riuer Pechora to be South of vs 15 leagues.* 9.54 At a Westsouthwest sunne we set our maine sayle, and lay close by the winde, the winde being at Northwest and by North, making but little way, because the billow went so high: at midnight wee cast about, and the shippe caped North∣northeast, making little way.

[unspec 21] Friday at noone we had the latitude in 70 degrees 8 minutes, and we sounded, and had 29 fa∣domes sand, and in maner stremy ground. At a West sunne we cast about to the Westwards, and a little after the wind came vp at West.

[unspec 22] Saturday was calme: the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees and a terce, we sounded heere, and had nine and forty fadomes and oze, which oze signified that we drew towards Noua Zembla.

And thus we being out of al hope to discouer any more to the Eastward this yeere, wee thought it best to returne, and that for three causes.* 9.55

The first, the continuall Northeast and Northerly winds, which haue more power after a man is past to the Eastwards of Caninoze, then in any place that I doe know in these Northerly re∣gions.

Second, because of great and terrible abundance of ice which we saw with our eies, and we doubt greater store abideth in those parts: I aduentured already somewhat too farre in it, but I thanke God for my safe deliuerance from it.

Third, because the nights waxed darke, and the winter began to draw on with his stormes: and therefore I resolued to take the first best wind that God should send, and plie towards the bay of S. Nicholas, and to see if we might do any good there, if God would permitt it.

This present Saturday we saw very much ice, and were within two or three leagues of it: it shewed vnto vs as though it had beene a firme land as farre as we might see from Northwest off vs to the Eastwards: and this afternoone the Lord sent vs a little gale of wind at South, so that we bare cleere off the Westermost part of it, thanks be to God. And then against night it waxe•• [unspec 24] calme againe, and the winde was at Southwest: we made our way vntil Sunday noone North∣west and by West, and then we had the latitude in 70 degrees and a halfe, the winde at South∣west: there was a billow, so that we could not discerne to take the latitude exactly, but by a reaso∣nable gesse.

[unspec 25] Munday there was a pretie gale of wind at South, so that wee went West and by South, the latitude this day at noone was 70 degrees 10 minutes: wee had little-winde all day: at a Westnorthwest sunne we sounded, and had 29 fadoms blacke sandie oze, & then we were North∣east 5 leagues from the Northeast part of the Island Colgoieue.

[unspec 26] Tuesday the wind all Westerly we plyed to the wind wards.

[unspec 27] Wednesday the wind was all Westerly, and calme: wee had the latitude this day in 70 de∣grees 10 minutes, we being within three leagues of the North part of the Island Colgoieue.

[unspec 28] Thursday, we went roome about the Westermost part of the Island, seeking where we might

finde a place to ride in for a Northwest wind, but could find none, and then we cast about againe to the seawards, and the winde came at Westsouthwest, and this morning we had plenty of snow.

Friday, the winde being at Southwest and by West, we plied to the windewards. [unspec 29]

Saturday, the winde being at South, we plyed to the Westwards, and at afternoone the mist brake vp, and then we might see the land seuen or eight leagues to the Eastwards of Caninoz: we sounded a litle before and had 35. fadoms and oze. And a while after wee sounded againe, and had 19. fadome and sand: then we were within three leagues and a halfe of the shore, and towards night there came downe so much winde, that we were faine to bring our ship a trie, and laide her head to the Westwards.

Sunday, the winde became more calme, and then it waxed verie mystie: At noone wee cast [unspec 30] about to the Eastwards, the winde beeing at South, and ranne eight houres on that boorde, and then we cast about and caped West southwest: we sounded and had 32. fathomes, and tough oaze like clay.

Munday, we doubled about Caninoze, and came at an anker there, to the intent that we might [unspec 31] kill some fish if God would permit it, and there we gace a great Nuse, which Nuses were there so plentie, that they would scarcely suffer any other fish to come neere the hookes: the said Nuses ca∣ried away sundrie of our hookes and leads.

A litle after at a West Sunne, the winde began to blow stormie at West southwest, so that we were faine to wey and forsake our fishing ground, and went close by the winde Southwest, and Southwest and by West, making our way South southwest.

September.

TUesday at a West Sunne we sounded and had 20. fathoms, and broken W••••keshels: I rec∣koned [unspec 1] Canonize to be 24. leagues Northnortheast from vs.

The eleuenth day we arriued at Colmogro, and there we wintered, expecting the approch of [unspec 11] the next Sommer to proceede farther in our intended discouerie for the Ob: which (by reason of our imploiments to Wardhouse the next spring for the search of some English ships) was not ac∣cordingly performed.

Certaine notes vnperfectly written by Richard Iohnson seruant to Master Richard Chancelour, which was in the discouerie of Vaigatz and Noua Zembla, with Steuen Burrowe in the Serchthrift 1556.* 9.56 and afterwarde ••••ong the Samoedes, whose deuilish rites hee describeth.

FIrst, after we departed out of England we fell with Norway,* 9.57 and on that coste lieth Northbern or Northbergen, and this people are vnder the King of Den∣marke: But they differ in their speech from the Da••es, for they speake Norsh. And North of Northbern lie the Isles of Roste and Lofoot,* 9.58 and these Islands pertaine vnto Finmarke,* 9.59 and they keepe the lawes and speake the language of the Islanders. And at the Eastermost part of that land is a castle which is called the Ward house,* 9.60 and the King of Denmarke doeth fortifie it with men of warre: and the Russes may not goe to the Westward of that castle. And East Southeast from that castle is a lande cal∣led Lappia:* 9.61 in which lande be two maner of people, that is to say, the Lappians, and the Scrick∣finnes,* 9.62 which Scrickfinnes are a wilde people which neither know God, nor yet good order: and these people liue intents made of Deares skinnes: and they haue no certaine habitations, but continue in heards and companies by one hundred and two hundreds. And they are a people of small stature, and are clothed in Deares skinnes, and drinke nothing but water, and eate no bread but flesh all raw. And the Lappians bee a people adioyning to them & be much like to them in al conditions:* 9.63 but the Emperour of Russia hath of late ouercome manie of them, and they are in subiection to him. And this people will say that they beleeue in the Russes God. And they liue in tents as the other doe. And Southeast and by South from Lappia lyeth a prouince called Core∣lia,* 9.64 and these people are called Kerilli. And South southeast from Corelia lyeth a countrey cal∣led Nouogardia.* 9.65 And these three nations are vnder the Emperour of Russia, and the Russes keepe the Lawe of the Greekes in their Churches, and write somewhat like as the Greekes write, and they speake their owne language, and they abhorre the Latine tounge, neither haue they to doe with the Pope of Rome, and they holde it not good to worshippe any carued Image, yet they will worshippe paynted Images on tables or boordes. And in Russia their Chur∣ches,

steeples, and houses are all of wood: and their shippes that they haue are sowed with withes and haue no nayles. The Kerilles, Russians and Moscouians bee much alike in all conditions. And South from the Moscouians lyethe Tartarians,* 9.66 which bee Mahumetans, and liue in tentes and wagons, and keepe in heardes and companies: and they holde it not good to abide long in one place, for they will say, when they will curse any of their children, I woulde thou mightest tary so long in a place that thou mightest smell thine owne dung, as the Christians doe: and this is the greatest curse that they haue. And East Northeast of Russia lieth Lampas,* 9.67 which is a place where the Russes, Tartars and Samoeds meete twise a yeere, and make the faire to barter wares for wares. And Northeast from Lampas lieth the countrey of the Samo∣eds, which be about the riuer of Pechere, and these Samoeds bee in subiection to the Emperour of Russia,* 9.68 and they lie in tentes made of Deere skinnes, and they vse much witchcraft, and shoot well in bowes. And Northeast from the riuer Pechere lieth Vaygatz••* 9.69 and there are the wilde Sa∣moeds which will not suffer the Russes to land out of the Sea, but they will kill them and eate them, as wee are tolde by the Russes: and they liue in heards, and haue all their carriages with deere, for they haue no horses. Beyond Vaygatz lyeth a lande called Noua Zembla,* 9.70 which is a great lande, but wee sawe no people, and there wee had Foule inough, and there wee sawe white Foxes and white Beares. And the sayde Samoeds which are about the bankes of Pe∣chere, which are in subiection to the Emperour of Russia, when they will remoue from one place to another, then they will make sacrifices in manner following.* 9.71 Euerie kinred doeth sacrifice in their owne tent, and hee that is most auncient is their Priest. And first the Priest doeth beginne to playe vpon a thing like to a great sieue, with a skinne on the one ende like a drumme: and the sticke that he playeth with is about a spanne long, and oue ende is round like a ball, couered with the skinne of an Harte. Also the Priest hath vpon his head a thing of white like a garlande, and his face is couered with a piece of a shirt of maile, with manie small ribbes, and teeth of fishes, and wilde beastes hanging on the same maile. Then hee singeth as wee vse heere in Englande to hallow, whope, or showte at houndes, and the rest of the company answere him with this Owtis, Igha, Igha, Igha, and then the Priest replieth againe with his voyces. And they answere him with the selfesame wordes so manie times, that in the ende he be∣commeth as it were madde, and falling downe as hee were dead, hauing nothing on him but a shirt, lying vpon his backe I might perceiue him to breathe. I asked them why hee lay so, and they answered mee, Nowe doeth our God tell him what wee shall doe, and whither wee shall goe. And when he had lyen still a litle while, they cried thus three times together. Oghao, Og∣hao, Oghao, and as they vse these three calles, hee riseth with his head and lieth downe againe, and then hee rose vp and sang with like voyces as hee did before: an•• his audience answered him, Ig∣ha Igha, Igha. Then hee commaunded them to kill fiue Olens or great Deere, and continu∣ed singing still both hee and they as before. Then hee tooke a sworde of a cubite and a spanne long, (I did mete it my selfe) and put it into his bellie halfeway and sometime lesse, but no wounde was to bee seene, (they continuing in their sweete song still) Then he put the sworde into the fire till it was warme, and so thrust it into the slitte of his shirte and thrust it through his bodie, as I thought, in at his nauill and out at his fundament: the poynt beeing out of his shirt behinde, I layde my finger vpon it, then hee pulled out the sworde and sate downe. This beeing done, they set a kettle of water ouer the fire to heate, and when the water doeth se••••he, the Priest beginneth to sing againe they answering him, for so long as the water was in heating, they sate and sang not. Then they made a thing being foure square, and in height and squarenesse of a chaire, and couered with a gown very close the forepart therof, for the hinder part stood to the tents side. Their tents are rounde and are called Chome in their language. The water still see∣thing on the fire, and this square seate being ready, the Priest put off his shirt, and the thing like a garland which was on his head, with those things which couered his face, & he had on yet all this while a paire of hosen of deeres skins with y^e haire on, which came vp to his buttocks. So he went into the square seat, and sate down like a tailour and sang with a strong voyce or halowing. Then they tooke a small line made of deeres skinnes of foure fathoms long, and with a smal knotte the Priest made it fast about his necke, and vnder his left arme, and gaue it vnto two men standing on both sides of him, which held the ends together. Then the kettle of hote water was set before him in the square seat, al this time the square seat was not couered, and then it was couered w^t a gown of broad cloth without lining, such as the Russes do weare. Then the 2. men which did hold y^e ends of the line stil standing there, began to draw, & drew til they had drawn the ends of the line stiffe and together, and then I hearde a thing fall into the kettle of water which was before him in the tent. Thereupon I asked them that sate by me what it was that fell into the water that stoode before him. And they answered me, that it was his head, his shoulder and left arme, which the line had

cut off, I meane the knot which I sawe afterwarde drawen hard together. Then I rose vp and would haue looked whether it were so or not, but they laid hold on me, and said, that if they should see him with their bodily eyes, they shoulde liue no longer. And the most part of them can speake the Russe tongue to bee vnderstood: and they tooke me to be a Russian. Then they be ganne to hallow with these wordes, Oghaoo, Oghaoo, Oghaoo, many times together. And as they were thus singing & out calling, I sawe a thing like a finger of a man two times together thrust through the gowne from the Priest. I asked them that sate next to me what it was that I sawe, and they saide, not his finger; for he was yet dead: and that which I saw appeare through the gowne was a beast, but what beast they knew not nor would not tell. And I looked vpon the gowne, and there was no hole to bee seene: and then at the last the Priest lifted vp his head with his shoulder and arme, and all his bodie, and came forth to the fire. Thus farre of their seruice which I sawe du∣ring the space of certaine houres: but how they doe worship their Idoles that I saw not: for they put vp their stuffe for to remoue from that place where they lay. And I went to him that serued the Priest, and asked him what their God saide to him when he lay as dead. Hee answered, that his owne people doeth not know, neither is it for them to know: for they must doe as he comman∣ded. This I saw the fift day of Ianuarie in the yere of our Lord 1556. after the English account.

A discourse of the honourable receiuing into England of the first Ambassador from the Emperor of Russia, in the yeere of Christ 1556. and in the third yeere of the raigne of Queene Marie, seruing for the third voyage to Moscouie. Registred by Master Iohn Incent Protonotarie.

IT is here recorded by writing and autenticall testimonie, partly for memorie of things done, and partly for the veritie to be knowen to posteritie in time to come, that whereas the most high and mightie Iuan Vasiliuich Emperour of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Moscouia and Nouogrode, Emperor of Cassan, and of Astrachan, Lord of Pleskie, and great Duke of Smolenskie, Tuerskie, Yow∣goriskie, Permskie, Viatskie, Bolgarskie, and Sibierskie, Emperour and great Duke of many others, as Nouogrode in the nether countries, Chernigoskie, Rezanskie, Polodskie, Rezewskie, Bielskie, Rostoskie, Yeraslaueskie, Bealozarskie, Oudarskie, Obdorskie, Con∣denskie, and manie other countries, and lord ouer all those partes, in the yeere of our Lord God, folowing the account of y^e Latin church, 1556. sent by the sea from the port of S. Nicholas in Rus∣sia, his right honorable ambassador sirnamed Osep Napea, his high officer in the towne and coun∣trey of Vologda, to the most famous and excellent princes, Philip and Mary by the grace of God, king and Queene of England, Spaine, France and Ireland, defenders of the faith, Archdukes of Austria, dukes of Burgundie, Millaine, & Brabant, counties of Haspurge, Flanders and Tyroll, his ambassador & Orator with certaine letters tenderly conceiued, together with certain presents and gifts mentioned in the foot of this memorial, as a manifest argument and token of a mutual amity and friendship to be made and continued betweene their maiesties & subiects respectiuely, for the commoditie and benefit of both the realmes and people: which Orator was the 20. day of Iuly im∣barked and shipped in, and vpon a good English ship named the Edward Bonauenture, belonging to the Gouernor, Consuls and company of English marchants, Richard Chancelor being grand Pilot, and Iohn Buckland master of the said ship. In which was laden at the aduēture of the fore∣said Ambassador, and marchants at seuerall accounts, goods & merchandizes, viz. in waxe, trane oyle, tallow, furres, felts, yarne and such like, to the summe of 20000. li. sterling, together with 16. Russies attendant vpon the person of the said Ambassador. Ouer and aboue ten other Russies ship∣ped within the said Bay of S. Nicholas,* 9.72 in one other good ship to the said company also belonging called the Bona Speranza, with goods of the said Orators & marchants to the value of 6000. lib. sterling, as by the inuoises and letters of lading of the said seueral ships (wherunto relation is to be had) particularly appeareth. Which good ships comming in good order into the seas, & trauersing the same in their iourney towards the coast of England, were by contrary windes and extreme tempests of weather seuered the one from the other, that is to say, the saide Bona Speranza with two other English ships also appertaining to the saide company, the one sirnamed the Philip and Mary, the other the Confidentia, were driuen on the coast of Norway, into Drenton water, where the saide Confidentia was seene to perish on a Rocke, and the other, videlicet, the Bona Speranza, with her whole company, being to the number of foure and twentie persons seemed to winter there, whereof no certaintie at this present day is knowen. The third, videlicet, the Phi∣lip and Mary arriued in the Thames nigh London the eighteenth day of April, in the yeere of our

Lord one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and seuen. The Edward Bonauenture trauersing the seas foure moneths,* 9.73 finally the tenth day of Nouember of the aforesaide yeere of our Lorde one thou∣sand f••ue hundred, fiftie and sixe, arriued within the Scottish coast in a Bay named Pettislego, where by outragious tempests, and extreme stormes, the said ship being beaten from her ground tackles, was driuen vpon the rockes on shore, where she brake and split in pieces in such sort, as the grand Pilot vsing all carefulnesse for the safetie of the bodie of the sayde Ambassadour and his trayne, taking the boat of the said ship, trusting to attaine the shore, and so to saue and pre∣serue the bodie, and seuen of the companie or attendants of the saide Ambassadour, the same boat by rigorous waues of the seas, was by darke night ouerwhelmed and drowned, wherein perished not only the bodie of the said grand Pilot,* 9.74 with seuen Russes, but also diuers of the Mariners of the sayd ship: the noble personage of the saide Ambassadour with a fewe others (by Gods pre∣seruation and speciall fauour) onely with much difficultie saued. In which shipwracke not onely the saide shippe was broken, but also the whole masse and bodie of the goods laden in her, was by the rude and rauenous people of the Countrey thereunto adioyning, rifled, spoyled and caried away, to the manifest losse and vtter destruction of all the lading of the said ship, and toge∣ther with the ship, apparell, ordinance and furniture belonging to the companie, in value of one thousand pounds, of all which was not restored toward the costs and charges to the summe of fiue hundred pound sterling.

As soone as by letters addressed to the said companie, and in London deliuered the sixt of De∣cember last past, it was to them certainely knowen of the losse of their Pilote, men, goods and ship, the same merchants with all celeritie and expedition, obteined not onely the Queenes ma∣iesties most gracious and fauourable letters to the Ladie Dowager, and lordes of the Councell of Scotland for the gentle comfortment and entertainment of the saide Ambassadour, his traine and companie, with preseruation and restitution of his goods, as in such miserable cases, to Christian pitie, princely honour and meere Iustice appertaineth, but also addressed two Gen∣tlemen of good learning, grauitie and estimation, videlicet, Master Lawrence Hussie Doctor of the Ciuill Lawe, and George Gilpin with money and other requisites into the Realme of Scotland, to comfort, ayde, assist, and relieue him and his there, and also to conduct the Am∣bassadour into England, sending with them by poste a Talmach or Speachman for the bet∣ter furniture of the seruice of the sayde Ambassadour, trusting thereby to haue the more ample and speedie redresse of restitution: which personages vsing diligence, arriued at Edenborough (where the Queenes court was) the three and twentieth day of the saide moneth of December, who first visiting the saide Ambassadour, declaring the causes of their comming and Commis∣sion, shewing the letters addressed in his fauour, the order giuen them for his solace and furni∣ture of all such things as hee woulde haue, together with their daily and readie seruice to attend vpon his person and affaires, repaired consequently vnto the Dowager Queene, deliuering the letters.

Whereupon they receiued gentle answeres, with hope and comfort of speedie restitution of the goods, apparell, iewels and letters: for the more apparance whereof, the Queene sent first certaine Commissioners with an Harold of armes to Pettislego, the place of the Shipwracke, commaunding by Proclamation and other Edictes, all such persons (no degree excepted) as had any part of such goods as were spoyled and taken out or from the ship to bring them in, and to restore the same with such further order as her grace by aduise of her Councel thought expedi∣ent: by reason whereof not without great labours, paines and charges (after long time) di∣uers small parcels of Waxe, and other small trifling things of no value, were by the poorer sort of the Scottes brought to the Commissioners, but the Iewels, rich apparell, presents, gold, sil∣uer, costly furres, and such like, were conueyed away, concealed and vtterly embezelled. Wher∣upon, the Queene at the request of the said Ambassadour, caused diuers persons to the number of 180. or moe, to be called personally before her princely presence, to answer to y^e said spoile, & really to exhibit and bring in all such things as were spoiled and violently taken, & caried out of the same, whereof not onely good testimonie by writing was shewed, but also the things themselues found in the hands of the Scottish subiects, who by subtile and craftie dealings, by conniuence of the commissioners, so vsed or rather abused themselues towards the same Orator & his attendants, that no effectuall restitution was made: but he fatigated with daily attendance and charges, the 14. day of February next ensuing, distrusting any reall and effectual rendring of the saide goods and marchandizes and other the premisses, vpon leaue obtained of the saide Queene, departed towards England, hauing attending vpon him the said two English Gentlemen and others (lea∣uing neuerthelesse in Scotland three Englishmen to pursue the deliuerie of such things as were collected to haue been sent by ship to him in England:* 9.75 which being in Aprill next, and not

before imbarked for London, was not at this present day here arriued) came the 18. day of Fe∣bruarie to Barwike within the dominion and realme of England, where he was by the Queenes maiesties letters and commandement honourably receiued, vsed and interteined by the right ho∣nourable lord Wharton, lord Warden of the East marches, with goodly conducting from place to place, as the dayly iourneys done ordinarily did lie, in such order, maner and forme, as to a perso∣nage of such estate appertaineth. He prosecuting his voyage vntil the 27.* 9.76 of Februarie approched to the citie of London within twelue English miles, where he was receiued with fourscore mer∣chants with chaines of gold and goodly apparell, as wel in order of men seruants in one vniforme liuerie, as also in and vpon good horses and geldings, who conducting him to a marchants house foure miles from London, receiued there a quantitie of gold, veluet and silke, with all furniture thereunto requisite, wherewith he made him a riding garment, reposing himselfe that night. The next day being Saturday and the last day of Februarie, he was by the merchants aduenturing for Russia, to the number of one hundred and fortie persons, and so many or more seruants in one li∣uerie, as abouesaid, conducted towards the citie of London, where by the way he had not onely the hunting of the Foxe and such like sport shewed him, but also by the Queenes maiesties com∣mandement was receiued and embraced by the right honourable U••scount Montague, sent by her grace for his entertainment:* 9.77 he being accompanied with diuers lustie knights, esquiers, gen∣tlemen and yeomen to the number of three hundred horses led him to the North partes of the Ci∣tie of London, where by foure notable merchants richly apparelled was presented to him a right faire and large gelding richly trapped, together with a footcloth of Orient crimson veluet, enri∣ched with gold laces, all furnished in most glorious fashion, of the present, and gift of the sayde merchants: where vpon the Ambassadour at instant desire mounted, riding on the way to∣wards Smithfield barres, the first limites of the liberties of the Citie of London. The Lord Maior accompanied with all the Aldermen in their skarlet did receiue him, and so riding through the Citie of London in the middle, betweene the Lord Maior and Uiscount Montague, a great number of merchants and notable personages riding before, aud a large troupe of seruants and apprentises following, was conducted through the Citie of London (with great admiration and plausibilitie of the people running plentifully on all sides, and replenishing all streets in such sort as no man without difficultie might passe) into his lodging situate in Fant church streete, where were prouided for him two chambers richly hanged and decked, ouer and aboue the gallant furni∣ture of the whole house, together with an ample and rich cupboord of plate of all sortes, to furnish and serue him at all meales, and other seruices during his abode in London, which was, as is vn∣derwritten, vntil the third day of May: during which time daily diuers Aldermen and the grauest personages of the said companie did visite him, prouiding all kind of victuals for his table and his seruants, with al sorts of Officers to attend vpon him in good sort and condition, as to such an am∣bassadour of honour doeth and ought to appertaine.

It is also to be remembred that at his first entrance into his chamber, there was presented vnto him on the Queenes Maiesties behalfe for a gift and present, and his better furniture in apparel, one rich piece of cloth of tissue, a piece of cloth of golde, another piece of cloth of golde raised with crimosin veluet, a piece of crimosin veluet in graine, a piece of purple veluet, a piece of Damaske purpled, a piece of crimosin damaske, which he most thankfully accepted. In this beautifull lod∣ging refreshing and preparing himselfe and his traine with things requisite he abode, expecting the kings maiesties repaire out of Flanders into England, whose highnesse arriuing the one and twentie of March, the same Ambassadour the fiue and twentieth of March being the Annunciati∣on of our Ladie (the day tweluemoneth he tooke his leaue from the Emperour his master) was most honourably brought to the King and Queenes maiesties court at Westminster, where ac∣companied first with the said Uiscount and other notable personages, and the merchants, hee ar∣riuing at Westminster bridge, was there receiued with sixe lords, conducted into a stately cham∣ber, where by the lords, Chancellor, Treasurer, Priuie seale, Admirall, bishop of Elie, and other Counsellers, hee was visited and saluted: and consequently was brought vnto the Kings and Queenes maiesties presence, sitting vnder a stately cloth of honour, the chamber most richly decked and furnished, and most honourably presented. Where, after that hee had deliuered his letters, made his Oration, giuen two timber of Sables, and the report of the same made both in English and Spanish, in most louing maner embraced, was with much honour and high enter¦tainement, in sight of a great confluence of people, Lordes and Ladies eftsoones remitted by wa∣ter to his former lodging, to the which, within two dayes after by the assignement of the King and Queenes maiesties, repaired and conferred with him secretly two graue Counsellers, that is, the lord Bishop of Elie, and Sir William Peter Knight, chiefe Secretary to their Highnesse, who after diuers secret talkes and conferences, reported to their highnesse their proceedings, the gra∣uitie

wisedome, and stately behauiour of the sayd Ambassadour, in such sort as was much to their maiesties contentations.

* 9.78Finally concluding vpon such treaties and articles of amitie, as the letters of the Kings and Queenes maiesties most graciously vnder the great seale of England to him by the sayd counsel∣lers deliuered, doth appeare.

The three and twentieth of April, being the feast of S. George, wherein was celebrated the solemnitie of the Noble order of the Garter at Westminster, the same lord ambassadour was eft∣soones required to haue audience: and therefore conducted from the sayd lodging to the court by the right Noble the lords Talbot and Lumley to their maiesties presence: where, after his Ora∣tion made, and thanks both giuen and receiued, hee most honourably tooke his leaue with com∣mendations to the Emperour. Which being done, he was with special honour led into the chap∣pell where before the Kings and Queens maiesties, in the sight of the whole Order of the Gar∣ter, was prepared for him a stately seate, wherein he accompanied with the Duke of Norfolke, the lords last aboue mentioned, and many other honorable personages, was present at the whole seruice, in ceremonies which were to him most acceptable: the diuine seruice ended, he eftsoones was remitted and reduced to his barge, and so repaired to his lodging, in like order and gratula∣tion of the people vniuersally, as before.

* 9.79The time of the yeere hasting the profection and departure of the Ambassador, the merchants hauing prepared foure goodly and well trimmed shippes laden with all kinds of merchandises apt for Russia, the same Ambassadour making prouision for such things as him pleased, the same ships in good order valed downe the Riuer of Thames, from London to Grauesend, where the same Ambassadour with his traine and furniture was imbarked towards his voyage homeward, which God prosper in all felicitie.

It is also to be remembred, that during the whole abode of the sayd Ambassadour in Eng∣land, the Agents of the sayde marchants did not onely prosecute and pursue the matter of re∣stitution in Scotland, and caused such things to be laden in an English shippe hired purposely to conuey the Ambassadours goods to London, there to be deliuered to him, but also during his abode in London, did both inuite him to the Maior, and diuers worshipfull mens houses, fea∣sting and banquetting him right friendly, shewing vnto him the most notable and commendable sights of London, as the kings palace and house, the Churches of Westminster and Powles, the Tower and Guild hall of London, and such like memorable spectacles. And also the said 29. day of April, the said merchants assembling themselues together in the house of the Drapers hal of London, exhibited and gaue vnto y^e said Ambassador, a notable supper garnished with musicke, Enterludes and bankets: in the which a cup of wine being drunke to him in the name and ••lieu of the whole companie, it was signified to him that the whole company with most liberal and friend∣ly hearts, did frankly giue to him and his all maner of costs and charges in victuals riding from Scotland to London during his abode there, and vntill setting of saile aboord the ship, requesting him to accept the same in good part as a testimonie and witnes of their good hearts, zeale and ten∣dernesse towards him and his countrey.

It is to be considered that of the Bona Speranza no word nor knowledge was had at this pre∣sent day, nor yet of the arriuall of the ships or goods from Scotland.

The third of May the Ambassadour departed from London to Grauesend, accompanied with diuers Aldermen and merchants, who in good gard set him aboord the noble shippe, the Primrose Admiral to the Fleete, where leaue was taken on both sides and parts, after many imbracements and diuers farewels not without expressing of teares.

* 9.80Memorandum, that the first day of May the Counsellers, videlicet, the Bishop of Elye, and Sir William Peter on the behalfe of the Kings and Queenes Maiesties repairing to the lorde Ambassadour did not onely deliuer vnto him their highnes letters of recommendations vnder the great seale of England to the Emperour, very tenderly and friendly written, but also on their maiesties behalfe gaue and deliuered certaine notable presents to the Emperours person, and al∣so gifts for the lord Ambassadours proper vse and behoofe, as by the particulars vnder written appeareth, with such further good wordes and commendations, as the more friendly haue not bin heard, whereby it appeareth how well affected their ho••ours be to haue and continue amitie and traffique betweene their honours and their subiects: which thing as the kings and Queenes ma∣iesties haue shewed of their princely munificences & liberalities, so haue likewise the merchants and fellowship of the Aduenturers, for and to Russia, manifested to the world their good willes, mindes and zeales ••orne to this new commensed voyage, as by the discourse aboue mentioned, and other the notable actes ouer long to be recited in this present memoriall, doeth and may most

clearely appeare, the like whereof is not in any president or historie to bee shewed.

Forasmuch as it may bee doubted how the ship named the Edward Bonauenture suffered shipwracke, what became of the goods, howe much they were spoiled and deteined, how little restored, what charges and expenses ensued, what personages were drowned, how the rest of the ships either arriued or perished, or howe the disposition of almightie God hath wrought his pleasure in them, how the same ambassadour hath bene after the miserable case of shipwracke in Scotland vnreuerently abused, and consequently into England receiued and conducted, there intertained, vsed, honoured, and finally in good safetie towards his returne, and repaire furni∣shed, and with much liberalitie and franke handling friendly dismissed, to the intent that the trueth of the premisses may bee to the most mightie Emperour of Russia sincerely signified in eschewment of all euents and misfortunes that may chance in this voyage (which God defend) to the Ambassadours person, traine, and goods, this present memoriall is written, and auten∣tikely made, and by the sayde Ambassadour his seruants, whose names be vnderwritten, and traine in presence of the Notarie, and witnesses vndernamed, recognized, and acknowled∣ged. Giuen the day, moneth, and yeere vnderwritten, of which instrument into euery of the sayde Shippes one testimoniall is deliuered, and the first remaineth with the sayde Compa∣nie in London.

Giftes sent to the King and Queenes Maiesties of England by the Emperour of Russia, by the report of the Ambassadour, and spoyled by the Scots after the Shipwracke.

• 1 First, sixe timber of Sables rich in colour and haire.
• 2 Item, twentie entire Sables exceeding beautifull with teeth, eares and clawes.
• 3 Item, foure liuing Sables with chaines and collars.
• 4 Item, thirtie Lusarnes large and beautifull.
• 5 Item, sixe large and great skinnes very rich and rare, worne onely by the Empe∣rour for woorthinesse.
• 6 Item, a large and faire white Ierfawcon for the wilde Swanne, Crane, Goose, and other great Fowles, together with a drumme of siluer, the hoopes gilt, vsed for a lure to call the sayd Hawke.

Giftes sent to the Emperour of Russia by the King and Queenes Maiesties of England.

• 1 First, two rich pieces of cloth of Tissue.
• 2 Item, one fine piece of Scarlet.
• 3 Item, one fine Uiolet in graine.
• 4 Item, one fine Azur cloth.
• 5 Item, a notable paire of Brigandines with a Murrian couered with Crimson vel∣uet and gilt nailes.
• 6 Item, a Male and Female Lions.

Giftes giuen to the Ambassadour at his departure, ouer and aboue such as were deliuered vnto him at his first arriuall.

• 1 First, a chaine of golde of one hundred pound.
• 2 Item, a large Bason and Ewer, siluer and gilt.
• 3 Item, a paire of pottle pots gilt.
• 4 Item, a paire of flaggons gift.

The names of all such Russies as were attendant vpon the Ambassadour, at and before his departure out of England.

• ...Isaak Fwesschencke.
• ...Demetre.
• ...Gorbolones.
• ...Symonde.
• ...Yeroffia.
• ...Stephen.
• ...Lowca.
• ...Andria.
• ...Foma.

Memorandum, the day and yeere of our Lord aboue mentioned, in the house of the worship∣full Iohn Dimmocke Citizen and Draper of London, situate within the famous Citie of Lon∣don in the Realme of England, the aboue named honourable Osep Gregorywich Napea Am∣bassadour and Orator aboue mentioned, personally constituted and present, hauing declared vnto him by the mouth of the right worshipfull master Anthonie Hussie Esquire, the effect of the causes and contents, of, and in this booke, at the interpretation of Robert Best his interpreter sworne, recognized, and knowledged in presence of me the Notarie & personages vnder written, the contents of this booke to be true, aswell for his owne person as for his seruants aboue named, who did not subscribe their names as is aboue mentioned, but onely recognized the same. In witnesse whereof. I Iohn Incent Notarie Publike, at the request of the said Master Anthonie Hussie, and other of the Marchants haue to these presents vnderwritten set my accustomed signe, with the Subscription of my name, the day and yeere aboue written, being present the right Worshipfull,

Aldermen of London:

Knights.

• ...Andrew Iudde.
• ...George Barne.
• ...William Chester.
• ...Rafe Greeneaway.—

• ...Iohn Mersh Esquier.
• ...Iohn Dimmock.
• ...Blase Sanders.
• Hubert Hussie, and
• Robert Best aboue mentioned.

The voyage of the foresaid M. Stephen Burrough, An. 1557. from Colmogro to Wardhouse, which was sent to seeke the Bona Esperanza, the Bona Con∣fidentia, and the Philip and Mary, which were not heard of the yeere before.

May.

[unspec 23] VPon Sunday the 23. of May, I departed with the Searchthrift from Colmo∣gro, the latitude whereof is 64. degrees, 25. minutes, and the variation of the compasse, 5. degrees, 10. minutes from the North to the East.

[unspec 26] Wednesday we came to the Island called Pozanka, which Island is within foure leagues of the barre Berozoua. It floweth here at an East and by South Moone full sea.

[unspec 29] Saturday in the morning we departed from Pozanka, and plied to the barre of Berôzoua Gooba, whereupon wee came to anker at a lowe water, and sounded the said Barre with our two Skiffes, and found in the best vpon the shoaldest of the barre 13. foote water by the rule. It high••th vpon this barre, in spring streames 3. foote water: and an East Moone maketh a full sea vpon this barre.

[unspec 30] Sunday in the morning wee departed from the barre of Berozoua, and plied along by the shoalds in fiue fadome, vntill I had sight of S. Nicholas roade, and then wee cast about to the Northwards, and went with a hommocke, which is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coya Reca,* 9.81 which hommocke and S. Nicholas abbey lye Southsouthwest, and Northnortheast, and be∣tweene

them are 11. leagues. Coia Reca is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coscaynos. Cos∣caynos & the middes of the Island called Mondeustoua ostroue,* 9.82 which is thwart of the barre of Berozoua lieth South and by East, North and by West, and betweene them are 4. leagues, or as you may say from the Seaboord part of the barre to Coscaynos are 3. leagues and a halfe.

Munday at a Northeast and by East sunne we were thwart of Coscaynos. [unspec 31]

Dogs nose lieth from Coscaynos Northnorthwest, and betweene them are eight leagues: and Dogs nose sheweth like a Gurnerds head, if you be inwardly on both sides of it: on the lowe point of Dogs nose there standeth a crosse alone.

Iune.

FRom Dogs nose to Foxenose are three leagues, North and by West. [unspec 1]

The 2. day of Iune I went on shoare 2. miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose, and had [unspec 2] the latitude of that place in 65. degrees, 47. minutes. It floweth a shoare at this place, at an East Moone full sea, and the shippe lay thwart to wende a flood•• in the off, at a Southsoutheast moone. So that it is to be vnderstoode, that when it is a full sea on the shoare, it is two points to ebbe, be∣fore it be a lowe water in the off. The variation of the Compasse at this place is 4. degrees from the North to the East.* 9.83

This day the Northnorthwest winde put vs backe againe with Dogs nose, where a ship may ride thwart of a salt house, in 4. fadome, or 4. fadome and a halfe of water, and haue Landfange for a North and by West winde: which Salt house is halfe a mile to the Southwards of [unspec 3] Dogs nose.

Friday at a Southsouthwest Sunne, wee departed from this Salt house. It is to be noted that foure miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose there growe no trees on the banke by the [unspec 4] water side: and the bankes consist of fullers earth. Ouer the cliffes there growe some trees: so that Dogs nose is the better to be knowen because it is fullers earth, and the like I haue not seene in all that Countrey.

A head of Foxe nose a league from the shoare there are 15. fadome:* 9.84 betwixt Foxe nose and Zolatitsa there are 6. leagues, I meane the Southerly part of Foxe nose.

Sunday I sounded the barre of Zolatitsa, which the Russes told me was a good hardorow, but [unspec 6] in the best of it I found but 4. foote water.

Munday, I had the latitude in 66. degrees, and then was point Pentecost sixe leagues South [unspec 7] of vs.* 9.85

Wednesday I went on land at Crosse Island, and tooke the latitude, which was 66. degrees 24. minutes [unspec 9] .

We being one league Northeast of Crosse Island,* 9.86 I sawe the land on the Eastside, which I iudged to be Cape good fortune,* 9.87 and it was then Eastsoutheast of vs 9. leagues.

Cape grace is 7. leagues and a halfe Northeast from Crosse Island.

There are 2. Islands 5. leagues Northnortheast from Cape grace,* 9.88 the Southermost of them is a little long Island almost a mile long, and the Northermost a little round Island, and they are both hard aboord the shore.

Cape Race is from the Southermost Island North and by West,* 9.89 and betweene them are two leagues, and from that and halfe a league Northnorthwest, there is another poynt. Betweene which poynt and Cape Race, the Russes haue a Stanauish or harborow for their Lodias: and to the Westwards of the said poynt, there is a shoale bay.

Three leagues and a halfe to Northwards of Cape Race, we had the latitude on the 10. day of [unspec 10] this moneth in 67. degrees 10. minutes. Riding within half a league of the shoare in this latitude I found it to be a full sea at a North and by East moone. I had where we roade two and twentie fadoome, and the tallow which is taken vp is full of great broken shels, and some stones withall like vnto small sand congealed together.

From a South sunne that wee weyed, the winde being at North and by East, wee driued to the windwards halfe the ebbe, with the ships head to the Eastwards. And then when we cast her head to the Westwards, we sounded, and had 22. fadome broken shels, and gray sand; this pre∣sent day was very mistie, with frost on the shrowds as the mist fell.* 9.90

Friday in the morning at an East sunne, the mist brake vp a little, the winde being at North and by West a stiffe gale, our shrowdes and roapes ouer head being conered with frost, and likely to be a ••••orme: I thought it good to seeke an harborow, and so plied roome with the Islands which are two leagues to the Southwards of Cape Race, and within these Islands (thankes bee to God) we found harborow for vs. It higheth at these Islands two fadome water: it floweth in the

harborow at this place at a Southsoutheast moone ful sea: and a sea boord it floweth at a South∣southwest moone a full sea.* 9.91 The Russes call this Island, Tri Ostroue.

You may come in betweene the little Island and the great Island, and keepe you in the mids of the Sound, and if you borrowe on any side, let it bee on the greatest Island, and you shall haue at a low water, foure fadome, and three fadome and a halfe, and three fadome, vntill that you be shot so farre in as the narrowest, which is betweene the Northermost point of the greatest Island, and the Southerne point of the maine which is right against it, and then hale to the North∣wards with the crosse which standeth in the maine, and you shall haue at a lowe water 10. foote water, and faire sand. And if you be disposed to goe through the Sound to the Southwards, keepe the Northwest shoare aboorde, for on the Island side after you be shotte so farre in as the crosse, it is a shoale of rockes halfe the sound ouer: which rockes do last vnto the Southerly part of the great Island, and rather to the Southwards. And if you be constrained to seeke a harbor for Northerly windes, when you come out of the sea, hale in with the Southerly part of the great Island, giuing the Island a faire birth, and as you shoote towards the maine, you shall finde roade for all Northerly windes, in foure fadome, fiue sixe and seuen fadome, at a lowe water.

Also within this great Island (if neede bee) you may haue a good place to ground a ship in: the great Island is almost a mile long and a quarter of a mile ouer.

[unspec 16] This storme of Northerly winde lasted vntill the 16. of this moneth, and then the winde came Southerly, but we could not get out for Ice.* 9.92 I went on shore at the crosse, and tooke the latitude, which is 66. degrees, 58. minutes, 30. seconds:* 9.93 the variation of the Compasse 3. degrees and a halfe from the North to the East.

[unspec 17] Thursday being faire weather, and the winde at North we plied to the winde-wards with sailes and oares: wee stopped the flood this day three leagues to the Northwards of Cape Race, two miles from the shoare, and had twentie fa••ome water, faire gray and blacke sand, and bro∣ken shels. And when the slake came wee wayed and made aboord to the shoare-wards, and had [unspec 18] within two cables length of the shoare, eighteene fadomes faire gray and blacke land: a man may finde roade there for a North winde, and so to the Westwards.

Two leagues to the Southward of Corpus Christi poynt, you may haue Landfang for a North and by East winde, and from that to the Westwards in 23. fadome almost a mile from shoare, and faire sand, and amongst the sand little yong small limpets, or such like as growe vp∣on muscles: and within two cables length and lesse of the shoare are eighteene fadomes, and the sounding aforesaid, but the yong limpets more plentifull. It was a full sea where we roade, al∣most a mile from shoare, at a South and by West moone: two leagues to the Southwards of Corpus Christi point is the vttermost land, which land and Cape Race lyeth South and halfe a point to Westwards, and North and halfe a point to the Eastwards, and betweene them are sixe leagues. Riding this day sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Race, the winde at North∣northwest, [unspec 19] with mist and frost, at noone the sunne appeared through the mist, so that I had the latitude in 67. degrees, 29. minutes.

[unspec 21] Munday we were thwart of Corpus Christi point,* 9.94 two leagues and a halfe from shoare, or ra∣ther more, where we sounded, and had 36. fadoms, and broken cocle shels, with brannie sand, but the broken shels very thicke.

[unspec 22] Tuesday in the morning we were shotte a head of Cape gallant,* 9.95 which the Russes call Soti∣noz. And as we were shot almost halfe a league betwixt it, and Cape comfort, the wind came vp at the Northwest, and after to the Northwards, so that we were faine to beare roome to seeke a harbour, where we found good harbour for all windes, and the least 7. fadome water betweene S. Iohns Islands, and the maine.

After that we came to an ancre, we tooke the latitude, which was 68. degrees 1. minute, after noone, the winde at North with plentie of snowe.

At a West sunne there came aboord vs certaine Lappians in a boate, to the number of sixe∣teene persons, and amongst them there were two wenches, and some of them could speake the Russe tongue: I asked them where their abiding was, and they tolde mee that there was a com∣panie or heard of them, to the number of 100. men, besides women and children, but a litle from vs in the riuer Iekonga.

They tolde me that they had bene to seeke meate among the rockes, saying, If wee get no meate, wee eate none. I sawe them eate rocke weedes as hungerly, as a cowe doeth grasse when shee is hungrie. I sawe them also eate foules egges rawe, and the yong birdes also that were in the egges.

I obserued certaine wordes of their language, which I thought good to set downe for their vse, that here∣after shall haue occasion to continue this voyage.

• COwghtie coteat, what call you this.
• Poddythecke, come hither.
• Auanchythocke, get the hence.
• Anna, farewell.
• Teyrue, good morrowe.
• Iomme ••emaufes, I thanke you.
• Passeuellie, a friend.
• Olmuelke, a man.
• Captella, a woman.
• Alke, a sonne.
• Neit, a daughter, or yong wench.
• Oyuie, a head.
• Cyelme, an eye.
• Nenna, a nose.
• Nealma, a mouth.
• Pannea, teeth.
• Neughtema, a tongue.
• Seaman, a beard.
• Peallee, an eare.
• Teappat, the necke.
• Voapt, the haire.
• Keat, a hand.
• Soarme, fingers.
• Iowlkie, a legge.
• Peelkie, the thombe, or great toe.
• Sarke, wollen cloth.
• Lein, linnen cloth.
• Payte, a shirt.
• Tol, fire.
• Keatse, water.
• Murr, wood.
• Vannace, a boate.
• Ariea, an oare.
• Nurr, a roape.
• Peyue, a day.
• Hyr, a night.
• Peyuezea, the Sunne.
• Manna, the Moone.
• Laste, starres.
• Cozam volka, whither goe you.
• Ottapp, sleepe.
• Tallye, that.
• Keiedde pieue, a weeke.
• Isckie, a yeere.
• Kesse, Sommer.
• Talue, Winter.
• Iowksam, colde.
• Parox, warme.
• Abrye, raine.
• Youghang, yce.
• Kea••ykye, a stone.
• Sellowpe, siluer.
• Solda, golde.
• Tennae, tinnne.
• Veskue, copper.
• Rowadt, yron.
• Neybx, a knife.
• Axshe, a hatchet.
• Leabee, bread.
• Ieauegoat, meale.
• Pencka, the winde.
• Iowte, A platter.
• Kemnie, a kettle.
• Keestes, gloues.
• Sapege, shoes.
• Conde, a wilde Deare.
• Poatsa, the labouring Deare.

Their wordes of num∣ber are these as fol∣loweth.

OFte,

1.

Noumpte,

2.

Colme,

3.

Nellye,

4.

Vitte,

5.

Cowte,

6.

Keydeem,

7.

Kaffts,

8.

Owghchte,

9.

Locke,

10.

Ostretumbelocke,

11.

Cowghtnumbelocke,

12.

Colmenonbelocke,

13.

Nellynombelocke,

14.

Vittie nombelocke,

15.

Cowtenombelocke,

16.

Keydemnombelocke,

17.

Kafts nombelocke,

18.

Owght nombelocke,

19.

Coffreylocke,

20.

Colmelocke,

30.

Nellylocke,

40.

Vitte locke,

50.

Cowtelocke,

60.

Keydemlocke,

70.

Kaffstelocke,

80.

Oughcheteloke,

90.

Tewer.

100.

25 Friday in the morning we departed from Saint Iohns Island: to the Westwards thereof, a mile from the shoare, we sounded, and had 36. fadoms, and oazie sand.

* 9.96 Iuana Creos is from Cape gallant Westnorthwest, and halfe a point to the Northwards, and betweene them is 7. leagues. The point of the Island, which is Cape comfort, lyeth from Iuana Creos, Northwest and by North, and almost the 3. part of a point to the Westwards, and be∣tweene them are 3. leagues.

* 9.97The Eastermost of S. Georges Islands, or the 7. Islands, lyeth from Iuana Creos North∣west, & halfe a point to the Northwards, and betweene them are 14. leagues & a halfe. The vtter∣most of the 7. Islands,* 9.98 & Cape comfort lieth Northwest, & by North, Southeast, and by South.

Under the Southermost Island you shall finde good roade for all Northerly windes from the Northwest to the Northeast. From the Southeast part of the 7. Islands, vnto the Northwest part of them, are 3. leagues and a halfe.

* 9.99From the Northwest part of the Islands aforesaid, vnto S. Peters Islands, are 11. leagues Northwest.

26 S. Peters Islands rise an indifferent low point, not seeming to be an Island, and as if it had a castle vpon it.

* 9.100S. Pauls Islands lie from S. Peters Islands Northwest and to the Westwards, and betweene them are 6. leagues. Within these Islands there is a faire sandy bay, and there may be found a good roade for Northerly windes.

* 9.101Cape Sower beere lyeth from S. Pauls Islands Northwest and by West, and betweene them are 5. leagues.

* 9.102Cape comfort, which is the Island of Kildina, lieth from Cape Sower beere, 6. leagues West Northwest, and it is altogether a bay betweene them seeming many Islands in it.

* 9.103From Cape Bonauenture, to Chebe Nauoloche are 10. leagues Northwest, and a litle to the Westwards. Chebe Nauoloche is a faire point, wheron standeth a certaine blacke, like an emp∣tie bu••te standing a head.

From Chebe Nauoloch to Kegor, is 9. leagues and a halfe Northwest, and halfe a poynt to the Westwards. Kegor riseth as you come from the Eastwards like 2. round homocks standing together,* 9.104 and a faire saddle betweene them.

27 It floweth where we road this Sunday to the Eastwards of Kegor, at a Southeast and by East moone, a full sea: we roade in 15. fadome water within halfe a mile of the shoare: at a Northwest Sunne the mist came downe so thicke, that we were faine to come to an ancre within lesse then a mile of the point that turneth to Doms haff,* 9.105 where we had 33. fadome, and the soun∣ding like to the skurfe of a skalde head.

* 9.106 28 Munday at afternoone, wee came into the Sound of Wardhouse, although it were very mistie. Then I sent a man a shoare to know some newes, and to see whether they could heare any thing of our ‖ 9.107 ships.

29 Tuesday I went on shoare, and dined with the Captaines deputie, who made mee great cheere: the Captaine himselfe was not as yet come from Bergen: they looked for him euery houre, and they said that he would bring newes with him.

At a Northwest and by North sunne we departed from Wardhouse, toward Colmogro.

30 Wednesday we came to Kegor, where we met with the winde at East Southeast, so that we were faine to go in to a bay to the Westwards of the point Kegor, where a man may moare 2. or 3. small ships, that shall not draw past 11. or 12. foote water, for all windes, an East Northeast winde is the worst. It is a ledge of rocks, that defendeth the Northerly winds frō the place where they moare. When we came into the bay we saw there a barke which was of ‖ 9.108 Dronton, & three or foure Norway ye aghes, belonging to Northberne: so when I came a shoare, I met first with the Dutchmen, amongst whom was the Borrow-masters sonne of Dronton, who tolde me that the Philip and Mary wintered at Dronton,* 9.109 and withall he shewed me that the Confidence was lost, and that he had bought her sailes for his ship. Then the Dutch-men caried me to their Boothe, and made me good cheere, where I sawe the Lappians chepen of the said Dutchmen, both siluer platters and dishes, spoones, gilt rings, ornaments for girdles of siluer & gilt, and certaine things made to hang about the necke, with siluer chaines belonging to them.

The Dutchmen bring hither mightie strong beere, I am certaine that our English double beere would not be liked of the Kerils and Lappians, as long as that would last.

Here I sawe the Dutchmen also haue course cloth, both blew, greene and redde, and sad horse-flesh colour. And hither they bring also Ottars cases and foxe cases, both blacke and redde: our English foxe cases are but counterfaits vnto them.

They would not let me vnderstand any of their prises, but as I otherwise vnderstood they bar∣tered 2. load of siluer for 200 of stockfish, and 2. loade is a doller. And the Dutchmen told me, that

they had made a notable good yeere this present yeere 1557. They tolde me that they should be faine to goe to Wardhouse with one lading, and lay it on land there, and so come againe and fetch another. The Borrowmasters sonne told me, that he would go to Amsterdam with his lading of stockfish, who gaue me a barrell of strong beere, and brought it in aboord our ship himselfe.

After this I went among the Russes and Kerils, who offered me fish to sell, and likewise the Lappians desired me to looke vpon their fish. I made them answere, that I had nowe no wares nor money to barter with them, and said that I came only to see if I might meete with our Eng∣lish ships. Then they desired me that I would come thither the next yeere:* 9.110 I said to them, If I should come the next yeere, I thinke here would not be fish ynough to serue the Dutchmen and vs also. They answered me, that if more ships did resort thither, there would more people labour to kill and make fish: and further they said, that some of them came thither a fishing 8. weekes iourney with Deere, which Deere will trauaile more speedily then horses will.

As I was thus in talke with the Kerils and Lappians, the Emperour of Russia his deputie (who was there to gather the tribute of the Lappians) sent for me to come to his tent, who after familiar salutations, made me good cheere. He demaunded of me, why none of our ships came thither. I answered him, because we knew not the place before now, neither yet heard of any faire that was kept there. Then said he, If you will come hither, here would more people resort to kill fish, I thinke it good (said he) that you make a beginning. I tolde him, that by the grace of God the next yeere, one English ship should come thither.

Because I sawe the seruants of the king of Denmarke there also gathering the tribute, I asked Vasilie Pheodorouich the Russie deputie, whether the Denmarks would not be a let to vs, if we should come to this Kegor. And he said, no, they should not: for this land is my kings, and therefore be bolde to come hither.

The Kerils and the Lappians solde no fish, vntill the said deputie had looked vpon it, and had gi∣uen them leaue to sell. I asked him what wares were best for vs to bring thither, and he said, sil∣uer,* 9.111 pearles, cloth, blewe, red, and greene, meale, strong beere, wine, pewter, foxe cases, and gold.

The Lappians pay tribute to the Emperour of Russia; to the king of Denmarke, and to the king of Sweden. He tolde me that the Riuer Cola is little more then 20. leagues to the South∣wards of Kegor, where we should haue great plentie of salmon, if corne were any thing cheape in Russia: for then poore men would resort thither to kill salmon.

The Dutchmen tolde me that they had made a good yeere of this, but the Kerils complained of it, because they could not sell all their fish, and that which they sold was as pleased the Dutchmen, and at their own price. I asked the Kerils at what price they sold their fish to the Russes, & they said good cheape: wee sell 24. fishes for 4. altines. I thinke they solde lit••le aboue 20. pence, the 25. fishes this yeere.

The Dutchmen tolde me that the best stockfish is made at Kegor. I sawe at Vasilies tent 7. or 8. iauelins, and halfe a dozen of bowes bent, with their budgets of arrowes, & likewise swords with other weapons: Otherwise I sawe no weapons there.

I was also conueyed to their lodgings, which gathered tribute for the king of Denmarke, where I sawe a paire of bilbowes: and I asked whether they were for the Lappians (if neede were,) and they said no, but onely for their owne company if they should chance to be vnruly.

The Kerils and the Lappians are not to be trusted, for they will steale as well as the Russes, if they may conueniently come by any thing.

Concerning my voyage, because the winde was scant to goe backe againe to Colmogro, I tarried to the Eastwards of the poynt Kegor, and sent to land, and baked two batches of bread in the ouens that the Kerils haue for their prouision.

Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners to be obserued in and about this Fleete, passing this yeere 1577. toward the Bay of S. Nicolas in Russia, for this present Race to be made & returne of the same by Gods grace to the port of London, the place of their right discharge, as in the Articles ensuing is deduced.

FIrst, it is accorded and agreed betweene the seuerall proprietaries and owners, masters and companies of the foure ships, surnamed the Primrose, the Iohn E∣uangelist, the Anne and the Trinitie, and the Lieutenant, Consuls, assistants and companie of the Marchant aduenturers, that the aboue named foure ships shall in good order and conduct, saile, passe, and trauaile together in one flote, ging, and conserue of societie, to be kept indissolubly and not to be seuered, but vnited within continuall sight, so farre foorth as (by winde & weather) by possibilitie shall or may

be without any separation or departure of one from the other.

2 Item, it is agreed that the good ship named the Primerose, shalbe Admirall of this flote, and that Anthonie Ienkinson Gentleman, shalbe captaine thereof: and that all other the 3. ships shall ensue and folow her in all courses, and that no course nor waying (in harborough especially) shall be made without aduice, consent and agreement of the sayd Captaine, the Master, his mate, and two other officers of the said ship, or of three of them at the least.

3 Item, that the said Anthonie is and shalbe reputed & taken for Captaine general of the said flote together with all such orders, preeminences, priuiledges and preferments as by the order of seas is due and accustomed to a Captaine during his abode and exercise of the same.

4 It is also ordeined, that if any one or moe of the said 3. ships shalbe out of sight either before or behinde the Admirall, that then the rest of the ships shall tacke or take off their sailes in such sort as they may meete and come together, in as good order as may be, to the intent to keepe the consortment exactly in all poynts.

5 It is constituted, that if any ships shalbe seuered by mist or darke weather, in such sort as the one cannot haue sight of the other, then and in such case the Admiral shall make sound and noise by drumme, trumpet, horne, gunne or otherwise or meanes, that the ships may come as nigh toge∣ther, as by safetie and good order they may.

6 It is also to be obserued, that euery day once the other three shippes shall send and come a∣boord the Admirall, and there consult and determine of such matter and things as shall be for the assurance of their Nauigation, and most expedition of the same.

7 Item, that notes & entries be daily made of their Nauigations put in writing & memory, and that the yong Mariners and apprentices may be taught & caused to learne and obserue the same.

8 It is accor••ed that the said Captaine shall haue the principall rule and gouernement of the apprentices: And that not onely they, but also all other the sailers, shalbe attendant and obedient to him, as of duetie and reason appertaineth.

9 Also that no beere nor broth, or other liquor be spilt vpon the balast, or other place of the ship, whereby any anoyance, stinke, or other vnsauorinesse shall growe in the shippe to the infection or hurt of the persons in the same.

10 Item, that the Captaine by discretion shall from time to time disship any artificer or Eng∣lish seruing man or apprentice out of the Primrose into any of the other three ships, and in lieu of him or them, take any such apprentice as he shall thinke conuenient and most meete to serue the benefite of the companie.

11 Item, that great respect be had to the Gunners and Cookes roomes, that all danger and pe∣rill of powder and fire may be eschewed and auoyded.

12 Item, that singular care and respect be had to the ports of the ship, aswell in Nauigation as in harborow, and especially in lading and vnlading of the shippes, that nothing be lacking or surcharged: and that the bookes may oftentimes be conferred and made to agree in eschuement of such losses, as may ensue.

13 Special foresight is to be had, that at the Wardhouse no treacherie, inuasion, or other peril of molestation be done or procured to be attempted to our ships by any kings, princes, or compa∣nies, that do mislike this new found trade by seas to Russia, or would let & hinder the same; where∣of no small boast hath bene made: which giueth occasion of more circumspection and diligence.

14 If the winde and weather will serue, it is thought good rather to goe by the Wardhouse then to come in and an••re there, lest any male engine, or danger may be the rather attempted a∣gainst vs, our goods and ships as aboue.

15 It is thought good that Richard Iohnson, late seruant to M. Chanceler, shall be sent home in this next returne, to instruct the company of the state of the Countrey, and of such questions as may be demanded of him, for our better aduertisements and resolutions, in such doubts as shall arise here: and that he shall haue the roome of the Captaine in such sort, as Master Ienkinson is in this present cocket assigned vnto. And if Iohnson can not, may not, nor will not returne and occupie the said place, then any other person to be preferred thereunto, as by the discretion of our said Captaine, with consent of our Agents, shall be thought meete and apt to supply the same.

16 Prouided alway, that the ships returning be not disfurnished of one such able man, as shall occupie the Captainship in like order, as is, and hath bene in such case appoynted, as reason and good order requireth.

17 Item that all other former orders, rules, and deuises, made and prouided for the good order of our ships, wares, and goods, being not repugnant, contrary or diuerse, to these articles, and the contents of the same, shall be, and stand in full force and effect, to be in all respects obserued and kept of all and euery person and persons, whom the same doth or shall touch or concerne.

In witnesse of the premisses faithfully to be obserued and kept, the owners and Masters of the said foure ships, together with the said Captaine, to these seuenteene articles, contained in two sheetes of paper, haue subscribed their hands. Giuen in London, the third of May, in the yeere of our Lord God 1557.

¶ Owners of the Primerose.

• Andrewe Iudde.
• William Chester.
• Anthony Hickman.
• Edward Casteline.

¶ Owners of the Iohn Euangelist.

• Andrew Iudde.
• William Chester.
• ¶ Owner of the Anne.
• Iohn Dimocke.

¶ Owner of the Trinitie.

• R.T.

A letter of the Company of the Marchants aduenturers to Russia vnto George Killingworth, Richard Gray, and Henry Lane their Agents there, to be deliuered in Colmogro or els where: sent in the Iohn Euangelist.

AFter our heartie commendations vnto you and to either of you:* 9.112 your generall letter and other particular letters with two bookes of the sale and remainders of our goods, and the buying of ware there with you, we receiued about the ende of Nouember out of the Edward, with heauie newes of the losse of the sayde good shippe and goods at Petslego in Scotland, with the death of Richard Chan∣celer and his Boy, with certaine of the Embassadours seruants, and he himselfe with nine of his seruants escaped very hardly onely by the power of God: but all his goods and ours in maner were lost and pilfered away by the Scots, and that that is saued is not yet come to our hands, but we looke for it daily, and it will skant pay the charges for the recouering of it. No remedy but patience: and to pray to God to send vs better fortune hereafter. As touching the receiuing and entertaining of the Embassadour and his retinewe since his comming to England at the king and Queenes Maiesties hands, with the Counsell & Lords of this Realme, and the Marchants that be free in Russia with feasting and beneuolence giuen him, wee referre it to his report and others. The like we thinke haue not bene seene nor shewed here of a long time to any Ambassa∣dour. The Philip and Marie arriued here tenne dayes past: shee wintered in Norway. The Confidence is lost there. And as for the Bona Esperanza, as yet we haue no newes of her. We feare it is wrong with her. By your billes of lading receiued in your generall letters we per∣ceiue what wares are laden in them both. Your letters haue no date nor mention where they were made, which were written by Henry Lane, and firmed by you George Killingworth and Richard Gray: both it and the other Letters and Bookes came so sore spoyled and broken with water that we cannot make our reckoning by them. You shall vnderstand we haue fraighted for the parts of Russia foure good shippes to be laden there by you & your order: That is to say, The Primerose of the burthen of 240. Tunnes, Master vnder God Iohn Buckland: The Iohn E∣uangelist of 170. Tunnes, Master vnder God Laurence Roundal: The Anne of London of the burthen of 160. tunnes, Master vnder God Dauid Philly, and the Trinitie of London of the bur∣then of 140. Tunnes, Master vnder God Iohn Robins, as by their Charter parties may ap∣peare: which you may require to see for diuers causes. You shall receiue, God willing, out of the said good ships, God sending them in safety for the vse of the Company, these kinds of wares fol∣lowing, all marked with the general marke of the Company as followeth. 25. fardels containing 207. sorting clothes, one fine violet in graine, and one skarlet, and 40. cottons for wrappers,* 9.113 be∣ginning with number 1. and ending with number 52. The sorting clothes may cost the first peny 5. li. 9. s. the cloth, one with the other. The fine violet 18. li. 6. s. 6. d. The skarlet 17. li. 13. s. 6. d. the cottons at 9. li. 10. s. the packe, accompting 7. cottons for a packe more 500. pieces of Hamp∣shire kersies, that is 400. watchets, 43. blewes, 53. r••ds, 15. greenes, 5. ginger colours, and 2. ye∣lowes which cost the first penny 4. li. 6. s. the piece, & 3. packes containing 21. cottons at 9. li. 10. s. the packe: and part of the clothes is measured by Arshines.* 9.114 More 9. barrels of Pewter of Thomas Hasels making, &c. Also the wares bee packed and laden as is aforesayde, as by an Inuoyce in euery Shippe more plainely may appeare. So that when it shall please

God to send the said good ships to you in safetie, you are to receiue our said goods, and to procure the sales to our most aduantage either for ready money, time or barter: hauing consideration that you doe make good debts, and giue such time, if you giue any, as you may employ and returne the same against the next voyage; and also foreseeing that you barter to a profit, and for such wares as be here most vendible, as wexe, tallowe, traine oyle, hempe and flaxe. Of furres we desire no great plentie, because they be dead wares. And as for Felts, we will in no wise you send any. And whereas you haue prouided tarre, and as as we suppose, some hempe ready bought, our aduise is, that in no wise you send any of them hither vnwrought, because our fraight is 4. li. a tunne or little lesse: which is so deare, as it would not beare the charges: and therefore we haue sent you 7. ropemakers,* 9.115 as by the copies of their couenants here inclosed shall appeare. Whom we wil you sit to worke with al expedition in making of cables & ropes of al sorts, from the smallest rope to xii. inches: And that such tarre and hempe as is already brought to the water side, they may there make it out, and after that you settle their worke in Vologhda or Colmogro as you shall thinke good, where their stuffe may be neerest to them: at which place and places you doe assigne them a principall ouerseer aswell to see the deliuerie of the stuffe vnwrought, as also to take charge of the stuffe wrought, & to foresee that neither the yarne be burnt in tarring, nor the hempe rotted in the watering; and also to furnish them so with labourers, workemen and stuffe, as hereafter when these workmen shall come away, we be not destitute of good workmen, and that these may dispatch as much as possibly they may, doing it substancially: for we esteeme it a principal commoditie, and that the Counsel of England doth well allowe.* 9.116 Let all diligence be vsed, that at the returne of these shippes we may see samples of all ropes & cables if it be possible, and so after to continue in worke, that we may haue good store against the next yeere. There∣fore they haue neede to haue a place to worke in, in the winter: and at any hand let them haue helpe ynough to spinne their stuffe: for seeing you haue great plentie of hempe there, and at a reasonable price, we trust we shalbe able to bring as good stuffe from thence, and better cheape then out of Danske:* 9.117 if it be diligently vsed, and haue a good ouerseer.

Let the chiefest lading of these foure shippes be principally in wexe, flaxe, tallowe and traine oyle. And if there be any more wares then these ships be able to take in, then leaue that which is least in valew and grossest in stouage vntill the next shipping: for wee doe purpose to ground our selues chiefly vpon these commodities, as wexe, cables and ropes, traine oyle, flaxe and some linen yarne.* 9.118 As for Masts, Tarre, Hempe, Feathers, or any such other like, they would not beare the charges to haue any, considering our deere fraight. We haue sent you a Skinner to be there at our charges for meate, drinke and lodging, to viewe and see such furres as you shall cheape or buye, not minding neuerthelesse, that you shall charge your selues with many, except those which bee most vendible,* 9.119 as good marterns, miniuers, otherwise called Lettis, and Mynkes. Of these you may send vs plentie, finding them good and at a reasonable price. As for Sables and other rich Furres, they bee not euery mans money: therefore you may send the fewer, vsing partly the discretion of the skinner in that behalfe.

* 9.120Wee heare that there is great plentie of steele in Russia and Tartarie, whereof wee would you sent vs part for an example, and to write your mindes in it what store is to be had: for we heare say there is great plentie, and that the Tartars steele is better then that in Russia. And likewise we be informed that there is great plentie of Copper in the Emperours Domi∣nions:* 9.121 we would be certified of it what plentie there is, and whether it be in plates or in round flat cakes, and send vs some for an example. Also we would haue you to certifie vs what kinde of wollen cloth the men of Rie and Reuel,* 9.122 and the Poles and Lettoes doe bring to Russia, and send the skantlings of them with part of the lists, and a full aduise of the lengths and breadths, colours and prices, and whether they be strained or not: and what number of them may be vtte∣red in a yeere, to the intent we may make prouision for them for the like sortes, and all other Flemish wares which they bring thither and be most vendible there. And to certifie vs whether our set clothes be vendible there or not: and whether they be rowed and shorne: because oft∣times they goe vndrest. Moreouer, we will you send vs of euery commoditie in that Countrey part, but no great quantitie other then such as is before declared. And likewise euery kinde of Lether,* 9.123 whereof wee bee informed there is great store bought yeerely by the Esterlings and Duches for hie Almaigne and Germanie.

More, that you doe send vs for proofe a quantity of such earth, hearbes, or what thing soeuer it be, that the Russes do die and colour any kinde of cloth linen or wollen, Lether or any other thing withall:* 9.124 and also part of that which the Tartars and Turkes doe bring thither, and how it must be vsed in dying and colouring. Moreouer, that you haue a speciall foresight in the chusing of your Tallowe, and that it may be well purified and tried, or els it will in one yeere putrifie & consume.

Also that you certifie vs the trueth of the waights and measures, and howe they doe answere with ours, and to send vs 3. robles in money, that we may trie the iust value of them.

Also we doe send you in these ships ten yong men that be bound Prentises to the Companie,* 9.125 whom we will you to appoynt euery of them as you shall there finde most apt and meete, some to keepe accompts, some to buy and sell by your order and Commission, and some to send abroad into the notable Cities of the Countrey for vnderstanding and knowledge. And we will you send vs aduertisement from time to time aswell of the demeanours of our Prentises which we doe send now, as also of such other as bee already there with you. And if you finde any of them remisse, negligent, or otherwise misuse themselues and will not be ruled, that then you doe send him home, and the cause why.

And because we doe perceiue the Countrey to be large, and that you haue three housholds, we doe appoynt Henry Lane to be one of our Agents,* 9.126 and to ioyne with you in all your doings, and to haue like authoritie and power as you George Killingworth and Richard Gray haue: not doubting but you three will so conferre together, as both our Prentises and others may be ap∣poynted and diuided euery of them to his office, and to that he can best skill of: and you also so diuide your selues euery of you to an house, as by aduertisement one from another, our businesse and trafficke may take good successe. And for diuers considerations, to auoyde many troubles and businesse that might happen, wee haue appoynted that hee which shall abide at Colmogro (which we doe thinke to bee most nicetest Henry Lane) shall haue with him there such of our yong wen, as can best skill in keeping of accompts after the maner of Marchants, that is, by De∣bitor and Creditor: And that there shall be the place, where our bookes shalbe kept: because it is nearer the sea side, where our goods shalbe discharged and our ships laden. And the said Henry Lane to be charged with all such goods as we shall discharge there out of our ships, according to our Inuoyces. Which goods are to be sent from Colmogro to Vologhda or to Mosco, or to any other place where you three or two of you do apppoynt thē to be sold, so that Henry Lane be one. And so frō time to time immediatly as any thing is sold, doe you certifie the same to Henry Lane, that he may enter it into the Bookes as appertaineth: otherwise he should be too farre behinde in his Bookes at the comming of our ships, when he should send vs the accompt of the whole yeere passed. And we will also that you George Killingworth and Richard Gray doe in the fine of April next send either of you vnto Henry Lane a whole, perfit, & iust accompt firmed with your owne hands of all the goods you haue solde and bought vntill that time, and what remaineth vnsolde: and also the accompt of all maner costs of wares, and charges of you and the yong men vnder you particularly in such sort as the said accompt may bee with him in Colmogro at the fine of May at the furthest: to the intent that hee may make all our accompts perfite against the comming of our ships: and in any wise to keepe accompt of euery voyage by it selfe, and not mingle one voyage with another at no hand. And as we will haue you to keepe ac∣compt of euery voyage by it selfe, euen so wee would haue all the whole costes and charges of euery yeere put into the voyage of that yeere. As the charges of all the last yeere must be put to the accompt of the third voyage: and the charges of this yeere present, must in the fine of April next, be put to the fourth voyage.* 9.127 Not doubting but your wisedome is such, that you will not take it in euill part, that wee doe appoynt Henry Lane to take the accompt of the rest. For we doe it for none other cause, but to keepe a good order in our bookes, that his bookes and ours may by this meanes agree: and hee being the yonger man, may best take paines: and that you doe keepe accompt of euery kinde of wares by it selfe, to the intent wee may perceiue wherein is our most gaine. And also in the making of your returne, in any wise name in your billes of lading, letters, and accompts, what wares doe appertaine to the first, second, and third voyage: and that wee may knowe the same by the numbers or otherwise as you shall thinke good by your wisedomes, putting the charges of the saide wares vnto them, as nigh as you can. And all such money as shall bee made of your goods in any place, wee referre that to your discretion, where it shall remaine vntill it bee employed, either at Vologhda, Mosco, or els where. And likewise wee will that Henry Lane doe make in a readinesse about the beginning of Iune euery yeere our whole accompt of the voyage in that yeere passed: in such sort that wee may receiue the same by our shippes: and that wee may plainely perceiue what sales are made, and what remaineth of the first, second, third, and fourth voyage, and what charges haue bene layde out for the sayd voyages, and what wares bee bought, and laden, and what they cost, and for what voyage euery parcell thereof is: and to send vs a copie of the same accompt in euery shippe. And also forasmuch as at this time we haue sent you but small store of wares in comparison of that we haue hope will bee vttered in short space, and yet neuer∣thelesse much more then you wrote for, whereby there shall not be sufficient to make any ample

returne: and vnderstanding that there is great quantitie of goods stayed for our trade there by the Emperour, wee haue mooued the Embassador that you may haue credite for such quantitie as shall seeme good to you to prouide for our benefite. Which credite if you may by his meanes obtaine, or otherwise haue, we would you bought as much Wexe principally as you may get. For if there be in that countrey so great quantitie, as we be informed there is, it will be the best com∣moditie we may haue: for hauing that wholly in our hands, we may serue our owne countrey and others. Therefore seeing the Emperour doth minde, that such commodities as bee in his domi∣nions shall not passe to Rie and Reuel and Poland as they haue done,* 9.128 but bee reserued for vs: therefore we must so lay for it, that it may not ly vpon their hands that haue it to sell, alwayes hauing consideration in the price and time as our next dispatch may correspond. Whereof you may send a certaine aduise, as well what you shall receiue of credit, and to what quantitie, as also what wares are remaining in your hands: which together well considered, you may aduertise vs as well for how many hundreth tonnes we must prouide fraight against the next yeere, as also what sortes, quantities and qualities of wares we shall send you, as well to pay your credite, as also to furnish the next aduenture after. Of this we would be answered largely. For we trust by this time you are able to giue full instructions of the state of the countrey: according to the ar∣ticles of your first Commissions,* 9.129 and what commodities doe principally abound there with their prices: and likewise what of our cōmodities haue most vtterance there, and what prices will be giuen for them there: and all other things requisite and necessary to be knowen.

Also we doe vnderstand that in the Countrey of Permia or about the riuer of Pechora is great quantitie of Yewe, and likewise in the Countrey of Vgory, which we be desirous to haue know∣ledge of, because it is a speciall commoditie for our Realme. Therefore wee haue sent you a yong man, whose name is Leonard Brian,* 9.130 that hath some knowledge in the wood, to shew you in what sorte it must be cut and clouen. So our minde is if there be any store, and that it bee found to be good, that there you doe prouide a good quantitie against the next yeere for the comming of our shippes: and if there can bee found none that will serue for our purpose, then you may set the sayd Leonard Brian to any other businesse that you shall finde most fittest for him, vntill the re∣turne of our ships the next yeere. For he is hired by the yeere onely for that purpose. We doubt not but that hee shall doe you good seruice there. For hee hath good knowledge of wares of that Countrey: for his bringing vp hath bene most in Danske, and hath good vnderstanding in ma∣king of Ropes and Cables. Also we doe send you two Coopers to remaine there with you at our finding for meate and drinke and lodging to make in a readinesse all such caske as shalbe needfull for traine oyle,* 9.131 tallowe, or any thing else. One of them may goe with Leonard Brian to cut and cleue such Yewe as he shall like there. And because we be not sure what timber they shall finde there to make Caske, we haue laden in these ships 140. tunnes emptie Caske, that is 94. tunnes shaken Caske and 46. tunnes whole, and ten thousand hoopes, & 480. wrethes of twigs: they may be doing with that till they can prouide other timber, which we would be glad to heare of. They haue an example with them of the bignesse of the Caske they shall make. Neuerthelesse, all such Buttes and Hoggesheads as may be found to serue we will shalbe filled with Traine Oyle.

Also we charge you that you suffer no goods nor marchandies of any persons being not free of the Company, and of the accompt of the Company to be laden in any wise in our ships either now or at any time hereafter: except the Emperour or Embassadour minde to send any thing to the King and Queenes Maiesties, or to any noble man, or to the Marchants of the Companie: Nor likewise that you suffer any goods that goe in these ships to be brought on land there, except the Ambassadours goods, and the Physitions & Apothecaries, and others that hee hath with him, who carie no Marchandise. And because our ships be freighted by the great, it shalbe very neede∣full that you do appoynt certaine to see the romaging of the ships, and to giue the master or Boat∣swaine, or him that will take vpon him to romage, a good reward for his labour to see the goods well romaged. If it be iii. d. or iiii. d. the tunne, it shall not be amisse. For if it be not substantially well looked vnto, it may bee a great deale of money out of our wayes.

Also because we reckon that from the Mosco will bee alwayes better conueyance of letters to vs by land: our minde is that from time to time as occasion shall serue, our Agents shall write to him that shall lie at Mosco of all things that shall passe, that hee may giue vs large instructions, aswell what is solde and bought, as also what lading we shall take, and what quantitie and kinde of goods we shall send. For hitherto we haue had but a slender aduise, more like a bill to serue a Chapman, then for quantitie of wares to serue a kingdome. For we must procure to vtter good quantitie of wares, especially the commodities of our Realme, although we affoord a good peny∣worth, to the intent to make other that haue traded thither, wearie, and so to bring our selues and our commodities in estimation, and likewise to procure to haue the chiefe commodities of that

countrey in our hands, as ware and such others, that other nations may bee serued by vs and at our hands. For wee doe vnderstand that the greatest quantitie of waxe that commeth to Danske, Lubeck, and Hambourgh, commeth out of Russia. Therefore if wee should buy part, and they al∣so buy, it would raise the price there, and would bee litle woorth here. And all such letters of im∣portance and secrecie as you doe send by land for any wares or otherwise, you must write them in Cyphers,* 9.132 after the order of a booke sent you in the shippes: alwayes taking goodheede in pla∣cing of your letters and cyphers, that wee may vnderstand them by the same booke heere, and to send them in such sort, that we may haue them here by Christmas or Candlemas, if it be possible. And because you cannot so certainly aduertise vs by letters of your doings, but some doubt may a∣rise, whereof we would most gladly be certified: our mind is therefore that with these ships you send vs home one such yong man as is most expert in knowledge of that countrey, and can best cer∣tifie vs in such questions as may be demanded, whome we will remit vnto you againe in the next ships. We thinke Arthur Edwards wilbe fittest for that purpose: neuerthelesse vse your discreti∣on in that matter.

As touching our goods that were robbed and pilfered out of our ships at Colmogro and Vo∣logda we trust by this time they are restored againe, and the mal••factors so punished that other may take example for doing the like, otherwise it will be an euill president. Moreouer, wee doe perceiue that Richard Gray doeth buy mastes to send into England, they will not quit the costes, except we had a ship of purpose for them. And likewise that Steuen Burrow is returned from his discouerie with the Serchthrift,* 9.133 and wintereth at Colmogro, and is minded to set forth in the be∣ginning of Iune next to seeke the riuer of Ob. We pray God to speede him well, and trust to haue him here in England this yeere to bring vs good newes.

We doe perceiue there is a riuer found about the mouth of S. Nicholas Bay that hath thirteen foot vpon the barre at a lowe water, and is as neere Colmogro as S. Nicholas: which will bee a great pleasure vnto vs. We will that Steuen Burrowe doe proceed on his voiage to discouer. Al∣so we haue sent you one Anthonie Ienkinson Gentleman,* 9.134 a man well trauelled, whom we mind to vse in further trauelling, according to a Commission deliuered him, subscribed by master An∣thonie Huse and others. Wherefore we will you deliuer him one or more of such painfull young men as he shal thinke meetest for his purpose: and likewise such money and wares as he shal think best to take with him. He must haue fourty pounds a yeere for foure yeeres, to be paid him by the halfe yeere, or as he wil demaund it of you, so let him haue it from Easter last. Also the prices of wares here at this present are, bale f••axe twenty pound the packe and better, towe flaxe twentie eight pound the hundred, traine oyle at nine pound the tunne, waxe at foure pound the hundred, tallow at sixteene shillings the hundred, cables and ropes very deare: as yet there are no shippes come out of Danske.

Kept vntill the tenth day of this present. As this day came the goods out of Scotland that were recouered out of the Edward Bonauenture: and nowe we doe perceiue that the caske that the trayne oyle came in,* 9.135 is verie good, and much better then ours. Therefore our minde is, that you shall lade it all in such barrels of the bigger sort as you laded in the Edward, and no long barrels nor small. And that caske that wee haue sent may serue for the Tallowe or anie other ware that is not leakage. Neuerthelesse, this voyage you must take such as you can get.

Also if the Emperour bee minded to deliuer you any summe of money, or good Waxe at as reasonable a price as you may buye for readie money, wee will that you shall take it and lade it for our accomptes, and to come at our aduenture, and hee to bee payed at the re∣turne of the shippes in Ueluets, Sattens, or any other kinde of silke, or cloth of golde, cloth of tissue, or according as his Commission shall bee that hee shall sende vs in the shippes, and ac∣cording to such paternes as hee shall send. Wee doe not finde the Ambassadour nowe at the la••t so conformable to reason as wee had thought wee shoulde. Hee is very mistrustfull, and thin∣keth euerie man will beguile him. Therefore you had neede to take heede howe you haue to doe with him or with any such, and to make your bargaines plaine, and to set them downe in writing. For they bee subtill people, and doe not alwaies speake the trueth, and thinke other men to bee like themselues. Therefore we would haue none of them to send any goods in our shippes at any time, nor none to come for passengers, vnlesse the Emperour doe make a bargaine with you, as is aforesaid, for his owne person.

Also we charge you not to suffer any of our nation to send any wares to their wiues or friends in any of our ships; but to take their money there to be paied heere by the companie and not other∣wise: and to haue consideration how you doe take the roble. For although we doe rate it after six∣teene shillings eight pence of our money, yet it is not worth past 12. or 13. shillings sterling.

Moreouer, you had neede to sende newe accomptes, for them that came in the Edward bee marred and torne, so that we can make no reckoning by them: and likewise to write vs a per∣fect note of all the goodes which you receiued the last voyage out of the Edward, and heerein not to faile.

• ...Andrew Iudde.
• ...George Barne.
• ...Anthonie Huse.
• ...William Garrard.
• ...William Chester.

A Letter of Master Thomas Hawtrey to the worshipfull Master Henrie Lane Agent at Colmogro, written in Vologda the 31. of Ianuarie 1557.* 9.136

VVOrshipfull Sir, heartie commendations premised. These may bee to aduertise you, that yesterday the thirtieth of this present came hither Robert Best, and brought with him two hundred robles, that is, one hundred for this place, and one hundred for you at Colmo∣gro. As for hempe which is here at two robles and a halfe the bercouite, master Gray hath writ∣ten to buy no more at that price: for Iohn Sedgewicke hath bought for sixe or seuen hundred ro∣bles worth at Nouogrode for one roble and a halfe the bercouite,* 10.1 and better cheape: and white Nouogrode flaxe is there at three robles the bercouite. I trust hee will doe much good by his going thither. As I doe vnderstand, Richard Iohnson is gone to Nouogrode with money to him, I doubt not but Master Gray hath aduertised you of all their doings, both at the Mosco and at Nouogrod. And touching our doings heere, you shall perceiue that wee haue solde wares of this fourth voyage for one hundred and fourtie robles, besides fiftie robles of the second and third voyage since the giuing vp of my last account, and for wares of the Countrey, you shall vnderstand that I haue bought tried and vntried for 77. robles foure hundred podes of tried tallowe, besides foure hundred podes that I haue giuen out money for, whereof God graunt good receipt when the time commeth, which is in Lent. And in browne flaxe and hempe I haue bought seuenteene bercouites, sixe podes and sixteene pound, which cost 28. robles, eleuen altines two pence.* 10.2 And as for other kindes of wares I haue bought none as yet. And for mastes to bee prouided, you shall vnderstand that I wrote a letter to Totma the 28. of this present for fiftie mastes, to wit, for 25. of fifteene fathoms, and 25. of foureteene fathoms, to be an arshine and a halfe at the small ende. And more, I haue written for 30. great trees to be two arshines and a halfe at the small end,* 10.3 and for the other that were prouided the last yeere, I trust they shall be sent downe in the spring of the yeere. And as concerning the Ropemakers, you shall vnderstand that their abiding place shall bee with you at Colmogro,* 10.4 as I doe thinke Master Gray hath aduertised you. For, as Ro∣ger Bontinge Master of the woorkes doeth say, there is no place more meete for their purpose then with you: and there it will be made with lesser cost, considering that the pale is the one halfe of it: which is to set one pale more to that, and so for to couer it ouer, which as they say, will be but little cost. They doe pray that it may bee made sixeteene foote broade, and one hundred and eightie fathoms long: and that in the midde way twentie foote from the pale towarde the water side there may be a house made to tarre in, standing alone by it selfe for danger of fire. The Tarre house that they woulde haue made,* 10.5 is to bee fifteene fathoms long, and ten fathoms broade, and they would that house should be made first: for I thinke they will not tarre before they come there. And farther they desire that you will prouide for as much tarre as you may, for heere wee haue small store, but when the time commeth that it shoulde be made, I will prouide as much as I can here, that it may bee sent downe when the Nasade commeth. The stuffe that they haue rea∣die spunne is about fiue thousand waight, and they say that they trust to haue by that time they come downe yarne ynough to make 20. cables. As concerning a copie of the Alphabet in ciphers Master Gray hath written hither that Robert Austen had one,* 10.6 which he willed that he shoulde de∣liuer to you. Thus I surcease, beseeching God to preserue you in health, and to send you your hearts desire.

By yours to command to his power, Thomas Hawtrey.

A Letter of Master Richard Gray one of the first Agents of the Moscouie companie to Master Henrie Lane at Mosco, writ∣ten in Colmogro the 19. of Februarie 1558.* 10.7

VVOrshipfull Sir, after heartie commendations &c. You shall vnderstand that this Lent commeth to Lampas such a number of men of diuers nations with wares,* 11.1 as hath not bene seene these ten yeeres. Thither come many out of Vgori: therefore I would haue bene there my selfe, and also haue receiued such money as is owing vs in wares by Kerill his brother and Osep Boscouo. For as you well know, thence they will goe with their wares to the Mosco, and make vs payment with delayes, as they haue done these other yeeres past. Colobone and his partner be departed towards Lampas with seuen ••leddes laden with victuals. Others also are gone to that Mart. As touching the bringing of money with you, it will bee good, for I assure you since our comming to this countrey haue not so many persons gone to the Sea, as will doe this yeere. Trusting that God will s••nd good store of traine oyle, I will cause as much caske to bee in a readinesse as I can, if you shall thinke it meete to send some money before. All our olde hempe is spunne and wrought in tenne cables from fifteene ynches to ten the least, and thirteene Hausers from sixe ynches to three ynches: and all may weigh whi••e eight and twenty thou∣sande pounde weight and vpwarde. There is in hempe ockam fiue thonsand pound two hun∣dred weight in twelue sackes at the least: the flaxe that came downe in the Nassadaes with those seuen podes that came last is all spunne with a good part of that hempe that came last. God send more shortly, for all that is here and that is comming in the three other sleddes, will bee dispat∣ched by the fourth weeke in Lent. Within these few dayes I bought thirteen podes, seuen pound of hempe that cost two robles, twenty eight al••nes, foure pence, which together with that that was bought before, shall bee laide in dipping and sounding lines, for it is very good. There are spent aboue fiftie barrels of tarre alreadie: you shall vnderstand that these eight workemen will spinne and lay aboue fourescore and tenne thousand pound of hempe,* 11.2 so it bee dressed readie to their hands, hauing two to turne the wheeles, and two to winde vp. Therefore I haue agreed with these two boyes to serue the worshipfull companie foure yeeres a piece. One of them win∣deth vp and is very apt to spinne: therefore I will haue two other young men Russes to spinne, if they can finde good sureties for their trueth. I haue bene in hand with these two yong men that came out of the Trinitie, and they with me, but vnder seuen pound a yeere they will not serue, nor Thomas Bunting that was Roger Bunting his seruant. Therefore I would haue three Rus∣ses at the least to spinne, fiue of them will be as good as these three, and will not be so chargea∣ble all, as one of these would be. I thinke it were good that our Nassada were somewhat streng∣thened in her floore on both sides with plankes of fiue or sixe ynches thicke, from the stemme to the sterne, as I haue written to Thomas Hawtrey at Vologda. Also if you shall so thinke meet, your waxe and tallowe shall bee laden in two Dosnickes, for they bee meete to goe aboord the shippes: I doe intend to set vp an house at Boroseua ouer against the place whereas the shippes shall ride, your aduise therein I expect, it shall not cost aboue three robles, and yet if we will, there shall be two warme roomes in it. As for other matter at this present I haue not to trouble you withall, and if it would please you I would be glad to heare some good newes of Ma∣ster Ienkinson. Thus Iesus be with you and be his guide.

Postscriptum.

As for these our Hawkes they bee not white, but white and mayled,* 11.3 but indeede are Iar∣fawkons. These dayes past our Olen died. So this yeere our Masters of the companie are like to haue none, nor any white beares. Neither may any passe out of the realme without a special li∣cence from the Emperour.

I intend God willing to goe to Lampas,* 11.4 if I doe I will take foure or fiue kerseys with me, but as for money there is small store here to carte.

Yours, Richard Gray.

A Letter of Thomas Alcocke to the worshipfull Richard Gray, and Henrie Lane Agents in Moscouia from Tirwill in Polonia, written in Tirwill the 26. of Aprill 1558.* 11.5

MY duety premised vnto your worships, with cōmendations &c. It may please you to be ad∣uertised, y^t my last I sent frō Smolēsco, which I trust you haue receiued w^t other letters to

diuers of our English men, wherein I certified you of my long retayning there, as also of my departure from thence, and howe that I had hired a Totar to bring mee to Danske. We came to a certaine village on Satterday the sixe and twentieth of Februarie, and there remai∣ned that night and Sunday to refresh our horses, intending to haue gone away on Munday ear••ly. But on Saterday at night one of his neighbours departed to Tirwill, and there declared to the Captaine howe that at such a place there was a Dutch man that was come from the Mosco, and woulde ride to Danske, saying, for the one, I cannot tell what he is. The Cap∣taine incontinent ridde to the King to shewe him thereof, so that without any delay there was sent out for mee one of the Gentlemen of the Kings house, and one of the Mesnickes of the Towne with sixe Officers to take mee. They came thither in the night about midnight, and there apprehended mee and tooke all that I had from me: they lef•• mee nothing but my clothes to put on my backe, and so brought mee to Tirwill to the Captaines house, where before I dyned, I had a payre of fetters clapped on my legges, wherewithall I sate vntill it was Munday in the Easterw••eke. On which day, after long and earnest calling to the Cap∣taine as hee ridde by the windowe, hee commaunded the Marshall that mine yrons shoulde be taken off, but no worde I could heare when I should be deliuered out of captiuitie till it was Saint George his day: on which day I was had before the Marshall, who declared vnto me that the Kings. Maiestie had shewed his mercie and goodnesse towardes mee: for his pleasure was that I should be deliuered out of prison to depart into England, but no way else. So af∣ter I had giuen thankes for the Kings Maiesties goodnesse shewed vnto me, I desired him that he woulde be a meane that I might haue the remaynder of such thinges as were taken from me restored vnto me againe. Hee made me answere, that I might thanke God that I escaped with my head, and that if euer there came any more of vs through the land, they should not so doe. The weeke before Easter they deliuered mee my Corobia againe with all thinges that were therein. They tooke from mee in money nine Hungers gylderns in golde, fiue shillings foure pence in Lettoes money, fourtie Altines in Russe money, whereof twentie and more were for tokens, halfe an angell and a quarter of Master Doctour Standishes,* 12.1 with his golde ring. Your two pieces of money (Master Gray) that you sent to your wife and daughter, with my two pieces of Boghary money. Of all this I had eight Hungers gilderns deliuered mee the thirde weeke of mine imprisonment to paye for my charges, which stoode mee in a Doller a weeke. So that at the day of my deliuerie I had but three gyldernes left me. For the rest I made a supplication to the Captaine and had the like answere giuen mee as the Marshall gaue me. So that all the rest of the thinges before written are lost, and no recouerie to bee had, which grieueth me more for the tokens ••akes then doeth mine eight weeks imprisonment. They haue also my sword, my bootes, my bowe and arrowes that I bought at Smolensco, which cost me foure marks, my sled, my felt, the comhold, a booke of the Flowres of godly prayers, and my booke wherein my charges were written. Of all these I can get nothing againe, not so much as my two bookes.

After I had remayned there fiue and thirtie dayes, I was had before the Captaine vp in∣to a great chamber to bee examined for letters and of the cause of my comming through the Countrey. In the Captaines companie was one of the Lordes of Danske. They demaun∣ded of mee where my letters were, I declared vnto them that I had none: your Officers (sayd I) tooke me when I was in my bedde, they searched mee and tooke all that I had from mee, if there be any they shall finde them among my stuffe which they haue. They asked mee then, for what cause I went home ouer lande? I declared vnto them, that the Winter beeing a warme season, and hauing intelligence that The frozen Sea was not much frozen, and sup∣posing this Sommer it would be nauigable, I was onely sent to prouide a Shippe to bee sent to passe the sayde Seas to discouer Cataia: which if God graunted wee might doe, it woulde not onely bee a commoditie to the Realme of Englande, but vnto all Christian landes, by the riches that might bee brought from thence, if the histories bee true that are written thereof. Much other communication I had with them concerning the same voyage. Then he demaun∣ded of mee what wares wee brought into Russia, and what wee carried from thence. I de∣clared the same vnto them. Then they burdened mee, that wee brought thither thousandes of ordinance, as also of harneis, swordes, with other munitions of warre, artificers, cop∣per, with many other things: I made them answere, that wee had brought thither about one hundred shirtes of mayle, such olde thinges newe scowred as no man in Englande woulde weare. Other talke they had with mee concerning the trade of Moscouia too long to commit to writing.

At my comming hither heere were Ambassadours from the townes of Danske, Lubeck,

and Hamburgh, as also out of Liefland to desire this king to bee their Captaine and head in their intended voyage, which was to stoppe all such shippes as shoulde goe out of England for Moscouia.* 12.2 Whereunto the King graunted, and immediatly they departed to prepare their shippes. So that I am afraide that either these our enemies, or the great warres that we haue with France and Scotland will be an occasion that you shall haue no shippes at Colmogro this yeere.

To conclude, although I haue no tokens to deliuer them, that the tokens token from me were sent vnto, yet I will declare vnto them that I had tokens for them, with the mischance. And thus I commit you to Amightie God with the rest of the companie, who keepe you in health to his holy will and pleasure.

By yours to commaund THOMAS ALCOCKE.

A Letter of Master Anthonie Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghar to the worshipful Master Henrie Lane Agent for the Mosco∣uie companie resident in Vologda, written in the Mosco the 18. of September, 1559.* 12.3

VVOrshipfull Sir, after my heartie commendations pr••mised with most desire to God of your welfare and prosperous successe in all your affaires. It may please you to bee aduertised that the fourth of this present I arriued with Richard Iohnson and Robert Iohnson all in health, thankes bee to God. Wee haue bene as farre as Boghar, and had proceeded far∣ther on our voyage toward the lande of Cathay,* 13.1 had it not bene for the vncessant and continuall warres, which are in all these brutall and wilde countreys, that it is at this present impossible to passe, neither went th••re any Carauan of people from Boghar that way these three yeeres. And although our iourney hath bene so miserable, dangerous, and chargeable with losses, charges and expenses, as my penne is not able to expresse the same: yet shall wee bee able to satisfie the woorshipfull Companies mindes, as touching the discouerie of The Caspian Sea,* 13.2 with the trade of merchandise to bee had in such landes and counteyes as bee thereabout adiacent, and haue brought of the wares and commodities of those Countries able to answere the principall with profite: wishing that there were vtterance for as great a quantitie of kersies and other wares as there is profite to bee had in the sales of a small quantitie, (all such euill fortunes bee∣ing escaped as to vs haue chaunced this present voyage,) for then it woulde be a trade woorthie to bee followed. Sir, for that I trust you will be here shortly (which I much desire) I will de∣ferre the discourse with you at large vntill your comming, as well touching my trauel, as of o∣ther things. Sir, Iohn Lucke departed from hence toward England the seuenth of this present, and intendeth to passe by the way of Sweden,* 13.3 by whom I sent a letter to the worshipfull Compa∣nie, and haue written that I intend to come downe vnto Colmogro to be readie there at the next shipping to imbarke my selfe for England, declaring that my seruice shal not be needfull here, for that you are a man able to serue their worships in greater affaires then they haue heere to doe, so farre as I perceiue. As touching the Companies affaires heere, I referre you to Christopher Hudsons letters, for that I am but newly arriued. Hauing here but litle businesse to doe,* 13.4 I send you Richard Iohnson to helpe you there in your affaires. Thus giuing you most heartie thanks for my wench Aura Soltana, I commend you to the tuition of God, who send you health with hearts desire.

Your assured to command, Anthonie Ienkinson.

A Letter of the Moscouie companie to their Agents in Russia, Master Henrie Lane, Christopher Hudson, and Thomas Glouer sent in their seuenth voyage to Saint Nicholas with three ships, the Swal∣lowe, the Philip and Marie, and the Iesus the fifth of May, 1560.

AFter our heartie commendations to you. The twelfth day of the last moneth here arriued in safety, thanks be to God, our two ships, & by them we receiued your letters & inuoices very

well perceiuing what you haue laden in them. The tallowe came euill conditioned and bro∣ken,* 13.5 by reason it came in Corrobias, wee lose and spoyle more then the Caske will cost, and much of this tallowe is verie euill, blacke, soft and putrified. Touching the Waxe,* 13.6 as yet wee knowe not howe the weight will rise, by reason that some of it was lost in the barkes. The weight of the last yeeres waxe did not rise so well as the other yeeres before it did. There had neede good heede to bee taken in the weighing. Also much of this Waxe had a great foote and is not so faire waxe as in times past wee haue had. You must cause the foote to bee taken off before you doe weigh it, or else you must seeke to haue a good allowance for it. The traine Oyles which you laded this yeere came well conditioned,* 13.7 and the caske was good and of a good sise. But if they were made a little bigger it were the better, for they be not hogsh••ads. You haue written to vs to send you caske which is not heere to be had, ueither doe wee thinke it so best if it were heere, considering it must goe either shaken and bounde vp, or else emptie, which will bee pesterable, and likewise will shrinke and drie, and not be fitte to lade oyles in. Therefore our minde is, you shall cause so much caske to bee made there of the sise of hog∣sheads as will serue both for your oyles and tallowe, and let them be well trimmed with pitch on the heads and seames, and stand full of water three or foure dayes before you put Oyles in them. Your Cowper may bee ouerseer to them that make them, that they be well hooped and cleere tymber without knottes, the woorst caske you may put the tallowe in. Hee that seeth the filling of the oyles had neede to looke well to it, for there was much water in this that came nowe. Wee perceiue you haue bought and haue in a readinesse one hundred and fourtie tunnes of oyles, and that if neede be you may haue more store. Wherefore we doe minde to send you ship∣ping for three hundred tunnes and vpwards, because we would haue this next Sommer as great a returne as you can of the commodities of that Countrey, as also such of our wares as you haue that are not vendible, or will not be solde or bartered, because we would haue a ful know∣ledge and state of our accounts. The Sables which you sent this yeere be very base,* 13.8 among them all we could not make one principall timber: we haue alwayes written vnto you to send them that bee good or else none. The Woluerings were indifferent,* 13.9 and some of the wolues, the rest verie base, the Lusernes but meane,* 13.10 the Lettes not so large skinnes as we haue had:* 13.11 the best is, they were of a new death. As for the Ermines,* 13.12 they cost more there with you, then we can sell them for here. Therefore buy no more of them, nor of Squirels,* 13.13 for wee lost the one halfe in the other. The wares that we would haue you prouide against the comming of the shippes are, Waxe, Tallowe, trayne Oyles, Flaxe, Cables and Ropes, and Furres,* 13.14 such as we haue written to you for in our last letters by the shippes: and from hencefoorth not to make any great prouision of any rich Furres except principall Sables & Lettes: for now there is a Proclamation made that no furres shall be worne here,* 13.15 but such as the like is growing here within this our Realme. Also we perceiue that there might be a great deale of tallowe more pro∣uided in a yeere then you send. Therefore our minde is, you should enlarge somewhat more in the price, and to send vs if you can three thousand podes a yeere: for we doe most good in it.* 13.16 And like∣wise the Russes, if you would giue them a reasonable price for their waxes, woulde be the wil∣linger to buy and sell with you, and not to carie so much to Nouogrode as they doe, but woulde rather bring it to Vologda to you, both Waxe, Tallowe, Flaxe, Hempe, and all kinde of other wares fitte for our Countrey. Our minde is you should prouide for the next ships fiue hun∣dred Losh hides,* 13.17 of them that be large and faire, and thickest in hand, and to be circumspect in the choosing, that you buy them that bee killed in season and well dryed and whole. If they bee good we may sell them here for sixteene shillings and better the piece, wee would haue the whole skinnes, that is, the necke and legges withall, for these that you sent now lacke their neckes and legges.* 13.18 Neuerthelesse for this time you must sende them as you may get them: if you coulde finde the meanes that the haire might bee clipped off them, they woulde not take so much roome in the shippes as they doe. We perceiue by your letters that the prices of Waxe doe rise there with you, by reason that the Poles and Lifelanders doe trade into Russia by licence: which, if there shoulde bee peace betweene them, woulde bee an occasion that all other commodi∣ties in Russia woulde rise to a bigger price, and not bee sufficient to serue them and vs too, and likewise woulde bring downe there the prices of our commodities. Therefore we thinke it good you shoulde make a supplication to the Emperour in the name of The Companie to returne the trade from Rye and Reuel to vs, especially for such wares as wee doe buy: promising that wee will bee bounde to take them at a reasonable price, as wee haue bought them in times past: and likewise that wee will bring to them such wares of ours, as are thought fitte for the Countrey, and to sell them at such reasonable prices as wee haue done. If this shoulde not come to passe, wee might be out of hope of doing any good by the trade there: but

that we haue a further hope of some good trade to be found out by Master Antonie Ienkinson:* 13.19 by reason we doe perceiue by your letters, that raw silke is as plentifull in Persia, as flare is in Russia: beside other commodities that may come from thence. Wee vnderstand by your letters that you be at a point with the Russe for the Waxe, Tallow, and Traine oyles that he shipped the last yere for 311 robles 20 altines, which is well: although much be not gotten by it, but because they should not vnderstand our reckonings We much maruel what you mean to buy Seale skins and canne them.* 13.20 All that you haue sent in times past lie here vnsold, and will yeelde no money. If you send 100 of them tawed with the haire on, they will bee solde, or else not. In our shippe we will send you such things as you write to haue for the ropers: and wee would they should make more store of small cables and ropes, as cables of 7,8,9,10,11,12. inches.* 13.21 For these great cables be not for euery man; and the greatest cables bee not best laded: and likewise small ropes for shroudes, sholes, and other small tackeling: and that you looke better to the spinning of their yarne that it be euen and well tarred. The sables that you doe mind to send vs let them be princi∣pall and fayre, and not past foure or fiue timbars. For they will not be so commonly worne here as they haue bin with noble men: and likewise of Luserns send fewe and principal good. We mind to send you in our shippes 100 tunnes of salte. And because we perceiue that balast is hardly to be had at our lading place there with you, we would you should haue in a readinesse 100 tunnes of the white stones whereof you sent vs home an example two yeres past.* 13.22 And likewise to haue in a readinesse mastes of all sortes for our shippes: for we know not what neede wee shall haue of them. The bringer hereof is Thomas Alcock, he could not be suffered the the last yeare to passe through Poland. And as we wrote vnto you in our shippes, hee is our seruant for yeares: And for that we know him to be honest, true and painefull, our mind is he shalbe placed where he may do best seruice. He doth know the commodities ond discommodities of all kinde of wares which you doe send vs. Therefore we would you should credite his sayings both in quantitie of wares and goodnes, as also wherin is most our profit. We see by your letters that your opinion is that the ropemakers should remaine there two yeres more; and that you haue prouided great plentie of hempe, which we are content withall. But as yet we haue solde none of our cable nor hal∣sers, neither is the proofe of them knowen; because the first you sent vs were made of flare, which are worth no money: for after they be once wet they will rotte and moulder away like mosse. And those which you sent vs now last, by misfortune there with you at the lading were wette and fretted in many places, and haue lost their colour: by meanes whereof they be not so vendible as if they had come well conditioned. Of an hard beginning we trust God will send vs a good en∣ding. We hope in your next letters to heare good newes of the proceedings of Master Antonie Ienkinson. We perceiue by his letters that Astracan is not so good a Mart towne as the fame hath gone of it:* 13.23 and maruell much that round pewcer should be so good, and good chepe there, and from whence it should come. And whereas you write that you wil come for England in our next shippes, we would gladly haue you to remaine there vntill the next yere following, for the better instruction of our seruants there; who haue not had so long time of continuance for the language, and knowledge of the people, countrey, and wares as you haue had. Neuerthelesse if you will needs come away, we haue no doubt, but that you will leaue good order with our seruants there, namely with Christopher Hodson and Thomas Glouer,* 13.24 whom we appoint to remaine there as Agents in your roome, till further order bee taken: not doubting but that they will vse them∣selues so discreetely and wisely in all their doings, as shall be to the worship and benefite of this company. And as we haue a good hope in them that they will be carefull, diligent and true in all their doings: so haue we no lesse hope in all the rest of our seruants there, that they will bee not onely obedient to them (considering what roome they be in) but also will be carefull, paineful, diligent, and true euery one in his roome and place for the benefite and profite of the company: That hereafter in the absence of others they may be called and placed in the like roome there or elsewhere. And if you find any to be disobedient and stubborne, and will not be ruled; wee will you shall send him home in our shippes: who shall find such small fauour and friendship during the time that he hath to serue, as by his disobedience and euill seruice hee hath deserued. And whereas Christopher Hodson hath written to come home, as partly he hath good cause, conside∣ring the death of his father and mother: yet in regard that Sir George Barne and the Ladie his wife were his special friends in his absence, we doubt not but that he wil remain in the roome, which we haue appointed him, if you doe not tarie and remaiue there, till farther order be taken: and for his seruice and paines hee shall be considered, as reason is, as friendly as if his friends were liuing. Thus we trust you will take such order the one to remaine at the Mosco, and the other at Colmogro, or elsewhere, as most neede is. Thomas Alcocke is desirous to be in the Mosco: neuerthelesse you shall find him reasonable to serue where he may doe most good. The

62 robles which you receiued o•• Iohn Boucher we haue payed him here, and also the 8 robles, which you receiued the yere before of Christopher Rose, and the money which you receiued more of George Burton, for the which we haue you our debtors. Thus we rest, referring that which is here omitted to the report of the bringer: and so God haue you in his keeping. Also we would that you should send vs in our shippes 200 horse-clothes more. The things before written wee would that you should let our seruants see and reade, to the intent they may perceiue our mindes.

Another letter to the foresaid parties. 1560.

THis letter before written is the copie of one sent you by Thomas Alcock, trusting that hee was with you long since. The 26 day of the last moneth we receiued a letter from him, dated in Stockholme in Sweden the 14 day of Ianuary,* 14.1 and we perceiue by his letter that hee had tal∣ked with a Dutch man that came lately from the Mosco, who informed him that our friend Ma∣ster Antony Ienkinson was returned to the Mosco in September last past, but how farre he had beene, or what he had done, he could not tell. Also he wrote that one Iohn Lucke a Ioyner was taken by the Liefelanders,* 14.2 and put in prison. As yet wee haue not heard from the sayd Iohn Lucke, nor know not whether he be released out of prison or not. We suppose that by him you wrote some letter which as yet is not come to our hands: so that we thinke h••e is yet in prison, or otherwise dispatched out of the way. The fifteenth day of December wee receiued a letter from Christopher Hodson, dated in the Mosco the 29 of Iuly, by the way of Danske: which is in effect a copie of such another receiued from him in our shippes. You shal vnderstand that we haue laden in three good shippes of ours these kind of wares following: to wit, in the Swal∣lowe of London,* 14.3 Master vnder God Steuen Burrow, 34 fardels. N^o 136 broad short clothes, and foure fardels N^o 58 Hampshire Kersies: and 23 pipes of bastards and seckes, and 263 pie∣ces of raisins and 4 hogsheds N^o 154 pieces of round pewter, and ten hogsheds and poncheons of prunes, and one dryfatte with Almonds. And in the Philip and Marie,* 14.4 Master vnder God Tho∣mas Wade, 25 fardels N^o 100 broad clothes, and three fardels N^o 42 Hampshire Kersies, and thirtie pipes of seckes and bastards, and 100 pieces of raisins. And in the Iesus of London,* 14.5 Master vnder God Arthur Pette, 10 fardels N^o 40 broade shorte clothes, and twenty seuen pipes of bastards and seckes, as by the Inuoices herewith inclosed may appeare: Also you shall receiue such necessaries as you did write to bee sent for the rope makers: trusting that you shall haue better successe with them which you shall send vs in these ships, then with the rest which you haue sent vs yet: for we as yet haue sold none of them. And whereas we wrote vnto you in our former letter, that we would send you a hundred tunnes of salte, by reason it is so deare here we doe send you but nine tunnes and a halfe, for it cost here ten pence the bushell the first penie: namely in the Swallow 6 tunnes and a halfe, in the Philip and Marie one tunne and a halfe, and in the Iesus one tunne and a halfe. The 4 hogsheds of round pewter goe in the Swallow and in the Philip and Marie N^o 154 pieces, as is aforesaid. We send you three ships, trusting that you haue prouided according to our former writing good store of lading for them. If yee haue more wares then will lade the ships, let it be Traine oyles that you leaue behinde: the price is not here so good as it was: it is worth here 9 pound the tunne. We thinke it good you should let the smal∣ler ship bring as much of the traine as she can cary: And that the masters of the ships do looke wel to the romaging, for they might bring away a great deale more then they doe, if they would take paine in the romaging: and bestowe the traine by it selfe, and the ware and tallowe by it selfe: for the leakage of the traine doth fowle the other wares much. As for Allard the skinner, if you thinke good, he may come home in these shippes. We haue no doubt but that you Henrie Lane, if you minde to come home now in these ships as you requested, will leaue such good order there with our seruants as shall bee for our most profite and their preferment, if they doe their dueties diligently and truely. If our friend Master Antonie Ienkinson bee returned, and meane to come away in these ships to declare his mind and opinion of his trauaile, if need require and he be so minded he may returne thither by land and be there by the fine of Ianuarie or before. But as we be vncertaine whether he be returned or not: so we know not what he hath done, nor what benefite may rise hereafter of his trauaile. Therefore in this wee remit it to his and your good discretions. Wee send you Thomas Hawtrey which is our seruant for yeeres: our minde is he should be placed, where he may doe best seruice.

* 14.6Also we send you Nicholas Chancelour to remaine there, who is our apprentice for yeeres: our minde is hee should be set about such businesse as he is most fit for: he hath been kept at wri∣ting schoole long: he hath his Algorisme, and hath vnderstanding of keeping of bookes of recko∣nings. We send you now but 100 Kersies: but against the next yeere, if occasion serue, wee will

send you a greater quantitie, according as you shal aduise vs: One of the pipes of seckes that is in the Swallow, which hath 2 round compasses vpon the bung, is to be presented to the Emperour: for it is special good. The nete waight of the 10 puncheons of prunes is 4300. 2 thirds 1 pound. It is written particularly vpon the head of euery puncheon: and the nete weight of the fatte of al∣monds is 500 li. two quarters. The raisins, prunes, and almonds you were best to dispatch a∣way at a reasonable price, and principally the raisins.* 14.7 for in keeping of them will be great losse in the waight, and the fruit will decay. We thinke it good that you prouide against the next yeere for the comming of our shippes 20 or 30 bullockes killed and salted, for beefe is very deare here. Therefore you were best to saue some of this salt that we doe send you in these ships for the pur∣pose. The salte of that countrey is not so good. In this you may take the opinion of the masters of the shippes. Foxe skins, white, blacke, and russet will be vendible here.* 14.8 The last yere you sent none: but there were mariners that bought many. If any of the mariners doe buy any trifling furres or other commodities, we will they shall be registred in our pursers bookes, to the intent we may know what they be. We desire to know how the Emperour tooke the letter which we sent in our ships,* 14.9 as an answere to the letter that came in his name and vnder his seale for the sixe thousand dallers. Thus wee rest, committing you to God, from London the fift day of May 1560.

For lacke of time the gouernours haue not firmed this letter: which is the copie of the other two letters firmed by them.

Yours, William Mericke, Yours, Blase Sanders.

The maner of Iustice by lots in Russia, written by Master Henrie Lane, and executed in a controuersie betweene him and one Sheray Costro∣mitskey in Mosco. 1560.

AFter the comming home into Russia of Ioseph Napea the first ambassadour to Queene Marie, I remaining the Agent there, sundrie Russian marchants by Iosephs procurement obtained letters from the Emperour to freight goods and passe in our ships for England: which thing vpon good consideration I answered and refused. They were then driuen to credite vs and compound in value vntill the next returne. At which time, notwithstanding good accompt in the value of 600 robles, there grewe question by their double demand. So in April Anno 1560.* 14.10 before my comming from Moscouia, they obtained trial by combat or letter to haue their summe double, or as I proffered 600 robles. For combatte I was prouided of a strong willing English∣man, Robert Best, one of the companies seruants: whome the Russes with their Champion re∣fused. So that we had the words of our priuiledge put in effect, which were to draw lots. The day and maner of triall appointed by the Emperour at his castle in his palace and high Court of Moscouia was thus. The Emperours two Treasurers, being also Chancelours and chiefe Iudges, sate in court. They appointed officers to bring me, mine interpreter, & the other, through the great presse within the rayle or barre, and permitted me to sit downe some distance from them: the aduerse parties being without at the barre. Both parties were first perswaded with great curtesie, to wit, I to enlarge mine offer, and the Russes to mitigate their challenge. Notwith∣standing that I protested my conscience to be cleere, and their gaine by accompt to bee sufficient, yet of gentlenes at the magistrates request I made proffer of 100 robles more: which was o∣penly commended, but of the plaintifes not accepted. Then sentence passed with our names in two equall balles of waxe made and holden vp by the Iudges, their sleeues stripped vp. Then with standing vp and wishing well to the trueth attributed to him that should be first drawen, by both consents among the multitude they called a tall gentleman, saying: Thou with such a coate or cap, come vp: where roome with speede was made. He was commanded to hold his cappe, wherein they put the balles, by the crowne vpright in sight, his arme not abasing. With like cir∣cumspection, they called at aduenture another tall gentleman, commanding him to strip vp his right sleeue, and willed him with his bare arme to reach vp, and in Gods name seuerally to take out the two balles: which he did, deliuering to either Iudge one. Then with great admiration the lotte in ball first taken out was mine: which was by open sentence so pronounced before all the people, and to be the right and true parte. The chiefe plaintifes name was Sheray Costro∣mitsky. I was willed forthwith to pay the plaintifes the summe by me appointed. Out of which for their wrong or sinne, as it was termed, they payd tenne in the hundred to the Emperor. Ma∣ny dayes after, as their maner is, the people tooke our nation to be true and vpright dealers, and talked of this iudgement to our great credite.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Beda Ecclesia∣sticae histo•••••• Gentis Anglo∣rum lib. 2. cap. 3.
• * 1.2

  Mal••••bu••. de gestis Regum Anglo••um. lib. 1. cap. 4.
• * 1.3

  Nauigatio In∣terdicta.
• * 1.4

  Negociatorum Anglicanorum patrocinium.
• * 1.5

  Traffique pro∣hibited.
• * 1.6

  Nauigation forbidden.
• * 1.7

  A league be∣tweene Carol. Mag. and K. Offa.
• * 1.8

  Protection of the English Marchants.
• * 1.9

  William of Malm••b. lib. ••. cap 9. de gestis Regum Anglo∣rum.
• * 1.10

  Garganus a mountaine of Apulia in Italie.
• * 1.11

  Guliel. Malmesb. de gestis pon••. Anglorum lib. ••.
• * 1.12

  Germanie.
• * 1.13

  Norway.
• * 1.14

  Commercia inter Germanos & Anglos.
• ‖ 1.15

  1199.
• * 1.16

  Solitae me••ca∣torum consue∣tudines.
• * 1.17

  The ancient customes of Marchants.
• ‖ 1.18

  1216.
• ‖ 1.19

  Antiqua con∣sucrudo Gild∣halle Colonien∣•••••••• Londini.
• * 1.20

  The ancient custome of the Coloners Gild∣hall in London.
• * 1.21

  Ricardus Comes Cornubiae Rex Romanorum.
• * 1.22

  Carta conditio∣nalis.
• ‖ 1.23

  Nota antiqui∣tatem.
• ‡ 1.24

  The Stiliard.
• * 1.25

  Note the an∣tiquitie.
• * 1.26

  Exceptio contra notorios regni hos••es.
• * 1.27

  Lex mercatoria.
• * 1.28

  Lex mercatoria, qu••••
• * 1.29

  Antiquae Cus••u∣mae.
• * 1.30

  An exception for traficking with y^e known enemies of the kingdome.
• * 1.31

  Where is this law now be∣come?
• * 1.32

  Villa de Tonnes∣bergh.
• * 1.33

  The towne of Tonesbergh.
• * 1.34

  Northbernae villa.
• * 1.35

  Antiquitas com∣mercij inter An∣gliam & Norwe∣gia••.
• * 1.36

  The antiquity of traffique be∣tweene Eng∣land and Nor∣way.
• * 1.37

  Maior & Com∣munitas stapulae.
• * 1.38

  Charta anno reg∣ni sexto con••e∣cta.
• * 1.39

  A Charter made in the sixt yeere of his reigne.
• * 1.40

  E••••seri seatres.
• * 1.41

  The first war mooued against the Prussian infi∣fidels, anno ••om. 1239.
• * 1.42

  The Prussians abandon Chri∣stianitie.
• * 1.43

  A memorable stratageme.
• * 1.44

  4000••
• * 1.45

  This man sent an ambas∣sage to Richard the second.
• * 1.46

  The great ma∣ster ouercom∣meth the king of Polonia.
• * 1.47

  The king by treason ouer∣throweth the Master.
• * 1.48

  The ancient assistance of the kings of England a∣gainst infidels.
• * 1.49

  Edward the 3.
• * 1.50

  The arresting of the English goods and marchants.
• * 2.1

  1388.
• * 2.2

  An ancient cu∣stome.
• * 2.3

  The priuiled∣ges of the En∣glish marchāts in Prussia.
• * 3.1

  1403.
• * 3.2

  1405.
• * 3.3

  1406.
• * 3.4

  These ships were taken by the English y^e 20. of Iuly 1404.
• * 3.5

  Hamburgh.
• * 3.6

  Brem••.
• * 3.7

  Stralessund.
• * 3.8

  Lubec.
• * 3.9

  Gripeswold.
• * 3.10

  Campen.
• * 3.11

  1403.
• ‡ 4.1

  Namely the ship of Edgard Scof at C••leis. The ship of Tidman Dorde∣want and Tid∣man Warowen, at Orwel and Zepiswich.
• * 4.2

  Note well.
• * 4.3

  1403.
• * 4.4

  The an••cient friendship be∣tweene England and Prussia.
• * 4.5

  Margaret queen of Denmarke.
• * 4.6

  1403.
• * 4.7

  The cōplaints of the Liuonians
• * 4.8

  Note well.
• * 4.9

  1400.
• * 4.10

  Newcastle.
• * 4.11

  An English ship of 200. tunnes.
• * 4.12

  ••ull.
• * 4.13

  Hull.
• * 4.14

  Hull.
• * 4.15

  Hull.
• * 4.16

  Hull.
• * 4.17

  Yorke.
• * 4.18

  Yorke.
• * 4.19

  London.
• * 4.20

  London.
• * 4.21

  Colchester
• * 4.22

  Yermou••h.
• * 4.23

  Norwich
• * 4.24

  Yermouth.
• * 4.25

  Longsound in Norway.
• * 4.26

  Yermouth.
• * 4.27

  Yermouth. Selaw in Nor∣way.
• * 4.28

  Cley.
• * 4.29

  Cley.
• * 4.30

  Cley.
• * 4.31

  Cley.
• * 4.32

  Cley.
• * 4.33

  Cley.
• * 4.34

  ••••••eton,
• * 4.35

  Wiueton.
• * 4.36

  Wiueton.
• * 4.37

  Wiueton.
• * 4.38

  Wiueton.
• * 4.39

  Lenne.
• * 4.40

  Lenne.
• * 4.41

  21. houses of English mar∣chants burnt at Norbern in Norway.
• * 4.42

  The Vitalians.
• * 4.43

  Lenne.
• * 4.44

  Lenne.
• * 4.45

  Lenne.
• * 4.46

  Lenne.
• * 4.47

  Lenne.
• * 4.48

  Lenne.
• * 4.49

  Note the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 treasons of the Han••.
• * 4.50

  The ancient customes of wools.
• * 4.51

  Pence for the towne of Cales.
• * 4.52

  The great charter of marchants.
• * 4.53

  A speciall Charter.
• * 4.54

  The custo∣mers of the pety custome.
• * 4.55

  1405
• * 4.56

  The custo∣mers of the subsidie.
• * 4.57

  The Hans soci∣etie determi∣neth the ouer∣throw of Eng∣lish marchāts.
• * 4.58

  Statutes a∣gainst y^e English marchants in Norway and in Suedland.
• * 4.59

  How many & which be the Hans townes.
• * 5.1

  A meting at Hage the 28. of August 1407.
• * 6.1

  Here relation is had vnto y^e king of the Romans.
• * 6.2

  Septem. 27. 1408.
• * 6.3

  A motion for a perp••tuall league.
• * 6.4

  A ship of the burthen of 300. Tonnes.
• ‖ 6.5

  1404.
• ‖ 6.6

  Nota••
• * 6.7

  Naues maximae Henrici quinti.
• * 6.8

  Incipit liber de custodia Maris praeserti•• arcti inter Doueram & Galisiam.
• * 6.9

  Sigismond died 1438.
• * 6.10

  He was here 1416.
• * 6.11

  Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter caete∣ras Angliç scilicet Calisiam & Do∣ueream, ponens suos duos digitos super duos suo•• oculos, ait regi: Frater, custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestros oculos.
• * 6.12

  The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18.
• * 6.13

  Quatuor consi∣der••ntur in mo∣net•• aurea An∣glic••, quae dicitur Nobile: scilicet Rex, Nauis, gla∣dius, & Mare: Quae designant potestatem An∣glico••um super Mare. In quorum opprobrium his diebus Britones minores & Flan∣drenses & alij di∣cunt Anglicis: Tollite de vestro Nobile nauem & imponite onem. Intendentes, quod sicut quon∣dam á tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant do∣mini Maris, modo his diebus sunt v••••ordes, victi, & ad bell••ndum & Mare obseruan∣dum velut o••es.
• * 6.14

  Figges, ••aisins, Wine, Bastard, Dat••s, Lyco••as, ••iuil Oyle, Graynes, White Pastel, Sop••, Waxe, Iron, Wadmolle, Gotefell, ••idfell, Saffron, Quickesiluer.
• * 6.15

  Flemish cloth made of Eng∣lish Wooll.
• * 6.16

  The necessarie coniunction of Spaine and Flanders.
• * 6.17

  Wine, Osey, Waxe, Graine, Figs, Reisens, Hony, Corde∣weyne, Dates, Salt, Hides.
• * 6.18

  Note well.
• * 6.19

  The Britons great Rouers and Theeues.
• * 6.20

  Historia o••••en∣den•• quam ordi∣nationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecit contra de∣praedatores ma∣rinos Britanniae minoris, ad debel∣landum eos & subiugandum Britannos mi∣nores.
• * 6.21

  Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis.
• * 6.22

  Anno Domini 1436. Hen. 6.14.
• * 6.23

  Pitch, Tarre, Board, Flexe, Collein threed, Fustian, Can∣uas, Cardes, Bokeram, Siluer-plate, Wedges of Siluer and Metall.
• ‖ 6.24

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, Woad.
• * 6.25

  An example of deceite.
• ‖ 6.26

  Or, loue.
• * 6.27

  Note diligētly
• * 6.28

  A woful com∣plaint of lacke of nauie if need come.
• * 6.29

  A storie of de∣struction of Denmarke for destruction of their mar∣chants.
• * 6.30

  The p••a••se of Richard of Whi∣tingdon mar∣chant.
• * 6.31

  Mader, Woad
• * 6.32

  Garlicke, Oni∣ons, saltfish.
• * 6.33

  What our marchants bye in that coste more then all other.
• * 6.34

  Of Hankin lions.
• * 6.35

  Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land, although there were none other cause.
• * 6.36

  False colou∣ring of goods by Lombards.
• * 6.37

  Alas for b••ibes & gift of good, feasts & other means, that s••oppen our policie.
• * 6.38

  This is the very state of our time.
• * 6.39

  It to a mar∣ueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt of y^e land may haue no remedie of so many as take hēselues wise men of gouer∣nance.
• * 6.40

  Or, hunting.
• * 6.41

  Mynes of sil∣uer and gold in Ireland.
• * 6.42

  This is now to be greatly feared.
• * 6.43

  This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me this matter, that he would vnder∣take i••, n•• pain of losse of al his liuelihood.
• * 6.44

  But this prof∣fer could not be admi••ted. Ergo malè.
• * 6.45

  The trade of Bristow to Island.
• * 6.46

  The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North.
• * 6.47

  Th•• ioy of Si∣gi••mond the Emperour that ••ale••s was English.
• * 6.48

  Harflew was lo••t in the yere 1449 in the 27. of Henry the sixth.
• * 6.49

  Dieit Chronica, quod isle Edga∣ru cunctis prae∣d•• ce••io ibu ••ui•• faelic••or, nolli s•• ••uta•••• inferi∣or, omnibus mo∣••um 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are prellantior luc∣r•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 se Anglisnon minus t•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quam Cyris Per∣sia, Catolin F••an∣ci, Homulus ve∣rò Romanis.
• * 6.50

  Dicit Chronica, preparauer••t na∣ue•• rob utissi nas numero ••ria mil∣lia sexcenta: in quibus redeunie aellate omnem insulam ad retro∣rem extraneoeū, & a) suorum ex∣citationem cum maximo apparatu ci••cumnauigate cons••euerno.
• * 6.51

  Dicit Ch••onica &c. vt non minus quantam ei eriam in bac vita bo••o∣rum operum mer∣colem donaue∣rit: cum aliquan∣do ad maxim••m cius festiuitatem, reger, comites, mul••a••um{que} pro∣uineiarum prote∣ctor es conuenis∣sent, &c.
• * 6.52

  Caleis was ye••l∣ded to y^e Eng∣lish 1347.
• * 6.53

  King Edward has 700 Eng∣lish ships, and 14151. English mariners be∣fore Caleis.
• * 6.54

  The battell of Scluse by sea.
• * 6.55

  The great ships of Henry the fift, made at Hampton.
• * 6.56

  Great caracks of Genua taken by the Duke of Bedford.
• * 6.57

  1416.
• * 6.58

  The French name thus o∣ner•• H••owen was of fiue hundred saile.
• * 6.59

  The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost.
• * 6.60

  Ex••orta••io gene∣ralis in cuslodiam to••lus Angliae, per diligentiam custodiae circui∣rus maris circa litto••a eiusdem: quae debe•• esse per vnanimi••a••é Consilia••io••um regis, & homi∣num bonae v••∣lu••t••ti••.
• * 6.61

  T•••••• ••un•• c••u••ae predictae custo∣diae: s••ilicet, ho∣••o••, commodum ••egni, & oppro∣••••••m i••i••••i••is.
• * 6.62

  Ephes. 4. Solliciti sius seruate vni∣tatem spiritus in vinculo pacis.
• * 6.63

  Matth. 5. Beati pacifici, quoniam filij Dei voca∣buntur.
• * 6.64

  Cum placu••••ine Domino viae ho∣minis, eius inimi∣cos ad pacem conuertet.
• * 6.65

  Vibs beata Ieru∣salem dicta pacis visio.
• * 6.66

  The wise lord of Hungerfords iudgement of this booke.
• * 6.67

  1462
• * 6.68

  A secrete.
• * 6.69

  The discouery of the North.
• * 6.70

  By Sebastian Cabot and sir Thomas Pere in the right yere of his reigne. And this is the voyage spoken of by Gonsaluo Ouiedo, that came to S. Domingo.
• * 6.71

  Note.
• * 6.72

  Nauigation vnder the Pole
• * 6.73

  Tartaria.
• * 6.74

  China.
• * 6.75

  New found land discouered by y^e English.
• * 7.1

  Doctor Leys letters.
• * 7.2

  This was the fleete wherein Cabot discoue∣red the riuer of Plate, 1526;
• * 7.3

  Note.
• * 7.4

  The Newe found Islands discouered by the English.
• * 7.5

  A Mappe of the world.
• * 7.6

  To know the latitudes.
• * 7.7

  To know the longitudes.
• * 7.8

  Now called the straight of Magelane.
• * 7.9

  Note.
• * 7.10

  Doctor Leys demand.
• * 7.11

  The Pope re∣prehended.
• * 7.12

  The longi∣tudes hard to be found out.
• * 7.13

  New found land discoue∣red by the Englishmen.
• * 7.14

  Note.
• * 7.15

  To saile by the Pole.
• * 7.16

  Or the straites of Magelane.
• * 7.17

  Note
• * 7.18

  Benefite to England.
• * 7.19

  Obiection.
• * 7.20

  Answere.
• * 7.21

  A true opiniō.
• * 7.22

  A voyage of discouery by the Pole.

  M. Therne and M. Eliot disco∣uerers of New found land.
• * 7.23

  The cause why the West In∣dies were not ours: which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ra∣musius.
• * 8.1

  Russia became ciuill in y^e yere of our Lord 572.
• * 8.2

  Kiow.
• * 8.3

  1237.
• * 8.4

  These ambas∣sadours were Iohan de •• lano Carpini & Frier Benedict of Po∣lonian.
• * 8.5

  The citie of Mosco first made the sea••e of the great Duke.
• * 8.6

  Iuan Vasilowich.
• * 8.7

  The name of the Moscouites first aduanced.
• * 8.8

  The yoke of the Tartars shaken off.
• * 8.9

  Basilius.
• * 8.10

  ••••an Vasilowich.
• * 8.11

  Theodore.
• * 8.12

  The commo∣dities of tra••∣••ike and of na∣uigation.
• * 8.13

  A minister in the voyage.
• * 8.14

  King Edward•• corporation.
• * 8.15

  Reason voide of experience.
• * 8.16

  Iiar. I would reade Mair, that is, in the Sarasen lan∣guage, mirt of Turkish and Aegyptian, Februarie, in∣terpreted by them the mo∣neth to see ships to the sea.
• * 8.17

  The first ship.
• * 8.18

  The second ship.
• * 8.19

  Iohn Stafford Minister.
• * 8.20

  M. William Bur∣rough nowe comptroller of her Maiesties nauie.
• * 8.21

  The third ship.
• * 8.22

  May.
• * 8.23

  Iune.
• * 8.24

  Iuly.
• * 8.25

  In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth.
• * 8.26

  Rost Islands.
• * 8.27

  Stanfew harbor.
• * 8.28

  Lofoot••
• * 8.29

  August.
• * 8.30

  Seyman in 70 degrees.
• * 8.31

  Willoughbi•• his land, i•• 72 de∣grees.
• * 8.32

  September.
• * 8.33

  In this hauen they died.
• ‖ 8.34

  Or, Ellons.
• * 8.35

  Here endeth Sir Hugh Wil∣loughbie his note, which was written with his owne hand.
• ‖ 8.36

  Duyna
• * 8.37

  Note.
• * 8.38

  Upon what occasions, and by whom this voyage was set out, and of the discouerie of Moscouie by the North.
• * 8.39

  3. Ships fur∣nished for the discouerie.
• * 8.40

  Prouision of victua••s for 18. moneths.
• * 8.41

  Choise of Cap∣taines and Pilots.
• * 8.42

  Sir Hugh Willoughbie.
• * 8.43

  Master Henry Sidney his Oration.
• * 8.44

  They depar∣ted from Ra••∣eliffe the 20. of May 1553.
• * 8.45

  They returne the next yeere not knowing what was be∣come of the other 2. ships.
• * 8.46

  They arriue in the Bay of Saint Ni∣cholas.
• * 8.47

  The discouerie of Russia.
• * 8.48

  The Empe∣rours courte∣ous letters to M. Chanceler.
• * 8.49

  The mightie lake of Beal∣ozera.
• * 8.50

  The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie.
• * 8.51

  Their manner of building.
• * 8.52

  King Ed∣wards letters deliuered.
• * 8.53

  The maners of the Flem∣mings against our men.
• ‖ 8.54

  Dr, Dwina.
• * 8.55

  Note.
• * 8.56

  Aurea vetul••, o•• ••••lo••ibaba,
• * 8.57

  Iuan Vasiliuich, that is to say, Iohn the forme of Basilius.
• ‖ 8.58

  That is, come into our pre∣sence.
• * 8.59

  No coin••s of gold in Russia, but all of siluer
• * 8.60

  The weights in Russia.
• * 8.61

  The weight of Wardhouse.
• * 8.62

  The Russia mea∣sures.
• * 8.63

  The measure of Wardhouse in cloth, is the measure of Danske.
• * 8.64

  The Turkes and Armeni∣ans pay cu∣stome.
• * 8.65

  The Empe∣rors beame.
• * 8.66

  The Dutch na∣tion lost their priuil••dges, & renued them with a great summe.
• * 8.67

  The commo∣dities of Russia.
• * 8.68

  Vologda and the state thereof.
• * 8.69

  The Emperor of Moscouie is a marchant himselfe.
• * 8.70

  Two sorts of ••••axe.
• * 8.71

  Note.
• * 8.72

  Inqui••ie for the way to Catbaya.
• * 8.73

  The Philip and Ma••y.
• * 8.74

  Note.
• * 8.75

  Note,
• * 8.76

  Note.
• * 9.1

  Queene Maries letters to the Emperour of Russia.
• * 9.2

  The Italians counsell to our people.
• * 9.3

  The diuersitie of weights & mea••ures in Russi••.
• * 9.4

  Colmogro.
• * 9.5

  Vologda.
• * 9.6

  Nouogrode.
• * 9.7

  The Russian secretary his name.
• * 9.8

  The discouerie principally in∣tended for Gods glory.
• * 9.9

  Sebastian Cabo∣ta first gouer∣nour of the Moscouie companie.
• * 9.10

  Sir George Barnes, William Garret. Anthony Husie. Ioh. Su••h∣cot, the first 4. Consul••.
• * 9.11

  K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby ••o disa∣null Pope Alexanders di∣uision.
• * 9.12

  Conquest per∣mitted.
• ‖ 9.13

  Anno 1554.
• * 9.14

  The Mosco∣tutes priui∣ledges vnto the English.
• * 9.15

  The larg••nes of the priui∣ledge of the Moscouite companie.
• * 9.16

  Anno 1555.
• * 9.17

  April 23.
• * 9.18

  Note
• * 9.19

  May 15.
• * 9.20

  Kedelwike chap∣pell.
• * 9.21

  The North cape so named by Steuen Bur∣rowe.
• * 9.22

  The latitude of Cola.
• * 9.23

  •• Russe Lodia.
• * 9.24

  Lodias hauing 24 men a p••••ce
• * 9.25

  From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 dayes sayling.
• * 9.26

  The ••••••••esse of one Gabriel.
• * 9.27

  A good & ne∣cessarie note.
• * 9.28

  Twentie eight Lodias belon∣ging to Cola.
• * 9.29

  The latitude of Cape S. Iohn 66 degrees 50 minutes.
• * 9.30

  Earth swim∣ming aboue water like wood.
• * 9.31

  The latitude 68 degrees and a halfe.
• * 9.32

  Morgiouets an harbour.
• * 9.33

  Drift wood.
• * 9.34

  A Samoed.
• * 9.35

  Dolgoieue an Island.
• * 9.36

  Pechora.
• * 9.37

  The variation of the Compas
• * 9.38

  Ice.
• * 9.39

  The lat. 70 de∣grees 11 min.
• * 9.40

  S Iames Island.
• * 9.41

  The variation of the Compas 7 degrees and a halfe.
• * 9.42

  The relation of Loshak.
• * 9.43

  The way to the riuer of Ob.
• * 9.44

  A mighty hill in Noua Zembla.
• * 9.45

  Loshak.
• * 9.46

  The Islands of Uagaits.
• * 9.47

  Samoeds.
• * 9.48

  The maners of the Sa∣moeds.
• * 9.49

  The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtfull and shrewd people.
• * 9.50

  Naramzay.
• * 9.51

  The latitude. The variation of the compas.
• * 9.52

  They land vp∣on Vaigats.
• * 9.53

  The vncer••en∣tie of ••••bing & flowing.
• * 9.54

  They were within 15 leagues of Pechora
• * 9.55

  They returne the 22 of Au∣gust.
• * 9.56

  1556
• * 9.57

  Norway.
• * 9.58

  Roste & Lofoot.
• * 9.59

  Finmarke.
• * 9.60

  Wardhouse.
• * 9.61

  Lappia.
• * 9.62

  The Scric∣finnes.
• * 9.63

  The Lappians.
• * 9.64

  Corelia.
• * 9.65

  Nouogardia. The Russes.
• * 9.66

  Tartaria.
• * 9.67

  Lampas a mart or faire of the Russes, Tar∣tars and Sa∣moeds.
• * 9.68

  The Samoeds countrey.
• * 9.69

  Or. Pechora•• Vaegatz.
• * 9.70

  Noua Zembla. Store of foule. White Foxes. White beares.
• * 9.71

  The maner of the Samoeds sacrifices, a∣bout the riuer of Pechere.
• * 9.72

  Foure ships.
• * 9.73

  The Edward Bo∣nauenture arri∣ued in Scotland•• in the Bay of Pettislego. No∣uemb. 7. 1556.
• * 9.74

  Rich. Chancelor drowned.
• * 9.75

  His departure from Scotland towards Eng∣land.
• * 9.76

  1557. Febr. 27.
• * 9.77

  His honourable receiuing into the citie of London.
• * 9.78

  A league and articles of a∣mitte conclu∣ded and confir∣med vnder the great seale of England.
• * 9.79

  Foure goodly ships of the merchants prouided for Russia, 1557.
• * 9.80

  The King and Queens secōd letters to the Emperour of Russia.
• * 9.81

  Coia Reca.
• * 9.82

  Coscaynos.
• * 9.83

  Dogs nose.

  The variation of the Com∣passe 4. de∣grees.
• * 9.84

  Foxe nose.
• * 9.85

  Poynt Pente∣cost.
• * 9.86

  Crosse Island.
• * 9.87

  Cape good fortune.
• * 9.88

  Cape grace.
• * 9.89

  Cape Race.
• * 9.90

  Frost in Iune.
• * 9.91

  Tri Ostroue.
• * 9.92

  Ice.
• * 9.93

  The varia∣tion.
• * 9.94

  Corpus Chri∣sti poynt.
• * 9.95

  Cape Gal∣lant.
• * 9.96

  Iuana Creos.
• * 9.97

  S. Georges Islands.
• * 9.98

  Cape comfort.
• * 9.99

  S. Peters Islands.
• * 9.100

  S. Pauls Islands.
• * 9.101

  Cape Sower beere.
• * 9.102

  Kildina.
• * 9.103

  Cape Bona∣uenture.
• * 9.104

  ••egor.
• * 9.105

  Domshaff.
• * 9.106

  Wardhouse.
• ‖ 9.107

  Which were the Bona Es∣peranza, the Bona confi∣dentia and the Philip and Marie. Where∣of the two first were lost.
• ‖ 9.108

  Or, ••rondon.
• * 9.109

  The Philip and Marie. The bona Confidentia cast away.
• * 9.110

  A gainefull trade of fishing at Kegor.
• * 9.111

  Commodities fit for Kegor.
• * 9.112

  1557.
• * 9.113

  Wares sent into Russia out of Eng∣land.
• * 9.114

  The Arshin•• is a Russie measure.
• * 9.115

  7. Ropema∣kers sent into Russia.
• * 9.116

  Cables and Ropes a prin∣cipall commo∣ditie.
• * 9.117

  Danske the old chiefe place for Cables.
• * 9.118

  Commodities not bearing the charges of long fraight.
• * 9.119

  Furres most vendible.
• * 9.120

  Steele.
• * 9.121

  Copper.
• * 9.122

  Wollen cloth of Rie and Reuel, of Po∣land and Let∣towe.
• * 9.123

  Russian lether.
• * 9.124

  Things good•• to die withall.
• * 9.125

  Ten yong men sent into Rus∣sia.
• * 9.126

  Henry Lane Agent.
• * 9.127

  The fourth voyage.
• * 9.128

  The olde traf∣fike of Russia to Rei, Reuel and Poland turned to Saint Ni∣chol••••.
• * 9.129

  The articles of their first Commission giuen 1555.
• * 9.130

  Leonard Brian sent to search out Yewe in the North parts of Russia.
• * 9.131

  2. Coopers sent into Russia.
• * 9.132

  The marchāts letters ouer land written in cyphers.
• * 9.133

  The voyag of Steuen Burrowe for the discoue∣rie of the riuer of Ob.
• * 9.134

  M. Anthonie Ienkinson his first trauaile intēded for Ca∣thay by the Ca∣spian sea and Boghar.
• * 9.135

  Good caske made in Russia.
• * 9.136

  1557
• * 10.1

  Iohn Sedgewick at No••ogrode.
• * 10.2

  Masts of 30. yards.
• * 10.3

  An Arshine is 3. quarters of a yard or more.
• * 10.4

  A rope house ••r••ted at Col∣mogro.
• * 10.5

  A tarre house.
• * 10.6

  Robert Austen.
• * 10.7

  1558
• * 11.1

  Lampas a great mate for the Samoeds in the North.
• * 11.2

  What quanti∣tie of ••empe & workmen will worke in a peere.
• * 11.3

  White hawks & white beares prohibited without li∣cence.
• * 11.4

  Master Grayes iourney to Lampas.
• * 11.5

  1558
• * 12.1

  Doctor Stan∣dish the Em∣perours Phi∣sition.
• * 12.2

  An attempt to hinder our trade to Mos∣couia by the Hans townes & Easterlings.
• * 12.3

  1559
• * 13.1

  Master Ienken∣sons voyage in∣tended for Ca∣thay.
• * 13.2

  The discouery of its Caspian sea.
• * 13.3

  Passage to and from Moscouia by Sweden.
• * 13.4

  This was a yong Tartar girle which he gaue to the Queene after∣ward.
• * 13.5

  Tallowe.
• * 13.6

  Waxe.
• * 13.7

  Traine oyles.
• * 13.8

  Sables.
• * 13.9

  Woluerings.
• * 13.10

  Luserns.
• * 13.11

  Lettes.
• * 13.12

  Ermines.
• * 13.13

  Squirels.
• * 13.14

  Flaxe. Cables and ropes.
• * 13.15

  A proclamion against so••rn•• Furres.
• * 13.16

  3000. podes of Tallow a yere.
• * 13.17

  500. Losh hides.
• * 13.18

  Note.
• * 13.19

  Hope of trade to be found by master Antonie Ienkinson.
• * 13.20

  Seale skinnes tawed.
• * 13.21

  Small cables best besidible.
• * 13.22

  Masts of all sorts to be pre∣pared.
• * 13.23

  Astracan no great good marte.
• * 13.24

  Christopher Hod∣son and Thomas Glouer appoin∣ted Agents 1560.
• * 14.1

  Stockholme.
• * 14.2

  Iohn Luck taken prisoner in Lief∣lando.
• * 14.3

  The Swallow.
• * 14.4

  The Philip and Marie.
• * 14.5

  The Iesus.
• * 14.6

  Nicholas Chan∣celour.
• * 14.7

  The salt of Russia is not so good as Bay salte.
• * 14.8

  Fore skinnes white, blacke, and russet ven∣dible in England
• * 14.9

  May 5. 1560.
• * 14.10

  Triall by com∣bat or lo••.