The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

THE SECOND PART OF THIS Second volume containing the principall Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries of the English nation, made to the South and Southeast quarters of the world without the Straights of Gibraltar, namely to the Ilands of Madera, and of the Canaries, to the kingdome of Barbarie, to the Iles of Capo Verde, to the riuer of Senega, to the coast of Ghinea and Benin, about the cape of Buona Esperansa, and so to Goa in the East Indies, and likewise beyond cape Comori to the Iles of Nicubar, to Sumatra, to the chanell of Sincapura ouer against the city of Malacca, and to di∣uers other places. (Book 2)

The voyage of Macham an English man, wherein he first of any man discouered the Iland of Madera, recorded verbatim in the Portugall hi∣story, written by Antonio Galuano.

IN the yeere 1344, King Peter the fourth of that name reigning in Aragon, the Chronicles of his age write that about this time the I∣land of Madera,* 1.1 standing in 32 degrees, was discouered by an Eng∣lish man, which was named Macham, who sailing out of England in∣to Spaine, with a woman that he had stollen, arriued by tempest in that Iland, and did cast anker in that hauen or bay, which now is cal∣led Machico after the name of Macham. And because his louer was sea-sicke, he went on land with some of his company, and the shippe with a good winde made saile away, and the woman died for thought. Macham,* 1.2 which loued her dearely, built a chapell, or hermitage, to bury her in, calling it by the name of Iesus, and caused his name and hers to be written or grauen vpon the stone of her tombe, and the occasion of their arriuall there. And afterward he ordeined a boat made of one tree (for there be trees of a great compasse about) and went to sea in it, with those men that he had, and were left behinde with him, and came vpon the coast of Afrike, without saile or oare. And the Moores which saw it tooke it to be a maruellous thing, and presented him vnto the king of that countrey for a woonder, and that king also sent him and his companions for a miracle vnto the king of Castile.

In the yeere 1395, King Henry the third of that name reigning in Castile, the informati∣on which Macham gaue of this Iland, and also the ship of his company, mooued many of France and Castile to go and discouer it, and also the great Canaria, &c.

In the yeere 1417, King Iohn the second reigning in Castile, and his mother Lady Kathe∣rine being Regent, one Monsieur Ruben of Bracamont, which was Admirall of France, de∣manding the conquest of the Ilands of the Canaries, with the title of King, for a kinsman of his named Monsieur Iohn Betancourt, after that the Queene had giuen him them, and holpen him, he departed from Siuil with a good army. And they affirme also, that the principall cause which moued him to this, was to discouer the Iland of Madera, which Macham had found, &c. ibidem pag. 2. of Anthonio Galuano.

This note following, concerning the ayde and assistance of the English Marchants, giuen to King Iohn the first of Portugall, for the winning of Ceuta in Barbarie, which was the first occasion of all the Portugall discoueries, is taken out of Thomas Walsingham his Latine Chronicle. Anno 1415.

HOc anno Ioannes primus Rex Portugalliae fretus auxilio Mercatorum Angliae quàm maximè, & Alemannorum, vicit Agarenos in terra Regis Betinarinorum, multis eorum millibus ad generum Cereris destinatis: cepítque ciuitatem eorum quàm amplissimam supra mare sitam, vocatam Ceut eorum lingua.

The same in English.

THis yere Iohn the first king of Portugall, being principally assisted by the helpe of the Eng∣lish Marchants, and Almaines, ouercame the Moores in the dominion of the king of Barba∣ry, putting many thousands of them to the sword, and he tooke their city which was very mighty, seated vpon the sea, which is called Ceuta in their language.

Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum, & Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae, datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij, & apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris, 1482, anno regni 22 Regis Ed∣uardi quarti, lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta. Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende, que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo.

Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra, cap. 33.

EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito, de que el Rey muyto confiaua, é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas, é Fernam de Pina por secretario. E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia: hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra, que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar: é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee, pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos, que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee: é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada, que pera laa faziam, per mandado do Duque de Medina Si∣donia, hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses. Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Ing∣laterra mostrou receber grande contentamento, é foy delle com muyta honra recebida, é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido. De que elles trouxeran | 1.3 autenticas escri∣turas das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram: é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias: é com tudo muyto ben acabado, é ha vontade del rey se vieram.

The Ambassage which king Iohn the second, king of Portugall, sent to Edward the fourth king of England, which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam, and one William Fabian English men, from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea, 1481, taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende, which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second, king of Portugall. Chap. 33.

ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England, Ruy de Sonsa, a principall person, and a man of great wisedome and estimation, and in whom the king reposed great trust, with doctor Iohn d'Eluas, and Ferdinand de Pina, as se∣cretarie. And they made their voyage by sea very honourably, being very well accompanied.* 1.4 These men were sent on the behalfe of their king, to con∣firme the ancient leagues with England, wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome, should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues.* 1.5 And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee, to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same, he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes, that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee:* 1.6 and also to request him, that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet, which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian, English men, were making, by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia, to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee. With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased, and they were receiued of him with very great honour, and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him, at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed, with publication thereof by the heralds: and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary. And hauing dispatched all things well, and with the kings good will, they returned home into their countrey.

A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Mar∣chants to the Canarie-ilands, gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nico∣las Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll.

IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance, in the custo∣dy of me Richard Hakluyt, written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll, to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia; that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 (and by all circumstances and probabilities long before) certaine English mar∣chants,* 1.7 and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands. For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Tho∣mas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd, that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Ca∣diz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine, broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours, some arouas of packthreed, sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne, to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Te∣nerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands. All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter & sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell (which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks, in those dayes much vsed to die withall) some quantity of sugar, and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes. For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz, and to remaine there as fac∣tours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne.

And here also I thought good to signifie, that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Tho∣mas Tison an English man, who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies, and was there resident, vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd.

A description of the fortunate Ilands, otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria, with their strange fruits and commodities: composed by Thomas Nicols English man, who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together.

MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands, which are seuen in number, wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more, because I finde such variety in sundry writers, and especially great vntruths, in a booke called The New found world Antarctike, set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet, the which his booke he dedicated to the Cardinall of Sens, keeper of the great seale of France.

It appeareth by the sayd booke that he had read the works of sundry Phylosophers, Astrono∣mers, and Cosmographers, whose opinions he gathered together. But touching his owne tra∣uell, which he affirmeth, I refer to the iudgement of the expert in our dayes, and therefore for mine owne part I write of these Canaria Ilands, as time hath taught me in many yeres.

The Iland of Canaria.

THe Iland of Canaria is almost equal in length and bredth, containing 12 leagues in length, touching the which as principall and the residue, the Spanyards holde opinion, that they dis∣couered the same in their nauigation toward America, but the Portugals say, that their nation first found the sayd Ilands in their nauigation toward Aethiopia and the East Indies.

But truth it is that the Spanyards first conquered these Ilands, with diuers English gentle∣men in their company,* 1.8 whose posterity this present day inioyeth them. Some write that this I∣land was named Canaria by meane of the number of dogs which there were found: as for exam∣ple, Andrew Theuet sayth, that one Iuba carried two dogs from thence: but that opinion could I neuer learne by any of the naturall people of the countrey, although I haue talked with many in my time, and with many of their children. For trueth it is, that there were dogs, but such as are in all the Northwest lands, and some part of the West India, which serued the people in stead of sheepe for victuall. But of some of the conquerors of those Ilands I haue heard say that the rea∣son why they were called the Canaria Ilands is, because there grow generally in them all foure∣square canes in great multitude together, which being touched will cast out a liquour as white

as milke, which liquor is ranke poison, and at the first entry into these Ilands some of the disco∣uerers were therewith poisoned: for many yeeres after that conquest the inhabitants began to plant both wine and sugar, so that Canaria was not so called by sugar canes.

The people which first inhabited this land were called Canaries by the conquerors, they were clothed in goat skinnes made like vnto a loose cassocke, they dwelt in caues in the rocks, in great amity and brotherly loue. They spake all one language: their chiefe feeding was gelt dogges, goates, and goates milke, their bread was made of barley meale and goates milke, called Gofia, which they vse at this day, and thereof I haue eaten diuers times, for it is accounted exceeding holesome.

Touching the originall of these people some holde opinion, that the Romans which dwelt in A∣frica exiled them thither, aswell men as women, their tongues being cut out of their heads, for blasphemy against the Romane gods. But howsoeuer it were, their language was speciall, and not mixed with Romane speech or Arabian.

This Iland is now the principallest of all the rest, not in fertility, but by reason it is the seat of iustice and gouernment of all the residue. This Iland hath a speciall Gouernour for the Iland onely, yet notwithstanding there are three Iudges called Auditours, who are superiour Iudges, and all in one ioyntly proceed as the Lord Chanceller of any realme.

To this city from all the other Ilands come all such by appeale, as haue sustained any wrong, and these good Iudges do remedy the same. The city is called Ciuitas Palmarum,* 1.9 it hath a beau∣tifull Cathedrall church, with all dignities thereunto pertaining. For the publike weale of the Iland there are sundry Aldermen of great authority, who haue a councell house by themselues. The city is not onely beautifull, but the citizens curious and gallant in apparell. And after any raine or foule weather a man may goe cleane in Ueluet slippers, because the ground is sandy, the aire very temperate, without extreame heat or colde.

They reape wheat in February, and againe in May, which is excellent good, and maketh bread as white as snow. This Iland hath in it other three townes, the one called Telde, the second Gal∣der, and the third Guia. It hath also twelue sugar houses called Ingenios, in which they make great quantity of good sugar.

* 1.10The maner of the growth of sugar is in this sort, a good ground giueth foorth fruit nine times in 18 yere: that is to say, the first is called Planta, which is layd along in a furrow, so that the wa∣ter of a sluce may come ouer euery roote being couered with earth: this root bringeth foorth sun∣dry canes, and so consequently all the rest. It groweth two yeeres before the yeelding of profit, and not sixe moneths, as Andrew Theuet the French man writeth.

* 1.11Then are they cut euen with the ground, and the tops & leaues called Coholia cut off, and the canes bound into bundels like faggots, and so are caried to the sugar house called Ingenio, where they are ground in a mill, and the iuyce thereof conueyed by a conduct to a great vessell made for the purpose, where it is boiled till it waxe thicke, and then is it put into a fornace of earthen pots of the molde of a sugar loafe, and then is it carried to another house, called a purging house where it is placed to purge the blacknesse with a certaine clay that is layd thereon. Of the remainder in the causoron is made a second sort called Escumas, and of the purging liquor that droppeth from the white sugar is made a third sort, and the remainder is called Panela or Netas, the refuse of all the purging is called Remiel or Malasses: and thereof is made another sort called Refinado.

When this first fruit is in this sort gathered, called Planta, then the Cane-field where it grew is burned ouer with sugar straw to the stumps of the first canes, and being husbanded, watred and trimmed, at the end of other two yeeres it yeeldeth the second fruit called Zoca. The third fruit is called Tertia Zoca, the fourth Quarta Zoca, and so orderly the rest, til age causeth the olde Canes to be planted againe.

* 1.12This Iland hath singular good wine, especially in the towne of Telde, and sundry sorts of good fruits, as Batatas, Mellons, Peares, Apples, Orenges, Limons, Pomgranats, Figs, Peaches of diuers sorts, and many other fruits; but especially the Plantano which groweth neere brooke sides,* 1.13 it is a tree that hath no timber in it, but groweth directly vpward with the body, hauing maruelous thicke leaues, and euery leafe at the toppe of two yards long and almost halfe a yard broad. The tree neuer yeeldeth fruit but once, and then is cut downe; in whose place springeth another, and so still continueth. The fruit groweth on a branch, and euery tree yeeldeth two or three of those branches, which beare some more and some lesse, as some forty and some thirty, the fruit is like a Cucumber, and when it is ripe it is blacke, and in eating more delicate then any conserue.

This Iland is sufficiently prouided of Oxen, Kine, Camels, Goats, Sheepe, Capons, Hens, Ducks, and Pidgeons, and great Partridges. Wood is the thing that most wanteth: and be∣cause

I haue particularly to intreat of the other sixe Ilands, I leaue further inlarging of Cana∣ria, which standeth in 27 degrees distant from the Equator.

The Ile of Tenerif.

THe Iland of Tenerif standeth in 27 degrees and a halfe from the equator, and is distant from Canaria 12 leagues Northward. This Iland containeth 17 leagues in length, and the land lieth high in forme of a ridge of sowen land in some part of England, and in the midst of the sayd place standeth a round hill called Pico Deteithe, situated in this sort. The top of this pike con∣teineth of heigth directly vpward 15 leagues & more, which is 45 English miles, out of the which often times proceedeth fire and brimstone, and it may be about halfe a mile in compasse: the sayd top is in forme or likenesse of a caldron. But within two miles of the top is nothing but ashes & pumish stones: yet beneath that two miles is the colde region couered all the yere with snow, and somwhat lower are mighty huge trees growing, called Vinatico, which are exceeding heauy, and will not rot in any water, although they lie a thousand yeeres therein. Also there is a wood called Barbusano, of like vertue, with many Sauine trees and Pine trees. And beneath these sorts of trees are woods of Bay trees of 10 & 12 miles long, which is a pleasant thing to trauell thorow, among the which are great numbers of small birds, which sing exceeding sweet, but especially one sort that are very litle, and of colour in all respects like a Swallow, sauing that he hath a lit∣tle blacke spot on his breast as broad as a peny. He singeth more sweetly then all the rest, but if he be taken and imprisoned in a cage, he liueth but a small while. This Iland bringeth foorth all sorts of fruits, as Canaria doth: and also all the other Ilands in generall bring foorth shrubs or bushes, out of the which issueth a iuice as white as milke, which after a while that it hath come out waxeth thicke, and is exceeding good birdlime,* 1.14 the bush is called Taybayba. This Iland also bringeth foorth another tree called Drago, which groweth on high among rocks, and by incision at the foot of the tree issueth out a liquor like blood, which is a commō drug among Apothecaries. Of the wood of this tree are made targets greatly esteemed, because if any sword or dagger hit thereon, they sticke so fast that it is hard plucking them out.

This is the most fruitfull Iland of all the rest for corne, and in that respect is a mother or nurse to all the others in time of need. There groweth also a certaine mosse vpon the high rocks called Orchel,* 1.15 which is bought for Diars to die withall. There are 12 sugar houses called Ingenios, which make great quantity of sugar. There is also one league of ground which standeth between two townes, the one called Larotaua, and the other Rialeio, and it is thought that the like plot of ground is not in all the world. The reason is, that this one league of ground produceth sweet water out of the cliffes or rocky mountaines, corne of all sortes, fruites of all sortes, and excel∣lent good silke, flaxe, waxe, and hony, and very good wines in abundance, with great store of su∣gar and fire-wood. Out of this Iland is laden great quantity of wines for the West India, and other countreys. The best groweth on a hill side called the Ramble.

There is in that Iland a faire city, standing three leagues from the sea, nere vnto a lake called Laguna, wherein are two faire parish churches, there dwelleth the gouernour who ruleth all that Iland with iustice. There are also aldermen for the publike weale, who buy their offices of the king: the most of the whole inhabitants of this city are gentlemen, merchants, and husband men.

There are other foure townes called Santa Cruz,* 1.16 Larotaua, Rialeio, and Garachico.

In this Iland before the conquest dwelt seuen kings, who with all their people dwelt in caues, and were clothed in goat skinnes, as the Canaria people were, and vsed such like order of diet as they had. Their order of buriall was, that when any died, he was carried naked to a great caue, where he was propped vp against the wall standing on his feet. But if he were of any authority among them, then had he a staffe in his hand, and a vessell of milke standing by him. I haue seene caues of 300 of these corpses together, the flesh being dried vp, the body remained as light as parchment. These people were called Guanches, naturally they spake another language cleane contrary to the Canarians, and so consequently euery Iland spake a seuerall language.

Note (gentle reader) that the Iland of Canaria, the Ile of Tenerif, and the Ile of Palma apper∣taine to the king of Spaine, vnto whom they pay fifty thousand duckats yeerely for custome and other profits. All these Ilands ioyntly are one bishopricke, which pay to the bishop twelue thou∣sand duckats yeerely. And thus I conclude of the Ile of Tenerif, which standeth in 27 degrees and a halfe, as I haue before declared.

Gomera.

THe Iland of Gomera standeth Westward from Tenerif, in distance sixe leagues: this is but a small Iland conteining eight leagues in length. It is an Earledome, & the Lord thereof is

called the earle of Gomera. But in case of any controuersie the vassals may appeale to the kings superior Iudges which reside in Canaria.

This Iland hath one proper towne called Gomera, which hath an excellent good port or har∣bour for ships, where often times the Indian fleet take refreshing for their voyage.

There is also sufficient graine and fruit for the maintenance of themselues.

There is one Ingenio or Sugar-house, with great plenty of wine and other sorts of fruits, as Canaria and Tenerif hath.

This Iland yeeldeth no other commodity but onely orchell; it standeth in 27 degrees distant from the Equator toward the pole Arcticke.

The Ile of Palma.

THe Ile of Palma standeth twelue leagues distant from the Ile of Gomera Northwestward.

This Iland is fruitfull of wine and sugar: it hath a proper city called the city of Palma, where is great contraction for wines, which are laden for the West India & other places. This city hath one faire church, and a gouernour, and aldermen to maintaine and execute iustice. It hath also another prety towne, called S. Andrewes. It hath also foure Ingenios which make ex∣cellent sugar, two of the which are called Zauzes, and the other two, Tassacort.

This Iland yeeldeth but little bread-corne; but rather is thereof prouided from Tenerif and other places.

Their best wines grow in a soile called the Brenia, where yerely is gathered twelue thousand buts of wine like vnto Malmsies. This Iland standeth round, and containeth in circuit neere fiue and twenty leagues. It hath plenty of all sorts of fruits, as Canaria and Tenerif haue, it standeth in twenty seuen degrees and a halfe.

The Iland of Yron, called Hierro.

THis Iland standeth ten leagues distant from the Iland of Palma Westward: it is but a lit∣tle Iland, which containeth sixe leagues in circuit, and hath but small extension. It apper∣taineth to the earle of Gomera. The chiefest commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell. There is no wine in all that Iland,* 1.17 but onely one vineyard that an English man of Taunton in the West countrey planted among rocks, his name was Iohn Hill.

This Iland hath no kind of fresh water, but onely in the middle of the Iland groweth a great tree with leaues like an Oliue tree, which hath a great cisterne at the foot of the sayd tree. This tree continually is couered with clouds, and by meanes thereof the leaues of the sayd tree conti∣nually drop water, very sweet, into the sayd cisterne, which commeth to the sayd tree from the clouds by attraction. And this water sufficeth the Iland for all necessities, aswell for the cattell, as for the inhabitanes. It standeth in 27 degrees.

The Iland of Lanzarota.

THe Iland of Lanzarota standeth eighteene leagues distant from grand Canaria Southeast∣ward. The onely commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell. It is an earledome, and doth appertaine to Don Augustine de Herrera, with title of earle of Fortauentura and Lan∣zarota. But the vassals of these earledomes may in any cause of wrong appeale to the Kings Iudges, which reside in Canaria, as I haue sayd before: because although the king hath reserued to himselfe but onely the three fruitfull Ilands, called Canaria, Tenerif, and Palma, yet he also reserued the rod of iustice to himselfe, because otherwise the vassals might be euill intreated of their Lords.

From this Iland do weekly resort to Canaria, Tenerif, & Palma, boats laden with dried goats flesh, called Tussinetta, which serueth in stead of bacon, and is very good meat. This Iland stan∣deth in 26 degrees, and is in length twelue leagues.

The Ile of Forteuentura.

THe Ile of Forteuentura standeth fifty leagues from the promontory of Cabo de Guer, in the firme land of Africa, and foure & twenty leagues distant from Canaria Estward. This Iland doth appertaine to the lord of Lanzarota. It is reasonable fruitfull of wheat and barley, and also of kine, goats, and orchel: this Ile is fifteene leagues long and ten leagues broad. On the North side it hath a little Iland about one league distant from the maine Iland, betweene both of the which it is nauigable for any ships, and is called Graciosa.

Both Forteuentura and Lanzarota haue very little wine of the growth of those Ilands. It standeth in 27 degrees.

Thus much haue I written of these seuen Ilands by experience, because I was a dweller there, as I haue sayd before, the space of seuen yeeres in the affaires of master Thomas Locke, master Anthonie Hickman, and master Edward Castelin, who in those dayes were worthy mer∣chants, and of great credite in the citie of London.

A description of the Iland of Madera.

THe Iland of Madera standeth in 32 degrees distant from the equinoctinall line, and seuentie leagues from the Ile of Tenerif Northeastward and Southwest from Hercules pillars. This Iland was first discouered by one Macham an Englishman, and was after conquered and inhabited by the Portugall nation•• It was first called the Iland of Madera, by reason of the great wildernesse of sundry sortes of trees that there did growe, and yet doe, as Cedars, Cypres, Uinatico, Barbuzano, Pine trees, and diuers others, and therefore the sayd Iland continueth still with the same name. Howbeit they hold opinion, that betweene the fayd Iland and the Ile of Palma is an Iland not yet discouered, which is the true Iland Madera called saint Brandon. This Iland yeeldeth a great summe of money to the king of Portugall yeerely: it hath one faire citie called Fouchall, which hath one faire port or harbour for shippes, and a strong bulwarke, and a faire Cathedrall church, with a bishop and other dignities thereunto appertaining. There is also iustice and gouernment according to the Portugall vse. But causes of appellation are re∣mitted to the citie of Lisbone in Portugall to the kings superior iudges there. This Iland hath another towne called Machico, which hath likewise a good road for ships, which towne and road were so called after the name of Macham the Englishman, who first discouered the same. There are also sixteene sugar houses called Ingenios, which make excellent good sugar.

There is besides the goodly timber before declared, great store of diuers sortes of fruites, as Peares, Apples, Plummes, wild Dates, Peaches of diuers sortes, Mellons, Batatas, Oren∣ges, Lemmons, Pomgranates, Citrons, Figges, and all maner of garden herbes. There are many Dragon trees, such as grow in the Canarie Ilands, but chiefly this land produceth great quantitie of singular good wines which are laden for many places. On the North side of this land three leagues distant from the maine Iland standeth another litle Iland called Porto santo: the people thereof liueth by husbandrie, for the Iland of Madera yeeldeth but litle corne, but rather is thereof prouided out of France and from the Iland of Tenerif. On the East side of the Ile of Madera sixe leagues distant standeth another litle Iland called the Desert, which produceth one∣ly Orchell, and nourisheth a great number of Goates, for the prouision of the maine Iland, which may be thirtie leagues in circuit: and the land is of great heigth where the foresayd trees growe. It is woonder to see the conueyance of the water to the Ingenios by Mines through the mountaines.

In the mid way betweene Tenerif and the Iland of Madera standeth a litle solitarie Iland called the Saluages, which may bee about one league in compasse, which hath neither tree nor fruit, but is onely food for Goates.

The orginall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie, begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of London, whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam, as appeareth by this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie, to the worshipfull master Michael Locke, which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inuenter of this trade.

WOrshipfull Sir, hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai, if therein with my knowledge, trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice, I am readie to doe it, and therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point. Trueth it is, that I haue bene by some men (not my friends) euill spoken of at London, saying that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and Cosmographie, and that I haue bene the inuenter of some voyages that be now growen to great effect; yet say they ma∣liciously and without iust cause, that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that I haue taken in hand, taking example especially of two voyages. The one was when I was master in the great Barke Aucher for the Leuant, in which voyage I went not, but the causes they did not know of my let from the same, nor of the other. But first the very

trueth is, that I was from the same voyage letted by the Princes letters, which my Master Se∣bastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose, to my great griefe. And as touching the second voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie, the liuing God knoweth that I say most true, that when the great sweate was, (whereon the chiefe of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died, that is to say, Sir Iohn Lutterell, Iohn Fletcher, Henry Ostrich and others) I my selfe was also taken with the same sweate in London, and after it, whether with euill diet in keeping, or how I know not, I was cast into such an extreame feuer, as I was neither able to ride nor goe: and the shippe being at Portesmouth, Thomas Windam had her away from thence, before I was able to stand vpon my legges, by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound. Besides I was appointed by them that died (if they had liued) to haue had the whole go∣uernment both of shippe and goods, because I was to them the sole inuenter of that trade.

In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores, being noble men, whereof one was of the Kings blood, conuayed by the said Master Thomas Windham into their Coun∣trey out of England.

Yours humble at your commandement, Iames Alday.

The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke, Sir William Gerard, Sir Thomas Wroth, Master Frances Lambert, Master Cole, and others; Written by the relation of Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of this voyage.

THe shippes that went on this voyage were three, whereof two were of the Riuer of Thames, That is to say, the Lyon of London, whereof Master Thomas Windham was Captaine and part owner, of about an hundred & fif∣tie tunnes: The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes, and a Por∣tugall Carauel bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales, and fraighted for this voyage, of summe sixtie tunnes. The number of men in the Fleete were an hundred and twentie. The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Myn∣hed in Somersetshire, his Mate was Dau••i Landman. The chiefe Captaine of this small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentleman borne, but dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire. This Fleete departed out of King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday in the morning: and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia, or Asafion the coast of Barbarie,* 2.1 standing in 32. degrees of latitude, and there put on land part of our mar∣chandise to be conueicd by land to the citie of Marocco: which being done, and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals and water, we went to the second port called Santa Cruz,* 2.2 where we dis∣charged the rest of our goods, being good quantitie of linnen and woosten cloth, corall, amber, Iet, and diuers other things well accepted of the Moores. In which road we found a French ship, which not knowing whether it were warre or peace betweene England and France, drewe her selfe as neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible, crauing aide of the towne for her de∣fence, if need were, which in deed seeing vs draw neere, shot at vs a piece from the wals, which came ouer the Lion our Admirall, between the maine maste & her foremast. Whereupon we com∣ming to an anker, presently came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were,* 2.3 who vnderstanding that we had bene there the yere before, & came with the good leaue of their king in marchant wise, were fully satisfied, and gaue vs good leaue to bring our goods peaceably on shore, where the Uiceroy, whose name was Sibill Manache, within short time after came to visite vs, and vsed vs with all curtesie. But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we could get in our lading, which was Sugar, Dates, Almonds, and Malassos or sugar Syrrope. And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer, yet none of our company perished by sick∣nesse. Our ships being laden, wee drew into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England. But being at sea, a great leake fell vpon the Lion, so that we were driuen to Lancerota, and Forte∣uentura, where, betweene the two Ilands, we came to a road, whence wee put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chestes of Sugar vpon Lancerota, with some dozen or sixteene of our company, where the inhabitants supposing we had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell, suddenly came with force vpon our people, among whom I my selfe was one, tooke vs prisoners, and spoiled the sugars: which thing being perceiued from our ships, they manned out three boates, thinking

to rescue vs, and draue the Spaniards to flight, whereof they slew eighteene, and tooke their go∣uernour of the Iland prisoner, who was a very aged gentleman about 70. yeeres of age. But chasing the enemie so farre, for our recouerie, as pouder and arrowes wanted, the Spaniardes perceiuing this, returned, and in our mens retire they flew sixe of them. Then a Parle grew, in the which it was agreed, that we the prisoners should be by them restored, and they receiue their olde gouernour, giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands, what damages wee had there receiued, the which damages were here restored, and made good by the king of Spaine his mar∣chants vpon our returne into England. After wee had searched and mended our leake, being returned aboord, we came vnder saile, and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the I∣land, the Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the other, and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly departed, and shot off their great or∣dinance in our hearing. And here by the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with this our new trade into Barbarie, and both in our voiage the yeere before, as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants, that if they tooke vs in those partes, they would vse vs as their mortall enemies, with great threates and menaces. But by God and good prouidence wee escaped their handes. From this Iland shaping our course for England, we were seuen or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England. The first port wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth, from whence within short time wee came into the Thames, and landed our marchandise at London, about the ende of the moneth of October, 1552.

A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike, at the charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of of the Citie of London, in the yeere of our Lord 1553.

I Was desired by certaine of my friends to make some mention of this Uoi∣age, that some memorie thereof might remaine to our posteritie, if either iniquitie of time consuming all things, or ignorance creeping in by barba∣rousnesse and contempt of knowledge should hereafter bury in obliuio•• so woorthie attempts, so much the greatlier to bee esteemed, as before neuer enterprised by Englishmen, or at the least so frequented, as at this present they are, and may bee, to the great commoditie of our marchants, if the same be not hindered by the ambition of such, as for the conquering of fortie or fif••ie miles here and there, and erecting of certaine fortresses, thinke to be Lordes of halfe the world, enuying that other should enioy the commodities, which they themselues cannot wholy possesse. And al∣though such as haue bene at charges in the discouering and conquering of such landes ought by good reason to haue certaine priuileges, preheminences, and tributes for the same, yet (to speake vnder correction) it may seeme somewhat rigorous, and agaynst good reason and con∣science, or rather agaynst the charitie that ought to be among Christian men, that such as in∣uade the dominions of other should not permit other friendly to vse the trade of marchandise in places neerer, or seldome frequented of them, whereby their trade is not hindered in such pla∣ces, where they themselues haue at their owne election appointed the Martes of their traffike. But forasmuch as at this present it is not my intent to accuse or defend, approoue or improoue, I will cease to speake any further hereof, and proceed to the description of the first voyage, as briefly and faithfully as I was aduertised of the same, by the information of such credible per∣sons, as made diligent inquisition to know the trueth thereof, as much as shall be requisite, omit∣ting to speake of many particular things, not greatly necessarie to be knowen: which neuerthe∣lesse, with also the exact course of the nauigation, shall be more fully declared in the second voiage. And if herein fauour or friendship shall perhaps cause some to thinke that some haue bene sharp∣ly touched, let them lay apart fauour and friendship, and giue place to trueth, that honest men may receiue prayse for well doing, and lewd persons reproch, as the iust stipend of their euill desertes, whereby other may be deterred to doe the like, and vertuous men encouraged to proceed in honest attempts.

But that these voyages may be more plainly vnderstood of all men, I haue thought good for this purpose, before I intreat hereof, to make a briefe description of Africa, being that great part of the world, on whose West side beginneth the coast of Guinea at Cabo Verde, about twelue degrees in latitude, on this side the Equinoctiall line, and two degrees in longitude from the mea∣suring

line, so running from the North to the South, and by East in some places, within 5, 4, and 3 degrees and a halfe vnto the Equinoctiall, and so foorth in maner directly East and by North, for the space of 36 degrees or thereabout, in longitude from the West to the East, as shall more plainly appeare in the description of the second voyage.

A briefe description of Afrike gathered by Richard Eden.

* 2.4IN Africa the lesse are these kingdoms: the kingdom of Tunis and Constanti∣na, which is at this day vnder Tunis, and also the region of Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Afrike is very barren by reason of the great deserts, as the deserts of Numidia and Barca.* 2.5 The principall ports of the kingdome of Tunis are these: Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia, Bona, and Stora. The chiefe ci∣ties of Tunis are Constantina and Bona, with diuers other. Under this king∣dom are many Ilands,* 2.6 as Zerbi, Lampadola, Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta, where at this present is the great master of the Rhodes. Under the South of this kingdom are the great deserts of Lybia.* 2.7 All the nations in this Africa the lesse are of the sect of Mahomet, and a rusticall people, liuing scattred in villages.* 2.8 The best of this part of Afrike is Barbaria lying on the coast of the sea Mediterraneum.

* 2.9Mauritania (now called Barbaria) is diuided into two parts, as Mauritania Tingitana, and Caesariensis. Mauritania Tingitana is now called the kingdom of Fes, and the kingdom of Ma∣rocco.* 2.10 The principall citie of Fes is called Fessa: and the chiefe citie of Marocco is named Marocco.

* 2.11Mauritania Caesariensis is at this day called the kingdom of Tremisen, with also the citie cal∣led Tremisen or Telensin. This region is full of deserts, and reacheth to the Sea Mediterrane∣um, to the citie of Oram,* 2.12 with the port of Mersalquiber.* 2.13 The kingdom of Fes reacheth vnto the Ocean Sea, from the West to the citie of Argilla: and the port of the sayd kingdom is called Sala.* 2.14

* 2.15The kingdom of Marocco is also extended aboue the Ocean Sea, vnto the citie of Azamor and Azafi, which are vpon the Ocean Sea, toward the West of the sayd kingdom. Nere Mauri∣tania Tingitana (that is to say, by the two kingdoms of Fes, and Marocco) are in the Sea, the Ilands of Canarie,* 2.16 called in old time, The fortunate Ilands. Toward the South of this region is the kingdom of Guinea,* 2.17 with Senega, Ialofo, Gambra, and many other regions of the Blacke Moores,* 2.18 called Aethiopians or Negros, all which are watered with the riuer Negro called in old time Niger. In the sayd regions are no cities, but onely certaine lowe cottages made of boughes of trees, plastered with chalke, and couered with strawe. In these regions are also very great deserts.

* 2.19The kingdom of Marocco hath vnder it these seuen kingdoms: Hea, Sus, Guzula, the terri∣torie of Marrocco, Duccala, Hazchora, and Tedle. The kingdom of Fes hath as many: as Fes, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet, and Elcair. The kingdom of Tremisen hath these regi∣ons:* 2.20 Tremisen, Tenez, and Elgazair, all which are Machometists. But all the regions of Guinea are pure Gentiles,* 2.21 and idolatrous, without profession of any religion, or other knowledge of God, then by the law of nature.

* 2.22Africa the great is one of the three parts of the world, knowen in old time, and seuered from Asia, on the East by the riuer Nilus, on the West from Europe by the pillars of Hercules. The hither part is now called Barbarie, and the people Moores. The inner part is called Lybia and Aethiopia. Afrike the lesse is in this wise bounded.* 2.23 On the West it hath Numidia: On the East Cyrenaica: On the North, the sea called Mediterraneum. In this countrey was the noble city of Carthage.* 2.24

In the East side of Afrike beneath the red sea, dwelleth the great and mighty Emperour and Christian king Prester Iohn,* 2.25 well knowen to the Portugales in their voyages to Calicut. His do∣minions reach very farre on euery side: and hath vnder him many other Kings both christian and heathen that pay him tribute. This mightie prince is called Dauid the Emperour of Aethiopia. Some write that the king of Portugall sendeth him yeerely eight ships laden with marchandize. His kingdom confineth with the red Sea, and reacheth far into Afrike toward Aegypt and Bar∣barie. Southward it confineth with the Sea toward the Cape de Bona Speranza:* 2.26 and on the o∣ther side with the sea of sand, called Mare de Sabione, a very dangerous sea lying between y^e great citie of Alcair,* 2.27 or Cairo in Aegypt, and the country of Aethiopia: In the which way are many vn∣habitable

deserts, continuing for the space of fiue dayes iourney. And they affirme, that if the sayd Christian Emperor were not hindered by those deserts (in the which is great lacke of victuals, & especially of water) he would or now haue inuaded the kingdom of Egypt, and the citie of Alcair. The chiefe city of Ethiopia, where this great emperor is resident, is called Amacaiz,* 2.28 being a faire citie, whose inhabitants are of the colour of an Oliue. There are also many other cities, as the city of Saua vpon the riuer of Nilus, where the Emperour is accustomed to remaine in the Sommer season. There is likewise a great city named Barbaregaf, and Ascon, from whence it is said that the Queene of Saba came to Hierusalem to heare the wisedom of Salomon.* 2.29 This citie is but litle, yet very faire, and one of the chiefe cities in Ethiope. In this prouince are many exceeding high mountains, vpon the which is said to be the earthly paradise:* 2.30 and some say that there are the trees of the Sunne and Moone, whereof the antiquitie maketh mention: yet that none can passe thither by reason of great deserts of an hundred daies iourney. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Bona Speranza. And to haue said thus much of Afrike it may suffice.

The first voiage to Guinea and Benin.

IN the yeere of our Lord 1553. the twelfth day of August, sailed from Portsmouth two goodly ships, the Primerose and the Lion, with a pinnas called the Moone, being all well furnished aswell with men of the lustiest sort, to the number of se∣uen score, as also with ordinance and victuals requisite to such a voiage: hauing also two captaines, the one a stranger called Anthonie Anes Pinteado,* 2.31 a Portu∣gall, borne in a towne named The Port of Portugall, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who for his running in sailing, being as well an expert Pilot as a politike captaine, was sometime in great fauour with the king of Portugall,* 2.32 and to whom the coasts of Brasile and Guinea were commit∣ted to be kept from the Frenchmen, to whom he was a terrour on the Sea in those parts, and was furthermore a gentleman of the king his masters house. But as fortune in maner neuer fauou∣reth but flattereth, neuer promiseth but deceiueth, neuer raiseth but casteth downe againe: and as great wealth & fauour haue alwaies companions, emulation and enuie, he was after many aduer∣sities & quarels made against him, inforced to come into England: where in this golden voyage he was euil matched with an vnequal companion, and vnlike match of most sundry qualities & con∣ditions, with vertues few or none adorned. Thus departed these noble ships vnder saile on their voyage: But first captaine Windam putting forth of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head marchants, and shewing herein a muster of the tragicall partes hee had conceiued in his braine, and with such small beginnings nourished so monstrous a birth, that more happy, yea and blessed was that yong man being left behind, then if he had bene taken with them, as some do wish he had done the like by theirs. Thus sailed they on their voyage, vntill they came to the Iland of Madera,* 2.33 where they tooke in certaine wines for the store of their ships, and paid for them as they agreed of the price. At these Ilands they met with a great Galion of the king of Portugall, full of men and ordinance: yet such as could not haue preuailed if it had attempted to withstand or resist our ships, for the which cause it was set foorth, not onely to let and interrupt these our shippes of their purposed voiage, but al other that should attempt the like: yet chiefly to frustrate our voiage. For the king of Portugall was smisterly informed, that our ships were armed to his castle of Mi∣na in those parties, whereas nothing lesse was ment.* 2.34

After that our ships departed from the Iland of Madera forward on their voiage, began this worthy captaine Pinteados sorow, as a man tormented with the cōpany of a terrible Hydra, who hitherto flattred with him, & made him a faire countenance and shew of loue. Then did he take vpō him to command all alone, setting nought both by captain Pinteado, and the rest of the marchants factors, sometimes with opprobrious words, and somtimes with threatnings most shamfully a∣busing them, taking from Pinteado the seruice of the boies and certain mariners that were assig∣ned him by the order and direction of the worshipful merchants, and leauing him as a commō ma∣riner, which is the greatest despite and grief that can be to a Portugale or Spaniard, to be dimini∣shed of their honor, which they esteem aboue all riches. Thus sailing forward on their voiage, they came to the Ilands of Canarie,* 2.35 continuing their course frō thence vntil they arriued at the Iland of S. Nicholas,* 2.36 where they victualled thēselues with fresh meat, of the flesh of wild goats, where∣of of is great plenty in that Iland, & in maner of nothing els. From hence folowing on their course and tarying here & there at the desert Ilands in the way, because they would not come too timely to the countrey of Guinea for the heat, and tarying somwhat too long (for what can be well mini∣stred in a commō wealth, where inequalitie with tyrannie wil rule alone) they came at the length to the first land of the country of Guinea, where they fel with the great riuer of Sesto,* 2.37 where they

might for their marchandizes haue laden their ships with the graines of that countrey,* 2.38 which is a very hote fruit, and much like vnto a fig as it groweth on the tree. For as the figs are full of small seeds, so is the said fruit full of graines, which are loose within the cod, hauing in the mids thereof a hole on euery side. This kind of spice is much vsed in cold countries, & may there be sold for great aduantage, for exchange of other wares. But our men, by the perswasion or rather inforcement of this tragicall captaine, not regarding and setting light by that commoditie, in comparison of y^e fine gold they thirsted,* 2.39 sailed an hundred leagues further, vntil they came to the golden land: where not attempting to come neere the castle pertaining to the king of Portugall,* 2.40 which was within the ri∣uer of Mina, they made sale of their ware only on this side & beyond it, for the gold of that coūtry, to the quantitie of an hundred and fiftie pounds weight,* 2.41 there being in case that they might haue dispatched all their ware for gold, if the vntame braine of Windam had, or could haue giuen eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado. For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had, and more might haue had if he had taried about the Mina, commanding the said Pin∣teado (for so he tooke vpon him) to lead the ships to Benin, being vnder the Equinoctial line, and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina, where he looked to haue their ships laden with pep∣per: and being counselled of the said Pinteado, considering the late time of the yeere, for that time to go no further, but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold, wherby they might haue bene great gainers:* 2.42 Windam not assenting hereunto, fell into a sudden rage, reuiling the sayd Pinteado, calling him Iew, with other opprobrious words, saying, This whoreson Iew hath pro∣mised to bring vs to such places as are not, or as he cannot bring vs vnto: but if he do not, I will cut off his eares and naile them to the maste. Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell to go no fu••ther for the safegard of the men and their liues, which they should put in danger if they came too late, for the Rossia which is their Winter,* 2.43 not for cold, but for smothering heate, with close and cloudie aire and storming weather, of such putrifying qualitie, that it ro••ted the coates of their backs: or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat of the sunne, which caused them to linger in the way.* 2.44 But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the riuer of Benin,* 2.45 where riding at an Anker, they sent their pinnas vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues, from whence certaine of the marchants with captaine Pinteado, Francisco a Portugale, Nicholas Lambart gentleman,* 2.46 and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained, ten leagues from the ri∣uer side, whither when they came, they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king,* 2.47 who being a blacke Moore (although not so blacke as the rest) sate in a great huge hall, long and wide, the wals made of earth without windowes, the roofe of thin boords, open in sundry pla∣ces, like vnto louers to let in the aire.

* 2.48And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king, it is such, that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ, we should remooue from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and impietie.

So it is therfore, that when his noble men are in his presence, they neuer looke him in the face, but sit cowring, as we vpon our knees, so they vpon their buttocks, with their elbowes vpon their knees, and their hands before their faces, not looking vp vntil the king command them. And when they are comming toward the king, as far as they do see him, they do shew such reuerence, sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before. Likewise when they depart from him, they turn not their backs toward him, but goe creeping backward with like reuerence.

And now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men, you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall tongue, which he had lear∣ned of a child.* 2.49 Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand vp, and demanded of them the cause of their comming into that countrey, they answered by Pinteado, that they were marchants traueiling into those parties for the commodities of his countrey, for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries, being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his people. The king thē hauing of old lying in a certaine store-house 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper (euery kintall being an hundred weight) willed them to looke vpon the same,* 2.50 and againe to bring him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought with them. And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the waters side, with other to bring the ware from the pinnas to the court.* 2.51 Who when they were returned and the wares seen, the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with pepper. And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper, he promised to credite them to their next returne, and thereupon sent the country round about to ga∣ther pepper, causing the same to be brought to the court: So that within the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper.

In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues, but eating without measure

of the fruits of the countrey, and drinking the wine of the Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same, and in such extreme heate running continually into the water, not vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations (then the which nothing is more dangerous) were thereby brought into swellings and agues: insomuch that the later time of the yeere comming on, caused them to die sometimes three & sometimes 4 or 5 in a day. Then Win∣dam perceiuing the time of the 30 daies to be expired, and his men dying so fast, sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado, & the rest to come away and to tary no longer. But Pinteado with the rest, wrote backe to him againe, certifying him of the great quantity of p••pper they had alrea∣die gathered & looked daily for much more: desiring him furthermore to remēber the great praise and name they should win, if they came home prosperously, and what shame of the contrary. With which answere Windam not satisfied, and many of their men dying dayly, willed and commaun∣ded them againe either to come away forthwith, or els threatened to leaue them behinde. When Pinteado heard this answere, thinking to perswade him with reason, hee tooke his way from the court toward the ships, being conducted thither with men by the kings commandement.

In the meane season Windam all raging, brake vp Pinteados Cabin, brake open his chestes, spoiled such prouision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health, and left him nothing, neither of his instruments to saile by, nor yet of his apparell: and in the meane time falling sicke, himselfe died also.* 2.52 Whose death Pinteado comming aboord, lamented as much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the world.* 2.53 But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face, some calling him Iewe, saying that he had brought them thither to kill them: and some drawing their swords at him, making a shew to slay him. Then he perceiuing that they wou••d needs away, desired them to tary that he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court, but they would not grant this request. Then desired he them to giue him the ship∣boate, with as much of an old saile as might serue for the same, promising them therwith to bring Nicholas Lambert and the rest into England, but all was in vaine.* 2.54 Then wrote he a letter to the court to the marchants, informing them of all the matter, and promising them if God would lend him life to returne with all haste to fetch thē. And thus was Pinteado kept a shipboord against his will, thrust among the boyes of the ship, not vsed like a man, nor yet like an honest boy, but glad to find fauour at the cookes hand. Then depar••ed they, leauing one of their ships behind them, which they sunke for lacke of men to cary her. After this, within 6 or 7 dayes sayling, dyed also Pintea∣do for uery pensiuenesse & thought that stroke him to the heart.* 2.55 A man worthy to serue any prince, and most vilely vsed. And of seuenscore men came home to Plimmouth scarcely for••y, and of them many died. And that no man should suspect these words which I haue saide in commendation of Pinteado, to be spoken vpon fauour otherwise then trueth, I haue thought good to adde hereunto the copie of the letters which the king of Portugall and the infant his brother wrote vnto him to reconcile him, at such time as vpon the king his masters displeasure (and not for any other crime or offence, as may appeare by the said letters) he was only for pouertie inforced to come into Eng∣land, where he first perswaded our marchants to attempt the said voyages to Guinea.* 2.56 But as the king of Portugall too late repented him that he had so punished Pinteado, vpon malicious infor∣mations of such as enuied the mans good fortune: euen so may it hereby appeare that in some cases euen Lions themselues may either be hindered by the contempt, or aided by the help of the poore mise, according vnto the fable of Esope.

The copie of Anthonie Anes Pinteado his letters patents, whereby the king of Portugall made him knight of his house, after all his troubles and imprisonment, which, by wrong information made to the king, he had susteined of long time, being at the last deliuered, his cause knowen and manifested to the king by a gray Frier the kings Confessor.

I The king doe giue you to vnderstand lord Francis Desseaso, one of my counsell and ouerseer of my house, that in cōsideration of the good seruice which Anthony Anes Pinteado, the sonne of Iohn Anes, dwelling in the towne called the Port, hath done vnto me, my will and pleasure is, to make him knight of my house, allowing to him in pension seuen hundred reis monethly,* 3.1 and euery day one alcayre of barly, as long as he keepeth a horse, & to be paid according to the ordināce of my house. Prouiding alwaies that he shall receiue but one marriage gift. And this also in such cōditi∣on, that the time which is accepted in our ordinance, forbidding such men to marry for getting such children as might succeede them in this allowance, which is 6 yeres after the making of this pa∣tent, shalbe first expired before he do marry. I therfore command you to cause this to be entred in the booke called the Matricula of our houshold, vnder the title of knights•• And when it is so entred,

let the clarke of the Matricula, for the certeintie therof, write on the backside of this Aluala, or pa∣tent, the number of the leafe wherein this our grant is entred. Which done, let him returne this writing vnto the said Anthonie Anes Pinteado for his warrant.

I Diego Henriques haue written this in Almarin the two and twentie day of September, in the yeere of our Lord 1551. And this beneuolence the king gaue vnto Anthonie Anes Pintea∣do, the fiue and twentie day of Iuly this present yeere.

Rey.

The Secretaries declaration written vnder the kings grant.

YOur Maiestie hath vouchsafed, in respect and consideration of the good seruice of Anthony A∣nes Pinteado, dwelling in the port, and sonne of Iohn Anes, to make him knight of your house, with ordinarie allowance, of seuen hundred reis pension by the moneth, and one alcaire of barley by the day, as long as he keepeth a horse: and to be paide according to the ordinance of your house, with condition that hee shall haue but one marriage gift: and that not within the space of sixe yeres after the making of these letters Patents. The Secretaries note. Entred in the booke of the Matricula. Fol. 683.

Francisco de Siquera.

The copie of the letter of Don Lewes the infant, and brother to the king of Portugall, sent into England to Anthonie Anes Pinteado.

ANthony Anes Pinteado, I the infant brother to the king, haue me heartily commended vnto you. Peter Gonsalues is gone to seeke you, desiring to bring you home again into your coun∣trey. And for that purpose he hath with him a safe cōduct for you, granted by the king, that ther∣by you may freely and without all feare come home. And although the weather be foule and stor∣mie, yet faile not to come: for in the time that his Maiestie hath giuen you, you may doe many things to your contentation and gratifying the king, whereof I would be right glad: and to bring the same to passe, I will do all that lieth in me for your profite. But forasmuch as Peter Gonsal∣ues will make further declaration hereof vnto you, I say no more at this present. Written in Lisbone, the eight day of December. Anno 1552.

The infant Don Lewes.

ALl these foresaid writings I saw vnder seale, in the house of my friend Nicholas Liese, with whom Pinteado left them, at his vnfortunate departing to Guinea. But, notwithstanding all these friendly letters and faire promises, Pinteado durst not attempt to goe home, neither to keepe companie with the Portugals his countrey men, without the presence of other: forasmuch as he had secrete admonitions that they intended to slay him, if time and place might haue serued their wicked intent.

The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir George Barne, Sir Iohn Yorke, Thomas Lok, Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin, in the yere 1554. The Captaine whereof was M. Iohn Lok.

AS in the first voiage I haue declared rather the order of the history, then the course of the nauigation, whereof at that time I could haue no perfect information: so in the description of this second voyage, my chiefe intent hath beene to shew the course of the same, according to the obseruation and ordinarie custome of the ma∣riners, and as I receiued it at the handes of an expert Pilot, being one of the chiefe in this voyage, who also with his owne hands wrote a briefe declaration of the same, as he found and tried all things, not by coniecture, but by the art of sayling, and instru∣ments perteining to the mariners facultie. Not therefore assuming to my selfe the commendati∣ons due vnto other, neither so bold as in any part to change or otherwise dispose the order of this voyage so well obserued by art and experience, I haue thought good to set forth the same, in such sort and phrase of speech as is commonly vsed among them, and as I receiued it of the said Pilot, as I haue said. Take it therefore as followeth.

In the yeere of our Lord 1554 the eleuenth day of October, we departed the riuer of Thames

with three goodly ships, the one called the Ermitie, a ship of the burden of seuenscore tunne, the o∣ther called the Bartholomew, a ship of the burden of ninetie, the third was the Iohn Euangelist,* 4.1 a ship of seuen score tunne. With the sayd ships and two pinnesses (wherof the one was drowned on the coast of England) we went forward on our voyage, and stayed at Do••e•• fourteene dayes. We staied also at Rie three or foure dayes. Moreouer last of all we touched at Dartmouth.

The first day of Nouember at nine of the clocke at night, departing from the coast of England, we set off the Start, bearing Southwest all that night in the sea, and the next day all day, and the next night after, vntill the third day of the said moneth about noone, making our way good, did runne threescore leagues.

The 17 day in the morning we had sight of the Ile of Madera,* 4.2 which doth rise to him that commeth in the Northnortheast part vpright land in the west part of it, and very high: and to the Southsoutheast a low long land, and a long point, with a saddle thorow the middest of it, standing in two and thirtie degrees: and in the West part, many springs of water running downe from the mountaine, and many white fieldes like vnto corne fields, & some white houses to the South∣east part of it: and the toppe of the mountaine sheweth very ragged, if you may see it, and in the Northeast part there is a bight or bay as though it were a harborow: Also in the said part, there is a rocke a little distance from the shoare, and ouer the sayd bight you shall see a great gappe in the mountaine.

The 19 day at twelue of the clocke we had sight of the isle of Palmes and Teneriffa and the Canaries••* 4.3 The Ile of Palme riseth round, & lieth Southeast and Northwest, and the Northwest part is lowest. In the South is a round hill ouer the head land, and another round hill aboue that in the land. There are betweene the Southeast part of the Ile of Madera & the Northwest part of the Ile of Palme seuen and fifty leagues.* 4.4 This Isle of Palme lieth in eight and twenty degrees. And our course from Madera to the Ile of Palme was South and South and by West, so that we had sight of Teneriffa and of the Canaries. The Southeast part of the Ile of the Palme, & the Northnortheast of Teneriffa lie Southeast and Northwest, and betweene them are 20 leagues. Teneriffa and the great Canary called Gran Canaria, and the West part of Forteuentura stande in seuen and twenty degrees and a halfe.* 4.5 Gomera is a faire Island but very ragged,* 4.6 & lieth West∣southwest off Teneriffa. And whosoeuer wil come betweene them two Ilands must come South and by East, and in the South part of Gomera is a towne and a good rode in the said part of the Iland: and it standeth in seuen and twentie degrees and three terces. Teneriffa is an high land,* 4.7 with a great high pike like a sugar loafe, and vpon the said pike is snow throughout all the whole yeere.* 4.8 And by reason of that pike it may be knowen aboue all other Ilands, and there we were becalmed the twentieth day of Nouember, from sixe of the clocke in the morning, vntill foure of the clocke at afternoone.

The two and twentieth day of Nouember, vnder the Tropike of Cancer the Sunne goeth downe West and by South. Upon the coast of Barbarie fiue and twentie leagues by North Cape blanke,* 4.9 at three leagues off the maine, there are fifteene fadomes and good shelly ground, and sande among and no streames, and two small Ilands standing in two and twentie degrees and a terce.

From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is an hundred leagues, and our course was South and by East. The said Cape standeth in two and twentie and a halfe: and all that coast is flatte, sixteene or seuenteene fadome deepe. Seuen or eight leagues off from the riuer del Oro to Cape de las Barbas,* 4.10 there vse many Spaniardes and Portugals to trade for fishing, during the mo∣neth of Nouember: and all that coast is very low lands. Also we went from Cape de las Bar∣bas Southsouthwest, and Southwest and by South, till we brought our selues in twentie de∣grees and a halfe, reckoning our selues seuen leagues off: and there were the least sholes of Cape Blanke.

Then we went South vntill we brought our selues in 13 degrees, reckoning our selues fiue and twentie leagues off. And in 15 degrees we did reare the Crossiers,* 4.11 and we might haue reared them sooner if we had looked for them. They are not right a crosse in the moneth of Nouember, by reason that the nights are short there. Neuerthelesse we had the sight of them the 29 day of the said moneth at night.

The first of December, being in 13 degrees we set our course South and by East, vntill the fourth day of December at 12 of the clocke the same day. Then we were in nine degrees and a terce, reckoning ourselues 30 leagues off the sholes of the riuer called Rio Grande,* 4.12 being West∣southwest off them, the which sholes be 30 leagues long.

The fourth of December we beganne to set our course Southeast, we being in sixe degrees and a halfe.

The ninth day of December we set our course Eastsoutheast: the fourteenth day of the sayde moneth we set our course East, we being in fiue degrees and a halfe, reckoning our selues thirty and sixe leagues from the coast of Guinea.

The nineteenth of the said moneth we set our course East and by North, reckoning our selues seuenteene leagues distant from Cape Mensurado,* 4.13 the said Cape being Eastnortheast of vs, and the riuer of Sesto being East.* 4.14

The one and twentith day of the said moneth, we fell with Cape Mensurado to the Southeast, about two leagues off. This Cape may be easily knowen, by reason y^t the rising of it is like a Por∣pose-head. Also toward the Southeast there are three trees, whereof the Eastermost tree is the highest, and the middlemost is like a hie stacke, & the Southermost like vnto a gibet: and vpon the maine are foure or fiue high hilles rising one after another like round hommocks or hillocks. And the Southeast of the three trees, brandiernwise: and all the coast along is white sand. The said Cape standeth within a litle in sixe degrees.

The two and twentieth of December we came to the riuer of Sesto, & remained there vntill the nine and twentieth day of the said moneth. Here we thought it best to send before vs the pin∣nesse to the riuer Dulce, called Rio Dulce, that they might haue the beginning of the market be∣fore the comming of the Iohn Euangelist.

* 4.15At the riuer of Sesto we had a tunne of graines. This riuer standeth in sixe degrees, lacking a terce. From the riuer of Sesto to Rio Dulce are fiue and twentie leagues.* 4.16 Rio Dulce standeth in fiue degrees and a halfe. The riuer of Sesto is easie to be knowen, by reason there is a ledge of rockes on the Southeast part of the Rode. And at the entring into the hauen are fiue or sixe trees that beare no leaues. This is a good harborow, but very narow at y^e entrace into the riuer. There is also a rocke in the hauens mouth right as you enter. And all that coast betweene Cape de Mon∣te,* 4.17 and cape de las Palmas, lieth Southeast & by East, Northwest & by West, being three leagues off the shore. And you shal haue in some places rocks two leagues off: and that, betweene the riuer of Sesto and cape de las Palmas.* 4.18

Betweene the riuer of Sesto and the riuer Dulce are fiue and twentie leagues: & the high land that is betweene them both, is called Cakeado,* 4.19 being ••ight leagues from the riuer of Sesto. And to the Southeastwarde of it is a place called Shawgro, and an other called Shyawe or Shauo,* 4.20 where you may get fresh water. Off this Shyawe lieth a ledge of rockes: and to the Southeast∣ward lieth a hedland called Croke.* 4.21 Betweene Cakeado and Croke are nine or ten leagues. To the Southeastward off, is a harborow called S. Vincent:* 4.22 Right ouer against S. Vincent, is a rocke vnder the water, two leagues & a halfe off the shore. To the Southeastward of that rocke you shal see an island about three or foure leagues off: this island is not past a league off the shore. To the Eastsoutheast of the island, is a rocke that lieth aboue the water, and by that rocke goeth in the riuer Dulce,* 4.23 which you shall know by the said riuer and rocke. The Northwest side of the ha∣uen is flat sand, and the Southeast side therof is like an Island, and a bare plot without any trees, and so is it not in any other place.

In the Rode you shall ride in thirteene or foureteene fadomes, good oaze and sand, being the markes of the Rode to bring the Island and the Northeast land together, and here we ankered the last of December.

The third day of Ianuarie, we came from the riuer Dulce.

* 4.24Note that Cape de las Palmas is a faire high land, but some low places thereof by the water side looke like red cliffes with white strakes like hie wayes, a cable length a piece, and this is the East part of the cape. This cape is the Southermost land in all the coast of Guinea,* 4.25 and standeth in foure degrees and a terce.

The coast from Cape de las Palmas to Cape Trepointes, or de Tres Puntas, is faire & cleare without rocke or other danger.

Twentie and fiue leaues from Cape de las Palmas, the land is higher then in any place, vntill we come to Cape Trepointes: And about ten leagues before you come to Cape Trepointes, the land riseth still higher and higher, vntill you come to Cape Trepointes, Also before you come to the said Cape, after other 5 leagues to the Northwest part of it, there is certaine broken ground, with two great rockes, and within them in the bight of a bay, is a castle called Arra,* 4.26 perteining to the king of Portugall. You shall know it by the said rockes that lie off it: for there is none such from Cape de las Palmas to Cape Trepointes. This coast lieth East and by North, West and by South. From Cape de las Palmas to the said castle is fourescore and fifteene leagues. And the coast lieth from the said castle to the Westermost point of Trepoyntes, Southeast and by South, Northwest and by North. Also the Westermost point of•• Trepoyntes is a low lande, lying halfe a mile out in the sea: and vpon the innermost necke, to the land-ward, is a tuft of trees,

and there we arriued the eleuenth day of Ianuary.

The 12 day of Ianuary we came to a towne called Samma or Samua,* 4.27 being 8 leagues from Cape Trepointes toward Eastnortheast. Betweene Cape Trepointes and the towne of Samua is a great ledge of rockes a great way out in the sea. We continued foure dayes at that Towne, and the Captaine thereof would needs haue a pledge a shore. But when they receiued the pledge,* 4.28 they kept him still, and would traffike no more, but shot off their ordinance at vs. They haue two or three pieces of ordinance and no more.

The sixteenth day of the said month we made reckoning to come to a place called Cape Corea,* 4.29 where captaine Don Iohn dwelleth, whose men entertained vs friendly. This Cape Corea is foure leagues Eastwarde of the castle of Mina, otherwise called La mina, or Castello de mina,* 4.30 where we arriued the 18 day of the moneth. Here we made sale of all our cloth, sauing two or three packes.

The 26 day of the same moneth we weighed anker, and departed from thence to the Trinitie, which was seuen leagues Eastward of vs, where she solde her wares. Then they of the Trinitie willed vs to go Eastward of that eight or nine leagues, to sell part of their wares, in a place called Perecow,* 4.31 and another place named Perecow Grande,* 4.32 being the Eastermost place of both these, which you shal know by a great round hill neere vnto it, named Mōte Rodondo,* 4.33 lying Westward from it, and by the water side are many high palme trees. From hence did we set forth homeward the thirteenth day of February, & plied vp alongst till we came within seuen or eight leagues to Cape Trepointes. About eight of the clocke the 15 day at afternoone, wee did cast about to sea∣ward: and beware of the currants, for they will deceiue you sore.* 4.34 Whosoeuer shall come from the coast of Mina homeward,* 4.35 let him be sure to make his way good West, vntill he reckon him∣selfe as farre as Cape de las Palmas, where the currant setteth alwayes to the Eastward. And within twentie leagues Eastward of Cape de las Palmas is a riuer called De los Potos,* 4.36 where you may haue fresh water and balast enough, and plenty of iuory or Elephants teeth.* 4.37 This riuer standeth in foure degrees, and almost two terces. And when you reckon your selfe as farre shot as Cape de las Palmas,* 4.38 being in a degree, or a degree and a halfe, you may go West, and West by North, vntill you come in three degrees; and then you may go Westnorthwest•• and Northwest and by West, vntill you come in fiue degrees, and then Northwest. And in sixe degrees, we met Northerly windes, and great ruffling of tides. And as we could iudge, the currants went to the Northnorthwest. Furthermore betweene Cape de Monte, and Cape verde, go great currants which deceiue many men.* 4.39

The 22 day of Aprill, we were in 8 degrees and two terces: and so we ran to the Northwest, hauing the winde at Northeast and Eastnortheast, and sometimes at East, vntill we were at 18 degrees and a terce, which was on May day. And so from 18 and two terces, we had the winde at East and Eastnortheast, and sometimes at Eastsoutheast: and then we reckoned the Islands of Cape verde Eastsoutheast of vs, we iudging our selues to be 48 leagues off. And in 20 and 21 degrees, we had the winde more Easterly to the Southward then before. And so we ran to the Northwest and Northnorthwest, and sometimes North and by West and North, vntill we came into 31 degrees, where we reckoned our selues a hundred and fourescore leagues Southwest and by South of the Island de los Flores,* 4.40 and there wee met with the winde at Southsoutheast, and set our course Northeast.

In 23 degrees we had the winde at the South and Southwest, and then we set our course Northnortheast, and so we ran to 40 degrees, and then we set our course Northeast, the winde being at the Southwest, and hauing the Isle de Flores East of vs, and 17 leagues off.

In the 41 degrees we met with the winde at Northeast, and so we ran Northwestward, then we met with the winde Westnorthwest, and at the West within 6 leagues, running toward the Northwest, and then we cast about, and lay Northeast, vntill we came in 42 degrees, where we set our course Eastnortheast, iudging the Ile of Coruo South and by West of vs,* 4.41 and sixe and thirtie leagues distant from vs.

A remembrance, that the 21 day of May we communed with Iohn Rafe, and he thought it best to goe Northeast, and iudged himselfe 25 leagues Eastward to the Isle de Flores, and in 39 degrees and a halfe.

Note, that on the fourth day of September, vnder nine degrees, we lost the sight of the North starre.* 4.42

Note also, that in 45 degrees, the compasse is varied 8 degrees to the West.

Item, in 40 degrees the compasse did varie 15 degrees in the whole.* 4.43

Item, in 30 degrees and a halfe, the compasse is varied 5 degrees to the West.

Be it also in memory that two or three daies before we came to Cape de 3 puntas, the pinnesse

went alongst the shore, thinking to sell some of our wares, and so we came to anker three or foure leagues West and by South of the Cape de 3 puntas, where we left the Trinitie.

Then our pinnesse came aboord with all our men, the pinnesse also tooke in more wares. They told me moreouer that they would goe to a place where the Primrose was,* 4.44 and had receiued much gold at the first voyage to these parties, and tolde me furthermore that it was a good place: but I fearing a brigantine that was then vpon the coast, did wey and follow them, and left the Trinitie about foure leagues off from vs, and there we rode against that towne foure dayes: so that Mar∣tine by his owne desire, and assent of some of the Commissioners that were in the pinnesse, went a shoare to the towne, and there Iohn Berin went to trafique from vs, being three miles off trafi∣quing at an other towne. The towne is called Samma or Samua,* 4.45 for Samma and Sammate••ra, are the names of the two first townes, where we did trafique for gold,* 4.46 to the Northeast of Cape de 3 puntas.

Hitherto continueth the course of the voyage, as it was described by the sayde Pilot. Nowe therefore I will speake somewhat of the countrey and people, and of such things as are brought from thence.

* 4.47They brought from thence at the last voiage foure hundred pound weight and odde of gold, of two and twentie carrats and one graine in finenesse: also sixe and thirtie buts of graines,* 4.48 & about two hundred and fifty Elephants teeth of all quantities.* 4.49 Of these I saw & measured some of nine spans in length, as they were crooked. Some of them were as bigge as a mans thigh aboue the knee, and weyed about fourescore and ten pound weight a peece. They say that some one hath bin seene of an hundred and fiue & twentie pound weight. Other there were which they call the teeth of calues, of one or two or three yeeres, whereof some were a foot and a halfe, some two foot, and some 3 or more, according to y age of the beast. These great teeth or tusks grow in the vpper iaw downeward, and not in the nether iaw vpward, wherein the Painters and Arras workers are de∣ceiued. At this last voyage was brought from Guinea the head of an Elephant, of such huge big∣nesse,* 4.50 that onely the bones or cranew•• thereof, beside the nether iaw & great tusks, weighed about two hundred weight, and was as much as I could well lift from the ground: insomuch that con∣sidering also herewith the weight of two such great teeth, the nether iaw with the lesse teeth, the tongue, the great hanging eares, the bigge & long snout or troonke, with all the flesh, braines, and skinne, with all other parts belong••••g to the whole head, in my iudgement it could weigh litle lesse then fiue hundred weight. This head diuers haue seene in the house of the worthy marcha••t sir Andrew Iudde,* 4.51 where also I saw it, and beheld it, not only with my bodily eyes, but much more with the eyes of my mind and spirit, considering by the worke, the cunning and wisedome of the worke maister:* 4.52 without which consideration, the sight of such strange and wonderfull things may rather seeme curiosities, then profitable contemplations.

* 4.53The Elephant (which some call an Oliphant) is the biggest of all foure footed beasts, his fore∣legs are longer then his hinder, he hath ancles in the lower part of his hinder legges, and fiue toes on his feete vndiuided, his snout or tronke is so long, and in such forme, that it is to him in the stead of a hand: for he neither eateth nor drinketh but by bringing his tronke to his mouth, therewith he helpeth vp his Master or keeper, therewith he ouerthroweth trees. Beside his two great tusks, he hath on euery side of his mouth foure teeth, wherewith he eateth and grindeth his meate: either of these teeth are almost a span in length, as they grow along in the iaw, and are about two inches in bright, and almost as much in thicknesse. The tuskes of the male are greater then of the fe∣male: his tongue is very litle, and so farre in his mouth, that it cannot be seene: of all beastes they are most gentle and tractable, for by many sundry wayes they are taught, and doe vnderstand: in∣somuch that they learne to doe due honor to a king, and are of quicke sense and sharpenesse of wit. When the male hath once seasoned the female, he neuer after toucheth her. The male Elephant liueth two hundreth yeeres, or at the least one hundred and twentie: the female almost as long, but the floure of their age is but threescore yeres, as some write. They cannot suffer winter or cold: they loue riuers, and will often go into them vp to the snout, wherewith they blow and snuffe, and play in the water: but swimme they cannot, for the weight of their bodies. Plinie and Soline write, that they vse none adulterie. If they happen to meete with a man in wildernesse being out of the way, gently they wil go before him, & bring him into the plaine way. Ioyned in battel, they haue no small respect vnto them that be wounded: for they bring them that are hurt or weary into the middle of the army to be defended: they are made ••ame by drinking the iusse of barley. They haue continual warre against Dragons,* 4.54 which desire their blood, because it is very cold: and ther∣fore the Dragon lying awaite as the Elephant passeth by, windeth his taile (being of exceeding length) about the hinder legs of the Elephant, & so staying him, thrusteth his head into his tronke and exhausteth his breath, or else biteth him in the eare, wherunto he cannot reach with his tronke,

and when the Elephant wareth faint, he falleth downe on the serpent, being now full of blood, and with the poise of his body breaketh him: so that his owne blood with the blood of the Elephant runneth out of him mingled together, which being colde, is congealed into that substance which the Apothecaries call Sanguis Draconis,* 4.55 (that is) Dragons blood, otherwise called Cinnaba••••s, al∣though there be an other kinde of Cinnabaris,* 4.56 commonly called Cinoper or Uermilion, which the Painters vse in certaine colours.

They are also of three kinds, as of the Marshes, the plaines, and the mountaines,* 4.57 no lesse diffe∣ring in conditions. Philostratus writeth, that as much as the Elephant of Libya in bignes passeth the horse of Nysea, so much doe the Elephants of India exceed them of Libya: for the Elephants of India, some haue bene seene of the height of nine cubits: the other do so greatly feare these, that they dare not abide the sight of them. Of the Indian Elephants onely the males haue tuskes, but of them of Ethiopia and Libya both kindes are tusked: they are of diuers heights, as of twelue, thirteene, and fourteene dodrants, euery dodrant being a measure of nine inches. Some write that an Elephant is bigger then three wilde Oxen or Buffes. They of India are black, or of y^e co∣lour of a mouse, but they of Ethiope or Guinea are browne: the hide or skinne of them all is very hard, and without haire or bristles: their eares are two dodrants broad, and their eyes very litle. Our men saw one drinking at a riuer in Guinea, as they sailed into the land.

Of other properties & conditions of the Elephant, as of their marueilous docil••tie, of their fight and vse in the war••es, of their generation and chastitie, when they were first seene in the Theaters and triumphes of the Romanes, how they are taken & tamed, and when they cast their tusks, with the vse of the same in medicine, who so desireth to know, let him reade Plinie, in the eight booke of his naturall history. He also writeth in his twelft booke, that in olde time they made many goodly workes of iuory or Elephants teeth:* 4.58 as tables, tressels, postes of houses, railes, lattesses for win∣dowes, images of their gods, and diuers other things of iuory, both coloured and vncoloured, and intermixt with sundry kindes of precious woods, as at this day are made certaine chaires, lutes, and virginals. They had such plenty thereof in olde time, that (as far as I remember) Iosephus writeth, that one of the gates of Hierusalem was called Porta Eburnea, (that is) the Iuory gate. The whitenesse thereof was so much esteemed, that it was thought to represent the natural fairē∣nesse of mans skinne: insomuch that such as went about to set foorth (or rather corrupt) naturall beautie with colours and painting, were reproued by this prouerbe, Ebur atta••••ento candefacere, that is, To make iuory white with inke. The Poets also describing the faire necks of beautifull virgins, call them Eburnea colla, that is, Iuory necks. And to haue said thus much of Elephants and Iuory, it may suffice.

Now therefore I will speake somewhat of the people and their maners, and maner of liuing,* 4.59 with an other briefe description of Africa also. It is to be vnderstood, that the people which now inhabite the reigons of the coast of Gu••nea, and the midle parts of Africa, as Libya the inner, and Nubia, with diuers other great & large regions about the same, were in old time called AEthiopes and Nigritae, which we now call Moores, Moorens, or Negroes, a people of beastly liuing, with∣out a God, lawe, religion, or common wealth, and so scorched and vexed with the heat of the sunne, that in many places they curse it when it riseth. Of the regions and people about the inner Li∣bya (called Libya interior) Gemma Phrysius writeth thus.* 4.60

Libya interior is very large and desolate, in the which are many horrible wildernesses & moun∣taines, replenished with diuers kinds of wilde and monstrous beastes and serpents. First from Mauritania or Barbary toward the South is Getulia,* 4.61 a rough and sauage region, whose inhabi∣tants are wilde and wandering people. After these follow the people called Melanogetuli and Pharusij, which wander in the wildernesse, carrying with them great gourdes of water. The E∣thiopians called Nigritae occupy a great part of Africa, and are extended to the West Ocean.* 4.62 Southward also they reach to the riuer Nigritis, whose nature agreeth with the riuer of Nilus,* 4.63 forasmuch as it is increased and diminished at the same time, and bringeth forth the like beasts as the Crocodile. By reason whereof, I thinke this to be the same riuer which the Portugals call Senega: For this riuer is also of the same nature. It is furthermore marueilous and very strange that is said of this riuer:* 4.64 And this is, that on the one side thereof, the inhabitants are of high stature and black, and on the other side, of browne or tawnie colour, and low stature, which thing also our men confirme to be true.

There are also other people of Libya called Garamantes,* 4.65 whose women are common: for they contract no matrimonie, neither haue respect to chastitie. After these are the nations of the people called Pyrei, Sathiodaphnitae, Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamate, Dolopes, Agangine, Leuci Ethi∣opes, Xilicei Ethiopes, Calcei Ethiopes, and Nubi.* 4.66 These haue the same situation in Ptolome that they now giue to the kingdome of Nubia. Here are certaine Christians vnder the dominion

of the great Emperour of AEthiopia, called Prester Iohn.* 4.67 From these toward the West is a great nation of people called Aphricerones, whose region (as farre as may be gathered by conie∣cture) is the same that is now called Regnum Orguene,* 4.68 confining vpon the East parts of Guinea. From hence Westward, and somewhat toward the North, are the kingdoms of Gambra and Bu∣domel,* 4.69 not farre from the riuer of Senega. And from hence toward the inland regions, and along by the sea coast, are the regions of Ginoia or Guinea, which we commonly call Ginnee.* 4.70 On the Westside of these regions toward the Ocean, is the cape or point called Cabo verde,* 4.71 or Caput viride, (that is) the greene cape, to the which the Portugals first direct their course when they saile to America, or the land of Brasile.* 4.72 Then departing from hence, they turne to the right hand to∣ward the quarter of the winde called Garbino, which is betweene the West and the South. But to speake some what more of AEthiopia:* 4.73 although there are many nations of people so named, yet is Aethiopia chiefly diuided into two parts, whereof the one is called Aethiopia vnder Aegypt, a great & rich region. To this perteineth the Island Meroe,* 4.74 imbraced round about with the stremes of the riuer Nilus. In this Island women reigned in old time. Iosephus writeth, that it was some∣time called Sabea: and that the Queene of Saba came from thence to Ierusalem,* 4.75 to heare the wise∣dom of Salomon. Frō hence toward the East reigneth the said Christian Emperor Prester Iohn, whom some cal Papa Iohannes, & other say that he is called Pean Iuan (that is) great Iohn,* 4.76 whose Empire reacheth far beyond Nilus, and is extended to the coasts of the Red sea & Indian sea. The middle of the region is almost in 66. degrees of longitude, and 12. degrees of latitude. About this region inhabite the people called Clodi, Risophagi, Babylonij, Axiunitae, Molili, and Molibae.* 4.77 Af∣ter these is the region called Troglodytica, whose inhabitants•• dwel in caues and dennes: for these are their houses, & the flesh of serpents their meat, as writeth Plinie, and Diodorus Siculus. They haue no speach•• but rather a grinning and chattering.* 4.78 There are also people without heads, cal∣led Blemines, hauing their eyes and mouth in their breast. Likewise Strucophagi, and naked Gan∣phasantes: Satyrs also, which haue nothing of men but onely shape. Moreouer Oripei, great hun∣ters. Mennones also,* 4.79 and the region of Smyrnophora, which bringeth foorth myrthe. After these is the region of Azania,* 4.80 in the which many Elephants are found. A great part of the other regions of Africke that are beyond the Aequinoctiall line, are now ascribed to the kingdome of Melinde,* 4.81 whose inhabitants are accustomed to trafique with the nations of Arabia, and their king is ioyned in friendship with the king of Portugal, and payeth tribute to Prester Iohn.

* 4.82The other Ethiope, called AEthiopia interior (that is) the inner Ethiope, is not yet knowne for the greatnesse thereof, but onely by the sea coastes: yet is it described in this maner. First from the Aequinoctiall toward y^e South, is a great region of Aethiopians, which bringeth forth white Elephants,* 4.83 Tygers, and the beastes called Rhinocerotes. Also a region that bringeth foorth plenty of cynamo••e, lying betweene the branches of Nilus. Also the kingdome of Habech or Ha∣basia,* 4.84 a region of Christian men, lying both on this side and beyond Nilus. Here are also the Ae∣thiopians,* 4.85 called Ichthiophagi (that is) such as liue onely by fish, and were sometimes subdued by the warres of great Alexander. Furthermore the Aethiopians called Rhapsij, & Anthropoph••∣gi,* 4.86 y^t are accustomed to eat mans flesh, inhabite the regions neere vnto the mountains called Mon∣te•• Lunae (that is) the mountaines of the Moone.* 4.87 Gazatia is vnder the Tropike of Capricorne.* 4.88 After this followeth the front of Afrike, the Cape of Buena Speranza, or Caput Bonae Spei,* 4.89 that is, the Cape of good hope, by the which they passe that saile from Lisbon to Calicut. But by what names the Capes and gulfes are called, forasmuch as the same are in euery globe and card, it were here superfluous to rehearse them.

* 4.90Some write that Africa was so named by the Grecians, because it is without colde. For the Greeke letter Alpha or A signifieth priuation, voyd, or without: and Phrice signifieth colde. For in deed although in the stead of Winter they haue a cloudy and tempestuous season,* 4.91 yet is it not colde, but rather smoothering hote, with hote showres of raine also, and somewhere such scorching windes, that what by one meanes and other, they seeme at certaine times to liue as it were i•• for∣naces, and in maner already halfe way in Purgatorie or hell. Gemma Phrisius writeth, that i•• certaine parts of Africa, as in Atlas the greater, the aire in the night season is seene shining, with many strange fires and flames rising in maner as high as the Moone:* 4.92 and that in the element are sometime heard as it were the sound of pipes, trumpets and drummes: which noises may per∣haps be caused by the vehement and sundry motions of such firie exhalations in the aire, as we see the like in many experiences wrought by fire, aire and winde. The hollownesse also, and diuers re∣flexions and breaking of the cloudes may be great causes hereof, beside the vehement colde of the middle region of the aire, whereby the said fiery exhalations, ascending thither, are suddenly stric∣ken backe with great force:* 4.93 for euen common and dayly experience teacheth vs, by the whissing of a burning torch, what noise fire maketh in the aire, and much more where it striueth when it is in∣closed

with aire, as appeareth in gunnes, and as the like is seene in onely aire inclosed,* 4.94 as in Organ pipes, and such other instruments that go by winde. For winde (as say the Philosophers) is none other then aire vehemently moued,* 4.95 as we see in a paire of bellowes, and such other.

Some of our men of good credit that were in this last voiage to Guinea, affirme earnestly that in the night season they felt a sensible heat to come from the beames of the moone.* 4.96 The which thing, although it be strange and insensible to vs that inhabite cold regions, yet doeth it stand with good reason that it may so be, forasmuch as the nature of starres and planets (as writeth Plinie) consisteth of fire,* 4.97 and conteineth in it a spirit of life, which cannot be without heat.

And, that the Moone giueth heate vpon the earth the Prophet Dauid seemeth to confirme in his 121. Psalme, where speaking of such men as are defended from euils by Gods protection, hee saith thus: Per diem Sol non exuret te, nec Luna per noctem. That is to say, In the day the Sunne shall not burne thee, nor the Moone by night.

They say furthermore, that in certaine places of the sea they saw certaine streames of water,* 4.98 which they call spouts, falling out of the aire into the sea, & that some of these are as bigge as the great pillars of Churches: insomuch that sometimes they fall into shippes, and put them in great danger of drowning. Some faine that these should be the Cataracts of heauen,* 4.99 which were all opened at Noes floud. But I thinke them rather to be such fluxions and eruptions as Aristotle in his booke de Mundo saith, to chance in the sea. For speaking of such strange things as are seene often times in the sea, he writeth thus. Oftentimes also euen in the sea are seene euaporations of fire, and such eruptions and breaking foorth of springs, that the mouthes of riuers are opened. Whirlepooles, and fluxions are caused of such other vehement motions, not only in the middest of the sea,* 4.100 but also in creeks & streights. At certaine times also, a great quantity of water is sudden∣ly lifted vp and carried about with the Moone, &c. By which wordes of Aristotle it doth appeare that such waters be lifted vp in one place at one time, and suddenly fall downe in an other place at another time. And here unto perhaps perteineth it that Richard Chanceller told me that he heard Sebastian Cabot report, that (as farre as I remember) either about the coasts of Brasile or Rio de Plata,* 4.101 his shippe or pinnesse was suddenly lifted from the sea, and cast vpon land, I wot not howe farre. The which thing, and such other like wonderfull and strange workes of nature while I con∣sider,* 4.102 and call to remembrance the narrownesse of mans vnderstanding and knowledge, in compa∣rison of her mightie power, I can but cease to maruell and confesse with Plinie, that nothing is to her impossible, the least part of whose power is not yet knowen to men. Many things more our men saw and considered in this voyage, woorthy to be noted, whereof I haue thought good to put some in memory, that the reader may aswell take pleasure in the variety of things, as knowledge of the historie. Among other things therefore, touching the maners and nature of the people, this may seeme strange, that their princes & noble men vse to pounce and rase their skinnes with pre∣tie knots in diuers formes, as it were branched damaske,* 4.103 thinking that to be a decent ornament. And albeit they goe in maner all naked, yet are many of them, & especialy their women, in maner laden with collars, bracelets, hoopes, and chaines, either of gold, copper, or iuory.* 4.104 I my selfe haue one of their bras••ets of Iuory, weighing two pound and sixe ounces of Troy weight,* 4.105 which make eight and thirtie ounces: this one of their women did weare vpon her arme. It is made of one whole piece of the biggest part of the tooth, turned and somewhat carued, with a hole in the midst, wherin they put their hands to weare it on their arme. Some haue on euery arme one, and as ma∣ny on their legges, wherewith some of them are so galled, that although they are in maner made lame thereby, yet will they by no meanes leaue them off. Some weare also on their legges great shackles of bright copper,* 4.106 which they thinke to bee no lesse comely. They weare also collars, bracelets, garlands, and girdles, of certain blew stones like beads. Likewise some of their women weare on their bare armes certaine foresleeues made of the plates of beaten golde.* 4.107 On their fin∣gers also they weare rings, made of golden wires, with a knot or wreath, like vnto that which chil∣dren make in a ring of a rush. Among other things of golde that our men bought of them for ex∣change of their wares, were certaine dogs-chaines and collers.* 4.108

They are very wary people in their bargaining, and will not lose one sparke of golde of any value. They vse weights and measures, and are very circumspect in occupying the same. They that shall haue to doe with them, must vse them gently: for they will not trafique or bring in any wares if they be euill vsed. At the first voyage that our men had into these parties, it so chanced, that at their departure from the first place where they did trafick, one of them either stole a muske Cat,* 4.109 or tooke her away by force, not mistrusting that that should haue hindered their bargaining in another place whither they intended to goe. But for all the haste they coulde make with full sailes, the fame of their misusage so preuented them, that the people of that place also, offended thereby, would bring in no wares: insomuch that they were inforced either to restore the Cat, or

pay for her at their price, before they could trafique there.

* 4.110Their houses are made of foure postes or trees, and couered with boughes.

* 4.111Their common feeding is of roots, & such fishes as they take, whereof they haue great plenty.

* 4.112There are also such flying fishes as are seene in the sea of the West Indies. Our men salted of their fishes, hoping to prouide store thereof: but they would take no salt, and must therfore be eaten forthwith as some say. Howbeit other affirme, that if they be salted immediatly after they be ta∣ken, they wil last vncorrupted ten or twelue dayes.* 4.113 But this is more strange, that part of such flesh as they caried with them out of England, which putrified there, became sweete againe at their re∣turne to the clime of temperate regions.

* 4.114They vse also a strange making of bread, in this maner. They grinde betweene two stones with their handes as much corne as they thinke may suffice their family, and when they haue thus brought it to floure, they put thereto a certaine quantitie of water, and make thereof very thinne dough, which they sticke vpon some post of their houses, where it is baked by the heate of the Sunne: so that when the master of the house or any of his family will eate thereof, they take it downe and eate it.

* 4.115They haue very faire wheate, the eare whereof is two handfuls in length, and as bigge as a great Bulrush, and almost foure inches about where it is biggest. The stemme or straw seemeth to be almost as bigge as the litle finger of a mans hand, or litle lesse. The graines of this wheate are as big as our person, round also, and very white, and somewhat shining, like pearles that haue lost their colour. Almost all the substance of them turneth into floure, & maketh litle bran or none. I told in one eare two hundred & threescore graines. The eare is inclosed in three blades longer then it selfe,* 4.116 & of two inches broad a piece. And by this fruitfulnes the Sunne seemeth partly to recompence such griefes and molestations as they otherwise receiue by the feruent heate thereof. It is doubtlesse a worthy cōtemplation to consider the contrary effects of the sunne: or rather the contrary passions of such things as receiue the influence of his beames, either to their hurt or be∣nefit. Their drinke is either water,* 4.117 or the iuise that droppeth from the cut branches of the barren Date trees, called Palmitos. For either they hang great gourdes at the said branches euery eue∣ning, and let them so hang all night, or else they set them on the ground vnder the trees, that the droppes may fall therein. They say that this kinde of drinke is in taste much like vnto whey, but somewhat sweeter, and more pleasant. They cut the branches euery euening, because they are feared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne. They haue also great beanes as bigge as chest∣nuts, and very hard, with a shell in the stead of a huske.

Many things more nught be saide of the maners of the people, and of the wonders and mon∣strous things that are engendred in Africke. But it shall suffice to haue saide thus much of such things as our men partly sawe, and partly brought with them.

* 4.118And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines, I described the same to haue holes by the side (as in deede it hath, as it is brought hither) yet was I afterward enfourmed, that those holes were made to put stringes or twigges through the fruite, thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne. They grow not past a foote and a halfe, or two foote from the ground, and are as red as blood when they are gathered. The graines themselues are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi.

* 4.119At their c••mming home the keeles of their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with cer∣taine shelles of two inches length and more, as thicke as they could stand, and of such bignesse that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them. They certainely affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance, which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea, becommeth those foules which we call Barnacles.* 4.120 The like shelles haue bene seene in ships returning frō Iseland, but these shels were not past halfe an inch in length. Of the other that came from Guinea, I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke, and in maner couered with the said shels, which in my iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling. Their ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas,* 4.121 whereof mention is made in the Decades. These creepe betweene the plankes, which they eate through in many places.

* 4.122Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage, this is worthy to be noted, that wher∣as they sailed thither in seuen weekes, they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes. The cause whereof they say to be this: That about the coast of Cabo Verde the winde is euer at the East, by reason whereof they were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the maine O∣cean,* 4.123 to finde the winde at the West to bring them home. There died of our men at this last voy∣age about twentie and foure, whereof many died at their returne into the clime of the colde regi∣ons, as betweene the Islands of Azores and England.* 4.124 They brought with them certaine blacke slaues, whereof some were tall and strong men, and could wel agree with our meates and drinkes.

The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend them.* 4.125 Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide colde, then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate, for∣asmuch as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies, as colde constraineth and preserueth the same.

This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature, that throughout all Africke, vnder the AEquinoctial line, and neere about the same on both sides, the regions are extreeme hote, and the people very blacke. Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are very temperate, and the people neither blacke, nor with curlde and short wooll on their heads, as they of Africke haue, but of the colour of an Oliue, with long and blacke heare on their heads: the cause of which variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades.

It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me: That is, that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne, so that they had it North from them at noone, the 14. day of March. And to haue said thus much of these voyages, it may suffice.

The first voyage made by Master VVilliam Towrson Marchant of London, to the coast of Guinea, with two Ships, in the yeere 1555.

VPon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of Wight,* 4.126 out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes, the one called the Hart, the other the Hinde, both of London, and the Masters of them were Iohn Ralph, and William Carter, for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de Sestos in Guinea, and to other hauens thereabout.

It fell out by the varietie of windes, that it was the foureteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth: and being there arriued wee continued in that roade sixe dayes, and the 20. of October we warpt out of the hauen,* 4.127 and set saile, directing our course towards the Southwest, and the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues.

The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master.* 4.128 This day we ranne about 40. leagues also.

The second day we ranne 36. leagues.

The third day we had sight of Porto Santo,* 4.129 which is a small Island lying in the sea, about three leagues long, and a league & a halfe broad, & is possessed by Portugals. It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hilles neere together. The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley, which makes it to beare that forme. The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks. This Island lyeth in thirty and three degrees. The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle of Madera,* 4.130 which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo, towards the Southwest: that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull, and is inhabited by Portugals, it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and high. By three of the clocke this day at afternoone we were thwart of Porto Santo, and we set our course Southwest, to leaue the Isle of Madera to the Eastward, as we did Porto Santo. These two Islands were the first land that we saw since wee left the coast of England. About three of the clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera, within three leagues of the West ende of it, and by meanes of the high hilles there, we were becalmed: We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues.

The fourth day wee lay becalmed vnder the Isle of Madera, vntill one of the clocke at after∣noone, and then, the winde comming into the East, wee went our course, and ranne that day fif∣teene leagues.

The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more.

The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif,* 4.131 otherwise•• called the Pike, because it is a very high Island, with a pike vpon the top like a loafe of suger. The same night we raised the Isle of Palma,* 4.132 which is a high land also, and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif.

The 7. day we perceiued the Isle of Gomera,* 4.133 which is an Island standing betwixt Tenerif and Palma, about 12. leagues Eastward from Palma, and 8. leagues Westward from Tenerif: and for feare of being becalmed with the Isle of Tenerif, we left both it, and Gomera to the Eastward of vs, and went betwixt Palma and Gomera. We ranne this day and night 30. leagues.

Note that these Islands be 60. leagues from Madera, and that there are 3. Islands more to the Westward of Tenerif, named the Grand Canaria, Forte-ventura, & Lancerot, of which Islands we came not in sight: they be inhabited by Spaniards.

This day also we had sight of the Isle of Ferro,* 4.134 which is to the Southwards 13. leagues from the other Islands, and is possessed by Spaniards. All this day and night by reason of the winde

we could not double the point of the Isle of Ferro, except we would haue gone to the Westward of it, which had bene much out of our course: therefore we kept about, and ranne backe fiue houres Eastnortheast to the ende we might double it vpon the next boord, the winde continuing South∣east, which hath not bene often seene vpon that coast by any trauailers: for the winde continueth there for the most part Northeast, & East Northeast: so vpon the other boord by the next morning we were in a maner with the Island, and had roome ynough to double the same.

The 8. day we kept our course as neere the winde as wee could, because that our due course to fetch the coast of Barbary was Southeast and by East, but by the scant winde wee could not goe our due course, but went as neere it as we could, and ranne this day and night 25. leagues.

The 9. day we ranne 30. leagues, the 10.25. leagues, the 12.24.

The 12. day we sawe a saile vnder our Lee, which was as we thought a fisherman, so that wee went roome to haue spoken with him, but within one houre there fell such a fogge, that wee could not see the shippe nor one of vs the other: we shot off diuers pieces to the Hinde, but she heard them not: at after noone she shot off a piece which wee heard, and made her answere with another: and within one halfe houre after the fogge brake vp, and we were within 4. leagues of the shoare vpon the coast of Barbary, and wee sounded and had 14. fadom water. The Barke also came roome with vs and there ankered by reason of the contrary winde. When we fell with the land, we could not iudge iustly what part of the land it was, because the most part of that coast is lowe land, and no part to be iudged of it but the forepart of the shoare, which is white like chalke or sand, and very deepe vnto the hard shoare: there immediatly we began to fish, and found great store of a kinde of fish which the Portugals commonly fish for vpon that coast, which they cal Pergosses, the French∣men call them Saders, and our men salt-water breames. Before the clearing vp of the fogge, the shippe which we followed shaped vs such a course that we could see her no more, by reason of our shooting off to finde the Hinde againe. This part of the coast of Barbary, by our Pilots reckoning, is about 16. leagues to the Eastwards of the riuer del Oro.* 4.135

The 13. day in the afternoone wee spyed a saile comming towards vs, which wee iudged to be the saile that wee sawe the day before, and as soone as we spied him, wee caused the Hinde to way her ancre and to goe towardes him, and manned out our Skiffe in like case to lay him aboorde, or to discerne what hee was, and wee our selues within halfe an houre after wayed also: but after the saile had espied vs, hee kept about, and turned backe againe, and shortly after there fell such another fogge, that wee coulde not see him: which fogges continued all that night, so that we were constrained to leaue the chase. This afternoone the winde came about, and wee went our course Southwest and by West, to goe cleare off the coast, wee ranne that night six∣teene leagues.

The foureteenth day in the morning was very foggie: but about twelue a clocke wee espied a Caruell of 60. tunne which was fishing, and we sent our Skiffe to him with fiue men, and all without any weapon sauing their Oares. The Caruell for haste let slippe her ancre, and set saile; and they seeing that, fearing that they should not fetch her, would tary for no weapons, and in the ende ouertooke the Caruell,* 4.136 and made her to strike saile, and brought her away, although they had foureteene or fifteene men aboord, & euery man his weapon, but they had not the hearts to resist our men. After they were come to vs, they let fall their ancre, for wee had cast ancre be∣cause the winde was not good: I caused then the Skiffe to come for mee, and I went aboorde of them to see that no harme should bee done to them, nor to take any thing but that which they might spare vs for our money. So we tooke of them 3. Tapnets of figges, two small pots of oyle, two pipes of water, foure hogsheads of saltfish which they had taken vpon the coast, and certaine fresh fish which they did not esteeme, because there is such store vpon that coast, that in an houre and sometime lesse,* 4.137 a man may take as much fish as will serue twentie men a day. For these things, and for some wine which wee dranke aboorde of them, and three or foure great Cannes which they sent aboord of our shippes, I payed them twentie and seuen Pistolets, which was twise as much as they willingly would haue taken: and so let them goe to their ancre and cable which they had let slippe, and got it againe by our helpe. After this wee set saile, but the winde caused vs to ancre againe about twelue leagues off the riuer del Oro, as the Portugals tolde vs. There were fiue Caruels more in this place, but when they sawe vs, they made all away for feare of vs.

The 15. day we ridde still because of the winde.

* 4.138The 16. day we set saile and ranne our course 40. leagues. This day, by the reckoning of our Pilots, we were right vnder the Tropike of Cancer. The 17. day we ranne 25. leagues within sight for the most part of the coast of Barbary.

The 18. day wee ranne thirtie leagues, and at twelue of the clocke by the reckoning of our

Pilots we were thwart of Cape Blanke.* 4.139

The 22. day our Pilots reckoned vs to be thwart Cape Verde.* 4.140

The 12. day of December we had sight of land of Guinea,* 4.141 which as soone as we saw we halled into the land Northeast, and about 12. of the clocke at night we were neere the shoare within lesse then 2. leagues: and then we kept about and sounded, and found 18. fadom water. Afterwards we saw a light towards the shoare, which we thought to haue bene a ship, and thereby iudged it to be the riuer de Sestos, which light as soone as we espied, we came to an anker & armed our tops, and made all things ready to fight, because we doubted that it might be some Portugal or French man: this night we remained at an anker, but in the morning we saw no man, only we espied 4. rockes a∣bout 2. English miles from vs, one great rocke, and the 3. other smal ones, which when we sawe, we supposed that the light came from the shore, and so wayed and set saile East Southeast along the shoare, because the Master did not well know the place, but thought that we were not so farre to the East as the riuer de Sestos.

This land all along is a low land, and full of very high trees all along the shoare, so that it is not possible to know the place that a man doth fall withall, except it be by the latitude: In these 24. houres I thinke we ran 16. leagues, for all the night we had a great gale as we were vnder saile, and had withall store of thunder and lightnings.

The 13. day for the most part we ran East Southeast all along the shoare, within two leagues alwayes of the same, and found the land all as at the first, ful of woods and great rocks hard aboord the shoare, and the billow beating so sore, that the seas brake vpon the shoare as white as snow, and the water mounted so high that a man might easily discerne it 4. leagues off, in such wise that no boate could land there. Thus we ran vntil 12. of the clocke, and then they tooke the Sunne and after iudged themselues to be 24. leagues past the riuer de Sestos to the Eastwards, by reason whereof we halled into the shoare within two English miles, and there anexed and found fifteene fadom water, and all off from the shoare the sea so smooth, that we might wel haue rid by an Haw∣ser. All that after-noone we trimmed our boate and made her a saile, to the ende that she might go along by the shoore to seeke some place to water in:* 4.142 for wee could not goe backe againe to the ri∣uer de Sestos, because the winde blowes alwayes contrary, and the Currant runneth alwayes to the Eastwards, which was also against vs.

The 14. day we set saile & went back againe along the coast, and sent our boats hard aboord the shoare to seeke a watering place, which they found about 12. of the clock, and we being farre into the sea, met with diuers boats of the Countrey, small, long and narrow, & in euery boate one man and no more: we gaue them bread which they did eat, & were very glad of it. About 4 of the clocke our boats came to vs with fresh water: and this night we ankered against a Riuer.

The 15. day we wayed and set saile to goe neere the shoare, and with our leade wee sounded all the way, and found sometimes rockes, and sometimes faire ground, and at the shallowest found 7. fadoms alwayes at the least. So in fine we found 7. fadom and a halfe within an English mile of the shoare, and there we ankered in a maner before the mouth of the Riuer, and then wee sent our boats into the Riuer for water, which went about a mile within the Riuer, where they had very good water. This Riuer lieth by estimation 8. leagues beyond the Riuer de Sestos, and is called in the Carde Riuer S. Vincent,* 4.143 but it is so hard to finde, that a boat being within halfe a mile of it shall not be able to discerne that it is a Riuer: by reason that directly before the mouth of it there lyeth a ledge of rockes, which is much broader then the Riuer, so that a boate must runne in along the shoare a good way betwixt the rockes and the shoare before it come to the mouth of the Riuer, and being within it, it is a great Riuer and diuers other Riuers fall into it: The going into it is somewhat ill; because that at the entring the seas do goe somewhat high, but being once within it, it is as calme as the Thames.

There are neere to the Sea vpon this Riuer diuers inhabitants, which are mighty bigge men and go al naked except some thing before their priuie parts, which is like a clout about a quarter of a yard long made of the barke of trees, and yet it is like a cloth:* 4.144 for the barke is of that nature, that it will spin small after the maner of linnen.* 4.145 Some of them also weare the like vpon their heades being painted with diuers colours, but the most part of them go bare headed, and their heads are clipped and shorne of diuers ••orts, and the most part of them haue their skin of their bodies raced with diuers workes, in maner of a leather Ierkin. The men and women goe so alike, that one cannot know a man from a woman but by their breastes, which in the most part be very foule and long, hanging downe low like the v••der of a goate.

The same morning we went into the Riuer with our Skiffe, and caried certaine basons, ma∣nels,* 4.146 &c. And there we tooke that day one hogs-head and 100. li. waight of Graines, and two Ele∣phants teeth at a reasonable good reckoning. Wee solde them both basons, and Manellios, and

Margarits, but they desired most to haue basons: For the most part of our basons wee had by esti∣mation about 30. li. for a piece, and for an Elephants tooth of 30. li. waight, we gaue them 6.

The 16. day in the morning we went into the riuer with our Skiffe, and tooke some of euery sort of our marchandize with vs, and shewed it to the Negroes, but they esteemed it not, but made light of it, and also of the basons, Manellios and Margarits, which yesterday they did buy: howbe∣it for the basons they would haue giuen vs some graines, but to no purpose, so that this day wee tooke not by estimation aboue one hundreth pound waight of Graines, by meanes of their Cap∣taine, who would suffer no man to sell any thing but through his hands, and at his price: he was so subtile, that for a bason hee would not giue 15. pound waight of Graines, and sometimes would offer vs small dishfuls, whereas before wee had baskets full, and when he saw that wee would not take them in contentment, the Captaine departed, and caused all the rest of the boates to depart, thinking belike that wee would haue followed them, and haue giuen them their owne askings. But after that wee perceiued their fetch, wee wayed our Grapnel and went away, and then wee went on land into a small Towne to see the fashions of the Countrey, and there came a threescore of them about vs, and at the first they were afraid of vs, but in the ende perceiuing that wee did no hurt, they would come to vs and take vs by the hand and be familiar with vs, and then we went in∣to their Townes,* 4.147 which were like to twentie small houels, all couered ouer with great leaues and baggage, and all the sides open, and a scaffolde vnder the house about a yard high, where they worke many pretie things of the barkes of trees, and there they lye also. In some of their houses they worke yron and make faire dartes, and diuers other things to worke their boates, and other things withall, and the women worke as well as the men. But when wee were there diuers of the women to shew vs pleasure danced and sung after their maner, full ill to our eares. Their song was thus:

Sakere, sakere, ho, ho. Sakere, sakere, ho, ho.

And with these words they leape and dance and clap their hands. Beastes we could see none that they had, but two goates, small dogges, and small hennes: other beastes we saw none. After that we had well marked all things we departed and went aboord our ships: which thing the Cap∣taine of the other towne perceiuing, sent two of his seruants in a boat with a basket of Graines, and made vs signes that if when we had slept wee would come againe into their riuer, wee should haue store of Graines, and so shewed vs his Graines and departed.

The 17. day in the morning because we thought that the Negroes would haue done something because the Captaine sent for vs, I required the Master to goe on shoare, and sent the rest of our Marchants with him, and caried aboord my selfe by reason that the last day he estemed our things so litle: so when the Master and the rest came into the riuer, the captaine with diuers others came to them, and brought Graines with them, & after that he saw that I was not there, he made signes to know where I was, and they made signes to him againe that I was in the ships: and then hee made signes to know who was Captaine by the name of Diago,* 4.148 for so they call their Captaine, & they pointed to the master of the ship: then he began to shew his Graines, but he held them so vn∣reasonably, that there was no profit to be made of them: which things the Master perceiuing, and seeing that they had no store of Graines, came away, and tooke not aboue 50. pound waight of Graines. Then he went a shoare to the litle Towne where we were the day before, & one of them plucked a Gourd, wherewith the Negroes were offended, & came many of them to our men with their darts and great targets, and made signes to them to depart: which our men did, hauing but one bow and two or three swords, and went aboord the boate and came away from them: and as∣soone as they were come aboord we wayed and set saile, but the winde was off the Sea, so that we could not get ou•• cleare of certaine rocks, and therefore we came to an ancre againe.

* 4.149This riuer is called Riuer S. Vincent, standing in 4. degrees and a halfe, and it ebbeth and flow∣eth there euery 12. houres, but not much water when it ebbeth the most: while wee were there, it ebbed one fadome and a halfe water.

* 4.150This countrey as farre as we could perceiue is altogether woody, and as strange trees, where∣of wee knewe none, and they were of many sorts, with great leaues like great dockes, which bee higher then any man is able to reach the top of them.

* 4.151There are certaine peason by the Sea side, which grow vpon great and very long stalkes, one of the stalkes I measured and found it 27. paces long, and they grow vpon the sand like to trees, and that so neere the Sea, that sometimes the Sea floweth into the woods as we might perceiue by the water markes.

* 4.152The trees and all things in this place grow continually greene. Diuers of the women haue such exceeding long breasts, that some of them wil lay the same vpon the ground and lie downe by them, but all the women haue not such breasts.

At this place all the day the winde bloweth off the Sea, and all the night off the land, but wee found it to differ sometimes, which our Master marue••led at.

This night at 9. of the clocke the winde came vp at the East, which ordinarily about that time was wont to come out of the North Northwest off the shoare: yet we wayed and halled off South with that winde all night into the Sea, but the next morning we halled in againe to the lande, and tooke in 6. Tunnes of water for our ship, and I thinke the Hinde tooke in as much.

I could not perceiue that here was any gold, or any other good thing: for the people be so wilde and idle, that they giue themselues to seeke out nothing: if they would take paines they might ga∣ther great store of graines, but in this place I could not perceiue two Tunne.

There are many foules in the Countrey, but the people wil not take the paines to take them.

I obserued some of their words of speach, which I thought good here to set downe.

Bezow, bezow,

Is their salutation.

Manegete afoye,

Graines ynough.* 4.153

Crocow afoye,

Hennes ynough.

Zeramme afoye,

Haue you ynough?

Begge sacke,

Giue me a knife.

Begge come,

Giue me bread.

Borke,

Holde your peace.

Coutrecke,

Ye lye.

Veede,

Put foorth, or emptie••

Brekeke,

Rowe.

Diago,

Their Captaine, and some call him Dabo. These and other wordes they speake very thicke, and oftentimes recite one word three times together, and at the last time longer then at the two first.

The 18. day towards night, as we were sailing along the coast, we met with certaine boats in thè sea•• & the men shewed vs that there was a riuer thwart of vs, where there were Graines to be sold, but we thought it not good to cary there, least the other ships should get before vs. This riuer hath lying before it three great rockes, and 5. small rocks, one great tree, and a litle tree right by the riuer, which in height exceeded all the rest: we halled this night along the coast 10. leagues.

The 19. day as we coasted the shoare, about twelue of the clocke there came out to vs 3. boates to tell vs that they had graines, & brought some with them for a shew, but we could not tary there. We proceeded along the coast, & ancred by the shore all the night, and ran this day 10. leagues.

The 20. day the Hinde hauing ankered by vs amongst rockes, and foule ground, lost a small anker. At noone, as we passed along the coast, there came forth a Negro to vs, making signes, that if we would goe a shoare, wee should haue Graines, and where wee ankered at night, there came another to vs, and brought Graines, and shewed vs them, and made signes that wee should tary, and made a fire vpon the land in the night, meaning thereby to tell vs where we should land, and so they did in diuers other places vpon the coast, where they saw vs to anker.

In al the places where we haue ancred, since we came from our wa••ring plac••,* 4.154 we haue found the tide alwayes running to the Westwards, and all along the coast many rockes hard aboord the shoare•• and many of them a league off the shoare or more, we ran this day 12. leagues.

The 21. day, although we ranne all day with a good gale of winde, yet the rides came so sore out of the coast, that we were not able to runne aboue sixe leagues: and this day there came some Ne∣groes to vs, as there had done other times.

The 22. wee ranne all day and night to double a point, called Das palmas,* 4.155 and ranne sixteene leagues.

The 23. day about 3. of the clocke we were thwart of the point, & before we came to the We∣stermost part of it, we saw a great ledge of rocks, which lie West from the Cape about 3. leagues and a league or more frō the land. Shortly after we had sight of the Eastermost part of the Cape, which lieth 4. leagues from the Westermost part, and vpon the very corner thereof lie two greene places, as it were closes, and to the Westwards of the Cape the land parted from the Cape, as it were a Bay, whereby 〈◊〉〈◊〉 may well be knowen. Foure leagues more beyonde that there lieth a head-land in the sea, and about two leagues beyond the head-land there goeth in a great Bay, as it were a riuer, before which place we ankered all that night, which wee did, least in the night wee should overrunne a riuer, where the* 4.156last yeere they had all their Elephants teeth.

This Cape Das palmas lieth vnder foure degrees and a halfe, and betwixt the said Cape, and the riuer de Sestos is the greatest store of Graines to be had, and being past the said Cape, there is no great store else where.

Where we ankered this night, we found that the tide, which before ran alwayes to the West∣ward,

from this Cape runneth all to the Eastward:* 4.157 this day we ranne some 16. leagues.

The 24. day running our course, about eight of the clock there came forth to vs certaine boats, which brought with them small egges, which were soft without shels, and they made vs signes, that there was within the land fresh water, and Goates: and the Master thinking that it was the riuer which we sought, cast ancker and sent the boate on shoare, with one that knew the riuer, and comming neere the shoare, hee perceiued that it was not the riuer, and so came backe againe, and went along the shoare, with their oares and saile, and wee weyed and ranne along the shoare also: and being thirteene leagues beyond the Cape, the Master perceiued a place which he iudged to be the riuer, when wee were in deede two miles shot past it: yet the boate came from the shoare, and they that were in her saide, that there was no riuer: notwithstanding wee came to an ancker, and the Master and I tooke fiue men with vs in the boat, and when hee came neere the shoare, hee per∣ceiued that it was the same riuer which hee did seeke: so we rowed in, and found the entrance ve∣ry ill, by reason that the sea goeth so high: and being entred, diuers boates came to vs, and shewed vs that they had Elephants teeth, and they brought vs one of about eight pound, & a little one of a pound, which we bought: then they brought certaine teeth to the riuer side, making signes, that if the next day we would come againe, they would sell vs them: so we gaue vnto two Captaines, to either of them a manillio, and so we departed, and came aboord, and sent out the other boate to an∣other place, where certaine boates that came into the sea, made vs signes that there was fresh wa∣ter: and being come thither, they found a towne,* 4.158 but no riuer, yet the people brought them fresh water, and shewed them an Elephants tooth, making signes that the next day they would sel them teeth, and so they came aboord.

This riuer lieth by the Carde thirteene leagues from the Cape Das palmas, and there lieth to the Westwards of the same a rocke about a league in the sea, and the riuer it selfe hath a point of lande comming out into the Sea, whereupon grow fi••e trees, which may well bee discerned two or three leagues off, comming from the Westward, but the riuer cannot bee perceiued vntill such time as a man be hard by it, and then a man may perceiue a litle Towne on ech side the riuer, and to ech Towne there belongeth a Captaine. The riuer is but small, but the water is good and fresh.

Two miles beyond the riuer, where the other towne is, there lieth another point into the Sea, which is greene like a close, and not aboue sixe trees vpon it, which growe one of them from the other, whereby the coast may well be knowen: for along all the coast that we haue hitherto sailed by, I haue not seene so much bare land.

In this place, and three or foure leagues to the Westward of it, al along the shoare, there grow many Palme trees,* 4.159 whereof they make their wine de Palma. These trees may easily be knowen almost two leagues off, for they be very high and white bodied, and streight, and be biggest in the midst: they haue no boughes, but onely a round bush in the top of them: and at the top of the same trees they boare a hole, and there they hang a bottell, and the ••uyce of the tree runneth out of the said hole into the bottle, and that is their wine.

From the Cape das Palmas, to the Cape Tres puntas,* 4.160 there are 100. leagues: and to the port where we purpose to make sales of our cloth beyond the Cape Tres puntas 40. leagues.

Note, that betwixt the riuer De Sestos, and the Cape Das palmas, is the place where all the graines be gathered.

The language of the people of this place, as far as I could perceiue, differeth not much frō the language of those which dwel where we watred before: but the people of this place be more gentle in nature then the other, and goodlier men: their building & apparel is all one with the others.

Their desire in this place was most of all to haue Manillios and Margarites: as for the rest of our things, they did litle esteeme them.

* 4.161About nine of the clocke there came boates to vs foorth, from both of the places aforesaid, and brought with them certaine teeth, and after they had caused me to sweare by the water of the Sea that I would not hurt them, they came aboord our ship three or foure of them, and we gaue them to eate of all such things as we had, and they did eate and drinke of all things, as well as we our selues. Afterwards we bought all their teeth, which were in number 14. and of those 14. there were 10. small: afterwards they departed, making vs signes that the next day we should come to their Townes.

* 4.162The 26. day because we would not trifle long at this place I required the Master to goe vn∣to one of the townes, and to take two of our marchants with him, & I my selfe went to the other, and tooke one with me, because these two townes stand three miles asunder. To these places we caried somewhat of euery kinde of marchandize that we had: and hee had at the one Towne, nine teeth, which were but small, and at the other towne where I was, I had eleuen, which were also

not bigge, and we left aboord with the Master certaine Manil••••os, wherewith he bought 12. teeth aboord the ship, in our absence: and hauing bought these of them, wee perceiued that they had no more teeth: so in that place where I was one brought to me a small goat, which I bought, and to the Master at the other place they brought fiue small hennes, which he bought also, and after that we saw there was nothing else to be had, we departed, and by one of the clocke we met aboord, and then wayed, and went East our course 18. leagues still within sight of land.

The 28. the wind varied, and we ranne into the sea, and the winde comming againe off the sea, wee fell with the land againe, and the first of the land which we raised shewed as a great red cliffe round, but not very high, and to the Eastward of that another smaller red cliffe, and right aboue that into the land a round hummoke and greene, which we tooke to be trees. We ranne in these 24. houres, not aboue foure leagues.

The 29. day comming neere to the shoare, we perceiued the red cliffe aforesaide to haue right vpon the top of it a great heape of trees, and all to the Westwards of it ful of red cliffes as farre as we could see, and all along the shoare, as well vpon the cliffes, as otherwise, full of wood: within a mile of the said great cliffe there is a riuer to the Eastwards, and no cliffes that we could see, ex∣cept one small cliffe, which is hard by it. We ran this day and night 12. leagues.

The windes that wee had in this place by the reports of the people and of those that haue bene there, haue not bene vsuall, but in the night, at North off the lande, and in the day South off the sea, and most commonly Northwest, and Southwest.

The 31. day we went our course by the shoare Northwards: this land is al along a low shoare, and full of wood, as all the coast is for the most part, and no rockes. This morning came out ma∣ny boates which went a fishing, which bee greater boates then those which we sawe before, so that in some of them there sate 5. men, but the fashion of the boats is all one. In the afternoone about three of the clocke wee had sight of a Towne by the sea side, which our Pilots iudged to be 25. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape Tres puntas.

The third of Ianuary in the morning we fell with the Cape Tres puntas, and in the night pas∣sed,* 4.163 as our Pilots saide, by one of the Portugals castles, which is 8. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape: vpon the first sight of the Cape wee discerned it a very high land, and all growen ouer with trees, and comming neere to it, we perceiued two head lands, as it were two Bayes betwixt them, which opened right to the Westward, and the vttermost of them is the Easterne Cape, there we perceiued the middle Cape, and the Eastermost Cape: the middle Cape standeth not aboue a league from the West Cape, although the Card sheweth them to be 3. leagues one from the other: and that middle Cape hath right before the point of it a small rocke so neere to it, that it cannot be discerned from the Cape, except a man be neere to the shoare, and vpon the same Cape standeth a great heape of trees, and when a man is thwart the same Cape to the Eastward, there riseth hard by it a round greene hommoke, which commeth out of the maine.

The thirde Cape is about a league beyond the middle Cape, and is a high landlike to the other Capes, and betwixt the middle, and the thirde commeth out a litle head or point of a land out of the maine, and diuers rocks hard aboord the shoare.

Before we came to the Capes, being about 8. leagues off them, wee had the land Southeast, and by East, and being past the Capes, the land runneth in againe East Northeast.

About two leagues beyond the farthest Cape there is a lowe glade about two miles long, and then the land riseth high againe, and diuers head-lands rise one beyond another, and diuers rockes lie at the point of the first head-land. The middest of these Capes is the neerest to the South∣wards, I meane, further into the sea then any of the other, so that being to the Eastward of it, it may be discerned farre off, and being so to the Eastward it riseth with two small rockes.

This day we ankered for feare of ouershooting a towne called S. Iohns. Wee ran this day not aboue 8. leagues. In the afternoone this day there came a boate of the countrey from the shoare, with fiue men in her, and went along by vs, as we thought, to discerne our flagges, but they would not come neere vs, and when they had well looked vpon vs, they departed.

The fourth day in the morning, sailing by the coast, we espied a ledge of rockes by the shoare, and to the Westwards of them two great greene hils ioyning together, so that betweene them it was hollow like a saddle: and within the said rockes the Master thought the aforenamed Towne had stoode, and therefore we manned our boates, and tooke with vs cloth, and other marchandize, and rowed ashoare, but going along by the ••oast, we sawe that there was no towne, therefore wee went aboord againe.

From these two hils aforesaid, about two leagues to the Eastward, lie out into the Sea almost two miles a ledge of rockes, and beyond that a great Bay, which runneth into the North North∣westward, and the land in this place lieth North Northeast along the shoare: but the vttermost

point of land in that place that we could see, lay Northeast, and by East from vs.

After that we were with a small gale of winde runne past that vttermost head-land, we sawe a great red cliffe, which the Master againe iudged to be the towne of S. Iohns, and then wee tooke our boate with marchandize, and went thither, and when we came thither, we perceiued that there was a towne vpon the toppe of the hill, and so wee went toward it, and when we were hard by it, the people of the towne came together a great sort of them, and waued vs to come in, with a peece of cloth, and so we went into a very faire Bay, which lieth to the Eastward of the cliffe, whereup∣on the towne standeth, and being within the cliffe, wee let fall our grapnell, and after that we had tar••ed there a good space, they sent a boate aboord of vs, to shewe vs that they had golde, and they shewed vs a peece about halfe a crowne weight, and required to know our measure, & our weight, that they might shewe their Captaine thereof: and wee gaue them a measure of two elles, and a waight of two Angels to shew vnto him, which they tooke, and went on shoare, and shewed it vn∣to their Captaine, and then they brought vs a measure of two elles, one quarter and a halfe, and one Crusado-weight of gold, making vs signes that so much they would giue for the like measure, and lesse they would not haue. After this, we taried there about an houre, and when we sawe that they would doe no otherwise, and withall vnderstood, that all the best places were before vs, wee departed to our shippes and wayed, and ranne along the shoare, and went before with our boate, and hauing sailed about a league, we came to a point where there lay foorth a ledge of rockes, like to the others before spoken of, and being past that people, the Master spied a place which hee saide plainely was the towne of Don Iohn: and the night was come vpon vs, so that we could not well discerne it, but we ankered as neere vnto the place as we could.

* 4.164The fift day in the morning we perceiued it to be the same towne in deede, and we manned our boates and went thither, and because that the last yeere the Portugals at that place tooke away a man from them, and after shot at them with great bases, and did beate them from the place, we let fall our grapnel almost a base shot off the shoare, and there we lay about two houres, and no boats came to vs. Then certaine of our men with the Hindes boate went into the Bay which lieth to the Eastward of the towne, and within that Bay they found a goodly fresh riuer, and afterwards they came and waued to vs also to come in, because they perceiued the Negroes to come downe to that place, which we did: and immediatly the Negroes came to vs, and made vs signes that they had golde, but none of them would come aboord our boates, neither could wee perceiue any boates that they had to come withall, so that we iudged that the Portugals had spoiled their boates, be∣cause we saw halfe of their towne destroyed.

Wee hauing stayed there a good space, and seeing that they would not come to vs, thrust our boates heads a shoare, being both well appointed, and then the Captaine of the Towne came downe, being a graue man: and he came with his dart in his hand, and sixe tall men after him, eue∣ry one with his dart & his target, and their darts were all of yron, faire and sharpe, and there came another after them which caried the Captaines stoole: wee saluted him, and put off our caps, and bowed our selues, and hee like one that thought well of himselfe, did not mooue his cap, nor scant bowed his body, and sate him downe very solemnly vpon his stoole: but all his men put off their caps to vs, and bo••ed downe themselues.

He was clothed from the loines downe with a cloth of that Countrey making, wrapped about him, and made fast about his loynes with a girdle, and his cap of a certaine cloth of the Countrey also, and bare legged, and bare footed, and all bare aboue the loynes, except his head.

His seruants, some of them had cloth about their loines, and some nothing but a cloth betwixt their legges, and made fast before, and ••ehinde to their girdles, and cappes of their owne making, some like a basket, and some like a great wide purse of beasts skinnes.

All their cloth, cordes, girdles, fishing lines, and all such like things which they haue, they make of the bark of certaine trees, and thereof they can worke things very pretily, and yron worke they can make very fine,* 4.165 of all such things as they doe occupy, as darts, fishhookes, hooking yrons, yron heads, and great daggers, some of them as long as a woodknife, which be on both sides exceeding sharpe, and bended after the maner of Turkie blades, and the most part of them haue hanging at their left side one of those great daggers.

Their targets bee made of such pils as their cloth is made of, and very closely wrought, and they bee informe foure square, and very great, and somewhat longer then they bee broad, so that kneeling downe, they make their targets to couer their whole body. Their bowes be short, and of a pretie strength, as much as a man is able to draw with one of his fingers, and the string is of the barke of a tree, made flat, and about a quarter of an inch broad: as for their arrowes, I haue not as yet seene any of them, for they had wrapped them vp close, and because I was busie I could not stand about it, to haue them open them. Their golde also they worke very well.

When the Captaine was set, I sent him two elles of cloth, and two basons, and gaue them vnto him, and hee sent againe for a waight of the same measure, and I sent him a weight of two Angels, which he would not take, nether would hee suffer the towne to buy any thing, but the ba∣sons of brasse: so that wee solde that day 74. basons vnto the men of the towne, for about halfe an Angel weight, one with another, and nine white basons, which we solde for a quarter of an Angell a peece, or thereabouts.

We shewed them all our other things which we had, but they did not esteeme them.

About two of the clocke, the Captaine who did depart in the morning from vs, came againe, and brought with him to present mee withall, a henne, and two great rootes, which I receiued, and after made me signes that the countrey would come to his towne that night, and bring great store of gold, which in deed about 4. of the clocke they did: for there came about 100. men vnder 3. Captaines, well appointed with their darts and bowes, and when they came to vs, euery man sticked downe his dart vpon the shoare, and the Captaines had stooles brought them, and they sate downe, and sent a young man aboord of vs, which brought a measure with him of an ••ll, and one fourth part, and one sixteenth part, and he would haue that foure times for a waight of one An∣gell and twelue graines: I offered him two elles, as I had done before for two Angels weight, which he esteemed nothing, but still stucke at his foure measures aforesaid: yet in the end••, when it grew very late, and I made him signes that I would depart, he came to foure elles for the weight abouesaid, and otherwise he would not deale, and so we departed. This day we tooke for basons sixe ounces and a halfe and one eight part.

The sixt day in the morning we manned our boates and•• the skiffe well, for feare of the Por∣tugals which the last yeere had taken away a man from the other ships, and went on shoare, and landed, because they had no boates to come to vs, and so the young man which was with vs the night before was sent aboord, who seemed to haue dealt and bargained before with the Portugals for he could speake a litle Portuguise, and was perfect in weights and measures: at his com∣ming he offered vs, as he had done before, one Angell, and twelue graines for foure elles, and more he would not giue, and made signes, that if we would not take that, we should depart, which we did: but before we did indeede depart, I offered him of some rotten cloth three elles for his waight of an Angell and twelue graines, which he would not take, and then we departed making signes to him that we would go away, as indeede we would haue done, rather then haue giuen that measure, although the cloth was ill, seeing we were so neere to the places, which we iudged to be better for sale. Then we went aboord our ships, which lay about a league off, and came backe againe to the shoare for sand and balaste: and then the Captaine perceiuing that the boats had brought no marchandize but came onely for water and sand, and seeing that we would de∣part, came vnto them, making signes againe to know whether we would not giue the foure elles, and they made signes againe, that we would giue them but three, and when they sawe that the boates were ready to depart, they came vnto them and gaue them the weight of our Angell and twelue graines, which we required before and made signes, that if we would come againe, they would take three elles. So when the boates came aboord, we layde wares in them both, and for the speedier dispatch I and Iohn Sauill went in one boat, and the Master Iohn Makeworth, and Richard Cur••••gin, in the other, and went on shoare, and that night I tooke for my part fiftie and two ounces, and in the other boate they tooke eight ounces and a quarter, all by one weight and measure, and so being very late, we departed and went aboord, and tooke in all this day three pound.

The seuenth day we went a shoare againe, and that day I tooke in our boate three pound 19 ounces, so that we dispatched almost all the cloth that we caried with vs before noone, and then many of the people were departed & those that remained had litle golde, yet they made vs signes to fetch them some latten basons, which I would not because I purposed not to trifle out y^• time, but goe thence with speede to Don Iohns towne. But Iohn Sauill and Iohn Makeworth were desirous to goe againe: and I, loth to hinder them of any profite, consented, but went not my selfe: so they tooke eighteene ounces of gold and came away, seeing that the people at a certaine crie made, were departed.

While they were at the shoare, there came a young fellow which could speake a little Portu∣guise, with three more with him, and to him I solde 39 basons and two small white sawcers, for three ounces, &c. which was the best reckoning that we did make of any basons: and in the fore∣noone when I was at the shoare, the Master solde fiue basons vnto the same fellow, for halfe an ounce of golde.

This fellow, as farre as we could perceiue, had bene taken into the Castle by the Portugales, and was gotten away from them, for he tolde vs that the Portugales were bad men, and that they

made them slaues if they could take them, and would put yrons vpon their legges, and besides he told vs, that as many Frenchmen or Englishmen, as they could take (for he could name these two very well) they would hang them:* 4.166 he told vs further, that there were 60 men in the castle, and that euery yeere there came thither two shippes, one great, and one small caruell, and fur∣ther, that Don Iohn had warres with the Portugals, which gaue mee the better courage to goe to his towne, which lieth but foure leagues from the Castle, wherehence our men were beaten the last yeere.

This fellowe came aboord our shippe without feare, and assoone as he came, he demaunded, why we had not brought againe their men, which the last yeere we tooke ••way, and could tell vs that there were fiue taken away by Englishmen:* 4.167 we made him answere, that they were in Eng∣land well vsed, and were there kept till they could speake the language, and then they should be brought againe to be a helpe to Englishmen in this Countrey: and then he spake no more of that matter.

Our boates being come aboord, we wayed and set sayle and a litle after spied a great fire vpon the shoare, and by the light of the fire we might discerne a white thing, which they tooke to be the Castle, and for feare of ouershooting the towne of Don Iohn we there ankered two leagues off the shoare, for it is hard to fetch vp a towne here, if a ship ouershoot it. This day we tooke seuen pound, and fiue ounces of golde.

This towne lieth in a great Bay, which is very deepe.

The people in this place desired most to haue basons and cloth. They would buy some of them also many trifles, as kniues, horsetailes, hornes: and some of our men going a shoare, sold a cap, a dagger, a hat, &c.

They shewed vs a certain course cloth, which I thinke to be made in France, for it was course wooll, and a small threed, and as thicke as wosted, and striped with stripes of greene, white, yellow &c. Diuers of the people did weare about their neckes great beades of glasse of diuerse colours. Here also I learned some of their language,* 4.168 as followeth:

Mattea, mattea,

Is their salutation.

Dassee, dassee,

I thanke you.

Sheke,

Golde.

Cowrte,

Cut.

Cracca,

Kniues.

Bassina,

Basons.

Foco, foco,

Cloth.

Molta,

Much, or great store.

The eight day in the morning we had sight of the Castle, but by reason of a mis••e that then fell we could not haue the perfect sight of it,* 4.169 till we were almost at the towne of Don Iohn, and then it cleared vp, and we saw it and a white house, as it were a Chappell, vpon the hill about it: then we halled into the shoare, within two English miles of Don Iohns t••wne, and there ankered in seuen fadome water. Here, as in many other places before, we perceiued that the currant went with the winde.

The land here is in some places low and in some high, and full of wood altogether.

The towne of Don Iohn is but litle,* 4.170 of about twentie houses, and the most part of the towne is walled in with a wall of a mans height, made with reede or sedge, or some such thing. Here we staied two or three houres after we had ankered, to see if any man would come vnto vs: and see∣ing that none did come, we manned our boates and put in marchandize, and went and ankered with our boates neere to the shoare: then they sent out a man to vs who made vs signes that that was the towne of Don Iohn, and that he himselfe was in the Countrey, and would be at home at the going downe of the Sunne, and when he had done, he required a reward, as the most part of them will doe which come first aboord, and I gaue him one ell of cloth and he departed, and that night we heard no more of him.

The ninth day in the morning we went againe with our boates to the shoare, and there came foorth a boate to vs, who made signes that Don Iohn was not come home, but would be at home this day: and to that place also came another boate from the other towne a mile from this, which is called Don Deuis, and brought with him gold to shew vs, making signes that we should come thither. I then left in this place Iohn Sauill, and Iohn Makeworth, and tooke the Hinde, and went to the other towne and there ankered, and tooke cloth and went to shore with the boate, and by and by the boates came to vs and brought a measure of foure yards long & a halfe, and shewed vs a weight of an angell and twelue graines, which they would giue for so much, and not other∣wise: so I staied and made no bargaine. And all this day the barke lay at Don Iohns towne, and

did nothing, hauing answere that he was not come home.

The tenth day we went againe to the shoare, and there came out a boat with good store of gold, and hauing driuen the matter off a long time, and hauing brought the measure to a nayle lesse then three elles, and their weight to an angell and twentie grain••s, and could not bring them to more, I did conclude with them and solde, and within one quarter of an houre I tooke one pound and a quarter of an ounce of golde: and then they made me signes to tary, till they had parted their cloth vpon the shoare as their manner is, and they would come againe, and so they went away, and layde the cloth all abroad vpon the sande peece by peece, and by and by one came running downe from the towne to them, and spake vnto them, and foorthwith euery man made as much haste as he could away, and went into the woods to hide his golde and his cloth: we mistrusted some knauery, and being waued by them to come a shoare, yet we would not, but went aboorde the Hinde, and perceiued vpon the hill 30 men which we iudged to be Portugals: and they went vp to the toppe of the hill and there mustered and shewed themselues, hauing a flagge with them. Then I being desirous to knowe what the Hart did, tooke the Hindes boate and went towards her, and when I came neere to them they shot off two pieces of ordinance which I marueiled at: I made as much haste as I could to her, and met her boate and skiffe comming from the shoare in all haste, and we met aboord together. They shewed me that they had beene a shoare all that day, and had giuen to the two sonnes of Don Iohn, to either of them three yardes and a halfe of cloth, and three basons betwixt them, and had deliuered him 3 yards of cloth more and the weight of an angell and 12 graines,* 4.171 and being on land did tarie for his answere, and in the meane time the Portugals came running from the hill vpon them, whereof the Negroes a litle before had gi∣uen them warning, and ••ad them to go away but they perceiued it not. The sonne of Don Iohn conspired with the Portugales against them, so that they were almost vpon them, but yet they recouered their boate and set off from the shoare, and the Portugales shot their calieuers at them, but hurt no man, and then the ship perceiuing it, shot off the two peeces aforesayde among them. Hereupon we ••ayde bases in both the boates, and in the Skiffe and manned them well, and went a shoare againe, but because of the winde we could not land, but lay off in the sea about ten score and shot at them, but the hill succoured them, and they from the rockes and from the hilles shotte at vs with their halfe hakes, and the Negroes more for feare then for loue stoode by them to helpe them, and when we saw that the Negroes were in such subiection vnto them that they durst not sell vs any thing for feare of them we went aboord, and that night the winde kept at the East, so that we could not with our ship fetch the Hinde, but I tooke the boate in the night and went a∣boord the barke to see what was there to be done, and in the morning we perceiued the towne to be in like case layde with Portugales, so we wayed and went along the coast. This towne of Iohn de Viso standeth vpon an hill like the towne of Don Iohn,* 4.172 but it hath beene burned, so that there are not passing fire houses in it: the most part of the golde that comes thither comes out of the countrey, and no doubt if the people durst for feare of the Portugals bring forth their gold, there would be had good store: but they dare not sell any thing, their subiection is so great to the Portugales. The 11 day running by the shoare we had sight of a litle towne foure leagues from the last towne that we came from, and about halfe a league from that, of another towne vpon a hill, and halfe a league from that also of another great towne vpon the shoare: whither we went to see what could there be done: if we could doe nothing, then to returne to the other towne, be∣cause we thought that the Portugales would leaue the towne vpon our departure. Along from the castle vnto this place are very high hilles which may be seene aboue all other hilles, but they are full of wood, and great red cliffes by the sea side. The boates of these places are somewhat large and bigge, for one of them will carrie twelue men, but their forme is alike with the former boates of the coast. There are about these townes few riuers: their language differeth not from the language vsed at Don Iohns towne: but euery one can speake three or foure words of Por∣tuguise, which they vsed altogether to vs.

We sawe this night about 5 of the clocke 22 boates running along the shoare to the West∣ward, whereupon we suspected some knauery intended against vs. The 12 day therefore we set sayle and went further along the coast, and descried more townes wherein were greater houses then in the other townes, and the people came out of the townes to looke vpon vs, but we could see no boates. Two mile beyond the Eastermost towne are blacke rocks, which blacke rockes continue to the vttermost cape of the land, which is about a league off, and then the land runnes in Eastnortheast, and a sandy shoare againe: vpon these blacke rockes came downe certaine Ne∣groes, which waued vs with a white flagge, but we perceiuing the principall place to be neere, would not stay, but bare still along the shoare: and as soone as we had opened the point of the land, we raysed another head-land about a league off the point, which had a rocke lying off it

into the sea, and that they thought to be the place which we sought. When we came thwart the place they knew it, and we put wares into our boate, and the ship being within halfe a mile of the place ankered in fine fadonic water and faire ground. We went on shoare with our boate, and ankered about ten of the clocke in the forenoone: we saw many boates lying vpon the shoare, and diuers came by vs, but none of them would come neere vs, being as we iudged afraid of vs: be∣cause that foure men were taken perforce the last yeere from this place,* 4.173 so that no man came to vs, whereupon we went aboord againe, and thought here to haue made no sale: yet towardes night a great sort came downe to the water side, and waued vs on shoare with a white flagge, and afterwarde their Captaine came downe and many men with him, and sate him downe by the shore vnder a tree: which when I perceiued, I tooke things with me to giue him: at last he sent a boat to call to vs, which would not come neere vs, but made vs signes to come againe the next day: but in fine, I got them to come aboord in offering them things to giue to their captaine, which were two elles of cloth, one latten bason, one white bason, a bottle, a great piece of beefe, and sixe bisket cakes, which they receiued making vs signes to come againe the next day, saying, that their Captain was Grand Capitane as appeared by those that attended vpon him with their darts and targets, and other weapons.

* 4.174This towne is very great and stands vpon a hill among trees, so that it cannot well be seene except a man be neere it: to the Eastward of it vpon the hill hard by the towne stand 2. high trees, which is a good marke to knowe the towne. And vnder the towne lieth another hill lower then it, whereupon the sea beates: and that end next the sea is all great blacke rockes, and beyonde the towne in a bay lieth another small towne.

The 13 day in the morning we tooke our boate and went to shoare, and stayed till ten a clocke and no man came to vs: we went about therefore to returne aboord, and when the Negroes saw that, they came running downe with a flagge to waue vs againe, so we ankered againe, and then one shewed vs that the Captaine would come downe by and by: we saw a saile in the meane time passe by vs but it was small, and we regarded it not. Being on shore wee made a tilt with our dares and sayle, and then there came a boate to vs with fiue men in her, who brought vs againe our bottle,* 4.175 and brought me a hen, making signes by the sunne, that within two houres the mar∣chants of the countrey would come downe and buy all that we had: so I gaue them sixe Manil∣lios to carry to their Captaine, and they made signes to haue a pledge of vs, and they would leaue vs another man: and we willing to doe so, put one of our men in their boate, but they would not giue vs one of theirs, so we tooke our man againe, and there tarried for the marchants: and short∣ly after one came downe arrayed like their Captaine with a great traine after him, who saluted vs friendly, and one of the chiefest of them went and sate downe vnder a tree, where the last yere the Captaine was wont to sit: and at last we perceiued a great many of them to stand at the ende of a hollow way; and behinde them the Portugales had planted a base, who suddenly shotte at vs but ouershot vs, and yet we were in a manner hard by them, and they shot at vs againe before we could ship our oares to get away but did no hurt. Then the Negroes came to the rocks hard by vs, and discharged calieuers at vs, and againe the Portugales shot off their base twise more, and then our ship shot at them, but the rockes and hilles defended them.

* 4.176Then we went aboord to goe from this place, seeing the Negroes bent against vs, because that the last yeere M. Gainsh did take away the Captaines sonne and three others from this place with their golde, and all that they had about them: which was the cause that they became friends with the Portugales, whom before they hated, as did appeare the last yeere by the courteous intertainement which the Trinitie had there,* 4.177 when the Captaine came aboord the shippe, and brought them to his towne, and offered them ground to build a Castle in, and there they had good sales.

The 14 day we wayed and plyed backe againe to seeke the Hinde, which in the morning we met, and so we turned both backe to the Eastwardes to see what we could doe at that place where the Trinitie did sell her right frifes the last yeere. The Hinde had taken eighteene ounces and a halfe more of golde of other Negroes, the day after that we left them. This day about one of the clocke we espied certaine boates vpon the sand and men by them and went to them with mar∣chandizes, and tooke three ounces of gold for 18 fuffs of cloth, euery fuffe three yards and a halfe after one angell and 12 graines the fuffe, and then they made me signes that the next day I should haue golde enough: so the Master tooke the Hinde with Iohn Sauill and Iohn Makeworth; and went to seeke the place aforesaid, & I with Richard Pakeman remained in this place to see what we could do the next day: and when the Negroes perceiued our ship to go away, they feared that the other would follow, & so sent forth 2 boats to vs with 4 men in them, requiring vs to tary & to giue them one man for a pledge, and 2 of them should tary with vs for him, so Edward M. Morleis

seruant seeing these men so earnest therein offered himselfe to be pledge, and we let him goe for two of them, one whereof had his waights and scales, and a chaine of golde about his necke, and another about his arme. They did eate of such things as we had and were well contented. In the night the Negroes kept a light vpon the shoare thwart of vs, and about one of the clocke we heard and saw the light of a base which shot off twise at the said light, and by and by discharged two calieuers, which in the end we perceiued to be the Portugals brigandine which followed vs from place to place,* 4.178 to giue warning to the people of the countrey, that they should not deale with vs.

The 15 day in the morning the Captaine came downe with 100 men with him, and brought his wife, and many others brought their wiues also, because their towne was 8 miles vp in the countrey, and they determined to lie by the sea side till they had bought what they would. When he was come he sent our man aboord, and required to haue two men pledges, and he himselfe would come aboord, and I sent him two, of whom he tooke but one, and so came aboord vs, he and his wife with diuers of his friends, and brought me a goate and two great rootes, and I gaue him againe a latten bason, a white bason, 6 manillios, and a bottell of Malmesie, and to his wife a small casket. After this we began to make our measure and weight: and he had a weight of his owne which held one angell and 14 graines, and required a measure of 4 elles and a halfe. In fine we concluded the 8 part for one angell and 20 graines, and before we had done, they tooke mine owne weight and measure.

The 16 day I tooke 8 li. 1 ounce of gold: and since the departure of the Hinde I heard not of her, but when our pledge went into the countrey the first night, he said he saw her cast anker aboue fiue leagues from this place. The 17 day I sold about 17 pieces of cloth, & tooke 4. li. 4 ounces and a halfe of gold. The 18 day the captaine desired to haue some of our wine, and offered halfe a ducket of gold for a bottell: but I gaue it him freely, and made him and his traine drinke besides. And this day also I tooke 5 li. 5 ounces of gold. The 19 day we sold about 18 clothes, and tooke 4 li. 4. ounces and one quarter of golde.

The 20 day we tooke 3 li. sixe ounces and a quarter of golde. The 21 we tooke 8. li. 7. oun∣ces and a quarter. The 22.3. li. 8. ounces and a quarter. And this night about 4 of the clocke the Captaine who had layen all this while vpon the shoare, went away with all the rest of the people with him.

The 23 day we were waued a shoare by other Negroes, and sold them cloth, caskets, kniues, and a dosen of bels, and tooke 1. li. 10. ounces of gold. The 24 likewise we sold bels, sheetes, and thimbles, and tooke two li. one ounce and a quarter of gold. The 25 day we sold 7 dosen of smal bels and other things, and then perceiuing their gold to be done, we wayed and set sayle & went to leeward to seeke the Hinde, and about 5 of the clocke at night we had sight of her, and bare with her, and vnderstood that shee had made some sales. The 26 day wee receiued out of the Hinde 48 li. 3 ounces and one eight part of golde, which they had taken in the time that we were from them. And this day vpon the request of a Negro that came vnto vs from a captaine, we went to shoare with our marchandize, and tooke 7 li. and one ounce of gold. At this place they required no gages of vs, but at night they sent a man aboord vs, which lay with vs all night, because we might knowe that they would also come to vs the next day. The 27 day in both our shippes we tooke 8. li. one ounce, three quarters and halfe a quarter of golde. The 28 we made sales for the com∣panie, and tooke one pound and halfe an ounce of gold. The 29 day in the morning we heard two calieuers shot off vpon the shore, which we iudged to be either by the Portugales or by the Ne∣groes of the Portugales: we manned our boates and armed our selues and went to shoare, but could finde nothing: for they were gone. The 30 day we made more sales for the companie and for the Masters.

The 31 we sent our boate to shoare to take in sand for balast, and there our men met the Ne∣groes, with whom they had made sale the day before a fishing which did helpe them to fill sand, and hauing no gold, sold fish to our men for their handkerchiefes and nightkerchiefes.

The 1. day of February we wayed and went to another place,* 4.179 and tooke 1. li. 9. ounces 3 quar∣ters of gold. The 2 day we made more sales: but hauing viewed our victuals, we determined to ••arie no long time vpon the coast, because the most part of our drinke was spent, & that which re∣mained grew sowre. The 3 and 4 dayes we made some sales,* 4.180 though not great, and finding the wind this 4. day to come off the shoare, we set saile and ranne along the shoare to the Westwards: vpon this coast we found by experience that ordinarily about 2 of the clocke in the night the winde comes off the shoare at Northnortheast, and so continueth vntill eight of the clocke in the mor∣ning: and all the rest of the day and night it comes out of the Southwest: and as for the tide or currant vpon this shore, it goeth continually with the winde. The 5 day we continued sayling and thought to haue met with some English ships, but found none.

The sixt day we went our course Southwest to ••etch vnder the line, and ranne by estimation 24 leagues.

The 13 day wee thought our selues by our reckoning to be cleare off the Cape das Palmas, and ranne 12 leagues.

* 4.181The 22 day we were thwart of the Cape de Monte, which is to the Westward of the Riuer de Sestos, about 30 leagues.

* 4.182The first day of March in a Ternado we lost the Hinde, whereupon we set vp a light and shot off a piece but could not heare of her, so that then we strooke our saile and taried for her, and in the morning had sight of her againe three leagues a sterne off vs.

* 4.183Upon the 22 day we found our selues to be in the height of Cape Verde, which stands in 14. degrees and a halfe.

From this day till the 29 day we continued our course, and then we found our selues to be in 22 degrees. This day one of our men called William King, who had bene long sicke, died in his sleepe, his apparell was distributed to those that lackt it, and his money was kept for his friends to be deliuered them at his comming home.

The 30 day we found our selues to be vnder the Tropike.

The 31 day we went our course, and made way 18 leagues.

* 4.184From the first day of Aprill to the 20 we went our course, and then found our selues to bee in the height of the Asores.

* 4.185The seuenth day of May we fell with the South part of Ireland, and going on shoare with our boate had fresh drinke, and two sheepe of the countrey people, which were wilde Kernes, and we gaue them golde for them, and bought further such other victuals as we had neede of, and thought would serue vs till we arriued in England.

* 4.186The 14 day with the afternoone tide we went into the Port of Bristoll called Hungrode, and there ankered in ••afetie and gaue thankes to God for our safe arriuall.

The second voyage made by Maister VVilliam Towrson to the coast of Guinea, and the Castle of Mina, in the yeere 1556. with the Tiger of London, a ship of 120 tunnes, the Hart of London of 60 tunnes, and a Pinnesse of sixteene tunnes.

THe fourteenth day of September, the yeere abouesayd, we departed from Har∣wich, and directed our course for the Isle of Sillie, to meete there with the Hart and Pinnesse, which were rigged and victualed at Bristoll, but arriuing there the eight and twentieth day we found them not, and therefore after long lying at hull to tarrie for them, but not espying them, we turned backe to Plim∣mouth the 12 day of October, and being there, the Hart and the Pinnesse came to vs, so that the 15 of Nouember we all departed together from Plimmouth at one of the clocke in the after noone,* 4.187 and the 28 day we had sight of the Isle of Porto Santo, and the next day in the morning of Madera.

* 4.188The third day of December we fell with the Ile of Palma, and the 9 we were thwart of Cape Blanke, and found there certaine Carauels fishing for Pargoes.

* 4.189The 19 we found our selues in the height of Sierra Leona, and all this day we ranne thwart of certaine Currants, which did set to the West Southwestward so fast as if it had bene the ouer∣fall of a sand, making a great noyse like vnto a streame or tide-gate when the water is shoale: and to prooue whither we could finde ground in this place, we sounded and had 150 fadome, and no ground, and so departed.

The 30 of December we fell with the coast of Guinea, and had first sight of it about 4 leagues off. The best marke that we could take of the place to knowe it was three hilles, which lay Northeast and by East from vs: betwixt the Northermost two hilles there are two high and great trees standing in sight as it were a sailes breadth one from another, and a litle more to the Northwestwards are certaine hommocks. Hauing sayled somewhat into the shoare wee tooke our selues to be shotte somewhat past the riuer de Sestos, so that we kept about to fetch it. And a litle after we had sight of three sayles of shippes and two pinnesses which were in the weather of vs, and hauing sight of them we made our selues readie to meete them, and halled off our ships to fetch the winde as neere as we could: and hauing sayled about an houre or two, they also went about, and went as we went to make themselues readie, and when we had them in chase, they went away from vs: but when they had made themselues readie, they kept about againe, and came with vs verie finely appointed with their streamers, and pendants and ensignes, and

noyse of trumpets very brauely: so when we met, they had the weather of vs, and we ••e••ng de∣termined to fight, if they had bene Portugals, waued them to come vnder our Lee, which they de∣nied stoutly: then we demaunded of them whence they were, and they sayd of France, we told them againe that we were of London in England. They asked of vs what Portugals wee had seene, we answered, none but Fishermen: then they told vs that there were certaine Portugall ships gone to the Mina to defend it, and that they met with another at the riuer de Sestos,* 4.190 which was a ship of two hundred which they had burned, and had saued none but the master and two or three Negros, and certaine others which were sore burned which they left a shore there. Then they desired to come aboord of vs with their boates to talke with vs, and wee gaue them leaue. Then the captaine of the Admirall and diue••s others came aboord very friendly, desiring vs to keepe them company because of the Portugals, and to goe to the Mina with them: wee told th••m that we had not watered, and that we were but now fallen with the coast, and they shewed vs that we were fiftie leagues past the riuer de Sestos: notwithstanding there was water enough to be had, and they would helpe vs to water with their owne boats because they would haue our com∣panie. And told vs further, that they had bene sixe weekes vpon the coast, and had gotten but three tunnes of graines amongst them all: and when wee had heard them, we made our recko∣ning that although the Mina were cleare, yet if they did goe before vs, they would marre our market;* 4.191 and if it were not cleare, then if the Portugals were there and did take them, they would vnderstand that we were behind, and so would waite for vs. And further we made account that if we went with them we should doe as well as they, if the coast were cleare: if it were not cleare, then by them we were assured to be the stronger. Therefore hauing considered thus much of their gentle offers, wee told them that the next day wee would conferre more largely of the matter. Whereupon they desired me to come the next day to dinner to them, and to bring the masters of our ships with me, and such marchants as I thought good, promising to giue vs water out of their owne ships if we would take it, or els to tarie with vs and helpe vs to water with their own boats and pinnasses.

The 31 day in the morning the Admirall sent his boat aboord for me, and I tooke our masters and certaine of our marchants and went to him, who had prouided a notable banquet for vs, and intreated vs very friendly, desiring vs still to keepe his company, promising that what victuals were in his ships, or other things that might d••e vs pleasure vntill the end, we should haue the one halfe of it, offering vs if we would to furle his Flags, and to bee at our commaundement in all things.

In the ende we agreed to come to an anker, and to send our boat on shore with the Admirals boat, and one of his pinnasses, and an Almaine which they had brought out of France, to seeke water, as for our pinnasse she came to an anker to seaward of vs all, and would not come at vs. All this night the boats continued on shore.

The first day of Ianuary our boats came to vs againe and had found no riuer. Whereupon we weighed and set saile, and ankred againe at another riuer.

The 2 day we went into the riuer and bargained, and tooke 5 small Elephants teeth.

The 3 day we tooke 5 more.

The fourth day the French Admirall and we tooke fifteene small teeth.* 4.192 This day wee tooke thirtie men with vs and went to seeke Elephants, our men being all well armed with harque∣busses, pikes, long bowes, crossebowes, partizans, long swordes, and swordes and bucklers: wee found two Elephants which wee stroke diuers times with harquebusses and long bowes, but they went away from vs and hurt one of our men. The fift day we set saile and ranne along the coast.

The 6 day we fell with the riuer de S. Andre,* 4.193 at which place the land is somewhat high to the Westward of the riuer, and a faire Baie also to ••he Westward of it: but to the Eastward of it it is lowe land.

The 7 day we went into the Riuer and found no village, but certaine wild Negros not accu∣stomed to trade. It is a very great riuer and 7 fadome water in some places at the entring. Here we filled water, and after set saile.

The 8 day we sailed along the shore and came to the Redcliffes, and went forward in sailing the 9 day also.

The 10 day we came together to confer with captaine Blundel Admiral of the French ships, Ierom Baudet his viceadmiral, and Iohn de Orleans master of a ship of 70 tunne, and with their marchants, and agreed that when God should send vs to any place where wee might make sale, that we should be of one accord and not one of vs hurt the market of the other, but certaine of our boates to make the price for all the rest, and then one boate to make sale for euery shippe. This

night our boats going to the shore met with certaine Negros, who said that they had gold, and therefore we here cast anker.

The 11 day all the day we tooke but one halfe angel weight of 4 graines, which we tooke by hand, for the people of this place had no weight: the Negros called this place Allow.* 4.194

The 12 day we ran along the coast and found but one towne, but no boates would come out to vs, and therefore we went our course.

The 13 day I tooke my boat and went along the shore, and passed by diuers small townes, and was waued to come on shore at 3 places, but the sea went so high vpon the shore, that is was not possible for vs to land, neither could they come to vs if they had had boats, as I could see none but at one place, where there was one that would haue come vnto vs, but the Land-wash went so sore that it ouerthrew his boat, and one of the men was drowned, which the people lamented, and cried so sore, that we might easily heare them, and they got his body out of the sea, and caried it a∣mongst them to their towne.

The 14 day we came within Saker-shot of the castle, & straightway they set forth and Almade to descry vs, and when they perceiued that we were no Portugals, they ranne within the towne againe: for there is a great towne by the Castle which is called by the Negros Dondou.* 4.195 With∣out this there lie two great rockes like Ilands, and the castle standeth vpon a point which shew∣eth almost like an Iland. Before we came at this castle, we found the land for fiue or six leagues to be high land, and about seuen leagues before we came to the castle, lowe land, vntil we came at the castle,* 4.196 and then wee found the land high againe. This castle standeth about fiue leagues to the East of Cape de Tres puntas.* 4.197 Here I tooke the boate with our Negros and ranne alongst the shore till I came to the Cape and found two small townes, but no boates at them, neither a∣ny traffique to be had. At these places our Negros did vnderstand them well, and one of them went a shore at all the places and was well receiued of them. This night we ankred at the Cape de Tres puntas.

The 15 day I tooke our boat and went along the shore, & about 3 leagues beyond the Easter∣most part of the Cape we found a faire Bay where we ran in, and found a smal towne and certaine boates which belonged to the same towne, but the Negros in a long time would not come to vs, but at the last by the perswasion of our owne Negros, one boat came to vs, and with him we sent George our Negro a shore, and after he had talked with them, they came aboord our boates with∣out feare, and I gaue to their captaine a bason, and two strings of Margarets, and they shewed vs about 5 duckats weight of gold, but they required so much for it that wee would not take it, be∣cause the Frenchmen and we had agreed to make price of our goods all in one boat, and the price being made then euery man to sell in his owne boat, and no man to giue more thē the price which should be set by vs al. This place is called Bulle,* 4.198 and here the Negros were very glad of our Ne∣gros, and shewed them all the friendship they could, when they had told them that they were the men that were taken away being now againe brought by vs.

The Negros here shewed vs that a moneth since there were 3 ships that fought together, & the two shippes put the other to flight; and before that at the castle of Mina there were 4 ships of the Portugals which met with one Frenchman, which Frenchman caused them all to flee, which shippe we tooke to be the Roebarge: for the Frenchmen of our company iudged her to be there∣about that time with her pinnasse also. And further, that after her went a shippe of twelue score named the Shaudet all alone, and after her a ship of fourescore, and both for the Mina. And there were two others also which they left, one at Cape Verde called the Leuriere of Diepe, and ano∣ther at the riuer De Sestos, besides these 3 which all this time be in our company, whose names be these:

• The Espoier of Hableneff which is the Admirall, whose captaine is Denis Blundell.
• The Leuriere of Roan Uice admirall, whose master is Ierome Baudet.
• The other is of Hunfleur whose master is called Iohn de Orleans.

The sixteenth day I went along the shore with two pinnasses of the Frenchmen, and found a Baie and a fresh riuer, and after that went to a towne called Hanta,* 4.199 twelue leagues beyond the Cape. At this towne our Negros were well knowen, and the men of the towne wept for ioy when they saw them, and demanded of them where Anthonie and Binne had bene: and they told them that they had bene at London in England, and should bee brought home the next voyage. So after this, our Negros came aboord with other Negros which brought a weight with them, which was so small that wee could not giue them the halfe of that which they demaunded for it.

The Negros here told vs that there were fiue Portugall shippes at the Castle and one pin∣nasse, and that the Portugals did much harme to their Countrey, and that they liued in feare of

them, and we told them againe, that we would defend them from the Portugals whereof they were very glad.

The 17 day we went a shore and the Frenchmen wi••h vs, but did no great good, the Negros were so vnreasonable, we sold 80 Manellios for one ounce of gold.

Then wee departed and went to Shamma,* 4.200 and went into the riuer with fiue boates well ap∣pointed with men and ordinance, and with our noises of trumpets and drummes, for we thought here to haue found some Portugals but there were none: so wee sent our Negros on shore, and after them went diuers of vs, and were very well receiued, and the people were very glad of our Negros,* 4.201 specially one of their brothers wiues, and one of their aunts, which receiued them with much ioy, and so did all the rest of the people, as if they had bene their naturall brethren: we com∣forted the captaine and told him that hee should not feare the Portugals, for wee would defend him from them: whereupon we caused our boats to shoote off their bases and harquebusses, and caused our men to come on shore with their long bowes, and they shot before the captaine, which he, with all the rest of the people, wondred much at, specially to see them shoot so farre as they did, and assaied to draw their bowes but could not. When it grew to be late, we departed to our ships, for we looked euery houre for the Portugals.* 4.202 And here the Negros shewed vs that there was an English ship at the Mina, which had brought one of the Negros againe, which Robert Gaynsh tooke away.* 4.203

The 18 day we went into the riuer with no lesse strength then before, and concluded with the Negros to giue them for euery Fuffe two yards and three nailes of Cloth, and to take for it one angle-duckat: so that we tooke in all 70 Duckats, whereof the Frenchmen had fortie, and wee thirtie.

The nineteenth day wee went a shore euery man for himselfe, and tooke a good quantitie of gold, and I for my part tooke foure pound and two ounces and a halfe of gold, and our Hartes boate tooke one and twentie ounces. At night the Negros shewed vs that the next day the Por∣tugals would be with vs by land or by Sea: and when wee were ready to depart, we heard di∣uers harquebusses shoote off in the woods by vs which wee knew to bee Portugals, which durst come no neerer to vs, but shot off in the woods to see if they could feare vs and so make vs to leaue our traffique.

The 20 day we manned our fiue boats, and also a great boat of the Frenchmens with our men and the Admirals, 12 of them in their murrians and corslets, and the rest all well appoynted, with foure trumpets, a drumme and a Fife, and the boate all hanged with streamers of Silke and pendants very faire, and went into the riuer and traffiqued, our man of warre lying off and on in the riuer to waft vs, but we heard no more of the Portugals. This day the Negros told vs that there were certain ships come into Hanta,* 4.204 which towne is about 2 leagues to the Westward of this place.

This 21 day we manned our boats againe & went to a place a league from this to the West∣wards, and there found many Negros with another Captaine, and fold at the same rate that wee had done with the others.

The 22 day we went a shore againe and traffiqued in like sort quietly, and I tooke 4 pound and six ounces of gold.

The 23 day about night the Negros with their captaine came to vs and told vs that the king of Portugals ships were departed from the Castle, meaning the next day to plie to the windward to come to vs, giuing vs warning to take heed to our selues: we told them againe that wee were very glad of their comming, and would be ready at all times to meet them, and to assure them that we were glad of it, wee sounded our trumpets, and shot off certaine bases whereof the Negros w••re very glad, and requested vs that if the Portugals sought to hinder our traffique, to s••ew them all the extremitie that we could, promising vs that if they came by land, they would aduer∣tise vs thereof.

The 24 we went a shore with our trumpets and drummes, and traffiqued, and I bade the cap∣taine of the towne to dinner.

The 25 day we being a shore, our ships had descried fiue sailes of the king of Portugals,* 4.205 & our ships shot off ordinance to call vs away, and we threw euery man his casken shore for water, and went to our ships, and by that time we had weighed and giuen order one to another what to do, it was night, so y^• that night nothing was done. We set saile and lay close all night to get the wind if we could: we were neere some of them, and one shot off a piece which wee iudged to be the Admi∣rall of the Portugals, to cause the rest to come and speake with him: so all this night we made our selues ready for fight.

The 26 we came in with the shore and had sight of the Portugals where they rid at anker,

and we bare with them, and we gaue all our men white scarffes, to the ende that the Frenchmen might know one the other if we came to boording: but the night came vpon vs that we could not fetch them, but we ankered within demie-Culuering shot of them.

The 27 day we w••ighed and so did the Portugals, and about eleuen of the clocke wee had the wind of them, and then we went roome with them, which when they perceiued, they kept about to the shore againe, and wee after them, and when they were so neere the shore that they could not well runne any further on that boord, they kept about againe, and lay to the Seaward, and then we kept about with them, and were ahead of them, and tooke in our topsailes and taried for them: and the first that came vp was a small barke which sailed so well that she cared not for any of vs, and caried good ordinance: and assoone as she came vp, she shot at vs, and ouershot vs, and then she shot at the Admirall of the Frenchmen, and shot him through in two or three places, and went foorth ahead of vs, because we were in our fighting sailes:* 4.206 then came vp another carauell vnder our Lee in like case which shot at vs and at the Frenchman, and hurt two of his men and shot him through the maine maste. And after them came vp the Admirall vnder our Lee also, but he was not able to doe vs so much harme as the small shippes, because he caried ordinance higher then they, neither were we able to make a good shot at any of them, because our shippe was so weake in the side, that she laid all her ordinance in the Sea: wherefore we thought to lay the great ship aboord, and as soone as the French Admirall went roome with him, he fell a sterne and could not fetch him, and after he fell a sterne of two carauels more and could fetch none of them, but fell to Leeward of them all:* 4.207 and when he was to Leeward, he kept about to the shoreward, and left vs, and then we put out our topsailes and gaue them chase, and both the other Frenchmen kept the wind, and would not come neere vs, and our owne ship was a sterne so that she could not come to vs: and after we had folowed them about two houres to the seaward, they kept about againe towards the shore, thinking to pay vs as they went along by, and to haue the wind of the French Admirall which before ran in towards the shore, and we kept about with them, and kept still the wind of them thinking that our Uiceadmiral and the other would haue folowed vs as wee willed them to do: but after that the Portugall was past by them, and euery one had shot at vs and our Uiceadmirall, both our Uiceadmirall and the two Frenchmen, & our owne pinnasse left vs in the laps, and ran to seaward, and we ran still along, and kept the wind of them to succour the French Admirall, who was vnder all of their Lees, and when they met with him, euery one went roome with him, and gaue him the broad side, and af••er they cast about againe, and durst not boord him, because they sawe vs in the weather of them or els without doubt they had taken or sunke them, for three of them which were the smallest, went so fast that it was not possible for a ship to boord them, and caried such ordinance that if they had had the weather of vs, they would haue troubled 3 of the best ships that we had, and as for their Admirall and Uiceadmirall they were both notablie appointed.

When the Frenchman was cleare of them, hee laie as neere the winde as hee could, and wee followed them still towardes the shore, and then the Admirall ranne to Sea after the rest, and left vs all alone: and when the Portugals perceiued that we were alone, and gaue them chase, they kept about with vs and we with them, to keepe the wind of them, and we ranne still within base shot of them, but they shot not at vs, because we had the weather of them, and sawe that they could do vs no hurt: and thus we folowed one another vntil night, and in the night we lost them, but as for all the rest of our ships, they packed on all the sailes that they could and ranne to sea, and as they themselues confesse, they praied for vs, but as for helpe at their hands we could haue none.

The 28 day we met with our Uiceadmirall, our pinnasse, and two of the Frenchmen, and the third was fled which was a ship of fourscore ••unne, and belonged to Roan: and when I ha•• the sight of the rest of our ships, I tooke our skiffe and went to them to know why they lost vs in such a case, and Iohn Kire made me answere that his ship would neither reare nor steere, a••d as for the pinnasse, Iohn Dauis made me answere that she would doe nothing, and that he could cary her no further, for her rudder was broken, so that the Hart was glad to towe her. Then I went to the French Admirall; and found himselfe to be a man of good stomacke, but the one halfe of his men were sicke and dead: and then I talked with the smaller Frenchman, and he made mee answere that he could doe nothing, saying, that his ship would beare no saile, and had 16 of his men dead and sicke, so he made vs plaine answere that he was able to doe nothing. After this the French∣men durst not anker for feare of the Portugales.

The 29 day the master of the pinnasse came to vs and sayd that they were not able to keepe her any longer, and then wee viewed her and seeing there was no remedie, her rudder with all the iron worke being broken both aloft and belowe, wee agreed to breake her vp and to put the

men into the Hart. So we tooke out of her foure bases, one anker, and certaine fire wood, and set her on fire, and afterwards ran along the coast.

The thirtie day we went in to the shore, and spake with certaine Negros, who told vs that some French shippes had bene there, but wee could not bargaine with them they were so vnrea∣sonable.

The 31 day I went to shore but did not traffike.

The 1 day of Februarie we weighed,* 4.208 seeing we could not bring the Negros to any reason, and came to another place which standeth vpon an hill.

The third day I went to a towne foure leagues from vs, and shot off two pieces, and the Cap∣taine came to vs, and I sent Thomas Rippen a land who knew the Captaine, and assoone as he came on shore the Captaine knew him and diuers of the Negros who then began to aske for mee, and hauing told the Captaine that I was in the boate, hee made no longer tarying but by and by caused two boates to be put to the Sea, and came to me himselfe, and when he sawe me, he cryed to me before hee came to the boat and seemed to be the gladdest man aliue, and so did all the com∣panie that knew mee, and I gaue him a reward as the maner of the Countrey is, and caused the Frenchmen to giue another, promising the next day to giue him wine: and that night because it was late, he would not talke of any price, but left me a pledge, and tooke another of me and so de∣parted.

The 4 day going on shore, I found that the ships of France which had bin there, had done much hurt to our markets, but yet I tooke fiue ounces and a halfe of gold.

The fift day I tooke eight ounces and one eight part of gold: but I saw that the Negros per∣ceiued the difference in Cloth betwixt ours and that which the Frenchmen had, which was bet∣ter, and broader then ours: and then I told captaine Blundel that I would goe to the Leeward, because I perceiued that being there where his Cloth was sold, I should do no good, whereof hee was sorie.

The 6 day there came an Almade & Negros aboord me, requesting me to come to their towne for they had much gold and many marchants: and so I went and found their old Captaine gone, and another in his place: but this night wee did no good, because the marchants were not come downe: so he required a pledge which I let him haue, and tooke another of him.

The 7 day George our Negro came to vs,* 4.209 who had followed vs at the least 30 leagues in a small boat, and when he came, the Negros and we soone concluded of price. I tooke this day fiue pound and one ounce, and 3 quarters of gold. This Negro we had left at Shamma at the time of the fight, who said that he saw the fight being on shore, and that when we were gone from the Por∣tugals, the Portugals came into their riuer, and told them that the Englishmen had slaine two Portugals with a piece,* 4.210 which was in deed out of our ship, and they required harbour there, but the captaine of Shamma would not suffer them.

The 8 day we tooke nineteene pound three ounces and a halfe.

The 9 day we tooke two pound six ounces and a halfe.

The 10 day three pound.

The 11 day came to vs Ierome Bawdet the Uiceadmirall of the Frenchmen and his pinnasse, and he shewed vs that where we left them there was no good to be done, and sayd he would goe to the Eastward, but wee told him hee should not: and thereupon commaunded him to goe to his company which he was appointed to bee with,* 4.211 which hee refused to doe vntill wee had shot three or foure pieces at their pinnasse, and when the ship sawe that, she kept about, and ranne to Sea∣ward, and durst come no neerer to vs, so the pinnasse went after her. We tooke this day one pound fiue ounces.

The 12 day there came one of the Frenchmens pinnasses to vs ladē with cloth, and would haue made sale, but I would not suffer him, and therefore tooke him and sent him aboord of our ship, and caused him to ride there all day. We tooke fiue pound six ounces and a halfe.

The 14 day we tooke of some Negros 4 ounces of gold.

The 16 we came to another towne.

The 17 day I went a shore and vnderstood that 3 of the Portugall ships were at the Castle, and the other two at Shamma. The captaine of this towne was gone to the principall towne, to speake with their king, and would returne shortly as they told me, and so he did, and brought me a weight and measure, and I sent a man to see that principall towne, and their king. The Portu∣gall ships rid so neere vs, that within 3 houres they might be with vs, yet were all coutented to tary for sales.

The 18 day certaine of the kings seruaunts came to vs, and we tooke one pound two ounces, and one eight part of gold.

The 10 day we tooke fiue pound one ounce.

The 20 day one pound and foure ounces.

The 21 I tooke foure pound and one ounce, and the Negroes enquired for fine cloth, and I o∣pened two pieces which were not fine enough, as they sayd, but seeing that we had no other, they bought of them. At night I prouided a gift, or present, and sent one marchant and a mariner wi••h it to the king, to c••r••ifie him of our want of victuals, by reason whereof we could not stay long: for in deed we searched our ship, and the most part of our beere was leaked out of all our barrels.

The 22 day we tooke three ounces and a halfe.

* 4.212The 23 our men came from the king Abaan, and told vs, that he had receiued thē very friend∣ly,* 4.213 but he had litle gold, but promised, if we would tary, to send into all his countrey for gold for vs, and he willed our men at their comming home to speake to our king to send men and prouision into his countrey, to build a castle, and to bring Tailors with them, to make them apparell, and good wares, and they should be sure to sell them: but for that present the Frenchmen had filled them full of cloth.

* 4.214This towne standeth about foure leagues vp in the land, and is, by the estimation of our men, as big in circuit as London, but the building is like to the rest of the countrey. They haue about this Towne great store of the wheate of the Countrey, and they iudge, that on one side of the towne there were one thousand rikes of Wheate, and another sort of Corne which is called Mill, which is much vsed in Spaine. About this towne they keepe good watch euery night, and haue to warne the watchmen certaine cordes made fast ouer their wayes, which lead into the towne,* 4.215 and certaine bels vpon them, so that if any man touch the cordes, the bels ring, and then the watchmen runne foorth of their watch houses to see what they be: and if they be enemies, if they passe the cord, they haue prouision with certaine nets hanged ouer the wayes, where they must passe, to let fall vpon them, and so take them, and otherwise then by the wayes it is not pos∣sible to enter the towne, by reason of the thickets and bushes which are about the same, and the towne is also walled round about with long cords, and bound together with sedge and certaine barkes of trees.

When our men came to the towne, it was about fiue of the clock in the morning, for there they trauell alwayes in the night by reason of the heate of the day: and about nine of the clocke, the king sent for them, for there may no man come to him before he be sent for, and then they would haue caried their present with them: but the Negros told them, that they must bee three times brought before him,* 4.216 before they might offer their gift: and when they came to him, he talked with them, and receiued them very friendly, and kept them about halfe an houre, and then they depar∣ted, and after that sent for them againe three ••imes, and last of all, they brought him their present, which he receiued thankfully, and then caused a pot of wine of Palme to be brought foorth, and made them drinke: and before they drinke, both here and in all the Countrey, they vse certaine ce∣remonies.

* 4.217First, they bring foorth their pot of drinke, and then they make a hole in the ground, & put some of the drinke into it, and they cast the earth vpon it, which they digged forth before, and then they set the pot vpon the same, then they take a litle thing made of a goord, and with that they take out of the same drinke, and put it vpon the ground in three places, and in diuers places they haue c••r∣taine bunches of the pils of Palme trees set in the groūd before them, and there they put in some drinke, doing great reuerence in all places to the same Palme trees.

All these ceremonies first done, the king tooke a cup of gold, and they put him in wine, and hee dranke of it, and when he dranke, the people cried all with one voice, Abaan, Abaan, with certaine other words, like as they cry commonly in Flanders, vpō the Twelfe night, The kinning drinks: and when he had drunke, then they gaue drinke to euery one, and that done, the king licensed them to depart, and euery one that departeth from him boweth 3 times towards him, and waueth with both hands together, as they bow, and then do depart. The king hath commonly sitting by him 8 or 10 ancient men with gray beards.

This day we tooke one pound and 10 ounces of gold.

The 24 day we tooke 3 pound and 7 ounces.

The 25 we tooke 3 ounces and 3 quarters.

The 26 we tooke 2 pound and 10 ounces.

The 27 two pound and fiue ounces.

The 28 foure pound, and then seeing that there was no more gold to be had, we weighed and went foorth.

* 4.218The first day of March we came to a towne called Mowre, but we found no boats nor people

there: but being ready to depart, there came two Almades to vs from another towne, of whom we tooke two ounces and a halfe of golde: and they tolde vs that the Negroes that dwelled at Mowre were gone to dwell at Lagoua.* 4.219

The second day we came thwart of the castle, and about two leagues off,* 4.220 and there saw all the fiue Portugall ships at anker, and this day by night we fetched Shamma.

The third day we had sight of one tall ship, of about two hundred tunnes, in the weather of vs, and within lesse then two leagues of our ships, and then we saw two more a sterne of her, the one a ship of fiue hundred or more, and the other a pinnesse: and these were a new fleet at that present arriued out of Portugall.* 4.221 Whereupon we wayed, and made shift to double out of the land, and then the winde comming to the South-southwest, the Hart going roome with them fell three leagues to the leewards of vs. These Portugals gaue vs the chase from nine of the clocke in the morning, till fiue at night, but did no good against vs. At last, we perceiuing the Admirall to be farre a sterne of his company, because his maine top-mast was spent, determined to cast about with them againe, because we were sure to weather them, and the winde being as it was, it was our best course: but the Hart was so farre to the leeward, that we could not doe it, except we would lose her company, so that we tooke in some of our sailes, and went roome with him: which when he perceiued, he looffed to, and was able to lie as neere as he did before. At night, when we came to him, he would not speake to vs: then we asked of his company why he went so roome; and they made excuse that they were able to beare no saile by, for feare of bearing their foretopmast o∣uer boord: but this was a simple excuse.

The fourth day, being put from our watring place we began to seethe our meat in salt water, and to rebate our allowance of drinke, to make it indure the longer: and so concluded to set our course thence, for our owne countrey.

The 12 of March I found my selfe thwart of Cape das palmas.

The 16 day we fell with the land, which we iudged to be the Cape Mensurado,* 4.222 about which place is very much high land.

The 18 day we lost sight of the Hart, and I thinke the wilfull Master ran in with the shore of purpose to lose vs, being o••fended that I tolde him of his owne folly.

The 27 day we fell in sight of two small Ilands, which lie by our reckoning sixe leagues off the headland of Sierra Leona:* 4.223 and before we came in sight of the same Ilands, we made our rec∣koning to be forty or thirty leagues at the least off them. Therefore all they that saile this way are to regard the currents which set Northnorthwest, or els they may be much deceiued.

The 14 of Aprill we met with two great ships of Portugall, which although they were in the weather of vs, yet came not roome with vs, whereby we iudged that they were bound for Ca∣licut.

The 18 day we were in the heigth of Cape verde.

The 24 we were directly vnder the tropike of Cancer.

The first day of May Henry Wilson our Steward died: and the next day died Iohn Vnder∣wood.

The fift day we were in the heigth of S. Michael.

The 23 we had sight of a shippe in the weather of vs, which was a French man of 90 tunne, who came with vs as stoutly and as desperately as might be,* 4.224 and comming neere vs perceiued that we had bene vpon a long voyage, and iudging vs to be weake, as in deed we were, came nee∣rer vs, and thought to haue layed vs aboord, & there stept vp some of his men in armour, and com∣manded vs to strike saile: whereupon we sent them some of our stuffe, crosse barres, and chaine∣shot, and arrowes, so thicke, that it made the vpper worke of their shippe flie about their eares, and we spoiled him with all his men, and toare his shippe miserably with our great ordinance, and then he began to fall a sterne of vs, and to packe on his sailes, and get away: and we seeing that, gaue him foure or fiue good pieces more for his farewell; and thus we were rid of this French man, who did vs no harme at all. We had aboord vs a French man a Trumpetter, who being sicke, and lying in his bed, tooke his trumpet notwithstanding, and sounded till he could sound no more, and so died.

The 28 we conferred together, and agreed to go into Seuerne, and so to Bristoll, but the same night we had sight of the Lizard, and by reason of the winde, we were not able to double the lands end to go into Seuerne, but were forced to beare in with the Lizard.

The 29 day, about nine of the clocke in the morning, we arriued safely in Plimmouth, and praised God for our good arriuall.

The third and last voyage of M. VVilliam Towrson to the coast of Guinie, and the Castle de Mina, in the yeere 1577.

THe thirtieth day of Ianuary, the yeere abouesayd, we departed out of the sound of Plimmouth, with three ships, and a pinnesse, whereof the names are these:

1 The Minion Admirall of the fleet.

2 The Christopher Uiceadmirall.

3 The Tyger.

4 A pinnesse called the Vnicorne: being all bound for the Canaries, and from thence, by the grace of God, to the coast of Guinie.

* 4.225The next day, being the last of this moneth, we met with two hulks of Dantzick, the one cal∣led the Rose, a ship of foure hundred tunnes, and the other called the Vnicorne, of an hundred and fifty tunnes, the Master of the Rose was called Nicholas Masse, and the Master of the Vnicorne Melchior White, both laden at Bourdeaux, and for the most part with wines. When we came to them, we caused them to hoise foorth their boats, and to come and speake with vs, and we exa∣mined euery one of them apart, what French mens goods they had in their shippes, and they sayd they had none: but by the contrarieties of their tales, and by the suspicion which we gathered of their false chartar-parties, we perceiued that they had French mens goods in them: we therefore caused one of them to fetch vp his bils of lading, and because he denied that he had any, we sent certaine with him, who caused him to goe to the place where he had hid them, and by the differen∣ces of his billes of lading, and his talke, we gathered, as before, that they had Frenchmens godds. Whereupon we examined them straightly, and first the Purser of the Vnicorne, which was the smaller shippe, confessed that they had two and thirty tunnes and a hogshead of a French mans. Then we examined the Master in like case, and he acknowledged the same to be true. Then we examined also the Master of the great ship, and he confessed that he had an hundred and eight and twenty tunnes of the same French mans, and more they would not confesse, but sayd that all the rest was laden by Peter Lewgues of Hamburg, to be deliuered to one Henry Summer of Cam∣phi••e, notwithstanding all their letters were directed to Hamburg, and written in Dutch with∣out, and within in French.

When they had confessed that they had thus much French mens goods within their shippes, we conferred together what was best to be done with them. William Cretton and Edward Sel∣man were of the opinion, that it should be good either to carry them into Spaine, and there to make sale of the goods, or els into Ireland, or to returne backe againe into England with them, if the winde would permit it. But I, waying what charge we had of our Masters, first by mouth, and afterwards by writing, that for no such matter we should in any case prolong the time, for feare of losing the voyage, and considering that the time of the yeere was very farre spent, and the money that we should make of the wines not very much, in respect of the commodity which we hoped for by the voyage, perswaded them that to goe into Ireland, the winde being Easterly as it was, might be an occasion that we should be locked in there with that winde, and so lose our voyage: and to cary them into Spaine, seeing they sailed so ill, that hauing all their sailes abroad, we kept them company onely with our foresailes, and without any toppe sailes abroad, so that in euery two dayes sailing they would haue hindered vs more then one; and besides that (the winde being Easterly) we should not be able to seaze the coast with them: besides all this the losse of time when we came thither was to be considered, whereupon I thought it not good to carry them any further.

And as for carying them into England, although the winde had bene good, as it was not, con∣sidering what charge we had of our Masters, to shift vs out of the way for feare of a stay by reason of the warres, I held it not in any wise conuenient.

But notwithstanding all this, certeine of our company not being herewith satisfied went to our Master to know his opinion therein,* 4.226 who made them a plaine answere, that to cary them into any place, it was not the best way nor the profit of their Masters. And he tolde them further, that if the time were prolonged one moneth longer before they passed the Cape, but a few men would go the voyage. All these things considered, we all paused, and determined at the last, that euery man should take out of the hulks so much as he could well bestow for necessaries, and the next mor∣ning to conclude what should be further done with them. So we tooke out of them for vs foure∣teene t••••nes and a halfe of wine, and one tunne we put into the pinnesse.

• More we tooke out one hogshead of Aquauitae.
• Sixe takes of rozzen.
• A small halser for ties: and certeine chesnuts.

The Christopher tooke out,

• Ten tunnes of wine, and one hogshead.
• A quantity of Aquauitae.
• Shall-lines.
• Chesnuts.

Sixe double bases with their chambers. And their men broke vp the hulks chests, and tooke out their compasses, and running glasses, the sounding leade and line, and candles: and cast some of their beefe ouer boord, and spoiled them so much, that of very pity we gaue them a compasse, a running glasse, a lead and a line, certaine bread and candles, and what apparell of theirs we could finde in their ship, we gaue them againe, and some money also of that which William Crompton tooke for the ransome of a poore Frenchman, who being their Pilot downe the Riuer of Bor∣deux, they were not able to set him a shore againe, by reason of the foule weather.

The Tyger also tooke out of the smaller hulke sixe or seuen tunnes of wine, one hogshead of Aquauitae, and certeine rozzen, and two bases he tooke out of the great hulke.

The first day of February in the morning we all came together againe sauing W. Crompton who sent vs word that he was contented to agree to that order which we should take.

Now Edward Selman was of this opinion, that it was not best to let the ships depart, but put men into them to cary them into England, which thing neither we nor our Master would agree vnto, because we thought it not good to vnman our ships going ou••ward, considering how dange∣rous the time was: so that in fine we agreed to let them depart, and giue them the rest of the wine which they had in their ships of the Frenchmens for the fraight of that which we had taken, and for their ordinance, rozzen, aquauitae, chesnuts, and other things which the company had taken from them. So we receiued a bill of their handes, that they confessed how much Frenchmens goods they had, and then we let them depart.

The 10 day we reckoned our selues to be 25 leagues from the Grand Canarie, and this day a∣bout nine of the clocke our pinnesse brake her rudder, so that we were forced to towe her at the sterne of the Minion, which we were able to doe, and yet kept company with the rest of our ships. About eleuen of the clocke this day we had sight of the Grand Canarie.

The 11 day when we came to the Iland we perceiued that it was the Ile of Tenerif, & then in deed wee had sight of the Grand Canarie, which lieth 12 leagues to the Eastwards of Tenerif: and because the road of Tenerif is foule ground, and nothing was there to be gotten for the help∣ing of our pinnesse, hauing the winde large, we agreed to go with the Grand Canarie.

The 12 day we came into the roade of the towne of Canarie, which lieth one league from the same towne. And after we had shot off diuers pieces of ordinance to salu••e the towne and the ca∣stle, the gouernour and captaines of the Iland sent to vs which were the captaines of the ships, re∣quiring vs to come a shore. And when we came to them they receiued vs very frendly, offering vs their owne Iennets to ride to the towne, and what other friendship they could shew vs: and we went to the towne with two English Marchants which lay there,* 4.227 and remained in their house that day. The second day following we came aboord to deliuer our marchandise, and to get our pinnesse mended.

The 14 day came into the road the Spanish fleet which was bound to the Emperours Indies, which were in number nineteene saile, whereof sixe were ships of foure hundred and fiue h••ndr••d a piece, the rest were of two hundred, an hundred and fifty, and of an hundred.* 4.228 When they were come to an ancre they saluted vs with ordinance, and so we did them in like case. And afterwards the Admirall (who was a knight) sent his pinnesse to desire me to come to him; and when I came to him he receiued me friendly, and was desirous to heare somewhat of the state of England and Flanders. And after he had made me a banquet, I departed; and I being gone vnto the boat, hee caused one of his gentlemen to desire Francisco the Portugall, which was my interpreter, to re∣quire me to furle my flagge, declaring that hee was Generall of the Emperours fleet. Which thing (being come aboord) Francisco shewed me: and because I refused to furle it, and kept it foorth still, certaine of the souldiers in the ships shot diuers harquebush shot about the ship, and o∣uer the flagge: and at the ••ame time there came certeine gentlemen aboord our ship to see her: to whom I sayd, that if they would not cause those their men to leaue shooting, I would shoot the best ordinance I had thor••w their sides. And when they p••rceiued that I was offended, they de∣parted, and caused their men of warre and souldiers to shoot no more, and afterwards they came to me againe, and tolde me that they had punished their men. That done, I shewed them the ship, and made them such cheere as I could, which they receiued very thankfully: and the day follow∣ing they sent for mee to dine with them, and sent me word that their Generall was very sory that any man should require me to furle my flagge, and that it was without his consent: and therefore

he requested me not to thinke any vngentlenesse to be in him, promising that no man of his should misdemeane himselfe.

The 17 day we set saile in the road of Grand Canarie, and proceeded on our voyage.

The 20 in the morning we had sight of the coast of Barbarie, and running along the shore we had sight of Rio del Oro,* 4.229 which lieth almost vnder the tropike of Cancer.

The 21 day we found our selues to be in 20 degrees and a halfe, which is the heigth of Cape Blank.

The 25 we had sight of the land in the bay to the Northward of Cape Verde.

* 4.230The 26 I tooke Francisco and Francis Castelin wi••h me, and went into the pinnesse, and so went to the Tyger which was neerer the shore then the other ships, and went aboord her, and with her and the other ships we ranne West and by South, and West-southwest, vntill about foure of the clocke, at which time we were hard aboord the Cape,* 4.231 and then we ran in Southwest, and be∣yond the Cape about foure leagues we found a faire Iland,* 4.232 and besides that two or three Ilands, which were of very high rocks, being full of diuers sorts of sea-foule, and of pigeons, with other sorts of land-foules, and so many, that the whole Iland was couered with the dung thereof, and seemed so white as if the whole Iland had bene of chalke; and within those Ilands was a very faire bay, and hard aboord the rocks eighteene fadom water, and faire ground. And when we perceiued the bay, and vnderstanding that the Frenchmen had a great trade there,* 4.233 which we were desirous to know, we came to an ancre with the Tyger. And after that the Minion and the Chri∣stopher ancred in like case: then we caused the pinnesse to runne beyond another Cape of land, to see if there were any place to trade in there.

It being neere night I tooke our cocke and the Tygers skiffe, and went to the Iland, where we got certaine foules like vnto Ga••nards: and then I came aboord againe and tooke two of the Gannards which we had taken, and caried them to the captaine of the Christopher, and when I had talked with him, I found him not willing to tary there, neither was I desirous to spend a∣ny long time there, but onely to attempt what was to be done. The Master of the Christopher tolde me he would not tary, being not bound for that place.

The 27 the Captaine of the Tyger and Edward Selman came to me, and Iohn Makeworth from the Christopher, and then we agreed to take the pinnesse, & to come along the shore, because that where we rid no Negros came to ••s, and the night before our pinnesse brought vs word that there was a very faire Iland.* 4.234 And when I came beyond the point I found it so, and withall a goodly bay, and we saw vpon the maine certaine Negros which waued vs on shore, and then we came to an ancre with the pinnesse, and went a shore with our cocke, and they shewed vs where their trade was, and that they had Elephants teeth, muske, & hides,* 4.235 and offered vs to fetch downe their Captaine, if we would send a man wi••h them, and they would leaue a pledge for him: then we asked them when any ship had bene there; and some of them sayd not in eight moneths, others, in sixe moneths, and others in foure, and that they were Frenchmen.

Then we perceiuing the Christopher not willing to ••ary, departed from them, & se•• saile with the pinnesse and went aboord the Tyger.

* 4.236The 10 day of March we fell with the coast of Guinea, fiue leagues to the Eastwar•• of Cape de Monte, beside a riuer called Rio das Palmas.

The 11 we went to the shore, and found one man that could speake some Portuguise, who tolde vs that there were three French ships passed by; one of them two moneths past, and the other one moneth past. At this place I receiued nineteene Elephants teeth, and two ounces and halfe a quarter of golde.

* 4.237The 12 we set saile to go to the riuer de Sestos.

The 13 at night we fell with the same riuer.

The 14 day we sent in our boats to take water, and romaged our shippes, and deliuered such wares to the Christopher and Tyger, as they had need of.

The 15 we came together, and agreed to send the Tyger to another riuer to take in her water, and to see what ••he could do for graines. After that we tooke marchandise with vs, and went in∣to the riuer, and there we found a Negro which was borne in Lisbone, left there by a ship of Por∣tugal which was burned the last yere at this riuer in fighting with three Frenchmen; and he told vs further, that two moneths past there were three Frenchmen at this place; and sixe weeks past there were two French ships at the riuer; and fifteene dayes past ther•• was one. All which ships were gone towards the Mina. This day we tooke but few graines.

The 19 day considering that the Frenchmen were gone before vs, and that by reason of the vnholesome aires of this place foureteene of our men in the Minion were fallen sicke, wee deter∣mined to depart, and with all speed to go to the Mina.

The 21 wee came to the riuer de Potos,* 4.238 where some of our boats went in for water, and I went in with our cocke, and tooke 12 small Elephants teeth.

The 23 day, after we had taken as many teeth as we could get, about nine of the clocke we set saile to go towards the Mina.

The 31 we came to Hanta, and made sale of certaine Manillios.

The first Aprill we hat sight of fiue saile of Portugals,* 4.239 whereupon we set saile and went off to sea to get the winde of them, which wee should haue had if the winde had kept his ordinary course, which is all the day at the Southwest, and West-southwest: but this day with a flaw it kept all the day at the East, and East-southeast, so that the Portugals had the winde of vs, and came roome with the Tyger and vs vntill night, and brought themselues all saue one, which sa••∣led not so well as the rest, within shot of vs: then it fell calme, ••nd the winde came vp to the Southwest, howbeit it was neere night, and the Christopher, by meanes of her boat, was about foure leagues to the leewards of vs. We tacked and ranne into the weather of the Admirall, and three more of his company, and when we were neere him we spake to him, but he would not an∣swere. Then we cast about and lay in the weather of him; and casting about he shot at vs, and then wee shot at him, and shot him foure or fiue times thorow.* 4.240 They shot diuers times thorow our sailes, but hurt no man. The Tyger and the pinnesse, because it was night, kept out their sailes, & would not meddle with them. After we had thus fought together 2 houres or more, and would not lay him aboord because it was night, we left shooting one at the other, and kept still the weather of them. Then the Tyger and the pinnesse kept about and came to vs, and afterward being neere the shore, we three kept about and lay to the sea, and shot off a piece to giue warning to the Christopher.

This night about 12 of the clocke, being very litle winde, and the Master of the Tyger asleepe, by the ill worke of his men the ship fel aboord of vs, and with her sheare-hooks cut our maine saile, and her boat being betwixt vs was broken and suncke, with certaine marchandise in her, and the ships wales were broken with her outleger: yet in the end we cleared her without any more hurt, but she was in hazzard to be broken downe to the water.

The second day we had sight of the Christopher, and were neere vnto her, so that I tooke our boat and went to her. And when I came thither, they shewed me, that after the Portugals had left vs, they went all roome with him, and about twelue a clocke at night met him, and shot at him, and hee at them, and they shot him thorow the sailes in diuers places, and did no other great hurt. And when we had vnderstood that they had beene with him as well as with vs, we agreed altogether to seeke them (if wee might finde them) and keepe a weather our places of traffique.

The third day we ran all day to the Southwestwards to seeke the Portugals, but could haue no sight of them, and halled into the shore.

The fourth day, when we had sight of land, we found that the currant had set vs thirty leagues to the Eastwards of our reckoning, which we woondered at: for the first land we made was La∣gua.* 4.241 Then I caused our boat to be manned, and the Christophers also, and went to the shore and tooke our Negro with vs. And on shore we learned that there were foure French ships vpon the coast; one at Perinnen, which is six leagues to the Westward of Laguoa: another at Weam∣ba, which is foure leagues to the Estward of Laguoa: a third at Perecow, which is foure leagues to the Eastward of Weamba: and the fourth at Egrand,* 4.242 which is foure leagues to the Eastward of Perecow.

When we had intelligence of these newes we agreed to go to the Eastwards with the French men to put them from their traffique, and shot off two or three pieces in our boats to cause the ships to way: and hauing bene about one houre vnder saile, we had sight of one of the French men vnder saile, halling off from Weamba to whome we gaue chase, and agreed in the night for feare of ouershooting them, that the Minion should first come to ancre, and after that about three houres, the Tyger and the Christopher to beare along all night.

The 5 day we found three of the French ships at ancre: one called La foye de Honfleur, a ship of 220 tunnes, another called the Ventereuse or small Roebarge of Honfleur, of 100 tunnes, both appertaining to Shawdet of Honfleur, the third was called the Mule•• de Ba••uille a ship of 120 tunnes, and this ship belonged to certaine Marchants of Roan.

When we came to them, we determined to lay the Admiral aboord, the Christopher the Uice∣admirall, and the Tyger the smallest: but when we came nere them they wayed, and the Christo∣pher being the headmost & the weathermost man, went roome with the Admirall: the Roebarge went so fast that wee could not fetch her. The first that we came to was the Muler,* 4.243 and her wee layed aboord, and our men entred and tooke her, which ship was the richest except the Admirall:

for the Admirall had taken about 80 pound of golde, and the Roeberge had taken but 22 pound; and all this we learned of the Frenchmen, who knew it very well: for they were all in consort together, and had bene vpon the coast of Mina two moneths and odde dayes: howbeit the Roe∣berge had bene there before them with another ship of Diepe, and a carauel, which had beaten all the coast, and were depa••ted oue moneth before our arriuing there, and they three had taken about 700 pound of golde.

Assoone as we had layed the ship aboord, and left certaine men in her to keepe her, we set saile and gaue chase to the other two ships, and chased them all day and night, and the next day vntill three a clocke in the afternoone, but we could not fetch them: and therfore seeing that we brought our selues very farre to leeward of our place, we left the chase, and kept about againe to go with the shore.

* 4.244The 7 day I sent for the captaine, marchants & masters of the other ships, and when they came we weighed the golde which we had from the Frenchmen, which weighed fifty pound and fiue ounces of golde: this done, we agreed to put men out of euery ship into the prise to keepe her.

The 12 day we came to the further place of the Mina called Egrand, and being come to an an∣cre, discharged all the marchants goods out of the prise, and would haue sold the ship with the vic∣tuals to the Frenchmen, but because she was leake they would not take her, but desired vs to saue their liues in taking them into our owne ships: then we agreed to take out the victuals and sinke the ship, and diuide the men among our ships.

The 15 at night we made an end of discharging the prise, and diuided all the Frenchmen ex∣cept foure which were sicke and not able to helpe themselues; which foure both the Christopher and the Tyger refused to take, leauing them in their ship alone in the night, so that about midnight I was forced to fetch them into our ship.

* 4.245The 15 of April, moouing our company for the voyage to Benin, the most part of them all re∣fused it.

The 16, seeing the vnwillingnesse of the company to goe thither, we determined to spend as much time vpon the coast as we could, to the end we might make our voyage, and agreed to leaue the Minion here at Egrand, the Tyger to go to Pericow which is foure leagues off, and the Chri∣stopher to goe to Weamba, which is ten leagues to the weatherward of this place: and if any of them both should haue sight of more sailes then they thought good to meddle withall, to come roome with their fellowes; to wit, first the Christopher to come with the Tyger, and then both they to come with vs.

* 4.246We remained in this place called Egrand, vntill the last day of April, in which time many of our men fell sicke; and sixe of them died. And here we could haue no traffique with the Negros but three or foure dayes in the weeke, and all the rest of the weeke they would not come at vs.

The 3 of May not hauing the pinnesse sent vs with cloth from the other ships, as they promi∣sed, we solde French cloth, and gaue but three yards thereof to euery fuffe.

The 5 day the Negros departed, and told vs they would come to vs againe within foure dayes, which we determined there to tary, although we had diuers of our men sicke.

The 8 day, all our cloth in the Minion being sold, I called the company together, to know whe∣ther they would tary the sale of the cloth taken in the prise at this place or no: they answered, that in respect of the death of some of their men,* 4.247 and the present sicknesse of twenty more, they would not tary, but repaire to the other ships, of whom they had heard nothing since the 27 of April: and yet they had our pinnesse with them, onely to cary newes from one to another.

The 9 day we determined to depart hence to our fellowes, to see what they had done, and to at∣tempt what was to be done at the towne of Don Iohn.

The 10 day in the morning we set saile to seeke the Christopher and the Tyger.

The 11 day the captaine of the Christopher came to vs, and told vs that they could finde small doings at the places where they had bene.

The 12 William Crompton and I in our small pinnesse went to the Tyger and the Christo∣pher at Perenine.

The 13 we sent away the Tyger to Egrand, because we found nothing to doe at Perenine, worth the tarying for.

The 14 our great pinnesse came to vs, and presently we put cloth into her, and sent her backe to Weamba, where she had bene before, and had taken there ten pound of golde.

The 15 the Minion came to vs, and the next day we went a shore with our boats, and tooke but one ounce of golde.

* 4.248The 19 day hauing set saile we came to an ancre before Mowre, and there we tarried two dayes, but tooke not an ounce of golde.

The 21 we came to an ancre before Don Iohns towne.

The 22 we manned our boats and went to shore, but the Negros would not come at vs; then the Captaine of the Christopher and I tooke a skiffe and eight men with vs, and went and talked with the Negros, and they sayd that they would send a man to the great towne,* 4.249 where Don Iohn himselfe lay, to aduertise him of our comming.

The 23 we went a shore againe, and the Negros tolde vs that this day the marchants of Don Iohn would come downe: so we tarried there vntill night, and no man would come to vs: but diuers of the Negros made vs signes to depart.

The 24 the Captaine of the Christopher tooke his boat & went to Mowre, and when he came thither, certaine Negros came to him to know the price of his wares, but in the end there came an Almade, which he iudged came from the castle, and caused all the Negros to depart from him: and when he saw they would come no more to him, he went a shore and tooke certaine men with him, and then the Negros cast stones at them, & would not suffer them to come vp to their towne. And when they saw that, they tooke certaine of the Almades, and put them to the sea, and afterwards departed. The same morning I went a shore at Don Iohns towne, and tooke a white flag with me, but none of the Negros could come to me, which caused vs to iudge that the Portugals were in the towne. After this, our boat came to vs well manned, and I sent one man vp to the towne with a white flag in his hand, but when he was come thither, all the Negros went away & would not speake with him. Then I sent one alone into the woods after them, but they in no case would come to vs. When we saw that, we tooke twelue goats and foureteene hennes, which we found in the towne, and went aboord without doing any further hurt to the towne: and when I came aboord, I found our pinnesse come from Cormatin,* 4.250 which had taken there two pound & fiue oun∣ces of golde. Then after much ado with the froward Mariners, we went thither wards with our ship, and the Christopher went to Mowre.

The 25 day the Master of the Christopher sent his boat to the shore for balast, and the Ne∣gros would haue beaten the company from the shore,* 4.251 whereupon the company resisted them, and flew and hurt diuers of them, and hauing put them to flight, burned their towne, and brake all their boats.

The 26 day our pinnesse came to vs from Cormatin, and had taken two pound & eleuen oun∣ces of golde: and Iohn Shirife tolde vs that the Negros of that place were very desirous to haue a ship come backe againe to their towne.

The 27 we wayed and went to Cormatin.

The 28 the Christopher came to vs from Mowre, and traffiqued there two dayes.

The second day of Iune the Tyger came to vs from Egrand, and the pinnesse from Weamba, and they two had taken about fifty pound of golde since they departed from vs.

The 4 day we departed from Cormatin to plie vp to Shamma, being not able to tary any lon∣ger vpon the coast for lacke of victuals, and specially of drinke.

The 7 day we had sight of fiue of the king of Portugals ships, which came to an ancre besides the castle.

The 8 day George and Binny came to vs, and brought with them about two pound of golde.

The 10 day in the morning I tooke our small pinnesse, and the Captaine of the Christopher with me, and manned her well, and went to the castle to view the Portugals ships, and there we found one ship of about 300 tunne, and foure carauels: when we had well viewed them, we re∣turned backe againe to our ships which we found seuen leagues at sea.

The 11 day in the morning we found our selues wel shot toward Shamma, & the Tyger with vs, but the Minion & the pinnesse had not wayed that night, so that we were out of sight of them: and hauing brought our selues in the weather of the Portugals ships, we came to an ancre to ta∣ry for the Minion, or els we might haue fetched Shamma. At night the Minion and the pinnesse came vp to vs, but could not fetch so farre to the weatherward as we, and therefore they ancred about a league a weather The castle, and we waied in the Christopher, and went roome with her.

The 12 day the Tyger came roome with vs, and she and the Christopher finding themselues to stand in great need of victuals, would haue gone with the Portugals ships to haue fetched some of them forth: but our master and company would in no case consent to goe with them, for feare of hanging when we came home: and the other two ships being fully minded to haue gone, and fearing that their owne company would accuse them, durst not go to them.

After this, by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnesse, which could receiue no victuals from the other shippes, but from vs onely, we tooke out all our men, and put twelue Frenchmen into her, and gaue them victuals to bring them to Shamma.

The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arriued at Shamma, and the Christopher within two

leagues off them, but could not fetch the winde by reason of the scantnesse of the winde, which hath bene so scant, that in fifteene dayes we haue plied to the windewards but twelue leagues,* 4.252 which before we did in one day and a night.

The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse, and went to the towne of Shamma to speake with the cap∣taine, and he tolde me that there was no golde there to be had, nor so much as a hen to be bought, and all by reason of the accord which he had made with the Portugals, and I seeing that depar∣ted peaceably from him.

The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnesse, and tooke one marchant of our ship, and another of the Tyger, and sent her to Hanta, to attempt, if she could doe any thing there. That night they could do nothing but were promised to haue golde the next day.

The next day (which was the 22) being come, we sent our pinnesse to Hanta againe, but there neither the captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with vs, but intised vs from place to place, and all to no purpose.

* 4.253This day we put away our pinnesse, with fiue and twenty Frenchmen in her, and gaue them such victuals as we could spare, putting fifteene of them to the ransome of sixe crownes a man.

The 23 of Iune our pinnesse came to vs from Hanta, and tolde vs that the Negros had dealt very ill with them, and would not traffike with them to any purpose.

* 4.254The 24 we tooke our boat and pinnesse, and manned them well, and went to the towne of Shamma, and because the Captaine thereof was become subiect to the Portugals we burned the towne, and our men seeking the spoile of such trifles as were there found a Portugals chest, wherein was some of his apparell, and his weights, and one letter sent to him from the castle, whereby we gathered that the Portugall had bene there of a long time.

* 4.255The 25 day, about three of the clocke at afternoone, we set saile, and put into the sea, for our returne to England.

The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore againe, and made our reckoning to be ••igh∣teene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we set off. When we came to make the land, we found our selues to be eighteene leagues to the leeward of the place, where we set off, which came to passe, by reason of the extreame currant that runneth to the Eastward:* 4.256 when we perceiued our selues so abused, we agreed to cast about againe, and to lie as neere the winde as we could, to fetch the line.

* 4.257The seuenth of Iuly we had sight of the Ile of S. Thome, and thought to haue sought the road to haue ancred there: but the next morning the winde came about, and we kept our course.

The ninth, the winde varying, we kept about againe, and fell with the Iland of S. Thome, and seeking the road, were becalmed neere the Iland, and with the currant were put neere the shore, but could haue no ground to ancre: so that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse, and the other ships their skifs to towe from the Iland, which did litle good, but in the end the winde put vs three leagues off the shore.

The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast about, whereby we iudged them to haue a∣greed together, to goe seeke some ships in the road, and to leaue vs: our men were not willing to goe after them, for feare of running in with the Iland againe, and of putting our selues into the same danger that we were in the night before: but we shot off a piece, and put out two lights, and they answered vs with lights againe: whereupon we kept our course, and thought that they had followed vs, but in the morning we could not see them, so that they left vs willingly, and we de∣termined to follow them no more. But the eleuenth day we altered our opinion and course, and consented to cast about againe for the Iland, to seeke our ships; and about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we met with them.

The 13 we fell againe with the Iland of S. Thome; and the same night we found our selues directly vnder the line.

This Iland is a very high Iland, and being vpon the West side of it, you shall see a very high pike, which is very small, and streight, as it were the steeple of a church, which pike lieth direct∣ly vnder the line,* 4.258 and at the same South end of the Iland to the Westward thereof lieth a small Iland, about a mile from the great Iland.

The third of August we departed frō the Ile of S. Thome, & met the winde at the Southwest.

The 12 day we were in the height of Cape verde.

* 4.259The 22 day we fell with one of the Iles of Cape verde, called The Ile of Salt, and being infor∣med by a Scotish man that we tooke among the Frenchmen vpon the coast, that there were fresh victuals to be had, we came to an ancre there.

The 23 day in the morning we ma••ned our skiffe, and went a shore, and found no houses, but we saw foure men, which kept themselues alwayes farre from vs, as for cattell we could finde

none, but great store of goats, and they were so wilde, that we could not take aboue three or foure of them: but there we had good store of fish, and vpon a small Iland which lay by the same we had great store of sea-birds.

At night the Christopher brake her cable, and lost an ancre, so that she could tary no longer, so we all wayed, and set saile. Upon the same Iland we left the Scotish man, which was the occa∣sion of our going aland at that place, but how he was left we could not tell: but, as we iudged, the people of the Iland found him sleeping, and so caried him away: for at night I went my selfe to the Iland to seeke him, but could heare nothing of him.

The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord vs, & tolde vs that his men were so weake, and the shippe fo leake, that he was not able to keepe her aboue the water, and therefore requested vs to go backe againe to the Iland, that we might discharge her, and giue her vp: but we intrea∣ted him to take paine with her a while,* 4.260 and we put a French Carpenter into her, to see if he could finde the leake. This day we tooke a view of all our men, both those that were hole, and the sicke also, and we found that in all the three ships, were not aboue thirty sound men.

The 25 we had sight of the Ile of S. Nicholas, and the day following, of the other Iles, S. Lu∣cia, S. Vincent, and S. Anthony; which foure Iles lie the one from the other Northwest and by West, Southeast and by East.

The 26 we came againe with the Iland of S. Anthony, and could not double the Cape. This day Philip Iones, the Master of the Christopher, came aboord vs, who had beene aboord the Ty∣ger, and tolde vs that they were not able to keepe the Tyger, because she was leake, and the Ma∣ster very weake, and sayd further, he had agreed with the Master and the company, that if the next day we could double the Iland, we should runne to the leeward of it, and there discharge her: but if we could not double it, then to put in betwixt the Iland of S. Vincent and S. Anthony, to see if we could discharge her.

The third day of September I went aboord the Tyger, with the Master and marchants with me, to view the shippe and men: and we found the shippe very leake, and onely six labouring men in her, whereof one was the Master gunner: so that we seeing that they were not able to keepe the ship, agreed to take in the men, and of the goods what we could saue, and then to put the ship away.

The fift day we went to discharge the Tyger.

The eight day, hauing taken out the artillery, goods, victuals, and gold of the Tyger,* 4.261 we gaue her vp 25 degrees by North the line.

The 27 we had sight of two of the Iles of the Azores, S. Mary, and S. Michael.

The fourth of October we found our selues to be 41 degrees and a halfe from the line.

The sixt day the Christopher came to vs, and willed vs to put with the Cape, for they also were so weake, that they were not able to keepe the sea, and we being weake also, agreed to goe for Vigo, being a place which many English men frequent.

The 10 day the Christopher went roome with the Cape, but we hauing a mery wind for Eng∣land, and fearing the danger of the enemies, which ordinarily lie about the Cape: besides, not knowing the state of our countrey and Spaine, and although it were peace, yet there was little hope of friendship at their hands, considering the voyage that we had made, and we also being so weake, that by force and violence we could come by nothing, and doubting also that the King of Portugall knowing of our being there, might worke some way with the Councell of Spaine to trouble vs: and further, considering that if we did put in with any harbor, we should not be able to come out againe, till we sent for more men into England, which would be a great charge, and losse of time, and meanes of many dangers. All these things pondred, we agreed to shoot off two pie∣ces of ordinance, to warne the Christopher, and then we went our course for England: she hea∣ring our pieces followed vs, and we carried a light for her, but the next day in the morning it was thicke, and we could not see her in the afternoone neither, so that we suspected that either she was gone with Spaine, or els that she should put foorth more sailes then we in the night, and was shot a head of vs, so that then we put forth our top-sailes, and went our course with England.

At the time when the Christopher left vs, we were within 120 leagues of England, and 45 leagues Northwest and by West from Cape Finister: and at the same time in our ships we had not aboue sixe Mariners and sixe Marchants in health, which was bu•• & weake company for such a ship to seeke a forren harbour.

The 16 day, about sixe of the clocke at night, we met with a great storme at the West-south∣west, & West, and our men being weake,* 4.262 and not able to handle our sailes, we lost the same night our maine saile, foresaile, and spreetsaile, & were forced to lie a hulling, vntill the eighteenth day, and then we made ready an olde course of a foresaile, and put it to the yard, and therewith finding

our selues far shot into the sleeue, we bare with our owne coast; but that foresaile continued not aboue two houres, before it was blowen from the yard with a freat, and then we were forced to lie a hull againe, vntill the nineteenth day of October in the morning, and then we put an olde bonnet to our foreyard, which, by the good blessing and prouidence of God, brought vs to the Ile of Wight, where we arriued the 20 of October in the afternoone.

The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinie, betwixt Sierra Liona and the furthest place of the Mine.

• MAnils of brasse, and some of leade.
• Basons of diuers sorts, but the most lattin.
• Pots of course tinne, of a quart and more.
• Some wedges of yron.
• Margarites, and certaine other sleight beads.
• Some blew Corall.
• Some horse tailes.
• Linnen cloth principally.
• Basons of Flanders.
• Some red cloth of low price, and some kersie.
• Kettles of Dutch-land with brasen handles.
• Some great brasse basons graued, such as in Flanders they set vpon their cupboords.
• Some great basons of pewter, and ewers grauen.
• Some lauers, such as be for water.
• Great kniues of a low price.
• Sleight Flanders-caskets.
• Chests of Roan of a lowe price, or any other chests.
• Great pinnes.
• Course French couerings.
• Packing sheets good store.
• Swords, daggers, frise mantels, and gownes, clokes, hats, red caps, Spanish blan∣kets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of yron, sleight belles, gloues of a lowe price, leather bags, and what other trifles you will.

Certaine Articles deliuered to M. Iohn Lok, by Sir VVilliam Gerard Knight, M. William Winter, M. Beniamin Gonson, M. Anthony Hickman, and M. Edward Castelin the 8 of September 1561, touching a voyage to Guinea.

A remembrance for you M. Lok at your comming to the coast of Guinie.

FIrst, when God shal send you thither, to procure, as you passe alongst the coast, to vnderstand what riuers, hauens, or harboroughs there be; and to make to your selfe a plat thereof, setting those places which you shall thinke materiall in your sayd plat, with their true eleuations.

Also you shall learne what commodities doe belong to the places where you shall touch, and what may be good for them.

* 5.1It is thought good, that hauing a fort vpon the coast of Mina in the king of Habaans country, it would serue to great purpose: wherfore you are especially sent to consider where the fort might be best placed, and vpon what ground: wherein are to be noted these things following.

1 That the ground so serue, that it ioyne to the sea on the one part, so as shippes and boats may come to lade and vnlade.

2 What molde of earth the ground is of.

3 What timber or wood may be had, and how it will be caried.

4 What provision of victuals may be had in the countrey•• and what kinde of our victuals will best serue to continue.

5 The place must be naturally strong, or such as may be made strong with a small charge, and afterwards kept with a few men.

6 How water may be prouided, if there be none to be had in the ground where the fort shall stand, or neere to it.

7 What helpe is to be had from the people of the countrey, either for the building of it, or for the defence thereof.

To mooue the king of Haban a farre off,* 5.2 for the making of a fort, and to note how he will like it; but vse your communication so, that although there might fall out good cause for the doing of it, yet he do not vnderstand your meaning.

Search the countrey so farre as you may, both alongst the coast, and into the land.

To learne what became of the marchants that were left at Benin.

The matters which shall be of importance to be noted we nothing doubt that you will omit, wherefore we referre the order of these affaires to your good discretion.

Also we pray you as occasion shall serue that you ayd and helpe our factours, both with your counsell and otherwise; and thus God send you safely to returne.

William Gerrard, William Winter, Beniamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, Edward Castelin.

A letter of M. Iohn Lok to the worshipfull company of Marchants aduenturers for Guinie, written 1561, shewing reasons for his not proceeding in a voyage then intended to the foresayd countrey.

WOrshipfull sirs; since the arriuall of M. Pet and Buttoll Monioy (as I vnder∣stand) for the voyage it is concluded that the Minion shall proceed on her voy∣age, if within 20 dayes she may be repaired of those hurts she hath receiued by the last storme: or in the moneth of Ianuary also, if the wind wil serue therfore. Wherefore for that your worships shall not be ignorant of my determined pur∣pose in the same, with the reasons that haue perswaded me thereunto; I haue thought good to aduertise you thereof, trusting that your worships will weigh them, as I vp∣rightly and plainly meane them. And not for any feare or discouragement that I haue of my selfe by the raging of the stormes of the sea, for that (I thanke the Lord) these haue not beene the first that I haue abiden, neither trust I they shalbe the last. First the state of the ship, in which, though I thinke not but M. Pet can do more for her strengthening then I can conceiue, yet for all that, it will neither mend her conditions, nor yet make her so stanch that any cabin in her shalbe stanch for men to lie drie in: the which sore, what a weakening it will be to the poore men after their labour, that they neither can haue a shift of apparell drie, nor yet a drie place to rest in, I referre to your discretion. For though that at Harwich she was both bound and caulked as much as might be, both within and without, yet for all that she left not, afore this flaw, in other weathers, being stressed, to open those seames, and become in the state she was before; I meane, in wetting her men: notwithstanding her new worke. And my iudgement, with that little experience I haue had, leadeth me to thinke that the ship whose water works and footings be spent and rotten cannot be but leake for men. Next, the vnseasonable time of the yere which is now present. And how onely by meanes of the vnseasonable times in the returne from the voyage home, many thereby haue decayed, to the great misery and calamity of the rest, and also to the great slander of the voyage (which I much respect) the last and other voyages haue declared. And what it is to make the voyage in vnseasonable time, that hath the second voyage also declared. Where∣fore weying and foreseeing this (as I may wel terme it) calamity and vneuitable danger of men, and that by men she must be brought home againe (except that God will shew an extraordinary miracle) I purpose not nor dare I venture with a safe conscience to tempt God herein. Againe, forsomuch as she is alone, and hath so little helpe of boat or pinnesse in her trade, & also for her wa∣tering, where a long time of force must be spent, my going, to the accomplishment of your expec∣tations, will be to small effect for this time, because I shall want both vessell and men to accom∣plish it. And I would not gladly so spend my time and trauell, to my great charges and paine, and after, for not falling out accordingly, to lose both pot and water, as the prouerbe is. As for the Primrose, if she be there, her trade will be ended or euer we come there, so that she of force, by want of prouision, must returne: yea, though we should carry with vs a supply for her, yet is the meeting of her doubtfull, and though we met her, yet will the men not tarry, as no reason is they should: howbeit my opinion of her is that she is put into Ireland. The Flowerdeluce was in Milford. Thus for that your worships might vnderstand the whole cause why I doe not pro∣ceed, I haue troubled you at this time with this my long Letter. And, as God is my Iudge, not for feare of the Portugals, which there we shall meet (and yet alone without ayde) as here is a shippe which was in Lisbon, whose men say that there are in a readinesse (onely to meet vs) foure great ships, of the which one is accounted 700 tunnes, & other pinnesses: yet not for feare of them, nor raging of the seas (whose rage God is aboue to rule) but onely for the premisses; the sequell

whereof must by reason turne to a great misery to the men; the which I for my part (though it might turne me to as much gaine as the whole commeth to) yet would I not be so tormented, as the sight thereof would be a corsiue to my heart, and the more, because foreseeing the same, I should be so leud, as yeelding, to haue runne into the danger thereof, and therefore I haue abso∣lutely determined with my selfe not to goe this voyage. Howbeit if in a seasonable time of the yeere I had but one ship sufficient, though much lesse by the halfe, I would not refuse (as triall being made thereof should appeare) or if I had ability of my selfe to venture so much, it should well be seene. And this I speake to giue you to vnderstand that I refuse not this for feare: If you purpose to proceed heerein, send some one whom you please; to whom I will not onely deli∣uer the articles which I haue receiued, but also will giue some particular notes which I haue no∣ted in the affaires which you haue committed vnto mee, with the best helpe and counsell I can. Thus the liuing God keepe your worships all.

Bristoll this 11 of December 1561.

Your worships to comand to his power Iohn Lok.

The relation of one VVilliam Rutter to M. Antony Hickman his ma∣ster touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562, by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, M. Thomas Lodge, the sayd Antony Hickman, and Edward Castelin: which voyage is also written in verse by Robert Baker.

WOrshipfull sir, my duty remembred, this shalbe to declare vnto you the discourse of this our voyage, since our departure out of England from Dartmouth; at which time I gaue you to vnderstand of our departure, which was the 25 of February 1562. Th••n hauing a prosperous winde we departed from thence, and sailed on our voyage vntill we arriued at Cauo verde the 20 of March,* 7.1 making no abode there, but sailed along the coast to our first appointed port Rio de sestos,* 7.2 at which port we arriued the third of Aprill in the morning, hauing the sight of a Frenchman, who assoone as he perceiued vs, set saile and made to the sea: in the meane time we came to an anker in the rode: and after that he had espied our flag, perceiuing vs to be Englishmen, he bare with the shore, & hailed our ships with his ordinance, at which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the riuer in traffike, and had vnderstanding of the Ne∣gros that he had bene there three dayes before our comming: so we concluded together, that if he sent his pinnesse to traffike, we would not suffer him, vntill we had taken further order with their captaine & marchants. In the afternoone the pinnesse came into the riuer, whose men we willed to make no traffike vntill we had talked further with their captaine, whom we willed that night to come aboord our admirall; which was done. At which sayd time M. Button and Iohn Munt went aboord the Minion where the Frenchmen were,* 7.3 & there concluded that they should tary by vs eight dayes, and suffer vs quietly to traffike, wherewith they were not well pleased. Where∣vpon the next morning they departed from vs, sailing alongst the coast to the Eastward towards Potis, which he did to hinder our traffike that way: wherefore the marchants of the Minion & we concluded (forasmuch as at that present we vnderstood that there were no sailes past alongst) that we should go before, to the end we might not be hindred of our traffike by the Frenchmen; which thing we did: and at our comming thither we found the Frenchman in traffike to the West of Potis, by whom we passed, & arriued at Rio de Potis the 12 of April,* 7.4 where we remained in traf∣fike vntill the 15 of the sayd moneth, and then departed from thence along the coast toward Sant Andre,* 7.5 where we appointed by agreement to tary for the Minion: and the 17 at night we came to the riuer of S. Andre; in which very day the Minion came vnto vs, telling vs that they met at cauo das Palmas a great ship and a caruell of the king of Portugals bound to the Mina,* 7.6 who gaue chase vnto them, and shot freely at them, and the Minion in her defence returned her the like: but God be praised the Minion had no hurt for that time. In the end we concluded to hasten towards ca∣uo de tres puntas to haue put them from the castle,* 7.7 if by any meanes wee might; and when wee were come to the Cape, we lay a hull one night and two dayes, and doubting they had bene past, the Minion went neere the shore, and sent her merchants to a place called Anta,* 7.8 where before-tune we had traff••ke, and the next morning very early being the 21 of the sayd moneth, we againe had sight of the ship and the carauell a good way to sea-boord of vs. Then we presently set saile, and bare with the formost of them, hoping to haue got betweene the castle and them, but we came short of our purpose, which was no small griefe vnto vs all; and when they had gotten the castle to friend, they shot at vs freely, and we at them, and the castle at vs; but we profited litle. In the afternoone we set saile & came to the town of Don Iuan called Equi,* 7.9 where the 22 in the morning we went a shore to traffike, but the Negros would not vntill they had newes from Don Luis, for

at that time Don Iuan was dead, and the 23 came Don Luis his sonne and Pacheco minding to traffike with vs, at which said day came two galies rowing along the shore from the castle, min∣ding to keepe vs from our traffike. The 24 we set saile and chased the galies to the castle againe.* 7.10 The Negros being glad of that required vs to goe to Mowre,* 7.11 which is some 3 leagues behind, and thither would they come for that they stood in feare of the Portugals, and there we remained for the marchants that came out of the countrey which were come with their gold, but Anthonio don Luis his sonne, and Pacheco were aboord the Minion. And the 25 in the morning came the two galies from the castle againe vnto vs, the weather being very calme, they shot at vs and hit vs 3 times, and shortly after the wind came from the shore, at which instant we discried the ship, & the carauell comming towards vs, then we weighed and set saile, and bare as neere vnto them as we could: but it was night or euer wee met with them, and the night being very darke we lost them. The next day plying to the shore, at night we agreed to go with Cormantin,* 7.12 but the next morning being the 28 we were but a litle distant from the great ship and the 2 galies, hauing no wind at all, and the carauell hard aboord the shore. Then being calme, came the 2 galies rowing to the sterne of the Minion, and fought with her the most part of the forenoone: and in the fight a mischance hapned in the Minions steward-roome by means of a barrell of pouder that tooke fire,* 7.13 where with were hurt the master gunner, the steward, and most part of the gunners; which the galies percei∣uing, began to be more fierce vpon them, and with one shot cut halfe her foremast in twaine, that without present remedie shee was not able to beare saile, and presently vpon this the great ship sent her boat to the galies, who suddenly departed from vs. And after their departure we went a∣boord the Minion to counsell what were best to be done, at which time they were sore discomft∣ted. Whereupon we deuised what was best to be done: and because wee knew that the Negros neither would nor durst traffike so long as the galies were on the coast; it was therefore agreed that we should prepare our selues to depart to Rio de Sestos, and so we departed that day.* 7.14 The 14 of May in the morning we fell with the land, and when wee came to it, we doubted what place it was, and sent our boates on land to know the trueth, and we found it to be Rio de Barbos,* 7.15 which is to the Eastward of sant Andre, and there remained in getting of water vntill the 21, where we lost the day before 5 of our men by meanes of ouerthrowing our blacke pinnasse.* 7.16 The 22 we departed from thence to Rio de Sesto, where we arriued the 2 of Iune, and the 4 wee departed from Rio de Sesto,* 7.17 and arriued (God bee thanked) the 6 of August within sight of the Stert in the West part of England, our men being very sicke and weake. We haue not at this present a∣boue 20 sound men that are able to labour, and we haue of our men 21 dead, and many more very sore hurt and sicke. Master Burton hath bene sicke this 6 weekes, and at this present (God streng∣then him) is so weake that I feare he will hardly escape. Herein inclosed your worship shall re∣ceiue a briefe of all the goods sold by vs, & also what commodities we haue receiued for the same. Thus I leaue to trouble your worship, reseruing all things els to our generall meeting, a••d to the bringer hereof.

From aboord the Primerose the 6 of August 1563.

Your obedient seruant William Rutter.

There are brought home this voiage An. 1563. Elephants teeth 166. weighing 1758 pounds. Graines 22 buts full.

A meeting at Sir VVilliam Gerards house the 11 of Iuly 1564. for the setting foorth of a voyage to Guinea, with the Minion of the Queens, the Iohn Baptist of London, and the Merline of M. Gonson.

AT this meeting were these chiefe aduenturers, Sir William Gerard, sir William Chester, sir Thomas Lodge, Anthonie Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Where it was agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford to M. Gonson for his letters to Peter Pet to goe about the rigging of the Minion vpon the Queenes maiesties charges, and so the said Francis to repaire with the same letters to Gil∣lingham with money to supplie our charge there.

Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith call vpon their partners to supply to∣wards this new rigging and victualling, 29 li. 10 s. 6 d. for euery 100 li. value.

Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith bring in 50 li. towards the furniture of the premisses.

Likewise it is agreed that if M. Gonson giue his consent that the Merline shall be brought a∣bout from Bristoll to Hampton, that a letter be drawen whereunto his hand shall be, before or∣der be giuen for the same.

The successe of this Voiage in part appeareth by certaine briefe relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir Iohn Hawkins to the West Indies, made in the sayd yeere 1564. which I thought good to set downe for want of further instructions, which hitherto I could not by any meanes come by, al∣beit I haue vsed all possible indeuour for the obtaining of the same: Take them there∣fore in the meane season as foloweth.

MAster Iohn Hawkins, with the Iesus of Lubeck a ship of 700. tunnes, and the Salomon, a ship of 7 score, the Tiger a barke of 50, and the Swalow of 30 tunnes, being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundred threescore and ten, as also with ordinance and victuall requisite for such a voiage, departed out of Plimmouth the 18 day of October in the yeere of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde: at which departing, in cutting the foresaile, a marueilous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the ship, who by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand being a sorowfull beginning to them all. And after their setting out 10 leagues to the Sea, hee met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queens Maiesties,* 7.18 whereof was captaine Dauid Carlet, & also her consort the Iohn Bap∣tist of London being bound to Guinea likewise, who hailed one the other after the custome of the sea, with certaine pieces of ordinance for ioy of their meeting: which done, the Minion departed from him to seeke her other consort the Merline of London, which was a sterne out of sight, lea∣uing in M. Hawkins companie the Iohn Baptist her other consort.

Thus sailing forwards on their way with a prosperous wind vntil the 21 of the same moneth, at that time a great storme arose, the wind being at Northeast about 9 of the clocke at night, and continued so 23 houres together, in which storme M. Hawkins lost the company of the Iohn Bap∣tist aforesaid, and of his pinnasse called the Swallow, the other 3 ships being sore beaten with the storme. The 23 day the Swalow, to his no small reioicing, came to him againe in the night 10 leagues to the Nothward of Cape Finister, hauing put roomer and not being able to double the Cape, in that there rose a contrary wind at Southwest. The 25 the wind continuing contrary, he put into a place in Galicia called Ferol, where he remained 5 daies and appointed all the masters of his ships an order for the keeping of good company.

The 26 day the Minion came in also where he was, for the reioycing whereof he gaue them certaine pieces of ordinance after the curtesie of the Sea for their welcome, but the Minions men had no mirth because of their consort the Merline,* 7.19 whō at their departure from M. Hawkins vpon the coast of England, they went to seeke, and hauing met with her, kept company two dayes toge∣ther, and at last by misfortune of fire (through the negligence of one of the gunners) the pouder in the gunners roome was set on fire, which with the first blast stroke out her poope, and therewith∣all lost 3 men, besides many sore burned (which escaped by the Brigandine being at her sterne) and immediatly to the great losse of the owners, and most horrible sight of the beholders, she sunke before their eies. The 30 day of the moneth M. Hawkins with his consorts and company of the Minion hauing now both the Brigandines at her sterne, weighed anker, and set saile on their voi∣age hauing a prosperous wind thereunto. The 4 of Nouember they had sight of the Iland of Ma∣dera, and the 6 day of Teneriffa, which they thought to haue bene the Canarie, in that they suppo∣sed themselues to haue bene to the Eastward of Teneriffa but were not: but the Minion beyng 3 or 4 leagues a head of vs kept on her course to Teneriffa, hauing better sight thereof then the o∣ther had, and by that means they parted company.

The aforesaid Sir Iohn Hawkins passing on his voiage by Cauo Verde, and Sierra Leona, and afterward crossing ouer the maine Ocean comming to the towne of Burboroata vpon the coast of Terra firma in the West Indies, had further information of the euill successe of this Gui∣nean voyage, as in the same hereafter is verbatim mentioned.

The 29 of April, we being at anker without the road, a French ship called the green Dragon of Newhauen, whereof was captaine one Bon Temps came in, who saluted vs after the maner of the sea, with certaine pieces of ordinance, and we resaluted him with the like againe: with whom hauing communication, he declared that hee had bene at the Mina in Guinea, and was beaten off by the Portugals gallies, and enforced to come thither to make sale of such wares as he had: and further that the like was hapned vnto the Minion: also, that captaine Dauid Carlet, & a marchant, with a dozen mariners were betraied by the Negros at their first arriuall thither, remaining priso∣ners with the Portugals, besides other misaduentures of the losse of their men hapned through the great lacke of fresh water, with great doubts of bringing home the ships: which was most sorow∣full for vs to vnderstand.

The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinie, and the Islands of Cape Verde, in the yeere 1566. with three ships, to wit the Admirall called The Castle of Comfort, the May Flower, and the George, and a Pinnasle also:

Written by Walter Wren.

THe 10 day of December, in the yeere abouesayd, we departed from Plimmouth, and the 12 day we were thwart of Ushant.

The 15 day in the morning being Sunday, wee had sight of Cape Finister, and the same night we lost the company of our Admirall, wherefore we sayled along the coast of Portugall, hoping that our Admirall had bene before vs.

The 18 day we met with a French ship of whom wee made inquirie for our Admirall, but he could not tell vs newes of him: so we followed our course to the Ilands of the Canaries.

The 25 day in the morning we fell with a small Iland called Porto Santo, & within 3 houres we had sight of another Iland called Madera, which is 6 leagues from Porto Santo.

The said 25 day being the day of the Natiuitie, we hoised out our boat, and f••r master Edward Fenner captaine of the May Flower aboord vs, being in the George, with the master whose name was Robert Cortise and others of the sayd shippe, and feasted them with such cheere as God had sent vs.

The 28 day we fel with an Iland called Tenerif, which is 27 leagues from the said Iland, and on the East side thereof we came to an anker in 40 fadome water, within a base shot of the shore, in a litle Baie wherein were 3 or 4 small houses: which Baie and houses were distant from a li∣tle towne called Santa Cruz, a league or thereabout, and as we rode in the said Baie, we might see an Iland called The grand Canarie which was 6 or 7 leagues from vs.

The 29 day the May Flower for that she could not fet into y^e road where we were at an anker, by reason the wind was off the shore, & because she bare more roomer frō the land then we did, in the morning came bearing in with the towne of Santa Cruz, thinking to come to an anker in the road against the towne, and before she came within the reach of any of their ordinance, they shot at her foure pieces, which caused her to come roome with vs, and came at last to an anker by vs. And about one of the clocke in the afternoone, the forenamed captaine of the May Flower wrote a let∣ter a shore, directing it to the head officer of the towne of Santa Cruz, to the intent to vnderstand the pretense of the shooting off the said ordinance.

The letter being written, Robert Courtise master of the May Flower, and Walter Wren were appointed to deliuer the same a land at 3 or 4 houses to bee conueied to the foresayd towne, and so went with six men in the boate, and rowed to the shore as neere as they might, for setting the boat on ground, for the sea went cruelly at the shore.

The people stood in number 30 persons with such armour as they had: the foresayd Wren cal∣led to them in Spanish, declaring to thē that they had a letter which they would very gladly haue conueied vnto the towne, shewing that they would traffique with them as marchants, desiring their helpe for the conueiance of the same letter. With that one of the Spaniards willed vs to come on land, and we should be welcome, but doubting the worst, the said Walter answered them that they would not come on land, vntil they had answere of their letter which they had brought.

Whereupon one of the Spaniards vnraied himselfe, and lept into the water, and swam to the boat, whom we receiued. And he saluted vs, and demaunded what our request was: we made him answere, that by misfortune we lost the companie of our Admirall, and being bound to this Iland to traffique for wines and other things necessary for vs, do here mind to stay vntill he come.

Concerning our letter he made vs answere, that he would with all diligence cary it, and deli∣uer it according to the direction, and so the said Walter knit the letter in a bladder, and deliuered it vnto him, and also gaue him foure roials of Spanish money for his paines: and promising that we should haue answere of it, he tooke his leaue and swamme againe on shore, where the people stood ready to receiue him. And after that they had talked with him, and vnderstood our meaning, some of them threw vp their hats, & the other put them off holding them in their hands, and made vs very curteous signes, alwaies desiring that the boat would come a land, but we resaluting them rowed backe againe aboord.

The 30 day the Gouernours brother of Santa Cruz came aboord the May Flower with sixe or seuen Spaniards with him, who concluded with the Captaine that we might come a shore and traffique with them, but that day we did not, for we had no sufficient pledge of theirs for our assu∣rance. Our Captaine entertained them well, and at their departure gaue them foure pieces of or∣dinance

for a farewell, and bestowed vpon them two cheeses with other things.

The sayd Gouernours brother promised our Captaine that hee should haue sufficient pledges the morrow folowing, which was not done, whereupon wee grew suspicious, and went not that day a shore.

The first day of Ianuary our captaine sent Nicholas Day and Iohn Sumpter a shore, who were very well entertained with as many of our company as went after them.

In the said Iland is a marueilous high hill called the Pike, which is a far off more like a cloud in the aire, then any other thing: the hill is round and somewhat small at the top, it hath not bene knowen that euer any man could goe vp to the top thereof. And although it stand in 28 degrees which is as hote in Ianuary, as it is in England at Midsommer, yet is the top of the said hil Win∣ter and Sommer seldome without snow.

In this Iland about two leagues from the said Santa Cruz is a citie called Anagona.

The third day wee departed about the Westerne point of the Iland, about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz, into a Baie which is right agaynst the house of one Petro de Souses, in which Baie we came to an anker the 5 day, where we heard that our Admirall had bene there at an an∣ker 7 dayes before vs, and was gone thence to an Iland called Gomera, whereupon wee set saile presently to seeke him.

* 7.20 The 6 day we came to an anker against the towne of Gomera, where we found our Admirall, which was very ioyfull of our comming, and we also of his sight.

In the sayd road we found Edward Cooke in a tall ship, and a shippe of the Coppersmiths of London, which the Portugals had trecherously surprised in the Baie of Santa Cruz, vpon the coast of Barbarie, which ship we left there all spoiled.

Our General & marchants bought in the said towne for our prouision, 14 buts of wine, which cost 15 duckats a but, which were offred vs at Santa Cruz in Tenerif for 8,9, and 10 duckats.

The 9 day we departed from this road to another Baie, about 3 leagues off, and there tooke in fresh water: & so the 10 day we set saile towards Cape Blanke, which is on the coast of Guinea.

The 12 day we fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Pargos, which is 35 leagues from Cape Blanke. But hauing no knowledge of that coast, we went with Cape Blanke, and at the fall of the land we sounded and had 16 fadome water two leagues from the shore. The land is very lowe and white sand. Upon the fall of the sayd coast beware how you borow in 12 or 10 fadome,* 7.21 for within 2 or 3 casts of the lead you may be on ground.

The 17 day we set saile from Cape Blanke, directing our course South and by East, & South among, and fo fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Verde, about 16 leagues, and about sixe leagues from the shore. The sayd land seemed vnto vs as if it had bene a great number of shippes vnder saile, being in deed nothing els but the land which was full of Hammoks, some high some lowe, with high trees on them. We bare with the said land till we were within 3 leagues of the shore, and then we sounded, and found 28 fadome water, blacke vase. This day we saw much fish in sundry sculs swimming with their noses with the brim of the water.

* 7.22 Passing along this coast we might see two small round hils, seeming to vs about a league one from the other, which is the Cape, and betweene them are great store of trees, and in all our dayes sailing we saw no land so high as the said two hils.

The 19 day we came to an anker at the Cape, in a roade fast by the Westermost side of two hils in 10 fadome of water, where you may ride in fiue or sixe fadome, for the ground is faire, and alwayes you shall haue the winde off the shore. And as soone as we were all at an anker, our Ge∣nerall came aboord vs, and with him the master of the Admirall, whose name was William Bars, and with them the captaine of the Uiceadmirall, whose name was master Edward Fenner, and Robert Curtise the master, and dined aboord of vs being in the George, wherein was Captaine Iohn Heiwood, and Iohn Smith of Hampton master, and there we concluded to goe aland, which was halfe a mile from vs:* 7.23 and by the counsell of William Bats both Captaine and marchants and diuers of the companie went without armour: for he sayd, that although the people were blacke and naked, yet they were ciuill: so that hee would needs giue the venter without the con∣sent of the rest to go without weapon. Thus they rowed to shore, where, we being in the shippe might see a great companie of Negros naked, walking to and fro by the sea side where the lan∣ding place was, waiting for the comming of our men, who came too soone, and landed to their losse as it fell out afterwards.

There went a shore the Admirals skiffe, and the May Flowers boate, and in them the number of 20 persons or thereabouts, as M. George Fenner the Generall, his brother M. Edward Fen∣ner, Thomas Valentine, Iohn Worme and Francis Leigh marchants, Iohn Haward, William Bats, Nicholas Day, Iohn Tomson and others.

At their comming to the shore there were 100 Negros or vpward, with their bowes and ar∣rowes: our Captaines and merchants talked with them, & according to the vse of the country, the one demanded pledges of the other, & they were content to deliuer 3 of their Negros for 5 of our men. Our 5 mens names were these, Iohn Haward, Wil. Bats, Nich. Day, Ioh. Tomson, & Iohn Curtise: these were deliuered them, and we receiued 3 Negros into our Admirals skiffe.

Our men being a shore among the Negros, began to talke with them,* 7.24 declaring what ware and marchandize we had, as woollen cloth, linnen cloth, iron, cheese & other things. The Negros answered againe, they had ciuet, muske, gold and graines, which pleased our captaines and mar∣chants very well. Then the Negros desired to haue a sight of some of our wares, to the which our marchants were content, and forthwith sent aboord one of the boats for part of their marchandise, and in the meane time while the boate went to the ship, our fiue men were walking on the shore with the Negros, and our Generall and marchants staied in the other boat by the sea side, hauing the 3 Negros with them.

Our boate then came againe and brought iron and other marchandize, with bread, wine, and cheese which they gaue vnto them. Then two of the Negros (which were the pledges) made themselues sicke, desiring to goe a shore, promising to send other two for them. Captaine Hai∣ward perceiuing that our men had let the Negros come a shore, asked what they meant, and doubting the worst began to drawe toward the boate, and two or three of the Negros folowed him. And when hee came to the boate they began to stay him, and he made signes vnto them that hee would fetch them more drinke and bread: notwithstanding, when he was entering into the boate, one of them caught him by the breeches and would haue staied him, but hee sprang from him and leapt into the boate, and as soone as hee was in, one of the Negros a shore beganne to blow a pipe, and presently the other Negro that was in our boate sitting on the boates side, and master Wormes sword by him, suddenly drew the sword out of the scabberd,* 7.25 and cast himselfe into the Sea and swamme a shore, and presently the Negros laied handes on our men that were on shore, and tooke three of them with great violence, and tore all their apparell from their backes and left them nothing to couer them, and many of them shot so thicke at our men in our boates, that they could scarse set hand to any Oare to rowe from the shore, yet (by the helpe of God) they got from them with their boates, although many of them were hurt with their poy∣soned arrowes: and the poison is vncurable, if the arrow enter within the skin and drawe blood, and except the poison bee presently suckt out, or the place where any man is hurt bee foorthwith cut away, hee dieth within foure dayes, and within three houres after they bee hurt or pric∣ked, wheresoeuer it be, although but at the litle toe, yet it striketh vp to the heart, and taketh away the stomacke, and causeth the partie marueilously to vomite, being able to brooke neither meat nor drinke.

The Negros hauing vsed our men with such cruelty, whose names were Nicholas Day, Wil∣liam Bats, and Iohn Tomson, led them away to a towne which was within a mile of the water side, or thereabout.

The 20 day we sent to land a boate or skiffe wherein were eight persons,* 7.26 and one of them was the foresayd Iohn Tomson and our interpreter which was a Frenchman, (for there was one of the Negros which spake good French:) and they caried with them two harquebusses, two tar∣gets and a mantell.

The cause of sending them was to learne what ransome they demaunded for Bats and Day whom they detained. And when they came to the shore and told t•••• Negros what they desired, they went and fetched them from among the trees, and brought them loose among fortie or fiftie of them. And being come within a stones cast of the sea side, William Bats brake from them, and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat, and he was not so soone in the water but hee fell downe, either being out of breath or his foote failing him in the sand being soft: so that the Ne∣gros came and fell on him and tooke him and haled him, that we thought they had torne him in pie∣ces: for they tore againe all the apparell from his backe, so that some of them caried our men a∣gaine to the towne, and the rest shot at vs with their poisoned arrowes,* 7.27 and hurt one of our men called Androwes in the smal of the leg, who being come aboord, (for al that our Surgeons could do) we thought he would haue died.

Our Generall (notwithstanding all this villanie) sent agayne to them, and offered them a∣ny thing that they desired for the raunsome of our men, bu•• they would not deliuer them: gi∣uing vs this answere:* 7.28 That there was in the foresayd roade, three weekes before wee came, an English shippe which had taken three of their people, and vnti••l wee did bring or send them againe, wee should not haue our men although wee would giue our three shippes with their fur∣niture.

The 21 day a French shippe of the burden of 80 tunnes (or thereabouts,) came to the place where we were, being bound to traffique at the Cape: we told them of the detaining of our two men by the Negros: and seeing that these Frenchmen were very well welcome to the Negros, we wished them to see whether they could procure them againe of the Negros, and bring them along with them, and our Generall promised the Frenchmen 100 li. to obtaine them. So wee committed the matter to the Frenchmen and departed.

Of our men that were hurt by the Negros arrowes, foure died, and one to saue his life had his arme cut off. Androwes that was last of all hurt, lay lame not able to helpe himselfe: onely two recouered of their hurts. So we placed other men in the roomes of those that we lost, and set saile.

The 26 day betweene Cape Verde and Bona vista we sawe many flying fishes of the bignesse of herrings, whereof two flew into our boat, which we towed at our sterne.

* 7.29The 28 day we fell with an Iland called Bona vista, which is from Cape Verde 86 leagues. The Northside of the sayde Iland is full of white sandie hils and dales, and somewhat high land.

The sayd day wee came to an anker within the Westermost point, about a league within the point, and found in our sounding faire sand in ten fadome water, but you may goe neere till you be in fiue or six fadome, for the ground is faire.

As soone as we were at an anker, our Generall sent his pinnasse a land, and found fiue or sixe small houses, but the people were fled into the mountains: and the next day he sent a shore againe, and met with two Portugals, who willingly went aboord with his men, and at their comming he welcommed them, although they were but poore & simple, and gaue each of them a paire of shoes, and so set them a shore againe.

The 30 day we weighed & sailed into a Bay within a smal Iland about a league from vs, and tooke plentie of diuers sortes of fishe. The foresayd Iland lieth in sixteene degrees. And if you meane to anker in the said Bay, you may borow in foure or fiue fadome of the Southermost point of the sayd Iland,* 7.30 which you may see when you ride in the road. But beware of the middle of the Baie, for there lieth a ledge of rocks, which at a lowe water breaketh, yet there is three fadome water ouer them.

The last day of Ianuarie our Generall with certaine of his men went a shore in the Baie to the houses, where he found 12 Portugals.* 7.31 In all the Iland there were not aboue 30 persons, which were banished men for a time, some for more yeeres, some for lesse, and amongst them there was one simple man which was their captaine.

They liue vpon goats flesh, cocks, hennes, and fresh water: other victuals they haue none, sa∣uing fish, which they esteeme not, neither haue they any boats to take them.

They reported that this Iland was giuen by the king of Portugall to one of his gentlemen, who hath let it foorth to rent for one hundreth duckats a yeere,* 7.32 which rent is reared onely in goats skinnes. For by their speaches there hath bene sent foorth of the sayd Iland into Portugall 40000 skins in one yeere.

We were to these men marueilously welcome, and to their powers very wel entertained, and they gaue vs the flesh of as many hee-goates as wee would haue, and tooke much paines for vs in taking them, and bringing them from the mountains vpon their asses.

They haue there great store of the oyle of Tortoises, which Tortoise is a fish which swim∣meth in the Sea, with a shell on his backe as broad as a target. It raineth not in this Iland but in three moneths of the yeere, from the midst of Iuly to the midst of October, and it is here al∣wayes very hote, Kine haue bene brought hither, but by reason of the heate and drought they haue died.

The 3 of February wee departed from this Iland, and the same day fell with another Iland called the Iland of Maiyo,* 7.33 which is 14 leagues from the other Iland: there is in the midst of the way between these two Ilands a danger which is alwayes to be seene.

We ankred in the Northwest side of the sayd Ile in a faire Baie of eight fadomes water and faire sand, but here we staied not, but the fourth day weighed and sailed to another Iland called S. Iago,* 7.34 which lieth off the said Iland of Maiyo East and by South, and about fiue leagues one from the other. Being come within the Westermost point, we saw a faire road, and a small towne by the water side, and also a fort or platforme by it: there we purposed to come to anker, and our marchants to make some sale. But before we came within their shot, they let flie at vs two pie∣ces, whereupon we went roomer and sailed along the shore two or three leagues from the road, where we found a small Baie and two or three small houses, where we came to an anker in 14 fa∣dome faire ground.

Within an houre after we had ankered we might see diuers horsemen and footmen on the land right against vs riding and running to and fro.

The next day being the fift of Februarie, a great companie of their horsemen and footemen appeared on the shoare side, vnto whom our Generall sent to vnderstande whether they would quietly trafike with them: And they sent him worde againe, desiring that they might speake with him; promising that if he came to trafike as a marchant he should be welcome, and also that he should haue any thing that he or the marchant would with reason demaund.

When this answere was brought vnto our Generall he was very glad thereof and the whole companie, and presently (with as much speede as he could) he caused his boates to be made rea∣die: but doubting the villanie of the Portugales, he armed his boates putting a double base in the head of his pinnesse, and two single bases in the head of the Skiffe, and so sent to the May-floure and the George, and willed them in like sort to man their two boates.

These boates being thus manned and well appointed, our Generall entered into his Skiffe, and with the rest rowed to the shoare where were threescore horsemen or more, and two hundreth footemen readie to receiue them. Our Generall marueiled that they came in so great a number and all armed, and therefore with a flagge of truce sent to them to knowe their pleasure: and they answered him with many faire promises and othes, that their pretence was all true, and that they meant like Gentlemen and Marchantes to trafike with him, declaring also that their Captaine was comming to speake with him, and therefore desired our Generall to come and speake with him himselfe.

With this answere the boate returned, and then our Generall caused his pinnesse to rowe to them, and as he came neere the shoare they came in a great companie with much obeysance, ope∣ning their hands and armes abroade, bowing themselues with their bonnets off, with as much humble salutations outwardly as they might: earnestly desiring our Generall and Marchants to come on lande to them, whereunto he would not agree without sufficient gages of Gentlemen and Marchants. At length they promised to sende two gages to our Generals contentment, promising fresh water, victuall, money, or Negroes for ware, if it were such as they liked: and therefore desired our Generall and Marchants to sende them a shoare in writing the quantitie of their wares, and the names of them: all which our Generall departed to performe, looking for their answere the morrowe following. And being gone a litle from the shoare, he caused his ba∣ses, enrriers, and harckebusses to be shot off, and our ships in like case shot off fiue or sixe pieces of great ordinance, and so came aboord to prepare the note. The Portugales most of them depar∣ted, sauing those that were left to watch and to receiue the note, which about foure or fiue a clocke in the afternoone was sent, and it was receiued.* 7.35 But all the purposes of the Portugals were vil∣lainously to betray vs (as shal appeare hereafter) although we meant in truth and honestie, friend∣ly to trafike with them.

There was to the Westwards of vs and about two leagues from vs, a towne behinde a point fast by the sea side, where they had certaine Carauels or shippes and also two Brigandines, whereof they (with all the speede that they might) made readie foure Carauels, and both the bri∣gandines which were like two Gallies, and furnished them both with men and ordinance as much as they could carrie, and as soone as it was night, they came rowing and falling towardes vs: so that the land being high and the weather somewhat cloudie or mystie, and they comming all the way close vnder the shoare we could not see them till they were right against one, of our ships cal∣led the May-floure.

By this time it was about one or two of the clocke in the morning, and the May-floure roade neerer them then the other two by a base shotte, so that they made a sure account either to haue taken her or burnt her. In the meane time our men that had the watch (litle thinking of such villanous treacheries after so many faire wordes) were singing and playing one with the other, and made such a noyse, that (being but a small gale of winde, and ri••••••g neere the lande) they might heare vs from the shoare: so that we supposed that they made account that we had espyed them, which indeede we had not, neither had any one piece of ordinance primed, or any other thing in a readinesse.

They came so neere vs that they were within gunshot of vs, & then one of our men chanced to see a light, & then looking out spied the 4 ships, and suddenly cried out, Gallies, gallies, at which cry we were all amazed, and foorthwith they shot at vs all the great ordinance that they had, and their harquebusses, and curriers, and so lighted certaine tronkes or pieces of wilde fire, and all of them with one voice (as well they on the shoare as they in the shippes) gaue a great shoute, and so continued hallowing with great noyses, still approching neerer and neerer vnto the May-floure. We (with all the speede that we might) made readie one piece of ordinance and shotte

at them, which caused them somewhat to stay, so they charged their ordinance and shot at vs fresh∣ly againe, and while they shotte this second time at vs, we had made readie three pieces which we shot at them, but they approched still so neere, that at last we might haue shot a sheafe arrowe to them. Whereupon we hauing a gale of winde off the shoare hoysed our foresayle, and cut our cable at the hawse, and went towarde our Admirall, and they continued following and shoo∣ting at vs, and sometime at our Admirall, but our Admirall shotte one such piece at them, that it made them to retire, and at length to warpe away like traiterous villaines, and although they thus suddenly shot all their shot at vs, yet they hurt neither man nor boy of ours, but what we did to them we know not.

* 7.36But seeing the villanie of these men we thought it best to stay there no longer, but immediatly set sayle towards an Island called Fuego, 12 leagues from the said Island of S. Iago. At which Island of Fuego we came to an anker the 11 day of this moneth, against a white chappell in the West end of the sayd Island, within halfe a league of a litle towne, and within a league or there∣about of the vttermost point of the said Island.

In this Island is a maruelleilous high hill which doth burne continually, and the inhabitants reported that about three yeeres past the whole Island was like to be burned with the abundance of fire that came out of it.

About a league from the said chappel to the Westward is a goodly spring of fresh water, where we had as much as we would. Wheate they haue none growing here, but a certaine seede that they call Mill,* 7.37 and certaine peason like Guinie peason, which Mill maketh good breade, but they haue here good store of rother beasts and goates.* 7.38 Their marchandize is cotton, which grow∣eth there.

The inhabitants are Portugals which haue cōmandement from the king to trafike neither with Englishmen nor Frenchmen for victuall or any other thing, except they be forced so to doe.

* 7.39There lieth off this Island another called Ilha Braua, which is not passing two leagues ouer, it hath good store of goates and many trees, but there are not passing three or foure persons dwel∣ling in it.

* 7.40The 25 day of February we departed towardes the Islands of Azores: and on the 23 day of March we had sight of one of them-called Flores, and then wee might see another Island to the Northward of it called Cueruo, lying two leagues or there abouts off the other.

The 27 we came to an anker in Cueruo ouer against a village of about twelue simple hou∣ses: but in the night by a gale of winde, which caused vs to drawe our anker after vs, we hoysed sayle and went to the aforesayd Island of Flores, where we sawe strange streames of water run∣ning downe from the high cliffes by reason of the great abundance of raine that had suddenly fallen.

The 29 day we came againe to Cueruo and cast anker, but a storme arose and continued seuen or eight houres together, so that we let slip a cable and anker, and after the storme was alayed we came againe thinking to haue recouered the same, but the Portugals had either taken it, or spoiled it: the cable was new and neuer wet before, and both the cable and anker were better worth then 40 li. So that we accompt our selues much beholding to the honest Portugales.

* 7.41The 18 day of April we tooke in water at the Island of Flores, and hauing ankered, our cable was fretted in sunder with a rocke and so burst, where wee lost that cable and anker also, and so departed to our coast.

Then wee set sayle to an Islande named Faial, about the which lie three other Islands, the one called Pico, the other Saint George, and the other Graciosa, which we had sight of on the eight and twentieth day.

The 29 we came to an anker in the Southwest side of Faial in a faire bay, and 22 fadom wa∣ter against a litle towne where we had both fresh water and fresh victuall. In this Island by the report of the inhabitants•• there groweth certaine greene woad, which by their speeches is farre better then the woad of S. Michael or of Tercera.* 7.42

* 7.43The 8 day of May we came to Tercera where we met with a Portugall ship, and being desti∣tute of a cable and anker, our Generall caused vs to keepe her companie, to see if she could con∣ueniently spare vs any. The next morning we might see bearing with vs a great shippe and two Caranels, which we iudged to be of the king of Portugals Armada, and so they were, where∣upon we prepared our selues for our defence. The said ship was one of the kings Galliasses, a∣bout the burden of foure hundred tunnes,* 7.44 with about three hundred men in her, the shippe being well appointed with brasse pieces both great and small, and some of them so bigge that their shot was as great as a mans head, the other two Carauels were also very warlike and well appoin∣ted both with men and munition.

As soone as they were within shotte of vs, they waued vs amaine with their swords, we kee∣ping our course, the greatest shippe shot at vs freely and the carauell also,* 7.45 and we prepared our selues, and made all things cleare for our safegard as neere as we could. Then the great shippe shot at vs all her broad side, and her foure greatest pieces that lay in her sterne, and therewith hurt some of our men, and we did the best we could with our shot to require it. At last two other Carauels came off the shoare, and two other pinnesses full of men, and deliuered them aboord the great shippe, and so went backe againe with two men in a piece of them. The ship and the Ca∣rauell gaue vs the first day three fights, and when the night was come they left off shooting, yet notwithstanding kept hard by vs all the night. In the meane time we had as much as wee could doe all the night to mende our ropes, and to strengthen our bulwarkes, putting our trust in God, and resoluing our selues rather to die in our defence then to bee taken by such wretches.

The next day being the 10 of May in the morning, there were come to aide the said Portugals foure great Armadas or Carauels more which made seuen, of which 4 three of them were at the least 100 tunnes a piece, the other not so bigge, but all well appointed and full of men. All these together came bearing with vs being in our Admirall, and one of the great Carauels came to lay vs aboorde (as we iudged) for they had prepared their false nettings, and all things for that pur∣pose, so that the Gallias came vp in our larboord side, and the Carauell in our starboord side.

Our Captaine and Master perceiuing their pretence, caused our gunners to make all our or∣dinance readie with crossebarres, chaineshotte and baileshot: so the ship and Carauell came vp, and as soone as they were right in our sides, they shotte at vs as much ordinance as they could, thinking to haue layde vs presently aboord: whereupon we gaue them such a heate with both our sides, that they were both glad to fall asterne of vs, & so paused the space of two or three houres being a very small gale of winde.

Then came vp the other fiue a••d shot all at vs, and so fell all asterne of vs, & then went to coun∣sell together.

Then our small barke named the George came to vs, and wee conferred together a great space. And as the Portugall shippes and Carauels were comming to vs againe, our barke min∣ding to fall asterne of vs and so to come vp againe, fell quickly vpon the lee, and by reason of the litle winde, it was so long before she could fill her sailes againe, that both the shippe and Carauels were come vp to vs, and she falling in among them made reasonable shift with them, but they got ahead of her, so that she could not fetch vs: then 5 of the Carauels followed her, but we saw she de∣fended her selfe against them all.

Then came the great shippe and the Carauell to vs, and fought with vs all that day with their ordinance.

The May-floure our other consort being very good by the winde, tooke the benefite thereof and halde all that day close by the winde, but could not come neere vs. So when night againe was come, th••y gaue ouer their fight and followed vs all the night.

In these many fights it could not otherwise be but needes some of our men must be slaine, (as they were indeede) and diuers hurt, and our tackle much spoyled: yet for all this we did our best indeuour to repaire all things, and to stand to it to the death with our assured trust in the mercie and helpe of God.

This night the May-floure came vs to vs, and our Captaine tolde them his harmes and spoyles, and wished them if they could spare halfe a dosen fresh men to hoyse out their boate and sende them to him, but they could not spare any, and so bare away againe. Which when our enemies sawe in the next morning that we were one from another, they came vp to vs again and gaue vs a great fight with much hallowing and hooping, making accompt either to boorde vs or els to sinke vs: but although our companie was but small, yet least should see vs any whit dismayed, when they hallowed we hallowed also as fast as they, and waned to them to come and boorde vs if they durst, but that they would not, seeing vs still so couragious:* 7.46 and hauing giuen vs that day foure fights, at night they forsooke vs with shame, as they came to vs at the first with pride.

They had made in our ship some leakes with their shot which we againe stopped with al speed, and that being done, we tooke some rest after our long labour and trouble.

The next day in the morning the May-floure came to vs, and brought vs sixe men in her boate which did vs much pleasure, and we sent to them some of our hurt men.

Then we directed our course for our owne countrey, and by the second day of Iune we were neere to our owne coast and sounded being thwart the Lyzard.* 7.47

The third day we had sight of a shippe which was a Portugall, who bare with vs, and at his

comming to vs (the weather being calme) our Captaine caused him to hoyse foorth his boate to come aboord to speake with him, and at their comming our Captaine and Marchants demanded of them what ware they had, and whither they were bound, and they made answere that their la∣ding was sugar and cotton. Then our Captaine and Marchants shewed them fiue Negroes that we had, and asked them whether they would buy them, which they were very desirous to doe, and agreed to giue for them 40 chests of sugar, which chests were small hauing not aboue 26 loaues in a piece:* 7.48 so they with their boate did fetch fiue of the chestes and deliuered them and went for more, and when they had laden their boate and were come againe, we might see bearing with vs a great ship and a small, which our Captaine supposed to be men of warre or Rouers, and then willed the Portugales to carie their sugar to their ship againe, purposing to make our selues rea∣die for our defence. But the Portugales earnestly intreated our Captaine not so to forsake them, and promised him (if he would safegard them) to giue him aboue the bargaine ten chests of sugar: whereupon our Captaine was content, and the Portugall not being good of sayle, we spared our topsayles for her; so at last the foresaid ship bare with vs, and (seeing that we did not feare them) gaue vs ouer. And the next morning came two others bearing with vs, and seeing vs not about to flie a iot from them forsooke vs also.

The 5 day of Iune we had sight of the Stert, and about noone we were thwart of the bay of Lime, and so sounded and had 35 fadom water.

The sixt day we came in at the Needles and so came to an anker vnder the Isle of Wight at a place called Meadhole, and from thence sayled to Southhampton where we made an ende of this voyage.

The Ambassage of M. Edmund Hogan, one of the sworne Esquires of her Maiesties person, from her Highnesse to Mully Abdelmelech Emperour of Marocco, and king of Fes and Sus: in the yeere 1577, written by himselfe,

I Edmund Hogan being appointed Ambassadour from the Queenes Maiestie to the aboue named Emperour and King Mully Abdelmelech,* 7.49 departed with my company and seruants from London the two and twentie day of Aprill 1577, being imbarked in the good ship called the Gallion of London, and ar∣riued in Azafi a port of Barbarie the one and twentie day of May next follow∣ing.* 7.50 Immediatly I sent Leonell Edgertoo a shoare with my letters direc∣ted to Iohn Williams and Iohn Bampton, who dispatched a Trottero to Marocco to knowe the kings pleasure for my repaire to the Court, which letters came to their hands on the Thurs∣day night.

They with all speede gaue the king vnderstanding of it, who being glad thereof speeded the next day certaine Captaines with souldiers and tents, with other prouision to Azafi: so that vpon Whitsunday at night the said Captaines with Iohn Bampton, Robert Washborne, and Robert Lion, and the kings officers came late to Azafi.

In the meane time I remained aboord, and caused some of the goods to be discharged for light∣ning of the shippe, and I wrote in my letter that I would not lande, till I knewe the Kings pleasure.

The 22 day being Saturday, the Make-speede arriued in the roade about two of the clocke in the afternoone.

The 27 day, being Whitsunday, came aboord the Gallion Iohn Bampton, and others, gi∣uing me to vnderstande how much the King reioyced of my salfe arriuall, comming from the Queenes Maiestie, and how that for my safe conduct to the Court he had sent foure Captaines and an hundred souldiers well appointed, with a horse furnished which he vsed himselfe to ride on with all other furniture accordingly: they wished mee also to come on lande in the best order I could, as well for my selfe as my men, which I did, hauing to the number of tenne men, whereof three were trumpetters.

The ships being foure appointed themselues in the best order they could for the best shew, and shot off all their ordinan••e to the value of twentie Markes in powder.

At my comming a shoare, I found all the souldiers well appointed on horsebacke, the Cap∣taines and the Gouernour of the towne standing as neere the water side as they could, with a Iennet of the kings, and receiued mee from the boate declaring how glad his Maiestie was of my safe arriuall, comming from the Queenes Maiestie my Mistresse, and that hee had sent them to attend vpon me, it being his pleasure that I should tarie there on shoare fiue or sixe dayes for my refreshing.

So being mounted vpon the Iennet, they conducted mee through the Towne into a faire fielde vpon the Sea-side where was a tent prouided for mee, and all the ground spread w••th Turkie carpets, and the Castle discharged a peale of ordinance, and all things necessarie were brought into my tent, where I both too••e my table and lodging, and had other conuenient tents for my seruants.

The souldiers enuironed the tents, and watched about vs day and night as long as I lay there, although I sought my speedier dispatch.

On the Wednesday towards night,* 7.51 I tooke my horse and traueiled ten miles to the first place of water that we could finde, and there pitched our tents till the next morning, and so traueiled till ten of the clocke, and then pitched our tents till foure, and so traueiled as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that day.

The next day being Friday I traueiled in like order but eight and twentie miles at the most, and by a Riuer being about sixe miles within sight of the Citie of Marocco we pitched our tents.

Immediatly after came all our English marchants, and the French on horsebacke to meete me, and before night there came an Alcayde from the king with fiftie men, & diuers mules laden with victuall and banker, for my supper•• declaring vnto me how glad the king shewed hims••lfe to heare of the Queenes Maiestie, and that his pleasure was I should be receiued into his coun∣trey as neuer any Christian the like:* 7.52 and desired to knowe what time the next day I would come into his citie, because he would that all the Christians as also his nobilitie should meete me, and willed Iohn Bampton to be with him early in the morning, which he did.

About seuen of the clocke being accompanied with the French and English marchants, and a great number of souldiers, I pass••d towards the citie, and by that time I had traueiled 2 miles, there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receiue me, which I knowe was more by the kings commandement then of any good wils of themselues:* 7.53 for some of them although they speake me faire hung downe their heads like dogs, and especially the Portugales, and I countenanced them accordingly.

So I passed on till I came within two English miles of the Citie, and then Iohn Bampton returned, shewing me that the king was so glad of my comming, that hee could not deuise to doe too much, to shewe the good will that hee did owe to the Queenes Maiestie, and her Realme.

His counsellers met me without the gates, and at the entrie of the gates, his footmen & guard were placed on both sides of my horse, and so brought me to the kings palace.

The king sate in his chaire with his Counsell about him, as well the Moores as the Elchies, and according to his order giuen vnto me before, I there declared my message in Spanish, and made deliuerie of the Queenes Maiesties letters, and all that I spake at that present in Spanish, hee caused one of his El••hies to declare the same to the Moores present, in the Lar∣be tongue.

Which done, he answered me againe in Spanish, yeelding to the Queenes Maiestie great thankes, and offering himselfe and his countrey to bee at her Graces commaund••ment, and then commaunded certaine of his Counsellers to conduct mee to my lodging, not being farre from the Court.

The house was faire after the fashion of that countrey, being daily well furnished with al kind of victuall at the kings charge.

The same night he sent for mee to the Court, and I had conference with him about the space of two houres, where I throughly declared the charge committed vnto mee from her Maie∣stie, finding him conformable, willing to pleasure and not to vrge her Maiestie with any de∣maundes, more then conueniently shee might willingly consent vnto, hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of England might be better serued with lackes, then hee in compa∣rison from vs.

Further he gaue me to vnderstand, that the king of Spaine had sent vnto him for a licence,* 7.54 that an Ambassadour of his might come into his countrey, and had made great meanes that if the Queenes maiesty of England sent any vnto him, that he would not giue him any credit or inter∣tainment, albeit (said he) I know what the king of Spaine is, and what the Queene of England and her Realme is: for I neither like of him nor of his religion, being so gouerned by the Inqui∣sition that he can doe nothing of himselfe.

Therefore when he commeth vpon the licence which I haue granted, he shall well see how li∣tle account I will make of him and Spaine, and how greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes maiestie of England.

He shall not come to my presence as you haue done, and shall dayly: for I minde to accept of you as my companion and one of my house, whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message.

After the end of this speech I deliuered Sir Thomas Greshams letters, when as he tooke me by the hand, and led me downe a long court to a palace where there ranne a faire fountaine of wa∣ter, and there sitting himselfe in a chaire, he commanded me to sit downe in another, and there cal∣led for such simple Musicians as he had.

* 7.55Then I presented him with a great base Lute, which he most thankfully accepted, and then he was desirous to heare of the Musicians, and I tolde him that there was great care had to pro∣uide them, and that I did not doubt but vpon my returne they should come with the first ship. He is willing to giue them good intertainment with prouision of victuall, and to let them liue accor∣ding to their law and conscience wherein he vrgeth none to the contrary.

I finde him to be one that li••eth greatly in the feare of God, being well exercised in the Scrip∣tures, as well in the olde Testament as also in the New, and he beareth a greater affection to our Nation then to others because of our religion, which forbiddeth worship of Idols, and the Moores called him the Christian king.

* 7.56The same night being the first of Iune, I continued with him till twelue of the clocke, and he seemed to haue so good liking of me, that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger being set with 200 stones, rubies and turkies, and did bestow it vpon me, and so I being conducted returned to my lodging for that time.

The next day because he knew it to be Sunday & our Sabboth day he did let me rest. But on the munday in the afternoone he sent for me, and I had conference with him againe, and musicke.

Likewise on the tuesday by three of the clocke he sent for me into his garden, finding him layd vpon a silke bed complayning of a sore leg: yet after long conference he walked into another Or∣chard, whereas hauing a faire banketting-house and a great water, and a new gallie in it, he went aboord the gallie and tooke me with him, and passed the space of two or three houres, shewing the great experience he had in Gallies, wherein (as he said) he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeres in his youth.

After supper he shewed me his horses and other commodities that he had about his house, and since that night I haue not s••ene him, for that he hath kept in with his sore legge, but he hath sent to me daily.

* 7.57The 13 of Iune at sixe of the clocke at night I had againe audience of the king, and I conti∣nued with him till midnight, hauing debated as well for the Queenes commission as for the well dealing with her marchants for their traffike here in these parts, saying, he would do much more for the Queenes maiesty and the Realme,* 7.58 offering that all English ships with her subiects may with good securitie enter into his ports and dominions as well in trade of marcandize, as for vic∣tuall & water, as also in time of warre with any her enemies to bring in prises and to make sales as occasion should serue, or else to depart againe with them at their pleasure.

Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his coast of Barbarie, & thorow the straites into the Leuant seas, that he would graunt safe conduct that the said ships and marchants with their goods might passe into the Leuant seas, and so to the Turks dominions, and the king of Ar∣giers, as his owne, and that he would write to the Turke and to the king of Argier his letters for the well vsing of our ships and goods.

Also that hereafter no Englishmen that by any meanes may be taken captiues, shall be solde within any of his dominions: whereupon I declared that the Queenes maiesty accepting of these his offers was pleased to confirme the intercourse & trade of our marchants within this his coun∣trey, as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he should haue need of, to furnish the neces∣sities and wants of his countrey in trade of marchandize,* 7.59 so as he required nothing contrarie to her honour and law, and the breach of league with the Christian princes her neighbours.

The same night I presented the king with the case of combes, and desired his maiestie to haue special regard that the ships might be laden backe againe, for that I found litle store of salt-peter in readinesse in Iohn Bamptons hands. He answered me that I should haue all the assistance therein that he could, but that in Sus he thought to haue some store in his house there, as also that the Mountayners had made much in a readinesse: I requested that he would send downe, which he promised to doe.

The eighteene day I was with him againe and so continued there till night, and he shewed me his house with pastime in ducking with water-Spaniels, and baiting buls with his English dogges.

At this time I mooued him againe for the sending downe to Sus, which he granted to doe, and

the 24. day there departed Alcayde Mammie, with Lionell Edgerton, and Rowland Guy to Sus, and caried with them for our accompts and his company the kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet, and Alcayde Shauan, and the Uiceroy.

The 23. day the king sent me out of Marocco to his garden called Shersbonare, with his gard, and Alcayde Mamoute, and the 24. at night I came to the court to see a Morris dance, and a play of his Elchies. He promised me audience the next day being Tuesday, but he put it off till Thurs∣day: and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the king after supper, and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan, and Alcayde Gowry to conferre with me, but after a little talke I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch. And being brought to him, I preferred two bils of Iohn Bamptons which he had made for prouision of Salt-peter: also two bils for the quiet traffique of our English Marchants, and bils for sugars to be made by the Iewes, as well for the debts past, as hereafter, and for good order in the Ingenios. Also I mooued him againe for the Salt-peter, and other dis∣patches, which he referred to be agreed vpon by the two Alcaydes. But the Friday being the 20. the Alcaydes could not intend it, and vpon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell sicke, so on Sunday we made meanes to the King, and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre vpon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and others, but did not agree.

Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my dispatch, and the same afternoone I was called againe to the Court, and referred all things to the King, accepting his offer of Salt-peter.

That night againe the King had me into his Gallie, and the Spaniels did hunt the ducke.

The Thursday I was appointed to way the 300. kintals grosse of Salt-peter, and that after∣noone the Tabybe came vnto mee to my lodging, shewing mee that the king was offended with Iohn Bampton for diuers causes.

The Sunday night late being the 7. of Iuly, I got the King to forgiue all to Iohn Bampton, and the King promised me to speake againe with me vpon Munday.

Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch, and then hee sent Fray Lewes to mee, and said that he had order to write.

Upon Wednesday I wrote againe, and he sent me word that vpon Thursday I should come and be dispatched, so that I should depart vpon Friday without faile, being the twelfth of Iuly.

So the friday•• after according to the kings order & appointment I went to the court, & where∣as motion and petition was made for the confirmation of the demaunds which I had preferred, they were all granted, and likewise the priuileges which were on the behalfe of our English mar∣chants requested,* 7.60 were with great fauour and readinesse yeelded vnto. And whereas the Iewes there resident were to our men in certaine round summes indebted, the Emperors pleasure and commandement was, that they should without further excuse or delay, pay and discharge the same. And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall countenance, such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other Ambassadors of the Christians.

And touching the priuate affaires intreated vpon betwixt her Maiestie and the Emperour, I had letters from him to satisfie her highnesse therein. So to conclude, hauing receiued the like ho∣nourable conduct from his Court, as I had for my part at my first landing, I embarked my selfe with my foresaid company, and arriuing not long after in England, I repaired to her Maiesties court, & ended my Ambassage to her highnesse good liking, with relation of my seruice performed.

The voyage of Thomas Stukeley, wrongfully called Marques of Ireland, into Barbary 1578. Written by Iohannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de caede Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniae.

VEnerant autem ad regem etiam sexcenti Itali, quos Papa subministrarat, Comiti Irlandiae: qui cum Vlissiponem tribus instructis nauibus appulisset Regi operam suam condixit, eumque in bellum sequi promisit. Cap. 7.

Totum exercitum diuisit in quatuor acies quadratas: In dextro latere primum agmen erat Velitum & militum Tingitanorum, eosqùe ducebat Aluarus Peresius de Tauara: sinistram aciem seu mediam tenebant Ger∣mani & Itali, quibus imperabat Marchio Irlandiae. &c. Cap. 11.

Inter nobiles qui in hoc prelio ceciderunt, fuerunt, preter regem Sebastianum, dux de Auero, Episcopi Conimbricensis & Portuensis, Commissarius generalis à Papa missus Marchio Ir∣landiae, Christophorus de Tauora, & plures alij. Cap. 13.

The same in English.

THere came also to Don Sebastian the King of Portugal 600. Italians, whom the Pope sent vnder the conduct of the * 7.61Marques of Irland: who being arriued at Lisbone with three tall

ships, proffered his seruice to the king, and promised to attend vpon him in the warres, &c.

He diuided the whole Armie into 4. squadrons: vpon the right wing stood the first squadron, consisting of men lightly armed or skirmishers and of the souldiers of Tangier, Generall of whom was Don Aluaro Perez de Tauara: the left or midle squadron consisted of Germanes and Itali∣ans, vnder the command of the Marques of Irland, &c. cap. 7.

Of Noblemen were slaine in this battell (besides Don Sebastian the king) the duke de Aue∣ro, the two bishops of Coimbra & of Porto, the Marques of Irland sent by the Pope as his Com∣missary generall, Christopher de Tauara, and many others. cap. 13.

IT is further also to be remembred, that diuers other English gentlemen were in this battell, whereof the most part were slaine; and among others M. Christopher Lyster was taken cap∣tiue, and was there long detained in miserable seruitude. Which gentleman although at length he happily escaped the cruel hands of the Moores; yet returning home into England, and for his manifold good parts being in the yeere 1586. employed by the honourable the Earle of Cum∣berland, in a voyage intended by the Streights of Magellan for the South sea, as Uiceadmirall, (wherein he shewed singular resolution and courage) and appointed afterward in diuers places of speciall command and credite, was last of all miserably drowned in a great and rich Spanish pr••ze vpon the coast of Cornwall.

Certaine reports of the prouince of China learned through the Portugals there imprisoned, and chiefly by the relation of Galeotto Perera, a Ge••t••eman of good credit, that lay prisoner in that Countrey many yeeres. Done out of Italian into English by Richard Willes.

THis land of China is parted into 13. Shires, the which sometimes were ech one a kingdome by it selfe, but these many yeeres they haue bene all subiect vnto one King. Fuquien is made by the Portugals the first Shire,* 7.62 because there their trou∣bles began, & they had occasion thereby to know the rest. In this shire be 8. cities, but one principally more famous then others called Fuquico, the other seuen are reasonably great, the best knowen whereof vnto the Portugals is Cinceo,* 7.63 in respect of a certaine hauen ioyning thereunto, whither in time past they were wont for marchandise to resort.

* 7.64Cantan is the second shire, not so great in quantitie, as well accompted of, both by the king thereof, and also by the Portugals, for that it lieth neerer vnto Malacca then any other part of China, and was first discried by the Portugals before any other shire in that prouince: this shire hath in it seuen Cities.

* 7.65Chequeam is the third shire, the chiefest Citie therein is Donchion, therein also standeth Li∣ampo, with other 13. or 14. boroughes: countrey townes therin are too too many to be spoken of.

* 7.66The fourth shire is called Xutiamfu, the principall Citie thereof is great Pachin, where the King is alwayes resident. In it are fifteene other very great Cities: of other townes therein, and boroughes well walled and trenched about, I wil say nothing.

* 7.67The fift shire hath name Chelim: the great Citie Nanquin chiefe of other fifteene cities was herein of ancient time the royall seat of the Chinish kings. From this shire, & from the aforesaid Chequeam forward bare rule the other kings, vntil the whole region became one kingdome.

* 7.68The 6. shire beareth the name Quianci, as also the principal City thereof, wherein the fine clay to make vess••ls is wrought. The Portugals being ignorant of this Countrey, and find••ng great abundance of that fine clay to be solde at Liampo, and that very good cheape, thought at the first that it had bene made there, howbeit in fine they perceiued that the standing of Quinzi more neere vnto Liampo then to Cinceo or Cantan was the cause of so much fine clay at Liampo: within the compasse of Quinci shire be other 12. cities.

The 7. shire is Quicin, the 8. Quansi, the 9. Confu, the 10. Vrnan, the 11. Sichiua. In the first hereof there be 16. Cities, in the next 15: how many Townes the other 3. haue, wee are ignorant as yet, as also of the proper names of the 12. and 13. shires, and the townes therein.

This finally may be generally said hereof, that the greater shires in China prouince may bee compared with mightie kingdomes.

In eche one of these shires bee set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini, before whom are handled the matters of other Cities. There is also placed in ech one a Turan, as you would say, a gouernour, and a Chian, that is a visiter, as it were: whose office is to goe in circuit, and to see iustice exactly done. By these meanes so vprightly things are ordered there, that it may be worthily accompted one of the best gouerned prouinces in all the world.

* 7.69The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great city Pachin, as much to say in our language,

as by the name thereof I am aduertised, the towne of the kingdome. This kingdome is so large, that vnder fiue monethes you are not able to trauaile from the Townes by the Sea side to the Court, and backe againe, no not vnder three monethes in poste at your vrgent businesse. The post-horses in this Countrey are litle of body, but swift of foote. Many doe traueile the greater part of this iourney by water in certaine light barkes, for the multitude of Riuers commodious for passage from one Citie to another.

The King, notwithstanding the hugenesse of his kingdome, hath such a care thereof,* 7.70 that euery Moone (for by the Moones they reckon their monethes) he is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth therein, by these meanes following.

The whole prouince being diuided into shires, and ech shire hauing in it one chiefe and princi∣pall Citie, whereunto the matters of all the other Cities, Townes and boroughes, are brought, there are drawen in euery chiefe Citie aforesaid intelligences of such things as doe monethly fall out, and be sent in writing to the Court. If happely in one moneth euery Post be not able to goe so long a way, yet doeth there notwithstanding once euery moneth arriue one Poste out of the shire. Who so cōmeth before the new moone stayeth for the deliuery of his letters vntil the moone be changed. Then likewise are dispatched other Posts backe into all the 13. shires againe.

Before that we doe come to Cinceo wee haue to passe through many places, and some of great importance. For this Countrey is so well inhabited neere the Sea side, that you cannot goe one mile but you shal see some Towne, borough or hostry, the which are so aboundatly prouided of all things, that in the Cities and townes they liue ciuily. Neuerthelesse such as dwel abrode are ve∣ry poore, for the multitude of them euery where is so great, that out of a tree you shall see many times swarme a number of children, where a man would not haue thought to haue found any one at all.

From these places in number infinite, you shall come vnto two Cities very populous, and, be∣ing compared with Cinceo, not possibly to be discerned which is the greater of them. These cities are as well walled as any Cities in all the world. As you come in to either of them, there standeth so great and mighty a bridge, that the like thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugal nor else where. I heard one of my fellowes say, that hee tolde in one bridge 40. arches. The occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great is, for that the Countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low, and ouerflowed euer as the sea water encreaseth. The breadth of the bridges, although it bee well proportioned vnto the length thereof, yet are they equally built, no higher in the middle then at either ende, in such wise that you may see directly from the one ende to the other: the sides are wonderfully well engraued after the maner of Rome-workes. But that we did most marueile at was therewithall the hugenesse of the stones, the like whereof, as we came in to the Citie, we did see many set vp in places dis-habited by the way, to no small charges of theirs, howbeit to little purpose, whereas no body seeth them but such as doe come by. The arches are not made after our fashion, vauted with sundry stones set together: but paued, as it were, whole stones reaching from one piller to an other, in such wise that they lye both for the arches heads, and galantly serue also for the high way. I haue bene astonied to beholde the hugenesse of the aforesaid stones: some of them are xii. pases long and vpward, the least 11. good pases long, and an halfe.

The wayes ech where are galantly paued with fouresquare stone, except it be where for want of stone they vse to lay bricke: in this voyage wee trauailed ouer certaine hilles, where the wayes were pitched, and in many places no worse paued then in the plaine ground. This causeth vs to thinke, that in all the world there bee no better workemen for buildings, then the inhabitants of China. The Countrey is so well inhabited, that no one foote of ground is left vntilled: small store of cattell haue we seene this day, we saw onely certaine oxen wherewithall the countreymen do plow their ground. One oxe draweth the plough alone, not onely in this shire, but in other pla∣ces also, wherein is greater store of cattell. These countreymen by arte do that in tillage, which we are constrained to doe by force. Here be solde the voydings of close stooles, although there wanteth not the dung of beastes: and the excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all China. The dungfermers seek in euery streete by exchange to buy this durtie ware for herbs and wood. The custome is very good for keeping the Citie cleane. There is great aboundance of hennes, ge••se, duckes, swine, and goates, wethers haue they none: the hennes are solde by weight, and so are all other things. Two pound of hennes flesh, geese, or ducke, is worth two foi of their money, that is, d. ob. sterling. Swines flesh is sold at a penie the pound. Beefe beareth the same price, for the scarcitie thereof, howbeit Northward from Fuquieo and farther off from the sea∣coast, there is beefe more plentie and solde better cheape; We haue had in all the Cities we passed through, great abundance of all these victuals, beefe onely excepted. And if this Countrey were like vnto India, the inhabitants whereof eate neither henne, beefe, nor porke, but keepe that onely

for the Portugals and Moores, they would be sold here for nothing. But it so falling out, that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world, they do feed vpon all things, specially on porke, which, the fatter it is, is vnto them the lesse lothsome. The highest price of these things aforesaid I haue set downe, better cheape shal you sometimes buy them for the great plentie thereof in this countrey. Frogs are solde at the same price that is made of hennes, and are good meate amongst them, as also dogs, cats, rats, snakes, and all other vncleane meates.

The Cities be very gallant, specially neere vnto the gates, the which are marueilously great, and couered with iron. The gateh••uses are built on high with towers, & the lower part thereof is made of bricke & stone, proportionally with the walls, from the walls vpward the building is of timber, and many stories in it one aboue the other. The strength of their townes is in the mightie walles and ditches, artillerie haue they none.

The streetes in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the Cities we haue seene are very faire, so large and so straight, that it is wonderfull to behold. Their houses are built with timber, the foundations onely excepted, the which are layd with stone: in ech side of the streetes are pentises or continuall porches for the marchants to walke vnder: the breadth of the streets is neuerthelesse such, that in them 15. men may ride commodiously side by side. As they ride they must needs passe vnder many high arches of triumph that crosse ouer the streetes made of timber, and carued diuersly, couered with tiles of fine clay: vnder these arches the Mercers do vtter their smaller wares, & such as list to stand there are defended from raine and the heate of the Sunne. The greater gentlemen haue these arches at their doores: although some of them be not so mightily built as the rest.

* 7.71I shall haue occasion to speake of a certaine order of gentlemen that are called Louteas. I wil first therefore expound what this word signifieth. Loutea is as much to say in our language as Sir, and when any of them calleth his name, he answereth Sir: and as we do say, that the king hath made some gentleman, so say they, that there is made a Loutea. And for that amongst them the degrees are diuers both in name and office, I will tell you onely of some principals, being not able to aduertise you of all.

The maner how gentlemen are created Louteas, and do come to that honour and title, is by the giuing of a broad girdle, not like to the rest, and a cap, at the commaundement of the king. The name Loutea is more generall & common vnto mo, then the equalitie of honour thereby sign••fied agreeth withall. Such Louteas as doe serue their prince in weightie matters for iustice, are created after trial made of their learning: but the other which serue in smaller affaires, as Cap∣taines, constables, sergeants by land and sea, receiuers and such like, whereof there be in euery ci∣tie, as also in this, very many, are made for fauour: the chiefe Louteas are serued kneeling.

The whole prouince of China is diuided, as I haue said, into 13. shires, in euery shire at the least is one gouernour called there Tutan, in some shires there be two.

* 7.72Chiefe in office next vnto them be ce••taine other named Chians, that is, high Commissioners as you would say, or visiters, with full authoritie in such wise, that they doe call vnto an accompt the Tutans themselues, but their authoritie lasteth not in any shire longer then one yere. Neuerthe∣lesse in euery shire being at the least 7. cities, yea, in some of them 15. or 16. beside other boroughes and townes no•• well to be numbred, these visiters where they come are so honoured and feared, as though they were some great princes. At the yeres end, their circuit done, they come vnto that Ci∣tie which is chiefe of others in the shire, to do iustice there: finally busying themselues in the sear∣ching out of such as are to receiue the order of Louteas, whereof more shalbe said in another place.

* 7.73Ouer and besides these officers, in the cheife City of ech one of these aforesaid 13. prouinces, is resident one Ponchiassi, Captaine thereof, and treasurer of all the kings reuenues. This Magi∣strate maketh his abode in one of the foure greatest houses that be in all these head Cities. And al∣though the principall part of his function be to be Captaine, to be treasourer of the reuenues in that prouince, & to send these reuenues at appointed times to the Court: yet hath he notwithstan∣ding by his office also to meddle with matters appertaining vnto iustice.

* 7.74In the second great house dwelleth an other Magistrate called Anchiassi, a great officer also, for he hath dealings in all matters of iustice. Who although he be somewhat inferior in dignitie vnto the Ponchiassi, yet for his great dealings and generall charge of iustice, whosoeuer seeth the affaires of the one house and the other might iudge this Anchiassi to be the greater.

* 7.75Tuzi, an other officer so called, lieth in the thirde house, a magistrate of importance, specially in things belonging vnto warfare, for thereof hath he charge.

* 7.76There is resident in the 4. house a fourth officer, bearing name Taissu. In this house is the prin∣cipall prison of all the Citie. Ech one of these Magistrates aforesaide may both lay euill doers in prison, & deliuer them out againe, except y^e fact be heinous & of importance: in such a case they can do nothing, except they do meet al together. And if the deed deserueth death, all they together cannot

determine thereof, without recourse made vnto the Chian wheresoeuer hee be, or to the Tutan: and e••t soones it falleth out, that the case is referred vnto higher power. In all Cities, not onely chiefe in ech shire, but in the rest also, are meanes found to make Louteas. Many of them do study at the prince his charges, wherefore at the yeeres ende they resort vnto the head Cities, whither the Chians doe come, as it hath bene earst saide, as well to giue these degrees, as to sit in iudge∣ment ouer the prisoners.

The Chians go in circuit euery yere, but such as are to be chosen to the greatest offices meete not but from three yeeres to three yeeres, and that in certaine large halles appointed for them to be examined in. Many things are asked them, whereunto if they doe answere accordingly, and be found sufficient to take their degree, the Chian by and by granteth it them: but the Cap and girdle,* 7.77 whereby they are knowen to be Louteas, they weare not before that they be confirmed by the king. Their examination done,* 7.78 and triall made of them, such as haue taken their degree wont to be giuen them with all ceremonies, vse to banquet and feast many dayes together (as the Chi∣neans fashion is to ende all their pleasures with eating and drinking) and so remaine chos••n to do the king seruice in matters of learning. The other examinates founde insufficient to proceed are sent backe to their studie againe. Whose ignorance is perceiued to come of negligence and default, such a one is whipped, and sometimes sent to prison, where lying that yeere when this kinde of acte was, we found many thus punished, and demaunding the cause thereof, they saide it was for that they knew not how to answere vnto certaine things asked them. It is a world to see how these Louteas are serued and feared, in such wise, that in publike assemblies at one shrike they giue, all the seruitors belonging vnto iustice tremble thereat. At their being in these pla∣ces, when they list to mooue, be it but euen to the gate, these seruitors doe take them vp, and carry them in seates of beaten gold. After this sort are they borne when they goe in the City, either for their owne businesse abroade, or to see ech other at home. For the dignitie they haue, and office they doe beare, they be all accompanied: the very meanest of them all that goeth in these seates is vshered by two men at the least, that cry vnto the people to giue place, howbeit they neede it not, for that reuerence the common people haue vnto them. They haue also in their company cer∣taine Sergeants with their Maces either siluered or altogether siluer, some two, some foure, o∣ther sixe, other eight, conueniently for ech one his degree. The more principal and chiefe Louteas haue going orderly before these Sergeants, many other with staues, and a great many catch∣poules with rods of Indish ca••es dragged on the ground, so that the streets being paued, you may heare afarre off as well the noy•••• of the rods, as the voyce of the criers. These fellowes serue al∣so to apprehend others, and the better to be knowen they weare liuery red girdles, and in their caps peacocks feathers. Behinde these Louteas come such as doe beare certaine tables hanged at staues endes, wherein is written in siluer letters, the name, degree, and office of that Loutea, whom they follow. In like maner they haue borne after them hattes agreeable vnto their titles: if the Loutea be meane, then hath he brought after him but one hat, and that may not be yealowe: but if he be of the better sort, then may he haue two, three, or foure: the principall and chiefe Lou∣teas may haue all their hats yealow, the which among them is accompted great honour. The Lou∣tea for warres, although he be but meane, may notwithstanding haue yealow hats. The Tutans and Chians, when they goe abroad, haue besides all this before them ledde three or foure horses with their guard in armour.

Furthermore the Louteas, yea and all the people of China, are wont to eate their me••••e sitting on stooles at high tables as we doe, and that very cleanely, although they vse neither table-clothes nor napkins. Whatsoeuer is set downe vpon the boord is first carued before that it be brought in:* 7.79 they feede with two sticks, refraining from touching their meate with their hands, euen as we do with forkes: for the which respect they lesse do neede any table clothes. Ne is the nation only ciuill at meate, but also in conuersation, and in courtesie they seeme to exceede all other. Likewise in their dealings after their maner they are so ready, that they farre passe all other Gentiles and Moores: the greater states are so vaine, that they line their clothes with the best silke that may be found. The Louteas are an idle generation, without all maner of exercises and pastimes, except it be eating and drinking. Sometimes they walke abroad in the fields to make the souldiers shoot at pricks with their bowes, but their eating passeth: they will stand eating euen when the other do draw to shoot. The pricke is a great blanket spread on certaine long poles, he that striketh it, hath of the best man there standing a piece of crimson Taffata, the which is knit about his head: in this sort the winners be honoured, and the Louteas with their bellies full returne home againe. The inhabitants of China be very great Idolaters, all generally doe worship the heauens: and, as wee are wont to say, God knoweth it: so say they at euery word, Tien Tautee, that is to say, The hea∣uens doe know it. Some doe worship the Sonne, and some the Moone, as they thinke good, for

none are bound more to one then to another. In their temples, the which they do call Meani, they haue a great altar in the same place as we haue, true it is that one may goe round about it.* 7.80 There set they vp the image of a certaine Loutea of that countrey, whom they haue in great reuerence for certaine notable things he did. At the right hand standeth the diuel much more vgly painted then we doe vse to set him out, whereunto great homage is done by such as come into the temple to aske counsell, or to draw lottes: this opinion they haue of him, that he is malicious and able to do euil. If you aske them what they do thinke of the soules departed, they will answere that they be immortall, and that as soone as any one departeth out of this life, he becommeth a diuel if hee haue liued well in this world,* 7.81 if otherwise, that the same diuel changeth him into a bufle, oxe, or dogge. Wherefore to this diuel they doe much honour, to him doe they sacrifice, praying him that he will make them like vnto himselfe, and not like other beastes. They haue moreouer another sort of temples, wherein both vpon the altars and also on the walls do stand many idols well pro∣portioned, but bareheaded: these beare name Omithofon, accompted of them spirits, but such as in heauen do neither good nor euill, thought to be such men and women as haue chastly liued in this world in abstinence from fish and flesh, fed onely with rise and salates. Of that diuel they make some accompt: for these spirits they care litle or nothing at all. Againe they holde opinion that if a man do well in this life, the heauens will giue him many temporall blessings, but if he doe euil, then shall he haue infirmities, diseases, troubles, and penurie, and all this without any know∣ledge of God. Finally, this people knoweth no other thing then to liue and die, yet because they be reasonable creatures, all seemed good vnto them we speake in our language, though it were not very sufficient: our maner of praying especially pleased them, and truely they are well ynough disposed to receiue the knowledge of the trueth. Our Lord grant for his mercy all things so to be disposed, that it may sometime be brought to passe, that so great a nation as this is perish not for want of helpe.

Our maner of praying so well liked them, that in prison importunately they besought vs to write for them somewhat as cōcerning heauen, the which we did to their contentation w^t such rea∣sons as we knew, howbeit not very cunningly. As they do their idolatry they laugh at themselues. If at any time this countrey might be ioyned in league with the kingdome of Portugale, in such wise that free accesse were had to deale with the people there, they might all be soone conuerted. The greatest fault we do finde in them is Sodomie, a vice very common in the meaner sort, and nothing strange amongst the best. This sinne were it left of them, in all other things so well dis∣posed they be, that a good interpreter in a short space might do there great good: If, as I said, the countrey were ioyned in league with vs.

Furthermore the Louteas, with all the people of China, are wont to solemnize the dayes of the new and full Moones in visiting one an other, and making great banquets: for to that end, as I earst said, do tend all their pastimes, and spending their dayes in pleasure. They are wont also to solemnize ech one his birth day, whereunto their kindred and friends do resort of custome, with presents of iewels or money, receiuing againe for their reward good cheare. They keepe in like maner a generall feast with great banquets that day their king was borne. But their most prin∣cipall and greatest feast of all, and best cheare, is the first day of their new yeere, namely the first day of the new Moone of February, so that their first moneth is March, and they reckon the times accordingly, respect being had vnto the reigne of their princes: as when any deed is written, they date it th••s, Made such a day of such a moone, and such a yeere of the reigne of such a king. And their ancient writings beare date of the yeeres of this or that king.

Now will I speake of the maner which the Chineans doe obserue in doing of iustice•• that it may be knowen how farre these Gentiles do herein exceed many Christians, that be more boun∣den then they to deale iustly and in trueth. Because the Chinish king maketh his abode continu∣ally in the City Pachin, his kingdome so great, & the shires so many, as to fore it hath bene said: in it therefore the gouernours and rulers, much like vnto our Shiriffes, be appointed so suddenly and speedily discharged againe, that they haue no time to grow naught. Furthermore to keepe the state in more securitie, the Louteas that gouerne one shire are chosen out of some other shire distant farre off, where they must leaue their wiues, children and goods, carying nothing with them but themselues. True it is, that at their comming thither they doe finde in a readinesse all things necessary, their ••ouse, furniture, seruants, and all other things in such perfection and plen∣tie, that they want nothing. Thus the king is well serued without all feare of treason.

In the principall Cities of the shires be foure chiefe Louteas, before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour Townes, throughout the whole Realme. Diuers other Louteas haue the managing of iustice, and receiuing of rents, bound to yeelde an accompt thereof vnto the grea∣ter officers. Other do see that there be no euil rule kept in the Citie: ech one as it behoueth him.

Generally all these doe imprison malefactours, cause them to be whipped and racked, hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a cord, a thing very vsuall there, and accompted no shame.* 7.82 These Louteas do vse great diligence in the apprehending of theeues, so that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any City, towne or village. Upon the sea neere vnto the shoare many are taken, and looke euen as they are taken, so be they first whipped, and afterward layde in prison, where shortly after they all die for hunger and cold. At that time when we were in prison, there died of them aboue threescore and ten. If happely any one, hauing the meanes to get food, do es∣cape, he is set with the condemned persons, and prouided for as they be by the King, in such wise as hereafter it shalbe said.

Their whips be certaine pieces of canes, cleft in the middle, in such sort that they seeme rather plaine then sharpe. He that is to be whipped lieth grouelong on the ground: vpon his thighes the hangman layeth on blowes mightily with these canes, that the standers by tremble at their cruel∣tie. Ten stripes draw a great deale of blood, 20. or 30. spoile the flesh altogether, 50. or 60. will require long time to bee healed, and if they come to the number of one hundred, then are they incurable.

The Louteas obserue moreouer this: when any man is brought before them to be examined, they aske him openly in the hearing of as many as be present, be the offence neuer so great. Thus did they also behaue themselues with vs: For this cause amongst them can there be no false wit∣nesse, as dayly amongst vs it falleth out. This good commeth thereof, that many being alwayes a∣bout the Iudge to heare the euidence, and beare witnesse, the processe cannot be falsified, as it hap∣peneth sometimes with vs. The Moores, Gentiles, and Iewes haue all their sundry othes, the Moores do sweare by their Mossafos, the Brachmans by their Fili, the rest likewise by the things they do worship. The Chineans though they be wont to sweare by heauen, by the Moone, by the Sunne, and by all their Idoles, in iudgement neuerthelesse they sweare not at all. If for some offence an othe be vsed of any one, by and by with the least euidence he is tormented, so be the witnesses he bringeth, if they tell not the trueth, or do in any point disagree, except they be men of worship and credit, who are beleeued without any further matter: the rest are made to confesse the trueth by force of torments and whips. Besides this order obserued of them in examinations, they do feare so much their King, and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them so lowe, that that they dare not once stirre. Againe, these Louteas as great as they be, notwithstanding the multitude of Notaries they haue, not trusting any others, do write all great processes and matters of importance themselues. Moreouer one vertue they haue worthy of great praise, and that is, being men so wel regarded and accompted as though they were princes, yet they be patient aboue measure in giuing audience. We poore strangers brought before them might say what we would, as all to be lyes and fallaces that they did write, ne did we stand before them with the vsu∣all ceremonies of that Countrey, yet did they beare with vs so patiently, that they caused vs to wonder, knowing specially how litle any aduocate or Iudge is wont in our Countrey to beare with vs. For wheresoeuer in any Towne of Christendome should be accused vnknowen men as we were, I know not what end the very innocents cause would haue: but we in a heathen Countrey, hauing our great enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Towne, wanting an in∣terpreter, ignorant of that Countrey language, did in the end see our great aduersaries cast into prison for our sake, and depriued of their Offices and honour for not doing iustice, yea not to es∣cape death: for, as the rumour goeth, they shalbe beheaded. Somewhat is now to be said of the lawes that I haue bene able to know in this Countrey, and first, no theft or murther is at any time pardoned: adulterers are put in prison, and the fact once proued, are condemned to die, the womans husband must accuse them: this order is kept with men & women found in that fault, but theeues and murderers are imprisoned as I haue said, where they shortly die for hunger and cold. If any one happely escape by bribing the Gailer to giue him meate, his processe goeth further, and com∣meth to the Court where he is condemned to die. Sentence being giuen, the prisoner is brought in publique with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot,* 7.83 with a boord at his necke one handfull broad, in length reaching downe to his knees, cleft in two parts, and with a hole one handfull downeward in the table fit for his necke, the which they inclo••e vp therein, nailing the boord fa••t together; one handfull of the boord standeth vp behinde in the necke: The sentence and cause wherefore the feston was condemned to die, is written in that part of the table that standeth before.

This ceremony ended, he is laid in a great prison in the company of some other condemned per∣sons, the which are found by the king as long as they do liue. The bord aforesaid so made tormen∣teth the prisoners very much, keeping them both from rest, & eke letting them to eat cōmodiously, their hands being manacled in irons vnder that boord, so that in fine there is no remedy but death.

In the chiefe Cities of euery shire, as we haue erst said, there be foure principall houses, in ech of them a prison: but in one of them, where the Taissu maketh his abode, there is a greater and a more principal prison then in any of the rest: and although in euery City there be many, neuerthe∣lesse in three of them remaine onely such as be condemned to die. Their death is much prolonged, for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a yeere, though many die for hunger and cold, as we haue seene in this prison. Execution is done in this maner. The Chian, to wit, the high Commissioner or Lord chiefe Iustice, at the yeres end goeth to the head City, where he hea∣reth againe the causes of such as be condemned. Many times he deliuereth some of them, decla∣ring y^e boord to haue bene wronfully put about their necks: the visitation ended, he choseth out se∣uen or eight, not many more or lesse of the greatest malefactors, the which, to feare and keepe in awe the people, are brought into a great market place, where all the great Louteas meete toge∣ther, and after many ceremonies and superstitions, as the vse of the Countrey is, are beheaded. This is done once a yeere: who so escapeth that day, may be sure that he shall not be put to death all that yeere following, and so remaineth at the kings charges in the greater prison. In that pri∣son where we lay were alwayes one hundred and mo of these condemned persons, besides them that lay in other prisons.

These prisons wherein the condemned caytifes do remaine are so strong, that it hath not bene heard, that any prisoner in all China hath escaped out of prison, for in deed it is a thing impossible. The prisons are thus builded. First all the place is mightily walled about, the walles be very strong and high, the gate of no lesse force: within it three other gates, before you come where the prisoners do lye, there many great lodgings are to be seene of the Louteas, Notaries, Parthions, that is, such as do there keepe watch and ward day and night, the court large and paued, on the one side whereof standeth a prison, with two mighty gates, wherein are kept such prisoners as haue committed enormious offences. This prison is so great, that in it are streetes and Market places wherein all things necessary are sold. Yea some prisoners liue by that kinde of trade, buying and selling, and letting out beds to hire: some are dayly sent to prison, some dayly deliuered, wherefore this place is neuer void of 7. or eight hundred men that go at libertie.

Into one other prison of condemned persons shall you go at three yron gates, the court paued and vauted round about, and open aboue as it were a cloister. In this cloister be eight roomes with yron doores, and in ech of them a large gallerie, wherein euery night the prisoners do lie at length, their feet in the stocks, their bodies hampered in huge wooden grates that keep them from sitting, so that they lye as it were in a cage, sleepe if they can: in the morning they are losed againe, that they may go into the court. Notwithstanding the strength of this prison, it is kept with a gar∣rison of men, part whereof watch within the house, part of them in the court, some keepe about the prison with lanterns and watch-bels answering one another fiue times euery night, and giuing warning so lowd, that the Loutea resting in a chamber not neere thereunto, may heare them. In these prisons of condemned persons remaine some 15, other 20. yeres imprisoned, not executed, for the loue of their honorable friends that seeke to prolong their liues. Many of these prisoners be shoomakers, and haue from the king a certaine allowance of rise: some of them worke for the keeper, who suffreth them to go at libertie without fetters and boords, the better to worke. How∣beit when the Loutea calleth his checke roll, & with the keeper vieweth them, they all weare their liueries, that is, boords at their necks, yronned hand and foot. When any of these prisoners dieth, he is to be seene of the Loutea and Notaries, brought out of a gate so narrow, that there can but one be drawen out there at once. The prisoner being brought forth, one of the aforesaid Parthions striketh him thrise on the head with an yron sledge, that done he is deliuered vnto his friends, if he haue any, otherwise the king hireth men to cary him to his buriall in the fields.

Thus adulterers and theeues are vsed. Such as be imprisoned for debt once knowen, lie there vntil it be paied. The Taissu or Loutea calleth them many times before him by the vertue of his office, who vnderstanding the cause wherefore they do not pay their debts, appointeth them a cer∣taine time to do it, within the compasse whereof if they discharge not their debts being debters in¦deed, then they be whipped and condemned to perpetuall imprisonment: if the creditors be many, and one is to be paied before another, they do, contrary to our maner, pay him first of whom they last borrowed, and so ordinarily the rest, in such sort that the first lender be the last receiuer. The same order is kept in paying legacies:* 7.84 the last named receiueth his portion first. They accompt it nothing to shew fauour to such a one as can do the like againe: but to do good to them that haue litle or nothing, that is worth thanks, therefore pay they the last before the first, for that their in∣tent seemeth rather to be vertuous then gainefull.

When I said, that such as be committed to prison for theft and murther were iudged by the Court, I ment not them that were apprehended in the deed doing, for they need no triall, but

are brought immediatly before the Tutan, who out of hand giueth sentence. Other not taken so openly, which do need trial, are the malefactors put to e••ecution once a yere in the chiefe cities, to keepe in awe the people: or condemned, do remaine in prison, looking for their day. Theeues be∣ing taken are caried to prison from one place to another in a chest vpon mens shoulders, hired ther∣fore by the king, the chest is 6. handfuls high, the prisoner sitteth therein vpon a bench, the couer of the chest is two boords, amid them both a pillery-like hole, for the prisoners necke, there sitteth he with his head without the chest, and the rest of his body within, not able to mooue or tu••ne his head this way or that way, nor to plucke it in: the necessities of nature he voydeth at a hole in the bottome of the chest, the meate he eateth is put into his mouth by others. There abideth •••• day and night during his whole iourney: if happily his porters stumble, or the chest do iogge or be set downe carelesly, it turneth to his great paines that sitteth therein, al such motions being vnto him hanging as it were. Thus were our companions caried frō Cinceo, 7. ••aies iourney, neuer taking any rest as afterward they told vs, & their greatest griefe was to stay by the way: as soone as they came, being taken out of the chests, they were not able to stand on their feet, and two of them died shortly after. When we lay in prison at Fuquieo,* 7.85 we came many times abroad, & were brought to the pallaces of noble men, to be seene of them & their wiues, for that they had neuer seene any Portugale before. Many things they asked vs of our Country, and our fashions, & did write euery thing, for they be curious in nouelties aboue measure.* 7.86 The gentlemen shew great courtesie vn∣to strangers, and so did we finde at their hands, and because that many times we were brought a∣broad into the City, somewhat wil I say of such things as I did see therein, being a gallant City, and chiefe in one of the 13. shires aforesaid. The City Fuquieo is very great, & mightily walled with square stone both within and without, and, as it may seeme by the breadth therof, filled vp in the middle with earth, layd ouer with brick & couered with tyle, after the maner of porches or gal∣leries, that one might dwel therein. The staires they vse are so easily made, that one may go them vp and downe a hors-backe, as eftsoones they do: the streets are paued, as already it hath bin said: there be a great number of Marchants, euery one hath written in a great table at his doore such things as he hath to sel. In like maner euery artisane painteth out his craft: the market places be large, great abundance of al things there be to be sold. The city standeth vpō water, many streames run through it, the banks pitched, & so broad that they serue for streets to the cities vse. Ouer the streams are sundry bridges both of timber & stone, which being made leuel with the streets, hinder not the passage of the barges too and fro, the chanels are so deepe. Where the streames come in and go out of the city, be certaine arches in the wal, there go in and out their Parai,* 7.87 that is a kind of barges they haue, & that in the day time only: at night these arches are closed vp with gates, so do they shut vp al the gates of the City. These streames and barges do ennoblish very much the City, and make it as it were to seeme another Venice. The buildings are euen, wel made, high, not lof∣ted, except it be some wherein marchandize is laid. It is a world to see how great these cities are, and the cause is, for that the houses are built euen, as I haue said, & do take a great deale of roome. One thing we saw in this city that made vs al to wonder, and is worthy to be noted: namely, ouer a porch at the comming in to one of the aforesaid 4. houses, which the king hath in euery shire for his gouernors, as I haue erst said•• standeth a tower built vpon 40. pillers, ech one whereof is but one stone, ech one 40. handfuls or spans long: in bredth or compasse 12, as many of vs did measure them. Besides this•• their greatnesse is such in one piece, that it might seeme impossible to worke them: they be moreouer cornered, and in colour, length and breadth so like, that the one nothing differeth from the other. This thing made vs all to wonder very much.

We are wont to cal this country China, and the people Chineans, but as long as we were pri∣soners, not hearing amongst them at any time that name, I determined to learne how they were called: and asked sometimes by them thereof, for that they vnderstood vs not when we called them Chineans, I answered them, that al the inhabitants of India named them Chineans, wherefore I praied them that they would tel me, for what occasiō they are so called, whether peraduenture any city of theirs bare that name. Hereunto they alwayes answered me, y^t they haue no such name, nor euer had. Then did I aske them what name the whole Country beareth, & what they would an∣swere being asked of other nations what countrymen they were? It was told me that of ancient time in this country had bin many kings, & though presently it were al vnder one, ech kingdom ne∣uertheles enioyed that name it first had, these kingdomes are the prouinces I spake of before. In conclusion they said, that the whole country is called Tamen,* 7.88 & the inhabitants Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans, is not heard of in y^t country. I thinke that the neernesse of another prouince therabout called Cochinchina, & the inhabitants therof Cochinesses, first discouered be∣fore China was, lying not far from Malacca, did giue occasion to ech of the nations, of that name Chineans, as also the whole country to be named China. But their proper name is that aforesaid.

I haue heard moreouer that in the City of Nanquim re••aineth a table of gold, and in it writ∣ten a kings name, as a memory of that residence the kings were wont to keepe there. This table standeth in a great pallace, couered alwayes, except it be on some of their festiuall dayes, at what time they are wont to let it be seene, couered neuerthelesse as it is, all the nobilitie of the City go∣ing of duetie to doe it euery day reuerence. The like is done in the head Cities of all the other shires in the pallaces of the Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesaid tables doe stand with the kings name written in them, although no reuerence be done thereunto but in solemne feastes.

* 7.89I haue likewise vnderstood that the City Pachin, where the king maketh his abode, is so great, that to go from one side to the other, besides the Suburbs, the which are greater then the City it selfe, it requireth one whole day a horseback, going hackney pase. In the suburbs be many weal∣thy marchants of all sorts. They told me furthermore that it was moted about, and in the motes great store of fish, whereof the king maketh great gaines.

* 7.90It was also told me that the king of China had no king to wage battel withall, besides the Tar∣tars, with whom he had concluded a peace more then 80. yeres ago. Neuerthelesse their friend∣ship was not so great, that the one nation might marry with the other.* 7.91 And demanding with whom they married, they said, that in olde time the Chinish kings when they would marry their daugh∣ters, accustomed to make a solemne feast, whereunto came all sorts of men. The daughter that was to be married, stood in a place where she might see them all, and looke whom she liked best, him did she chuse to husband, and if happely he were of a base condition, hee became by and by a gentleman: but this custome hath bene left long since. Now a dayes the king marrieth his daugh∣ters at his owne pleasure, with great men of the kingdome: the like order he obserueth in the marriage of his sonnes.

They haue moreouer one thing very good, and that which made vs all to marueile at them be∣ing Gentiles: namely, that there be hospitals in all their Cities, alwayes full of people, we neuer saw any poore body begge.* 7.92 We therefore asked the cause of this: answered it was, that in euery City there is a great circuit, wherein be many houses for poore people, for blinde, lame, old folke, not able to trauaile for age, nor hauing any other meanes to liue. These folke haue in the afore∣said houses euer plentie of rice during their liues, but nothing else. Such as be receiued into these houses, come in after this maner. When one is sicke, blinde or lame, he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassi, and prouing that to be true he writeth, he remaineth in the aforesaid great lodging as long as he liueth: besides this they keepe in these places swine and hennes, whereby the poore be relieued without going a begging.

I said before that China was full of riuers, but now I minde to confirme the same anew: for the farther we went into the Countrey, the greater we found the riuers. Sometimes we were so farre off from the sea, that where we came no sea fish had bene seene, and salt was there very deare, of fresh water fish yet was there great abundance, and that fish very good: they keep it good after this maner. Where the riuers do meete, and so passe into the sea, there lieth great store of boats, specially where no salt-water commeth, and that in March and April. These boates are so many that it seemeth wonderfull, ne serue they for other then to take small fish. By the riuers sides they make leyres of fine and strong nettes, that lye three handfuls vnder water, and one aboue ••o keepe and nourish their fish in, vntill such time as other fishers do come with boates, bringing for that purpose certaine great chests lined with paper, able to holde water, wherein they cary their fish vp and downe the riuer, euery day renuing the chest with fresh water, and selling their fish in euery City, towne and village where they passe, vnto the people as they neede it: most of them haue net leyres to keepe fish in alwayes for their prouision. Where the greater boates cannot passe any further forward, they take lesser, and because the whole Countrey is very well watered, there is so great plenty of diuers sorts of fish, that it is wonderfull to see: assuredly we were amazed to behold the maner of their prouision. Their fish is chiefly nourished with the ••••ng of Bufles and oxen,* 7.93 that greatly fatteth it. Although I said their fishing to be in March and April at what time we saw them do it, neuerthelesse they told vs that they fished at all times, for that vsually they do feed on fish, wherefore it behoueth them to make their prouision continually.

* 7.94When we had passed Fuquien, we went into Quicin shire, where the fine clay vessell is made, as I said before: and we came to a City, the one side whereof is built vpon the foote of a hill, whereby passeth a riuer nauigable: there we tooke boat, and went by water toward the Sea: on ech side of the riuer we found many Cities, Townes and villages, wherein we saw great store of marchandize, but specially of fine clay: there did we land by the way to buy victuals and other ne∣cessaries. Going downe this riuer Southward, we were glad that wee drew neere vnto a war∣mer Countrey, from whence we had bene farre distant: this Countrey we passed through in eight dayes, for our iourney lay downe the streame. Before that I doe say any thing of that shire we

came into, I will first speake of the great City of Quicin, wherein alwayes remaineth a Tutan, that is a gouernour, as you haue seene, though some Tutans do gouerne two or three shires.

That Tutan that was condemned for our cause, of whom I spake before, was borne in this Countrey, but he gouerned Foquien shire: nothing it auailed him to be so great an officer. This Countrey is so great, that in many places where we went, there had bene as yet no talke of his death, although he were executed a whole yere before. At the Citie Quanche whither we came,* 7.95 the riuer was so great that it seemed a Sea, though it were so litle where we tooke water, that we needed small boats. One day about 9. of the clocke, beginning to row neere the walls with the streame, we came at noone to a bridge made of many barges, ouerlinked al together with two mightie cheines. There stayed we vntill it was late, but we saw not one go either vp thereon or downe, except two Louteas that about the going downe of the Sunne, came and set them downe there, the one on one side, the other on the other side. Then was the bridge opened in many pla∣ces, and barges both great and small to the number of sixe hundred began to passe: those that went vp the streame at one place, such as came downe at an other. When all had thus sh••t the bridge, then was it shut vp againe. We heare say that euery day they take this order in all princi∣pall places of marchandize, for paying of the Custome vnto the king, specially for salt, whereof the greatest reuenues are made that the king hath in this Countrey.* 7.96 The passages of the bridge where it is opened, be so neere the shoare, that nothing can passe without touching the same. To stay the barges at their pleasure, that they goe no further forward, are vsed certaine iron instru∣ments. The bridge consisteth of 112. barges, there stayed we vntill the euening that they were opened, lothsomely oppressed by the multitude of people that came to see vs, so many in number, that we were enforced to go aside from the banke vntill such time as the bridge was opened: how∣beit we were neuerthelesse thronged about with many boates full of people. And though in o∣ther Cities and places where we went, the people came so importunate vpon vs, that it was needfull to withdraw our selues: yet were we here much more molested for the number of people: & this bridge is the principall way out of the Citie vnto another place so wel inhabited, that were it walled about•• it might be compared to the Citie. When we had shot the bridge, we kept along the Citie vntil it was night, and then met we with an other riuer that ioyned with this, we rowed vp that by the walls vntill we came to another bridge gallantly made of barges, but lesser a great deale then that other bridge ouer the greater streame: here stayed we that night, and other two dayes with more quiet, being out of the preasse of the people. These riuers do meet without at one corner point of the City. In either of them were so many barges great and small, that we all thought them at the least to be aboue three thousand: the greater number thereof was in the lesser riuer, where we were. Amongst the rest here lay certaine greater vessels, called in their language Parai,* 7.97 that serue for the Tutan, when he taketh his voyage by other riuers that ioyne with this, towards Pachin, where the king maketh his abode. For, as many times I haue erst said, all this Countrey is full of riuers. Desirous to see those Parai we got into some of them, where we found some chambers set foorth with gild••d beds very richly, other furnished with tables and seats, and all other things so neat and in perfection, that it was wonderfull.

Quiacim shire, as farre as I can perceiue, lieth vpon the South. On that side we kept at our first entry thereinto, trauayling not farre from the high mountaines we saw there. Asking what people dwelleth beyond those mountaines, it was told me that they be theeues & men of a strange language. And because that vnto sundry places neere this riuer the mountaines doe approch, whence the people issuing downe do many times great harme, this order is taken at the entry into Quiacim shire. To guard this riuer whereon continually go to & fro Parai great & small fraught with salt, fish poudred with peper,* 7.98 and other necessaries for that countrey, they do lay in diuers pla∣ces certaine Parai, and great barges armed, wherin watch and ward is kept day and night on both sides of the riuer, for the safety of the passage, & securitie of such Parai as do remaine there, though the trauailers neuer go but many in company. In euery rode there be at the least thirtie, in some two hundred men, as the passage requireth. This guard is kept vsually vntill you come to the City Onchio, where continually the Tutan of this shire, and eke of Cantan, maketh his abode. From that City vpward, where the riuer waxeth more narrow, and the passage more dangerous, there be alwayes armed one hundred and fiftie Parai, to accompany other vessels fraught with marchandize, and all this at the Kings charges. This seemed to me one of the strangest things I did see in this Countrey.

When we lay at Fuquien, we did see certaine Moores, who knew so litle of their se••te, that they could say nothing else but that Mahomet was a Moore, my father was a Moore, and I am a Moore, with some other wordes of their Alcoran, wherewithall, in abstinence from swines flesh, they liue vntill the diuel take them all. This when I saw, & being sure that in many Chinish

Cities the reliques of Mahomet are kept, as soone as we came to the City where these fellowes be, I enfourmed my selfe of them, and learned the trueth.

* 7.99These Moores, as they tolde me, in times past came in great ships fraught with marchandise from Pachin ward, to a port granted vnto them by the king, as hee is wont to all them that traf∣fique into this Countrey, where they being arriued at a litle Towne standing in the hauens mouth, in time conuerted vnto their se••t the greatest Loutea there. When that Loutea with all his family was become Moorish, the rest began likewise to doe the same. In this part of China the people be at libertie, euery one to worship and folow what him liketh best. Wherefore no body tooke heed thereto, vntill such time as the Moores perceiuing that many followed them in super∣stition, and that the Loutea fauoured them, they began to forbid wholy the eating of swines flesh. But all these countreymen and women chosing rather to forsake father and mother, then to leaue off eating of porke, by no meanes would yeeld to that proclamation. For besides the great desire they all haue to eate that kinde of meate, many of them do liue thereby: and therefore the people complained vnto the Magistrates, accusing the Moores of a conspiracie pretended betwixt them and the Loutea against their king. In this countrey, as no suspition, no not one traiterous word is long borne withall, so was the king speedily aduertised thereof, who gaue commandement out of hand that the aforesaid Loutea should be put to death, and with him the Moores of most impor∣tance: the other to be layde first in prison, and afterward to be sent abroad into certaine Cities, where they remained perpetuall slaues vnto the king. To this City came by happe men and wo∣men threescore and odde, who at this day are brought to fiue men and foure women, for it is now twenty yeeres since this happened. Their ofspring passeth the number of two hundreth, and they in this City, as the rest in other Cities whither they were sent, haue their* 7.100 Moscheas, whereunto they all resort euery Friday to keepe their holy day. But, as I thinke, that will no longer en∣dure, then whiles they doe liue that came from thence, for their posteritie is so confused, that they haue nothing of a Moore in them but abstinence from swines flesh, and yet many of them doe eate thereof priuily. They tell mee that their natiue Countrey hath name Camarian, a firme land, wherein be many kings, and the Indish countrey well knowen vnto them. It may so be:* 7.101 for as soone as they did see our seruants (our seruants were Preuzaretes) they iudged them to be In∣dians: many of their wordes sounded vpon the Persian tongue, but none of vs coulde vnderstand them. I asked them whether they conuerted any of the Chinish nation vnto their secte: they an∣swered mee, that with much a doe they conuerted the women with whom they doe marry, yeel∣ding me no other cause thereof, but the difficultie they finde in them to be brought from eating swines flesh and drinking of wine. I am perswaded therefore, that if this Countrey were in league with vs, forbidding them neither of both, it would be an easie matter to draw them to our Religion, from their superstition, whereat they themselues do laugh when they do their idolatry.

* 7.102I haue learned moreouer that the Sea, whereby these Moores that came to China were wont to trauaile, is a very great gulfe, that falleth into this Countrey out from Tartaria and Persia, lea∣uing on the other side all the Countrey of China, and land of the Mogores,* 7.103 drawing alwayes to∣ward the South•• and of all likelyhood it is euen so, because that these Moores, the which we haue seene, be rather browne then white, whereby they shewe themselues to come from some warmer Countrey then China is neere to Pachin, where the riuers are frosen in the Winter for colde,* 7.104 and many of them so vehemently, that carts may passe ouer them.

* 7.105We did see in this Citie many Tartars, Mogores, Brames, and Laoynes, both men and wo∣men. The Tartars are men very white, good horsemen and archers, confining with China on that side where Pachin standeth, separated from thence by great mountaines that are betwixt these kingdomes.* 7.106 Ouer them be certaine wayes to passe, and for both sides, Castles continually kept with Souldiers: in time past the Tartars were wont alwayes to haue warres with the Chineans, but these fourescore yeeres past they were quiet, vntill the second yeere of our impri∣sonment. The Mogores be in like maner white,* 7.107 and heathen, we are aduertised that of one side they border vpon these Tartars, and confine with the Persian Tartars on the other side, whereof wee sawe in them some tokens, as their maner of clothes, and that kinde of hat the Saracens doe weare. The Moores affirmed, that where the king lyeth, there be many Tartars and Mogo∣res, that brought into China certaine blewes of great value:* 7.108 all we thought it to be Vanil of Cambaia wont to be sold at Ormus. So that this is the true situation of that Countrey, not in the Northparts, as many times I haue heard say, confining with Germanie.

* 7.109As for the Brames we haue seene in this city Chenchi certaine men & women, amongst whom there was one that came not long since, hauing as yet her haire tied vp after the Pegues fashion: this woman, and other mo with whom a black Moore damsel in our company had conference, and did vnderstand them wel ynough, had dwelt in Pegu. This new come woman, imagining that we

ment to make our abode in that citie, bid vs to be of good comfort, for that her countrey was not distant from thence aboue fiue dayes iourney, and that out of her count••ey there lay a high way for vs home into our owne. Being asked the way, she answered that the first three daies the way lieth ouer certaine great mountaines & wildernesse, afterward people are met withall againe. Thence two dayes iourney more to the Brames countrey. Wherefore I doe conclude, that Chenchi is one of the confines of this kingdome,* 7.110 separated by certaine huge mountaines, as it hath bene alrea∣die said, that lie out towards the South. In the residue of these mountaines standeth the prouince of Sian, the Laoyns countrey, Camboia, Campaa, and Cochinchina.* 7.111

This citie,* 7.112 chiefe of other sixteene, is situated in a pleasant plaine abounding in all things ne∣cessarie, sea-fish onely excepted, for it standeth farre from the sea: of fresh fish so much store, that the market places are neuer emptie. The walles of this citie are very strong and high: one day did I see the Louteas thereof go vpon the walles to take the view thereof, borne in their seates which I spake of before, accompanied with a troupe of horsemen that went two and two: It was tolde me they might haue gone three & three. We haue seene moreouer, that within this aforesayde Citie the king hath moe then a thousande of his kinne lodged in great pallaces, in diuerse partes of the Citie: their gates be redde, and the entrie into their houses, that they may be knowen, for that is the kings colour. These Gentlemen, according to their neere∣nesse in blood vnto the king, as soone as they be married receiue their place in honour: this place neither increaseth nor diminisheth in any respect as long as the king liueth, the king appointeth them their wiues and familie, allowing them by the moneth all things necessarie abundant∣ly, as he doth to his gouernours of shires and Cities, howbeit, not one of these hath as long as he liueth any charge or gouernement at all. They giue themselues to eating and drinking, and be for the most part burly men of bodie, insomuch that espying any one of them whom we had not seene before, we might knowe him to be the King his cosin. They be neuerthelesse very pleasant, courteous, and faire conditioned: neither did we find, all the time wee were in that citie, so much honour and good intertainement any where as at their hands. They bid vs to their houses to eate and drinke, and when they found vs not, or we were not willing to go with them, they bid our seruants and slaues, causing them to sit downe with the first. Notwithstand∣ing the good lodging these Gentlemen haue, so commodious that they want nothing, yet are they in this bondage, that during life they neuer goe abroad. The cause, as I did vnderstand, where∣fore the king so vseth his cosins is, that none of them at any time may rebell against him: and thus he shutteth them vp in three or foure other cities. Most of them can play on the Lute, and to make that kinde of pastime peculiar vnto them onely, all other in the cities where they doe liue be forbidden that instrument, the Curtisans and blinde folke onely excepted, who be musi∣cians and can play.

This king furthermore, for the greater securitie of his Realme and the auoyding of tumults, letteth not one in all his countrey to be called Lord, except he be of his blood. Manie great estates and gouernours there be, that during their office are lodged Lordlike, and doe beare the port of mightie Princes: but they be so many times displaced and other placed a new, that they haue not the time to become corrupt. True it is that during their office they be well proui∣ded for, as afterward also lodged at the kings charges, and in pension as long as they liue, payed them monethly in the cities where they dwell by certaine officers appointed for that pur∣pose. The king then is a Lord onely, not one besides him as you haue seene, except it be such as be of his blood. A Nephew likewise of the king, the kings sisters sonne, lyeth continually within the walles of the citie in a strong pallace built Castle wise, euen as his other cousins do, remayning alwayes within doores, serued by Cunuches, neuer dealing with any matters. On their festiuall dayes, new moones, & full moones the magistrates make great bankets, and so do such as be of the king his blood. The kings Nephew hath to name Vanfuli, his pallace is walled about, the wall is not high but foure-square, and in circuit nothing inferiour to the wals of Goa,* 7.113 the outside is painted red, in euery square a gate, and ouer each gate a tower made of tim∣ber excellently well wrought: before the principall gate of the foure that openeth into the high streete no Loutea, be he neuer so great, may passe on horsebacke, or carried in his seat. Amidst this quadrangle standeth the pallace where that Nobleman lyeth, doubtlesse worth the sight, al∣though we came not in to see it. By report the roofes of the towers and house are glased greene, & the greater part of the quadrangle set with sauage trees, as Okes, Chestnuts, Cypresse, Pine∣apples, Cedars, and other such like that we do want, after the manner of a wood, wherein are kept Stags, Oren, and other beasts, for that Lord his recreation neuer going abroad as I haue sayd. One preheminence this citie hath aboue the rest where we haue bene, & that of right, as we do thinke, that besides the multitude of market places wherein all things are to be sold through

euery ••••ree••e continually are cryed all things necessary, as flesh of all sortes, freshfish, hearbes, oyle, vineger, meate, rise: in summa, all things so plentifully, that many houses neede no ser∣uants, euery thing being brought ••o their doores. Most part of the marchants remaine in the surburbes, for that the cities are shut vp euery night, as I haue sayd. The marchants therefore, the better to attend their businesse, do chuse rather to make their abode without in the suburbes then within the citie. I haue seene in this riuer a pretie kinde of fishing, not to be omitted in my opinion, and therefore I will set it downe. The king hath in many riuers good store of bar∣ges full of sea-crowes that breede,* 7.114 are fedde, and doe die therein, in certaine cages, allowed monethly a certaine prouision of rise. These barges the king bestoweth vpon his greatest ma∣gistrates, giuing to some two, to some three of them as he thinketh good, to ••ish therewithall af∣ter this manner. At the houre appointed to fish, all the barges are brought together in a circle, where the riuer is shalow, and the crowes tyed together vnder the wings are let leape downe into the water, some vnder, some aboue, woorth the looking vpon: each one, as he hath filled his bagge, goeth to his owne barge and emptieth it, which done, he returneth to fish againe. Thus hauing taken good store of fish, they set the crowes at libertie, and do suffer them to fish for their owne pleasure. There were in that citie where I was, twentie barges at the least of these a∣foresayd crowes. I went almost euery day to see them, yet could I neuer be throughly satisfied to see so strange a kind of fishing.

Of the Iland Iapan, and other litle Iles in the East Ocean.

By R. Willes.

THe extreame part of the knowen world vnto vs in the noble Iland Giapan, written otherwise Iapon and Iapan. This Island standeth ••n the East Oce∣an, beyond all Asia, betwixt Cathayo and the West Indies sixe and thirtie de∣grees Northward from the Equinoctial line, in the same clime with the South part of Spaine and Portugall, distant from thence by sea sixe thousand leagues: the trauaile thither, both for ciuill discord, great pyracie, and often ship wracks is very dangerous. This countrey is ••illie and pestered with snow, wherefore it is neither so warme as Portugall, nor yet so wealthy, as far as we can learne, wanting oyle, butter, cheese, milke, egges, sugar, honny, vineger, saffron, cynamom and pepper. Barley-branne the Ilanders doe vse in stead of salt: medicinable things holsome for the bodie haue they none at all. Neuerthelesse in that Iland sundry fruites doe growe, not much vnlike the fruites of Spaine:* 7.115 and great store of Siluer mynes are therein to be seene. The people are tractable, ciuill, wittie, courteous, without deceit, in vertue and honest conuersation exceeding all other nations lately discouered, but so much standing vpon their reputation, that their chiefe Idole may be thought honour. The contempt thereof causeth among them much discord and debate, manslaughter and murther: euen for their reputation they doe honour their parents, keepe their promises, ab∣steine from adulterie and robberies, punishing by death the least robbery done, holding for a prin∣ciple, that whosoeuer stealeth a trifle, will, if he see occasion, steale a greater thing. It may be theft is so seuerely punished of them, for that the nation is oppressed with scarcitie of all things necessary, and so poore, that euen for miserie they strangle their owne children, preferring death before want. These fellowes doe neither eate nor kill any foule. They liue chiefely by fish, hearbes, and fruites, so healthfully, that they die very old. Of Rice and Wheat there is no great store. No man is ashamed there of his pouertie, neither be their gentlemen therefore lesse ho∣noured of the meaner people, neither will the poorest gentleman there match his childe with the baser sort for any gaine, so much they do make more account of gentry then of wealth. The grea∣test delight they haue is in armour, each boy at fourteene yeeres of age, be he borne gentle or o∣therwise, hath his sword and dagger: very good archers they be, contemning all other nations in comparison of their manhood and prowesse, putting not vp one iniurie be it neuer so small in worde or deede, among themselues. They feede moderately, but they drinke largely. The vse of vines they knowe not, their drinke they make of Rice, vtterly they doe abhorre dice, and all games, accounting nothing more vile in a man, then to giue himselfe vnto those things that make vs greedy and desirous to get other mens goods. If at any time they do sweare, for that sel∣dome they are wont to doe, they sweare by the Sunne: many of them are taught good letters, wherfore they may so much the sooner be brought vnto Christianitie. Each one is contented with one wife: they be all desirous to learne, & naturally inclined vnto honesty & courtesie: godly talke they listen vnto willingly, especially whē they vnderstand it throughly. Their gouernmēt cōsisteth of 3 estates. The first place is due vnto the high Priest, by whose lawes & decrees all publike and

priuate matters appertayning to religion are decided. The sects of their clergie men, whom they doe call Bonzi, be of no estimation or authoritie except the high Priest by letters patent doe con∣firme the same: be confirmeth and alloweth of their Tundi, who be as it were Bishops, although in many places they are nominated by sundry Princes. These Tundi are greatly honoured of all sorts: they doe giue benefices vnto inferiour ministers, and do grant licences for many things as to eate flesh vpon those dayes they goe in pilgrimage to their Idoles with such like priuileges. Finally, this high Priest wont to be chosen in China for his wisedome and learning, made in Iapan for his gentry and birth, hath so large a Dominion and reuenues so great, that ef••sones he beardeth the perie Kings and Princes there.

Their second principal Magistrate, in their language Vo, is the chiefe Herehaught, made by succession and birth, honoured as a God. This Gentleman neuer toucheth the ground with his foote without for fa••ing of his office, he neuer goeth abroad out of his house, nor is at all times to be seene. At home he is either carried about in a litter, or els he goeth in woodden Choppines a foote high from the ground: commonly he si••teth in his chaire with a sword in one side, and a bow and arrowes in the other, next his bodie he weareth blacke, his outward garments be red, all shadowed ouer with Cypresse, at his cappe hang certaine Lambeaur much like vnto a Bi∣shops Miter, his forehead is painted white and red, he eateth his meat in earthen dishes. This Herehaught determineth in all Iapan the diuerse titles of honour, whereof in that Iland is great plentie, each one particularly knowen by his badge, commonly seene in sealing vp their letters, and dayly altered according to their degrees. About this Vo euery Noble man hath his Soliciter, for the nation is so desirous of praise and honour, that they striue among themselues who may bribe him best. By these meanes the Herehaught groweth so rich, that although hee haue neither land nor any reuenues otherwise, yet may he be accounted the wealthiest man in all Iapan. For three causes this great Magistrate may loose his office: first, if he touch the ground with his foote, as it hath beene alreadie said: next, if he kill any body: thirdly, if he be found an enemie vnto peace and quietnesse, howbeit neither of these aforesaid causes is sufficient to put him to death.

Their third chiefe officer is a Iudge, his office is to take vp and to end matters in controuer∣sie, to determine of warres and peace, that which he thinketh right, to punish rel••e••s, wherein he may commaund the noble men to assist him vpon paine of forfeiting their goods: neuerthelesse at all times he is not obeyed, for that many matters are ended rather by might and armes, then de∣termined by law. Other controuersies are decided either in the Temporall Court, as it seemeth good vnto the Princes, or in the Spirituall consistorie before the Tundi.

Rebelles are executed in this manner, especially if they be noble men or officers. The king looke what day he giueth sentence against any one, the same day the partie, wheresoeuer he be, is aduertised thereof•• and the day told him of his execution. The condemned person asketh of the messenger whether it may bee lawfull for him to kill himselfe: the which thing when the king doeth graunt, the partie taking it for an honour, putteth on his best apparell and launcing his body a crosse from the breast downe all the belly, murthereth himselfe. This kind of death they take to be without infamie, neither doe their children for their fathers crime so punished, loose their goods. But if the king reserue them to be executed by the hangman, then flocketh be toge∣ther his children, his seruants, and friends home to his house, to preserue his life by force. The king committeth the fetching of him out vnto his chiefe Judge, who first setteth vpon him with bow and arrowes, and afterward with pikes and swords, vntill the rebell and all his family be slaine to their perpetuall ignominie and shame.

The Indie-writers make mention of sundry great cities in this Iland, as Cangoxima a ha∣uen towne in the South part thereof, and Meaco distant from thence three hundred leagues northward, the royall seat of the king and most wealthy of all other townes in that Iland. The people thereabout are very noble, and their language the best Iaponish. In Meaco are sayd to be ninetie thousande houses inhabited and vpward, a famous Uniuersitie, and in it fiue principall Colleges, besides closes & cloysters of Bonzi, Leguixil, and Hamacata, that is, Priests, Monks and Nunnes. Other fiue notable Uniuersities there be in Iapan, namely, Coia, Negur, Homi, Frenoi, and Bandu. The first foure haue in them at the least three thousand & fiue hundred schol∣lers: in the fift are many mo. For Bandu prouince is very great and possessed with sixe princes, fiue whereof are vassals vnto the sixt, yet he himselfe subiect vnto the Iaponish king, vsually cal∣led the great king of Meaco: lesser scholes there be many in diuers places of this Ilande. And thus much specially concerning this glorious Iland, among so many barbarous nations and rude regions, haue I gathered together in one summe, out of sundry letters written from thence into Europe, by no lesse faithfull reporters than famous trauellers. For confirmation whereof, as also

for the knowledge of other things not conteyned in the primisses, the curious readers may peruse these 4 volumes of Indian matters written long ago in Italian, and of late compendiously made latine, by Petrus Maffeius my olde acquainted friend, entituling the same, De rebus Iaponicis.* 7.116 One whole letter out of the fift booke thereof, specially intreating of that countrey. I haue done into English word for word in such wise as followeth.

Aloisius Froes to his companions in Iesus Christ that remaine in China and India.

THe last yeere, deare brethren, I wrote vnto you from Firando, how Cosmus Turrianus had appointed me to trauaile to Meaco to helpe Gaspar Vilela, for that there the haruest was great, the labourers few, and that I should haue for my companion in that iourney Aloisius Al∣meida. It seemeth now my part, hauing by the helpe of God ended so long a voiage, to signifie vn∣to you by letter such things specially as I might thinke you would most delight to know. And be∣cause at the beginning Almeida and I so parted the whole labour of writing letters betwixt vs. that he should speake of our voyage, and such things as happened therein, I should make relation of the Meachians estate, & write what I could well learne of the Iapans maners and conditions: setting aside all discourses of our voyage, that which standeth me vpon •• will discharge in this Epistle, that you considering how artificially, how cunningly, vnder the pretext of religion, that craftie aduersary of mankind leadeth and draweth vnto perdition the Iapanish mindes, blinded with many superstitions and ceremonies, may the more pitie this Nation.

The inhabiters of Iapan, as men that neuer had greatly to doe with other Nations, in their Geography diuided the whole world into three parts, Iapan, Sian, and China. And albeit the Ia∣pans receiued out of Sian and China their superstitions and cermonies, yet do they neuerthelesse contemne all other nations in comparison of themselues, and standing in their owne conceite doe far preferre themselues before all other sorts of people in wisedome and policie.

Touching the situation of the countrey and nature of the soyle, vnto the things estsooneserst written, this one thing I wil adde: in these Ilands, the sommer to be most hot, the winter extreme cold. In the kingdome of Canga, as we call it, falleth so much snow, that the houses being buried in it, the inhabitants keepe within doores certaine moneths of the yeere, hauing no way to come foorth except they breake vp the tiles. Whirlewindes most vehement, earthquakes so common, that the Iapans dread such kind of feares litle or nothing at all. The countrey is ful of siluer mines otherwise barren, not so much by fault of nature, as through the slouthfulnesse of the inhabitants: howbeit Oxen they keepe and that for tillage sake onely. The ayre is holesome, the waters good, the people very faire and well bodied: bate headed commonly they goe, procuring baldnesse with sorrow and teares, eft soones rooting vp with pinsars all the haire of their heads as it grow∣eth, except it be a litle behind, the which they knot and keepe with all diligence. Euen from their childhood they weare daggers and swords, the which they vse to lay vnder their pillowes when they goe to bed: in shew courteous and affable, in deede haughtie and proud. They delight most in warlike affaires, and their greatest studie is armes. Mens apparell diuersely colouered is worne downe halfe the legges and to the elbowes: womens attyre made hansomely like vnto a vaile, is somewhat longer: all manner of dicing and these they doe eschue. The machant, al∣though he be wealthy, is not accounted of. Gentlemen, be they neuer so poore, retaine their place: most precisely they stande vpon their honour and woorthinesse, ceremoniously striuing among themselues in courtesies and faire speeches. Wherein if any one happily be lesse carefull than he should be, euen for a trifle many times he getteth euill will. Want, though it trouble most of them, so much they doe detest, that poore men cruelly taking pittie of their infantes newly home, especially girles, do many times with their owne feete strangle them. Noble men, and other likewise of meaner calling generally haue but one wife a peece, by whom although they haue issue, yet for a trifle they diuorse themselues from their wiues, and the wiues also sometimes from their husbands, to marry with others. After the second degree cousins may there lawfully marry. Adoption of other mens children is much vsed among them. In great townes most men and women can write and reade.

This Nation feedeth sparingly, their vsuall meat is rice and salets, and neere the sea side fish. They feast one another many times, wherein they vse great diligence, especially in drin∣king one to another, insomuch that the better sort, least they might rudely commit some fault therein, doe vse to reade certaine bookes written of duties and ceremonies apperteyning vnto banquets. To be delicate and fine, they put their meate into their mouthes with litle forkes, ac∣counting it great rudenesse to touch it with their fingers: winter & sommer they drinke water as

hot as they may possibly abide it. Their houses are in danger of fire, but finely made and cleane, layde all ouer with strawe-pallets, whereupon they doe both sit in stead of stooles, and lie in their clothes with billets vnder their heads. For feare of defiling these pallets, they goe either bare∣foote within doores, or weare strawe pantofles on their buskins when they come abroad, the which they lay aside at their returne home againe. Gentlemen for the most part do passe the night in banketting, musicke, & vaine discourses, they sleepe the day time. In Meaco and Sacaio there is good store of beds, but they be very litle, and may be compared vnto our pues.

In bringing vp their children they vse words only to rebuke them, admonishing as diligently and aduisedly boyes of sixe or seuen yeeres of age, as though they were olde men. They are gi∣uen very much to intertaine strangers, of whom most curiously they loue to aske euen in trifles what for raine nations doe, and their fashions. Such arguments and reasons as be manifest, and are made plaine with examples, doe greatly perswade them. They detest all kinde of theft, who∣soeuer is taken in that fault may be slaine freely of any bodie. No publike prisons, no common gayles, no ordinary Iusticers: priuately each householder hath the hearing of matters at home in his owne house, and the punishing of greater crimes that deserue death without delay. Thus v∣sually the people is kept in awe and feare.

About foure hundred yeeres past (as in their olde recordes we finde) all Iapan was subiect vnto one Emperour whose royall seat was Meaco, in the Iaponish language called Cubucama. But the nobilitie rebelling against him, by litle and litle haue taken away the greatest part of his dominion, howbeit his title continually remayneth and the residue in some respect dor make great account of him still, acknowledging him for their superior. Thus the Empyre of Iapan, in times past but one alone, is now diuided into sixtie sixe kingdomes, the onely cause of ciuill warres con∣tinually in that Iland, to no small hinderance of the Gospell, whilest the kings that dwell neare together inuade one another, each oue coueting to make his kingdome greater. Furthermore in the citie Meaco is the pallace of the high Priest, whom that nation honoureth as a God, he hath in his house 366 Idoles, one whereof by course is euery night set by his side for a watchman. He is thought of the common people so holy, that it may not be lawfull for him to goe vpon the earth: if happily he doe set one foote to the ground, he looseth his office. He is not serued very sumptuously he is maintained by almes.* 7.117 The heads and beards of his ministers are shauen, they haue name Cangues, and their authoritie is great throughout all Iapan. The Cubucama vseth them for Embassadors to decide controuersies betwixt princes and to end their wa••tes, where∣of they were wont to make very great gaine. It is now two yeres since or there about, that one of them came to Bungo, to intreate of peace betwixt the king thereof and the king of Amanguz∣zo. This Agent fauouring the king of Bungo his cause more then the other, brought to passe that the foresayd king of Bungo should keepe two kingdomes, the which he had taken in warres from the king of Amanguzzo. Wherefore he had for his reward of the king of Bungo aboue 30000 ducats. And thus farre hereof.

I come now to other superstitions and ceremonies, that you may see, deare brethren, that which I said in the beginning, how subtilly the deuill hath deceiued the Iaponish nation, and how diligent and readie they be to obey & worship him. And first, al remembrance and knowledge not onely of Christ our Redeemer, but also of that one God the maker of all things is cleane extinguished and vtterly abolished out of the Iapans hearts. Moreouer their superstitious sects are many, whereas it is lawfull for each one to follow that which liketh him best: but the prin∣cipall sects are two, namely the Amidans and Xacaians. Wherefore in this countrey shall you see many monasteries, not onely of Bonzii men, but also of Bonziae women diuersly attired, for some doe we are white vnder, and blacke vpper garments, other goe apparelled in ash colour, and their Idole hath to name Denichi: from these the Amidanes differ very much. Againe the men Bonzii for the most part dwell in sumptuous houses, and haue great reuenues. These fellowes are chaste by commaundement, marry they may not vpon paine of death. In the midst of their Temple is erected an altar, whereon standeth a woodden Idole of Amida, naked from the gir∣dle vpward, with holes in his eares after the manner of Italian gentlewomen sitting on a wood∣den rose goodly to behold. They haue great libraries, and halles for them all to dine and sup to∣gether, and bels wherwith they are at certaine houres called to prayers. In the euening the Su∣perintendent giueth each one a theame for meditation. After midnight before the altar in their Temple they do say Mattens as it were out of Xaca his last booke, one quier one verse, the o∣ther quier an other. Early in the morning each one giueth himselfe to meditation one houre: they shaue their heads and beards. Their cloysters be very large, and within the precinct ther∣of, Chappels of the Fotoquiens, for by that name some of the Iapanish Saints are called: their holy daies yeerely be very many. Most of these Bonzii be gentlemen, for that the Iapanish nobility

charged with many children, vse to make most of them Bonzii, not being able to leaue for each one a partrimony good enough. The Bonzii most couetous••y bent, know all the wayes how to come by money. They sell vnto the people many scrolles of paper, by the helpe whereof the common people thinketh it selfe warranted from all power of the deuils. They borrow likewise money to be repayed with great vsury in an other worlde, giuing by obligation vnto the lender an assu∣rance thereof, the which departing out of this life he may carry with him to hell.

* 7.118There is another great company of such as are called Inambuxu, with curled and staring haire. They make profession to finde out againe things either lost or stolen, after this sort. They set be∣fore them a child whom the deuill inuadeth, called vp thither by charmes: of that child then doe they aske that which they are desirous to know.

These mens prayers both good and bad are thought greatly to preuaile, insomuch that both their blessings and their curses they sell vnto the people. The nouices of this order, before they be admitted, goe together two or three thousand in a company, vp a certaine high mountaine to doe pennance there, three score dayes voluntarily punishing themselues. In this time the deuill sheweth himselfe vnto them in sundry shapes: and they like young graduals, admitted as it were fellowes into some certaine companie, are set foorth with white ••assels hanging about their neckes, and blacke Bonnets that scarcely couer any more then the crowne of their heads. Thus attyred they range abroade in all Iapan, to set out themselues and their cunning to sale, each one beating his bason which he carieth alwayes about with him, to giue notice of their comming in al townes where they passe.

* 7.119There is also an other sort called Genguis, that make profession to shewe by soothsaying where stollen things are, and who were the theeues. These dwell in the toppe of an high moun∣taine, blacke in the face: for the continuall heate of the sunne, for the cold windes, and raines they doe continually endure. They marry but in their owne tribe and line: the report goeth that they be horned beasts. They climbe vp most high rockes and hilles, and go ouer very great riuers by the onely arte of the deuill, who to bring those wre••ches the more into errour, biddeth them to goe vp a certaine high mountaine, where they stande miserably gazing and earnestly looking for him as long as the deuill appointeth them. At the length at nonetide or in the euening com∣meth that deuil, whom they call Amida among them to shew himselfe vnto them: this shew bree∣deth in the braines and hearts of men such a kinde of superstition, that it can by no meanes be roo∣ted out of them afterward.

The deuill was wont also in another mountaine to shew himselfe vnto the Iapanish Nation. Who so was more desirous than other to go to heauen and to enioy Paradise, thither went he to see that sight, and hauing seene the deuill followed him (so by the deuill perswaded) into a denne vntill he came to a deepe pit. Into this pit the deuill was wont to leape, and to take with him his worshipper whom he there murdred. This deceit was thus perceiued. An old man blinded with this superstition, was by his sonne disswaded from thence, but all in vaine. Wherefore his sonne followed him priuily into that denne with his bow & arrows, where the deuill gallantly appeared vnto him in the shape of a man. Whilest the old man falleth downe to worshippe the deuill, his sonne speedily shooting an arrow at the spirit so appearing, strooke a Foxe in stead of a man, so suddenly was that shape altered. This olde man his sonne tracking the Foxe so running away, came to that pit whereof I spake, and in the bottome thereof he found many bones of dead men, deceiued by the deuill after that sort in time past. Thus deliuered he his father from present death, and all other from so pestilent an opinion.

There is furthermore a place bearing name Coia, very famous for y^e multitude of Abbyes which the Bonzii haue therein. The beginner and founder whereof is thought to be one Combendaxis a suttle craftie fellowe, that got the name of holinesse by cunning speech, although the lawes and ordinances he made were altogether deuillish: he is said to haue found out the Iapanish letters vsed at this day. In his latter yeeres this Sim suttle buried himselfe in a foure square graue, foure cubites deepe, seuerely forbidding it to be opened, for that then he died not, but rested his bodie wearied with continuall businesse, vntill many thousand thousands of yeeres were passed, after the which time a great learned man named Mirozu should come into Iapan, and then would he rise vp out of his graue againe. About his tombe many lampes are lighted, sent thither out of diuerse prouinces, for that the people are perswaded that whosoeuer is liberall and bene∣ficiall towardes the beautifying of that monument, shall not onely increase in wealth in this world, but in the life to come be safe through Combendaxis helpe. Such as giue themselues to worship him, liue in those Monasteries or Abbyes with shauen heads, as though they had forsa∣ken all secular matters, whereas in deede they wallow in all sortes of wickednesse and lust. In these houses, the which are many (as I sayd) in number, doe remaine 6000 Bonzii, or thereabout

besides the multitude of lay men, women be restrained from thence vpon paine of death. Another company of Bonzii dwelleth at Fatonochaiti. They teach a great multitude of children all tricks & sleights of guile & theft: whom they do find to be of great towardnes, those do they instruct in al the petigrues of princes, and fashions of the nobilitie, in chiualrie and eloquence, and so send them abroad into other prouinces, attired like yong princes, to this ende, that faining themselues to be nobly borne, they may with great summes of money borowed vnder the colour and pretence of nobilitie returne againe. Wherefore this place is so infamous in all Iapan, that if any scholer of that order be happily taken abroad, he incontinently dieth for it. Neuerthelesse these cousiners leaue not daily to vse their woonted wickednesse and knauerie.

North from Iapan, three hundred leagues out of Meaco,* 7.120 lieth a great countrey of sauage men clothed in beasts skinnes, rough bodied, with huge beards and monstrous muchaches, the which they hold vp with litle forkes as they drinke. These people are great drinkers of wine, fierce in warres, and much feared of the Iapans: being hurt in fight, they wash their wounds with salt water, other Surgerie haue they none. In their breasts they are sayd to cary looking glas∣ses: their swordes they tie to their heads, in such wise, that the handle doe rest vpon their shoul∣ders. Seruice and ceremonies haue they none at all, onely they are woont to worship heauen. To Aquita a great towne in that Iaponish kingdom, which we call Geuano, they much resort for marchandise, and the Aquitanes likewise doe trauell into their countrey, howbeit not often, for that there many of them are slaine by the inhabiters.

Much more concerning this matter I had to write:* 7.121 but to auoyd tediousnesse I will come to speake of the Iapans madnesse againe, who most desirous of vaine glory doe thinke then spe∣cially to get immortall fame, when they procure themselues to be most sumptuously and solemn∣ly buried: their burials and obsequies in the citie Meaco are done after this maner. About one houre before the dead body be brought foorth, a great multitude of his friends apparelled in their best aray goe before vnto the fire, with them goe their kinswomen and such as bee of their ac∣quaintance, clothed in white (for that is the mourning colour there) with a changeable coloured vaile on their heads. Each woman hath with her also, according to her abilitie, all her familie trimmed vp in white mockado: the better sort and wealthier women goe in litters of Cedar arti∣ficially wrought and richly dressed. In the second place marcheth a great company of footemen sumptuously apparelled. Then afarre off commeth one of these Bonzii master of the ceremonies for that superstition, brauely clad in silkes and gold, in a large and high litter excellently well wrought, accompanied with 30 other Bonzii or thereabout, wearing hats, linnen albes, and fine blacke vpper garments. Then attired in ashe colour (for this colour also is mourning) with a long torch of Pineaple, he sheweth the dead body the way vnto the fire, lest it either stumble or ig∣norantly go out of the way. Well neere 200 Bonzii folow him singing the name of that deuill the which the partie deceassed chiefly did worship in his life time, and there withall a very great bason is beaten euen to the place of fire in stead of a vell. Then follow two great paper baskets hanged open at staues endes full of paper roses diuersly coloured, such as beare them doe march but slowly, shaking euer now and then their staues, that the aforesayd flowers may fall downe by litle and litle as it were drops of raine: and be whirled about with wind. This shower say they is an argument that the soule of the dead man is gone to paradise. After al this, eight beardles Bon∣zii orderly two and two drag after them on the ground long speares, the points backward, with flags of one cubite a piece, wherein the name also of that idole is written. Then there be caried 10 lanterns trimmed with the former inscription, ouercast with a fine vaile, and candles burning in them. Besides this, two yoong men clothed in ashe colour beare pineaple torches, not lighted, of three foote length,* 7.122 the which torches serue to kindle the fire wherein the dead corpes is to bee burnt. In the same colour follow many other that weare on the crownes of their heads faire, li∣tle, three square, blacke lethren caps tied fast vnder their chinnes (for that is honorable amongst them) with papers on their heads, wherein the name of the deuill I spake of, is written. And to make it the more solemne, after commeth a man with a table one cubite long, one foot broad, cour∣red with a very fine white vaile, in both sides whereof is written in golden letters the aforesayd name. At the length by foure men is brought foorth the corps sitting in a gorgeous litter clothed in white, hanging downe his head and holding his hands together like one that prayed: to the rest of his apparell may you adde an vpper gowne of paper, written full of that booke the which his God is sayd to haue made, when he liued in the world, by whose helpe and merites commonly they doe thinke to be saued. The dead man his children come next after him most gallantly set foorth, the yongest wherof carieth likewise a pineaple torch to kindle the fire. Last of all foloweth a great number of people in such caps as I erst spake of.

When they are al come to y^e place appointed for the obsequie, al the Bonzii w^t the whole multi∣tude

for the space of one houre, beating pannes and basons with great clamours, call vpon the name of that deuill, the which being ended, the Obsequie is done in this maner. In the midst of a great quadrangle railed about, hanged with course linnen, and agreeably vnto the foure partes of the world made with foure gates to goe in and out at, is digged a hole: in the hole is laied good store of wood, whereon is raised gallantly a waued roofe: before that stand two ta∣bles furnished with diuers kindes of meates, especially drie Figs, Pomegranates and Tartes good store, but neither Fish nor Flesh: vpon one of them standeth also a chafer with coales, and in it sweete wood to make perfumes. When all this is readie, the corde wherewith the litter was caried, is throwen by a long rope into the fire: as many as are present striue to take the rope in their handes, vsing their aforesayd clamours, which done, they goe in procession as it were round about the quadrangle thrise. Then setting the litter on the wood built vp ready for the fire that Bonzius who then is master of the ceremonies, saieth a verse that no bodie there vnderstan∣deth, whirling thrise about ouer his head a torch lighted, to signifie thereby that the soule of the dead man had neither any beginning, n•• shall haue at any time an ende, and throweth away the torch. Two of the dead man his children, or of his neere kinne, take it vp againe, and standing one at the East side of the litter, the other at the West, doe for honour and reuerence reach it to each other thrise ouer the dead corps, and so cast it into the pile of wood: by and by they throw in oyle, sweete wood, and other perfumes, accordingly as they haue plentie, and so with a great flame bring the corpes to ashes: his children in the meane while putting sweete wood into the chafer at the table with odours, doe solemnly and religiously worship their father as a Saint: which being done, the Bonzii are paied each one in his degree. The master of the ceremonies hath for his part fiue duckats, sometimes tenne, sometimes twentie, the rest haue teene Iul••es a piece, or els a certaine number of other presents called Caxae. The meate that was ordained, as soone as the dead corps friends and all the Bonzii are gone, is left for such as serued at the obse∣quie, for the poore and impotent lazars.

The next day returne to the place of obsequie the dead man his children, his kinred and friends, who gathering vp his ashes, bones, and teeth, doe put them in a gilded pot, and so ca∣rie them home, to bee set vp in the same pot couered with cloth, in the middest of their houses. Many Bonzii returne likewise to these priuate funerals, and so doe they againe the seuenth day: then cary they out the ashes to bee buried in a place appointed, laying thereupon a foure square stone, wherein is written in great letters drawen all the length of the stone, the name of that deuil the which the dead man worshipped in his life time. Euery day afterward his children resort vn∣to the graue with roses and warme water that the dead corps thirst not. Nor the seuenth day one∣ly, but the seuenth moneth and yeere, within their owne houses they renue this obsequie, to no small commodities and gaine of the Bonzii: great rich men doe spend in these their funerals 3000 duckats or thereabout, the meaner sort two or three hundred. Such as for pouertie be not able to go to that charges, are in the night time darke long without all pompe and ceremonies bu∣ried in a dunghill.

They haue another kinde of buriall, especially neere the Sea side, for them that bee not yet dead. These fellowes are such, as hauing religiously with much deuotion worshipped Amida, now desirous to see him, doe slay themselues. And first they goe certaine dayes begging almes, the which they thrust into their sleeues, then preach they in publique a sermon vnto the people, declaring what they mind to doe, with the great good liking of all such as doe heare them: for euery body wondreth at such a kinde of holinesse. Then take they hookes to cut downe briars and thornes that might hinder them in their way to heauen, and so embarke themselues in a new vessell, tying great stones about their neckes, armes, ••oines, thighes, and feete: thus they launching out into the maine Sea be either drowned there, their shippe bouged for that purpose, or els doe cast themselues ouer-boord headlong into the Sea. The emptie barke is out of hand set a fire for honours sake by their friends that folow them in another boat of their owne, thinking it blasphemie that any mortall creature should afterward once touch the barke that had bene so re∣ligious••y halowed.

Truly when we went to Meaco, eight dayes before we came to the Ile of Hiu at Fore towne, sixe men and two women so died. To all such as die so the people erecteth a Chappell, and to each of them a pillar and a pole made of Pineaple for a perpetuall monument, hanging vp many shreds of paper in stickes all the roofe ouer, with many verses set downe in the walles in com∣mendation of that blessed company. Wherefore vnto this place both day and night many come very superstitiously in pilgrimage. It happened euen then as Aloisius Almeida and I went to christen a childe wee traueiled that way at what time foure or fiue olde women came foorth out of the aforesayd chappell with beades in their handes (for in this point also the deuill coun∣terfaiteth

Christianitie) who partly scorned at vs for follie, partly frowned and taunted at our small deuotion, for passing by that holy monument without any reuerence or worship done there∣unto at all.

It remaineth now we speake two or three wordes of those Sermons the Bonzii are woont to make, not so many as ours in number, but assuredly very well prouided for. The Pulpit is e∣rected in a great temple with a silke Canopie ouer it, therein standeth a costly seate, before the seate a table with a bell and a booke. At the houre of Sermon each sec•• of the Iapans resorteth to their owne doctors in diuers Temples. Up goeth the doctor into the Pulpit, and being set downe, after that hee hath lordlike looked him about, signifieth silence with his bell, and so rea∣deth a fewe wordes of that booke we spake of, the which he expoundeth afterward more at large. These preachers be for the most part eloquent, and apt to drawe with their speach the mindes of their hearers. Wherefore to this ende chieflie (such is their greedinesse) tendeth all their talke, that the people bee brought vnder the colour of godlinesse to enrich their monasteries, promising to each one so much the more happinesse in the life to come, how much the greater costes and charges they bee at in Church matters and obsequies: notwithstanding this multitude of super∣stitious Sects and companies, and the diuersitice thereof amongst themselues: yet in this prin∣cipally all their Superintendents doe trauell so to perswade their Nouices in their owne tales and lies, that they thinke nothing els trueth, nothing els sure to come by euerlasting saluation, nothing els woorth the hearing. Whereunto they adde other subtleties, as in going grauitie, in countenance, apparell, and in all outward shew, comelinesse. Whereby the Iapans mindes are so nous••ed in wicked opinions, & doe conceiue thereby such trust and hope of euerlasting saluation, that not onely at home, but also abroad in euery corner of the towne continually almost they run ouer their beades, humbly asking of Amida and Xaca, wealth, honour, good health, and euerla∣sting ioyes. Thus then, deare brethren, may you thinke how greatly they need the helpe of God, that either doe bring the Gospell into this countrey, or receiuing it brought vnto them, doe for∣sake idolatrie and ioine themselues with Christ, being assaulted by so many snares of the deuill, troubled with the daily dissuasions of their Bonzii, and finally, so iniuriously, so hardly, so sharpe∣ly vexed of their kinred and friends, that except the grace of God obtained by the sacrifices and prayers of the Catholique church doe helpe vs, it cannot be chosen but that the faith and constan∣cie of many, if not of all, in these first beginnings of our churches, will greatly be put in ieopardie. So much the more it standeth you vpon that so earnestly long for the health of soules, to commend specially these Iapanish flocks vnto our Lord.

We came to Sacaio the eight and twentie day of Ianuary: Aloisius Almeida first for busi∣nesse, but afterward let by sicknesse, staied there some while, but I parting the next day from thence came thirteene leagues off to Meaco the last of Ianuarie. Of my comming all the Chri∣stians tooke great comfort, but specially Gaspar Vilela who in 6 yeres had seen none of our com∣panie at Meaco: his yeeres are not yet fortie, but his gray haires shew him to be seuentie, so vehe∣mently is his litle body afflicted and worne with extreme cold. Hee speaketh Iapanish so skil••ul∣ly after the phrase of Meaco (the which for the renowne of this people and royal seat of the king is best accounted of) that hee doeth both confesse and preach in that language. Certaine godly bookes also he hath done into that speach, not omitting to translate other as laisure suffreth him. To make an ende, our Lord for his goodnesse vouchsafe to preserue vs all continually, and to giue vs ayde both rightly to interprete his will, and well to doe the same. From Meaco the 19 of February 1565.

Other such like matter is handled both in other his letters, and also in the Epistles written by his companions to be seene at large in the aforesaid volume. Amongst the rest this seemed in my iudgement one of the principall, and therefore the rather I tooke vpon me to do it into English.

Of the Iles beyond Iapan in the way from China to the Moluccas.

AMongst other Iles in the Asian sea betwixt Cantan a Chinish hauen in Cathaio & the Mo∣luccas, much spo••en of in the Indian histories and painted out in Maps,* 7.123 Ainan and Santia∣num are very famous. Ainan standeth 19 degrees on this side of the Equinoctiall line nere Chi∣na, from whence the Chinish nation haue their prouision for shipping and other necessaries r••qui∣site for their Nauie. There staied Balthasar Gagus a great traueiler 5 moneths, who describeth that place after this maner. Ainan is a goodly countrey ful of Indian fruits & all kind of victuals,* 7.124 besides great store of it wels and pearle, well inhabited, the townes built of stone, the people rude in conditions, apparelled in diuers coloured rugs, with two o••e hornes, as it were, made of fine cy∣pres hanging downe about their eares, and a paire of sharpe cyzers at their foreheads.

The cause wherefore they go in such attire I could not vnderstand, except it bee for that they do counterfeit the deuil in the forme of a bru••e beast, offring themselues vp to him.

* 7.125Santianum is an Ile neere vnto the hauen Cantan in the confines likewise of China, famous for the death of that woorthy traueiler and godly professour and painfull doctor of the Indian na∣tion in matters concerning religion, Francis Xauier, who after great labours, many iniuries, and calamities infinite suffred with much patience, singular ioy and gladnesse of mind, depar••ed in a cabben made of bowes and rushes vpon a desert mountaine, no lesse voyd of all worldly commo∣dities, then endued with all spirituall blessings, out of this life, the 2 day of December, the yeere of our Lord 1552. after that many thousand of these Easterlings were brought by him to the knowledge of Christ. Of this holy man, his particular vertues, and specially trauell, and wonder∣full works in that region, of other many litle Iles (yet not so litle, but they may right wel be writ∣ten of at laisure) all the latter histories of the Indian regions are full.

An excellent treatise of the kingdome of China, and of the estate and gouernment thereof: Printed in Latine at Macao a citie of the Portugals in China, An. Dom. 1590. and written Dialogue-wise. The speakers are Linus, Leo, and Michael.

Linus.

COncerning the kingdome of China (Michael) which is our next neighbour, we haue heard and ••a••ly do heare so many reports, that we are to request at your hands rather a true then a large discourse and narration thereof. And if there be ought in your knowledge besides that which by continual rumours is waxen sta••e among vs, we will right gladly giue diligent eare vnto it.

Michael.

Because the report of this most famous kingdome is growen so common among vs, reducing diuers and mani••olo particulars into order, I will especially aime at the trueth of things receiued from the fathers of the societie, which euen now at this present are conuersant in China.* 7.126 First of all therefore it is not vnknowen, that of all parts of the maine continent this kingdom of China is situate most Easterly: albeit certaine I∣lands, as our natiue Iapon, & the Ile of Manilia stand more Easterly then China it selfe. As tou∣ching the limites & bounds of this kingdom, we may appoint the first towards y^e West to be a cer∣taine Ile commonly called Hainan, which standeth in 19 degrees of Northerly latitude. For the continent next adioining vnto this Ile trendeth towardes the East, and that especially, where the promontorie of the citie called Nimpo or Liampo doeth extend it selfe. Howbeit, from that place decl••ning Northward, it stretcheth foorth an huge length, insomuch that the farthest Chini∣an inhabitants that way doe behold the North pole eleuated, at least 50 degrees, and perhaps more also: whereupon a man may easilie coniecture (that I may speake like an Astronomer) how large the latitude of this kingdom is, when as it containeth about more then 540 leagues in di∣rect extension towards the North. But as concerning the longitude which is accounted from East to West, it is not so exactly found out, that it may be distinguished into degrees. Howbeit certaine it is,* 7.127 that according to the Map wherein the people of China describe the forme of their kingdom, the latitude thereof doeth not much exceed y^e longitude. This kingdom therfore is, with∣out all peraduenture, of all earthly kingdoms the most large and spacious: for albeit diuers other kings vnder their iurisdiction containing in dimensions more length & breadth then all China, do possesse very many kingdoms & far distant asunder: yet none of thē all enioieth any one kingdom so large and so ample, as the most puissant king of China doeth. Now, if we shall make enquirie into his reuenues and tributes,* 7.128 true it is, that this king, of all others, is endued with the greatest and the richest, both in regard of the fertilitie & greatnes of his dominions, & also by reason of the seuere collection and exaction of his duties: yea, tributes are imposed vpon his subiects, not one∣ly for lands, houses, and impost of marchandise, but also for euery person in each family. It is like∣wise to be vnderstood, that almost no lord or potentate in China hath authoritie to leuie vnto him∣selfe any peculiar reuenues, or to collect any rents within the precincts of his seigniories, al such power belonging onely vnto the king: whereas in Europe the contrary is most commonly seen, as we haue before signified. In this most large kingdom are conteined 15 prouinces,* 7.129 euery one of which were in it selfe sufficient to be made one great kingdom. Six of these prouinces do border vpon the sea, namely (y^t I may vse the names of the Chinians thēselues) Coantum, Foquien, Che∣quiam, Nanquin, Xantum, Paquin: the other 9 be in-land prouinces, namely, Quiansi, Huquam, Honan, Xiensi, Xansi, Suchuon, Queieheu, I••nan, Coansi. Amongst all the foresayd prouinces, two are allotted for the kings court and seat roial,* 7.130 that is to say, Paquin for his court in the North,

and Nanquin for his court in the South. For the kings of China were woont to be resident al∣together at the South court: but afterward, by reason of the manifold and cruell warres mooued by the Tartars, they were constrained to defixe their princely seate and habitation in that ex••reme prouince of the North. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that those Northren confines of the kingdom doe abound with many moe fortresses, martiall engines, and garrisons of souldiers.

Leo.

I haue heard, amongst those munitions, a certaine strange and admirable wall reported of,* 7.131 wherewith the people of China doe represse and driue backe the Tartars attempting to inuade their territories.

Michael.

Certes that wall which you haue heard tell of is most woorthie of admiration; for it runneth alongst the borders of three Northerlie prouinces, Xiensi, Xansi, and Paquin, and is sayd to containe almost three hundred leagues in length, and in such sort to bee built, that it hindereth not the courses and streames of any riuers, their chanels being ouer-thwarted and fortified with wonderfull bridges and other defences. Yet is it not vnlikely, that the sayd wall is built in such sort, that onely lowe and easie passages bee therewith stopped and enuironed; but the mountaines running betweene those lowe passages are, by their owne na∣turall strength, and inaccessible heigth, a sufficient fortification agaynst the enemie.

Linus.

Tell vs (Michael) whether the kingdome of China be so frequented with inhabitants, as wee haue often bene informed, or no?

Michael.

It is (Linus) in very deed a most populous kingdom,* 7.132 as I haue bene certified from the fathers of the societie: who hauing seene sundry prouinces of Europe renoumed for the multitude of their inhabitants, doe notwithstanding greatly admi••e the infinite swarmes of people in China. Howbeit these multitudes are not pel-mel and con∣fusiuely dispersed ouer the land, but most conueniently and orderly distributed in their townes and famous cities: of which assemblies there are diuers kindes among the Chinians. For they haue certaine principal cities called by the name of Fu•• other inferior cities called Cheu:* 7.133 and of a third kind also named Hien, which be indeed walled townes, but are not priuileged with the dignities and prerogatiues of cities. To these may be added two other kindes of lesser townes, which are partly villages, and partly garrisons of souldiers. Of the first and principall kind is that most noble citie standing neere vnto the port of Macao; called by the Chinians Coanchefu, but by the Portugals commonly termed Cantam, which is rather the common name of the prouince thē a word of their proper imposition. Unto the third kind appertaineth a towne, which is yet nigher vnto the port of Macao, called by the Portugals Ansam, but by the Chinians Hiansanhien. A•• the foresayd prouinces therefore haue their greater cities named Fu, & their lesser cities called Cheu, vnto both of which the other townes may be added. Moreouer, in euery prouince there is a cer∣tain principal city which is called the Metropolitane thereof, wherein the chief magistrates haue their place of residence, as the principal citie by me last mentioned, which is the head of the whole prouince called Coantum. The number of the greater cities throughout the whole kingdom is more then 150•• and there is the same or rather a greater multitude of inferiour cities. Of walled townes not endued with the priuileges of cities there are mo then 1120: the villages & garrisons can scarce be numbred: ouer & besides the which conuents it is incredible what a number of coū∣trie farmes or granges there be: for it is not easie to find any place desert or void of inhabitants in all that land. Now in the sea, in riuers, & in barks there are such abundance of people, and of whole families inhabiting, that euen the Europaeans themselues doe greatly wonder thereat:* 7.134 insomuch that some (albeit beyond measure) haue bene perswaded that there are as many people dwelling vpon the water as vpon the land. Neither were they induced so to thinke altogether without pro∣babilitie: for whereas the kingdom of China is in all parts thereof interfused with commodious riuers, & in many places consisteth of waters, barges & boats being euery-where very common, it might easily bee supposed, that the number of water-men was equal vnto the land-inhabitants. Howbeit, that is to be vnderstood by amplification, whereas the cities do swarme so ful with citi∣zens & the countrie with peasants.

Leo.

The abundance of people which you tell vs of seemeth very strange: whereupon I coniecture the soile to be fertile, the aire to be holesome, and the whole kingdom to be at peace.

Michael.

You haue (friend Leo) ful i••dicially coniectured those three:* 7.135 for they do all so excel, y^t which of the three in this kingdom be more excellent; it is not easie to dis∣cerne. And hence it is that this common opinion hath bene rife among the Portugals, namely, that the kingdom of China was neuer vis••••ed with those three most heauy & sharpe scourges of man∣kind, warre, famine, & pestilence. But that opinion is more common then true: sithens there haue bene most terrible intestine and ciuile warres, as in many and most autenticall histories it is re∣corded: sithens also that some prouinces of the sayd kingdom, euen in these our dayes,* 7.136 haue bene afflicted with pestilence and contagious diseases, and with famine. Howbeit, that the foresaid three benefits do mightily flourish and abound in China, it cannot be denied. For (that I may first speake of the salubritie of the aire) the fathers of the societie themselues are witnesses,

that scarcely in any other realme there are so many found that liue vnto decrepite and extreme old age: so great a multitude is there of ancient and graue personages: neither doe they vse so many confections and medicines, nor so manifold and sundry wayes of curing diseases, as wee saw accustomed in Europe. For amongst them they haue no Phlebotomie or letting of blood: but all their cures, as ours also in Iapon, are atchieued by fasting, decoctions of herbes, & light or gen∣tle potions. But in this behalfe let euery nation please themselues with their owne customes. Now, in fruitfulnes of soile this kingdom certes doth excel, far surpassing all other kingdoms of the East: yet is it nothing comparable vnto the plentie and abundance of Europe, as I haue declared at large in the former treatises. But the kingdom of China is, in this regard, so high∣ly extolled, because there is not any region in the East partes that aboundeth so with marchan∣dise, and from whence so much traffique is sent abroad. For whereas this kingdome is most large & full of nauigable riuers, so that commodities may easilie be conueyed out of one prouince into antother:* 7.137 the Portugals doe find such abundance of wares within one and the same Citie, (which perhaps is the greatest Mart throughout the whole kingdome) that they are verily per∣swaded, that the same region, of all others, most aboundeth with marchandise: which notwith∣standing is to be vnderstood of the Orientall regions: albeit there are some kindes of marchan∣dise, wherewith the land of China is better stored then any other kingdom. This region affordeth especially sundry kinds of mettals, of which the chiefe, both in excellencie & in abundance, is gold,* 7.138 whereof so many Pezoes are brought from China to India, and to our countrey of Iapon, that I heard say, that in one and the same ship, this present yeere, 2000 such pieces consisting of massie gold, as the Portugals commonly call golden loaues, were brought vnto vs for marchandise: and one of these loaues is worth almost 100 duckats. Hence it is that in the kingdom of China so ma∣ny things are adorned with gold, as for example, beds, tables, pictures, images, litters wherein nice and daintie dames are caried vpon their seruaunts backes. Neither are these golden loaues onely bought by the Portugals, but also great plentie of gold-twine and leaues of gold: for the Chinians can very cunningly beate and extenuate gold into plates and leaues. There is also great store of siluer,* 7.139 whereof (that I may omit other arguments) it is no small demonstration, that euery yeere there are brought into the citie commonly called Cantam by the Portugal mar∣chants to buie wares, at the least 400 Sestertium thereof, and yet nothing in a maner is conuei∣ed out of the Chinian kingdom: because the people of China abounding with all necessaries, are not greatly inquisitiue or desirous of any marchandise from other kingdomes. I doe here omit the Siluer mines•• whereof there are great numbers in China, albeit there is much circumspec∣tion vsed in digging the siluer thereout: for the king standeth much in feare least it may bee an occasion to stirre vp the couetous and greedie humour of many. Nowe their siluer which they put to vses is for the most part passing fine, and purified from all drosse, and therefore in trying it they vse great diligence. What should I speake of their iron, copper, lead, tinne, and o∣ther mettals, and also of their quick-siluer? Of all which in the realme of China there is great abundance, and from thence they are transported into diuers countreys. Hereunto may bee ad∣ded the wonderfull store of pearles,* 7.140 which, at the Ile of Hainan, are found in shell-fishes taken very cunningly by certaine Diuers, and doe much enlarge the kings reuenues. But now let vs proceed vnto the Silke or Bombycine fleece, whereof there is great plentie in China:* 7.141 so that euen as the husbandmen labour in manuring the earth, and in sowing of Rice; so likewise the women doe employ a great part of their time in preseruing of silke-wormes, and in keeming and weauing of Silke. Hence it is that euery yeere the King and Queene with great solemnitie come foorth into a publique place, the one of them touching a plough, and the other a Mulberie tree, with the leaues whereof Silke-wormes are nourished: and both of them by this ceremo∣nie encouraging both men and women vnto their vocation and labour: whereas otherwise, all the whole yeere throughout, no man besides the principall magistrates, may once attaine to the sight of the king. Of this Silke or Bombycine fleece there is such abundance, that three shippes for the most part comming out of India to the port of Macao, & at the least one euery yeere com∣ming vnto vs,* 7.142 are laden especially with this fraight, and it is vsed not onely in India, but caried e∣uen vnto Portugal. Neither is the Fleet it selfe onely transported thence, but also diuers & sundry stuffes wouen thereof, for the Chinians do greatly excel in the Art of weauing, and do very much resemble our weauers of Europe. Moreouer the kingdom of China aboundeth with most costlie spices & odours, and especially with cynamom (albeit not comparable to the cynamom of Zeilan) with camphire also & muske,* 7.143 which is very principal & good. Muske deriueth his name frō a beast of the same name (which beast resembleth a Beuer) frō the parts whereof brused & putrified pro∣ceedeth a most delicate & fragrant smel which the Portugals highly esteem, cōmonly calling those parts of the foresaid beasts (because they are like vnto the gorges of soules) Papos, & conuey great

plenty of them into India, & to vs of Iapon. But who would beleeue, that there were so much goss••∣pine or cotton-wool in China;* 7.144 whereof such variety of clothes are made like vnto linnen; which we our selues do so often vse, & which also is conueied by sea into so many regions•• Let vs now in∣treat of that earthen or pliable matter commonly called porcellan, which is pure white, & is to be esteèmed the best stuffe of that kind in the whole world: wherof vessels of all kinds are very curi∣ously framed. I say, it is the best earthen matter in all the world, for three qualities;* 7.145 namely, the cleannesse, the beauty, & the strength thereof. There is indeed other matter to be found more glo∣rious, and more costly, but none so free from vncleannes, and so durable: this I adde, in regard of glasse, which indeed is immaculate and cleane, but may easily be broken in pieces. This matter is digged, not thorowout the whole region of China, but onely in one of the fifteene prouinces called Quiansi, wherein continually very many artificers are imployed about the same matter: neither doe they onely frame thereof smaller vessels, as dishes, platters, salt-sellers, ewers, and such like, but also certaine huge tunnes, and vessels of great quantity, being very finely and cun∣ningly wrought, which, by reason of the danger and difficulty of carriage, are not transported out of the realme, but are vsed onely within it, and especially in the kings court. The beauty of this matter is much augmented by variety of picture, which is layed in certaine colours vpon it, while it is yet new, golde also being added thereunto, which maketh the foresayd vessels to appeare most beautifull. It is wonderfull how highly the Portugals do esteeme thereof, seeing they do, with great difficulty, transport the same, not onely to vs of Iapon and into India, but also into sundry prouinces of Europe. Unto the marchandize aboue-mentioned may be added diuers and sundry plants,* 7.146 the rootes whereof be right holesome for mens bodies, and very medicinable, which are brought vnto our Iles of Iapon, and vnto many other Ilands, amongst the which that wood may be reckoned, which (by a synechdoche) is called The wood of China, being of notable force to expell out of mens bodies those humours, which would breed contagious diseases. To these you may adde sugar-canes (for in the realme of China there is great store of excellent sugar) which is conueyed by the Portugals very plentifully,* 7.147 both into our countrey, and also into India. My speeches vttered immediatly before concerned marchandize onely, in regard whereof this king∣dome is beneficiall not to itselfe alone, but most profitable to many other nations also. As for those fruits which pertaine to yerely sustenance and common food, they can searse be numbred:* 7.148 albeit, of those three commodities which they of Europe so greatly account of; namely of cornes, vines, and oliues the land of China is not very capable: for the Chinians know not so much as the name of an Oliue tree (out of the fruit whereof oile is expressed) neither yet the name of a vine. The prouince of Paquin is not altogether destitute of wine, but whether it be brought from o∣ther places, or there made, I am not able to say: although it aboundeth with many other, and those not vnpleasant liquours, which may serue in the stead of wine it selfe. Now, as touching corne, there is indeed wheat ••owen in all the prouinces, howbeit rise is in farre more vse and re∣quest then it: and so in regard of these two commodities profitable for mans life; namely, wine and corne; the kingdome of China and our countrey of Iapon may be compared together.

Leo.

You haue discoursed (Michael) of the fruitfulnesse of China, whereof I haue often heard, that it is no lesse pleasant then fruitful, and I haue bene especially induced so to thinke, at the sight of the Chinian maps.* 7.149

Michael.

The thing it selfe agrees right well with the picture: for they that haue seene the mediterran or inner parts of the kingdome of China, do report it to be a most amiable countrey, adorned with plenty of woods, with abundance of fruits and grasse, and with woonderfull variety of riuers, wherewith the Chinian kingdome is watered like a garden; di∣uers of which riuers doe naturally flowe, and others by arte and industry are deriued into sundry places. But now I will intreat of the tranquillity and peace of China, after I haue spoken a word or two concerning the maners of the inhabitants. This nation is indued with excellent wit and dexterity for the attaining of all artes, and, being very constant in their owne customes, they lightly regard the customes or fashions of other people.* 7.150 They vse one and the same kinde of vesture, yet so, that there is some distinction betweene the apparell of the magistrate & of the com∣mon subiect. They all of them do weare long haire vpon their heads, and, after the maner of wo∣men, do curiously keame their dainty locks hanging downe to the ground, and, hauing twined and bound them vp, they couer them with calles, wearing sundry caps thereupon, according to their age and condition. It seemeth that in olde time one language was common to all the prouin∣ces: notwithstanding, by reason of variety of pronunciation, it is very much altered, and is diui∣ded into sundry idiomes or proprieties of speech, according to the diuers prouinces: howbeit, a∣mong the magistrates, and in publike assemblies of iudgement, there is one and the very same kinde of language vsed thorowout the whole realme,* 7.151 from the which (as I haue sayd) the speech of ech prouince differeth not a little. Moreouer this people is most loyall and obedient vnto the

king and his magistrates, which is the principall cause of their tranquillity & peace. For where∣as the common sort doe apply themselues vnto the discretion and becke of inferiour magistrates, and the inferiour magistrates of the superiour, and the superiour magistrates of the king himselfe, framing and composing all their actions and affaires vnto that leuell: a world it is to see, in what equability and indifferency of iustice all of them do leade their liues, and how orderly the publike lawes are administred. Which thing not withstanding shall be handled more at large, when we come to intreat of the gouernment.* 7.152

Linus.

Tell vs now (Michael) of the industry of that peo∣ple, whereof we haue heard great reports.

Michael.

Their industry is especially to be discer∣ned in manuary artes and occupations, and therein the Chinians do surpasse most of these Easter∣ly nations. For there are such a number of artificers ingeniously and cunningly framing sundry deuices out of golde, siluer, and other mettals, as like wise of stone, wood, and other matters con∣uenient for mans vse, that the streets of cities being replenished with their shops and fine worke∣manship, are very wonderfull to beholde. Besides whom also there are very many Painters,* 7.153 vsing either the pensill or the needle (of which the last sort are called Embrotherers) and others also that curiously worke golde-twine vpon cloth either of linnen or of cotton: whose operations of all kinds are diligently conueyed by the Portugals into India. Their industry doth no lesse ap∣peare in founding of gunnes and in making of gun-powder,* 7.154 whereof are made many rare and ar∣tificiall fire-works. To these may be added the arte of Printing,* 7.155 albeit their letters be in maner infinite and most difficult, the portraitures whereof they cut in wood or in brasse, and with mar∣uellous facilitie they dayly publish huge multitudes of books. Unto these mechanicall & illiberall crafts you may adde two more;* 7.156 that is to say, nauigation and discipline of warre; both of which haue bene in ancient times most diligently practised by the inhabitants of China: for (as we haue before signified in the third dialogue) the Chinians sailing euen as farre as India, subdued some part therof vnto their owne dominion: howbeit afterward, least they should diminish the forces of their realme by dispersing them into many prouinces, altering their counsell, they determined to containe themselues within their owne limits: within which limits (as I haue sayd) there were in olde time vehement and cruell warres, both betweene the people of China themselues, and also against the Tartarian king,* 7.157 who inuaded their kingdome, and by himselfe and his succes∣sours, for a long season, vsurped the gouernment thereof. Howbeit the kings of the Tartarian race being worne out, and their stocke and family being vtterly abolished, the Chinians began to lift vp their heads, and to aduance themselues, inioying for these 200 yeeres last past exceeding peace and tranquillity, and at this day the posterity of the same king that expelled the Tartars, with great dignity weareth the crowne, and wieldeth the royall scepter. Albeit therefore the peo∣ple of China (especially they that inhabit Southerly from the prouince of Paquin) are, for the most part, by reason of continuall ease and quiet, growen effeminate, and their courage is abated, notwithstanding they would prooue notable and braue souldiers, if they ioyned vse and exercise vnto their naturall fortitude. As a man may easily obserue in them, that maintaine continuall warres against the most barbarous and cruel Tartars. Howbeit in this kingdome of China there is so great regard of military discipline,* 7.158 that no city nor towne there is destitute of a garison, the captaines and gouernours keeping ech man his order; which all of them, in euery prouince, are subiect vnto the kings lieutenant generall for the warres, whom they call Chumpin, and yet he himselfe is subiect vnto the Tu••an or viceroy. Let vs now come vnto that arte, which the Chi∣nians do most of all professe, and which we may, not vnfitly, call literature or learning.* 7.159 For al∣though it be commonly reported, that many liberall sciences, and especially naturall and morall phylosophy are studied in China, and that they haue Uniuersities there, wherein such ingenuous artes are deliuered and caught, yet, for the most part, this opinion is to be esteemed more popular then true: but I will declare, vpon what occasion this conceit first grew. The people of China doe, aboue all things, professe the arte of literature; and learning it most diligently, they imploy themselues a long time and the better part of their age therein. For this cause, in all cities and townes, yea, and in pety villages also, there are certaine schole-masters hired for stipends to in∣struct children: and their literature being (as ours in Iapon is also) in maner infinite, their chil∣dren are put to schole euen from their infancy and tender yeeres, from whence notwithstanding such are taken away, as are iudged to be vnfit for the same purpose, and are trained vp to mar∣chandise or to manuary sciences: but the residue do so dedicate themselues to the study of learn∣ing, that (a strange thing it is to consider) being conuersant in the principall books, they will ea∣sily tel you, if they be asked the question, how many letters be conteined in euery page, and where ech letter is placed. Now, for the greater progresse and increase of learning, they (as the maner is in Europe) do appoint three degrees to the attaining of noble sciences;* 7.160 that is to say, the lowest, the middle degree, and the highest. Graduates of the first degree are called Siusai, of the second

Quiugin, and of the the third Chinzu. And in ech city or walled towne there is a publique house called the Schoole, and vnto that all they doe resort from all priuate and pe••y-schooles that are minded to obtaine the first degree;* 7.161 where they do amplifie a sentence or theame propounded vnto them by some magistrate: and they, whose stile is more elegant and refined, are, in ech city, graced with the first degree. Of such as aspire vnto the second degree triall is made onely in the metro∣politan or principall city of the prouince,* 7.162 whereunto, they of the first degree, euery third yere, haue recourse, and, in one publike house or place of assembly, doe, the second time, make an oration of another sentence obscurer then the former, and doe vndergo a more seuere examination. Now, there is commonly such an huge multitude of people, that this last yere, in the foresayd famous ci∣ty of Cantam, by reason of the incredible assembly of persons flocking to that publike act or com∣mencement, at the first entrance of the doores, there were many troden vnder foot, and quelled to death, as we haue bene most certainly informed. Moreouer they that sue for the highest degree are subiect vnto a most seuere and exact censure,* 7.163 whereby they are to be examined at the Kings Court onely, and that also euery third yere next insuing the sayd yere wherein graduates of the second degree are elected in ech prouince, and, a certaine number being prescribed vnto euery par∣ticular prouince, they do ascend vnto that highest pitch of dignity, which is in so great regard with the king himselfe, that the three principall graduates do, for honours sake, drinke off a cup filled euen with the Kings owne hand, and are graced with other solemnities.* 7.164 Out of this order the chiefe magistrates are chosen: for after that they haue attained vnto this third degree, being a while trained vp in the lawes of the realme, and in the precepts of vrbanity, they are admitted vn∣to diuers functions. Neither are we to thinke that the Chinians be altogether destitute of other artes. For, as touching morall philosophy, all those books are fraught with the precepts there∣of, which, for their instructions sake, are alwayes conuersant in the hands of the foresayd students, wherein such graue and pithy sentences are set downe, that, in men void of the light of the Gos∣pell, more can not be desired. They haue books also that intreat of things and causes naturall,* 7.165 but herein it is to be supposed, that aswell their books as ours do abound with errors. There be other books among them, that discourse of herbs and medicines, and others of chiualry and mar∣tiall affaires. Neither can I here omit, that certaine men of China (albeit they be but few, and rare to be found) are excellent in the knowledge of astronomy,* 7.166 by which knowledge of theirs the dayes of the new moone incident to euery moneth are truely disposed and digested, and are com∣mitted to writing and published: besides, they doe most infallibly foretell the eclipses of the Sun and Moone: and whatsoeuer knowledge in this arte we of Iapon haue, it is deriued from them.

Leo.

We doe freely confesse that (Michael) sithens our books intreating of the same arte are, a great part of them, written in the characters or letters of China. But now, in∣struct you vs as touching their maner of gouernment, wherein the Chinians are sayd greatly to excell.

Michael.

That, that, in very deed, is their chiefe arte, and vnto that all their learn∣ing and exercise of letters is directed. Whereas therefore, in the kingdome of China,* 7.167 one one∣ly king beares rule ouer so many prouinces, it is strange what a number of Magistrates are by him created to administer publique affaires. For (to omit them which in ech Towne and City haue iurisdiction ouer the townesmen and citizens) there are three principall Magistrates in e∣uery prouince.* 7.168 The first is he that hath to deale in cases criminall, and is called Ganchasu: the second is the Kings Fosterer, and is called Puchinsu: the third is the Lieu-tenant generall for the warres, named, as we sayd before, Chumpin. These three therefore haue their place of resi∣dence in the chiefe City of the prouince: and the two former haue certaine associates of their owne order, but of inferiour authority, appointed in diuers Cities and Townes, vnto whom, ac∣cording to the variety of causes, the Gouernours of Townes, and the Maiors of Cities doe ap∣peale. Howbeit the three forenamed Magistrates are in subiection vnto the Tu••an, that is, the Uice-roy, ordained in ech prouince. And all these Magistrates beare office for the space of three yeeres together; yet so, that for the gouerning of ech prouince, not any of the same prouince, but strangers, that is, men of another prouince, are selected: whereof it commeth to passe, that the Iudges may giue sentence with a farre more entire and incorrupt minde, then if they were a∣mong t••eir owne kinsefolke and allies. Ouer and besides all these, there is an annuall or yeere∣ly Magistrate, which is called Chaien, whose duety it is to make inquisition of all crimes, and e∣specially the crimes of Magistrates, and also to punish common offences: but concerning the faults of the great magistrates to admonish the king himselfe. Of this order, euery yere, are sent out of the Kings Court, for ech prouince, one; and going ouer all the Cities and Townes there∣of, they do most diligently ransacke and serch out all crimes, and vpon them which are imprison∣ed they inflict due punishment, or, being found not guilty, they dismisse them vnpunished. Hence it is, that all Magistrates greatly fearing to be called in question by the Chaien ar•• well kept

within the limits of their callings. Besides all these Magistrates there is at either Court, namely in the North, and in the South, a Senate or honourable assembly of graue counsel∣lours,* 7.169 vnto the which, out of all prouinces, according to the neerenesse and distance of the place, affaires of greater weight and moment are referred, and by their authority diuers Magi∣strates are created: howbeit the managing and expedition of principall affaires is committed vnto the Senate of Paquin. Moreouer there are euery yeere certaine Magistrates appoin∣ted in ech prouince, to goe vnto the king: and euery third yeere all the Gouernours of Cities and of Townes do visit him at once, what time triall is made of them that aspire vnto the third degree:* 7.170 vpon which occasion there is at the same time an incredible number of people at the Kings Court. By reason of this excellent order and harmony of Magistrates placed one vnder another, it can scarse be imagined, what sweet peace and tranquility flourisheth thorowout the whole realme, especially sithens, after speedy inquisition, persons that are guilty be put (as the maner is there) to the punishment of the bastonado: neither yet are suits or actions any long time delayed.* 7.171 Also it is not to be omitted, that for the obtaining of any dignity or magistracy, the way is open, without all respect of gentry or blood, vnto all men, if they be learned, and e∣specially if they haue attained vnto the third and highest degree aforesayd. Neither can it be ex∣pressed how obedient and duetifull the common sort are vnto their Magistrates, and with what magnificence and pompe the sayd Magistrates come abroad: for the most part of them haue fiftie or threescore Sergeants attending vpon them, and going before them, two and two in a ranke:* 7.172 some of them carrying Halberds, Maces, and Battle-axes: some trailing yron chaines vpon the ground: others holding great roddes or staues of a certaine kinde of reede, where∣with malefactours are punished, in their hands: and two there are that carry, inclosed in a case, the Kings seale peculiar for ech office: and many others also, that shew sundry spectacles vnto the people: whereunto may be added the horrible out-cries and showtes, which betweene whiles they vtter, to strike a terrour into the hearts of all men: and at length come the Magi∣strates themselues, being carried in a throne vpon the backs of foure men, sixe men, or eight men,* 7.173 according to the dignity of their office. Now, as concerning their houses, they are very large and stately, being built and furnished with all necessary stuffe, at the Kings owne cost, in the which, so long as their magistracy lasteth, they leade a braue and an honourable life. The sayd houses are without variety of stories one aboue another, which in the kingdome of China and in our Iles of Iapon also are not ordinarily vsed for habitation, but either to keepe watch and ward, or els for solace and recreations sake (for the which purposes, eight most lofty ••ur∣rets of nine stories high are built) or els for the defence of Cities. Howbeit in other regardes these buildings doe shew foorth no small magnificence: for they haue their cisternes for the re∣ceit of raine-water, which are adorned with beautifull trees, set in order, round about them: and they haue also their places designed for the administration of iustice, and diuers other con∣uenient roomes to bestow their wiues and families in. Within the doores of the foresayd habi∣tations a certaine number of Sergeants and officers, hauing cabbins or little houses allotted them on both sides, doe alwayes giue their attendance; and so long as matters of iudgement are in deciding, they be alwayes ready at hand, that, at the direction of the Magistrates they may either beat malefactours, or by torments constraine them to tell the trueth.* 7.174 The sayd Magistrates also haue their peculiar barges wherein to take the water; being in breadth and length not much vnlike to the galleys of Europe, but for swiftnesse and multitude of oares, farre inferiour vnto them. The rowers, sitting vpon galleries without the hatches or compasse of the barge, doe mooue it on forward with their oares: whereupon it commeth to passe, that the mid∣dle part of the barge affoordeth sufficient roome for the Magistrates themselues to abide in, con∣taining chambers therein almost as conuenient and handsome, as in any of their foresayd pub∣lique houses, together with butteries and kitchins, and such other places necessary for the pro∣uision and stowage of victuals.

Leo.

All these things agree right well with the reports, which we haue heard of the stately and renowmed kingdome of China: I would now right gladly know somewhat concerning the order which is obserued in the obtaining of magistracies.

Michael.

You haue enquired of a matter most woorthy to be knowen, which I had almost omitted to entreat of.* 7.175 The Chinians therefore doe vse a kinde of gradation in aduancing men vnto sundry places of authority, which for the most part is performed by the Senatours of Paquin. For first they are made Iudges of Townes: then of Cities: afterward they are elec∣ted to be of that order, which decreeth punishments in cases criminall without further appeale, or of their order, that are the kings fosterers. And in both of these Orders, which are very ho∣nourable,* 7.176 there are many places and degrees, so that from the inferiour place they must ascend vnto the superiour, vntill they haue attained vnto the highest dignity of all: and immediatly

after that they come to be Uice-royes, Howbeit this gradation is not alwayes accomplished in one and the same prouince, but in changing their offices they change places and prouinces also. Moreouer, next after the office of Uice-roy they are capable to be chosen Senatours of Nanquin, and last of all to be elected into the Senate of Paquin. Now, there is such an order and methode obserued in the ascending vnto these dignities, that all men may easily coniecture, what office any one is to vndertake. And there is so great diligence and celerity vsed for the substitution of one into the roome of another, that, for the same purpose, messengers are dispat∣ched by land, vpon swift post-horses, vnto diuers prouinces,* 7.177 almost twenty dayes iourney from the Kings Court. And, to be short, there is such district seuerity in degrading those that vn∣iustly or negligently demeane themselues, from an honourable vnto an inferiour and base office, or altogether in depriuing them of the kings authority; that all Magistrates doe stand in feare of nothing in the world more then of that. The same order, almost, is obserued among the Cap∣taines and Lieu-tenants generall for the warres: except onely in them, that their birth and of∣spring is respected: for many there be,* 7.178 who descending by parentage from such men as haue in times past atchieued braue exploits in warfare, so soone as they come to sufficient yeeres, are created Centurions, Colonels, and Gouernours, vntill at las•• they attaine to be Lieu-te∣nants generall and Protectours of some whole prouince: who notwithstanding (as I haue sayd) are in all things subiect vnto the Uice-roy. All the foresayd Magistrates both of warre and of peace haue a set number of attendants allotted vnto them, enioying a stipend, and carying certaine ensignes and peculiar badges of their office: and (besides the ordinary watch, which souldiers appointed for the same purpose doe in the night season, after the City gates be shut, keepe in their forts) wheresoeuer any Magistrate is, either at his house or in his barge, the sayd attendants striking vpon a cymball of brasse, at certaine appointed times, do keepe most circum∣spect and continuall watch and ward about his person.

Linus.

You haue (Michael) suffici∣ently discoursed of the Magistrates: informe vs now of the king himselfe, whose name is so re∣nowmed and spread abroad.

Michael.

Concerning this matter I will say so much onely as by certaine rumours hath come to my knowledge:* 7.179 for of matters appertaining vnto the kings Court we haue no eye-witnesses, sithens the fathers of the society haue not as yet proceeded vnto Paquin, who so soone as (by Gods assistance) they shall there be arriued, will by their letters more fully aduertise vs. The king of China therefore is honoured with woonderfull re∣uerence and submission thorowout his whole Realme: and whensoeuer any of his chiefe Magi∣strates speaketh vnto him, he calleth him VAN-SVI,* 7.180 signifying thereby that he wisheth tenne thousands of yeeres vnto him. The succession of the kingdome dependeth vpon the bloud royall:* 7.181 for the eldest sonne borne of the kings first and lawfull wife obtaineth the kingdome after his fathers decease: neither doe they depriue themselues of the kingly••authority in their life time (as the maner is in our Ilands of Iapon) but the custome of Europe is there obserued. Now, that the safety and life of the king may stand in more security, his yoonger brethren,* 7.182 and the rest borne of concubines are not permitted to liue in the kings Court: but places of habitation are by the king himselfe assigned vnto them in diuers prouinces farre distant asunder, where they dwell most commodiously, being comparable vnto kings for their buildings and reuenues: how∣beit they exercise no authority ouer the people, but all the gouernment of those Cities wherein they dwell, concerneth the Magistrates, who notwithstanding haue the sayde Princes in high regard and honour, and doe visit them twise in a moneth, and salute them kneeling vpon their knees, and vowing their faces downe to the earth: and yet they communicate nothing vnto them as touching the administration of the Common-wealth. These are they which may properly be called the Peeres or Princes of the Realme of China: for they deriue their houses and reuenues vnto their posterity, and so are these royall families continually preserued. But to returne vnto the king himselfe, hee is most chary in obseruing the Chinian lawes and cu∣stomes, and diligently exerciseth himselfe in learning so much as concernes his estate, sheweth himselfe dayly vnto his chiefe Magistrates, and communeth of matters appertaining to the pub∣lique commodity of the Realme. His palace is of woonderfull largenesse and capacity, out of the which he very seldome takes his progresse; and whensoeuer he doeth so, there are twelue chariots brought foorth,* 7.183 all of them most like one to another both in workemanship and in value, that no man may discerne in which the king himselfe is placed. He followeth in religion espe∣cially the opinions of the Magistrates,* 7.184 attributing diuine power vnto heauen and earth as vnto the parents of all, and with great solemnity sacrificing vnto them. He hath diuers most sump∣tuous Temples dedicated vnto his ancestours, whereunto likewise he ascribeth diuine honour, and yet ceaseth hee not to fauour Priests of other sects, yea hee erecteth Temples vnto their Patrons, endowing them with most rich reuenues; and so often as any vrgent necessity

requireth, he enioynes continuall fastings and prayers vnto them: and after this sorthe doeth in a maner patronize all the idolatrous sects of his Realme, and shewing himselfe ready to em∣brace any false religion whatsoeuer, he liueth in sundry and manifolde kindes of superstition. Out of all the former particulars by me alledged, you may easily coniecture that the admini∣stration of the kingdome of China doeth,* 7.185 for the most part, agree with the instinct of nature, au∣thority being committed, not vnto rude and vnskilfull persons, but vnto such as haue beene con∣uersant in the vse and exercise of learning, yea, and in promoting learned men vnto magistra∣cies, great consideration is had of their wisedome, iustice, and of other vertues esteemed by the Chinians: wherefore the way being open for all men, without any respect of degree or paren∣tage, to obtaine any of the foresayd dignities, it can not be but that this most mighty and fa∣mous kingdome must needes enioy exceeding peace and tranquillity.

Leo.

I would nowe (Michael) right gladly vnderstand, what kinde of vrbanity or ciuill demeanour both the com∣mon people and the Magistrates doe vse one towardes another: for it is not likely that where such due administration of iustice is, common ciuility, which so well beseemeth all men, should be wanting.

Michael.

* 7.186You haue hit euen the very naile on the head: for among the fiue ver∣tues, which the Chinians principally regard, vrbanity or courtesy is one; the rest are piety, a thankefull remembrance of benefites, true dealing in contracts or bargaines, and wisedome in atchieuing of matters: with the praises and commendations of which vertues the Chinian bookes are full fraught. Now as touching their vrbanity,* 7.187 it is much vnlike vnto ours in Iapan, and vnto that of Europe: howbeit vnder two principall kindes the rule of their vrbanity or cour∣tesie may be comprehended: whereof one is obserued betweene equals, and the other be∣tweene superiours and inferiours. For when men of equall dignity meet together, they stand bending their backes, and bowing their heads downe to the ground, and this they doe either once or twise, or sometimes thrise. Now, when the inferiour meets with his superiour, the sayd inferiour, for the most part kneeling lowly on his knees, enclineth his countenance downe to the earth. But how often and when this obeizance is to be performed it is woonderfull what a num∣ber of rules and prescriptions are set downe, which to recount would require a long time. Somewhat also I will say as touching their piety, and especially of the piety which they vse to∣wards their parents,* 7.188 which verily is so exceeding great, that for the space of three whole yeres together, the sonnes being cladde in mourning vestures doe bewaile the death of their parents, which duety is performed not onely by the common sort, but euen by all the Magistrates them∣selues, and that most curiously and diligently. And, that all men may wholly giue their atten∣dance vnto this businesse, it is prouided by a most inuiolable law among the Chinians, that Ma∣gistrates, vpon the death of their parents, must foorthwith renounce their authority, and three whole yeeres, for the performance of their fathers exequies, must betake themselues vnto a pri∣uate kinde of liuing: which also is most duely put in practise by the Senatours of the Kings owne Councell. For albeit a man be right gracious in the eyes of his Prince, yea, and such an one, as vpon whom the administration of the Realme doeth principally depend; yet hauing heard of the death of his parents, that is, of his father or his mother, he hies himselfe immedi∣atly home to solemnize their funerals: insomuch that if the king would retaine him still in his office, he should be esteemed by the people, as a transgressour of the lawes and customes of China:* 7.189 which accident (as it is recorded) in ancient times fel out euen so. For whenas a certain king most familiarly vsed a certaine Senatour of his about the managing and expedition of pub∣lique affaires, and vnderstanding well how necessary the helpe of his foresayd Senatour was, would gladly, after the death of his father, haue retained him still in his office: yet a certaine o∣ther man, being a welwiller vnto the Chinian lawes, could in no case abide it, but checking his Prince with sharpe rebukes, obiected the transgression of the law against him. The king wax∣ing wroth menaced present death vnto the man: but when the party being no whit danted with the terrour of death, persisted still in his sayings, the king changing his determination dismissed the Senatour to mourne for his father, but as for his reprehender he aduanced him vnto an high∣er dignity.

Linus.

I perceiue (Michael) that drawing to an end of these dialogues, and be∣ing weary of your long race, you begin to affect breuity: yet let it not seeme troublesome vnto you to speake somewhat of the religion of China,* 7.190 which onely thing seemes to be wanting in this present dialogue.

Michael.

I confesse indeed that I endeuour to be briefe, not so much in regard of wearisomnesse, as for feare least I haue bene ouer tedious vnto you: howbeit I will not faile but accomplish that which I haue vndertaken, and (according to your request) adde somewhat more concerning religion. Whereas therefore the kingdome of China hath hither∣to bene destitute of true religion, and now the first beginnings thereof are included in most nar∣row bounds, that nation being otherwise a people most ingenious, and of an extraordinary and

high capacity, hath alwayes liued in great errours and ignorance of the trueth, being distracted into sundry opinions, and following manifolde sects. And among these sects there are three more famous then the rest:* 7.191 the first is of them that professe the doctrine of one Confucius a notable philosopher. This man (as it is reported in the history of his life) was one of most vp∣right and incorrupt maners, whereof he wrote sundry treatises very pithily and largely, which aboue all other books, are seriously read and perused by the Chinians. The same doctrine do all Magistrates embrace, and others also that giue their mindes to the study of letters, a great part whereof Confucius is sayd to haue inuented:* 7.192 and he is had in so great honour, that all his fol∣lowers and clients, vpon the dayes of the new and full Moone, doe assemble themselues at the common Schoole, which I haue aboue mentioned, and before his image, which is worshipped with burning of incense and with tapers, they doe thrise bend their knees, and bow their heads downe to the ground; which not onely the common scholars, but the chiefe Magistrates do per∣forme. The summe of the foresayd doctrine is,* 7.193 that men should follow the light of nature as their guide, and that they should diligently endeuour to attaine vnto the vertues by me before mentioned: and lastly, that they should employ their labour about the orderly gouernment of their families and of the Common-wealth. All these things are in very deed praise-woorthy, if Confucius had made any mention of almighty God and of the life to come, and had not ascribed so much vnto the heauens, and vnto fatall necessity, nor yet had so curiously intreated of wor∣shipping the images of their forefathers. In which regard he can very hardly or not at all be ex∣cused from the crime of idolatry: notwithstanding it is to be granted, that none other doctrine among the Chinians approcheth so neere vnto the trueth as this doeth. The second sect is of them which follow the instructions of Xaquam, or as the Chinians call him Xequiam,* 7.194 whose opinions, because they are well knowen amongst vs, it were bootlesse for me to repeat; especi∣ally sithens, in the Catechisme composed by our graue visitour, they are notably refuted. This doctrine doe all they embrace, which are in China called Cen, but with vs at Iapon are named Bonzi. For this I doe briefly and by the way giue you to vnderstand,* 7.195 that all words of the Chi∣nians language are of one sillable onely, so that if there be any word that consisteth of more sil∣lables then one, it consisteth also of more wordes then one. These sectaries called Cen doe shaue their beards and their heads, and doe for the most part, together with diuers of their asso∣ciates, inhabit the Temples of Xaquam, or of others which in regard of the same profession haue in their Kalenders beene canonized for Saints, and doe rehearse certaine prayers after their maner, either vpon books or beads, vsing other ceremonies after the maner of our Bonzi. These men haue some inckling of the life to come, and of the rewardes of good men, and the pu∣nishments of the wicked: howbeit all their assertions are fraught with errours. The third sect is of them which are called Ta••zu:* 7.196 and those doe imitate a certaine other man, to be adored, as they thinke, for his holinesse. These also are Priests after their kinde, howbeit they let their haire grow, and doe in other obseruations differ from the former. Nowe, because the sect of Confucius is the most famous of all the three, and the two other sects called Cen and Ta••zu are not much addicted vnto learning, their religion preuailing onely among the common sort, the Priests of both the sayd sects doe leade a most base and seruile life amongst the Chinians, inso∣much that they kneele downe before the Magistrates, and are not permitted to sit beside them, and sometimes, if the Magistrate please, are abased vnto the punishment of the bastonado: whereas in our Iles of Iapon it is farre otherwise, Priest, euen of false religion, being had in so great honour among vs.

Leo.

I heard also (Michael) that the Saraceni superstition takes place in China:* 7.197 now, whether it doth or no, you can resolue vs.

Michael.

That forren super∣stition was brought into China what time the Tartars inuaded the kingdome, and vsurped the gouernment thereof. All the Saracens therefore in China are originally descended of the Tar∣tars, who, because they were an infinite number, could not vtterly be expelled and rooted out of the kingdome, but remaining still there, haue propagated their posterity, though not their religion. These therefore are souldiers for the greater part of them, and sometimes doe obtaine martiall dignities: and except a few ceremonies of their superstition which is nowe become stale and almost worne out, they doe liue altogether after the Chinians fashion, their predeces∣sours being brought into the same kingdome about foure hundred yeeres agoe.

Linus.

Now (Michael) let vs heare you say somewhat of the Christan religion, which as we hope hath set most happy footing in that kingdome.

Michael.

I could say much concerning those most wish∣ed and acceptable beginnings, were they not already published in Iapon by the letters of the fa∣thers:* 7.198 howbeit I will make a briefe rehearsall of all things, that I may not seeme altogether to haue abandoned this labour. You know that from the time wherein the fathers of the society arriued in our Ilands, to the end they might augment Christian religion, they were in like sort

most carefull how they might insinuate themselues into the innermost parts of the kingdome of China. In the middest of this endeuour and trauell Francis Xauier, a most deuout man of the foresayd society, departed out of this present life at the Ile of Sancian (which some call Sangi∣am) leauing an example vnto the rest of his associates, how they should likewise doe their b••st to plant the religion of Christ in that nation•• This man was seconded by others, who vsed all meanes, and left no practise vnattempted, that they might bring these good beginnings vnto a prosperous issue: howbeit they were greatly hindered by reason of an ancient custome in Chi∣na,* 7.199 in regard whereof they doe not without great difficulty and circumspection admit any stran∣gers into their dominions, except those which hauing a long time executed the office of ambassa∣dours doe ordinarily euery third yeere present themselues before the king: in the admission of whom likewise there is maruellous care vsed, that they may not easily espie and become acquain∣ted with the affaires of the Realme. Heereunto may be added, that the Chinians are great con∣temners of other nations,* 7.200 and most constant obseruers of their owne lawes and customes: in all which respects it came to passe, that there was woonderfull labour and diligence employed aboue thirty yeeres together, onely to get an entrance, vntill in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and three, two fathers of the foresayd society, that had pretty skill in the letters and language of China, vtterly despairing of mans helpe, and depending vpon the prouidence of al∣mighty God, obtained licence of the Tutan or Uice-roy to build them an house and a Church in the City of Xa••quin, which by reason of the commodiousnesse thereof is the seat of the Uice-roy himselfe. This worke being begunne, the sayd fathers of the society, for the nouelty there∣of, were a few yeeres right well entreated by the Magistrates: insomuch that two others out of India had free and easie accesse vnto them, one couple remaining still in their foresayd house at Xauquin, and the other two taking their iourney for the inner prouinces, to conuert more people vnto the faith: who notwithstanding afterward, other Magistrates not approouing of their attempts, were constrained to retire. Nowe all the time wherein the foresayd fathers a∣bode at Xauquin (being more then fiue yeeres) certaine of the common people were restrained from false superstition to Christian religion, and seuenty persons were baptized. But the ene∣my of mankinde, who omitteth none opportunity for the hinderance of Christian religion, sug∣gested into the mindes of the Chinians (being, as I sayd, of their owne nature, a people estran∣ged from the traffique and acquaintance of other nations, and alwayes being too too suspicious of strangers) that they should exhibite letters of supplication vnto the Caien and the Tutan their principall Magistrates, to haue the fathers expelled out of Xauquin: which Magistrates repairing vnto their foresayd house and Church entered consultation how they might bannish them out of the sayd City of Xauquin: in which thing verily they vsed great moderation, not any way offending or exasperating the mindes of the fathers, but onely signifying that they had re∣gard vnto the estate of their Common-wealth. For the Tutan or Uice-roy calling the fathers vnto him, and (to let passe other accidents) vsing courteous and familiar conference with them, declared by many arguments, that their habitation in the City of Xauquin was not conuenient, especially sithens so many Magistrates resorted vnto that City, who would take great offence at the presence of strangers. For the which cause he perswaded them to accept some part of the money which they had bestowed in the building of their house, and so to returne either home into their owne countrey, or vnto the port of Macao. Howbeit, such was the instant supplication of the fathers, and so woorthy of compassion, that the Tutan or Uice-roy, in the extreame and me∣diterrane borders of the prouince of Coantum, assigned vnto them a new habitation at the city called Xaucheo, commending them also to a certaine Magistrate, who was come from the same place to salute him. Thither therefore the sayd fathers, not without great sorrow and griefe of the Christians, hied themselues, and as we are informed by their last letters, they haue euen now layed the foundation of their first building, and haue also written that they are like to liue much more peaceably and conueniently for the propagating of Christian religion. These be the first beginnings of Christianity in China, where, euen as in other places of the Christian Com∣mon-wealth, the seed is to be sowen with great labour and teares, that acceptable fruits may be reaped with gladnesse.

Leo.

It is euen as you haue sayd (Michael) and nowe for this your pleasant and eloquent discourse we do acknowledge ourselues much bounden vnto you.

A Letter written from Goa, the principall City of all the East Indies, by one Thomas Steuens an English man, and sent to his father, M. Thomas Steuens: Anno 1579.

AFter most humble commendations: These shall be to craue your dayly blessing, with like commendations vnto my mother; and withall, to certifie you of my being: according to your will and my duety. I wrote vnto you taking my iourney from Italy to Portugall, which letters I thinke are come to your hands, so that presu∣ming thereupon, I thinke I haue the lesse need at this time to tell you the cause of my departing, which neuerthelesse in one word I may conclude, if I do but name obedience. I came to Lisbon toward the end of March, eight dayes before the departure of the shippes, so late that if they had not bene stayed about some weighty matters, they had bene long gone before our comming: insomuch that there were others ordained to goe in our places, that the kings prouisi∣on and ours also might not be in vaine. Neuerthelesse our sudden comming tooke place, and the fourth of Aprill fiue ships departed for Goa, wherein besides shipmen and souldiers, there were a great number of children which in the seas beare out better their men, and no maruell, when that many women also passe very well. The setting foorth from the port I need not to tell how so∣lemne it is with trumpets, and shooting of ordinance, you may easily imagine it, considering that they go in the maner of warre. The tenth of the foresayd moneth we came to the sight of Porto Santo neere vnto Madera, where an English shippe set vpon ours (which was then also alone) with a few shots, which did no harme, but after that our ship had layed out her greatest ordinance, they straight departed as they came. The English shippe was very faire and great, which I was sory to see so ill occupied, for she went rouing about, so that we saw her againe at the Canarian Iles, vnto the which we came the thirteenth of the sayd moneth, and good leisure we had to woon∣der at the high mountaine of the Iland Tenerif, for we wandred betweene that and great Cana∣ria foure dayes by reason of contrary windes: and briefly, such euill weather we had vntill the foureteenth of May, that they despaired to compasse the Cape of Good hope that yeere. Neuer∣thelesse, taking our voyage betweene Guinea and the Ilands of Capo Verde, without seeing of any land at all, we arriued at length vnto the coast of Guinie, which the Portugals so call, chiefly that part of the burning zone, which is from the sixt degree vnto the Equinoctiall, in which parts they suffered so many inconueniences of heats, and lacke of windes, that they thinke themselues happy when they haue passed it: for sometimes the ship standeth there almost by the space of ma∣ny dayes, sometime she goeth, but in such order that it were almost as good to stand still. And the greatest part of this coast not cleare, but thicke and cloudy, full of thunder and lightening, and raine so vnholesome, that if the water stand a little while, all is full of wormes, and falling on the meat which is hanged vp, it maketh it straight full of wormes. Along all that coast we often times saw a thing swimming vpon the water like a cocks combe (which they call a ship of Gui∣nea) but the colour much fairer; which combe standeth vpon a thing almost like the swimmer of a fish in colour and bignesse, and beareth vnderneath in the water, strings, which saue it from tur∣ning ouer. This thing is so poisonous, that a man cannot touch it without great perill. In this coast, that is to say, from the sixt degree vnto the Equinoctiall, we spent no lesse then thirty dayes, partly with contrary windes, partly with calme. The thirtieth of May we passed the Equinoc∣tiall with contentation, directing our course aswell as we could to passe the promontory, but in all that gulfe, & in all the way beside, we found so often calmes, that the expertest mariners wondred at it. And in places where are alwayes woont to be most horrible tempests, we found most qui∣et calmes which was very troublesome to those ships which be the greatest of all other, and cannot go without good windes. Insomuch, that when it is tempest almost intollerable for other ships, and maketh them maine all their sailes, these hoise vp, and saile excellent well, vnlesse the waters be too too furious, which seldome happened in our nauigation. You shall vnderstand, that being passed the line, they cannot straightway go the next way to the promontory: but according to the winde, they draw alwayes as neere South as they can to put themselues in the latitude of the point, which is 35 degrees and an halfe, and then they take their course towards the East, and so compasse the point. But the winde serued vs so, that at 33 degrees we did direct our course to∣ward the point or promontory of Good hope.

You know that it is hard to saile from East to West, or contrary, because there is no fixed point in all the skie, whereby they may direct their course, wherefore I shall tell you what helps God prouided for these men. There is not a fowle that appereth, or signe in the aire, or in the sea, which they haue not written, which haue made the voyages heretofore. Wherfore, partly by their owne experience, and pondering withall what space the ship was able to make with such a winde, aud

such direction, and partly by the experience of others, whose books and nauigations they haue, they gesse whereabouts they be, touching degrees of longitude, for of latitude they be alwayes sure: but the greatest and best industry of all is to marke the variation of the needle or compasse,* 8.1 which in the Meridian of the Iland of S. Michael, which is one of the Azores in the latitude of Lisbon, is iust North, and thence swarueth towards the East so much, that betwixt the Meridian aforesayd, and the point of Africa it carrieth three or foure quarters of 32. And againe in the point of Afrike, a little beyond the point that is called Cape das Agulias (in English the needles) it returneth againe vnto the North, and that place passed, it swarueth againe toward th•• West, as it did before proportionally.* 8.2 As touching our first signes, the neerer we came to the people of Afrike, the more strange kindes of fowles appeared, insomuch that when we came within no lesse then thirty leagues (almost an hundred miles) and sixe hundred miles as we thought from any I∣land, as good as three thousand fowles of sundry kindes followed our ship: some of them so great that their wings being opened from one point to the other, contained seuen spannes, as the Ma∣riners sayd. A maruellous thing to see how God prouided, so that in so wide a sea these fowles are all fat, and nothing wanteth them. The Portugals haue named them all according to some propriety which they haue: some they call Rushtailes, because their tailes be not proportionable to their bodies, but long and small like a rush, some forked tailes because they be very broad and forked, some Ueluet sleeues, because they haue wings of the colour of veluet, and bowe them as a man boweth his elbow. This bird is alwayes welcome, for he appeareth neerest the Cape••, I should neuer make an end if I should tell all particulars: but it shall suffice briefly to touch a few, which yet shall be sufficient, if you marke them, to giue occasion to glorifie almighty God in his wonderfull works, and such variety in his creatures. And to speake some what of fishes in all places of calme, especially in the burning zone, neere the line (for without we neuer saw any) there waited on our ship fishes as long as a man,* 8.3 which they call Tuberones, they come to eat such things as from the shippe fall into the sea, not refusing men themselues if they light vpon them. And if they finde any meat tied in the sea, they take it for theirs. These haue waiting on them six or seuen small fishes (wich neuer depart) with gardes blew and greene round about their bodies, like comely seruing men: and they go two or three before him, and some on euery side. Moreo∣uer, they haue other fishes which cleaue alwayes vnto their body, and seeme to take such superflu∣ities as grow about them, and they are sayd to enter into their bodies also to purge them if they need. The Mariners in time past haue eaten of them, but since they haue seene them eate men their stomacks abhorre them. Neuerthelesse, they draw them vp with great hooks, & kill of them as many as they can, thinking that they haue made a great reuenge. There is another kind of fish as bigge almost as a herring, which hath wings and flieth, and they are together in great number. These haue two enemies, the one in the sea, the other in the aire. In the sea the fish which is called Albocore, as big as a Salmon, followeth them with great swiftnesse to take them. This poore fish not being able swim fast, for he hath no finnes, but swimmeth with moouing of his taile, shut∣ting his wings, lifteth himselfe aboue the water, and flieth not very hie: the Albocore seeing that, although he haue no wings, yet he giueth a great leape out of the water, and sometimes catcheth him, or els he keepeth himselfe vnder the water going that way on as fast as he flieth. And when the fish being weary of the aire, or thinking himselfe out of danger, returneth into the water, the Albocore meeteth with him: but sometimes his other enemy the sea-crow, catcheth him before he falleth.* 8.4 With these and like sights, but alwayes making our supplications to God for good wea∣ther and saluation of the ship, we came at length vnto the point, so famous & feared of all men: but we found there no tempest, only great waues, where our Pilot was a little ouerseene: for where∣as commonly al other neuer come within sight of land, but seeing signes ordinary, and finding bot∣tome, go their way sure and safe, he thinking himselfe to haue winde at will, shot so nigh the land that the winde turning into the South, and the waues being exceeding great, rolled vs so nere the land, that the ship stood in lesse then 14 fadoms of water, no more then sixe miles from the Cape, which is called Das Agulias, and there we stood as vtterly cast away: for vnder vs were rocks of maine stone so sharpe, and cutting, that no ancre could hold the ship, the shore so euill, that nothing could take land, and the land itselfe so full of Tigers, and people that are sauage, and killers of all strangers, that we had no hope of life nor comfort, but onely in God and a good conscience. Not∣withstanding, after we had lost ancres, hoising vp the sailes for to get the ship a coast in some safer place, or when it should please God, it pleased his mercy suddenly, where no man looked for helpe, to fill our sailes with wind from the land, & so we escaped, thanks be to God. And the day follow∣ing, being in the place where they are alwayes wont to catch fish, we also fell a fishing, and so ma∣ny they cooke, that they serued all the ship for that day, and part of the next. And one of them pul∣led vp a corall of great bignesse and price.* 8.5 For there they say (as we saw by experience) that the

corals doe grow in the maner of stalks vpon the rocks in the bottome, and waxe hard and red. The day of perill was the nine and twentieth of Iuly. And you shall vnderstand that, the Cape passed, there be two wayes to India:* 8.6 one within the Ile of S. Laurence, which they take willing∣ly, because they refresh themselues at Mosambique a fortnight or a moneth, not without great need, and thence in a moneth more land in Goa. The other is without the Ile of S. Laurence, which they take when they set foorth so late, and come so late to the point, that they haue no time to take the foresayd Mosambique, and then they goe heauily, because in this way they take no port. And by reason of the long nauigation, and want of food and water, they fall into sundry diseases, their gummes waxe great, and swell, and they are faine to cut them away, their legges swell, and all the body becommeth sore, and so benummed, that they can not stirre hand nor foot, and so they die for weakenesse, others fall into fluxes and agues, and die thereby. And this way it was our chance to make: yet though we had more then one hundred and fifty sicke, there died not past seuen and twenty; which losse they esteemed not much in respect of other times. Though some of ours were diseased in this sort, yet, thanks be to God, I had my health all the way, con∣trary to the expectation of many: God send me my health so well in the land, if it may be to ••is honour and seruice. This way is full of priuy rockes and quicke-sands, so that sometimes we durst not saile by night, but by the prouidence of God we saw nothing, nor neuer found bottome vntill we came to the coast of India. When we had passed againe the line, and were come to the third degree or somewhat more, we saw crabs swimming on the water that were red as though they had bene sodden: but this was no signe of land. After, about the eleuenth degree, the space of many dayes, more then ten thousand fishes by estimation followed round about our ship, where∣of we caught so many, that for fifteene dayes we did eate nothing els, and they serued our turne very well: for at this time we had neither meat nor almost any thing els to eate, our nauigation growing so long that it drew neere to seuen moneths, where as commonly they goe it in fiue, I meane when they saile the inner way. But these fishes were not signe of land,* 8.7 but rather of deepe sea. At length we tooke a couple of birds, which were a kinde of Hawks, whereof they ioyed much, thinking that they had bene of India, but indeed they were of Arabia, as we found after∣ward. And we that thought we had bene neere India, were in the same latitude neere Zocoto∣ra, an Ile in the mouth of the Red sea. But there God sent vs great winds from the Northeast or Northnortheast, whereupon vnwillingly they bare vp toward the East, and thus we went tenne dayes without seeing signe of land, whereby they perceiued their errour: for they had directed their course before alwayes Northeast, coueting to multiply degrees of latitude, but partly the difference of the Needle, and most of all the running seas,* 8.8 which at that time ran Northwest, had drawen vs to this other danger, had not God sent vs this winde, which at length waxed larger, and restored vs to our right course. These running seas be so perillous that they deceiue the most part of the gouernours, and some be so little curious, contenting themselues with ordinary expe∣rience, that they care not to seeke out any meanes to know when they swarue, neither by the com∣passe, nor by any other triall. The first signe of land were certaine fowles which they knew to be of India: the second, boughes of palmes and sedges: the third, snakes swimming on the water, and a substance which they call by the name of a coine of money, as broad and as round as a groat, woonderfully printed and stamped of nature, like vnto some coine. And these two last signes be so certaine,* 8.9 that the next day af••er, if the winde serue, they see land, which we did to our great ioy, when all our water (for you know they make no beer•• in those parts) and victuals began to faile vs. And to Goa we came the foure and twentieth day of October,* 8.10 there being receiued with pas∣sing great charity. The people be tawny, but not disfigured in their lips & noses, as the Moores and Cafres of Ethiopia. They that be not of reputation, or at least the most part, goe naked, sa∣uing an apron of a span long, and as much in bredth before them, and a lace two fingers broad be∣fore them, girded about with a string and no more: and thus they thinke them as well as we with all our trimming. Of the fruits and trees that be here I cannot now speake, for I should make another letter as long as this. For hitherto I haue not seene a tree here, whose like I haue seene in Europe•• the vine••excepted, which neuerthelesse here is to no purpose, so that all the wines are brought out of Portugall. The drinke of this countrey is good water, or wine of the Palme tree, or of a fruit called Cocos. And this shall suffice for this time. If God send me my health, I shall haue opportunity to write to you once againe. Now the length of my letter compelleth me to take my leaue: and thus I wish your most prosperous health.

From Goa the tenth of No∣uember, 1579

.

Your louing sonne Thomas Steuens.

A briefe relation of the great magnificence and rich traffike of the kingdome of Pegu beyond the East India, written by Frey Peter of Lisbon, to his cousin Frey Diego of Lisbon, from Cochin.

I Receiued your letters in the harbour of Damaon by a carauell of aduise that came from Malacca, which brought shot, powder, and other prouision for the furnishing of foure gallies and a great gallion, which are now in building,* 8.11 to keepe our coast for feare of great store of men of warre, being Moores, which trouble vs very sore. At that instant when I receiued your letters I was new∣ly come from the kingdome of Pegu, where I had remained one yeere and an halfe, and from thence I departed to the city of Cochin in October 1587. The newes which I can certifie you of concerning these countreys are: That this king of Pegu is the mightiest king of men, & the richest that is in these parts of the world: for he bringeth into the field at any time, when he hath warres with other princes, aboue a million of fighting men: howbeit they be very leane and small people, and are brought vnto the field without good order. He is lord of the Ele∣phants, and of all the golde and siluer mines, and of all the pearles and precious stones:* 8.12 so that he hath the greatest store of treasure that euer was heard of in these parts. The countrey people call him The God of trueth and of iustice. I had great conference with this king, and with the head captaine of the Portugals, which is one of the countrey. They demanded of me many que∣stions as touching the law and faith of Iesus Christ, and as touching the Ten Commandements. And the king gaue his consent that our Order should build a Church in his countrey, which was halfe builded; but our peruerse and malicious Portugals plucked it downe againe: for whereas it is a countrey wherein our nation gaine very much by their commodities, they fearing that by the building of this Church there would be greater resort thither, and so their trade should be im∣paired, if their great gaines should be knowen vnto others then those which found this countrey out first,* 8.13 therefore they were so vnwilling that the building of this Church should goe forward. Our Portugals which are here in this realme are woorse people then the Gentiles. I preached diuers times among those heathen people; but being obstinate they say, that as their fathers be∣leeued so they will beleeue: for if their forefathers went to the diuell so they will. Whereupon I returned backe againe to our monastery to certifie our father prouinciall of the estate of this New found countrey. It is the best and richest countrey in all this East India;* 8.14 and it is thought to be richer then China.

I am afrayd that the warres which his Maiesty hath with England will be the vtter vndoing and spoile of Spaine: for these countreys likewise are almost spoiled with ciuill warres, which the Moores haue against the Gentiles: for the kings here are vp in armes all the countrey ouer. Here is an Indian which is counted a Prophet, which hath prophesied that there will a Dragon arise in a strange countrey,* 8.15 which will do great hurt to Spaine. How it will fall out, onely God doth know.

And thus I rest: from this monastery of Cochin the 28 of December, 1589.

Your good cousin and assured friend frier Peter of Lisbon.

A voyage with three tall ships, the Penelope Admirall, the Marchant royall Viceadmirall, and the Edward Bonauenture Rereadmirall, to the East In∣dies, by the Cape of Buona Speransa, to Quitangone neere Mosambique, to the Iles of Co∣moro and Zanzibar on the backeside of Africa, and beyond Cape Comori in India, to the Iles of Nicubar and of Gomes Polo within two leagues of Sumatra, to the Ilands of Pulo Pinaom, and thence to the maineland of Malacca, begunne by M. George Raymond, in the yeere 1591, and performed by M. Iames Lancaster, and written from the mouth of Ed∣mund Barker of Ipswich, his lieutenant in the sayd voyage, by M. Richard Hakluyt.

OUr fleet of the three tall ships abouenamed departed from Plimmouth the 10 of April 1591, and arriued at the Canarie-ilands the 25 of the same, frō whence we departed the 29 of April. The second of May we were in the height of Cape Blanco. The fift we passed the tropique of Cancer. The eight we were in the height of Cape Verde. All this time we went with a faire winde at Northeast, alwayes before the winde vntill the 13 of the same moneth, when we came within 8 degrees of the Equinoctiall line, where we met with a contrary winde. Here we lay off and on in the sea vntill the sixt of Iune, on which day we passed the sayd li••e. While we lay thus

off and on, we tooke a Portugal Carauel laden by marchants of Lisbon for Brasile, in which Ca∣rauel we had some 60 tunnes of wine, 1200 iarres of oyle, about 100 iarres of oliues, certaine barrels of capers, three fats of peason, with diuers other necessaries fit for our voyage: which wine, oyle, oliues and capers were better to vs then gold. We had two men died before wee pas∣sed the line, and diuers sicke, which tooke their sicknesse in those hote climates: for they be won∣derful vnholesome from 8 degrees of Northerly latitude vnto the line, at that time of the yeere: for we had nothing but Ternados, with such thunder, lightning, and raine, that we could not keep our men drie 3 houres together,* 8.16 which was an occasion of the infection among them, and their ea∣ting of salt victuals, with lacke of clothes to shift them. After we passed the line, we had the wind still at Eastsoutheast, which caried vs along the coast of Brasil 100 leagues from the maine, til we came in 26 degrees to the Southward of the line, where the wind came vp to the North, at which time we did account, that the Cape of Buona esperansa did beare off vs East and by South, be∣twixt 900 and 1000 leagues. Passing this gulfe from the coast of Brasil vnto the Cape we had the wind often variable as it is vpon our coast, but for the most part so, that we might lie our course. The 28 of Iuly we had sight of the foresayd Cape of Buona esperansa: vntill the 31 wee lay off and on with the wind contrary to double the Cape, hoping to double it, & so to haue gone seuentie leagues further to a place called Agoada de S. Bras, before we would haue sought to haue put in∣to any harbour. But our men being weake and sicke in all our shippes, we thought good to seeke some place to refresh them. With which consent we bare vp with the land to the Northward of the Cape, and going along the shore, we espied a goodly Baie with an Iland lying to Seawards of it, into which we did beare, and found it very commodious for our ships to ride in. This Baie is called Agoada de Saldanha,* 8.17 lying 15 leagues Northward on the hither side of the Cape. The first of August being Sunday we came to an anker in the Baie, sending our mē on land, and there came vnto them certaine blacke Saluages very brutish which would not stay, but retired from them. For the space of 15 or 20 dayes we could find no reliefe but onely foules which wee killed with our pieces, which were cranes and geese: there was no fish but muskles and other shel∣fish, which we gathered on the rockes. After 15 or 20 dayes being here, our Admirall went with his pinnasse vnto the Iland which lieth off this Baie, where hee found great store of Penguines & Seales,* 8.18 whereof he brought good plenty with him. And twise after that we sent certain of our men, which at both times brought their bots lading vnto our ships. After we had bene here some time, we got here a Negro, whom we compelled to march into the country with vs, making signs to bring vs some cattell; but at this time we could come to the sight of none, so we let the Negro goe with some trifles. Within 8 dayes after, he with 30 or 40 other Negros, brought vs downe some 40 bullocks and oxen, with as many sheepe:* 8.19 at which time we bought but few of thē. But within 8 dayes after they came downe with as many more, & then we bought some 24 oxen with as many sheepe. We bought an oxe for two kniues, a stirke for a knife, and a sheepe for a knife, and some we bought for lesse value then a knife. The oxen be very large and well fleshed; but not fat. The sheepe are very big and very good meat, they haue no woll on their backs but haire, and haue great tailes like the sheepe in Syria. There be diuers sorts of wild beasts, as the Antilope, (wherof M. Lancaster killed one of the bignes of a yong colt) the red & fallow Deere, with other great beasts vnknowen vnto vs. Here are also great store of ouer-growen monkeis. As touching our proceeding vpon our voyage, it was thought good rather to proceed with two ships wel man∣ned, then with three euill manned: for here wee had of sound and whole men but 198, of which there went in the Penelope with the ••dmiral 101, and in the Edward with the worshipfull M. captaine Lancaster 97. We left beh••••d 50 men with the Roiall marchant, whereof there were many pretily well recouered, of which ship was master and gouernour Abraham Kendal, which for many reasons we thought good to send home. The disease that hath consumed our men hath bene the skuruie. Our souldiers which haue not bene vsed to the Sea, haue best held out; but our mariners dropt away, which (in my iudgement) proceedeth of their euill diet at home.

Sixe dayes after our sending backe for England of the Marchant Roiall from Agoada de Saldanha, our Admirall M. captaine Raimond in the Penelope, and M. Iames Lancaster in the Edward Bonauenture, set forward to double the Cape of Buona esperansa,* 8.20 which they did very speedily. But being passed as far as Cape dos Corrientes,* 8.21 the 14 of Septēber we were encoun∣tre with a mighty storme and extreeme gusts of wind, wherein we lost our Generals companie,* 8.22 and could neuer heare of him nor his ship any more, though we did our best endeuour to seeke him vp and downe a long while, and staied for him certaine dayes at the Iland of Comoro, where we appointed to stay one for another. Foure dayes after this vncomfortable seperation in the mor∣ning toward ten of the clocke we had a terrible clap of thunder, which slew foure of our men out∣right,* 8.23 their necks being wrung in souder without speaking any word, and of 94 men three was

not one vntouched, whereof some were striken blind, others were bruised in their legs & armes, and others in their brests, so that they voided blood two dayes after, others were drawen out at length as though they had bene racked. But (God be thanked) they all recouered sauing onely the foure which were slaine out right. Also with the same thunder our maine maste was torne very grieuously from the head to the decke, and some of the spikes that were ten inches into the tim∣ber, were melted with the extreme heate theereof. From thence wee shaped our course to the Northeast, and not long after we fell vpon the Northwest end of the mighty Iland of S. Lau∣rence:* 8.24 which one of our men espied by Gods good blessing late in the euening by Moone light, who seeing afarre off the breaking of the Sea, and calling to certaine of his fellowes, asked them what it was: which ef••soones told him that it was the breaking of the Sea vpon the Shoulds. Whereupon in very good time we cast about to auoyd the danger which we were like to haue in∣curred. Thus passing on forward, it was our lucke to ouer-shoote Mozambique, and to fall with a place called Quitangone two leagues to the Northward of it,* 8.25 and we tooke three or foure Barkes of Moores, which Barkes in their language they call Pangaias, laden with Mil∣lio, hennes, and ducks, with one Portugall boy, going for the prouision of Mozambique. With∣in few dayes following we came to an Iland an hundred leagues to the Northeast of Mozambi∣que called Comoro,* 8.26 which we found exceeding full of people, which are Moores of tawnie co∣lour and good stature, but they be very trecherous and diligently to be taken heed of. Here wee desired to store our selues with water, whereof we stood in great need, and sent sixteene of our men well armed on shore in our boate: whom the people suffred quietly to land and water, and diuers of them with their king came aboord our ship in a gowne of crimosine Sattin pinked af∣ter the Moorish fashion downe to the knee, whom we entertained in the best maner, and had some conference with him of the state of the place and marchandises, vsing our Portugall boy which we had taken before for our interpreter, and in the end licensed the king and his company to de∣part, and sent our men againe for more water, who then also dispatched their businesse, & returned quietly: the third time likewise we sent them for more, which also returned without any harme. And though we thought our selues furnished, yet our master William Mace of Radcliffe pre∣tending that it might be long before we should finde any good watering place, would needes goe himselfe on shore with thirtie men, much against the will of our captaine, and hee and 16 of his company,* 8.27 together with one boat which was all that we had, and 16 others that were a washing ouer-against our ship, were betrayed of the perfidious Moores, and in our sight for the most part slaine, we being not able for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour. From hence with heauie hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar the 7 of Nouember,* 8.28 where shortly after wee arriued and made vs a new boat of such boards as we had within boord, and rid in the road vntill the 15 of February, where, during our aboad, we sawe diuers Pangaias or boates, which are pinned with woodden pinnes, and sowed together with Palmito cordes, and calked with the huskes of ••ocos shels beaten, whereof they make Occam. At length a Portugal Pangaia comming out of the harborow of Zanzibar,* 8.29 where they haue a small Factorie, sent a Canoa with a Moore which had bene christened, who brought vs a letter wherein they desired to know what wee were, and what we sought. We sent them word we were Englishmen come from Don Antonio vpon bu∣sinesse to his friends in the Indies: with which answere they returned, and would not any more come at vs. Whereupon not long after wee manned out our boat and tooke a Pangaia of the Moores, which had a priest of theirs in it, which in their language they call a Sherife: whom we vsed very curteously: which the king tooke in very good part, hauing his priests in great estima∣tion, and for his deliuerance furnished vs with two moneths victuals, during all which time we detained him with vs. These Moores informed vs of the false and spitefull dealing of the Portu∣gals towards vs,* 8.30 which made them beleeue that we were cruell people and men-eaters, and wil∣led them if they loued their safetie in no case to come neere vs. Which they did onely to cut vs off from all knowledge of the state and traffique of the countrey. While we road from the end of No∣uember vntil the middle of February in this harborough, which is sufficient for a ship of 500 tuns to ride in, we set vpon a Portugall Pangaia with our boat, but because it was very litle, & our men not able to stirre in it, we were not able to take the sayd Pangaia, which was armed with 10 good shot like our long fouling pieces. This place for the goodnesse of the harborough and watering, and plentifull refreshing with fish,* 8.31 whereof we tooke great store with our nets, and for sundry sorts of fruits of the countrey, as Cocos and others, which were brought vs by the Moores, as also for oxen and hennes, is carefully to be songht for by such of our ships, as shall hereafter passe that way. But our men had need to take good heed of the Portugals: for while we lay here the Portugall Admiral of the coast from Melinde to Mozambique, came to view and to betray our boat if he could haue taken at any time aduantage,* 8.32 in a gallie Frigate of ten tunnes with 8 or 9

oares on a side. Of the strength of which Frigate and their trecherous meaning we were aduer∣tised by an Arabian Moore which came from the king of Zanzibar diuers times vnto vs about the deliuerie of the priest aforesayd, and afterward by another which we caried thence along with vs: for wheresoeuer we came, our care was to get into our hands some one or two of the coun∣treys to learne the languages and states of those partes where we touched.* 8.33 Moreouer, here a∣gaine we had another clap of thunder which did shake our foremast very much, which wee fisht and repaired with timber from the shore, whereof there is good store thereabout of a kind of trees some fortie foote high, which is a red and tough wood, and as I suppose, a kind of Cedar. Here our Surgeon Arnold negligently catching a great heate in his head being on land with the ma∣ster to seeke oxen, fell sicke and shortly died,* 8.34 which might haue bene cured by letting of blood be∣fore it had bin setled.* 8.35 Before our departure we had in this place some thousand weight of pitch, or rather a kind of gray and white gumme like vnto frankincense, as clammie as turpentine, which in melting groweth as blacke as pitch, and is very brittle of it selfe, but we mingled it with oile, whereof wee had 300 iarres in the prize which we tooke to the Northward of the Equinoctiall, not farre from Guinie, bound for Brasil. Sixe dayes before wee departed hence, the Cape mar∣chant of the Factorie wrote a letter vnto our capitaine in the way of friendship, as he pretended, requesting a iarre of wine, and a iarre of oyle, and two or three pounds of gunpouder, which let∣ter hee sent by a Negro his man, and Moore in a Canoa: we sent him his demaunds by the Moore, but tooke the Negro along with vs because we vnderstood he had bene in the East In∣dies and knew somewhat of the countrey. By this Negro we were aduertised of a small Barke of some thirtie tunnes (which the Moores call a Iunco) which was come from Goa thither laden with Pepper for the Factorie and seruice of that kingdome.* 8.36 Thus hauing trimmed our shippe as we lay in this road, in the end we set forward for the coast of the East India, the 15 of February aforesayd, intending if we could to haue reached to Cape Comori, which is the head∣land or Promontorie of the maine of Malauar, and there to haue lien off and on for such ships as should haue passed from Zeilan, Sant Tome, Bengala, Pegu, Malacca, the Moluccos, the coast of China, and the Ile of Iapan, which ships are exceeding wealth and riches. But in our course we were very much deceiued by the currents that set into the gulfe of the Red sea along the coast of Melinde.* 8.37 And the windes shortening vpon vs to the Northeast and Easterly, kept vs that we could not get off, and so with the putting in of the currents from the Westward, set vs in fur∣ther vnto the Northward within foure score leagues of the Ile of Zocotora,* 8.38 farre from our de∣termined course and expectation. But here we neuer wanted abundance of Dolphins, Boni∣tos and flying fishes. Now while we found our selues thus farre to the Northward, and the time being so farre spent, we determined to goe for the Red sea, or for the Iland of Zocotora, both to refresh our selues, and also for some purchase. But while wee were in this consultation, the winde very luckily came about to the Northwest and caried vs directly toward Cape Comori. Before we should haue doubled this Cape, we were determined to touch at the Ilands of Ma∣male,* 8.39 of which we had aduertisement, that one had victuals, standing in the Northerly latitude of twelue degrees. Howbeit it was not our good lucke to finde it, which fell out partly by the ob∣stinacie of our master: for the day before we fell with part of the Ilands the wind came about to the Southwest, and then shifting our course we missed it. So the wind increasing Souther∣ly, we feared we should not haue bene able to haue doubled the Cape, which would haue greatly hazarded our casting away vpon the coast of India, the Winter season and Westerne Monsons already being come in, which Monsons continue on that coast vntil August. Neuertheles it plea∣sed God to bring the wind more Westerly, & so in the moneth of May 1592. we happily doubled Cape Comori without sight of the coast of India.* 8.40 From hence thus hauing doubled this Cape, we directed our course for the Ilands of Nicubar,* 8.41 which lie North and South with the Westerne part of Sumatra, and in the latitude of 7 degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall. From which Cape of Comori vnto the aforesayd Ilands we ranne in sixe dayes with a very large wind though the weather were foule with extreme raine and gustes of windes. These Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due obseruation of the South starre. And we fell to the Southward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Polo,* 8.42 which lie hard vpon the great Iland of Sumatra the first of Iune, and at the Northeast side of them we lay two or three dayes becalmed, hoping to haue had a Pilote from Sumatra,* 8.43 within two leagues whereof wee lay off and on. Now the Winter comming vpon vs with much contagious weather, we directed our course from hence with the Ilands of Pulo Pinaou,* 8.44 (where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth an Iland) at which Ilands wee arriued about the begin∣ning of Iune, where we came to an anker in a very good harborough betweene three Ilands: at which time our men were very sicke and many fallen. Here we determined to stay vntill the

Winter were ouerpast. This place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the Northward, and some fiue leagues from the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued vntill the end of Au∣gust. Our refreshing in this place was very smal, onely of oisters growing on rocks, great wilks, and some few fish which we tooke with our hookes. Here we landed our sicke men on these vnin∣habited Ilands for their health, neuerthelesse 26 of them died in his place, whereof Iohn Hall our master was one, and M. Rainold Golding another, a marchant of great honestie and much discre∣tion. In these Ilands are abundance of trees of white wood,* 8.45 so right and tall, hat a man may make mastes of them being an hundred foote long. The winter passed and hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to Sea, wee had left vs but 33 men and one boy, of which not past 22 were found for labour and helpe, and of them not past a third part sailers: thence we made sail•• to seeke some place of refreshing, and went ouer to the maine of Malacca.* 8.46 The next day we came to an anker in a Baie in six fadomes water some two leagues from the shore. Then master Iames Lancaster our captaine, and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant, and other of the companie man∣ning the boat, went on shore to see what inhabitants might be found. And comming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people which were departed thence not long before: for we sawe their fire still burning, but people we sawe none, nor any other liuing creature, saue a certaine kind of foule called oxe birds, which are a gray kind of Sea-foule, like a Snite in co∣lour, but not in beake. Of these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot being very tame, and spending the day in search, returned toward night aboord. The next day about two of the clocke in the afternoone we espied a Canoa which came neere vnto vs, but would not come aboord vs, hauing in it some sixteen naked Indians, with whom neuertheles going afterward on land, we had friendly conference and promise of victuals. The next day in the morning we espied three ships,* 8.47 being all of burthen 60 or 70 tunnes, one of which wee made to strike with our very boate: and vnderstanding that they were of the towne of Martabam, which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great citie of Pegu, and the goods belonging to certaine Portugal Iesuites and a Biscuit baker a Portugal, we tooke that ship & did not force the other two, because they were laden for marchants of Pegu, but hauing this one at our command, we came together to an anker. The night folowing all the men except twelue, which we tooke into our ship, being most of them borne in Pegu, fled away in their boate, leauing their ship and goods with vs. The next day we weighed our anker and went to the Leeward of an Iland hard by, and tooke in her lading being pepper, which shee and the other two had laden at Pera,* 8.48 which is a place on the maine 30 leagues to the South. Be∣sides the aforesaid three ships, we tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper, and perceiuing her to bee laden with marchants goods of Pegu onely, wee dismissed her without touching any thing.

Thus hauing staied here 10 daies and discharged her goods into the Edward, which was about the beginning of September, our sicke men being somewhat refreshed and lustie, with such re∣liefe as we had found in this ship, we weighed anker, determining to runne into the streights of Malacca to the Ilands called Pulo Sambilam,* 8.49 which are some fiue and fortie leagues Northward of the citie of Malacca, to which Ilands the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome, for the Malucos, China, and Iapan. And when wee were there arriued, we lay too and agayne for such shipping as should come that way.* 8.50 Thus hauing spent some fiue dayes, vpon a Sunday we espied a saile which was a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan a towne on the maine of India ouer-against the Northeast part of the Ile of Zeilan; and that night we tooke her being of 250 tunnes: she was laden with Rice for Malacca. Captaine Lancaster commanded their cap∣taine and master aboord our shippe, and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and seuen more to keepe this prize, who being aboord the same, came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water: for in that chanell three or foure leagues from the shore you shall finde good ankorage. Being thus at an anker and keeping out a light for the Edward, another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of foure hundred tunnes,* 8.51 came and ankered hard by vs. The Edward being put to Leeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes, was not able the next morning to fetch her vp, vntil we which were in the prize with our boate, went to helpe to man our shippe. Then comming aboord we went toward the shippe of Sant Thome, but our ship was so foule that shee escaped vs. After we had taken out of our Portugall prize what we thought good, we turned her and all her men a∣way except a Pilot and foure Moores. We continued here vntill the sixt of October, at which time we met with the ship of the captaine of Malacca of seuen hundred tunnes which came from Goa:* 8.52 we shot at her many shot, and at last shooting her maine-yard through, she came to an an∣ker and yeelded. We commaunded her Captaine, Master, Pilot and Purser to come aboord vs. But the Captaine accompanied with one souldier onely came, and after certaine conference with him, he made excuse to fetch the Master and Purser, which he sayd would not come vnlesse

he went for them: but being gotten from vs in the edge of the euening, ••he with all the people which were to the number of about three hundred men, women and children, gote a shore with two great boates and quite abandoned the ship. At our comming aboord we found in her sixteene pieces of brasse, and three hundred buts of Canarie wine, and Nipar wine, which is made of the palme trees, and raisin wine which is also very strong: as also all kind of Haberdasher wares,* 8.53 as hats, red caps knit of Spanish wooll, worsted stockings knit, shooes, veluets, taffataes, chamlets, and silkes, abundance of suckets, rice, Uenice glasses, certaine papers full of false and counter∣feit stones which an Italian brought from Venice to deceiue the rude Indians withall, abundance of playing cardes, two or three packs of French paper. Whatsoeuer became of the treasure which vsually is brought in roials of plate in this gallion, we could not find it. After that the mariners had disordredly pilled this rich shippe, the Captaine because they would not follow his comman∣dement to vnlade those excellent wines into the Edward, abandoned her & let her driue at Sea, taking out of her the choisest things that she had. And doubting the forces of Malaca, we depar∣ted thence to a Baie in the kingdom of Iunsalaom,* 8.54 which is betweene Malacca and Pegu eight degrees to the Northward, to seeke for pitch the trimme our ship. Here we sent our souldier, which the captaine of the aforesaid galion had left behind him with vs, because he had the Malaian lan∣guage, to deale with the people for pitch, which hee did faithfully, and procured vs some two or three quintals with promise of more, and certaine of the people came vnto vs. We sent commo∣dities to their king to barter for Amber-griese, and for the hornes of Abath,* 8.55 whereof the king onely hath the traffique in his hands. Now this Abath is a beast which hath one horne onely in her ••orehead, and is thought to be the female Unicorne,* 8.56 and is highly esteemed of all the Moores in those parts as a most soueraigne remedie against poyson. We had onely two or three of these hornes which are of the colour of a browne gray, and some reasonable quantitie of Amber-griese. At last the king went about to betray our Portugall with our marchandise: but he to get aboord vs, told him that we had gilt armour, shirtes of maile and halberds, which things they greatly desire:* 8.57 for hope whereof he let him returne aboord, and so he escaped the danger. Thus we left this coast and went backe againe in sight of Sumatra, and thence to the Ilands of Nicubar, where we arriued and found them inhabited with Moores,* 8.58 and after wee came to an anker, the people daily came aboord vs in their Canoas, with hennes, Cocos, plantans and other fruits: and with∣in two dayes they brought vnto vs roials of plate, giuing vs them for Calicut cloth: which roi∣als they finde by diuing for them in the Sea, which were lost not long before in two Portugall ships which were bound for China and were cast away there. They call in their language the Coco Calambe•• the Plantane Pison, a Hen ••am, a Fish Iccan, a Hog Babee.* 8.59 From thence we returned the 21 of Nouember to goe for the Iland of Zeilan,* 8.60 and arriued there about the third of December 1592. and ankered vpon the Southside in sixe fadomes water, where we lost our anker, the place being rockie and foule ground. Then we ranne along the Southwest part of the sayd Iland, to a place called Punta del Galle, where we ankered, determining there is haue re∣mained vntill the comming of the Bengala Fleet of seuen or eight ships, and the Fleete of Pegu of two or three sailes, and the Portugall shippes of Tanaseri being a great Baie to the South∣ward of Martabam in the kingdom of Siam:* 8.61 which ships, by diuers intelligences which we had, were to come that way within foureteene dayes to bring commodities to serue the Caraks, which commonly depart from Cochin for Portugall by the middest of Ianuarie. The commodities of the shippes which come from Bengala bee fine pauillions fo•• beds,* 8.62 wrought quilts, fine Cali∣cut cloth, Pintados and other fine workes, and Rice, and they make this voiage twise in the yeere. Those of Pegu bring the chiefest stones,* 8.63 as Rubies and Diamants, but their chiefe fraight is Rice and certaine cloth. Those of Tanaseri are chiefly fraighted with Rice and Nipar wine,* 8.64 which is very strong, and in colour like vnto rocke water somewhat whitish, and very hote in taste like vnto Aqua vitae. Being shot vp to the place aforesayd, called Punta del Galle, wee came to an anker in foule ground and lost the same, and lay all that night a drift, because we had nowe but two ankers left vs, which were vnstocked and in hold. Whereupon our men tooke occasion to come home, our Captaine at that time lying very sicke more like die then to liue. In the morning wee set our foresaile determining to lie vp to the Northward and there to keepe our selues to and againe out of the current, which otherwise would haue set vs off to the Southward from all knowen land.* 8.65 Thus hauing set our foresayle, and in hand to set all our other sayles to accomplish our aforesayd determination, our men made answere that they would take their direct course for England and would stay there no longer. Nowe seeing they could not bee perswaded by any meanes possible, the captaine was co••strained to giue his consent to returne, leauing all hope of so great possibilities. Thus the eight of December 1592. wee see sayle for the Cape of Buona Speransa, passing by the Ilands of Maldiua, and leauing the

mightie Iland of S. Laurence on the starreboord or Northward in the latitude of 26 degrees to the South. In our passage ouer from S. Laurence to the maine we had exceeding great store of Bonitos and Albocores, which are a greater kind of fish:* 8.66 of which our captain, being now reco∣uered of his sicknesse, tooke with an hooke as many in two or three howers as would serue fortie persons a whole day. And this skole of fish continued with our ship for the space of fiue or sixe weekes, all which while we tooke to the quantitie aforesayd, which was no small refreshing to vs. In February 1593. we fell with the Eastermost land of Africa at a place called Baia de Agoa some 100 leagues to the Northeast of the Cape of Good Hope:* 8.67 and finding the winds con∣trary, we spent a moneth or fiue weekes before we could double the Cape.* 8.68 After wee had dou∣bled it in March folowing, wee directed our course for the Iland of Santa Helena, and arriued there the third day of Aprill, where wee staied to our great comfort nineteene dayes: in which meane space some one man of vs tooke thirtie goodly Congers in one day, and other rockie fishe and some Bonitos. After our arriuall at Santa Helena,* 8.69 I Edmund Barker went on shore with foure or fiue Peguins or men of Pegu which we had taken, and our Surgion, where in an house by the Chappell I found an Englishman one Iohn Segar of Burie in Suffolke,* 8.70 who was left there eighteene moneths before by Abraham Kendall, who put in there with the Roiall marchant, and left him there to refresh him on the Iland, being otherwise like to haue perished on shipboord: and at our comming wee found him as fresh in colour and in as good plight of body to our see∣ming as might be, but crazed in minde and halfe out of his wits, as afterward wee perceiued: for whether he were put in fright of vs, not knowing at first what we were,* 8.71 whether friends or foes, or of sudden ioy when he vnderstood we were his olde consorts and countreymen, hee be∣came idle-headed, and for eight dayes space neither night nor day tooke any naturall rest, and so at length died for lacke of sleepe. Here two of our men, whereof the one was diseased with the skuruie, and the other had bene nine moneths sicke of the fluxe, in short time while they were on the Iland, recouered their perfect health. We found in this place great store of very holesome and excellent good greene figs, orenges, and lemons very faire,* 8.72 abundance of goates and hogs, and great plentie of partriges, Guiniecocks, and other wilde foules. Our mariners some what discontented being now watered and hauing some prouision of fish, contrary to the will of the capitaine, would straight home. The capitaine because he was desirous to goe for Phernambuc in Brasil, granted their request. And about the 12 of Aprill 1593. we departed from S. Hele∣na, and directed our course for the place aforesayd. The next day our capitaine calling vpon the sailers to finish a foresaile which they had in hand, some of them answered that vnlesse they might goe directly home, they would lay their hands to nothing; whereupon he was constrained to fo∣low their humour. And from thence-foorth we directed our course for our countrey, which we kept vntill we came 8 degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall, betweene which 8 de∣grees and the line, we spent some sixe weekes, with many calme and contrary winds at North, and somtimes to the Eastward, & somtimes to the Westward: which losse of time and expense of our victuals, whereof we had very smal store, made vs doubt to keepe our course: and some of our men growing into a mutinie threatned to breake vp other mens chests, to the ouerthrow of our victuals and all our selues, for euery man had his share of his victuals before in his owne custody, that they might be sure what to trust to, and husband it more thriftily. Our capitaine seeking to preuent this mischiefe, being aduertised by one of our companie which had bene at the Ile of Tri∣nidada in M. Chidleis voyage, that there we should be sure to haue refreshing, hereupon directed his course to that Iland, and not knowing the currents, we were put past it in the night into the gulfe of Paria in the beginning of Iune,* 8.73 wherein we were 8 dayes, finding the current continually setting in, and oftentimes we were in 3 fadomes water, and could find no going out vntil the cur∣rent had put vs ouer to the Westernside vnder the maine land, where we found no current at all, and more deep water; and so keeping by the shore, the wind off the shore euery night did helpe vs out to the Northward. Being cleare, within foure or fiue dayes after we fell with the Ile of Mo∣na where we ankred and rode some eighteene dayes.* 8.74 In which time the Indians of Mona gaue vs some refreshing. And in the meane space there arriued a French ship of Cane in which was capitaine one Monsieur de Barbaterre, of whom wee bought some two buts of wine and bread, and other victuals. Then wee watered and fitted our shippe, and stopped a great leake which broke on vs as we were beating out of the gulfe of Pana. And hauing thus made ready our ship to goe to Sea, we determined to goe directly for New-found-land. But before wee departed, there arose a storme the winde being Northerly, which put vs from an anker and forced vs to the Southward of Santo Domingo. This night we were in danger of shipwracke vpon an Iland called Sauona,* 8.75 which is enuironed with flats lying 4 or 5 miles off: yet it pleased God to cleare vs of them, & so we directed our course Westward along the Iland of Santo Domingo, and doubled

Cape Tiberon,* 8.76 and passed through the old chanell betweene S. Domingo and Cuba for the cape of Florida: And here we met againe with the French ship of Caen, whose Captaine could spare vs no more victuals, as he said, but only hides which he had taken by traffike vpon those Islands,* 8.77 wherewith we were content and gaue him for them to his good satisfaction. After this, passing the Cape of Florida, and cleere of the chanell of Bahama, we directed our course for the banke of Newfound-land. Thus running to the height of 36 degrees, and as farre to the East as the Isle of Bermuda the 17 of September finding the winds there very variable, contrarie to our expec∣tation and all mens writings, we lay there a day or two the winde being northerly, and increasing continually more and more, it grewe to be a storme and a great f••ete of wind: which continued with vs some 24 houres, with such extremitie, as it caried not onely our sayles away being furled, but also made much water in our shippe, so that wee had sixe foote water in holde, and hauing freed our ship thereof with baling, the winde shifted to the Northwest and became dullerd: but presently vpon it the extremitie of the storme was such that with the labouring of our ship we lost our foremaste, and our ship grewe as full of water as before. The storme once ceased, and the winde contrary to goe our course, we fell to consultation which might be our best way to saue our liues. Our victuals now being vtterly spent, & hauing eaten hides 6 or 7 daies, we thought it best to beare back againe for Dominica, & the Islands adioyning, knowing that there we might haue some reliefe, whereupon we turned backe for the said Islands.* 8.78 But before we could get thither the winde scanted vpon vs, which did greatly endanger vs for lacke of fresh water and victuals: so that we were constrained to beare vp to the Westward to certaine other Ilandes called the Nueblas or cloudie Ilands, towards the Ile of S. Iuan de porto Rico, where at our arriuall we found land-crabs and fresh water, and tortoyses, which come most on lande about the full of the moone. Here hauing refreshed our selues some 17 or 18 dayes, and hauing gotten some small store of victuals into our ship, we resolued to returne againe for Mona:* 8.79 vpon which our determi∣nation fiue of our men left vs, remaining still on the Iles of Nueblas for all perswasions that we could vse to the contrary, which afterward came home in an English shippe. From these Iles we departed and arriued at Mona about the twentieth of Nouember 1593, and there comming to an anker toward two or three of the clocke in the morning, the Captaine, and Edmund Barker his Lieuetenant with some few others went on land to the houses of the olde Indian and his three sonnes, thinking to haue gotten some foode, our victuals being all spent, and we not able to pro∣ceede any further vntill we had obteyned some new supply. We spent two or three daies in see∣king prouision to cary aboord to relieue the whole companie. And comming downe to go aboord, the winde then being northerly and the sea somewhat growne, they could not come on shore with the boate, which was a thing of small succour and not able to rowe in any rough sea, whereupon we stayed vntill the next morning, thinking to haue had lesse winde and safer passage.* 8.80 But in the night about twelue of the clocke our ship did driue away with fiue men and a boy onely in it, our carpenter secretly cut their owne cable, leauing nineteene of vs on land without boate or a∣ny thing, to our great discomfort. In the middest of these miseries reposing our trust in the good∣nesse of God, which many times before had succoured vs in our greatest extremities, we conten∣ted our selues with our poore estate, and sought meanes to preserue our liues. And because one place was not able to sustaine vs, we tooke our leaues one of another, diuiding our selues into seuerall companies. The greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the Captaine could finde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was the stalkes of purselaine boyled in water,* 8.81 and nowe and then a pompion, which we found in the garden of the olde Indian, who vpon this our second arriuall with his three sonnes stole from vs, and kept himselfe continually aloft in the moun∣taines. After the ende of nine and twentie dayes we espied a French shippe, which afterwarde we vnderstood to be of Diepe, called the Luisa, whose Captaine was one Mounsieur Felix, vnto whom wee made a fire, at sight whereof he tooke in his top sayles, bare in with the land; and shewed vs his flagge, whereby we iudged him French: so comming along to the Westerne ende of the Island there he ankered, we making downe with all speede vnto him. At this time the Indian and his three sonnes came done to our Captaine Master Iames Lancaster, and w••nt along with him to the shippe. This night he went aboord the French man, who gaue him good entertainement, and the next day fetched eleuen more of vs aboord entreating vs all very cour∣teously. This day came another French shippe of the same towne of Diepe••* 8.82 which remayned there vntill night expecting our other seuen mens comming downe: who, albeit we caused cer∣taine pieces of ordinance to be shot off to call them, yet came not downe. Whereupon we de∣parted thence•• being deuided sixe into one ship, and sixe into another, and leauing this Island, departed for the Northside of Saint Domingo, where we remained vntill Aprill following 1494, and spent some two monethes in traffike with the inhabitants by permission for hides

and other marchandises of the Countrey.* 8.83 In this meane wh••le there came a shippe of New-hauen to the place where we were, whereby we had intelligence of our seuen men which wee left behinde vs at the Isle of Mona: which was, that two of them brake their neckes with ••en∣tring to take foules vpon the cliffes, other three were slaine by the Spaniards, which came from Saint Domingo, vpon knowledge giuen by our men which went away in the Edward, the o∣ther two this man of New-hauen had with him in his shippe, which escaped the Spaniards bloo∣die hands. From this place Captaine Lancaster and his Lieutenant Master Edmund Barker, shipped themselues in another shippe of Diepe, the Captaine whereof was one Iohn La Noe, which was readie first to come away,* 8.84 and leauing the rest of their companie in other ships, where they were well intreated, to come after him, on sunday the seuenth of Apill 1594 they set home∣warde, and disbocking through the Caijcos from thence arriued safely in Diepe within two and fortie dayes after, on the 19 of May, where after we had stayed two dayes to refresh our selues, and giuen humble thankes vnto God, and vnto our friendly neighbours, we tooke passage for Rie and landed there on Friday the 24 of May 1594, hauing spent in this voyage three yeeres, sixe weekes and two dayes, which the Portugales performe in halfe the time, chiefely because wee lost our fit time and season to let foorth in the beginning of our voyage.

We vnderstood in the East Indies by certaine Portugales which we tooke, that they haue late∣ly discouered the coast of China to the latitude of nine and fiftie degrees, finding the sea still open to the Northward: giuing great hope of the Northeast or Northwest passage. Witnesse Ma∣ster Iames Lancaster.

Certaine remembrances of an intended voyage to Brasill, and the Riuer af Plate, by the Edward Cotton, a ship of 260 Tunnes of Master Ed∣ward Cotton of Southhampton, which perished through extreme negligence neare Rio gra••∣de in Guinie, the 17 of Iuly 1583.

ARticles of Couenants agreed vpon betweene Edward Cotton Esquier, owner of the good ship called the Edward Cotton of Southhampton, and of all the marchandizes in her laden, of the one part, and William Huddie gentleman, Captaine of the said ship, Iohn Hooper his Lieutenant, Iohn Foster Master, Hugh Smith Pilot for the whole voyage, and William Chees∣man marchant, on the other part.

1 TO obserue and keepe the dayly order of Common prayer aboord the ship, and the companie to be called thereunto, at the least once in the day, to be pronounced openly.

2 Item, that they be ready with the first faire winde, to set saile and sailes in the voyage, and not to put into any port or harbour, but being forcibly constrained by weather, or other apparant and vrgent cause.

3 Item, that they take in, at or about the Isles of Cape Verde, to the quantitie of 25 or 30 tuns of salt, to be imployed among other the owners marchandize, at Santos, and S. Vincent, to his onely behoofe, and the rest of the salt, so much as shall be needed for victuall, and for sauing of the hides to be kept aboord, & the same salt to be prouided either at the fishermens hands neere the said Isles for trucke of commodities, or els to be taken in at the aforesaid Isles, at the discre∣tion of the abouenamed.

4 Item, vpon the due performance of this voiage, the owner bindeth himselfe by this deede, to yeeld vnto any such of the companie, as shall refuse their shares before they depart from the coast of England, 20 markes a single share, for the dutie of the whole voiage, making not aboue 75. shares single in the whole.

5 Item, the company according as they be appointed by the officers of the said ship aboue na∣med, shall at all times be most ready to doe their painfull i••deuor, not onely aboord, but in all la∣bours at the land, according to the direction giuen by the abdue named officers, vpon paine of for∣feiture of their shares and wages, the same to be diuided amongst the company.

6 Item, that the shares be taken at their returne out of al the traine oile, and hides of the seales, and of all other commodities gotten by their handie labour, and of the salt that shall be bended and other commodities, at, or neere the coast of Brasill, to allow after 9 li. the tunne freight, whereof one third to goe to the companie.

7 Item, that if any man shall practise by any deuise or deuises whatsoeuer, to alter the voiage from the true purpose and intent of the owner, viz. to make their first port at Santos, and Saint Vincent, and there to reuictuall and traffike, and from thence to the riuer of Plate to make their

voyage by the traine, and hide of the seales, with such other commodities as are there to be had, according as the owner, with diuers that haue gouernment in the said ship, are bound to her high∣nesse by their deedes obligatorie in great summes, that all such practisers, vpon due proofe made, shall loose their whole intertainement due by shares or otherwise for this sayde voyage to be ad∣iudged by the Captaine, his Lieutenant, the Master, Pilot, and marchant, or three of them at the least, whereof the Captaine to be one.

8 Item, that the pinnesse be ready at al times to serue the marchants turne vpon his demand, to take in wares and commodities, and to cary and recary to and from the shore, when, and as oft as neede shall be, and to giue due attendance at the marchant and marchants ditection, during the whole voyage.

9 Item, that no head or chiefe officer being set downe for such an officer vnder the hand of the owner, at the going to sea of the said shippe, shall or may be displaced from his said place or office, without great cause, and his misdemeanor to be adiudged by the Captaine, and his Lieutenant, the Master, the Pilot, and the marchant, or by the consent of three of them at the least.

10 Item, that vpon the returne of the shippe to the coast of England, the Maister and Pi∣lot put not into any port or harbour, to the Westward of Southhampton, but forced by wea∣ther, or such like vrgent cause.

• ...William Huddie.
• ...Iohn Hooper.
• ...Hugh Smith.
• ...Iohn Foster.
• ...William Cheesman.

A direction as well for the Captaine, and other my friends of the ship, as especially for William Cheesman Marchant, for the voyage to the riuer of Plate.

AT your comming to the Isle of Saint Sebastian,* 9.1 vpon the coast of Brasill, you shall according to your discretions, make sale of such commodities, as you may thinke will be thereabout well vented, and likewise to buy commodities without making longer stay there then your victuals be prouiding, but rather to bespeake commodities against your returne from the riuer of Plate, especially of Amber, Sugar, Gr••ene ginger, Cotton wooll, and some quantitie of the peppers of the countrey there. Also for Parats and Munkies, and the beast called Serrabosa. Also you shall barrell vp of the beefe called Perune, two or three barrels, and to lose no good oportunitie, to gather of the In∣dian figges, and the graines of them to preserue drie, in such quantitie as conueniently may be done: and touching the making of the traine, and preseruing of the hides, I leaue it wholly to the order and the discretion of the chiefe of the companie. Also that in any road where the ship shall ride vpon the coast of America, triall be made with the dragges, for the pearle Oisters, and the same being taken, to be opened and searched for pearle in the presence of the Captaine, his Lieutenant, the Master, the Pilot, and marchant, or three of them, whereof the Captaine or his Lieutenant to be one, and to remaine in the custodie of the Captaine and marchant. vnder two lockes, either of them to haue a key to his owne locke, and that a true inuentorie be deliuered also to the Master and Pilot of the said pearle or other iewels of price gotten in the said voiage, to the intent that no partie be defrauded of his due, and that no concealment be made of any such thing vpon forfeiture, the partie to lose his share and dutie for the voyage that shall so conceale and not reueale it vnto the officers aboue named. Also to doe your best indeuour to try for the best Ore of golde, siluer, or other rich mettals whatsoeuer. Forget not also to bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants with you, the Palmito with his fruit inclosed in him.

Serue God, keepe good watch, and stand alwayes vpon your garde.

Edward Cotton.

These things being thus ordered, and the ship of the burden of 260 tunnes, with 83 men of all sortes furnished, and fully appointed for the voyage, began to set saile from Hurst Castle vp∣on Friday the 20 of May, Anno 1583, and the 17 day of Iuly ensuing fell with the coast of Guinie, to take in fresh water, where, through meere dissolute negligence, she perished vpon a sand, with the most part of the men in her, as appeareth by the confession of one that escaped, the substance and tenor whereof is this.

The confession of VVilliam Bends Masters Mate in the Edward Cot∣ton, the 21 of October, Ann. 1584.

HE sayth, that the 17 day of Iuly, Anno 1583. hauing some lacke of fresh water, they put roome vpon the coast of Guinie, where they were set vpon a sand about 8 leagues from the shore, and this Examinate, with 29 more, got into the pinnesse, who arriued in an Island, being de∣solate of people, and fiue miles in compasse, where they rested 18 dayes through force of weather, hauing nought to eate but grasse. The rest of the company the ship being splitted in two, and in quarters, got them into one of the after quarters, and by the helpe of raftes came also a shore into another Island neere to Rio grande,* 9.2 where they all died as he supposeth.

The other 30 in the pinnesse, at the end of 18 dayes, departed that Island, and came to Saint Domingo, where comming on shore, they were taken of the Moores, & stripped naked. And they buried one Coxe an olde man aliue, not withstanding his pitifull lamentation and sk••••kings:* 9.3 the rest hauing Rice and water allowed them, liued there a certaine time. This Examinate was at last sold to a Portugall, with whom he dwelt the space of a quarter of a yere, and in the end, a Por∣tugall Carauel comming thither, his master laded the same with Negroes, and he obtained leaue of his master to goe in the same Carauell, & by that meanes arriued at Lisbone, and from thence came into England the 17 of October, 1584, leauing behinde him of his companie aliue, Ri∣chard Hacker, Iohn Baker, Iohn Mathew, and a boy, with two others which were gone beyond Saint Domingo: all which, as he saith, were so sicke and diseased, that he iudg••th them to be long before this time dead.

The escape of the Primrose a tall ship of London, from before the towne of Bilbao in Biscay: which ship the Corri∣gidor of the same Prouince, accompanied with 97 Spaniards, offered violently to arrest, and was defeated of his purpose, and brought prisoner into England.

Whereunto is added the Kings Commission for a generall imbargment or arrest of all English, Netherlandish, and Easterlings ships, written in Barcelona the 19 of May 1585.

IT is not vnknowen vnto the world what danger our English shippes haue lately escaped, how sharpely they haue beene intreated, and howe hardly they haue beene assaulted: so that the valiancie of those that mannaged them is wor••hy remembrance. And therefore in respect of the couragious attempt and valiant enterprise of the ship called the Primrose of London, which hath obteined renowne, I haue taken in hande to publish the trueth thereof, to the intent that it may be generally knowen to the rest of the Eng∣lish ships, that by the good example of this the rest may in time of extremitie aduenture to doe the like: to the honour of the Realme, and the perpetuall remembrance of themselues: The maner whereof was as followeth.

VUon Wednesday being the sixe and twentieth day of May 1585, the shippe called the Primrose being of one hundred and fiftie tunnes, lying without the bay of Bilbao, hauing beene there two dayes, there came a Spanish pinnesse to them, wherein was the Corrigidor and sixe others with him: these came aboord the Primrose, seeming to be Marchantes of Bis∣cay, or such like, bringing Cherries with them, and spake very friendly to the Maister of the ship, whose name was Foster, and he in courteous wise bad them welcome, making them the best cheere that he could with beere, beefe, and bisket, wherewith that ship was well furnished: and while they were thus in hanquetting with the Maister, foure of the seuen departed in the sayd Pinnesse, and went backe againe to Bilbao: the other three stayed, and were very plea∣sant for the time. But Master Foster misdoubting some danger secretly gaue speech that he was doubtfull of these men what their intent was; neuerthelesse he sayd nothing, nor seemed in any outward wise to mistrust them at all. Foorthwith there came a ship-boate wherein were seuentie persons being Marchants and such like of Biscay: and besides this boate, there came also the Pinnesse which before had brought the other three, in which Pinnesse there came foure and twentie, as the Spaniards themselues since confessed. These made towards the Primrose,

and being come thither, there came aboord the Corrigidor with three or foure of his men: but Master Foster seeing this great multitude desired that there might no more come aboord; but that the rest should stay in their boates which was grunted: neuerthelesse they tooke small heede of these wordes; for on a suddaine they came foorth of the boate, entring the shippe, euery Spa∣niarde taking him to his Rapier which they brought in the boate, with other weapons, and a drumme wherewith to triumph ouer them. Thus did the Spaniards enter the shippe, plunging in fiercely vpon them, some planting themselues vnder the d••cke, some entring the Cabbe••s, and a multitude attending their pray. Then the Corrigidor hauing an officer with him which bare a white wand in his hand, sayd to the master of the ship: Yeeld your selfe, for you are the kings prisoner: whereat the Maister sayd to his men, We are betrayed. Then some of them set dag∣gers to his breast, and seemed in furious manner as though they would haue slaine him, mea∣ning nothing lesse then to doe any such act, for all that they sought was to bring him and his men safe aliue to ••hore. Whereat the Maister was amazed, and his men greatly discomfited to see themselues readie to be conueyed euen to the slaughter: notwithstanding some of them respec∣ting the daunger of the Maister, and seeing how with themselues there was no way but present death if they were once landed among the Spaniards, they resolued themselues eyther to defend the Maister, and generally to shunne that daunger, or else to die and be buried in the middest of the sea, rather then to suffer themselues to come into the tormentors hands: and therefore in very bold and manly sort some ••ooke them to their iauelings, lances, bore-speares, and shot, which they had set in readinesse before, and hauing fiue Calieuers readie charged, which was all the small shot they had, those that were under the hatches or the grate did shoote vp at the Spaniards that were ouer their heads, which shot so amazed the Spaniards on the suddaine, as they could hardly tell which way to escape the daunger, fearing this their small shot to be of greater num∣ber then it was: others in very manlike sort dealt about among them, shewing themselues of that courage with bore-speares and lances, that they dismayed at euery stroke two or three Spa∣niards. Then some of them desired the Maister to commaund his men to cease and holde their handes, but hee answered ••hat such was the courage of the English Nation in defence of their owne liues, that they would stay them and him also: and therefore it lay not in him to doe it. Now did their blood runne about the ship in great quantitie, some of them being shot in be∣tweene the legges, the bullets issuing foorth at their breasts, some cut in the head, some thrust into the bodie, and many of them very sore wounded, so that they came not so fast in on the one side, but now they tumbled as fast ouer boord on both sides with their weapons in their handes, some falling into the sea, and some getting into their boates, making haste towardes the Citie. And this is to be noted, that although they came very th••cke thither, there returned but a small companie of them, neither is it knowen as yet how many of them were slaine or drowned, onely one English man was then slaine, whose name was Iohn Tristram, and sixe other hurt. It was great pitie to behold how the Spaniards lay swimming in the sea, and were not able to saue their liues. Foure of them taking holde of the shippe were for pities sake taken vp againe by Maister Foster and his men, not knowing what they were: all the Spaniards bosomes were stuft with paper, to defend them from the shot, and these foure hauing some wounds were drest by the sur∣gion of the shippe. One of them was the Corrigidor himselfe, who is gouernour of a hundred Townes and Cities in Spaine, his liuing by his office being better then sixe hundred pound yere∣ly. This skirmish happened in the euening about sixe of the clocke, after they had laden twentie Tunne of goods and better out of the sayd ship: which goods were deliuered by two of the same ship, whose names were Iohn Burrell, and Iohn Brodbanke, who being on shore were appre∣hended and stayed.

After this valiant enterprise of eight and twentie English men against 97 Spaniardes, they saw it was in vaine for them to stay and therefore set vp sayles, and by Gods prouidence auoy∣ded all danger, brought home the rest of their goods, and came thence with all expedition:* 9.4 and (God be thanked) arriued safely in England neere London on Wednesday being the 8 day of Iune, 1585. In which their returne to England the Spaniards that they brought with them offered fiue hundred crownes to be set on shore in any place: which, seeing the Maister would not doe, they were coutent to be ruled by him and his companie, and craued mercie at their hands. And after Master Foster demaunded why they came in such sort to betray and destroy them, the Corrigidor answered, that it was not done onely of themselues, but by the commande∣ment of the king himselfe; and calling for his hose which were wet, did plucke foorth the kings Commission, by which he was authorized to doe all that he did: The Copie whereof followeth, being translated out of Spanish.

The Spanish kings commission for the generall imbargment or arrest of the English, &c.

LIcentiat de Escober, my Corigidor of my Signorie of Biskay, I haue caused a great fleete to be put in readinesse in the hauen of Lisbone, and the riuer of S••uill. There is required for the Souldiers, armour, victuals, and munition, that are to bee imployed in the same great store of shipping of all sortes against the time of seruice, and to the end there may be choise made of the best, vpon knowledge of their burden and goodnesse; I doe therefore require you, that presently vpon the arriuall of this carrier, and with as much dissimulation as may be (that the matter may not be knowen vntill it be put in execution) you take order for the staying and arresting (with great foresight) of all the shipping that may be found vpon the coast, and in the portes of the sayd Signorie, excepting none of Holand, Zeland, Easterland, Germanie, England, and other Prouinces that are in rebellion against mee, sauing those of France which being litle, and of small burden and weake, are thought vnfit to serue the turne. And the stay being thus made, you shall haue a speciall care that such marchandize as the sayd shippes or hu••kes haue brought, whether they be all or part vnladen, may bee taken out, and that the armour, munition, tackels, sayles, and victuals may be safely bestowed, as also that it may be well foreseene, that none of the shippes or men may escape away. Which things being thus executed, you shall aduertise me by an expresse messenger, of your procee∣ding therein: And send me a plaine and di••tinct declaration of the number of ships that you shall haue so stayed in that coast and partes, whence euery one of them is, which belong to my Rebels, what burthen & goods there are, and what number of men is in euery of them, and what quantitie they haue of armour, ordinance, munition, victuals, tacklings and other necessaries, to the end that vpon sight hereof, hauing made choise of such as shall be fit for the seruice, we may further direct you what ye shall do. In the meane time you shall present∣ly see this my commandement put in execution, and if there come thither any more ships, you shall also cause them to be stayed and arrested after the same order, vsing therein such care and diligence, as may answere the trust that I repose in you, wherein you shall doe me great seruice. Dated at Barcelona the 29 of May. 1585.

And thus haue you heard the trueth and manner thereof, wherein is to be noted the great cou∣rage of the maister, and the louing hearts of the seruants to saue their master from the daun∣ger of death: yea, and the care which the master had to saue so much of the owners goods as hee might, although by the same the greatest is his owne losse in that he may neuer trauell to those parts any more without the losse of his owne life, nor yet any of his seruantes: for if hereafter they should, being knowen they are like to taste of the sharpe torments which are there accustomed in their Holy-house. And as for their terming English shippes to be in re∣bellion against them, it is sufficiently knowen by themselues, and their owne consciences can not denie it, but that with loue, vnitie, and concord, our shippes haue euer beene fauourable vn∣to them, and as willing to pleasure their King, as his subiectes any way willing to pleasure English passengers.

The Letters patents or priuiledges granted by her Maiestie to certaine Noble men and Marchants of London, for a trade to Barbarie, in the yeere 1585.

ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Ireland, defen∣der of the faith, &c. to the Treasurer & Barons of our Eschequer, and to al Mai∣ors, shirifs, constables, customers, collectors of our customes and subsidies, con∣trollers, searchers, and keepers of our hauens and creekes, ports and passages, within this our realme of England and the dominions of the same, and to al our officers, ministers and subiects, and to all other whosoeuer to whom it shall or may appertaine, and to euery of them greeting. Whereas it is made euidently and apparantly knowen vnto vs, that of late yeeres our right trustie and right welbeloued councellors, Ambrose Erle of Warwike, and Robert Erle of Leicester, and also our louing and naturall subiects, Tho∣mas Starkie of our citie of London Alderman, Ierard Gore the elder, and all his sonnes, Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Richard Staper, William Iennings, Arthur Dawbeney, William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthony Garrard, Robert How, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, Iohn Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliuer Stile, William Bond, Henrie Farrington, Iohn Tedcastle, Walter

Williams, William Brune, Iohn Suzan, Iohn Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert Washborne, Reinold Guy, Thomas Hitchcocke, George Lydiat, Iohn Cartwright, Henry Paiton, Iohn Boldroe, Robert Bowyer, Anthonie Dassell, Augustine Lane, Robert Lion, and Thomas Dod, all of London, Marchants now trading into the Countrey of Barbary, in the parts of Africa, vnder the gouernment of Muly Hammet Sheriffe, Emperor of Marocco, and king of Fesse and Sus, haue sustained great and grieuous losses, and are like to sustaine greater if it should not be preuented: In tender cōsideration whereof, and for that diuers Marchandize of the same Countries are very necessary and conuenient for the vse and defence of this our Realme of England, and for diuers other causes vs specially mouing, minding the reliefe and benefite of our said subiects, and the quiet trafique and good gouernment to be had, and vsed among them in their said trade, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion haue giuen and granted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors, doe giue and grant vnto the saide Earles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, Ierard Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alex∣ander Auenon, Richard Staper, William Iennings, Arthur Dawbenie, William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthonie Gerrard, Robert Howe, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, Iohn Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliuer Stile, William Bond, Henry Farrington, Iohn Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, Iohn Suzan, Iohn New∣ton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afild, Robert Washborne, Rainold Guie, Thomas Hitchcocke, George Lidiate, Iohn Cartwright, Henry Payton, Iohn Baldroe, Robert Bowyer, Anthony Dassell, Augustine Lane, Robert Lion, and Thomas Dod, that they and euery of them by them∣selues, or by their factors or seruants, and none others, shall and may, for, and during the space of 12. yeeres, haue and enioy the whole freedome and libertie in the saide trafique or trade, vnto or from the said countrey of Barbary, or to or from any part thereof, for the buying and selling of all maner of wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer, that now or accustomably heretofore haue bene brought or transported, frō, or to the said country of Barbary, or frō or to any of the cities, townes, places, ports, roades, hauens, harbors or creeks of the said country of Barbary, any law, statute, graunt, matter, customes or priuileges, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.

And for the better establishing, ordering and gouerning of the said Erles of Warwike and Lei∣cester, Thomas Starkie, &c. abouesaid, their factors, seruants and assignes in the trade aforesaid, we for vs our heires and successors, doe by these presents giue and graunt full licence to the saide Thomas Starkie, Ierard Gore the elder, and the rest aforesaide, and to euery of them from time to time, during the said terme of twelue yeres, at their pleasures to assemble and meete together in any place or places conuenient within our citie of London, or elsewhere, to consult of, and for the said trade, and with the consent of the said Erle of Leicester, to make and establish good and neces∣sary orders and ordinances, for, and touching the same, and al such orders and ordinances so made, to put in vre and execute, and them or any of them with the consent of the said Erle of Leicester, to alter, change and make voyde, and if need be, to make new, as at any time during the saide terme, they or the most part of them then liuing and trading, shall finde conuenient.

Prouided alwayes, that the ordinances or any of them bee not contrary or repugnant to the lawes, statutes or customes of this our Realme of England. And to the intent that they onely to whom the said libertie of trafique is graunted by these our Letters patents, and none other our Subiects whatsoeuer, without their special consent and licence before had, should during the said terme haue trade or trafique for any maner of Marchandizes, to, or from the said countrey of Bar∣bary, or to, or from any Citie, towne, place, port, harbor or creeke within the said countrey of Bar∣bary, to, or out of our said Realmes and dominions, wee doe by these presents straightly charge, commaund, and prohibite all and euery our Subiects whatsoeuer, other then only the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, and the rest abouesaid, and euery of them by them∣selues, or by their Factors or seruants during the ••aide terme, to trade or trafique, for or with any marchandize, to, or from the saide Countrey of Barbary, or to, or from any the dominions of the same, as they tender our fauour, and will auoyde our high displeasure, and vpon paine of impri∣sonment of his and their bodies, at our will and pleasure, and of forfeiting all the marchandizes, or the full value thereof, wherewith they or any of them during the saide terme, shall trade or tra∣fique to or from the said countrey of Barbary, or to, or from the dominions of the same, contrary to this our priuilege and prohibition, vnlesse it be by and with the expresse licence, consent, and agreement of the saide Erles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, Ierard Gore the el∣der, and all his sonnes, Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Ri∣chard Straper, William Iennings, Arthur Dawbnie, William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthonie Gerrard, Robert Howe, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, Iohn Swinnerton, Ro∣bert Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliuer Stile, William Bond, Henry Fa∣rington,

John Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, Iohn Suzan, Iohn Newton, Tho∣mas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert Washborne, Rainold Guy, Thomas Hitchcock, George Li∣diate, &c. or by, and with the expresse licence and consent of the more part of them then liuing and trading, first had and obtained, so alwayes, that the sayd Earle of Leicester be one, if hee bee liuing.

And we further for vs our heires and successors of our speciall grace, meere motion and cer∣taine knowledge, do graunt to the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, and the rest abouesaid, and to euery of them, that nothing shall be done, to be of force or validitie touching the said trade or trafique, or the exercise thereof, without or against the consent of the saide Erles, Thomas Starkie, (and the others before named) during the time of these our Letters patents for 12. yeeres as aforesaid.

And for that the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. and euery of them aforesaid should not be pre∣uented or interrupted in this their said trade, we do by these presents for vs, our heires and succes∣sours, straightly prohibite and forbid all maner of person or persons, as well strangers of what nation or countrey soeuer, as our owne Subiects, other then onely the said Erles, Thomas Star∣kie, &c. and euery of them as aforesaid, that they nor any of them from hencefoorth during the said terme of 12. yeeres, do or shall bring, or cause to be brought into this our Realme of England, or to any the dominions thereof, any maner of marchandizes whatsoeuer growing, or being made within the said Countrey of Barbary, or within any the dominions thereof, vnlesse it be by and with the license, consent and agreement of the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or with the consent and licence of the more part of them then liuing, first had and obtained, so alwayes y^t the sayd Erle of Leicester (if hee be liuing) be one, vnder the paine that euery one that shall offend or doe against this our present prohibition here last aboue mentioned in these presents, shall forfeite and lose all and singular the said marchandizes to be landed in any our realmes and dominions, cōtrary to the tenor and true meaning of this our prohibition in that behalfe prouided: the one moitie of all and euery which said forfaitures whatsoeuer mentioned or specified in these our present Letters pa∣tents, shalbe to vs our heires & successors: And the other moity of al and euery the said forfaitures, we doe by these presents of our certaine knowledge and meere motion, clearely and wholy for vs, our heires and successors, giue and graunt vnto the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. And these our Letters patents, vpon the onely sight thereof, without any further warrant, shal bee sufficient authoritie to our Treasurer of England for the time being, to our Barons of the Exchequer, and to all other our officers that shall haue to deale in this behalfe, to make full allowance vnto the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. their deputies or assignes of the one moitie of all and singular the goods, marchandizes and things whatsoeuer mentioned in these our present Letters patents, to be forfaited at any time or times during the said terme of twelue yeres: which said allowance we doe straightly charge and commaund from time to time to be made to the sayd Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. and to euery of them accordingly, without any maner of delay or deniall of any of our officers whatsoeuer, as they tender our fauour and the furtherance of our good pleasure. And wee doe straightly charge and commaund, and by these presents prohibite all and singular Customers and Collectors of our customes & subsidies, and comptrollers of the same, of, and within our Citie and port of London, and all other portes, creekes, & places within this our Realme of England, and euery of them, that they ne any of them take or perceiue, or cause, or suffer to be taken, receiued, or perceiued for vs & in our name, or to our vse, or to y^e vses of our heires or successors of any per∣son or persons, any sum or summes of money, or other things whatsoeuer during the said terme of 12. yeres, for, and in the name & liew or place of any custome, subsidy & other thing or duties to vs, our heires or successors due or to be due for the customes & subsidies of any marchandizes whatso∣euer growing, being made or cōming out of the said countrey of Barbary, or out of the dominions thereof, nor make, cause, nor suffer to be made any entrie into our or their books of customs & sub∣sidies, nor make any agreement for the subsidies and customs, of, and for any the said marchants, sauing onely with, & in the name of the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or the most part of them, as they and euery of them will answere at their vttermost perils to the contrary. And for the better and more sure obseruation of this our graunt, wee will, and grant for vs our heires & successors by these presents, that the Treasurer & barons of our Exchequer for the time being, by force of this our graunt or enrolment thereof in the said court, at al & euery time & times during the said terme of 12. yeres, at & vpon request made vnto them by the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or by the at∣turneis, factors, deputies or assignes of them, or the most part of them then liuing and trading, shall and may make & direct vnder the seale of the said Exchequer, one or moe sufficient writ or writs, close or patents, vnto euery or any of our said customers, collectors or cōtrollers of our heires an•• successors in all and euery, or to any port or ports, creeke, hauen, or other places within this our

realme of England, as the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or any the atturneis, factors, deputies or assignes of them or the most part of them then liuing and trading; shall at any time require, commaunding and straightly charging them and euery of them, that they nor any of them at any time or times during the said terme of 12. yeeres, make any entrie of any wares or marchandizes whatsoeuer, growing, being made or comming out or from the said countrey of Barbary, or the do∣minions thereof, nor receiue or take any custome, subsidie or other entrie, or make any agreement for the same, other then with or in the name of the said Erles, Thomas Starkie &c. the factor or factors, deputies or assignes of them or the most part of them then liuing and trading, according to this our graunt, and the true meaning thereof, and according to our saide will and pleasure before in these presents declared. In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made pa∣tents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 5. day of Iuly in the 27. yeere of our reigne.

The Ambassage of Master Henry Roberts, one of the sworne Es∣quires of her Maiesties person, from her highnesse to Mully Hamet Empe∣rour of Marocco and the King of Fesse, and Sur, in the yeere 1585: who remained there as Liger for the space of 3. yeeres. Written briefly by himselfe.

VPon an incorporation granted to the Company of Barbary Marchants resi∣dent in London, I Henry Roberts one of her Maiesties sworne Esquires of her person, was appointed her highnesse messenger, and Agent vnto the a∣foresaid Mully Harner Emperor of Marocco, king of Fesse and Sus. And af∣ter I had receiued my Commission, instructions, and her Maiesties letters, I departed from London the 14. of August in the yeere 1585. in a tall ship called the Ascension, in the company of the Minion and Hopewell, and we all arriued in safetie at Azafi a port of Barbary, the 14. of September next following. The Al∣caide of the towne (being the kings officer there, and as it were Maior of the place) receiued mee with all humanitie and honour, according to the custome of the Countrey, lodging me in the chie∣fest house of the towne, from whence I dispatched a messenger (which in their language they call a Trottero) to aduertise the Emperour of my arriuall: who immediatly gaue order, and sent cer∣taine souldiers for my guard and conduct, and horses for my selfe, and mules for mine owne and my companies carriages. Thus being accompanied with M. Richard Euans, Edward Salcot, and other English Marchants resident there in the Countrey, with my traine of Moores and car∣riages, I came at length to the riuer of Tensist, which is within foure miles of Marocco: and there by the water side I pitched my tents vnder the Oliue trees: where I met with all the English Marchants by themselues, and the French and Flemish, and diuers other Christians, which atten∣ded my comming. And after we had dined, & spent out the heat of the day, about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we all set forward toward the Citie of Marocco, where we arriued the said day, being the 14. of September, and I was lodged by the Emperours appointment in a faire house in the Iudaria or Iurie, which is the place where the Iewes haue their abode, and is the fairest place, and quietest lodging in all the Citie.

After I had reposed my selfe 3. dayes, I had accesse to the kings presence, deliuered my mes∣sage and her Maiesties letters, and was receiued with all humanitie, and had fauourable audience from time to time for three yeeres: during which space I abode there in his Court, as her Maie∣sties Agent and Ligier: and whensoeuer I had occasion of businesse I was admitted either to his Maiestie himselfe, or to his vice Roy, whose name was Alcayde Breme Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person, and the chiefest about his Maiestie. The particulers of my seruice, for diuers good and reasonable causes. I forbeare here to put downe in writing.

After leaue obtained, and an honourable reward bestowed by the Emperour vpon me, I depar∣ted from his Court at Marocco the 18. of August 1588. toward a garden of his, which is called Shersbonare, where he promised mee I should stay but one day for his letters: howbeit, vpon some occasion I was stayed vntil the 14. of September at the kings charges, with 40. or 50. shot attending vpon me for my guard and safetie.

From thence at length I was conducted with all things necessary to the port of Santa Cruz, being sixe dayes iourney from Marocco, and the place where our shippes do commonly take in their lading, where I arriued the 21. of the same moneth. In this port I stayed 43. dayes, and at length the second of Nouember I embarqued my selfe, and one Marshok Reiz a Captaine and a Gentleman, which the Emperour sent with mee vpon an Ambassage to her Maiestie: and after much torment and foule weather at Sea, yer New-yeres day I came on land at S. Iues in Corn∣wall, from whence passing by land both together vp towards London, we were met without the

citie with the chiefest marchants of the Barbary Company, wri•• mounted all on horsebacke, to the number of 40. or 50. horse, and so the Ambassadour and my selfe being both in Coche, entred the citie by torchlight, on Sunday at night the 12. of Ianuary 1589.

Este es vn traslado bien y fielmente sacado da vna carta real del Rey Muley Hamet de Fes y Emperador de Marruecos, cuyo tenor es este, que Segue.

COn el nombre de Dios piadoso y misericordioso, &c. El sieruo de Dios soberano, el conquistador per su causa, el successor ensalçado por Dios, Emperador de los Moros, hijo del Emperador de los Moros, Iariffe, Haceni, el que perpetue su honra, y ensal∣çe su estado. Se pone este nuestro real mandado en manos de los criados de nuestras altas puertas los mercadore: Yngleses; para qûe por el sepan todos los que la presente vieren, come nuestro alto Conseio les anpara con el fauor de Dios de todo aquello, que les enpeciere y dannare en qualquiera manera, que fueren offendidos, y en qualquiera viaie, que fueren, ninguno les captiuarà en estos nuestros reynos, y puertos, y lugares, que anos pertenescen: y que les cubre el anporo de nuestro podor de qualquiera fatiga; y ningun los impida con mano de enemistad, ni se darà causa, de que se agrauien en qualquiera manera con el fauor de Dios y de su amparo. Y mandamos à los Alcaydes de los nuestros puertos y fortalezas, y à los que en estos nuestros reynos tie∣••en cargo, y à toda la gente commun, que no les alleguen en ninguna manera, con orden, de que sean offendidos en ninguna manera; y esto serà necessariamente:

Que es escrita en los medios dias de Rabel, segundo anno de nueue çientos, y nouenta y seys.

Concorda el dia d'esta carta con veynte dias de Março del anno de mil y quiniento y och∣enta y siete, lo qual yo Abdel Rahman el Catan, interprete per su Magestad faquè, y romançe de verbo ad verbum, como en el se contiene, y en Fee dello firmo de my nombre, fecho vt supra.

Abdel Rahman el Casan.

This is a copy well and truely translated of an edict of Muley Ha∣met king of Fez and Emperour of Marocco, whose tenor is as followeth: to wit, That no Englishmen should be molested or made slaues in any part of his Domi∣nions, obtained by the aforesaid M. Henry Roberts.

* 11.1IN the Name of the pitifull and the mercifull God, &c. The seruant of the supreme God, the conqueror in his cause, the successor aduanced by God, the Emperour of the Moores, the sonne of the Emperour of the Moores, the Iariffe, the Haçeny, whose ho∣nour God long increase and aduance his estate. This our princely commandement is deliuered into the hands of the English marchants, which remaine in the protection of our state∣ly palaces: to the ende that all men which shall see this present writing, may vnderstand that our princely counsaile wil defend them by the fauor of God, from anything that may impeach or hurt them in what sort soeuer they shalbe wronged: and that, which way soeuer they shall trauaile, no man shall take them captiues in these our kingdomes, ports, and places which belong vnto vs, which also may protect and defend them by our authoritie from any molestation whatsoeuer: and that no man shall hinder them by laying violent hand vpon them, and shall not giue occasion that they may be grieued in any sort by the fauour and assistance of God. And we charge and command our officers of our hauens and fortresses, and all such as beare any authoritie in these our dominions, and likewise all the common people, that in no wise they do molest them, in such sort that they be no way offended or wronged. And this our commandement shall remaine inuiolable, being re∣gistred in the middest of the moneth of Rabel in the yeere 996.

The date of this letter agreeth with the 20. of March 1587. which I Abdel Rahman el Ca∣tan, interpretour for his Maiestie, haue translated and turned out of the Arabian into Spanish word for word as is conteined therein: and in witnesse thereof haue subscri∣bed my name as aforesaid.

Abdel Rahman el Catan.

En nombre de Dios el piadoso piadador.

Orācion de Dios sobre nuestro Sennor y Propheta Mahumet, y los allegados à el.

* 11.2EL sieruo de Dios, y muy guerrero, y ensalsado por la graçia de Dios, Myra Momanyu, hijo de Myra Momanyu, nieto de Myra Momanyu, el Iarif, el Hazeny, que Dios sustenga sus reynos, y enhalse siu mandados, para el Sennor muy affamado y muy illustre, muy estimado, el Conde de Leycester, despues de dar las loores deuidas à Dios, y las oraçiones, y saludes de∣uidas

à le Propheta Mahumet. Seruirà esta por oshazer saber que llego a qui à nuestrà real Corte vnestra carta, y entendimos lo que en ella se contiene. Y vnestro Ambaxador, que aqui està en nuestra corte me dio à entender la causa de la tardança de los rèhenes hasta agora: el qual descuentò reçebi∣mos, y nos damos por satisfechos. Y quanta à lo que à nosesori••eys por causa de Iuan Herman, y lo m••smo que nos ha dicho el Ambaxador sobre el, antes que llegasse vuestra carta por laquexa del am∣baxador, que se ania quexado del, ya aniamos mandado prender lo. y assi queda aora preso, y quedera, hasta que sele haga la iusticia que mas se le hade hazer. Y con tanto nuestro Sennor os tenga en su gu∣ardia. Hecha en nuestra corte real en Marruecos, que Dios sostenga, el 28. dias del mes de Remo∣dan anno 996.

In the Name of the mercifull and pitifull God.

The blessing of God light vpon our lord and prophet Mahumet, and those that are obe∣dient vnto him.

THe seruant of God both mightie in warre and mightily exalted by the grace of God Myra Momanyn, the son of Myra Momanyn, the Iariff, the Hazeni, whose kingdoms God maintaine and aduance his authoritie: Unto the right fauous, right noble, & right highly esteemed Erle of Leicester, after due praises giuen vnto God, & due blessings and salutations rendred vnto the prophet Mahumet. These are to giue you to vnderstand, that your letters arriued here in our royal Court, and we wel perceiue the contents thereof. And your Ambassador which remaineth here in our Court told me the cause of the slownesse of the gages or pledges vntil this time: which reckoning we accept of, and holde our selues as satisfied. And as touching the matter wherof you write vnto vs concerning Iohn Herman, and the selfe same com∣plaint which your Ambassador hath made of him, before the comming of your letter, we had alrea∣dy commaunded him to be taken vpon the complaint which your Ambassadour had made of him, whereupon he stil remaineth in hold, and shal so continue vntil further iustice be done vpon him ac∣cording to his desert. And so our Lord keepe you in his safegard. Written at our royall court in Marocco, which God maintaine, the 20. day of the moneth Remodan, Anno‖ 11.3 996.

The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Emperour of Marocco.

MVy alto, y muy poderoso Sennor,

Auiendo entendido de parte de nuestro Agente la mucha aficion, y volontad,* 11.4 que nos teneys, y quanta honra, y fauor le hazeys por amor nuestro, par a dar nos tanto mayor testi∣monio de vuestra amistad, hemos recebido de lo vno y de lo otro muy grande contento, y sa∣tisfacion: y assy no podemos dexar de agradesceroslo, como mereceys. Vuestras cartas hemos tambien recibido, y con ellas holgadonos infinitamente, por venir de parte de vn Principe, à quien tenemos tan∣ta obligacion. Nuestro Agente nos ba escripto sobre ciertas cosas, que desseays ser os embiadas de a∣qui: Y, a••nque queriamos poder os en ello pontualmente cōplazer, como pidi••, ha succedido, que las gu∣erras, en que stamoral presente occupadas, nonos lo consienten del todo: Hemos però mandado, que se os satisfaga en parte, y conforme à lo que por agora la necessitad nos permite, como mas particularmente os lo declararà nuestro Agente: esperando, que lo reciberreys en buena parte, y cōforme al animo, con que os lo cōcedemos. Y porque nos ha sido referido, que aueys prometido de proceder cōtra vn Iuan Her∣man vassallo nuestro, (el qual nos ha grauemente offendido) de la manera, que or lo demandaremos a∣uemos dado orden à nuestro dicho Agente de de••irosmas parcularmente lo que desseamos ser hecho a cerca deste negacio, rogando os, que lo mandeys assicomplir: y que seays seruido de fauorescer siempre al dicho Agente, y tener lo ••u buen credito, como hasta agora aueys hecho, sin permiter, que nadie vs ha∣gamando de parecer a cerca de las calumnias, que le podrax lenantar, ny dudar, que no complamos muy por en••ero todo, lo que de nuestra parte os prometiere. Nuestro Sennor guarde vostra muy alta y muy podarosa persona. Hecha en nuestra Corte Real de Grenewich a 20. de Iulio 1587.

The same in English.

RIght high and mightie Prince, Hauing vnderstood from our Agent the great affecti∣on and good wil which you beare vs, and how great honour and fauor you shew him for our sake, to the end to giue vs more ample testimonie of your friendship, we haue recei∣ued very great contentment & satisfaction, aswel of the one as of the other: and withall we could not omit to magnifie you, according to your desert. We haue also receiued your letters, and do not a litle reioyce thereof, because they come from a prince vnto whom we are so much be∣holden. Our Agent hath written vnto vs concerning certaine things which you desire to bee sent vnto you from hence. And albeit we wish that we could particularly satisfie you, as you de∣sire, yet it is fallen out, that the warres, wherin at this present we be busied, wil not suffer vs fully

to doe the same: neuerthelesse, wee haue commaunded to satisfie you in part, and according as the present necessitie doeth permit vs, as our Agent will declare vnto you more particularly, hoping you will receiue it in good part, and according to the good will wherewith wee graunt the same. And because it hath bene signified vnto vs that you haue promised to proceed in iustice against one Iohn Herman our subiect,* 11.5 which hath grieuously offended vs, in such sort as wee haue sent ••ord vnto you, wee haue giuen order to our said Agent to informe you more particularly in tha•• which we desire to be done in this busines, praying you also to command the same to be put in execution: and that it would please you alwayes to fauour our said Agent and to hold him in good credite, as you haue done hitherto, not suffering your selfe to be changed in your opinion, for all the false re∣ports which they may raise against him, nor to doubt that wee will not accomplish at large all that he shall promise you on our behalfe. Our Lord keepe and preserue your right high and mightie person. Written in our royall Court at Greenwich the 20. of Iuly 1587.

A voyage to the Azores with two pinases, the one called the Ser∣pent, and the other the Mary Sparke of Plimouth, both of them belonging to Sir Walter Ralegh, written by Iohn Euesham Gentleman, wherein were taken the go∣uernour of the Isle of Sainct Michael, and Pedro Sarmiento gouernour of the Straits of Magalanes, in the yeere 1586.

THe 10. of Iune 1586. we departed from Plimouth with two Pinases, the o••e na∣med the Serpent, of the burden of 35. Tunnes, and the other the Mary Sparke of Plimouth of the burthen of 50. Tuns, both of them belonging to sir Walter Ra∣legh knight; and directing our course towards the coast of Spaine, & from thence towards the Isles of the Azores, we ••ooke a small barke laden with Sumacke and other commodities, wherein was the gouernour of S. Michaels Island,* 11.6 being a Portugal, hauing other Portugals and Spaniards with him. And from thence we sailed to the Island of Graciosa, to the West ward of the Island of Tercera, where we discried a saile, and bearing with her wee found her to be a Spaniard: But at the first not greatly respecting whō we tooke, so that we might haue enriched our selues•• which was the cause of this our trauaile, and for that we would not bee knowen of what nation we were, wee displayed a white silke ensigne in our maine toppe, which they seeing, made accompt that we had bene some of the king of Spaines Armadas, lying in wait for English men of war: but when we came within shot of her, we tooke downe our white flagge; and spread abroad the Crosse of S. George, which when they saw, it made them to flie as fast as they might, but all their haste was in vaine, for our shippes were swifter of saile then they, which they fearing, did presently cast their ordinance and small shot with many letters, and the draft of the Straights of Magelan into the Sea, and thereupon immediatly we tooke her, wherein wee also tooke a gentleman of Spaine, named Pedro Sarmiento,* 11.7 gouernour of the Straights of Mage∣lan, which saide Pedro we brought into England with vs, and presented him to our soueraigne Lady the Queene.

After this, lying off and about the Islands, wee descried another saile, and bearing after her, we spent the maine maste of our Admirall, but yet in the night our Uiceadmirall tooke her, being laden with fish from Cape Blanke,* 11.8 the which shippe wee let goe againe for want of men to bring her home. The next day we discried two other sailes, the one a shippe and the other a Carauel, to whom we gaue chase, which they seeing, with all speede made in vnder the Isle of Graciosa, to a certaine Fort there for their succour, where they came to an anker, and hauing the winde of vs we could not hurt them with our ships, but we hauing a small boate, which we called a light horse∣man, wherein my selfe was, being a Musqueter, and foure more with Caliuers, and foure that rowed, came neere vnto the shore against the winde, which when they saw vs come towards them they caried a great part of their marchandise on land, whither also the men of both vessels went and landed, and as soone as we came within Musquee shot, they began to shoote at vs with great ordinance and small shot, and we likewise at them, and in the ende we boorded one shippe wherein was no man left,* 11.9 so we ••••t her cables, hoysed her sailes, and sent her away with two of our men, and the other 7. of vs passed more neere vnto the shoare, and boorded the Carauel,* 11.10 which did ride within a stones cast from the shoare, and so neere the land that the people did cast stones at vs, but yet i••despight of them all we tooke her, and one onely Negro therein•• and cutting her cables in the hawse we hoysed her sailes, and being becalmed vnder ••he land, we were constrained to rowe her out with our boate, the Fort still shooting at vs, and the people on land with Musquets and ca∣liuers, to the number of •• 50. or thereabout: and we answered them with the small force wee had; In the time of which our shooting, the shot of my Musquet being a crosse harre-shot happened to

strike the gunner of the fort to death, euen as he was giuing leuell to one of his great pieces, and thus we parted from them without any losse or hurt on our side. And now, hauing taken these fiue sa••les of shippes, we did as before, turne away the shippe with the fish, without hurting them, and from one of the other shippes wee tooke her maine Maste to serue our Admirals turne, and so sent her away putting into her all the Spaniards and Portugals,* 11.11 (sauing that gentleman Pedro Sarmiento, with three other of the principal men and two Negroes) leauing them all within sight of land, with bread and water sufficient for 10. dayes if neede were.

Thus setting our course for England, being off the Islands in the height of 41. degrees, or there about, one of our men being in the toppe discried a saile, then 10. saile, then 15. whereupon it was concluded to sende home those prizes we had, and so left in both our Pinasses not aboue 60. men.* 11.12 Thus wee returned againe to the Fleete wee had discried, where wee found 24. saile of shippes, whereof two of them were Caracks, the one of 1200. and the other of a 1000. tunnes, and 10. Galions, the rest were small shippes and Carauels all laden with Treasure, spices, and sugars, with which 24. shippes we with two small Pinasses did fight, and kept company the space of 32. houres, continually fighting with them and they with vs, but the two Caracks kept still be∣twixt the Fleete and vs, that wee could not take any one of them, so wanting powder, wee were forced to giue them ouer against our willes, for that wee were all wholly bent to the gaining of some of them, but necess••ie compelling vs, and that onely for want of powder, without losse of any of our men, (which was a thing to be wondered at considering the inequalitie of number) at length we gaue them ouer. Thus we againe set our course for England,* 11.13 and so came to Plimouth with∣in 6. houres after our prizes, which we sent away 40. houres before vs, where wee were receiued with triumphant ioy, not onely with great Ordinance then shot off, but with the willing hearts of all the people of the Towne, and of the Countrey thereabout; and we not sparing our Ordinance (with the powder wee had left) to requite and answere them againe. And from thence wee brought our prizes to Southampton, where sir Walter Ralegh being our owner, rewarded vs with our shares.

Our prizes were laden with sugars, Elephants teeth, waxe, hides, rice, brasill, and Cuser, as by the testimonie of Iohn Euesham himselfe, Captaine Whiddon, Thomas Rainford, Beniamin Wood, William Cooper Master, William Cornish Master, Thomas Drake Corporall, Iohn Ladd gunner, William Warefield gunner, Richard Moone, Iohn Drew, Richard Cooper of Harwich, William Beares of Ratcliffe, Iohn Row of Saltash, and many others, may appeare.

A briefe relation of the notable seruice performed by Sir Francis Drake vpon the Spanish Fleete prepared in the Road of Cadiz: and of his destroying of 100. saile of barks; Passing from thence all along the coast to Cape Sa∣cre, where also hee tooke certaine Forts: and so to the mouth of the Riuer of Lisbon, and thence crossing ouer to the Isle of Sant Michael, supprized a mighty Carack cal∣led the Sant Philip comming out of the East India, which was the first of that kinde that euer was seene in England: Performed in the yeere 1587.

HEr Maiestie being informed of a mightie preparation by Sea begunne in Spaine for the inuasion of England, by good aduise of her graue and prudent Counsell thought it expedient to preuent the same. Whereupon she caused a Fleete of some 30. sailes to be rigged and furnished with all things neces∣sary. Ouer that Fleete she appointed Generall sir Francis Drake (of whose manifold former good seruices she had sufficient proofe) to whom the caused 4. ships of her Nauie royall to be deliuered, to wit, The Bonauenture where∣in himselfe went as General; the Lion vnder the conduct of Master William Borough Control∣ler of the Nauie; the Dread-nought vnder the command of M. Thomas Venner; and the Raine∣bow, captaine whereof was M. Henry Bellingham: vnto which 4. ships two of her pinasses were appointed as haud-maids. There were also added vnto this Fleet certaine tall ships of the Citie of London, of whose especiall good seruice the Generall made particular mention in his priuate Letters directed to her Maiestie. This Fleete set saile from the sound of Plimouth in the mo∣neth of April towards the coast of Spaine.

The 16. of the said moneth we mette in the latitude of 40. degrees with two ships of Middle-borough, which came from Cadiz; by which we vnderstood that there was great store of warlike prouision at Cadiz & thereabout ready to come for Lisbon. Upon this information our Generall withal speed possible, bending himselfe thither to cut off their said forces and prouisions, vpon the 19. of April entered with his Fleet into the Harbor of Cadiz: where at our first entring we were

assailed ouer against the Towne by sixe Gallies, which notwithstanding in short time retired vn∣der their fortresse.

There were in the Road 60. ships and diuers other small vessels vnder the fortresse: there fled about 20. French ships to Port Real, and some small Spanish vessels that might passe the sholdes. At our first cōming in we sunke with our shot a ship of Raguza of a 1000. tunnes, furnished with 40. pieces of brasse and very richly laden. There came two Gallies more from S. Mary port, and two from Porto Reale, which shot freely at vs, but altogether in vaine: for they went away with the blowes well beaten for their paines.

Before night we had taken 30. of the said ships, & became Masters of the Road, in despight of the Gallies, which were glad to retire them vnder the Fort: in the number of which ships there was one new ship of an extraordinary hugenesse in burthen aboue 1200. tunnes, belonging to the Marquesse of Santa Cruz being at that instant high Admiral of Spaine. Fiue of them were great ships of Biskay, whereof 4. we fired, as they were taking in the Kings prouision of victuals for the furnishing of his Fleet at Lisbon: the fift being a ship about 1000. tunnes in burthen, laden with Iron-spi••es, nailes, yron hoopes, horse-shooes, and other like necessaries bound for the West In∣dies we fired in like maner. Also we tooke a ship of 250. tunnes laden with wines for the Kings prouision, which wee caried out to the Sea with vs, and there discharged the said wines for our owne store, and afterward set her on fire. Moreouer we tooke 3. Flyboats of 300. tunnes a piece laden with biscuit, whereof one was halfe vnladen by vs in the Harborow, and there fired, and the other two we tooke in our company to the Sea. Likewise there were fired by vs ten other ships which were laden with wine, raisins, figs, oiles, wheat, & such like. To conclude, the whole num∣ber of ships and barkes (as we suppose) then burnt, suncke, and brought away with vs, amounted to 30. at the least, being (in our iudgement) about 10000. tunnes of shipping.

There were in sight of vs at Porto Real about 40. ships, besides those that fled from Cadiz.

We found little ease during our aboad there, by reason of their continuall shooting from the Gallies, the fortresses, and from the shoare: where continually at places conuenient they planted new ordinance to offend vs with: besides the inconuenience which wee suffered from their ships, which, when they could defend no longer, they set on fire to come among vs. Whereupon when the flood came wee were not a little troubled to defend vs from their terrible fire, which neuerthe∣lesse was a pleasant sight for vs to beholde, because we were thereby eased of a great labour, which lay vpon vs day and night, in discharging the victuals, and other prouisions of the enemie. Thus by the assistance of the Almightie, and the inuincible courage and industrie of our Generall, this strange and happy enterprize was atchieued in one day and two nights, to the great astonishment of the King of Spaine, which bread such a corrasiue in the heart of the Marques of Santa Cruz high Admiral of Spaine, that he neuer enioyed good day after, but within fewe moneths (as may iustly be supposed) died of extreame griefe and sorrow.

Thus hauing performed this notable seruice, we came out of the Road of Cadiz on the Fri∣day morning the 21. of the said moneth of April, with very small losse not worth the mentioning.

After our departure ten of the Gallies that were in the Road came out, as it were in disdaine of vs, to make some pastime with their ordinance, at which time the wind skanted vpon vs, where∣upon we cast about againe, and stood in with the shoare, & came to an anker within a league of the towne; where the said Gallies, for all their for••er bragging, at length suffred vs to ride quietly.

We now haue had experience of Gally-fight: wherein I can assure you, that onely these 4. of her Maiesties ships will make no accompt of 20. Gallies, if they may be alone, and not busied to guard others. There were neuer Gallies that had better place and fitter opportunitie for their aduantage to fight with ships: but they were still forced to retire, wee riding in a narrow gut, the place yeelding no better, and driuen to maintaine the same, vntill wee had discharged and fired the shippes, which could not con••eniently be done but vpon the flood, at which time they might driue cleare off vs. Thus being victualed with bread and wine at the enemies cost for diuers moneths (besides the prouisions that we brought from home) our Generall dispatched Captaine Crosse in∣to England with his letters, giuing him further in charge to declare vnto her Maiestie all the par∣ticularities of this our first enterprize.

After whose departure wee shaped our course toward Cape Sacre, and in the way thither wee tooke at seuerall times of ships, barkes, and Carauels well neere an hundred, laden with hoopes, gally-oares, pipe-staues, & other prouisions of the king of Spaine, for the furnishing of his forces intended against England, al which we burned, hauing delt fauorably with the men and sent them on shoare. We also spoiled and cōsumed all the fisher-boats and nets thereabouts, to their great hinderance; and (as we suppose) to the vtter ouerthrow of the rich fishing of their Tunies for the same yere. At length we came to the aforesaid Cape Sacre, where we went on land; and the bet∣ter

to enioy the benefite of the place, and to ride in harborow at our pleasure, we assa••l••d the same castle, and three other strong holds, which we tooke some by force and some by surrender.

Thence we came before the hauen of Lisbon ankering nere vnto Cascais, where the Marques of Santa Cruz was with his Gallies, who seeing vs chase his ships a shoare, & take and cary away his barks and Carauels, was content to suffer vs there quietly to tary, and likewise to depart, and neuer charged vs with one Canon-shot. And when our Generall sent him worde that hee was there ready to exchange certaine bullets with him, the marques refused his chalenge, sending him word, that he was not then ready for him, nor had any such Commission from his King.

Our Generall thus refused by the Marques, and seeing no more good to be done in this place, thought it conuenient to spend no longer time vpon this coast: and therefore with consent of the chiefe of his Company he shaped his course toward the Isles of the Aço••es, and passing towards the Isle of Saint Michael, within 20. or 30. leagues thereof, it was his good fortune to meete with a Portugale Carak called Sant Philip,* 11.14 being the same shippe which in the voyage outward had caried the 3. Princes of Iapan, that were in Europe, into the Indies. This Carak without any great r••sistance hee tooke, bestowing the people thereof in certaine vessels well furnished with victuals, and sending them courteously home into their Countrey: and this was the first Ca∣rak that euer was taken comming foorth of the East Indies; which the Portugals tooke for an euil signe, because the ship bare the Kings owne name.

The riches of this prize seemed so great vnto the whole Company (as in trueth it was) that they assured themselues euery man to haue a sufficient reward for his trauel: and thereupon they all resolued to returne home for England: which they happily did, and arriued in Plimouth the same Sommer with their whole Fleete and this rich booty, to their owne profite and due com∣mendation, and to the great admiration of the whole kingdome.

And here by the way it is to be noted, that the taking of this Carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England: first, that it taught others, that Caracks were no such bugs but that they might be taken (as since indeed it hath fallen out in the taking of the Madre de Dios, and fyreing and sinking of others) and secondly in acquainting the English Nation more generally with the particularities of the exceeding riches and wealth of the East Indies: whereby themselues and their neighbours of Holland haue bene incouraged, being men as skilfull in Nauigation and of no lesse courage then the Portugals to share with them in the East Indies, where their strength is nothing so great as heretofore hath bene supposed.

A Patent granted to certaine Marchants of Exeter, and others of the West parts, and of London, for a trade to the Riuer of Senega and Gam∣bra in Guinea, 1588.

ELlizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, de∣fender of the faith, &c. To our Treasurer and Admirall of England, our Trea∣surer and Barons of our Exchequer, and all and euery our Officers, min••sters and subiects whatsoeuer, greeting. Whereas our welbeloued subiects Wil∣liam Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicolas Spicer, and Iohn Doricot of our City of Exeter marchants, Iohn Yong of Coliton in our country of Deuon marchant, Richard Doderige of Barnestable in our saide Countie of Deuon Marchant, Anthonie Dassell, and Nicolas Turner of our Citie of London Marchants, haue bene perswaded and earnestly mo∣ued by certaine Portugals resident within our Dominions, to vndertake and set forward a voy∣age to certaine places on the coast of Guinea: Videlicet, from the Northermost part of the Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega, and from and within that Riuer all along that coast vnto the Southermost part of another Riuer commonly called by the name of Gam∣bra,* 11.15 and within that Riuer: which, as we are informed, they haue already once performed accor∣dingly: And for that we are credibly giuen to vnderstand that the further prosecuting of the same voyage, and the due and orderly establishing of an orderly trafique and trade of marchandize into those Countreis, wil not only in time be very beneficial to these our Realmes and dominions, but also be a great succour and reliefe vnto the present distressed estate of those Portugals, who by our princely fauour liue and continue here vnder our protection: And cōsidering that the aduenturing and enterprising of a newe trade cannot be a matter of small charge and hazard to the aduentu∣rers in the beginning: we haue therefore thought it conuenient, that our said louing subiects Wil∣liam Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthonie Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, for the better incouragement to proceede in their saide aduenture and trade in the said Countreis, shal haue the sole vse and exercise thereof for a certaine

time. In consideration whereof, and for other waightie reasons and considerations vs specially moouing, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge and meere motion, we haue giuen and graun∣ted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors doe giue and graunt vnto the said Wil∣liam Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Young, Richard Doderide, Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner, and to euery of them, and to such other our Subiects as they or the most part of them shall thinke conuenient to receiue into their Company and society, to be the traders with them into the said Countreis, that they and euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors and none others, shall and may for and during the full space and terme of tenne yeeres next ensuing the date of these presents, haue and enioy the free and whole trafique, trade and feat of marchandise, to and from the said Northermost part of the said Riuer, commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega: and from and within that Riuer all along the coast of Guinea, vnto the Southermost part of the said Riuer, commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Gambra, and within that Riuer also. And that they the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassel and Nicholas Turner, & euery of them, by themselues or by their seruants or Factors, & such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their Company and societie, to be traders with them into the sayd Countreis (as is aforesaid) and none others, shall and may, for, and during the said space and terme of 10. yeres, haue and enioy the sole & whole trafique or trade of marchandize into and from the said places afore limitted and described, for the buying & selling, bartering and changing of and with any goods, wares, and marchandizes whatsoeuer, to be vented had or found, at or within any the cities, townes, or places situated or being in the countries, parts & coastes of Guinea before limit∣ted, any law, statute, or graunt, matter, custome or priuileges to the contrary in any wise notwith∣standing. And for the better ordering, establishing, & gouerning of the said societie and Company in the said trade and trafique of marchandizes, & the quiet, orderly & lawfull exercise of the same, We for vs, our heires, and successors, do by these presents giue and graunt full license and autho∣ritie vnto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthonie Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and to such others as they shall re∣ceiue into their saide societie and company to be traders into the said countreis, as is aforesaid, and to euery of them, that they or the most part of them shall and may at all conuenient times at their pleasures, assemble and meete together in any place or places conuenient, aswell within our citie of Exeter, as elsewhere within this our Realme of England, or other our dominions, during the said terme of ten yeere, to consult of, for, and concerning the saide trade and trafique of marchan∣dize, and from time to time to make, ordaine, and stablish good, necessary, and reasonable orders, constitutions, and ordinances, for, and touching the same trade. And al such orders, constitutions, and ordinances so to be made, to put in vre and execute, and them, or any of them, to alter, change, and make voyd, and, if neede be, to make new, as at any time, during the said terme of ten yeeres, to them, or the most part of them then trading, as is aforesaide, shall be thought necessary and con∣uenient. Unto all and euery which said orders, constitutions, and ordinances, they, and euery of them, and all other persons which shall hereafter be receiued into the saide societie and Company, shall submit themselues, and shall well and duely obserue, performe, and obey the same, so long as they shall stand in force, or else shall pay and incurre such forfeitures, paines, and penalties, for the breach thereof, and in such maner and forme, and to such vses & intents, as by the saide orders, con∣stitutions, and ordinances shall be assessed, limitted and appointed. So alwayes, as the same or∣ders, constitutions and ordinances, be not repugnant or contrary to the lawes, statutes, and cu∣stomes of this Realme of England, nor any penaltie to exceede the reasonable forme of other pe∣nalties, assessed by the Company of our Marchants, named Aduenturers. And to the intent that they onely, to whom the said power and libertie of trafique and trade of marchandize is graunted by these our letters patents aforesaid, and none others whatsoeuer, without their speciall consent and license before had, shall, during the said terme of ten yeeres, vse, or haue trade or trafique, with or for any maner of goods or marchandizes, to and from the saide coastes or parts of Guinea afore limited: Wee doe by these presents, by our royall and supreme authoritie, straightly charge and commaund, that no person, or persons whatsoeuer, by themselues, or by their factors, or seruants, during the said terme of 10. yeres, shall in any wise trade or trafique, for or with any goods or mar∣chandizes, to or from the said coasts and parts of Guinea afore limitted, other then the said Willi∣am Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and such as from time to time, they, or the most part of them, shall receiue into their societie or company, to be traders with them, as is aforesaid, as they tender our fauour, and will auoyde our high displeasure, and vpon paine of imprisonment of his or their bodies, at our will and pleasure, ••nd to lose and forfeit the ship or shippes, and all the goods,

wares, and marchandizes, wherewith they, or any of them shal, during the said terme of 10. yeres, trade, or trafique to or from the sa••d Countries, or any part thereof, according to the limitation a∣boue mentioned, contrary to our expresse prohibition and restraint, in that behalfe. And further, we do by these presents giue and graunt ful power and authoritie to the said William Braily, Gil∣bert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and to such other persons, as they shal receiue into their societie and compa∣ny, to be traders with them, as is aforesaid, and the most part of them, for the time being: that they, and euery of them, by themselues, their factors, deputies, or assignes, shall and may, from time to time, during the said terme of 10. yeres, attach, arrest, take, and sease all, and all maner of ship, and ships, goods, wares, and marchandizes whatsoeuer, which shall be brought from, or caried to the said coasts and parts of Guinea afore limited, contrary to our will and pleasure, and the true mea∣ning of the same, declared and expressed in these our letters patents. Of all and euery which said for faitures whatsoeuer, the one third part shall be vnto vs, our heires, and successors, and another thirde part thereof we giue and graunt by these presents, for and towards the reliefe of the saide Portugals continuing here vnder our protection, as is aforesaid. And the other third part of al the same for faitures, we do by these presents, of our certaine knowledge and meere motion, for vs, our heires and successors, giue and grant cleerely and wholy vnto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassel, and Ni∣cholas Turner, and such other persons, as they shall receiue into their societie, and company, as is aforesaid. And these our letters patents, or the inrolment or exemplification of the same, without any further or other warrant, shall from time to time, during the said tenne yeeres, be a sufficient warrant and authoritie to our Treasurer of England, for the time being, and to the barons of our Exchequer, and to all other our officers and ministers whatsoeuer, to whom it shall or may apper∣taine, to allow, deliuer, and pay one thirde part of all the said forfeitures, to the vse of the said Por∣tugals, and one other thirde part of the same forfeitures, to the saide William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and such other persons, as they shall receiue into their societie and Company, to be traders with them, as aforesaide, to their owne proper vse and behoofe: which said allowances and paiments thereof, our will and pleasure is, and we do straightly charge and command, to bee from time to time duely made and performed accordingly, without any delay or denial of any our officers aforesaid, or any other our officers or ministers whatsoeuer. And we do straightly charge and command, and by these presents prohibite all and singular our customers, collectors, and far∣mers of our Customes and subsidies, and controllers of the same, of and within our ports of the ci∣tie of London, and the Citie of Exeter, and all other ports, creekes, and places, within this our Realme of England, and euery of them, and all other our officers and ministers whatsoeuer, which haue or shall haue any dealing or intermedling, touching our said Customes and subsidies, that they, ne any of them by themselues, their clearks, deputies, or substitutes, or any of them take or receiue, or in any wise cause or suffer to be taken or receiued for vs, or in our name, or to our vse, or for, or in the names or to the vses of our heires or successors, of any person, or persons, any summe or summes of money, or other things whatsoeuer, during the said terme of ten yeeres, for, or in the name, lieu, or place of any Custome, subsidie, or other thing or duetie, to vs, our heires, or successors, due, or to be due, for the Customes or subsidies of any such goods, wares, or marchandi∣zes, to be transported, caried, or brought to or from the priuileged places, before in these presents mentioned, or any of them: nor make, nor cause to be made any entry into, or of the bookes of sub∣sidies or customes, nor make any agreement for the Customes or subsidies, of, or for any goods, wares, or marchandizes, to bee sent to, or returned from any the priuileged places, before in these presents mentioned, sauing onely with, and in the name, and by the consent of the saide William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anto∣nie Dassel, and Nicholas Turner, or of some of them, or of such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their societie and Company, as aforesaid. Prouided alwaies, that if at any time hereafter, we our selues, by our writing signed with our proper hand, or any sixe or more of our priuie Counsell, for the time being, shall, by our direction, and by writing signed and subscribed with their hands, signifie and notifie to the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spi∣cer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, or to any of them, or to any other, whom they, or the most part of them shal receiue into their Compa∣nie and society, as is aforesaid, or otherwise to our officers in our ports of Exeter, or Plimouth, by them to be notified to such as shall haue interest in this speciall priuilege, that our will and plea∣sure is, that the said trade and trafique shal cease, and be no longer continued into the saide coasts and partes of Guinea before limited: then immediatly from and after the ende of sixe moneths

next insuing, after such signification & notification so to be giuen to any of the said Company and societie, as is aforesaid, or otherwise to our Officers in our ports of Exeter or Plimouth•• by them to be notified to such as shall haue interest in this speciall priuilege, these our present letters Pa∣tents, and our graunt therein contained shall be vtterly voyde, and of none effect, ne validitie in the lawe, to all intents and purposes: any thing before mentioned to the contrary in any wise not∣withstanding. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster, the thirde day of May, in the thirtieth yere of our Reigne 1588.

A voyage to Benin beyond the Countrey of Guinea, set foorth by Master Bird and Master Newton Marchants of London, with a shippe cal∣led the Richard of Arundell, and a Pinesse; Written by Iames Welsh, who was chiefe Master of the said voyage, begunne in the yeere 1588.

VPon the twelft of October wee wayed our ankers at Ratcliffe and went to Blackwall. And the next day sayling from thence•• by reason of contrary winde and weather, wee made it the 25. of October before wee were able to reach Plimouth, and there we stayed (to our great expense of victuals) for lacke of winde and weather vnto the 14. of December.

On Saturday the said 14. of December we put from thence, and about midnight were thwart of the Lizart.

Thursday the second of Ianuary wee had sight of the land neere Rio del oro, God be thanked,* 11.16 and there had 22. degrees of latitude, and 47. minutes.

The thirde of Ianuary wee had sight of Cauo de las Barbas,* 11.17 and it bare Southeast fiue leagues off.

The 4. we had sight of the Crosiers in the morning.* 11.18

Tuesday the 7. day we had sight of Cauo verde, and I finde this place to be in latitude 14. de∣grees,* 11.19 and 43. minutes, being 4. leagues from the shoare.

Friday the 17. Cauo de Monte bare off vs North Northeast,* 11.20 we sounded and had 50. fathom blacke oase, and at 2. of the clocke it bare North Northwest 8. leagues off. And Cauo Mensura∣do bare of vs East and by South,* 11.21 and wee went Northeast with the maine: here the currant set∣teth to the East Southeast alongst the shoare, and at midnight wee sounded and had 26. fathome blacke oase.

The 18. in the morning we were thwart of a la••d much like Cauo verde, and it is as I iudge 9. leagues from Cauo Mensurado; it is a hill sadlebacked, and there are 4. or 5. one after another: and 7. leagues to the Southward of that, we saw a row of hils sadlebacked also, and from Cauo Mensurado are many mountaines.

* 11.22The 19. we were thwart Rio de Sestos, and the 20. Cauo dos Baixos was North & by West 4. leagues off the shoare, and at afternoone there came a boate from the shoare with 3. Negroes, from a place (as they say) called Tabanoo.* 11.23 And towards euening we were thwart of an Island, and a great many of small Islands or rockes to the Southward, and the currant came out of the Souther-boord: we sounded and had 35. fathomes.

The 21. wee had a flat hill that bare North Northeast off vs, and wee were from the shoare 4. leagues, and at 2. a clocke in the afternoone we spake with a Frenchman riding neere a place cal∣led Ratire,* 11.24 and another place hard by called Crua.* 11.25 This Frenchman caried a letter from vs to M. Newton: wee layd it on hull while wee were writing of our letter; and the current set vs to the Southward a good pase alongst the shoare South Southeast.* 11.26

The 25. we were in the hight of the bay that is to the Westward of Capo de Tres punta•••• the currant did set East Northeast.

The 28. we lay sixe glasses a hull tarying for the pinesse.

The last of Ianuary the middle part of Cape de tres puntas was thwart of vs three leagues at seuen of the clocke in the morning:* 11.27 and at eight the pinesse came to an anker: and wee prooued that the current setteth to the Eastward: and at sixe at night the vttermost lande bare East and by South 5. leagues, and we went Southwest, and Southwest and by South.

Saturday the first of February 1588. we were thwart of a Round foreland, which I take to be the Eastermost part of Capo de tres puntas: and within the said Round foreland was a great bay with an Island in the said bay.

* 11.28The second of February wee were thwart of the Castle of Mina, and when the thirde glasse of our Looke-out was spent, we spied vnder our Larbord-quarter one of their Boates with cer∣taine Negroes, and one Portugale in the Boate, wee would haue had him to come aboord,

but he would not. And ouer the castle vpon the hie rockes we did see as it might be two watch∣houses,* 11.29 and they did shew very white: and we went eastnortheast.

The 4 in the morning we were thwart a great high hill, and vp into the lande were more high ragged hilles, and those 3 reckoned to be but little short of Monte Redondo.* 11.30 Then I rec∣koned that we were 20 leagues Southeast-ward from the Mina, and at 11 of the clocke I sawe two hilles within the land, these hils I take to be 7 leagues from the first hils. And to sea-ward of these hilles is a bay, and at the east end of the bay another hill, and from the hils the landes lie verie low. We went Eastnortheast, and East and by North 22 leagues, ann then East along the shore.

The 6 we were short of Villa longa, and there we met with a Portugall Carauell.

The 7 a faire temperate day, and all this day we road before Villa longa.* 11.31

The 8 at noone we set saile from Villa longa, and ten leagues from thence we ankered againe and stayed all that night in ten fadom water.

The 9 we set saile, and all alongst the shore were very thicke woodes,* 11.32 and in the afternoone we were thwart a riuer, & to the Eastward of the riuer a litle way off was a great high bush-tree as though it had no leaues, and at night we ankered with faire and temperate weather.

The 10 we set sayle and went East, and East and by South 14 leagues along the shoare, which was so full of thicke woods, that in my iudgement a man should haue much to doe to passe through them, and towards night we ankered in 7 fadome with faire weather.

The 11 we sayled East and by South, and three leagues from the shore we had but 5 fadome water, and all the wood vpon the land was as euen as if it had beene cut with a paire of gardeners sheeres, and in running of two leagues we descerned a high tuft of trees vpon the brow of a land, which shewed like a Porpose head, and when wee came at it, it was but part of the lande, and a league further we saw a head-land very low and full of trees, and a great way from the land we had very shallow water,* 11.33 then we lay South into the sea, because of the sands for to get into the deepe water, and when we found it deepe, we ankered in fiue fadom thwart the riuer of Iaya, in the riuers mouth.

The 12 in the morning we road still in the riuers mouth. This day we sent the pinnesse and the boat on land with the marchants, but they came not againe vntill the next morning. The shallowest part of this riuer is toward the West, where there is but 4 fadom and a halfe, and it is very broad. The next morning came the boate aboord, and they also said it was Rio de Iaya.* 11.34 Here the currant setteth Westward, and the Eastermost land is higher then the Westermost.

Thursday the 13•• we set saile, and lay South Southeast along the shore, where the trees are wonderfull euen, and the East shore is higher then the West shore, and when wee had sayled 18 leagues we had sight of a great riuer, then we ankered in three fadom and a halfe, and the currant went Westward. This riuer is the riuer of Benin,* 11.35 and two leagues from the maine it is very shallowe.

The 15 we sent the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with the marchants, and after that we set saile, because we road in shallow water, and went Southsoutheast, and the starbord tacke aboord vntill we came to fiue fathom water, where we road with the currant to the Westward:* 11.36 then came our boat out of the harbour and went aboord the pinnesse. The West part of the land was high browed much like the head of a Gurnard, and the Eastermost land was lower, and had on it three tufts of treeslike stackes of wheate or corne, and the next day in the morning we sawe but two of those trees, by reason that we went more to the Eastward. And here we road still from the 14 of Februarie vntill the 14 of Aprill, with the winde at Southwest.

The 16 of Februarie we rode still in 5 fadome•• and the currant ranne still to the Westward, the winde at Southwest, and the boat and pinnesse came to vs againe out of the riuer, and told vs that there was but ten foote water vpon the barre.* 11.37 All that night was drowsie, and yet reasona∣ble temperate.

The 17 a close day the winde at Southwest. Our marchants wayed their goods and put them aboord the pinnesse to goe into the riuer, and there came a great currant out of the riuer and set to the Westward.

The 18 the marchants went with the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with their commodities. This day was close and drowsie, with thunder, raine and lightning.

The 24 a close morning and temperate, and in the afternoone the boat came to vs out of the riuer from our marchants.

Twesday the 4 of March, a close soultry hot morning, the currant went to the Westward, and much troubled water came out of the riuer.

The 16 our pinnesse came a boord and Anthonie Ingram in her, & she brought in her 94 bags

of pepper, and 28 Elephants teeth, and the Master of her and all his company were sicke.* 11.38 This was a temperate day and the winde at Southwest.

The 17. 18. and 19 were faire temperate weather and the winde at Southwest. This day the pinnesse went into the riuer againe, and caried the Purser and the Surgion.

The 25 of the said moneth 1589 we sent the boate into the riuer.

The 30 our pinnesse came from Benin, and brought sorowfull newes, that Thomas Hemsted was dead and our Captaine also,* 11.39 and she brought with her 159 Cerons or sackes of pepper and Elephants teeth.* 11.40

Note that in all the time of our abiding here, in the mouth of the riuer of Benin, and in all the coast hereabout, it is faire temperate weather, when the winde is at Southwest. And when the winde is at Northeast and Northerly, then it raineth, with lighning and thunder, and is very in∣temperate weather.

The 13 of Aprill 1589 we set saile home wards in the name of Iesus. In the morning we sayled with the winde at Southwest, and lay West and by North, but it prooued calme all that night, and the currant Southeast.

The 14 the riuer of Benin was Northeast 7 leagues from the shore, and there was litle winde and towards night calme.

The 17 a faire temperate day the winde variable, and we had of latitude foure degrees and 20 minutes.

The 25 a faire temperate day the winde variable, and here we had three degrees & 29 minuts of latitude.

The 8 of May we had sight of the shore, which was part of Cauo de Monte, but we did not thinke we had beene so farre, but it came so to passe by reason of the currant. In this place M.* 11.41 Tow••son was in like maner deceiued with the currant.

The 9 we had sight of Cauo de monte.

The 17 a darke drowsie day, this was the first night that I tooke the North starre.

The 26 a temperate day with litle winde, and we were in 12 degrees and 13 minutes of la∣titude.

The 30 we met a great sea out of the Northwest.

The 6 of Iune we found it as temperate as if we had beene in England, & yet we were within the height of the sunne, for it was declined 23 degrees, and 26 minuts to the Northward, and we had 15 degrees of latitude.

The 8 faire and temperate as in England, here we met with a counter sea, out of the South∣borde.

The 15 a faire temperate day, the winde variable, here we had 18 degrees and fiftie nine minutes.

The 12 of Iuly in 30 degrees of latitude we met with great store of rockweed, which did stick together like clusters of grapes,* 11.42 and this continued with vs vntill the 17 of the said moneth, and then we saw no more, at which 17 day we were in two and thirtie degrees sixe and fortie minutes of latitude.

The 25 at sixe of the clocke in the morning, we had sight of the Isle of Pike, it bare North and by East from vs, we being 15 leagues off.

The 27 we spake with the poste of London and she told vs good newes of England.

The nine and twentieth we had sight of the Island of Cueruo, and the 30 we saw the Island of Flores.

The 27 of August in 41 degrees of latitude we saw 9 saile of Britons, and three of them fol∣lowed vs vntill noone, and then gaue vs ouer.

The 30 we had sight of Cape ••inisterre.

The eight of September at night wee put into Plimouth sound, and road in Causon bay all night.

The 9 we put into Catwater and there stayed vntill the 28 of September, by reason of want of men and sicknesse.

The nine and twentieth we set sayle from Plimouth, and arriued at London the second of October 1589.

The commodities that we caried in this voyage were cloth both linnen & wollen, yron worke of sundry sorts, Manillios or bracelets of copper, glasse beades, and corrall.

The commodities that we brought home were pepper and Elephants teeth, oyle of palme, cloth made of Cotton wooll very curiously wouen, and cloth made of the barke of palme trees.

Their money is pretie white shels, for golde and siluer we saw none. They haue also great store of cotton growing: their bread is a kind of roots, they call it Inamia,* 11.43 and when it is well sodden I would leaue our bread to eat of it, it is pleasant in eating, and light of digestion, the roote there∣of is as bigge as a mans arme. Our men vpon fish-dayes had rather eate the rootes with oyle and vineger, then to eate good stockfish. There are great store of palme trees, out of the which they gather great store of wine,* 11.44 which wine is white and very pleasant, & we should buy two gallons of it for 20 shels. They haue good store of sope, and it smelleth like beaten violets. Also many pretie fine mats and baskets that they make, and spoones of Elephants teeth very curiously wrought with diuers proportions of foules and beasts made vpon them. There is vpon the coast wonderfull great lightning and thunder, in so much as I neuer hard the like in no Countrey, for it would make the decke or hatches tremble vnder our feete, and before we were well acquainted with it, we were fearefull, but God be thanked we had no harme. The people are very gentle and louing, and they goe naked both men and women vntill they be married, and then they goe couered from the middle downe to the knees. They would bring our men earthen pottes of the quantitie of two gallons, full of hony and hony combes for 100 shelles. They would also bring* 11.45 great store of Oranges and Plantans which is a fruit that groweth vpon a tree, and is very like vnto a Cucumber but very pleasant in eating. It hath pleased God of his merceifull goodnesse to giue me the knowledge how to preserue fresh water with little cost, which did serue vs sixe moneths at the sea, & when we came into Plimmouth it was much wondered at, of the principal men of the towne, who said that there was not sweeter water in any spring in Plimouth. Thus both God prouide for his creatures, vnto whom be praise now and for euermore, Amen.

The voiage set forth by M. Iohn Newton, and M. Iohn Bird marchants of London to the kindome and Citie of Benin in Africa, with a ship called the Richard of Arundell, and a pinnesse, in the yere 1588. briefely set downe in this letter fol∣lowing, written by the chiefe Factor in the voyage to the foresaid Marchants at the time of the ships first arriuall at Plimouth.

WOrshipful Sirs, the discourse of our whole proceeding in this voyage wil aske more time and a person in better health then I am at this present, so that I trust you will pardon me, till my comming vp to you: in the meane time let this suf∣fice. Whereas we departed in the moneth of December from the coast of Eng∣land with your good ship the Richard of Arundell and the pinnesse, we held on our direct course towards our appointed port, and the 14 day of Februarie fol∣lowing we arriued in the hauen of Benin, where we found not water enough to carry the ship o∣uer the barre, so that we left her without in the road, and with the pinnesse & ship boat, into which we had put the chiefest of our marchādise, we went vp the riuer to a place called Goto,* 12.1 where we arriued the 20 of February, the foresaid Goto being the neerest place that we could come to by water, to go for Benin. From thence we presently sent Negroes to the king, to certifie him of our arriuall, and of the cause of our comming thither: who returned to vs againe the 22 day with a no∣ble man in their company to bring vs vp to the Citie, and with 200 Negroes to carrie out com∣modities: hereupon the 23 day we deliuered our marchandize to the kings Factor, & the 25 day we came to the great Citie of Benin,* 12.2 where we were well intertained: The sixe & twenty day we went to the Court to haue spoken with the king, which (by reason of a solemne feast then kept amongst them) we could not doe: but yet we spake with his Veadore, or chiefe man, that hath the dealing with the Christians: and we conferred with him concerning our trading, who answered vs, that we should haue all things to our desire, both in pepper and Elephants teeth.

The first of March, we were admitted to the kings presence, and he made vs the like courteous answere for our traffike: the next day we went againe to the Court, where the foresaid Veadore shewed vs one basket of greene pepper, and another of dry in the stalkes: wee desired to haue it plucked from the stalks and made cleane, who answered, that it would aske time, but yet in should be done: and that against another yeere it should be in better readines, & the reason why we found it so vnprepared was, because in this kings time no Christians had euer resorted thither, to lade pepper. The next day there were sent vs 12 baskets, and so a litle euery day vntill the 9 of March at which time we had made vpon 64 serons of pepper, and 28 Elephants teeth. In this time of our being at Benin (our natures at this first time not so well acquainted with th•••• climate) we fell all of vs into the disease of the feuer, whereupon the Captaine sent me downe with those goods which we alreadie had receiued, to the rest of our men at Goto: where being arriued, I found all the men of our pinnesse sicke also, and by reason of their weaknes not able to conuey the pinnesse

and goods downe to the place where our ship road: but by good hap within two houres after my comming to Goto, the boate came vp from the ship, to see how all things stood with vs, so that I put the goods into the boat, and went downe towards the ship: but by that time I was come a∣boord, many of our men died: namely, Master Benson, the Cooper, the Carpenter, & 3 or 4 more, & my selfe was also in such a weake state that I was not able to returne againe to Benin. Where∣upon I sent vp Samuel Dunne, and the Chirurgian with him to our men, that were about to let them blood, if it were thought needfull: who at their comming to Benin, found the Captaine and your sonne William Bird dead, and Thomas Hempsteede very weake, who also died within two dayes after their comming thither. This sorrowfull accident caused them with such pepper and teeth, as they could then find, speedily to returne to the ship, as by the Cargason will appeare: at their comming away the Veadore tolde them, that if they could or would stay any longer time, he would vse all possible expedition to bring in more commodities: but the common sicknesse so increased and continued amongst vs all, that by the time our men which remained were come a∣boord, we had so many sicke and dead of our companie, that we looked all for the same happe, and so thought to loose both our ship, life, countrey and all. Very hardly and with much adoe could we get vp our ankers, but yet at the last by the mercie of God hauing gotten them vp, but leauing our pinnesse behinde vs, we got to sea, and set saile, which was vpon the 13 of Aprill. After which by little and little our men beganne to gather vp their crums and to recouer some better strength: and so sailing betwixt the Islands of Cape Verde, and the maine we came to the Islands of the Azores vpon the 25 of Iuly, where our men beganne a fresh to grow ill, and diuers died, among whom Samuel Dun was one, and as many as remained liuing were in a hard case: but in the midst of our distresse, it fell so wel out, by Gods good prouidence, that we met with your ship the Barke Burre, on this side the North cape, which did not only keepe vs good cōpanie, but also sent vs sixe fresh men aboord, without whose helpe, we should surely haue tasted of many inconueni∣ences. But by this good meanes we are now at the last arriued in Plimouth, this 9 day of Sep∣tember: and for want of better health at this time, I referre the further knowledge of more par∣ticularities, till my comming to London.

Yours to commaund Anthony Ingram.

The second voyage to Benin, set foorth by Master Iohn Newton, and Master Iohn Bird Marchants of London in the yeere 1590 with a ship called the Richard of Arundell of the burthen of one hundreth tunnes, and a small pinnesse, in which voyage Master Iames Welsh was chiefe Maister.

THe third of September 1590 we set saile from Ratclife, and the 18 of the said moneth we came into Plimouth sound, and the two and twentieth we put to sea againe, and at midnight we were off the Lisart, and so passed on our voyage vntill the 14 of October, on which day we had sight of ••orteue••tura one of the Canarie Islands, which appeared very ragged as we sailed by it.

The 16 of October, in the latitude of 24 degrees and nine minutes we met with a great hollow sea, the like whereof I neuer saw on this coast, and this day there came to the ships side a monstrous great fish (I thinke it was a Gobarto) which put vp his head to the sleepe tubs where y^e cooke was in shifting the victuals, whō I thought the fish would haue caried away.

The 21 in this latitude of 18 degrees we met with a countersea out of the North boord, and the last voyage in this very place we had the countersea out of the South, being very calme wea∣ther as now it is also.

The 24 we had sight of Cauo Verde, and the 25 we met with a great hollow sea out of the North, which is a common signe that the winde will be Northerly,* 13.1 and so it prooued.

The 15 of Nouember we met with three currants out of the West and Northwest, one after another, with an houres time betweene each currant. This was in the latitude of 6 degrees and 42 minutes.

* 13.2The 18 day we met with two other great currants out of the Southwest, and the 20 we said another current out of the Northeast, and the 24 we had a great current out of the Southsouth∣west, and at 6 of the clocke towards night we had 3 currents more.

The 27 we thought that we had gone at the least 2 leagues and a halfe euery watch, and it fell out that we sailed but one league euery watch for the space of 24 hours, by meanes of a great bil∣low and current that came still out of the South.

The 5 of December in setting the watch we cast about and lay East N••rtheast, and North∣east, and here in 5 degrees and a halfe our pinnesse lost vs wilfully.

The 7 at the going downe of the Sunne we saw a great blacke spot in the Sunne, and the 8. day both at rising and setting we saw the like, which spot to our seeming was about the bignesse of a shilling, being in 5 degrees of latitude, and still there came a great billow out of the souther∣boord.

The 14 we sounded and had 15 fadom water and grosse red sand, and 2 leagues from the shore the currant set Southeast along the shore with a billow still out of the southerboord.

The 15 we were thwart a rocke somewhat like the Newstone in England, it was 2 leagues from vs, here we sounded and had 27 fadom, but the rocke is not aboue a mile from the shore, and a mile farther we saw another rocke,* 13.3 and betweene them both broken ground; here we sounded and had but 20 fadome and blacke sand, and we might see plaine that the rockes went not along the shore, but from the land to the seaward, and about 5 leagues to the Southward we sawe a great day, here we had 4 degrees and 27 minuts.

The 16 we met with a French ship of Hunfleur,* 13.4 who robbed our pinnesse, we sent a letter by him, and this night we saw another spot in the Sunne at his going downe. And towards euening we were thwart of a riuer, and right ouer the riuer was a high tuft of trees.

The 17 we ankered in the riuers mouth, and then we found the land to be Cauo de las Pal∣mas,* 13.5 and betweene vs & the cape was a great ledge of rockes, one league and a halfe into the sea, and they bare to the West of the Cape, we saw also an Island off the point of the foreland, thus it wa••ed night that we could perceiue no more of the lande, but onely that it trended in like a bay, where there runneth a streame as if it were in the riuer of Thames, and this was the change day of the Moone.

The 19 a faire temperate day, and the wind South, we went East, and the lande a sterne of vs West, and it shewed low by the water side like Islands, this was the east of Cauo de las Pal∣mas, and it trended in with a great sound, and we went East all night, and in the morning wee were but 3 or 4 leagues from the shore.

The 20 we were thwart of a riuer called Rio de los Barbos.* 13.6

The 21 we went along the shore East, & 3 or 4 leagues to the West of Cauo de tres puntas, I find the bay to be set deeper then it is by 4 leagues, and at 4 of the clocke the land begun to shewe high, and the first part of it full of Palme trees.

The 24 still going by the shore, the land was very low and full of trees by the water side, and at 12 of the clocke we ankered thwart of the riuer called, Rio de Boilas.* 13.7 Here we sent our boate a shore with the marchants, but they durst not put into the riuer because of a great billow that con∣tinually brake at the enterance vpon the barre.

The 28 we sailed alongst the shore, and ankered at night in seuen fadom because a great cur∣rent would haue put vs backe, which came from the East Southeast from Papuas.* 13.8

The 29 at noone we were thwart of Arda,* 13.9 and there we tooke a Carauel but the men were fled on land, then we went aboord her, but she had nothing in her but only a litle oyle of Palme trees, and a few roots. The next morning our Captaine and marchants went to meete Portugals, that came in a boate to speake with vs, where they communed about the buying of the Carauell of our men againe, and the Portugals promised that we should haue for the Carauell, certaine bullocks and Elephants teeth, and they gaue vs one tooth and one bullocke presently, and sayd they would bring vs the rest the next day.

The first of Ianuarie our Captaine went on land to speake with the Portugales,* 13.10 but when he saw they did dissemble, he came aboord againe, and presently we vnrigged the Carauell, and set her on fire before the towne. Then we set saile and went along the coast, where we saw a Date tree, the like whereof is not in all that coast vpon the water side, also we fell on ground a litle in one place: Thus we went to Villa longa, and there ankered.* 13.11

The third we were as far shot as Rio de Lagoa,* 13.12 where our marchants went a shore and vpon the barre they found 3 fadom flat, but they went not in because it was late. There is also to the Eastward of this riuer a Date tree higher then all the rest of the other trees thereabout. Thus we went along the coast, and euery night ankered, & al the shore as we went was full of trees and thicke woods.

The 6 day in the morning it was very foggy, so that we could not see the land, and at three of the clocke in the afternoone it cleared vp, & then we found our selues thwart of the riuer of Iaya,* 13.13 and when we found the shallow water, we bare into the sea South, as we did the voyage before, and came to an ancre in fiue fadom water. The next day we set saile againe, and towards noone we were thwart of the riuer of Benin in foure fadom water.

* 13.14The 10 day our Captaine went on land with the shallop at 2 a clocke in the afternoone. All this weeke it was very foggy euery day vntill ten a clocke, and all this time hitherto hath beene as temperate as our summer in England. This day we went into the road and ankered, & the west point of the road bare East northeast off vs, we riding in foure fadome water.

* 13.15The 21 a faire temperate day, this day M. Hassald went to the towne of Goto, to heare newes of the Captaine.

* 13.16The 23 came the Carauell, and Samuell in her, and she brought 63 Elephants teeth, and three bullocks.

The 28 a faire temperate day, and towards night there fell much raine, lightning, and thun∣der, this day our boate came aboord from Goto.

* 13.17The 24 of Februarie, we tooke in 298 Cerons or sackes of pepper, and 4 Elephants teeth, and the winde was at Southeast. And the 26 we put the rest of our goods into the Carauell, and M. Hassald went with her to Goto.

The 5 of March y^e Carauel came againe & brought 21 Cerons of pepper, & 4 Elephants teeth.

The 9 of Aprill our Carauell came aboord with water for our prouision for the sea, and this day also we lost our shallope.

* 13.18The 17 a drowsie rainie day, and in the afternoone we saw 3 great spoutes of raine, two on our larbord side, and one right with the ships head, but God be thanked, they came not at vs, and this day we tooke in the last of our water for the sea, and the 26 we victualed our Carauell to go with vs to the sea.

* 13.19The 27 we set saile to goe homewarde with the winde at Southwest, and at two a clocke in the afternoone, the riuer of Benin was Northeast 8 leagues from vs.

The 3 of May we had such a terrible gust with raine, lightning & thunder, that it tore and split our fore saile, and also the Carauels fore-sayle and maine-sayle, with the wind at Southeast.

The 12 a faire temperate day, much like our ••ommer mornings in England, being but one de∣gree & a halfe from the line, but at midnight we had a cruell gust of raine, & the wind at northeast.

The 24 we were South from from Cauo de las Palmas ••7 leagues.

* 13.20The first of Iuly we had sight of the Island of Braua, and it bare East 7 leagues off, and this Island is one of the Islands of Cauo Verde.

The 13 of August we spake with the Queenees ships, the Lord Thomas Howard being Ad∣mirall, and sir Richard Greeneuill Uiceadmirall. They kept vs in their company vntill the 15 day at night, themselues lying a hull, in waight for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest of the Island of Flores.

* 13.21The 15 we had leaue to depart with a fly-boat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome, which was taken by ••he Queenes ships, whereof my Lord Admirall gaue me great charge, not to leaue her vntill she were harbored in England.

* 13.22The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Coruo bare off vs East and by South sixe leagues off.

The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the West Indies, but she could tell vs no newes. The next day we had sight of another sayle, this day also one of our company named M. Wood died.

The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland, whereof Master Iuie was Maister.

The second of October we met with a ship of New-castle which came from Newfound-land, and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish.

The 6 we had sight of Sillie, and with raine and winde we were forced to put into S. Maries sound, where we staied all night, and 4 dayes after.

The 11 we set saile againe, and comming out had three fadom vpon the barre at a high water, then we lay out Southeast, through Crow-sand, and shortly after we had sight of the lands end, and at ten of the clocke we were thwart of the Lysart.

The 13 we were put into Dartmouth, and there we stayd vntill the 12 of December. From thence we put out with the winde at West, and the 18 of December, God be praised, we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames, where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper, 150 Elephants teeth, and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees.

The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth, Kersies, Bayes, Linnen cloth, Yron vnwrought, Bracelets of Copper, Corall, Hawks belles, Horsetailes, Hats, and such like.

This voyage was more comfortable vnto vs then the first, because we had good store of fresh water, and that very sweet: for as yet we haue very good water in the shippe which we brought

out of the riuer of Benin the first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day (being the 7 of Iune 1592.) to be seen aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld.

In this voiage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the equinoctiall line,* 13.23 and there we found it more temperate, then where we rode. And vnder the line wee did kill great store of small Dolphines, and many other good fishes, and so did we all the way, which was a very great refreshing vnto vs, and the fish neuer forsooke vs, vntil we were to the Northwards of the Ilands of Azores, and then we could see no more fish, but God be thanked wee met with good company of our countrey ships which were great comfort vnto vs, being fiue moneths before at Sea without any companie.

By me Iames Welsh master of the Richard of Arundell, in both these voyages to the riuer of Benin.

An Aduertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spaine from Angola by one Baltazar Almeida de Sousa, touching the ••tate of the foresayd countrey, written the 21 of May, 1591.

THe 26 of Iuly I certified your maiestie by Iohn Frere de Bendanha your ma∣iesties pay-master and commissioner, with the gouernour Paulo Dias,* 14.1 which is lately deceased, of all things that happened the 28 of December in the yere last past 1590. Now I thought it conuenient to aduertise your maiestie what hath fallen out since that time, which is as foloweth. The gouernour Luis Ser∣rano encamped himselfe eight leagues from Cabasa, where the Negro king dwelleth, with 350 Portugal souldiers: & afterward being there encamped, it hapned that the king of Matamba sent a strong and mightie army, & in warlike maner,* 14.2 with strange inuentions for the sayd purpose. So the king of Angola gaue this other king battell, and the gouernour sent 114 souldiers Portugals to helpe the said king of Angola:* 14.3 in which battell it was the will of God that our army was ouerthrowen and all slaine, as well our Portugals as the Moores which tooke part with them. So with this ouerthrow it happened that this realme the second time hath re∣belled against your maiestie. Hereupon the Gouernour assembling the rest of his Portugall soul∣diers, to the number of 250 altogether, went to Amasanguano,* 14.4 which is now his place of abode. Moreouer, besides the manifold losses which haue be fallen the Portugals in this realme, your ma∣iestie hath sustained other great misfortunes both in your lands and goods. And because I cannot personally come to certifie your maiestie thereof, I thought it good to write some part of the same whereby your maiestie may vnderstand the estate of this countrey. This realme, for the most part thereof hath twise bene wonne, and twise lost for want of good gouernment. For here haue bene many gouernours which haue pretended to do iustice, but haue pitifully neglected the same, and practised the cleane contrary, and this I know to be most true.* 14.5 But the onely way to recouer this realme, and to augment your maiesties lands, goods and treasure, must be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here, which must bring authoritie frō your maiestie, and by taking streight order that euery captaine which doeth conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts. Likewise your maiestie must send hither 2000 good souldiers, with munition and sufficient store of prouision for them. And by this means your highnesse shall know what yeerely reuenue Ango∣la will yeeld vnto your coffers, and what profit will grow thereof. Otherwise your maiestie shall reape but litle benefit here. If with my presence I may doe your maiestie any seruice in giuing information of the state of this realme, as one which haue had experience thereof, and haue seene the order of it, vpon the vnderstanding of your maiesties pleasure herein, I will doe my best inde∣uour. And the cause wherefore I haue not done this heretofore hath bene,* 14.6 by reason that the Gouernours of this realme would suffer none of the captaines which haue conquered this coun∣trey to informe your maiestie of that which is needfull for your seruice, and the augmenting of this conquest. Our lord preserue your catholique person with increase of many kingdomes, and the augmentation of your crowne.

Written in the conquest of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591.

Your maiesties most loiall subiect, Baltazar Almeida de So••za.

A true discourse written (as is thought) by Colonel Antonie VVink∣field emploied in the voiage to Spaine and Portugall, 1589. sent to his particu∣lar friend, & by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as hauing bene seduced by particular report, haue entred into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise and Actors of the same.

ALthough the desire of aduancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many perswasions you vsed to hold me at home, & the pursute of honorable actions drew me (contrary to your expectation) to neglect that aduise, which in loue I know you gaue me: yet in respect of the many assurances you haue yeelded mee of your kin∣dest friendship, I cannot suspect that you will either loue or esteeme me the lesse, at this my returne: and therfore I wil not omit any occasion which may make me appeare thank∣••ull, or discharge any part of that duetie I owe you; which now is none other then to offer you a true discourse how these warres of Spaine and Portugall haue passed since our going out of Eng∣land the 18 of Aprill, till our returne which was the first of Iuly. Wherein I wil (vnder your fa∣uourable pardon) for your further satisfaction, as well make relation of those reasons which con∣firmed me in my purpose of going abroad, as of these accidents which haue happened during our aboad there; thereby hoping to perswade you that no light fansie did drawe me from the fru••••ion of your dearest friendship, but an earnest desire, by following the warres to make my selfe more woorthy of the same.

Hauing therefore determinately purposed to put on this habite of a souldier, I grew doubtfull whether to employ my time in y^e wars of the low Countries, which are in auxiliarie maner main∣tained by her maiestie, or to folow the fortune of this voiage, which was an aduenture of her and many honorable personages, in reuenge of vnsupportable wrongs offered vnto the estate of our countrey by the Castilian king: in arguing whereof, I find that by how much the chalenger is re∣puted before the defendant, by so much is the iourney to be preferred before those defensiue wars. For had the duke of Parma his turne bene to defend, as it was his good fortune to inuade: from whence could haue proceeded that glorious honor which these late warres haue laid vpon him, or what could haue bene said more of him, then of a Respondent (though neuer so valiant) in a pri∣uate Duell? Euen, that he hath done no more then by his honour he was tied vnto. For the gaine of one towne or any small defeat giueth more renoume to the Assailant, then the defence of a coun∣trey, or the withstanding of twentie encounters can yeeld any man who is bound by his place to guard the same: whereof as well the particulars of our age, especially in the Spaniard, as the re∣ports of former histories may assure vs, which haue still laied the fame of all warres vpon the In∣uader. And do not ours in these dayes liue obscured in Flanders, either not hauing wherewhithall to manage any warre, or not putting on armes, but to defend thēselues when the enemie shall pro∣cure them? Whereas in this short time of our Aduenture, we haue won a towne by escalade, bat∣tred & assaulted another, ouerthrowen a mightie princes power in the field, landed our armie in 3 seueral places of his kingdom, marched 7 dayes in the heart of his country, lien three nights in the suburbs of his principall citie, beaten his forces into the gates thereof, and possessed two of his frontier Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appeare: whereby I conclude, that going with an Inuader, and in such an action as euery day giueth new experience, I haue much to vaunt of, that my fortune did rather cary me thither then into the wars of Flanders. Notwithstan∣ding the vehement perswasions you vsed with me to the contrary, the grounds whereof sithence you receiued them from others, you must giue me leaue to acquaint you with the error you were led into by thē, who labouring to bring the world into an opinion that it stood more with the safe∣tie of our estate to bend all our forces against the prince of Parma, then to folow this action by loo∣king into the true effects of this iourney, will iudicially conuince themselues of mistaking the matter. For, may the conquest of these countries against the prince of Parma be thought more ea∣sie for vs alone now, then the defence of them was 11 yeeres agoe, with the men and money of the Queene of England? the power of the Monsieur of France? the assistance of the principal states of Germanie? and the nobilitie of their owne country? Could not an armie of more then 20000 horse, & almost 30000 foot, beat Don Iohn de Austria out of the countrey, who was possessed of a very few frontier townes? & shal it now be laid vpon her maiesties shoulders to remooue so migh∣tie an enemie, who hath left vs but 3 whole parts of 17 vnconquered? It is not a iourny of a few moneths, nor an auxiliarie warre of few yeeres that can damnifie the king of Spaine in those pla∣ces where we shall meet at euery 8 or 10 miles end with a towne, which will cost more the win∣ning then will yeerely pay 4 or 5 thousand mens wages, where all the countrey is quartered by riuers which haue no passage vnfortified, and where most of the best souldiers of Christendom that

be on our aduerse party be in pension. But our armie, which hath not cost her maiestie much aboue the third part of one yeres expenses in the Low countries, hath already spoiled a great part of the prouision he had made at the Groine of all sortes, for a new voyage into England; burnt 3 of his ships, wherof one was y^e second in the last yeres expedition called S. Iuan de Colorado; taken frō him aboue 150 pieces of good artillerie; cut off more then 60 hulks and 20 French ships wel mā∣ned fit and readie to serue him for men of war against vs, laden for his store with corne, victuals, masts, cables and other marchandizes; slaine and taken the principal men of war he had in Galitia; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman, Conde de Fuentes, Generall of his forces in Portugall, shamefully run at Peniche; laid along of his best Commanders in Lisbon; and by these few ad∣uentures discouered how easily her maiestie may without any great aduenture in short time pull the Tirant of the world vpon his knees, as wel by the disquieting his vsurpation of Portugall as without difficultie in keeping the commoditie of his Indies from him, by sending an army so ac∣complished, as may not be subiect to those extremities which we haue endured: except he draw, for those defences, his forces out of the Low countries and disfurnish his garisons of Naples & Milan, which with safetie of those places he may not do. And yet by this meane he shall rather be inforced thereunto, thē by any force that can be vsed there against him: wherefore I directly conclude that this proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held against him, and therefore more im∣porting then the war in the Low countries. Yet hath the iourney (I know) bene much misliked by some, who either thinking too worthily of the Spaniards valure, too indifferently of his pur∣poses against vs, or too vnworthily of them that vndertooke this iourney against him, did thinke it a thing dangerous to encounter the Spaniard at his owne home, a thing needlesse to proceed by in∣uasion against him, a thing of too great moment for two subiects of their qualitie to vndertake: And therfore did not so aduance the beginnings as though they hoped for any good successe therof.

The chances of wars be things most vncertaine: for what people soeuer vndertake them, they are in deed as chastisements appointed by God for the one side or the other. For which purpose it hath pleased him to giue some victories to the Spaniards of late yeeres against some whom he had in purpose to ruine. But if we consider what wars they be that haue made their name so terrible, we shal find them to haue bin none other then against the barbarous Moores, the naked Indians, and the vnarmed Netherlanders, whose yeelding rather to the name thē act of the Spaniards, hath put them into such a conceit of their mightines, as they haue considerately vndertaken the conquest of our monarchie, consisting of a people vnited & alwayes held sufficiently warlike: against whom what successe their inuincible army had the last yeere, as our very children can witnes, so I doubt not but this voiage hath sufficiently made knowen what they are euen vpon their owne dunghill, which, had it bene set out in such sort as it was agreed vpon by their first demaund, it might haue made our nation the most glorious people of the world. For hath not the want of 8 of the 12 pie∣ces of artillerie, which were promised vnto the Aduenture, lost her maiestie the possession of the Groine and many other places, as hereafter shal appeare, whose defensible rampires were greates then our batterie (such as it was) cold force: and therefore were left vnattempted?

It was also resolued to haue sent 600 English horses of the Low countries, whereof we had not one, notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transportation hither: and that may the army assembled at Puente de Burgos thanke God of, as well as the forces of Portugall, who foreran vs 6 daies together: Did we not want 7 of the 13 old Companies, which we should haue had frō thence; foure of the 10 dutch Companies; & 6 of their men of war for the sea, from the Hol∣landers: which I may iustly say we wanted, in that we might haue had so many good souldiers, so many good ships, and so many able bodies more then we had?

Did there not vpō the first thinking of the iourney diuers gallant Courtiers put in their names for aduenturers to the summe of 10000 it, who seeing it went forward in good earnest, aduised themselues better, and laid the want of so much money vpon the iourney?

Was there not moreouer a round summe of the aduenture spent in leuying, furnishing, and maintaining 3 moneths 1500 men for the seruice of Berghen, with which Companies the Muti∣nies of Oftend were suppressed, a seruice of no smal moment?

What misery the detracting of the time of our setting out, which should haue bene the 1 of Fe∣bruary, did lay vpon vs, too many can witnes: and what extremitie the want of that moneths vi••∣tuals which we did eat, during the moneth we lay at Plimmouth for a wind, might haue driuen vs vnto, no man can doubt of, that knoweth what men do liue by, had not God giuen vs in the ende a more prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia then hath bene often seen, where our owne force & fortune reuictualled vs largely: of which crosse windes, that held vs two dayes after our going out, the Generals being wearie, thrust to Sea in the same, wisely chusing rather to attend the change thereof there, then by being in harborough to lose any part of the better, when it

should come by hauing their men on shore: in which two dayes 25 of our companies shipped in part of the fleet were scattered from vs, either not being able or willing to double Vshant.

These burdens layed vpon our Generals before their going out, they haue patiently endured, and I thinke they haue thereby much enlarged their honour: for hauing done thus much with the want of our artillery, 600 horse, 3000 foot, 20000 li. of their aduenture, and one moneths victu∣als of their proportion, what may be coniectured they would haue done with their ful cōplement?

For the losse of our men at sea, since we can lay it on none but the will of God, what can be said more, then that it is his pleasure to turne all those impediments to the honor of them against whom they were intended: and he will still shew himselfe the Lord of hosts in doing great things by thē, whom many haue sought to obscure: who if they had let the action fall at the height thereof in re∣spect of those defects, which were such especially for the seruice at land, as would haue made a mighty subiect stoope vnder thē, I do not see how any man could iustly haue layd any reproch vp∣on him who commanded the same, but rather haue lamented the iniquity of this time, wherein men whom forren countries haue for their conduct in seruice worthily esteemed of, should not only in their owne countrey not be seconded in their honorable endeuors, but mightily hindred, euen to y^e impairing of their owne estates, which most willingly they haue aduentured for the good of their countries: whose worth I wil not value by my report, lest I should seem guiltie of flattery (which my soule abhorreth) & yet come short in the true measure of their praise. Onely for your instructiō against them who had almost seduced you from the true opinion you hold of such men, you shal vn∣derstand that General Norris frō his booke was trained vp in the wars of the Admiral of France, and in very yong yeeres had charge of men vnder the erle of Essex in Ireland: which with what commendations he then discharged, I leaue to the report of them who obserued those seruices. Upon the breach betwixt Don Iohn & the States, he was made Colonell generall of all y^e English forces there present, or to come, which he continued 2 yeeres: he was then made Marshall of the field vnder Conte Hohenlo: and after that, General of the army in Frisland: at his cōming home in the time of Monsieurs gouernment in Flanders, he was made lord President of Munster in Ire∣land, which he yet holdeth, from whence within one yeere he was sent for, & sent Generall of the English forces which her maiestie thē lent to the Low countries, which he held til the erle of Lei∣cesters going ouer. And he was made Marshall of the field in England, the enemy being vpon our coast, and when it was expected the crowne of England should haue bene tried by battel. Al which places of commaundement which neuer any Englishman successiuely attained vnto in forren wars, and the high places her maiestie hath thought him woorthy of, may suffice to perswade you, that he was not altogether vnlikely to discharge that which he vndertooke.

What fame general Drake hath gotten by his iourny about the world, by his aduentures to the west Indies, & the scourges he hath laid vpon the Spanish nation, I leaue to the Southerne parts to speake of, & refer you to The Booke extan•• in our own language treating of y^e same, & beseech you considering the waighty matters they haue in all the course of their liues with wonderfull re∣putation managed, that you wil esteeme them not wel informed of their proceedings, that thinke them insufficient to passe through that which they vndertooke, especially hauing gone thus far in the view of the world, through so many incombrances, & disappointed of those agreements which led them y^t rather to vndertake the seruice. But it may be you wil thinke me herein either to much opinionated of the voiage, or conceited of the Commanders, y^e labouring thus earnestly to aduance the opinion of them both, haue not so much as touched any part of the misorders, weaknes & wants that haue bene amongst vs, whereof they that returned did plentifully report. True it is, I haue conceiued a great opinion of the iourney, & do thinke honorably of the Commanders: for we find in greatest antiquities, that many Commanders haue bene receiued home with triumph for lesse merite, & that our owne countrey hath honored men heretofore with admiration for aduentures vnequal to this: it might therfore in those daies haue seemed superfluous to extend any mans com∣mendations by particular remembrances, for that then all men were ready to giue euery man his due. But I hold it most necessary in these daies, sithence euery vertue findeth her direct opposite, & actions woorthy of all memory are in danger to be enuiously obscured, to denounce the prayses of the action, and actors to the ful, but yet no further then with sinceritie of trueth, & not without grie∣uing at the iniury of this time, wherein is enforced a necessitie of Apologies for those men & mat∣ters, which all former times were accustomed to entertaine with the greatest applause that might be. But to answere the reports which haue bene giuen out in reproch of the actors and action by such as were in the same: let no man thinke otherwise, but that they, who fearing the casuall acci∣dents of war had any purpose of returning, did first aduise of some occasion that should moue them thereunto: and hauing found any whatsoeuer did thinke it sufficiently iust, in respect of the ear∣nest desire they had to seeke out matter that might colour their comming home.

Of these there were some, who hauing noted the late Flemish warres did finde that many yong men haue gone ouer and safely returned souldiers within fewe moneths, in hauing learned some wordes of Arte vsed in the warres, and thought after that good example to spend like time amongst vs: which being expired they beganne to quarrell at the great mortalitie that was a∣mongst vs.

The neglect of discipline in the Armie, for that men were suffered to be drunke with the plen∣tie of wines.

The scarsitie of Surgions.

The want of carriages for the hurt and sicke: and the penurie of victuals in the Campe:

Thereupon diuining that there would be no good done: And that therefore they could be con∣tent to lose their time, and aduenture to returne home againe.

These men haue either cōceiued wel of their owne wits (who by obseruing the passages of the warre were become sufficiēt souldiers in these fewe weeks, & did long to be at home, where their discourses might be wondred at) or missing of their Portegues and Milrayes which they dreamed on in Portugall, would rather returne to their former maner of life, then attend the ende of the iourney. For seeing that one hazard brought another; and that though one escaped the bullet this day it might light vpon him tomorow, the next day, or any day; and that the warre was not confi∣ned to any one place, but y^t euery place brought foorth new enemies, they were glad to see some of the poore souldiers fal sicke, y^t fearing to be infected by them they might iustly desire to go home.

The sicknesse I confesse was great, because any is too much.* 14.7 But hath it bene greater then is ordinary amongst Englishmen at their first entrance into the warres, whither soeuer they goe to want the fulnesse of their flesh pots? Haue not ours decayed at all times in France, with eating yong fruits and drinking newe wines? haue they not abundantly perished in the Low countreys with ••old, and rawnesse of the aire, euen in their garrisons? Haue there not more died in London in sixe moneths of the plague, then double our Armie being at the strongest? And could the Spanish Armie the last yeere (who had all prouisions that could be thought on for an Armie, and tooke the fittest season in the yeere for our Climate) auoyd ••icknes amongst their souldiers? May it then be thought that ours could escape there, where they found inordinate heat of weather, and hot wines to distemper them withall?

But can it be, that wee haue lost so many as the common sort perswade themselues wee haue? It hath bene prooued by stricke examinations of our musters, that we were neuer in our fulnesse before our going from Plimouth 11000. souldiers, not aboue 2500. Marriners. It is also eui∣dent that there returned aboue 6000. of all sorts, as appeareth by the seuerall paiments made to them since our comming home. And I haue truely shewed you that of these numbers very neere 3000. forsooke the Armie at the Sea, whereof some passed into France and the rest returned home. So as we neuer being 13000. in all, and hauing brought home aboue 6000. with vs, you may see how the world hath bene seduced, in beleeuing that we haue lost 16000. men by sicknes.

To them that haue made question of the gouernment of the warres (little knowing what ap∣pertaineth thereunto in that there were so many drunkards amongst vs) I answere,* 14.8 that in their gouernment of shires and parishes, yea in their very housholdes, themselues can hardly bridle their vassals from that vice. For we see it is a thing almost impossible, at any your Faires or pub∣lique assemblies to finde any quarter thereof sober, or in your Townes any Alepoles vnfrequen∣ted: And we obserue that though any man hauing any disordered persons in their houses, do locke vp their drinke and set Butlers vpon it, that they will yet either by indirect meanes steale them∣selues drunke from their Masters tables, or runne abroad to seeke it. If then at home in the eyes of your Iustices, Maiors, Preachers, and Masters, and where they pay for euery pot they take, they cannot be kept from their liquor: doe they thinke that those base disordered persons whom themselues sent vnto vs, as liuing at home without rule, who hearing of wine doe long for it as a daintie that their purses could neuer reach to in England, and hauing it there without mony euē in their houses where they lie & hold their guard, can be kept from being drunk; and once drunke, held in any order or time, except we had for euery drunkard an officer to attend him? But who be they that haue runne into these disorders? Euen our newest men, our yongest men, and our ide∣lest men, and for the most part our slouenly prest men, whom the Iustices (who haue alwayes thought vnwoorthily of any warre) haue sent out as the scumme and dregs of their countrey. And those were they, who distempering themselues with these hote wines, haue brought in that sick∣nesse, which hath infected honester men then themselues. But I hope, as in other places the reco∣uerie of their diseases doeth acquaint their bodies with the aire of the countries where they be, so the remainder of these which haue either recouered, or past without sicknesse will prooue most fit for Martiall seruices.

* 14.9If we haue wanted Surgeons, may not this rather be laid vpon the captaines (who are to pro∣uide for their seuerall Companies) then vpon the Generals, whose care hath bene more generall. And how may it be thought that euery captaine, vpon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an aduenture, could prouide themselues of all things expedient for a war, which was alwaies wont to be maintained by the purse of the prince. But admit euery captaine had his Surgeon: yet were the want of curing neuer the lesse: for our English Surgeons (for the most part) be vnexperienced in hurts that come by shot; because England hath not knowen wars but of late, from whose ignorāce proceeded this discomfort, which I hope wil warne those y^t here∣after go to the wars to make preparation of such as may better preserue mens liues by their skill.

* 14.10From whence the want of cariages did proceed, you may coniecture in y^t we marched through a countrey neither plentiful of such prouisions, nor willing to part from any thing: yet this I can assure you, that no mā of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place vnprouided for. And that the General commanded all the mules & asses that were laden with any baggage to be vnburde∣ned and taken to that vse: and the earle of Essex and he for mony hired men to cary mē vpon pikes. And the earle (whose true vertue and nobilitie, as it doeth in all other his actions appeare, so did it very much in this) threw down his own stuffe, I meane apparel & necessaries which he had there, from his owne cariages, and let them be left by the way, to put hurt and sicke men vpon them. Of whose honorable deseruings I shall not need here to make any particular discourse, for that ma∣ny of his actions do hereafter giue me occasion to obserue the same.

* 14.11And the great complaint that these men make for the want of victuals may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of the war; for if to feed vpon good bieues, muttons & goats, be to want, they haue endured great scarcitie at land, wherunto they neuer wanted, two daies together, wine to mixe with their water, nor bread to eat with their meat (in some quantitie) except it were such as had vowed rather to starue then to stir out of their places for food: of whom we had too ma∣ny, who if their time had serued for it, might haue seen in many campes in the most plentifull coun∣tries of the world for victuals, men daily die with want of bread and drinke in not hauing money to buy, nor the countrey yeelding any good or healthful water in any place; whereas both Spaine and Portugall do in euery place affoord the best water that may be, and much more healthful then any wine for our drinking.

And although some haue most iniuriously exclaimed against the smal prouisions of victuals for the sea, rather grounding the same vpon an euil that might haue fallen, then any that did light vpō vs: yet know you this, that there is no man so forgetfull, that will say they wanted before they came to the Groine, that whosoeuer made not very large prouisions for himselfe & his company at the Groine, was very improuident, where was plentiful store of wine, biefe and fish, & no man of place prohibited to lay in the same into their ships, wherewith some did so furnish themselues, as they did not onely in the iourney supplie the wants of such as were lesse prouident then they, but in their returne home made a round commoditie of the remainder thereof. And that at Cascais there came in such store of prouisions into the Fleet out of England, as no man that would haue vsed his diligence could haue wanted his due proportiō thereof, as might appeare by the remain∣der that was returned to Plimmouth, and the plentifull sale thereof made out of the marchants ships after their comming into the Thames.

But least I should seeme vnto you too studious in confuting idle opinions, or answering friuo∣lous questions, I wil addresse me to the true report of those actiōs that haue passed therein: wher∣in I protest, I will neither hide any thing that hath hapned against vs, nor attribute more to any man or matter, then the iust occasions thereof lead me vnto: wherein it shall appeare that there hath bene nothing left vndone by the Generals which was before our going out vndertaken by them, but that there hath bene much more done then was at the first required by Don Antonio, who should haue reaped the fruit of our aduenture.

* 14.12After 6 daies sailing from the coast of England, & the 5 after we had the wind good being the 20 of April in the euening, we landed in a baie more then an English mile from the Groine, in our long boats and pinnasses without any impeachment: from whence we presently marched toward the towne, within one halfe mile we were encountred by the enemie, who being charged by ours, retired into their gates. For that night our armie lay in the villages, houses & mils next adioining, and very neere round about the towne, into the which the Galeon named S. Iohn (which was the second of the last yeeres Fleet agaynst England) one hulke, two smaller ships and two Gallies which were found in the road, did heate vpon vs and vpon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning. Generall Norris hauing that morning before day viewed the Towne, found the same defended on the land side (for it standeth vpon the necke of an Iland) with a wall vpon a dry ditch: whereupon he resolued to trie in two places what might bee done

against it by escalade, and in the meane time aduised for the landing of some artillery to beat vpon the ships and gallies, that they might not annoy vs: which being put in execution, vpon the plan∣ting of the first piece the gallies abandoned the road, and betooke them to Feroll, not farre from thence: and the Armada being beaten with the artillery and musketers that were placed vpon the next shore, left her playing vpon vs. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the compa∣nies, and other prouisions ready for the surprise of the base towne, which was effected in this sort.

There were appointed to be landed 1200 men vnder the conduct of Colonell Huntley, and Captaine Fe••ner the Uiceadmirall, on that side next fronting vs by water in long boats and pin∣nesses, wherein were placed many pieces of artillery to beat vpon the towne in their aproch: at the corner of the wall which defended the other water side, were appointed Captaine Richard Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Norris, and Captaine Sampson Lieutenant Co∣lonell to Generall Drake to enter at low water with 500 men if they found it passable, but if not, to betake them to the escalade, for they had also ladders with them: at the other corner of the wall which ioyned to that side that was attempted by water, were appointed Colonell Vmpton, and Colonell Bret with 300 men to enter by escalade. All the companies which should enter by boat being imbarked before the low water, and hauing giuen the alarme, Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson betooke them to the escalde, for they had in commandement to charge all at one instant. The boats landed without any great difficulty: yet had they some men hurt in the landing. Colonell Bret and Colonell Vmpton entred their quarter without encounter, not flu∣ding any defence made against them: for Captaine Hinder being one of them that entred by wa∣ter, at his first entry, with some of his owne company whom he trusted well, betooke himselfe to that part of the wall, which he cleared before that they offered to enter, and so still scoured the wall till hee came on the backe of them who mainteined the fight against Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson; who were twise beaten from their ladders, and found very good resi∣stance, till the enemies perceiuing ours entred in two places at their backs, were driuen to aban∣don the same. The reason why that place was longer defended then the other, is (as Don Iuan de Luna who commanded the same affirmeth) that the en••my that day had resolued in councell how to make their defences, if they were approched: and therein concluded, that, if we attempted it by water, it was not able to be held, and therefore vpon the discouery of our boats, they of the high towne should make a signall by fire from thence, that all the low towne might make their retreat thither: but they (whether troubled with the sudden terror we brought vpon them, or forgetting their decree) ••mitted the fire, which made them guard that place til we were entred on euery side.

Then the to••ne being entred in three seueral places with an huge cry, the inhabitants betooke them to the high towne: which they might with lesse perill doe, for that ours being strangers there, knew not the way to cut them off. The rest that were not put to the sword in fury, fled to the rocks in the Iland, and others hid themselues in chambers and sellers, which were euery day found out in great numbers.

Amongst those Don Iuan de Luna, a man of very good commandement, hauing hidden him∣selfe in a house, did the the next morning yeeld himselfe.

There was also taken that night a commissary of victuals called Iuan de Vera, who confessed that there were in the Groine at our entry 500 souldiers being in seuen cōpanies which returned very weake (as appeareth by the small numbers of them) from the iourney of England, namely:

Under Don Iuan de Lu∣na.

• Don Diego Barran, a bastard sonne of the Marques of Santa Cruz; his compa∣ny was that night in the Galeon.
• Don Antonio de Herera then at Madrid.
• Don Pedro de Manriques brother to the Earle of Paxides.
• Don Ieronimo de Mourray of the Order of S. Iuan, with some of the towne were in the fort.
• Don Gomez de Caramasal then at Madrid.
• Captaine Manço Caucaso de Socas.

• Also there came in that day of our landing from Retanzas the companies of Don Iuan de Mo∣salle, and Don Pedro poure de Leon.
• Also he saith that there was order giuen for baking of 300000 of biscuit, some in Batansas, some in Ribadeo, and the rest there.
• There were then in the towne 2000 pipes of wine, and 150 in the ships.
• That there were lately come vnto the Marques of Seralba 300000 ducats.
• That there were 1000 iarres of oile.
• A great quantity of beanes, peaze, wheat, and fish.
• That there were 3000 quintals of beefe.

And that not twenty dayes before, there came in three barks laden with match & harquebuzes.

Some others also found fauour to be taken prisoners, but the rest falling into the hands of the common souldiers, had their throats cut, to the number of 500, as I coniecture, first and last, af∣ter we had entred the tow••e; and in the entry thereof there was found euery celler full of wine, wh••reon our men, by inordinate drinking, both grew themselues for the present senselesse of the danger of the shot of the towne, which hurt many of them being drunke, & tooke the first ground of their sicknesse; for of such was our first and chiefest mortality. There was also abundant store of victuals, salt, and all kinde of prouision for shipping and the warre: which was confessed by the sayd Commissary of victuals taken there, to be the beginning of a magasin of all sorts of prouisi∣on for a new voyage into England: whereby you may coniecture what the spoile thereof hath ad∣uantaged vs, and preiudiced the king of Spaine.

The next morning about eight of the clocke the enemies abandoned their ships. And hauing o∣uercharged the artillery of y^e gallion, left her on fire, which burnt in terrible sort two dayes toge∣ther, the fire and ouercharging of the pieces being so great, as of fifty that were in her, there were not aboue sixteene taken out whole; the rest with ouercharge of the powder being broken, and molten with heat of the fire, were taken out in broken pieces into diuers shippes. The same day was the cloister on the South side of the towne entred by vs, which ioyned very neere to the wall of the towne, out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our mus∣quetiers.

The next day in the afternoone there came downe some 2000 men, gathered together out of the countrey, euen to the gates of the towne, as resolutely (ledde by what spirit I know not) as though they would haue entred the same: but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there, wherein were slaine about eighteene of theirs, they tooke them to their heeles in the same disorder they made their approch, and with greater speed then ours were able to follow: notwith∣standing we followed after them more then a mile. The second day Colonell Huntley was sent into the countrey with three or foure hundred men, who brought home very great store of kine and sheepe for our reliefe.

The third day in the night the Generall had in purpose to take a long munition-house builded vpon their wall, opening towards vs, which would haue giuen vs great aduantage against them; but they knowing the commodity thereof for vs, burnt it in the beginning of the euening; which put him to a new councell: for he had likewise brought some artillery to that side of the towne. During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the towne; which, had it not bene by the care of the Generals heedily seene vnto, and the fury thereof preuented by pulling downe many houses which were most in danger, as next vnto them, had burnt all the prouisions we found there, to our woonderfull hinderance.

The fourth day were planted vnder the gard of the cloister two demy-canons, and two colue∣rings against the towne, defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall, thorow the which our battery lay; the first and second tire whereof shooke all the wall downe, so as all the ordinance lay open to the enemy, by reason whereof some of the Canoniers were shot and some slaine. The Lieute∣nant also of the ordinance, M. Spencer, was slaine fast by Sir Edward Norris, Master thereof: whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed vnto him, neuer left that place, till he receiued direction from the Generall his brother to cease the battery, which he presently did, leauing a guard vpon the same for that day; and in the night fol∣lowing made so good defence for the place of the battery, as after there were very few or none annoyed therein. That day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the Generall, that when the assault should be giuen to the towne, he should make a proffer of an escalade on the other ••ide, where he held his guard: but he (mistaking the signall that should haue bene giuen) attemp∣ted the same long before the assault, and was shot in the mouth. The same day the Generall ha∣uing planted his ordinance ready to batter, caused the towne to be summoned; in which summons they of the towne shot at our Drum: immediatly after that there was one hanged ouer the wall, and a parle desired; wherein they gaue vs to vnderstand, that the man hanged was he that shot at the Drum before: wherein also they intreated to haue faire warres, with promise of the same on their parts. The rest of the parle was spent in talking of Don Iuan de Luna, and some other pri∣soners, and somewhat of the rendring of the towne, but not much, for they listened not greatly thereunto.

Generall Norris hauing by his skilfull view of the towne (which is almost all seated vpon a rocke) found one place thereof mineable, did presently set workemen in hand withall; who after three dayes labour (and the seuenth after we were entred the base towne) had bedded their powder, but indeed not farre enough into the wall. Against which time the breach made by the

canon being thought assaultable, and companies appointed as well to enter the same, as that which was expected should be blowen vp by the mine: namely, to that of the canon, Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Philpot, who lead the Generals foot-companie, with whom also Captaine Yorke went, whose principall commandment was ouer the horsemen. And to that of the Myne, Captaine Iohn Sampson, and Captaine Anthonie Wingfield Lieutenant Colo∣nell to the Master of the Ordinance, with certaine selected out of diuers Regiments. All these companies being in armes, and the assault intended to be giuen in al places at an instant, fire was put to the traine of the mine; but by reason the powder brake out backewards in a place where the caue was made too high, there could be nothing done in either place for that day. During this time Captaine Hinder was sent with some chosen out of euery company into the countrey for prouisions, whereof he brought in good store, and returned without losse.

The next day Captaine Anthony Sampson was sent out with some 500 to fetch in prouisions for the army, who was encountred by them of the countrey, but he put them to flight, and retur∣ned with good spoile. The same night the Miners were set to worke againe, who by the second day after had wrought very well into the foundation of the wall. Against which time the compa∣nies aforesayd being in readinesse for both places (Generall Drake on the other side, with two or three hundred men in pinnesses, making proffer to attempt a strong fort vpon an Iland before the towne, where he left more then thirty men) fire was giuen to the traine of the mine, which blew vp halfe the tower vnder which the powder was planted. The assailants hauing in charge vpon the effecting of the mine presently to giue the assault, performed it accordingly; but too soone: for hauing entred the top of the breach, the other halfe of the tower, which with the first force of the powder was onely shaken and made loose, fell vpon our men: vnder which were bu∣ried about twenty or thirty, then being vnder that part of the tower. This so amazed our men that stood in the breach, not knowing from whence that terror came, as they forsooke their Com∣manders, and left them among the ruines of the mine. The two Ensignes of Generall Drake and Captaine Anthony Wingfield were shot in the breach, but their colours were rescued: the Generals by Captaine Sampsons Lieutenant, and Captaine Wingfield•• by himselfe. Amongst them that the wall fell vpon, was Captaine Sydenham pitifully lost; who hauing three or foure great stones vpon his lower parts, was held so fast, as neither himselfe could stirre, nor any rea∣sonable company recouer him. Notwithstanding the next day being found to be aliue, there was ten or twelue lost in attempting to relieue him.

The breach made by the canon was woonderfully well assaulted by them that had the charge thereof, who brought their men to the push of the pike at the top of the breach. And being ready to enter, the loose earth (which was indeed but the rubbish of the outside of the wall) with the weight of them that were thereon s••ipped outwards from vnder their feet. Whereby did ap∣peare halfe the wall vnbattered. For let no man thinke that culuerin or demy-canon can suffi∣ciently batter a defensible rampire: and of those pieces which we had; the better of the demy-canons at the second shot brake in her carriages, so as the battery was of lesse force, being but of three pieces.

In our retreat (which was from both breaches thorow a narrow lane) were many of our men hurt: and Captaine Dolphin, who serued very well that day, was hurt in the very breach. The failing of this attempt, in the opinion of all the beholders, and of such as were of best iudgement, was the fall of the mine; which had doubtlesse succeeded, the rather, because the approch was vnlooked for by the enemy in that place, and therefore not so much defence made there as in the o∣ther; which made the Generall grow to a new resolution: for finding that two dayes battery had so little beaten their wall, and that he had no better preparation to batter withall: he knew in his experience, there was no good to be done that way; which I thinke he first put in proofe, to trie if by that terror he could get the vpper towne, hauing no other way to put it in hazzard so speedily, and which in my conscience had obtained the towne, had not the defendants bene in as great perill of their liues by the displeasure of their king in giuing it vp, as by the bullet or sword in defending the same. For that day before the assault, in the view of our army, they burnt a cloister within the towne, and many other houses adioyning to the castle, to make it more defensible: whereby it appeared how little opinion themselues had of holding it against vs, had not God (who would not haue vs suddenly made proud) layed that misfortune vpon vs.

Hereby it may appeare, that the foure canons, and other pieces of battery promised to the iour∣ney, and not performed, might haue made her Maiesty mistresse of the Groine: for though the mine were infortunate, yet if the other breach had bene such as the earth would haue held our men thereon, I doe not thinke but they had entred it thorowly at the first assault giuen: which had bene more then I haue heard of in our age. And being as it was, is no more then the Prince of

Parma hath in wi••ning of all his townes endured, who neuer entred any place at the first assault•• nor aboue three by assault.

The next day the Generall hearing by a prisoner that was brought in, that the Conde de An∣drada had assembled an armie of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos, sixe miles from thence in the way to Petance, which was but the beginning of an armie: in that there was a greater lea∣uie readie to come thither vnder the Conde de Altemira, either in purpose to relieue the Groine, or to encampe themselues neere the place of our embarking, there to hinder the same; for to that purpose had the marquesse of Seralba written to them both the first night of our landing, as the Commissarie taken then confessed, or at the least to stop our further entrance into the Countrey, (for during this time, there were many•• incursions made of three or foure hundred at a time, who burnt, spoyled, and brought in victuals plentifully) the Generall, I say, hearing of this armie, had in purpose the next day following to visite them, agaynst whom hee caried but nine Regi∣ments: in the vantgard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Edward Norris, and Colonell Sidney: in the Battaile, that of the Generall, of Colonell Lane, and Colonel Med∣kerk: and in the Rereward, Sir Henrie Norris, Colonell Huntley, and Colonell Brets Regi∣ments; leauing the other fiue Regiments with Generall Drake, for the guard of the Cloister and Artillerie. About ten of the clocke the next day, being the sixt of May, halfe a mile from the campe, we discouering the enemy, Sir Edward Norris, who commanded the vantgard in chiefe, appointed his Lieutenant Colonell Captaine Anthonie Wingfield to command the shot of the same, who diuided them into three troups; the one he appointed to Captaine Middleton to be conducted in a way on the left hand: another to Captaine Erington to take the way on the right hand, and the body of them (which were Musquetiers) Captaine Wingfield tooke himselfe, keeping the direct way of the march. But the way taken by Captaine Middleton met a little before with the way held by Captaine Wingfield, so as he giuing the first charge vpon the ene∣my, was in the instant seconded by Captaine Wingfield, who beat them from place to place (they hauing very good places of defence, and crosse walles which they might haue held long) till they betooke them to their bridge, which is ouer a creeke comming out of the Sea, builded of stone vpon arches. On the foot of the further side whereof, lay the Campe of the enemy very strongly entrenched, who with our shot beaten to the further end of the bridge, Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the pikes, without stay passed to the bridge, accompanied with Colonell Sidney, Captaine Hinder, Captaine Fulford, and diuers others, who found the way cleare ouer the same, but through an incredible volley of shot; for that the shot of their army flan∣ked vpon both sides of the bridge, the further end whereof was barricaded with barrels: but they who should haue guarded the same, seeing the proud approch we made, forsooke the defence of the barricade, where Sir Edward entered, and charging the first defendant with his pike, with very earnestnesse in ouerthrusting, fell, and was grieuously hurt at the sword in the head, but was most honourably rescued by the Generall his brother, accompanied with Colonell Sid∣ney, and some other gentlemen: Captaine Hinder also hauing his Caske shot off, had fiue wounds in the head and face at the sword: and Captaine Fulford was shot into the left arme at the same encounter: yet were they so thorowly seconded by the Generall, who thrust himselfe so neere to giue encouragement to the attempt (which was of wooderfull difficulty) as their bra∣uest men that defended that place being ouerthrowen, their whole army fell presently into rout,* 14.13 of whom our men had the chase three miles in foure sundry wayes, which they betooke them∣selues vnto. There was taken the Standerd with the Kings armes, and borne before the Ge∣nerall. How many two thousand men (for of so many consisted our vantgard) might kill in pur∣suit of foure sundry parties, so many you may imagine fell before vs that day. And to make the number more great, our men hauing giuen ouer the execution, and returning to their standes, found many hidden in the Uineyards and hedges, which they dispatched. Also Colonell Med∣kerk was sent with his regiment three miles further to a Cloister, which he burnt and spoiled, wherein he found two hundred more, & put them to the sword. There were slaine in this fight on our side onely Captaine Cooper, and one priuate souldier; Captaine Barton was also hurt vp∣on the bridge in the eye. But had you seene the strong baricades they had made on either side of the bridge, and how strongly they lay encamped thereabouts, you would haue thought it a rare resolution of ours to giue so braue a charge vpon an army so strongly lodged. After the furie of the execution, the Generall sent the vantgard one way, and the battell another, to burne and spoile; so as you might haue seene the countrey more then three miles compasse on fire. There was found very good store of munition and victuals in the Campe, some plate and rich apparell, which the better sort left behinde, they were so hotly pursued. Our sailers also landed in an I∣land next adioyning to our ships, where they burnt and spoiled all they found. Thus we returned

to the Groine, bringing small comfort to the enemy within the same, who shot many times at vs as we marched out; but not once in our comming backe againe.

The next day was spent in shipping our artillery landed for the battery, and of the rest taken at the Groine, which had it bene such as might haue giuen vs any assurance of a better battery, or had there bene no other purpose of our iourney but that, I thinke the Generall would haue spent some more time in the siege of the place.

The two last nights, there were that vndertooke to fire the higher towne in one place, where the houses were builded vpon the wall by the water side; but they within suspecting as much, made so good defence against vs, as they preuented the same. In our d••parture there was fire put into euery house of the low towne, insomuch as I may iustly say, there was not one house left standing in the base towne, or the cloister.

The next day, being the eight of May, we ••mbarked our army without losse of a man, which (had we not b••aten the enemy at Puente de Burgos) had bene impossible to haue done; for that without doubt they would haue attempted something against vs in our imbarking: as appeared by the report of the Commissary aforesayd, who confessed, that the first night of our landing the Marques of Seralba writ to the Conde de Altemira, the Conde de Andrada, and to Terneis de Santisso, to bring all the forces against vs that they could possible raise, thinking no way so good to assure that place, as to bring an army thither, where withall they might either besiege vs in their base towne, if we should get it, or to lie betweene vs and our place of imbarking, to fight with vs vpon the aduantage; for they had aboue 15000 souldiers vnder their commandements.

After we had put from thence, we had the winde so contrary, as we could not vnder nine dayes recouer the Burlings: in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earle of Essex, and with him M. Walter Deuereux his brother (a Gentleman of woonderfull great hope) Sir Roger Willi∣ams Colonell generall of the footmen, Sir Philip Butler, who hath alwayes bene most inward with him, and Sir Edward Wingfield, came into the fleet. The Earle hauing put himselfe in∣to the iourney against the opinion of the world, and as it seemed to the hazzard of his great for∣tune, though to the great aduancem••nt of his reputation, (for as the honourable cariage of him∣selfe towards all men doth make him highly esteemed at home; so did his exceeding forward∣nesse in all seruices make him to be woondered at amongst vs) who, I say, put off in the same winde from Falmouth, that we left Plimmouth in, where he lay, because he would auoid the im∣portunity of messengers that were dayly sent for his returne, and some other causes more secret to himselfe, not knowing (as it seemed) what place the Generals purposed to land in, had bene as farre as Cadiz in Andaluzia, and lay vp and downe about the South Cape, where he tooke some ships laden with corne, and brought them vnto the fleet. Also in his returne from thence to meet with our fleet, he fell with the Ilands of Bayon; and on that side of the riuer which Cannas standeth vpon, he, with Sir Roger Williams, and those Gentl••men that were with him went on shore, with some men out of the ship he was in, whom the enemy, that held guard vpon that coast, would not abide, but fled vp into the countrey.

The 16 day we landed at Peniche in Portugall, vnder the shot of the castle, and aboue the waste in water, more then a mile from the towne, wherein many were in perill of drowning, by reason the winde was great, and the sea went high, which ouerthrew one boat, wherein fiue and twenty of Captaine Dolphins men perished. The enemy being fiue companies of Spaniards vnder the commandement of the Conde de Fuentes, sallied out of the towne against vs, and in our landing made their approch close by the water side. But the Earle of Essex with Sir Roger Williams, and his brother, hauing landed sufficient number to make two troups, left one to holde the way by the water side, and led the other ouer the Sandhils; which the enemy seeing, drew theirs likewise further into the land; not, as we coniectured, to encounter vs, but indeed to make their speedy passage away: notwithstanding, they did it in such sort, as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell generall vnder Captaine Iackson, they stood the same euen to the push of the pike: in which charge and at the push, Captaine Robert Piew was slaine. The enemy being fled further then we had reason to follow them, all our companies were drawen to the towne; which being vnfortified in any place, we found vndefended by any man against vs. And therefore the Generall caused the castle to be summoned that night; which being abando∣ned by him that commanded it, a Portugall named Antonio de Aurid, being possessed thereof, desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed, whereupon he would deliuer the same; which he honestly performed. There was taken out of the castle some hundred shot and pikes, which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugals withall, and twenty barrels of powder:* 14.14 so as pos∣sessing both the towne and the castle, we rested there one day; wherein some Friers and other poore men came vnto their new king, promising in the name of their country next adioyning, that

within two dayes he should haue a good supply of horse and foote for his assistance. That day we remained there, the Generals company of horses were vnshipped.

The Generals there fully resolued, that the Armie should march ouer land to Lisbone vn∣der the conduct of Generall Norris; and that Generall Drake should meete him in the riuer ther∣of with the Fleete; that there should be one Company of foote left in garde of the Castle, and sixe in the ships: also that the sicke & hurt should remaine there with prouisions for their cures. The Generall, to trie the euent of the matter by expedition, the next day beganne to march in this sort: his owne Regiment, and the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Henrie Norris, Co∣lonell Lane, and Colonell Medkerk, in the vantgard: Generall Drake, Colonell Deuereux Sir Edward Norris, and Colonell Sidneis in the battell: Sir Iames Hales, Sir Edward Wingfield, Colonell Vmptons, Colonell Huntlies, and Colonell Brets in the arrereward. By that time our army was thus marshalled, Generall Drake, although hee were to passe by Sea, yet to make knowen the honourable desire he had of taking equall part of all fortunes with vs, stood vpon the ascent of an hill, by the which our battalions must of necessity march, and with a pleasing kind∣nesse tooke his leaue seuerally of the Commanders of euery regiment, wishing vs all most happy successe in our iourney ouer the land, with a constant promise that he would, if the iniury of the weather did not hinder him, meet vs in the riuer of Lisbon with our fleet. The want of cariages the first day was such, as they were enforced to cary their munition vpon mens backs, which was the next day remedied.

In this march Captaine Crispe the Prouost Marshall caused one who (contrary to the Pro∣clamation published at our arriuall in Portugall) had broken vp an house for pillage, to be han∣ged, with the cause of his death vpon his breast, in the place where the act was committed: which good example prouidently giuen in the beginning of our march, caused the commandement to be more respectiuly regarded all the iourney after, by them whom feare of punishment doeth onely holde within compasse. The campe lodged that night at Lorinha: the next day we had intelli∣gence all the way, that the enemy had made head of horse and foot against vs at Torres Vedras, which we thought they would haue held: but comming thither the second day of our march, not two houres before our vantgard came in, they left the towne and the castle to the possession of Don Antonio.

There began the greatest want we had of victuals, especially of bread, vpon a commandement giuen from the Generall, that no man should spoile the countrey, or take any thing from any Por∣tugall: which was more respectiuely obserued, then I thinke would haue bene in our owne coun∣trey, amongst our owne friends and kindred: but the countrey (contrary to promise) wholly neg∣lected the prouision of victuals for vs, whereby we were driuen for that time into a great scarsity. Which mooued the Colonell generall to call all the Colonels together, and with them to aduise for some better course for our people: who thought it best, first to aduertise the king what neces∣sity we were in, before we should of ourselues alter the first institution of abstinence. The Colo∣nell generall hauing acquainted the Generall herewith, with his very good allowance thereof, went to the king; who after some expostulations vsed, tooke the more carefull order for our men, and after that our army was more plentifully relieued.

The third day we lodged our army in three sundry villages, the one battalion lying in Exa∣rama de los Caualleros, another in Exarama do Obispo, and the third in San Sebastian.

Captaine Yorke who commanded the Generals horse company, in this march made triall of the valour of the horsemen of the enemy; who by one of his Corporals charged with eight horses thorow 40 of them, & himselfe thorow more then 200 with some forty horses: who would abide him no longer then they could make way from him.

The next day we marched to Lores, and had diuers intelligences that the enemy would tary vs there: for the Cardinall had made publique promise to them of Lisbon, that he would fight with vs in that place, which he might haue done aduantageously; for we had a bridge to passe ouer in the same place: but before our comming he dislodged, notwithstanding it appeared vnto vs that he had in purpose to encampe there; for we found the ground staked out where their trenches should haue bene made: and their horsemen with some few shot shewed themselues vpon an hill at our ••••mming into that village; whom Sir Henry Norris (whose regiment had the point of the van••gard) thought to draw vnto some fight, and therfore marched without sound of drumme, and somewhat faster then ordinary, thereby to get neere them before he were discouered, for he was shadowed from them by an hill that was betweene him and them: but before he could draw his companies any thing neere, they retired.

General Drakes regiment that night, for the commodity of good lodging, drew themselues in∣to a village, more then one English mile from thence, and neere the enemy: who not daring to do

any thing against vs in foure dayes before, tooke that occasion, and in the next morning fell downe vpon that regiment, crying, Viua el Rey Don Antonio, which was a generall salutation thorow all the Countrey as they came: whom our yoong Souldiers (though it were vpon their guard, and before the watch were discharged) began to entertaine kindly, but hauing got within their guard, they fell to cut their throats: but the alarme being taken inwards, the officers of the two next Companies, whose Captaines (Captaine Sydnam and Captaine Young) were lately dead at the Groine, brought downe their colours and pikes vpon them in so resolute maner, as they presently draue them to retire with losse: they killed of ours at their first entrance fourteene, and hurt sixe or seuen.

The next day we lodged at Aluelana within three miles of Lisbon, where many of our souldi∣ers drinking in two places of standing waters by the way were poisoned, and thereon presently died. Some do thinke it came rather by eating of hony, which they found in the houses plentiful∣ly. But whether it were by water or by hony, the poore men were poisoned.

That night the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams went out about eleuen of the clocke with 1000 men to lie in ambuscade neere the towne, and hauing layed the same very neere, sent some to giue the alarme vnto the enemy: which was well performed by them that had the charge thereof, but the enemy refused to issue after them, so as the Earle returned assoone as it was light without doing any thing, though he had in purpose, and was ready to haue giuen an honourable charge on them.

The 25 of May in the euening we came to the suburbs of Lisbon: at the very entrance where∣of Sir Roger Williams calling Captaine Anthony Wingfield with him, tooke thirty shot or thereabouts, and first scowred all the streets till they came very neere the towne; where they found none but olde folks and beggers, crying, Viua el Rey Don Antonio, and the houses shut vp: for they had caried much of their wealth into the towne, and had fired some houses by the wa∣ter side, full of corne and other prouisions of victuals, least we should be benefited thereby, but yet left behinde them great riches in many houses.

The foure regiments that had the vantgard that day, which were Colonell Deuereux, Sir Edward Norris, Colonell Sidneys, and Generall Drakes (whom I name as they marched) the Colonell generall caused to holde guard in the neerest streets of the Suburbs: the battell and the arreward stood in armes all the night in the field neere to Alcantara. Before morning Captaine Wingfield, by direction from the Colonell generall Sir Roger Williams, held guard with Sir Edward Norris his regiment in three places very neere the towne wall, and so held the same till the other regiments came in the morning. About midnight they within the towne burnt all their houses that stood vpon their wall either within or without, least we possessing them, might there∣by greatly haue annoyed the towne.

The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted (but not without peril) to take a Church called S. Antonio, which ioyned to the wall of the towne, and would haue bene a very euill neigh∣bor to the towne: but the enemy hauing more easie entry into it then we, gained it before vs. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering the battell and arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona Vista, and in placing Musquetiers in houses, to front their shot vpon the wall, who from the same scowred the great streets very dangerously.

By this time our men being thorowly weary with our sixe dayes march, and the last nights watch, were desirous of rest; whereof the enemy being aduertised, about one or two of the clocke sallied out of the towne, and made their approch in three seuerall streets vpon vs, but chiefly in Colonell Brets quarter: who (as most of the army was) being at rest, with as much speed as he could, drew his men into armes, and made head against them so thorowly, as himselfe was slaine in the place, Captaine Carsey shot thorow the thigh, of which hurt he died within foure dayes af∣ter, Captaine Carre slaine presently, and Captaine Caue hurt (but not mortally) who were all of his regiment.

This resistance made aswell here, as in other quarters where Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk commanded, put them to a sudden foule retreat; insomuch, as the Earle of Essex had the chase of them euen to the gates of the high towne, wherein they left behinde them many of their best Commanders: their troupe of horsemen also came out, but being charged by Captaine Yorke, withdrew themselues againe. Many of them also left the streets, and betooke them to hou∣ses which they found open: for the Sergeant maior Captaine Wilson slew in one house with his owne hands three or foure, and caused them that were with him to kill many others. Their losse I can assure you did triple ours, aswell in quality as in quantity.

During our march to this place, Generall Drake with the whole fleet was come into Cascais, and possessed the towne without any resistance: many of the inhabitants at their discouery of our

nauy, fledde with their baggage into the mountaines, and left the towne for any man that would possesse it, till Generall Drake sent vnto them by a Portugall Pilot which he had on boord, to offer them all peaceable kindnesse, so farre foorth as they would acc••pt of their King, and mini∣ster necessaries to the army he had brought; which offer they ioyfully imbraced, and presently sent two chiefe men of their towne, to signifie their loyalty to Don Antonio, and their honest affecti∣ons to our people. Whereupon the Generall landed his companies not farre from the Cloister called San Domingo, but not without perill of the shot of the castle, which being guarded with 65 Spaniards, held still against him.

As our fleet were casting ancre when they came first into that road, there was a small ship of Brasil that came from thence, which bare with them, and seemed by striking her sailes, as though she would also haue ancred: but taking her fittest occasion hoised againe, and would haue passed by the riuer, but the Generall presently discerning her purpose, sent out a pinnesse or two after her, which forced her in such sort, as she ran herselfe vpon the Rocks: all the men escaped out of her, and the lading (being many chests of sugar) was made nothing woorth, by the salt water. In his going thither also, he tooke ships of the port of Portugall, which were sent from thence, with fifteene other from Pedro Vermendes Xantes Sergeant maior of the same place, laden with men and victuals to Lisbon: the rest that escaped put into Setuuel.

The next day it pleased Generall Norris to call all the Colonels together, and to aduise with them, whether it were more expedient to tary there to attend the forces of the Portugall horse and foot, whereof the King had made promise, and to march some conuenient number to Cascais to fetch our artillery and munition, which was all at our ships, sauing that which for the necessity of the seruice was brought along with vs: whereunto, some caried away with the vaine hope of Don Antonio, that most part of the towne stood for vs, held it best to make our abode there, and and to send some 3000 for our artillery: promising to themselues, that the enemy being wel bea∣ten the day before, would make no more sallies: some others (whose vnbeliefe was very strong of any hope from the Portugall) perswaded rather to march wholly away, then to be any longer carried away with the opinion of things, whereof there was so little appearance. The Gene∣rall not willing to leaue any occasion of blotte to be layed vpon him for his speedy going from thence, nor to lose any more time by attending the hopes of Don Antonio; tolde them, that though the expedition of Portugall were not the onely purpose of their iourney, but an aduenture there∣in (which if it succeeded prosperously, might make them sufficiently rich, and woonderfull ho∣nourable) and that they had done so much already in triall thereof, as what end soeuer happened, could nothing impaire their credits: yet in regard of the Kings last promise, that he should haue that night 3000 men armed of his owne Countrey, he would not for that night dislodge. And if they came, thereby to make him so strong, that he might send the like number for his mu∣nition, he would resolue to trie his fortune for the towne. But if they came not, he found it not conuenient to diuide his forces, by sending any to Cascais, and keeping a remainder behinde, si∣thence he saw them the day before so boldly sally vpon his whole army, and knew that they were stronger of Souldiours armed within the towne, then he was without: and that before our re∣turne could be from Cascais, they expected more supplies from all places, of Souldiours: for the Duke of Bragança, and Don Francisco de Toledo were looked for with great reliefe. Whereupon his conclusion was, that if the 3000 promised came not that night, to march whol∣ly away the next morning.

It may be here demanded, why a matter of so great moment should be so flenderly regarded, as that the Generall should march with such an army against such an enemy, before he knew ei∣ther the fulnesse of his owne strength, or certaine meanes how he should abide the place when he should come to it. Wherein I pray you remember the Decrees made in the Councell at Peni∣che, and confirmed by publique protestation the first day of our march, that our nauy should meet vs in the riuer of Lisbon, in the which was the store of all our prouisions, and so the meane of our tariance in that place, which came not, though we continued till we had no munition left to en∣tertaine a very small fight. We are also to consider, that the King of Portugall (whether carried away with imagination by the aduertisements he receiued from the Portugals, or willing by any promise to bring such an army into his Countrey, thereby to put his fortune once more in triall) assured the Generall, that vpon his first landing, there would be a reuolt of his subiects: whereof there was some hope giuen at our first entry to Peniche, by the maner of the yeelding of that towne and fort, which made the Generall thinke it most conuenient speedily to march to the prin∣cipall place, thereby to giue courage to the rest of the Countrey. The Friers also and the poore people that came vnto him promised, that within two dayes the gentlemen and others of the Countrey would come plentifully in: within which two dayes came many more Priests, and

some very few gentlemen on horsebacke; but not til we came to Torres Vedras: where they that noted the course of things how they passed, might somewhat discouer the weaknesse of that peo∣ple. There they tooke two dayes more; and at the end thereof referred him till our comming to Lisbon, with assurance, that so soone as our army should be seene there, all the inhabitants would be for the King and fall vpon the Spaniards.

After two nights tariance at Lisbon, the King, as you haue heard, promised a supply of 3000 foot, and some horse: but all his appointments being expired, euen to the last of a night, all his horse could not make a cornet of 40, nor his foot furnish two ensignes fully, although they caried three or foure colours: and these were altog••ther such as thought to inrich themselues by the ru∣ine of their neighbours: for they committed more disorders in euery place where we came by spoile, then any of our owne.

The Generall, as you see, hauing done more then before his comming out of England was required by the King, and giuen credit to his many promises, euen to the breach of the last, he desisted not to perswade him to stay yet nine dayes longer: in which time he might haue engaged himselfe further, then with any honour he could come out of againe, by attempting a towne for∣tified, wherein were more men armed against vs, then we had to oppugne them withall, our ar∣tillery and munition being fifteene miles from vs, and our men then declining; for there was the first shew of any great sickenesse amongst them. Whereby it seemeth, that either his prela∣••y did much abuse him in perswading him to hopes, whereof after two or three dayes he saw no semblance: or he like a silly louer, who promiseth himselfe fauor by importuning a coy mistresse, thought by our long being before his towne, that in the end taking pity on him, they would let him in.

What end the Friers had by following him with such deuotion, I know not, but sure I am, the Laity did respite their homage till they might see which way the victory would sway; fearing to shew themselues apparantly vnto him, least the Spaniard should after our departure (if we preuailed not) call them to account: yet sent they vnder hand messages to him of obedience, there∣by to saue their owne, if he became King; but indeed very well contended to see the Spaniards and vs try by blowes, who should carry away the crowne. For they be of so base a mould, as they can very wel subiect themselues to any gouernment, where they may liue free from blowes, and haue liberty to become rich, being loth to endure hazzard either of life or goods. For durst they haue put on any minds thorowly to reuolt, they had three woonderfull good occasions offered them during our being there.

Themselues did in generall confesse, that there were not aboue 5000 Spaniards in that part of the Countrey, of which number the halfe were out of the towne till the last day of our march: during which time, how easily they might haue preuailed against the rest, any man may conceiue. But vpon our approch they tooke them all in, and combined themselues in generall to the Car∣dinall.

The next day after our comming thither, when the sally was made vpon vs by their most re∣solute Spaniards, how easily might they haue kept them out, or haue giuen vs the gate which was held for their retreat, if they had had any thought thereof?

And two dayes after our comming to Cascais, when 6000 Spaniards and Portugals came against vs as farre as S. Iulians by land, as you shal presently heare (all which time I thinke there were not many Spaniards left in the towne) they had a more fit occasion to shew their deuotion to the King, then any could be offered by our tarying there. And they could not doubt, that if they had shut them out, but that we would haue fought with them vpon that aduantage, hauing sought them in Galitia vpon disaduantage to beat them: and hauing taken so much paines to seeke them at their owne houses, whereof we gaue sufficient testimony in the same accident. But I thinke the feare of the Spaniard had taken so deepe impression within them, as they durst not attempt any thing against them vpon any hazzard.

For, what ciuill countrey hath euer suffered themselues to be conquered by so few men as they were; to be depriued of their naturall King, and to be tyrannized ouer thus long, but they? And what countrey, liuing in ••lauery vnder a stranger whom they naturally hate, hauing an army in the field to fight for them and their liberty, would lie still with the yoke vpon their necks, atten∣ding if any strangers would vnburthen them, without so much as rousing themselues vnder it, but they? They will promise much in speeches, for they be great talkers, whom the Generall had no reason to distrust without triall, and therefore marched on into their countrey: but they perfor∣med little in action, whereof we could haue had no proofe without this thorow triall. Wherein he hath discouered their weaknesse, and honorably performed more then could be in reason expec∣ted of him: which had he not done, would not these maliguers, who seeke occasions of slander,

haue reported him to be suspicious of a people, of whose infidelity he had no testimony: and to be fearefull without cause, if he had refused to giue credit to their promises without any aduenture? Let no friuolous questionist therefore further enquire why he marched so many dayes to Lisbon, and taried there so small a while.

The next morning, seeing no performance of promise kept, he gaue order for our marching a∣way; himselfe, the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams remaining with the stand that was made in the high street, till the whole army was drawen into the field, and so marched out of the towne, appointing Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Anthony Wi••gfield in the ar∣r••reward of them with the shot; thinking that the enemy (as it was most likely) would haue is∣sued out vpon our rising; but they were otherwise aduised. When we were come into the field, euery battalion fell into that order which by course appertained vnto them, and so marched that night vnto Cascais. Had we marched thorow his Countrey as enemies, our Souldiours had beene well supplied in all their wants: but had we made enemies of the Suburbs of Lisbon, we had beene the richest army that euer went out of England: for besides the particular wealth of euery house, there were many Warehouses by the water side full of all sorts of rich marchan∣dizes.

In our march that day the gallies which had somewhat, but not much, annoyed vs at Lisbon, (for that our way lay along the riuer) attended vs till we were past S. Iulians, bestowing many shot amongst vs, but did no harme at all, sauing that they strocke off a gentlemans leg, & killed the Sergeant maiors moile vnder him. The horsemen also followed vs afarre off, and cut off as ma∣ny sicke men as were not able to holde in march, nor we had cariage for.

After we had bene two dayes at Cascais, we had intelligence by a Frier, that the enemy was marching strongly towards vs, and then came as farre as S. Iulian: which newes was so wel∣come to the Earle of Essex and the Generals, as they offered euery one of them to giue the messen∣ger an hundred crownes if they found them in the place; for the Generall desiring nothing more then to fight with them in field roome, dispatched that night a messenger with a trumpet, by whom he writ a cartell to the Generall of their army, wherein he gaue them the lie, in that it was by them reported that we dislodged from Lisbon in disorder and feare of them (which indeed was most false) for that it was fiue of the clocke in the morning before we fell into armes, and then went in such sort, as they had no courage to follow out vpon vs. Also he challenged him therein, to meet him the next morning with his whole army, if he durst attend his comming, and there to try out the iustnesse of their quarrel by battell: by whom also the Earle of Essex (who preferring the honor of the cause, which was his countreys, before his owne safety) sent a particular cartel, offering himselfe against any of theirs, if they had any of his quality; or if they would not admit of that; si••e, eight, or tenne, or as many as they would appoint, should meet so many of theirs in the head of our battell to trie their fortunes with them; and that they should haue assurance of their returne and honourable intreaty.

The Generall accordingly made all his army ready by three of the clocke in the morning and marched euen to the place where they had encamped, but they were dislodged in the night in great disorder, being taken with a sudden feare that we had bene come vpon them, as the Gene∣rall was the next day certainely informed: so as the Trumpet followed them to Lisbon, but could not get other answere to either of his letters, but threatening to be hanged, for daring to bring such a message. Howbeit the Generall had caused to be written vpon the backside of their pasport, that if they did offer any violence vnto the messengers, he would hang the best prisoners he had of theirs: which made them to aduise better of the matter, and to returne them home; but without answere.

After our army came to Cascais, and the castle summoned, the Castellan thereof granted, that vpon fiue or sixe shot of the canon he would deliuer the same, but not without sight thereof. The G••n••rall thinking that his distresse within had bene such for want of men or victuals as he could not holde it many dayes, because he saw it otherwise defensible enough, determined rather to make him yeeld to that necessity, then to bring the cannon, and therefore onely set a guard vp∣on the same, least any supply of those things which he wanted should be brought vnto them. But he still standing vpon those conditions, the Generall about two dayes before he determined to goe to Sea, brought three or foure pieces of battery against it: vpon the first tire whereof he surrendered, and compounded to go away with his baggage and armes: he had one canon, two culuerings, one basiliske, and three or foure other field pieces, threescore and fiue Souldiours, very good store of munition, and victualles enough in the Castle; insomuch as he might haue held the same longer then the Generall had in purpose to tarry there. One company of fo••t∣men was put into the guard thereof, till the artillery was taken out, and our army embarked;

which without hauing that fort, we could not without great perill haue done. When we were ready to set saile (one halfe of the fort being by order from the Generall blowen vp by mine) the company was drawne away.

During the time we lay in the road, our fleet began the second of Iune, and so continued sixe dayes after to fetch in some hulks to the number of threescore, of Dansik, Stetin, Rostock, Lu∣beck & Hamburgh, laden with Spanish goods, and as it seemed for the kings prouision, and go∣ing for Lisbon: their principall lading was Corne, Masts, Cables, Copper, and Waxe: amongst which were some of great burthen woonderful well builded for sailing, which had no great lading in them, and therefore it was thought that they were brought for the kings prouision, to r••inforce his decayed nauy: whereof there was the greater likelyhood, in that the owner of the great••st of them which caried two misnes, was knowen to be very inward with the Cardinall, who rather then he would be taken with his ships, committed himselfe vnto his small boat, wherein he reco∣uered S. Sebastians: into the which our men, that before were in flieboats, were shipped, and the flieboats sent home with an offer of corne, to the value of their hire. But the winde being good for them for Rochel, they chose rather to lose their corne then the winde, and so departed. The Generall also sent his horses with them, and from thence shipped them into England.

The third of Iune, Colonell Deuereux and Colonell Sidney, being both very sicke, departed for England, who in the whole iourney had shewed themselues very forward to all seruices, and in their departure very vnwilling to leaue vs: that day we imbarked all our army, but lay in the road vntill the eight thereof.

The sixt day the Earle of Essex, vpon receit of letters from her Maiesty, by them that brought in the victuals, presently departed towards England, with whom Sir Roger Williams was ve∣ry desirous to go, but found the Generals very vnwilling he should do so, in that he bare the next place vnto them, and if they should miscarry, was to command the army. And the same day there came vnto vs two small barks that brought tidings of some other shippes come out of England with victuals, which were passed vpwards to the Cape: for meeting with whom, the second day after we set saile for that place, in purpose after our meeting with them to go with the Iles of A∣çores, the second day, which was the ninth, we met with them comming backe againe towards vs, whose prouision little answered our expectation. Notwithstanding we resolued to continue our course for the Ilands.

About this time was the Marchant Royall, with three or foure other ships, sent to Peniche, to fetch away the companies that were left there; but Captaine Barton hauing receiued letters from the Generals that were sent ouerland, was departed before, not being able by reason of the enemies speedy marching thither, either to bring away the artillery, or all his men, according to the direction those letters gaue him; for he was no sooner gone, then the enemy possessed the town and castle, and shot at our ships as they came into the road.

At this time also was the Ambassador from the Emperor of Marocco, called Reys Hamet Ben∣casamp, returned, and with him M. Ciprian, a Gentleman of good place and desert, was sent from Don Antonio, and Captaine Ousley from the Generals to the Emperor.

The next morning the nine gallies which were sent not fiue dayes before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the riuer of Lisbon (which being ioyned with the other twelue that were there before, though we lay hard by them at S. Iulians, durst neuer make any attempt against vs) vpon our departure from thence were returning home, and in the morning being a very dead calme, in the dawning thereof, fell in the winde of our fleet, in the vttermost part whereof they assailed one stragling barke of Plimmouth, of the which Captaine Cauerley being Captaine of the land company, with his Lieutenant, the Master, and some of the Mariners abandoned the ship, and betooke them to the ship-boats, whereof one, in which the Master and the Captaine were, was ouerrunne with the gallies, and they drowned. There were also two hulks stragled farre from the strength of the other ships, which were so calmed, as neither they could get to vs, nor we to them, though all the great shippes towed with their boats to haue relieued them, but could not be recouered; in one of which was Captaine Minshaw with his company, who fought with them to the last, yea after his ship was on fire, which whether it was fired by himselfe or by them we could not wel discerne, but might easily iudge by his long and good fight, that the enemy could not but sustaine much losse: who setting also vpon one other hulke wherein was but a Lieutenant, and he very sicke, were by the valour of the Lieutenant put off, although they had first beaten her with their artillery, and attempted to boord her. And seeing al••o one other hulke a league off, a sterne off vs, they made towards her; but finding that she made ready to fight with them, they durst not further attempt her: whereby it seemed, their losse being great in the other fights, they were loth t•• proceed any further.

From that day till the 19 of Iune, our direction from the Generall was, that if the wind were Northerly, we should plie for the Açores; but if Southerly, for the Iles of Bayon. We lay with contrary windes about that place and the Rocke, till the Southerly winde preuailing carried vs to Bayon: part of our ships to the number of 25, in a great winde which was two dayes before, hauing lost the Admirals and fleet, according to their direction, fell in the morning of that day with Bayon, among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde; who had in purpose (if the Ad∣mirals had not come in) with some 500 men out of them all to haue landed, and attempted the ta∣king of Vigo. The rest of the fleet held with Generall Drake, who though he were two dayes be∣fore put vpon those Ilands, cast off againe to sea for the Açores: but remembring how vnproui∣ded he was for that iourney, and seeing that he had lost company of his great ships, returned for Bayon, and came in there that night in the euening, where he passed vp the riuer more then a mile aboue Vigo.

The next morning we landed as many as were able to fight, which were not in the whole a∣boue 2000 men, (for in the 17 dayes we continued on boord we had cast many of our men ouer∣boord) with which number the Colonell generall marched to the towne of Vigo, neere the which when he approched, he sent Captaine Anthony Wingfield with a troupe of shot to enter one side of the same,* 14.15 who found vpon euery streets end a strong barricade, but altogether abandoned; for hauing entred the towne, he found but one man therein, but might see them making way before him to Bayon. On the other side of the towne entred Generall Drake with Captaine Richard Wingfield, whose approch on that side (I thinke) made them leaue the places they had so artifici∣ally made for defence: there were also certaine shippes sent with the Uice-admirall to lie close before the towne, to beat vpon the same with their artillery.

In the afternoone were sent 300 vnder the conduct of Captaine Petuin and Captaine Henry Poure, to burne another village betwixt that and Bayon, called Borsis, and as much of the coun∣try as the day would giue them leaue to do; which was a very pleasant rich valley: but they burnt it all, houses and corne, as did others on the other side of the towne, both that and the next day, so as the countrey was spoiled seuen or eight miles in length. There was found great store of wine in the towne, but not any thing els: for the other dayes warning of the shippes that came first in, gaue them a respit to cary all away.

The next morning by breake of the day the Colonell generall (who in the absence of the Gene∣rals that were on boord their ships, commanded that night on shore) caused all our companies to be drawen out of the towne,* 14.16 and sent in two troups to put fire in euery house of the same: which done, we imbarked againe.

This day there were certaine Mariners which (without any direction) put themselues on shore, on the contrary side of the riuer from vs for pillage; who were beaten by the enemy from their boats, and punished by the Generals for their offer, in going without allowance.

The reasons why we attempted nothing against Bayon were before shewed to be want of ar∣tillery, and may now be alledged to be the small number of our men: who should haue gone a∣gainst so strong a place, manned with very good souldiers, as was shewed by Iuan de Vera taken at the Groine, who confessed that there were sixe hundred olde Souldiers in garrison there of Flanders, and the Tercios of Naples, lately also returned out of the iourney of England,

Under the leading of

• ...Capitan Puebla.
• Christofero Vasques de Viralta a souldier of Flanders.
• ...Don Pedro Camascho, del tercio de Napoles.
• ...Don Francisco de Cespedes.
• ...Cap. Iuan de Solo, del tercio de Naples.
• ...Don Diego de Cassaua.
• Cap. S••uban.

Also he sayth there be 18 pieces of brasse, and foure of yron, lately layed vpon the walles of the towne, besides them that were there before.

The same day the Generals seeing what weake estate our army was drawen into by sicknesse, determined to man and victuall twenty of the best ships for the Ilands of Açores with Generall Drake, to see if he could meet with the Indian fleet, and Generall Norris to returne home with the rest: And for the shifting of men and victualles accordingly, purposed the next morning to fall downe to the Ilands of Bayon againe, and to remaine there that day. But Generall Drake, according to their apointment, being vnder saile neuer strooke at the Ilands, but put straight to sea; whom all the fleet followed sauing three and thirty, which being in the riuer further then he, and at the entrance out of the same, finding the winde and tide too hard against them, were inforced to cast ancre there for that night; amongst whom, by good fortune, was the Foresight,

and in her sir Edward Norris. And the night folowing, Generall Norris being driuen from the rest of the Fleet by a great storme, (for all that day was the greatest storme we had all the time we were out) came againe into the Ilands, but not without great perill, he being forced to trust to a Spanish Fisher-man (who was taken two dayes b••fore at sea) to bring him in.

The next morning he called a council of as many as he found there, holding the purpose he had concluded with sir Francis Drake the day before, and directed all their courses for England, ta∣rying there all that day to water and helpe such with victuall•• as were left in wonderfull distr••sse by hauing the victuals that came last, caried away the day before to sea.

The next day he set saile, and the 10 day after, which was the 2 of Iuly came into Plimmouth,* 14.17 where he found sir Francis Drake and all the Queens ships, with many of the others, but not all: for the Fleet was dispersed into other harbors, some led by a desire of returning frō whence they came, and some being possessed of the hulks, sought other Ports from their Generals ••ie, where they might make their priuate commoditie of them, as they haue done to their great aduantage.

Presently vpon their arriuall there, the Generals dissolued all the armie sauing 8 companies which are yet held together, giuing euery souldier fiue shillings in money, and the armes hee bare to make money of, which was more then could by any means be due vnto them: for they were not in seruice three moneths, in which time they had their victuals, which no man will value at l••sse then halfe their pay, for such is the allowance in her maiesties ships to her mariners, so as there remained but 10 shillings a moneth more to be paid, for which there was not any priuate man but had apparel and furniture to his owne vse, so as euery common souldier discharged, receiued more in money, victuals, apparell and furniture, then his pay did amount vnto.

Notwithstanding, there be euen in the same place where those things haue passed, that either do not or will not conceiue the souldiers estate, by comparing their pouertie and the shortnesse of the time together, but lay some iniuries vpō the Generals and the action. Where, and by the way, but especially here in London, I find there haue bene some false prophets gone before vs, telling strange tales. For as our countrey doeth bring foorth many gallant men, who desirous of honour doe put themselues into the actions thereof, so doeth it many more dull spirited, who though their thoughts reach not so high as others, yet doe they listen how other mens acts doe passe, and either beleeuing what any man will report vnto them, are willingly caried away into errors, or tied to some greater mans faith, become secretaries against a noted trueth. The one sort of these doe take their opinions from the high-way side, or at the furthest goe no further thē Pauls to enquire what hath bene done in this voiage: where, if they meet with any, whose capacitie before their going out could not make them liue, nor their valour maintaine their reputation, and who went onely for spoile, complaining on the hardnesse and misery thereof, they thinke they are bound to giue cre∣dite to these honest men who were parties therein, and in very charitie become of their opinions. The others to make good the faction they are entred into, if they see any of those malecontents (as euery iourney yeeldeth some) doe runne vnto them like tempting spirits to confirme them in their humour, with assurance that they foresaw before our going out what would become thereof.

Be ye not therefore too credulous in beleeuing euery report: for you see there haue bene many more beholders of these things that haue passed, then actors in the same; who by their experience, not hauing the knowledge of the ordinarie wants of the warre, haue thought, that to lie hard, not to haue their meat well dressed, to drinke sometimes water, to watch much, or to see men die and be slaine, was a miserable thing; and not hauing so giuen their mindes to the seruice, as they are any thing instructed thereby, doe for want of better matter discourse ordinarily of these things: whereas the iourney (if they had with that iudgement seene into it, which their places required) hath giuen them far more honorable purpose and argument of discourse.

These mens discontentments and mislikings before our comming home haue made mee la∣bour thus much to instruct you in the certaintie of euery thing, because I would not willingly haue you miscaried in the iudgements of them, wherein you shall giue me leaue somewhat to di∣late vpon a question,* 14.18 which I onely touched in the beginning of my letter, namely, whether it bee more expedient for our ••state to maintain an offensiue war against the king of Spaine in the Low countries, or as in this iourney, to offend him in his neerer territories, seeing the grounds of argu∣ing thereof are taken from the experience which the actions of this iourney haue giuen vs.

There is no good subiect that wil make questiō, whether it be behoofeful for vs to hold friend∣ship with these neighbours of ours or no, aswell in respect of the infinite proportion of their ship∣ping, which must stand either with vs or against vs; as of the commoditie of their harbors, especi∣ally that of Vlishing, by the fauour whereof our Nauie may continually keepe the Narrow seas, and which would harbour a greater Fleete agaynst vs, then the Spaniard shall need to annoy vs withall, who being now distressed by our common enemie, I thinke it most expedient for our

safetie to defend them, and if it may be, to giue them a reentrie into that they haue o•• late yeeres lost vnto him. The one without doubt her maiestie may do without difficultie, and in so honorable sort as he shal neuer be able to dispossesse her or them of any the townes they now hold. But if any man thinke that the Spaniard may be expelled from thence more speedily or conueniently by kee∣ping an armie there, then by sending one against him into his owne countrey: let him foresee of how many men and continuall supplies that armie must consist, and what intollerable expenses it requireth. And let him thinke by the example of the duke of Alua, when the prince of Orenge had his great armie agaynst him; and of Don Iuan, when the States had their mightie assembly against him, how this wise enemie, with whom we are to deale, may but by prolonging to fight with vs, leaue vs occasions enough for our armie within few moneths to mutine and breake; or by keeping him in his townes leaue vs a spoyled field: where though our prouision may bee such of our owne as we starue not, yet is our weaknesse in any strange countrey such, as with sicknes and miserie we shall be dissolued. And let him not forget what a continual burthen we hereby lay vpon vs, in that to repossesse those countreys which haue bene lately lost, wil be a warre of longer continuance then we shall be able to endure.

In the very action whereof, what should hinder the king of Spaine to bring his forces home vnto vs? For it is certaine he hath long since set downe in councell, that there is no way for him wholy to recouer those Low countries, but by bringing the warre vpon England it selfe, which hath alwayes assisted them against him: and that being determined, and whereunto he hath bene vehemently vrged by the last yeeres losse he sustained vpon our coasts, and the great dishonor this iourney hath laid vpon him; no doubt if we shall giue him respite to doe it, but he will mightily ad∣uance his purpose, for he is richly able thereunto, and wonderfull desirous of reuenge.

To encounter wherewith, I wish euen in true and honest zeale to my Countrey, that we were all perswaded that there is no such assured meanes for the safetie of our estate, as to busy him with a well furnished armie in Spaine, which hath so many goodly Bayes open, as we may land with∣out impeachment as many men as shall be needfull for such an inuasion. And hauing an armie of 20000 roially furnished there, we shall not need to take much care for their payment: for shal not Lisbon be thought able to make so few men rich, when the Suburbs thereof were found so a∣bounding in riches, as had we made enemie of them, they had largely enriched vs all? Which with what small losse it may be won, is not here to shew; but why it was not won by vs, I haue here∣in shewed you. Or is not the spoyle of Si••••l sufficient to pay more then shall bee needfull to bee sent against it, whose defence (as that of Lisbone) is onely force of men, of whom how many may for the present be raised, is not to be esteemed, because wee haue discouered what kind of men they be, euen such as will neuer abide ours in field, nor dare withstand any resolute attempt of ours agaynst them: for during the time we were in many places of their countrey, they cannot say that euer they made 20 of our men turne their faces from them. And be there not many other places of lesse difficultie to spoyle, able to satisfie our forces?

But admit, that if vpon this alarme that we haue giuen him, he tendering his naturall and nee∣rest soile before his further remmooued off gouernments, do draw his forces of old souldiers out of the Low countreys for his owne defence, is not the victory then won by drawing and holding them from thence, for the which we should haue kept an armie there at a charge by many partes greater then this, and not stirred them?

Admit further our armie be impeached from landing there, yet by keeping the Sea, and posses∣sing his principall roades, are we not in possibilitie to meet with his Indian marchants, and very like to preuent him of his prouisions comming out of the East countreys; without the which, nei∣ther the subiect of Lisbon is long able to liue, nor the king able to maintaine his Nauie? For though the countrey of Portugall doe some yeeres find themselues corne, yet are they neuer able to victuall the least part of that Citie. And albeit the king of Spaine be the richest prince in Chri∣stendome, yet can he neither draw cables, hewe mastes, nor make pouder out of his mettals, but is to be supplied of them all from thence. Of whom (some will hold opinion) it is no reason to make prize, because they bee not our enemies: and that our disagreeance with them will im∣peach the trade of our marchants, and so impouerish our countrey. Of whose mind I can hard∣ly be drawen to be: For if my enemie fighting with me doe breake his sword, so as I thereby haue the aduantage against him; what shall I thinke of him that putteth a new sword into his hand to kill me withall? And may it not bee thought more ••itting for vs in these times to loose our trades of Cloth, then by suffering these mischiefes, to put in hazard whether we shall haue a countrey left to make cloth in or no? And yet though neither Hamburgh, Embden, nor Stode doe receiue our cloth, the necessary vse thereof in all places is such, as they will find means to take it from vs with our sufficient commoditie.

And admit (which were impossible) that we damnifie him neither at sea nor land (for vnlesse it be with a much more thightie armie then ours, he shall neuer be able to withstand vs) yet shall we by holding him at his home, free our selues from the warre at our owne wals: the benefit where∣of let them consider that best can iudge, and haue obserued the difference of inuading, and being inuaded; the one giuing courage to the souldier, in that it doeth set before him commoditie and reputation; the other a fearefull terror to the countrey-man, who if by chance he play the man, yet is he neuer the richer: and who knowing many holes to hide himselfe in, will trie them all before he put his life in perill by fighting: whereas the Inuader casteth vp his account before hee goeth out, and being abroad must fight to make himselfe way, as not knowing what place or strength to trust vnto. I will not say what I obserued in our countrey-men when the enemy offred to assaile vs here: but I wish that all England knew what terror we gaue to the same people that frighted vs, by visiting them at their owne houses.

Were not Alexanders fortunes great against the mightie Darius, onely in that his Macedoni∣ans thirsted after the wealth of Persia, and were bound to fight it out to the last man, because the last man knew no safer way to saue himselfe then by fighting? Whereas the Persians either tru∣sting to continue stil masters of their wealth by yeelding to the Inuader, began to practise against their owne king: or hauing more inward hopes, did hide themselues euen to the last, to see what course the Conquerour would take in his Conquest. And did not the aduise of Scipio, though mightily impugned at the first, prooue very sound and honourable to his countrey? Who seeing the Romans wonderfully amazed at the neerenesse of their enemies Forces, and the losses they daily sustained by them, gaue counsell rather by way of diuersion to cary an army into Afrike, and there to assaile, then by a defensiue warre at home to remaine subiect to the common spoiles of an assailing enemie. Which being put in execution drew the enemie from the gates of Rome, and Scipio returned home with triumph: albeit his beginnings at the first were not so fortunate a∣gainst them, as ours haue bene in this smal time against the Spaniard. The good successe whereof may encourage vs to take armes resolutely against him. And I beseech God it may stirre vp all men that are particularly interested therein, to bethinke themselues how small a matter will as∣sure them of their safetie, by holding the Spaniard at a Baie, so farre of: whereas, if we giue him leaue quietly to hatch and bring foorth his preparations, it will be with danger to vs all.

He taketh not armes against vs by any pretense of title to the crowne of this realme, nor led al∣together with an ambi••ious desire to command our countrey, but with hatred towards our whole Nation and religion. Her maiesties Scepter is already giuen by Bull to another, the honours of our Nobilitie are bestowed for rewards vpon his attendants, our Clergie, our Gentlemen, our Lawyers, yea all men of what condition soeuer are offered for spoyle vnto the common souldier. Let euery man therefore, in defence of the libertie and plentie he hath of long enioyed, offer a vo∣luntarie contribution of the smallest part of their store for the assurance of the rest. It were not much for euery Iustice of peace, who by his blew coat protecteth the properest and most seruicea∣ble men at euery muster from the warres, to contribute the charge that one of these idle men doe put him to for one yeere: nor for the Lawyer, who riseth by the dissensions of his neighbours, to take but one yeeres gifts (which they call Fees) out of his coffers. What would it hinder euery officer of the Exchequer, and other of her Maiesties courts, who without checke doe suddenly grow to great wealth, honestly to bring foorth the mysticall commoditie of one yeeres profits? Or the Clergie, who looke precisely for the Tenths of euery mans increase, simply to bring forth the Tenth of one yeeres gathering, and in thankfulnesse to her Maiestie, (who hath continued for all our safeties a most chargeable warre both at land & sea) bestow the same for her honor & their owne assurance, vpon an army which may make this bloody enemy so to know himselfe and her Maiesties power, as he shall bethinke him what it is to mooue a stirring people? Who, though they haue receiued some small checke by the sicknesse of this last iourney, yet doubt I not, but if it were made knowen, that the like voyage were to bee supported by a generalitie, (that might and would beare the charge of a more ample prouision) but there would of all sortes most willingly put themselues into the same: some caried with an honorable desire to be in action, and some in loue of such would affectionately folow their fortunes; some in thirsting to reuenge the death and hurts of their brethren, kinred, and friends: and some in hope of the plentifull spoyles to be found in those countreys, hauing bene there already and returned poore, would desire to goe againe, with an expectation to make amends for the last: and all, in hatred of that cowardly proud Nation, and in contemplation of the true honour of our owne, would with courage take armes to hazard their liues agaynst them, whom euery good Englishman is in nature bound to hate as an impla∣cable enemie to England, thirsting after our blood, and labouring to ruine our land, with hope to bring vs vnder the yoke of perpetuall slauerie.

Against them is true honour to be gotten, for that we shall no sooner set foot in their land, but that euery step we tread will yeeld vs new occasion of action, which I wish the gallantrie of our Countrey rather to regard then to folow those soft vnprofitable pleasures wherein they now con∣sume their time and patrimonie. And in two or three townes of Spaine is the welth of all Europe gathered together, which are the Magasins of the fruits and profits of the East and West Indies, whereunto I wish our yong able men, who, (against the libertie they are borne vnto) terme them∣selues Seruing men, rather to bend their desires and affections, then to attend their double liue∣rie and 40 shillings by the yeere-wages, and the reuersion of the old Copy-hold, for carying a dish to their masters table. But let me here reprehend my selfe and craue pa••dō for entring into a mat∣ter of such state and consequence, the care whereof is already laid vpon a most graue and honora∣ble counsell, who wil in their wisdoms foresee the dangers that may be threatned agaynst vs. And why do I labour to disquiet the securitie of these happy gentlemen, & the trade of those honest ser∣uing men, by perswading them to the warres when I see the profession thereof so slenderly estee∣med? For though all our hope of peace be frustrate, and our quarels determinable by the sword: though our enemy hath by his owne forces and his pensionaries industry, cōfined the vnited Pro∣uinces into a narow roume, & almost disunited the same: if he be now in a good way to harbor him∣selfe in the principall hauens of France, from whence he may front vs at pleasure: yea though we are to hope for nothing but a bloodie warre, nor can trust to any helpe but Armes; yet how far the common sort are from reuerencing or regarding any persons of conduction, was too apparant in the returne of this our iourney, wherein the base and common souldier hath bene tollerated to speake against the Captaine, and the souldier and Captaine against the Generals, and wherein mechanicall and men of base condicion doe dare to censure the doings of them, of whose acts they be not woorthy to talke.

The ancient graue degree of the Prelacie is vpheld, though Martin ra••le neuer so much, & the Lawyer is after the old maner worshipped, whosoeuer inueigh against him. But the ancient Eng∣lish honour is taken from our men of war, & their profession in disgrace, though neuer so necessary. Either we commit idolatry to Neptune, and will put him alone stil to fight for vs as he did the last yeere, or we be inchanted with some diuelish opinions, that trauell nothing more then to diminish the reputation of them, vpon whose shoulders the burden of our defence against the enemie must lie when occasion shall be offred. For whensoeuer he shall set foote vpon our land, it is neither the preaching of the Clergie that can turne him out againe, nor the pleading of any Lawyers that can remooue him out of poss••ssion: no, then they will honour them whom now they thinke not on, and then must those men stand betweene them and their perils, who are now th••ught vnwoor∣thie of any estimation.

May the burning of one towne (which cost the king then being six times as much as this hath done her maiestie, wherein were lost seuen times as many men as in any one seruice of this iour∣ney, and taried not the tenth part of our time in the enemies Countrey) be by our elders so high∣ly reputed and sounded out by the historie of the Realme; and can our voyage be so meanly estee∣med, wherein we burned both townes and Countreys without the losse of fortie men in any such attempt?

Did our kings in former times reward some with the greatest titles of honour for ouerthrow∣ing a number of poore Scots, who, after one battell lost, were neuer able to reenforce themselues against him; and shall they in this time who haue ouerthrowen our mightie enemie in battell, and taken his roiall Standerd in the field, besieged the marquesse of Saralba 15 dayes together, that should haue bene the Generall of the Armie against vs, brought away so much of his artillarie (as I haue before declared) be vnwoorthily esteemed of?

Is it possible that some in some times should receiue their reward for looking vpon an ene∣mie, and ours in this time not receiue so much as thanks for hauing beaten an enemie at handie strokes?

But it is true that no man shall bee a prophet in his Countrey: and for my owne part I will lay aside my Armes till that profession shal haue more reputation, and liue with my friends in the countrey, attending either some more fortunate time to vse them, or some other good occasion ••o make me forget them.

But what? shall the blind opinion of this monster, a beast of many heads, (for so hath the ge∣neralitie of old bene termed) cause me to neglect the profession from whence I chalenge some re∣putation, or diminish my loue to my countrey, which hitherto hath nourished me? No, it was for her sake I first tooke armes, and for her sake I will handle them so long as I shall bee able to vse them: not regarding how some men in priuate conuenticles do measure mens estimations by their owne humors; nor how euery popular person doeth giue sentence on euery mans actions by the

worst accidents. But attending the gracious aspect of our dread Soueraigne, who neuer yet left vertue vnrewarded: and depending vpon the iustice of her most rare and graue aduisors, who by their heedie looking into euery mans worth, do giue encouragement to the vertuous to exceed o∣thers in vertue: and assuring you that there shall neuer any thing happen more pleasing vnto me, then that I may once againe bee a partie in some honorable iourney against the Spaniard in his owne countrey, I will cease my complaint: and with them that deserue beyond me, patiently en∣dure the vnaduised censure of our malicious reproouers.

If I haue seemed in the beginning hereof troublesome vnto you, in the discouering of those im∣pediments, and answering the slanders which by the vulgar malicious and mutinous sort are laid as blemishes vpon the iourney, and reproches vpon the Generals (hauing indeed proceeded from other heads:) let the necessitie of conseruing the reputation of the action in generall, & the honors of our Generals in particular, bee my sufficient excuse: the one hauing by the vertue of the other made our country more dreaded & renowmed, then any act that euer England vndertooke before. Or if you haue thought my perswasible discourse long in the latter end; let the affectionate desire of my countreys good be therein answerable for me. And such as it is I pray you accept it, as only recommended to your selfe, and not to be deliuered to the publique view of the world, least any man take offence thereat; which some particular men may seeme iustly to do, in that hauing de∣serued very well, I should not herein giue them their due commendations: whereas my purpose in this priuate discourse hath bene onely to gratifie you with a touch of those principall matters that haue passed, wherein I haue onely taken notes of those men who either commaunded euery seruice, or were of chiefest marke: if therefore you shall impart the same to one, and he to another, and so it passe through my hands, I know not what constructions would be made thereof to my preiudice; for that the Hares eares may happily be taken for hornes. Howbeit I hold it very ne∣nessary (I must confesse) that there should be some true manifestation made of these things: but be it far from m•• to be the author thereof, as very vnfit to deliuer my censure of any matter in pub∣lique, & most vnwilling to haue my weaknesse discouered in priuate. And so I doe leaue you to the happy successe of your accustomed good exercises, earnestly wishing that there may be some bet∣ter acceptance made of the fruits of your studies, then there hath bene of our hazards in the wars. From London the 30 of August 1589.

The voiage of the right honorable George Erle of Cumberland to the Azores, &c. Written by the excellent Mathematician and Enginier master Edward Wright.

THe right honorable the Erle of Cumberland hauing at his owne charges prepa∣red his small Fleet of foure Sailes onely, viz. The Victorie one of the Queenes ships royall; the Meg and Margaret small ships; (one of which also he was forced soone after to send home againe, finding her not able to endure the Sea) and a small Carauell, and hauing assembled together about 400 men (or fewer) of gen∣tlemen, souldiers, and saylers, embarked himself and them, and set saile from the Sound of Plim∣mouth in Deuonshire, the 18 day of Iune 1589. being accompanied with these captaines and gentlemen which hereafter folow.

Captaine Christopher Lister a man of great resolution, captaine Edward Carelesse, ali••s Wright, who in sir Francis Drakes West-Indian voyage to S. Domingo and Carthagena, was captaine of the Hope. Captaine Boswell, M. Meruin, M. Henry Long, M. Partridge, M. Nor∣ton, M. William Mounson captaine of the Meg, and his viceadmirall, now sir William Moun∣son, M. Pigeon captaine of the Carauell.

About 3 dayes after our departure from Plimmouth we met with 3 French ships, whereof one was of Newhauen, another of S. Malos, and so finding them to be Leaguers & lawful Prises, we tooke them and sent two of them for England with all their loding, which was fish for the most part from New-found-land, sauing that there was part thereof distributed amongst our small Fleet, as we could find Stowage for the same: and in the third, all their men were sent home into France. The same day & the day folowing we met with some other ships, whom (when after some conference had with them, we perceiued plainly to bee of Roterodam and Emden, bound for Ro∣chell) we dismissed.

The 28 and 29 dayes we met diuers of our English ships, returning from the Portugall voi∣age which my lord relieued with victuals. The 13 day of Iuly being Sonday in the morning, we espied 11 ships without sight of y^e coast of Spaine, in the height of 39 degrees, whom wee presently prepared for, & prouided to meet them, hauing first set forth captaine Mounson in the Meg, before vs, to descry whence they were. The Meg approching neere, there passed some shot betwixt them,

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whereby, as also by their Admiral and Uiceadmirall putting foorth their flags, we perceiued that some fight was likely to follow. Hauing therefore fitted our selues for them, we made what hast we could towards them with regard alwayes to get the wind of them, and about 10 or 11 of the clocke, we came vp to them with the Victory. But after some few shot & some litle fight passed be∣twixt vs, they yeelded themselues, & the masters of them all came aboord vs, shewing their seueral Pasports from the cities of Hamburg and Lubeck, from Breme, Pomerania and Calice.

They had in them certaine bags of Pepper & Synamom, which they confessed to be the goods of a Iew in Lisbon, which should haue bene caried by them into their country to his Factor there, and so finding it by their owne confession to be lawful Prise, the saine was soone after taken and deuided amongst our whole company, the value wherof was esteemed to be about 4500 pounds, at two shillings the pound.

The 17 day the foresaid ships were dismissed, but 7 of their men that were willing to go along with vs for sailers, we tooke to helpe vs, and so held on our course for the Azores.

The 1 of August being Friday in the morning, we had sight of the Iland of S. Michael, being one of the Eastermost of the Azores toward which we sailed all that day, and at night hauing put foorth a Spanish flag in our main-top, that so they might the lesse suspect vs, we approched neere to the chiefe towne and road of that Iland, where we espied 3 ships riding at anker and some o∣ther vessels: all which we determined to take in the darke of the night, and accordingly attempted about 10 or 11 of the clocke, sending our boats well manned to cut their cables and hausers, and let them driue into the sea. Our men comming to them, found y^e one of those greatest ships was the Falcon of London being there vnder a Scottish Pilot who bare the name of her as his own. But 3 other smal ships that lay neere vnder the castle there,* 14.19 our men let loose and towed them away vnto vs, most of the Spaniards that were in them leaping ouer-boord and swimming to shore with lowd and lamentable outcries, which they of the towne hearing were in an vprore, and answered with the like crying. The castle discharged some great shot at our boats, but shooting without marke by reason of the darknesse they did vs no hurt. The Scots likewise discharged 3 great pie∣ces into the aire to make the Spaniards thinke they were their friends and our enemies, and short∣ly after the Scottish master, & some other with him, came aboord to my lord doing their dutie, and offring their seruice, &c. These 3 ships were fraught with wine and Sallet-oile from Siuil.

The same day our Carauel chased a Spanish Carauel to shore at S. Michael, which caried let∣ters thither, by which we learned that the Caraks were departed from Tercera 8 dayes before.

The 7 of August we had sight of a litle ship which wee chased towards Tercera with our pin∣nasse (the weather being calme) and towards euening we ouertooke her, there were in her 30 tunnes of good Madera wine, certaine woollen cloth, silke, taffata, &c. The 14 of August we came to the Iland of Flores, where we determined to take in some fresh water and fresh victuals, such as the Iland did affoord. So we manned our boats with some 120 men and rowed towards the shore; whereto when we approched the inhabitants that were assembled at the landing place, put foorth a flag of truce, whereupon we also did the like.

When we came to them, my Lord gaue them to vnderstand by his Portugall interpreter, that he was a friend to their king Don Antonio, and came not any way to iniury thē, but that he ment onely to haue some fresh water and fresh victuals of them, by way of exchange for some prouision that he had, as oile, wine, or pepper, to which they presently agreed willingly, & sent some of their company for beeues and sheepe, and we in the meane season marched. Southward about a mile to Villa de Santa Cruz, from whence all the inhabitants yong and old were departed, and not any thing of value left. We demanding of them what was the cause hereof, they answered, Feare; as their vsuall maner was when any ships came neere their coast.

We found that part of the Iland to be full of great rockie barren hils and mountains, litle in∣habited by reason that it is molested with ships of war which might partly appeare by this towne of Santa Cruz (being one of their chiefe townes) which was all ruinous, and (as it were) but the reliques of the ancient towne which had bene burnt abou•• two yeeres before by certaine English ships of war, as the inhabitants there reported.

At euening as we were in rowing towards the Victory, an huge fish pursued vs for the space well nigh of two miles together, distant for the most part frō the boats ster••e not a speares length, and sometimes so neere that the boat stroke vpon him, the tips of whose finnes about the ghils (ap∣pearing oft times aboue the water) were by estimation 4 or 5 yards asunder, and his iawes ga∣ping a yard and an halfe wide, which put vs in feare of ouer-turning the pinnasse, but God bee thanked (rowing as hard as we could) we escaped.

When we were about Flores a litle ship called the Drake, brought vs word that the Caraks were at Tercera, of which newes we were very glad, & sped vs thicherward with all the speed we

could: and by the way we came to Fayal road the seuen and twentieth day of August, after sunne set, where we espied certaine shippes ryding at anker, to whom we sent in our Skiffe with Cap∣taine Lister and Captaine Monson in her to discouer the roaders: and least any daunger should happen to our boate, we sent in likewise the Sawsie-Iacke and the small Carauell; but the wind being off the shoare, the shippes were not able to fet it so nigh as the Spaniards ride, which ne∣uerthelesse the boate did, and clapped a shippe aboord of two hundred and fiftie tunnes, which ca∣ried in her fourteene cast peeces, and continued fight alone with her for the space of one houre vn∣till the comming vp of other boates to the reskue of her, which were sent from the shippes, and then a fresh boording her againe one boate iu the quarter, another in the hause, wee entred her on the one side, and all the Spaniards lept ouerboord on the other, saue Iuan de Palma the Captaine of her and two or three more, and thus we became possessors of her. This shippe was mored to the Castle which shot at vs all this while: the onely hurt which we receiued of all this shot was this, that the master of our Carauell had the calfe of his legge shot away. This shippe was laden with Sugar, Ginger, and hides lately come from S. Iuan de Puerto Rico; after we had towed her cleare off the castle, we rowed in againe with our boats, and fetched out fiue small ships more, one laden with hides, another with Elephants teeth, graines, coco-nuts, and goates skins come from Guinie, another with woad, and two with dogge-fish, which two last we let driue in the sea making none account of them. The other foure we sent for England the 30 of August.

At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with vs some other small men of warre, as Maister Iohn Dauis, with his shippe, Pinnesse, and Boate, Captaine Markesburie with his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh, the Barke of Lime, which was also consorted with vs before.

The last of August in the morning we came in sight of Tercera, being about some nine or ten leagues from shoare, where we espied comming towards vs, a small boat vnder saile, which see∣med somewhat-strange vnto vs, being so farre from land, and no shippe in sight, to which they might belong: but comming neere, they put vs out of doubt, shewing they were English men (eight in number) that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera,* 14.20 and finding opportunitie to escape at that time, with that small boat committed themselues to the sea, vnder Gods prouidence, ha∣uing no other yard for their maine saile, but two pipe staues tyed together by the endes, and no more prouision of victuals, then they could bring in their pockets and bosomes. Hauing taken them all into the Victorie, they gaue vs certaine intelligence, that the Carackes were departed from thence about a weeke before.

Thus beeing without any further hope of those Caraks, we resolued to returne for Fayall, with intent to surprize the towne, but vntill the ninth of September, we had either the winde so contrary, or the weather so calme, that in all that time, we made scarce nine or ten leagues way, lingring vp and downe not farre from Pico.

The tenth of September, being Wednesday in the afternoone, wee came againe to Fayal roade. Whereupon immediatly my Lord sent Captaine Lister, with one of Graciola (whom Captaine Munson had before taken) and some others, towards Fayal, whom certaine of the Inhabitants met in a boat, and came with Captaine Lister to my Lord, to whom hee gaue this choice: either to suffer him quietly to enter into the platforme there without resistance, where he and his companie would remaine a space without offering any iniurie to them, that they (the In∣habitants) might come vnto him and compound for the ransome of the Towne: or else to stand to the hazard of warre.

With these words they returned to the towne: but the keepers of the platforme answered, that it was against their oath and allegeance to king Philip to giue ouer without fight. Whereupon my Lord commanded the boates of euery ship, to be presently manned, and soone after landed his men on the sandie shoare, vnder the side of an hill, about halfe a league to the Northwards from the platforme: vpon the toppe of which hill certaine horsemen and footmen shewed themselues, and other two companies also appeared, with ensignes displayed, the one before the towne vpon the shore by the sea side, which marched towards our landing place, as though they would encoun∣ter vs; the other in a valley to the Southwards of the platforme, as if they would haue come to helpe the Townesmen: during which time, they in the platforme also played vpon vs with great Ordinance. Notwithstanding my L. (hauing set his men in order) marched along the sea shore, vpon the sands, betwixt the sea & the towne towards the platforme for the space of a mile or more,* 14.21 & then the shore growing rockie, & permitting no further progresse without much difficultie, he entred into the towne & passed through the street without resistance, vnto the platforme; for those companies before mentioned at my Lo. approching, were soone dispersed, and suddenly vanished.

Likewise they of the platforme, being all fled at my Lordes comming thither, left him

and his company to scale the walles, to enter and take possession without resistance.

In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter the foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte, till such time as we saw the Red-Crosse of England flourishing vpon the Fore∣front thereof.

* 14.22This Fayal is the principall towne in all that is land, & is situate directly ouer against the high and mighty mountaine Pico, lying towards the West Northwest from that mountaine, being de∣uided therefrom by a narrow Sea, which at that place is by estimation about some two or three leagues in bredth betweene the Isles of Fayal and Pico.

The towne conteyned some three hundred housholds, their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime and stone, and double couered with hollow tyles much like our roofe-tyles, but that they are lesse at the one end then at the other.

Euery house almost had a cisterne or well in a garden on the backe side: in which gardens grew vines (with ripe clusters of grapes) making pleasant shadowes, and Tabacco nowe com∣monly knowen and vsed in England, wherewith their women there dye their faces reddish, to make them seeme fresh and young: Pepper Indian and common; figge-trees bearing both white and red figges: Peach trees not growing very tall: Orenges, Limons, Quinces, Potato-roots, &c. Sweete wood (Ceder I thinke) is there very common, euen for building and fixing.

My Lord hauing possessed himselfe of the towne and platforme, and being carefull of the preseruation of the towne, gaue commandement, that no mariner or souldier should enter into any house, to make any spoyle thereof. But especially he was carefull that the Churches and houses of religion there should be kept inuiolate, which was accordingly performed, through his appointment of guarders and keepers for those places: but the rest of the towne eyther for want of the former inhibition, or for desire of spoyle & prey, was rifled, & ransacked by the soul∣diers & mariners, who scarcely left any house vnsearched, out of which they tooke such things as liked them, as chestes of sweete wood, chaires, cloth, couerlets, hangings, bedding, apparell: and further ranged into the countrey, where some of them also were hurt by the inhabitants. The Friery there conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers (among whom we could not finde any one able to speake true Latine) was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Ter∣cera of the same order, about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixe. The tables in the hall had seates for the one side onely, and were alwayes couered; as readie at all times for dinner or supper.

From Wednesday in the afternoone, at which time we entred the towne, til Saturday night, we continued there, vntill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for the ransome of the towne, two thousand duckats, most part whereof was Church-place.

We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron peeces of Ordinance, whereof three and twentie (as I remember) or more were readie mounted vpon their carriages, betweene Bar∣ricados, vpon a platforme towardes the sea-side, all which Ordinance wee tooke, and set the platforme on fire, and so departed: My Lord hauing muited to dinner in the Victorie, on the Sunday following, so many of the Inhabitants as would willingly come (saue onely Diego Gomes the Gouernour, who came but once onely to parle about the ransome) onely foure came and were well entertained, and solemnely dismissed with sound of drumme and trumpets, and a peale of Ordinance: to whom my Lord deliuered his letter subscribed with his owne hand, importing a request to all other Englishmen to abstaine from any further molesting them, saue onely for fresh water, and victuals necessary for their intended voyage. During our abode here (viz. the 11 of September) two men came out of Pico which had beene prisoners there: Al∣so at Fayal we set at libertie a prisoner translated from S. Iago, who was cousin to a seruant of Don Anthonio king of Portugall in England: These prisoners we deteyned with vs.

On Munday we sent our boates a shore for fresh water, which (by reason of the raine that fell the former night) came plentifully running downe the hilles, and would otherwise haue beene hard to be gotten there. On Tuesday likewise hauing not yet sufficiently serued our turnes, we ••ent againe for fresh water, which was then not so easie to be gotten as the day before, by reason of a great winde: which in the afternoone increased also in such sort, that we thought it not safe to ride so neere the land; whereupon we weyed anker and so departed Northwest and by west, alongst the coast of Fayal Island. Some of the Inhabitants comming aboord to vs this day, tolde vs that alwayes about that time of the yeere such windes West Southwest blew on that coast.

This day, as we sayled neere Saint Georges Island, a huge fish lying still a litle vnder wa∣ter, or rather euen there with, appeared hard by a head of vs, the sea breaking vpon his backe, which was blacke coloured, in such sort as deeming at the first it had beene a rocke, and the ship

stemming directly with him, we were put in a sudden feare for the time: till soone after we saw him moue out of the way.

The 16 of September in the night it lightened much, whereupon there followed great winds and raine, which continued the 17 18 19 20 and 21 of the same. The 23 of September we came againe into Faial road to weigh an anker which (for haste and feare of foule weather) wee had left there before, where we went on shore to see the towne, the people (as we thought) hauing now setled themselues there againe: but notwithstanding many of them through too much di∣strustfulnesse, departed and prepared to depart with their packets at the first sight of vs: vntill such time as they were assured by my Lord, that our comming was not any way to iniury them, but especially to haue fresh water, and some other things needefull for vs, contenting them for the same.

So then we viewed the Towne quietly, and bought such things as we desired for our money as if we had bene in England. And they helped to fill vs in fresh water, receiuing for their paines such satisfaction as contented them.

The 25 day we were forced againe to depart from thence, before we had sufficiently watered, by reason of a great tempest that suddenly arose in the night, in so much, that my Lord himselfe soone after midnight raysed our men out of their Cabines to wey anker, himselfe also together with them haling at the Capsten, and after chearing them vp with wine.

The next day we sent our Carauell and the Sawsie-Iacke to the road of Saint Michael, to see what they could espie: we following after them vpon the 27 day, plying to and fro, came within sight of S. Michael, but by contrary windes the 28 29 and 30 dayes wee were driuen to lee∣warde, and could not get neere the Island.

The first of October wee sayled alongst Tercera, and euen against Brasill (a promontorie neere to Angra the strongest Towne in that Island) wee espied some boates comming to the Towne, and made out towardes them: but being neere to the lande they ranne to shoare and escaped vs.

In the afternoone we came neere to Graciosa, whereupon my Lord foorthwith sent Captain Lister to the Ilanders, to let them vnderstand that his desire was onely to haue water and wine of them, and some fresh victuals, and not any further to trouble them. They answered they could giue no resolute answere to this demaund, vntill the Gouernors of the Iland had consulted ther∣upon, and therefore desired him to send againe to them the next day.

Upon the second day of October early in the morning, we sent forth our long boat and Pin∣nesse, with emptie Caske, and about some fiftie or sixty men together with the Margaret, and Captaine Dauis his shippe: for we now wanted all the rest of our consortes. But when our men would haue landed, the Ilanders shot at them, and would not suffer them. And troupes of men appeared vpon land, with ensignes displayed to resist vs: So our boates rowed alongst the shoare, to finde some place where they might land, not with too much disaduantage: our shippes and they still shooting at the Ilanders: but no place could be founde where they might land without great perill of loosing many of their liues, and so were constrayned to retire with∣out receiuing any answere, as was promised the day before. We had three men hurt in this con∣flict, whilest our boates were together in consulting what was best to be done: two of them were stroken with a great shot (which the Ilanders drew from place to place with Oxen) where∣with the one lost his hand, and the other his life within two or three dayes after: the third was shot into his necke with a small shot, without any great hurt.

With these newes our company returned backe againe at night, whereupon preparation was made to goe to them againe the next day: but the day was farre spent before we could come neere them with our ship: neither could we finde any good ground to anker in, where we might lye to batter the Towne, and further we could finde no landing place, without great danger to loose many men: which might turne not only to the ouerthrow of our voiage, but also put the Queenes ship in great perill for want of men to bring her home. Therefore my Lord thought it best to write to them to this effect: That he could not a litle maruell at their inhumanitie and crueltie which they had shewed towards his men, seeing they were sent by him vnto them in peaceable manner, to receiue their answere which they had promised to giue the day before: and that were it not for Don Antonio their lawfull king his sake, he could not put vp so great iniury at their hands, without iust reuengement vpon them: notwithstanding for Don Antonio his sake, whose friend he was, he was yet content to send to them once againe for their answere: At night Cap∣taine Lister returned with this answere from them. That their Gunner shot off one of their pee∣ces, which was charged with pouder onely, and was stopped; which our men thinking it had bin shot at them, shot againe, and so beganne the fight: and that the next morning they would send my

Lord a re••olute answere to his demaunde, for as yet they could not knowe their Gouernours minde herein. The next morning there came vnto vs a boate from the shoare with a flagge of truce, wherein were three of the chiefe men of the Island, who agreed with my Lorde that hee should haue of them sixtie buttes of wine, and fresh victuals to refresh himselfe and his compa∣nie withall: but as for fresh water, they could not satisfie our neede therein, hauing themselues little or none, sauing such as they saued in vessels or cisternes when it rayned, and that they had rather giue vs two tunnes of wine then one of water: but they requested that our soul∣diers might not come on shoare, for they themselues would bring all they had promised to the water-side, which request was graunted, we keeping one of them aboord with vs vntill their promise was performed, and the other we sent to shoare with our emptie Caske, and some of our men to helpe to fill, and bring them away with such other prouision as was promised: so the Margaret, Captaine Dauis his shippe, and another of Weymouth stayed ryding at anker before the Towne, to take in our prouision. This shippe of Weymouth came to vs the day before, and had taken a rich Prize (as it was reported) worth sixteene thousand pound, which brought vs newes that the West-Indian Fleete was not yet come, but would come very short∣ly. But we with the Victorie put off to sea, and vpon Saturday the fourth of October, we tooke a French shippe of Saint Malo (a citie of the vnholy league) loden with fish from New∣found land: which had beene in so great a tempest, that she was constrayned to cut her mayne mast ouerboord for her safetie, and was now comming to Graciosa, to repaire her selfe. But so hardly it befell her, that she did not onely not repaire her former losses, but lost all that remay∣ned vnto vs. The chiefe of her men we tooke into our ship, and sent some of our men, mariners, and souldiers into her to bring her into England.

Upon the Sunday following at night, all our promised prouision was brought vnto vs from Gra••iosa: and we friendly dismissed the Ilanders with a peale of Ordinance.

Upon Munday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, we plyed to and fro about those Islandes, be∣ing very rough weather. And vpon Thursday at night, being driuen some three or foure leagues from Tercera, we saw fifteene saile of the West-Indian Fleete comming into the Hauen at An∣gra in Tercera. But the winde was such, that for the space of foure dayes after, though wee lay as close by the winde as was possible, yet we could not come neere them. In this time we lost our late French Prize, not being able to lie so neere the winde as we, and heard no more of her till we came to England where shee safely arriued. Upon Munday we came very neere the Hauens mouth, being minded to haue runne in amongst them, and to haue fetched out some of them if it had beene possible: But in the end this enterprise was deemed too daungerous, consi∣dering the strength of the place where they rode, being haled and towed in neerer the towne, at the first sight of our approching, and lying vnder the protection of the Castle of Brasill, on the one side (hauing in it fiue and twentie peeces of Ordinance) and a fort on the other side wherein were 13 or 14 great brasse pieces. Besides, when we came neere land the winde prooued too scant for vs to attempt any such enterprise.

Upon Tuesday the fourteenth of October we sent our boate to the roade to sound the depth, to see if there were any ankoring place for vs, where we might lie without shot of the Castle and Fort, and within shot of some of those shippes, that we might either make them come out to vs, or sinke them where they lay. Our boate returned hauing found out such a place as we de∣sired, but the winde would not suffer vs to come neere it, and againe if we could haue ankored there, it was thought likely that they would rather runne themselues a ground to saue their liues and liberties, and some of their goods, then come foorth to loose their liberties and goods to vs their enemies. So we shot at them to see if we could reach them, but it fell farre short. And thus we departed, thinking it not probable that they would come foorth so long as we wat∣ched for them before the hauens mouth, or within sight of them. For the space of fiue dayes after we put off to sea, and lay without sight of them, and sent a pinnesse to lie out of sight close by the shore, to bring vs word if they should come foorth. After a while the Pinnesse returned and tolde vs that those ships in the Hauen had taken downe their sayles, and let downe their toppe mastes: so that wee supposed they would neuer come foorth, till they perceiued vs to bee quite gone.

Wherefore vpon the 20 of October, hearing that there were certaine Scottish ships at Saint Michael, we sayled thither, and found there one Scottish roader, and two or three more at Villa Franca, the next road a league or two from the towne of S. Michael, to the Eastwards: of whom we had for our reliefe some small quantitie of wine (viz. some fiue or sixe buttes of them all) and some fresh water, but nothing sufficient to serue our turne.

Upon Tuesday the one and twentieth of October, we sent our long boate to shore for fresh

water at a brooke a little to the Westwards from Villa Franca.

But the Inhabitants espying vs came downe with two Ensignes displayed, and about some hundred and fiftie men armed, to withstand our landing. So our men hauing spent all their pou∣der vpon them in attempting to land, and not being able to preuaile at so great oddes, returned frustrate.

From hence we departed towardes Saint Maries Island, minding to water there, and then to goe for the coast of Spaine. For we had intelligence that it was a place of no great force, and that we might water there very well: therefore vpon Friday following, my Lord sent Cap∣taine Lister, and Captaine Amias Preston now Sir Amias Preston (who not long before came to vs out of his owne shippe, and she loosing vs in the night, hee was forced to carry still with vs) with our long boate and Pinnesse, and some sixtie or seuentie shotte in them, with a friendly letter to the Ilanders, that they would grant vs leaue to water, and we would no fur∣ther trouble them.

So we departed from the Victorie for the Iland, about nine of the clocke in the forenoone, and rowed freshly vntill about 3 a clocke afternoone. At which time our men being something wea∣ry with rowing, and being within a league or two of the shore, and 4 or 5 leagues from the Victo∣rie, they espied (to their refreshing) two ships ryding at anker hard vnder the towne, whereupon hauing shifted some 6 or 7 of our men into Captaine Dauis his boate, being too much pestered in our owne, and retayning with vs some 20 shot in the pinnesse, we made way towardes them with all the speede we could.

By the way as we rowed we saw boates passing betwixt the roaders and the shore, and men in their shirtes swimming and wading to shoare, who as we perceiued afterwardes, were la∣bouring to set those shippes fast on ground, and the Inhabitants as busily preparing themselues for the defence of those roaders, their Iland, and themselues. When we came neere them, Cap∣taine Lister commaunded the Trumpets to be sounded, but prohibited any shot to be discharged at them, vntill they had direction from him: But some of the companie, either not well percei∣uing or regarding what he sayd, immediatly vpon the sound of the Trumpets discharged their pieces at the Islanders, which for the most part lay in trenches and fortefied places vnseene, to their owne best aduantage: who immediatly shot likewise at vs, both with small and great shot, without danger to themselues: Notwithstanding Captaine Lister earnestly hastened forward the Saylers that rowed, who beganne to shrinke at that shot, flying so fast about their eares, and himselfe first entring one of the shippes that lay a litle further from shoare then the other, we spe∣dily followed after him into her, still plying them with our shot. And hauing cut in sunder her Cables and Hausers, towed her away with our Pinnesse. In the meane time Captaine Dauis his boate ouertooke vs and entred into the other shippe, which also (as the former) was forsaken by all her men: but they were constrayned to leaue her & to come againe into their boate (whilest shot and stones from shoare flew fast amongst them) finding her to sticke so fast a grounde, that they could not stire her: which the Townesmen also perceiuing, and seeing that they were but fewe in number, and vs (busied about the other ship) not comming to ayde them, were preparing to haue come and taken them. But they returned vnto vs, and so together we came away to∣wards the Victory, towing after vs the Prize that we had now taken, which was lately come from Brasill, loden with Sugar.

In this fight we had two men slaine and 16 wounded: and as for them, it is like they had litle hurt, lying for the most part behind stone walles, which were builded one aboue another hard by the sea side, vpon the end of the hill whereupon the Towne stoode betwixt two valleyes. Upon the toppe of the hill lay their great Ordinance (such as they had) wherewith they shot leaden bullets, whereof one pierced through our Prizes side, and lay still in the shippe without doing any more harme.

The next day we went againe for water to the same Iland, but not knowing before the incon∣uenience and disaduantage of the place where we attempted to land, we returned frustrate.

The same night the 25 of October we departed for S. Georges Iland for fresh water, whi∣ther we came on Munday following October 27, and hauing espied where a spout of water came running downe: the pinnesse and long boate were presently manned and sent vnder the conduct of Captaine Preston, and Captaine Munson, by whom my Lord sent a letter to the Ilanders as before, to grant vs leaue to water onely, and we would no further trouble them: notwithstanding our men comming on shoare found some of the poore Ilanders, which for feare of vs hid them∣selues amongst the rockes.

And on Wednesday following our boats returned with fresh water, whereof they brought on∣ly sixe tunnes for the Victorie, alleaging they could get no more, thinking (as it was supposed)

that my Lord hauing no more prouision of water and wine, but onely 12 tunnes, would not goe for the coast of Spaine, but st••aight for the coast of England, as many of our men greatly desi∣red: notwithstanding my Lord was vnwilling so to doe, and was minded the next day to haue ta∣ken in more water: but through roughnesse of the seas and winde, and vnwillingnesse of his men it was not done. Yet his Hon. purposed not to returne with so much prouision vnspent, and his voyage (as he thought) not yet performed in such sort as mought giue some reasonable content∣ment or satisfaction to himselfe and others.

Therefore because no more water could now conueniently be gotten, and being vncertaine when it could be gotten, and the time of our staying aboord also vncertaine, the matter being referred to the choyse of the whole companie, whither they would carrie longer, till wee might be more sufficiently prouided of fresh water, or goe by the coast of Spaine for England, with halfe so much allowance of drinke as before, they willingly agreed that euery mease should bee allowed at one meale but halfe so much drinke as they were accustomed (except them that were sicke or wounded) and so to goe for England, taking the coast of Spaine in our way, to see if we could that way make vp our voyage.

Upon Saturday Octob. 31 we sent the Margaret (because she leaked much) directly for Eng∣land, together with the Prize of Brasile which we tooke at S. Marie, and in them some of our hurt and wounded men or otherwise sicke were sent home as they desired, for England: but Cap∣taine Monson was taken out of the Megge into the Victorie.

So we held on our course for the coast of Spaine with a faire winde and a large which before we seldome had. And vpon Twesday following being the 4 of Nouemb. we espied a saile right before vs, which we chased till about three a clocke in the afternoone, at which time we ouerta∣king her, she stroke sayle, and being demaunded who was her owner and from whence she was, they answered, a Portugall, and from Pernanbucke in Brasile. She was a ship of some 110 tuns burden, fraighted with 410 chestes of Sugar, and 50 Kintals of Brasill-wood, euery Kintall contayning one hundred pound weight: we tooke her in latitude nine and twentie degrees, about two hundred leagues from Lisbone westwards: Captaine Preston was presently sent vnto her, who brought the principall of her men aboord the Victorie, and certaine of our men, mari∣ners and souldiers were sent aboord her. The Portugals of this Prize told vs that they saw an∣other ship before them that day about noone. Hauing therefore dispatched all things about the Prize aforesaid, and left our long boat with Captaine Dauis, taking his lesser boat with vs, we made way after this other ship with all the sayles we could beare, holding on our course due East, and giuing order to Captaine Dauis his ship and the Prize that they should follow vs due East, and that if they had sight of vs the morning following they should follow vs still: if not, they should goe for England.

The next morning we espied not the sayle which we chased, and Captaine Dauis his ship and the Prize were behinde vs out of sight: but the next Thursday the sixt of Nouember (being in latitude 38 degrees 30 minutes, and about sixtie leagues from Lisbone westwards) early in the morning Captaine Preston descried a sayle some two or three leagues a head of vs, after which we presently hastened our chase, and ouertooke her about eight or nine of the clocke before noone. She came lately from Saint Michaels roade, hauing beene before at Brasill loden with Su∣gar and Brasile. Hauing sent our boat to them to bring some of the chiefe of their men aboord the Victorie, in the meane time whilest they were in comming to vs one out of the maine toppe espied another saile a head some three or foure leagues from vs. So immediately vpon the re∣turne of our boate, hauing sent her backe againe with some of our men aboord the prize, we pur∣sued speedily this new chase, with all the sayles we could packe on, and about two a clocke in the afternoone ouertooke her: she had made prouision to fight with vs, hauing hanged the sides of the ship so thicke with hides (wherewith especially she was loden) that musket shot could not haue pearced them: but yer we had discharged two great pieces of our Ordinance at her, she stroke sayle, and approching neerer, we asking of whence they were, they answered from the West-Indies, from Mexico, and Saint Iohn de Lowe (truely called Vlhua••) This ship was of some three or foure hundred tunnes, and had in her seuen hundred hides worth tenne shillings a peece: sixe chests of Cochinell, euery chest houlding one hundred pound weight, and euery pound worth sixe and twentie shillings and eight pence, and certaine chests of Sugar and China dishes, with some plate and siluer.

The Captaine of her was an Italian, and by his behauiour seemed to be a graue, wise, and ciuill man: he had put in aduenture in this shippe fiue and twentie thousand Duckats. Wee tooke him with certaine other of her chiefest men (which were Spaniards) into the Victorie: and Captaine Lister with so manie other of the chiefest of our Mariners, souldiers, and saylers

as were thought sufficient, to the number of 20. or there abouts, were sent into her. In the meane time (we staying) our other prizes which followed after, came vp to vs. And nowe wee had our hands full and with ioy shaped our course for England, for so it was thought meetest, hauing now so many Portugals, Spaniards and French men amongst vs, that if we should haue taken any more prizes afterwards, wee had not bene well able to haue manned them without endangering our selues. So about 6. of the clocke in the afternoone (when our other prize had ouertaken vs) wee set saile for England. But our prizes not being able to beare vs company without sparing them many of our sailes, which caused our ship to rowle and wallow, in such sort that it was not onely ve••y troublesome to vs, but, as it was thought, would also haue put the maine Maste in danger of falling ouerboord: hauing acquainted them with these inconueniences, we gaue them direction to keepe their courses together, folowing vs, and so to come to Portsmouth. We tooke this last prize in the latitude of 39. degrees, and about 46. leagues to the Westwards from The Rocke.

She was one of those 16. ships which we saw going into the hauen at Angra in Terçera, Oc∣tober 8. Some of the men that we tooke out of her tolde vs, that whilest wee were plying vp and downe before that hauen, as before was shewed, expecting the comming foorth of those shippes, three of the greatest and best of them, at the appointment of the Gouernour of Terçera, were vn∣loden of their treasure and marchandize. And in euery of them were put three hundred Souldi∣ers, which were appointed to haue come to lay the Victory aboord in the night, and take her: but when this should haue bene done the Victory was gone out of their sight.

Now we went meerily before the winde with all the sailes we could beare, insomuch that in the space of 24. houres, we sailed neere 47. leagues, that is seuenscore English miles, betwixt Fri∣day at noone and Saturday at noone (notwithstanding the shippe was very foule, and much growne with long being at Sea) which caused some of our company to make accompt they would see what running at Tilt there should bee at Whitehall vpon the Queenes day. Others were imagining what a Christmas they would keepe in England with their shares of the prizes we had taken. But so it befell, that we kept a colde Christmas with the Bishop and his clearks (rockes that lye to the Westwards from Sylly, and the Westerne parts of England:) For soone after the wind scanting came about to the Eastwards (the worst part of the heauens for vs, from which the winde could blow) in such sort, that we could not fetch any part of England. And here∣upon also our allowance of drinke, which was scant ynough before, was yet more more scanted, because of the scarcitie thereof in the shippe. So that now a man was allowed but halfe a pinte at a meale, and that many times colde water, and scarce sweete. Notwithstanding this was an hap∣pie estate in comparison of that which followed: For from halfe a pinte we came to a quarter, and that lasted not long neither, so that by reason of this great scarcitie of drinke, and contrarietie of winde, we thought to put into Ireland, there to relieue our wants. But when wee came neere thi∣ther, lying at hull all night (tarrying for the daylight of the next morning, whereby we might the safelyer bring our ship into some conuenient harbour there) we were driuen so farre to lee-ward, that we could fetch no part of Ireland, so as with heauie hearts and sad cheare, wee were constrei∣ned to returne backe againe, and expect till it should please God to send vs a faire winde either for England or Ireland. In the meane time we were allowed euery man three or foure spoones full of vineger to drinke at a meale: for other drinke we had none, sauing onely at two or three meales, when we had in stead hereof as much wine, which was wringed out of Wine-lees that remained. With this hard fare (for by reason of our great want of drinke, wee durst eate but very litle) wee continued for the space of a fourtnight or thereabouts: Sauing that now and then wee feasted for it in the meane time: And that was when there fell any haile or raine: the haile-stones wee gathe∣red vp and did eate them more pleasantly then if they had bene the sweetest Comfits in the world; The raine-drops were so carefully saued, that so neere as wee coulde, not one was lost in all our shippe. Some hanged vp sheetes tied with cordes by the foure corners, and a weight in the midst that the water might runne downe thither, and so be receiued into some vessell set or hanged vn∣derneth: Some that wanted sheetes, hanged vp nakins, and cloutes, and watched them till they were thorow wet, then wringing and sucking out the water. And that water which fell downe and washed away the filth and soyling of the shippe, trod vnder foote, as bad as running downe the kennell many times when it raineth, was not lost I warrant you, but watched and attended care∣fully (yea sometimes with strife and contention) at euery scupper-hole, and other place where it ranne downe, with dishes, pots, cannes, and Iarres, whereof some drinke hearty draughts euen as it was, mud and all, without tarrying to clense or settle it: Others clensed it first, but not often, for it was so thicke and went so slowly thorow, that they might ill endure to tary so long, and were loth to loose too much of such precious stuffe: some licked with their tongues (like dogges) the boards vnder feete, the sides, railes, and Masts of the shippe: others that were more ingenious,

fastened girdles or ropes about the Mastes, dawbing tallow betwix•• them a••d the Maste (that the raine might not runne downe betweene) in such sort, that those ropes or girdles hanging lower on the one side then on the other, a spout of leather was fastened to the lowest part of them, that all the raine drops that came running downe the Maste, might meete together at that place, and there be receiued.

He•• that got a canne of water by these meanes was spoken of, sued to, and enuied as a rich man, Quàm pulchrum dig••o monstrari & dicier hic est? Some of the poore Spaniards that we had taken (who notwithstanding had the same allowance that our owne men had) would come and craue of vs, for the loue of God, but so much water as they could holde in the hollow of their hand: and they had it, notwithstanding our great extremitie, to teache them some humanitie in stead of their accustomed barbaritie, both to vs and other nations heretofore. They put also bullets of lead into their mouthes to slake their thirst.

Now in euery corner of the shippe were heard the lamentable cries of sicke and wounded men sounding wofully in our eares, crying out and pitifully complaining for want of drinke, being ready to die, yea many dying for lacke thereof, so as by reason of this great extremitie we lost ma∣ny more men, then wee had done all the voyage before: hauing before this time bene so well and sufficiently prouided for, that we liued in maner as well and healthfully, and died as few as if wee had bene in England, whereas now lightly euery day some were cast ouerboord.

But the second day of December 1589. was a festiuall day with vs, for then it rained a good pace, and wee saued some pretie store of raine water (though wee were well wet for it, and that at midnight) and filled our skins full besides: notwithstanding it were muddie and bitter with wash∣ing the shippe, but (with some sugar which we had to sweeten it withall) it went merrily downe, yet remembred we and wished for with all our hearts, many a Conduit, pumpe, spring, & streame of cleare sweete running water in England: And how miserable wee had accompted some poore soules whom we had seene driuen for thirst to drinke thereof, and how happy we would now haue thought our selues if we might haue had our fills of the same: yet should wee haue fared the bet∣ter with this our poore feasting, if we might haue had our meate and drinke (such and so much as it was) stand quietly before vs: but beside all the former extremities, wee were so tossed and tur∣moiled with such horrible stormie and tempestuous weather, that euery man had best holde fast his Canne, cup, and dish in his hands, yea and himselfe too, many times, by the ropes, railes, or sides of the ship or else he should soone finde all vnder feete.

Herewith our maine saile was torne from the yarde and blowne ouerboord quite away into the sea without recouery, and our other sailes so rent and torne (from side to side some of them) that hardly any of them escaped hole. The raging waues and foming surges of the sea came row∣ling like mountaines one after another, and ouerraked the waste of the shippe like a migtie riuer running ouer it, whereas in faire weather it was neere 20. foote aboue the water, that nowe wee might cry out with the princely Prophet Psalme 107. vers. 26. They mount vp to heauen, and descend to the deepe, so that their soule melteth away for trouble: they ••eele too and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and all their cunning is gone. With this extremitie of foule wea∣ther the ship was so tossed and shaken, that by the craking noise it made, and by the leaking which was now much more then ordinary, wee were in great feare it would haue shaken in sunder, so that now also we had iust cause to pray a litle otherwise then the Poet, though marring the verse, yet mending the meaning.

Deus maris & Coeli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt, Soluere quassatae parcito membra ratis.

Notwithstanding it pleased God of his great goodnesse to deliuer vs out of this danger. Then forthwith a new maine saile was made and fastened to the yard, and the rest repaired as time and place would suffer: which we had no sooner done, but yet againe wee were troubled with as great extremitie as before, so that againe we were like to haue lost our new maine saile, had not Master William Antony the Master of the ship himselfe (when none else would or durst) ventured with danger of drowning by creeping along vpon the maine yarde (which was let downe close to the railes) to gather it vp out of the sea, and to fasten it thereto, being in the meane while oft-times ducked ouer head and eares into the sea.

These stormes were so terrible, that there were some in our company, which confessed they had gone to seas for the space of 20. yeeres, and had neuer seene the like, and vowed that if euer they returned safe home, they would neuer come to Sea againe.

The last of Nouember at night we met with an English ship, out of which (because it was too late that night) it was agreed that we should haue had the next morning two or three Tunnes of wine, which, as they said, was al the prouision of drink they had, saue only a But or two, which they

must needs reserue for their owne vse: but after that, we heard of them no more, till they were set on ground vpon the coast of Ireland, where it appeared that they might haue spared vs much more then they pretended they could, so as they might wel haue relieued our great necessities, and haue had sufficient for themselues besides, to bring them into England.

The first of December at night we spake with another English ship, and had some beere out of her, but not sufficient to carry vs into England, so that wee were constrained to put into Ireland, the winde so seruing.

The next day we came to an anker, not far from the S. Kelmes vnder the land & winde, where we were somewhat more quiet, but (that being no safe harbour to ride in) the next morning wee went about to weigh anker, but hauing some of our men hurt at the Capsten, wee were faine to giue ouer and leaue it behinde, holding on our course to Ventre hauen, where wee safely arriued the same day, that place being a very safe and conuenient harbor for vs, that now wee might sing as we had iust cause, They that goe downe to the Sea, &c.

So soone as we had ankered here my Lord went foorthwith to shoare, and brought presently fresh water and fresh victuals, as Muttons, pigges, hennes, &c. to refresh his company withall. Notwithstanding himselfe had lately bene very weake, and tasted of the same extremitie that his Company did: For in the time of our former want, hauing a little fresh water left him remaining in a pot, in the night it was broken, and the water drunke and dried vp. Soone after the sicke and wounded men were carried to the next principall Towne, called Dingenacusli, being about three miles distant from the foresaide hauen, where our shippe roade, to the Eastwards, that there they might be the better refreshed, and had the Chirurgians dayly to attend vpon them. Here we wel refreshed our selues whilest the Irish harpe sounded sweetely in our eares, and here we, who for the former extremities were in maner halfe dead, had our liues (as it were) restored vnto vs againe.

This Dingenacush is the chiefe Towne in al that part of Ireland, it cōsisteth but of one maine streete, from whence some smaller doe proceede on either side. It hath had gates (as it seemeth) in times past at either ende to open and shut as a Towne of warre, and a Castle also. The houses are very strongly built with thicke stone walles, and narrow windowes like vnto Castles: for as they confessed, in time of trouble, by reason of the wilde Irish or otherwise, they vsed their houses for their defence as Castles. The castle and all the houses in the Towne, saue foure, were won, burnt, and ruinated by the Erle of Desmond. These foure houses fortified themselues against him, and withstood him and all his power perforce, so as he could not winne them.

There remaineth yet a thicke stone wall that passeth ouerthwart the midst of the streete which was a part of their fortification. Notwithstanding whilest they thus defended themselues, as some of them yet aliue confessed, they were driuen to as great extremities as the Iewes, besieged by Titus the Romane Emperour, insomuch that they were constrained to eat dead mens carcases for hunger. The Towne is nowe againe somewhat repaired, but in effect there remaine but the ruines of the former Towne. Commonly they haue no chimneis in their houses, excepting them of the better sort, so that the smoake was very troublesom to vs, while we continued there. Their fewell is turfes, which they haue very good, and whinnes or furres. There groweth little wood thereabouts, which maketh building chargeable there: as also want of lime (as they reported) which they are faine to fetch from farre, when they haue neede thereof. But of stones there is store ynough, so that with them they commonly make their hedges to part ech mans ground from o∣ther; and the ground seemeth to be nothing else within but rockes and stones: Yet it is very fruit∣full and plentifull of grasse, and graine, as may appeare by the abundance of kine and cattel there: insomuch that we had good muttons (though somewhat lesse then ours in England) for two shil∣lings or fiue groates a piece, good pigges and hennes for 3. pence a piece.

The greatest want is industrious, painefull, and husbandly inhabitants to till and trimme the ground: for the common sort, if they can prouide sufficient to serue from hand to mouth, take no further care.

Of money (as it seemeth) there is very small store amongst them, which perhaps was the cause that made them double and triple the prizes of many things we bought of them, more then they were before our comming thither.

Good land was here to be had for foure pence the Acre yeerely rent. There are Mines of A∣lome,* 14.23 Tinne, brasse, and yron. S••ones wee sawe there as cleare as Christall, naturally squared like Diamonds.

That part of the Countrey is all ful of great mountaines and hills, from whence came running downe the pleasant streames of sweete fresh running water. The naturall hardnesse of that Na∣tion appeareth in this, that their small children runne vsually in the middest of Winter vp and downe the streetes bare-foote and bare-legged, with no other apparell (many times) saue

onely a mantell to couer their nakednesse.

The chiefe Officer of their Towne they call their Soueraigne, who hath the same office and authoritie among them that our Maiors haue with vs in England, and hath his Sergeants to at∣ten•• vpon him, and beare the Mace before him as our Maiors.

We were first intertained at the Soueraignes house, which was one of those 4. that withstood the Erle of Desmond in his rebellion. They haue the same forme of Common prayer word for word in Latin, that we haue here in England. Upon the Sunday the Soueraigne commeth into the Church with his Sergeant before him, and the Sheriffe and others of the Towne accompany him, and there they kneele downe euery man by himselfe priuately to make his prayers. After this they rise and go out of the Church againe to drinke, which being done, they returne againe into the Church, and then the Minister beginneth prayers.

Their maner of baptizing differeth something from ours: part of the seruice belonging thereto is repeated in Latin, and part in Irish. The Minister taketh the child in his hands, and first dippeth it backwards, and then forwards, ouer head and eares into the cold water in the midst of Winter, whereby also may appeare their naturall hardnesse, (as before was specified.) They had neither Bell, drum, nor trumpet, to call the Parishioners together, but they expect till their Soueraigne come, and then they that haue any deuotion follow him.

They make their bread all in cakes, and, for the tenth part, the bakers bake for all the towne.

We had of them some 10. or 11. Tunnes of beere for the Victory, but it proued like a present purgation to them that tooke it, so that we chose rather to drinke water then it.

The 20. of December we loosed frō hence, hauing well prouided our selues of fresh water, and other things necessary, being accompanied with sir Edw. Dennie, his Lady, and two yong sonnes.

This day in the morning my Lord going ashoare to dispatch away speedily some fresh water that remained for the Victory, the winde being very faire for vs, brought vs newes that there were 60. Spanish prizes taken and brought to England. For two or three dayes wee had a faire winde, but afterwards it scanted so, that (as I said before) we were faine to keepe a cold Christ∣mas with The Bishop and his clearkes.

After this we met with an English ship, that brought vs ioyful news of 91. Spanish prizes that were come to England: and sorrowfull newes withall, that the last and best prize we tooke, had suffered shipwracke at a place vpon the coast of Cornwal which the Cornish men cal Als Effe••ne, that is, Hel-cliffe, and that Captaine Lister and all the men in the ship were drowned,* 14.24 saue 5. or 6. the one halfe English, the other Spanish that saued themselues with swimming: but notwithstan∣ding much of the goods were saued, and reserued for vs, by sir Francis Godolphin, and the wor∣shipful gentlemen of the Countrey there. My Lord was very sorry for Captaine Listers death, wishing that he had lost his voyage to haue saued his life.

The 29. of December we met with another shippe, that tolde vs the saine newes, and that sir Mar••in Frobisher, & Captaine Reymond had taken the Admirall and vice-Admirall of the Fleet that we espied going to Terçera hauen. But the Admiral was sunke with much leaking, neere to the Idy Stone, a rocke that lieth ouer against Plimouth sound, and the men were saued.

This ship also certified vs that Captaine Prestons ship had taken a prize loden with siluer. My Lord entred presently into this ship, & went to Falmouth, and we held on our course for Plimouth. At night wee came neere to the Ram-head (the next Cape Westwards from Plimouth sound) but we were afraid to double it in the night, misdoubting the scantnesse of the winde. So we stood off to Sea halfe the night, and towards morning had the winde more large, and made too lit∣tle spare thereof•• that partly for this cause, and partly through mistaking of the land, wee were driuen so much to lee-wards, that we could not double that Cape: Therefore we returned backe againe, and came into Falmouth hauen, where wee strucke on ground in 17. foote water: but it was a low t••••••, and ready againe to flowe, and the ground soft, so as no hurt was done. Here with gladnesse wee set foote againe vpon the English ground (long desired) and refreshed our selues with keeping part of Christmas vpon our natiue soile.

The valiant fight performed by 10. Merchants ships of London, a∣gainst 12. Spanish gallies in the Straights of Gibraltar, the 24. of April 1590.

IT is not long since sundry valiant ships appertaining to the Marchants of Lon∣don, were fraighted & rigged forth, some for Venice, some for Constantinople, & some to sundry other places of trafique, among whom these ensuing met within the Straights of Gibraltar, as they were taking their course homewards, hauing before escaped all other danger. The first whereof was the Salomon appertei∣ning

to M. Alderman Ba••nam of London, and M. Bond, and M. Twyd of Harwich; which went foorth the first day of February last.* 14.25 The second was the Margaret and Iohn belonging to M. Wa••s of London: The thirde was the Minion: The fourth was the Ascension. The fif••h was the Centurion of Master Cordal: The sixt the Violet: the seuenth the Samuel: the eight the Cres∣scent: the ninth the Elizabeth: and the 10. was the Richard belonging to M. Duffield. All these ships being of notable and approued seruice, comming neere to the mouth of the Straights hard by the coast of Barbary, descried twelue tall Gallies brauely furnished and strongly prouided with men and munition, ready to seaze vpon these English ships: which being perceiued by the Cap∣taines and Masters thereof, wee made speedy preparation for the defence of our selues, still wai∣ting all the night long for the approching of the enemie. In the morning early being the Tues∣day in Easter weeke, and the 24 of April 1590. according to our vsual customes, we said Seruice and made our prayers vnto Almightie God, beseeching him to saue vs from the hands of such ty∣rants as the Spaniards, whom we iustly imagined to be, and whom we knew and had found to be our most mortall enemies vpon the Sea. And hauing finished our prayers, and set our selues in a readinesse, we perceiued them to come towards vs, and that they were indeede the Spanish Gal∣lies that lay vnder the conduct of Andre Doria, who is Vice-roy for the King of Spaine in the Straights of Gibraltar, and a notable knowne enemie to all Englishmen. So when they came somewhat neerer vnto vs, they waued vs a maine for the King of Spaine, and wee waued them a maine for the Queene of England, at which time it pleased Almightie God greatly to in∣courage vs all in such sort, as that the neerer they came the leese we feared their great multitudes and huge number of men, which were planted in those Gallies to the number of two or three hun∣dred men in ech Gallie. And it was thus concluded among vs, that the foure first and tallest ships should be placed hindmost, and the weaker & smallest ships formost, and so it was performed, eue∣ry man being ready to take part of such successe as it should please God to send.

At the first encounter the Gallies came vpon vs very fiercely, yet God so strengthened vs, that if they had bene ten times more, we had not feared them at all. Whereupon the Salomon being a hot shippe, and hauing sundry cast pieces in her, gaue the first shotte in such a sowre sort, as that it shared away so many men as sate on the one side of a Gallie, and pierced her through in such maner, as that she was ready to sinke, which made them to assault vs the more fiercely. Where∣upon the rest of our shippes, especially the foure chiefest, namely, the Margaret and Iohn, the Mi∣nion, and the Ascension followed, and gaue a hot charge vpon them, and they at vs, where began a hot and fierce battaile with great valiancie the one against the other, and so continued for the space of sixe houres.* 14.26 About the beginning of this our fight there came two Flemings to our Fleet, who seeing the force of the Gallies to be so great, the one of them presently yeelded, strooke his sailes,* 14.27 and was taken by the Gallies, whereas if they would haue offered themselues to haue fought in our behalfe and their owne defence, they needed not to haue bene taken so cowardly as they were to their cost. The other Fleming being also ready to performe the like piece of seruice began to vaile his sailes, and intended to haue yeelded immediatly. But the Trumpetter in that shippe plucked foorth his faulchion and stepped to the Pilote at the helme, and vowed that if he did not speedily put off to the English Fleete, and so take part with them, he would presently kill him: which the Pilote for feare of death did, and so by that meanes they were defended from pre∣sent death, and from the tyrannie of those Spaniards, which doubtlesse they should haue found at their handes.

Thus we continued in fight sixe houres and somewhat more, wherein God gaue vs the vpper hand, and we escaped the hands of so many enemies, who were constrained to flie into harbour and shroude themselues from vs, and with speed to seeke for their owne safetie. This was the handie worke of God, who defended vs all from danger in such sort, as that there was not one man of vs slaine. And in all this fierce assault made vpon vs by the Spanish power, wee sustained no hurt or damage at all more then this, that the shrouds and backe••stay of the Salomon, who gaue the first and last shot, and galled the enemie shrewdly all the time of the battell, were cleane striken off.

The battel being reased, we were constrained for want of wind to stay and waft vp and downe, and then went backe againe to Tition in Barbary, which is sixe leagues off from Gibral••ar, and when we came thither we found the people wonderous fauourable to vs, who being but Moores and heathen people shewed vs where to haue fresh water and al other necessaries for vs. And there we had such good intertainment, as if we had bene in any place of England.

The gouernour was one that fauoured vs greatly, whom wee in respect of his great friend∣ship presented with giftes and such commodities as we had in our custodie, which he wonderfully wel accepted of: and here we stayed foure dayes.

After the battell was ceased, which was on Easter Tuesday, we stayed for want of winde be∣fore

Gibraltar, vntill the next morning, where wee were becalmed, and therefore looked euery houre when they would haue sent foorth some fresh supply against vs, but they were farre vnable to doe it, for all their Gallies were so sore battered, that they durst not come foorth of the harbour, by reason of our hot resistance which they so lately before had receiued. Yet were they greatly vrged thereunto by the Gouernour of the said Towne of Gibraltar.

At our being at Tition in Barbary, there we heard report of the hurt that wee had done to the Gallies, for at our comming from them wee could not well discerne any thing at all by reason of the smoake which the powder had made: there we heard that we had almost spoiled those twelue Gallies by shooting them cleane through, that two of them were ready to sinke, and that wee had s••aine of their men such great abundance, as that they were not able to furnish forth any more Gal∣lies at all for that yeere.

Thus after we came from Tition, we assayed to depart the Straight three seuerall times, but could not passe, yet, God be thanked, the fourth time wee came safely away, and so sailed with a pleasant winde vntill wee came vpon the coast of England, which was in the beginning of the moneth of Iuly 1590.

The valiant fight performed in the Straight of Gibraltar, by the Cen∣turion of London, against fiue Spanish Gallies, in the moneth of April 1591.

IN the moneth of Nouember 1590, there were sundry shippes appertaining to seuerall Marchants of London, which were rigged and fraught foorth with marchandize, for sundry places within the Straight of Gibraltar: who, together hauing winde and weather, which oft-time fell out very vncertaine, arriued safely in short space, at such places as they desired. Among whom was the Centurion of London, a very tall shippe of burden, yet but weakely manned, as appeareth by this discourse following.

This aforesaid shippe called The Centurion safely arriue at Marseils, where after they had deliuered their goods, they stayed about the space of fiue weekes, and better, and then tooke in la∣ding, intending to returne to England.

Now when the Centurion was ready to come away from Marseils, there were sundry other shippes of smaller burden which entreated the Master thereof, (whose name is Robert Brad∣shaw, dwelling at Lime-house) to stay a day or two for them, vntill they were in a readinesse to depart with them, thereby perswading them, that it would be farre better for them to stay and goe together in respect of their assistance, then to depart of themselues without company, and so happily for want of aide fall into the hands of their enemies in the Spanish Gallies. Upon which reasonable perswasion, not withstanding that this shippe was of such sufficiencie as they might ha∣zard her in the danger of the Sea, yet they stayed for those litle shippes, according to their request, who together did put to Sea from Marseils, and vowed in generall not to flie one from another, if they should happen to meete with any Spanish Gallies.

These small shippes, accompanied with the Centurion, sayling along the coast of Spaine, were vpon Easter day in the Straight of Gibraltar suddenly becalmed, where immediatly they saw sundry Gallies make towards them, in very valiant and couragious sort: the chiefe Leaders and souldiers in those Gallies brauely apparelled in silke coates, with their siluer whistles about their neckes, and great plumes of feathers in their hattes, who with their Caliuers shot at the Centurion so fast as they might: so that by 10. of the clocke and somewhat before, they had boor∣ded the Centurion, who before their comming had prepared for them, and intended to giue them so soure a welcome as they might. And thereupon hauing prepared their close sights, and all things in a readinesse, they called vpon God, on whom onely they trusted: and hauing made their prayers, and cheered vp••••••e another to sight so long as life endured, they beganne to dis∣charge their great Ordinance vpon the Gallies, but the little shippes durst not come forward, but lay aloofe, while fiue Gallies had boorded them•• yea and with their grapling irons made their Gal∣lies fast to the said shippe called the Centurion.

The Gallies were grapled to the Centurion in this maner, two lay on one side, and two on an∣other, and the Admirall lay full in the sterne, which galled and battered the Centurion so sore, that her maine Maste was greatly weakened, her sailes filled with many holes, and the Mizzen and sterne made almost vnseruiceable.

During which time there was a sore and deadly fight on both sides, in which the Trumpet of the Centurion sounded foorth the deadly points of warre, and encouraged them to fight manful∣ly against their aduersaries: on the contrary part, there was no warlike Musicke in the Spanish

Gallies, but onely their whistles of siluer, which they sounded foorth to their owne contentment: in which fight many a Spaniard was turned into the Sea, and they in multitudes came crauling and hung vpon the side of the shippe, intending to haue entred into the same, but such was the cou∣rage of the Englishmen, that so fast as the Spaniards did come to enter, they gaue them such en∣tertainment, that some of them were glad to tumble aliue into the Sea, being remedilesse for euer to get vp aliue. In the Centurion there were in all, of men and boyes, fourtie and eight, who together fought most valiantly, and so galled the enemie, that many a braue and lustie Spaniard lost his life in that place.

The Centurion was fired fiue seuerall times, with wilde fire and other prouision, which the Spaniards threw in for that purpose: yet, God be thanked, by the great and diligent foresight of the Master it did no harme at all.

In euery of the Gallies there were about 200. souldiers: who together with the shot, spoiled, rent, and battered the Centurion very sore, shot through her maine Maste, and slew 4. of the men in the said shippe, the one of them being the Masters mate.

Ten other persons were hurt, by meanes of splinters which the Spaniards shotte: yea, in the ende when their prouision was almost spent, they were constrained to shoote at them hammers, and the chaines from their slaues, and yet God bee thanked, they receiued no more domage: but by spoyling and ouerwearying of the Spaniards, the Englishmen constrained them to vngrapple themselues, and get them going: and sure if there had bene any other fresh shippe or succour to haue relieued and assisted the Centurion, they had slaine, suncke, or taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers.

The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come neere, while the other two small shippes fledde away, so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion and set vpon the Dolphin, which shippe immediatly was set on fire with their owne powder, whereby both men and shippe perished: but whether it was with their good wills or no, that was not knowen vnto the Centurion, but sure, if it had come forward, and bene an aide vnto the Centurion, it is to bee supposed that it had not perished.

Fiue houres and a halfe this fight continued, in which time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselues, but when the Spaniards were gone, they neuer durst returne to fight: yet the next day sixe other Gallies came and looked at them, but durst not at any hand meddle with them.

Thus God deliuered them from the handes of their enemies, and gaue them the victory: for which they heartily praised him, and not long after safely arriued in London.

☞There were present at this fight Master Iohn Hawes Marchant, and sundry other of good accompt.

A report of the trueth of the fight about the Isles of Açores, the last of August 1591. betwixt the Reuenge, one of her Maiesties shippes, and an Armada of the king of Spaine; Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight.

BEcause the rumours are diuersly spred, as well in England as in the Lowe countreis and elsewhere, of this late encounter betweene her Maiesties ships and the Armada of Spaine; and that the Spaniards according to their vsuall maner, fill the world with their vaine-glorious vaunts, making great app••∣rance of victories, when on the contrary, themselues are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured; thereby hoping to possesse the ignorant multitude by anticipating & forerunning false reports: It is agreeable with all good reason, for manifestation of the truth, to ouercome falshood and vntrueth; that the begin∣ning, continuance and successe of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil, and other her Maiesties Captaines, with the Armada of Spaine; should be truely set downe and pub∣lished without partialitie or false imaginations. And it is no marue••le that the Spaniard should seeke by false and slanderous pamphlets, aduisoes and Letters, to couer their owne losse, and to de∣rogate from others their due honors, especially in this fight being performed far off: seeing they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they purposed the inuasion of this land, to publish in sundry languages in print, great victories in wordes, which they pleaded to haue obteined against this Realme; and spred the same in a most false sort ouer all parts of France, Italy, and elsewhere. When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to al Nations, how their Nauy which they termed inuincible, consisting of 140. saile of shippes, not onely of their owne kingdome, but strengthened with the greatest Argosies, Portugal Caracks, Florentines, and huge hu••ks of other Countreis, were by 30. of her Maiesties owne ships of war, and a few of our owne Marchants,

by the wise, valiant, and aduantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admirall of Eng∣land, beaten and shuffled together; euen from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland, where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes, with his mighty ship; from Portland to Cales, where they lost Hugo de Moncado, with the Gallias of which he was Captaine, and from Cales, driuen with squibs from their anchors, where thased out of the sight of England, round about Scotland and Ireland. Where for the sympathie of their barbarous religion, hoping to finde succour and as∣sistance, a great part of them were crusht against the rocks, and those other that landed, being ve∣ry many in number, were notwithstanding broken, slaine, and taken, and so sent from village to village coupled in halters, to be shipped into England. Where her Maiestie of her Princely and inuincible disposition, disdaining to put them to death, and scorning either to retaine or enter∣taine them: they were all sent backe againe to their countreys, to witnes and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Nauy: Of which the number of Souldiers, the fearefull burthen of their shippes, the commanders names of euery squadron, with all other their magasines of prouisions, were put in print, as an Army and Nauy vnresistable, and disdaining preuention. With all which so great and terrible an ostentation, they did not in all their sai∣ling round about England, so much as sinke or take one shippe, Barke, Pinnesse, or Cockbote of ours: or euer burnt so much as one sheepecote of this land. Whenas on the contrarie, Sir Francis Drake, with onely 800. souldiers not long before, landed in their Indies, and forced Sant-Iago, Santo Domingo, Cartagena, and the forts of Florida.

And after that, Sir Iohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall, with a handfull of soul∣diers, to the gates of Lisbone, being aboue 40 English miles. Where the Earle of Essex him∣selfe and other valiant Gentlemen braued the Citie of Lisbone, encamped at the very gates; from whence, after many dayes abode, finding neither promised partie, nor prouision to batter; they made retrait by land, in despight of all their Garrisons, both of horse & foote. In this sort I haue a little digressed from my first purpose, onely by the necessarie comparison of theirs and our actions: the one couetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation; the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their owne affaires, and by false rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours, as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner of vntruthes: but euen for the least aduantage, be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the English, will celebrate the victory with bonefires in euery towne, alwayes spending more in faggots, then the purchase was worth they obtained. When as we neuer thought it worth the consumption of two billets, when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at one time, and twentie of the Brasill fleete. Such is the difference betweene true valure, and ostentation: and betweene honorable actions, and friuolous vaine glorious vaunts. But now to returne to my purpose.

The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Maiesties shippes, sixe victualers of London, the Barke Ralegh, & two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere vnto Flores, one of the We∣sterly Ilands of the Azores, the last of August in the afternoone, had intelligence by one Captaine Middleton of the approch of the Spanish Armada. Which Middleton being in a very good sai∣ler had kept them company three dayes before, of good purpose, both to discouer their forces the more, as also to giue aduise to my L. Thomas of their approch. Hee had no sooner deliuered the newes but the fleete was in sight: many of our shippes companies were on shore in the Ilande; some prouiding balast for their ships; others filling of water and refreshing themselues from the land with such things as they could either for money, or by force recouer. By reason whereof our ships being all pestered and romaging euery thing out of order, very light for want of balast, and that which was most to our disaduantage, the one halfe part of the men of euery shippe sicke, and vtterly vnseruiceable: for in the Reuenge there were ninety diseased: in the Bonauenture, not so many in health as could handle her maine saile. For had not twenty men beene taken out of a Barke of sir George Careys, his being commaunded to be sunke, and those appointed to her, she had hardly euer recouered England. The rest, for the most parte, were in little better state. The names of her Maiesties shippes were these as followeth, the Defiance, which was Admiral, the Reuenge Uiceadmirall, the Bonauenture commaunded by Captaine Crosse, the Lion by George Fenner, the Foresight by M. Thomas Vauasour, and the Crane by Duffild. The Fore∣sight & the Crane being but smal ships; only the other were of the middle size; the rest, besides the Barke ••alegh, commanded by Captaine Thin, were victualle••s, and of small force or none. The Spanish fleet hauing shrouded their approch by reason of the Island; were now so soone at hand, as our shippes had scarce time to way their anchors, but some of them were driuen to let slippe their Cables and set sa••le. Sir Richard Grinuile was the last that wayed, to recouer the men that were vpon the Island, which otherwise had bene lost. The L. Thomas with the rest very hardly recouered the winde, which Sir Richard Grinuile not being able to doe, was perswaded by

the Master and others to cut his maine sayle, and cast about, and to trust to the sayling of the ship; for the squadron of Siui•• were on his weather bow. But Sir Richard vtterly refused to turne from the enemie, alleaging that hee would rather choose to die, then to dishonour himselfe, his countrey, and her Maiesties shippe, perswading his companie that hee would passe through the two squadrons, in despight of them, and enforce those of Siuil to giue him way. Which hee per∣formed vpon diuers of the formost, who, as the Mariners terme it, sprang their luffe, and fell vnder the lee of the Reuenge. But the other course had beene the better, and might right well haue bene answered in so great an impossibility of preualing. Notwithstanding out of the great∣nesse of his minde, he could not be perswaded. In the meane while as hee attended those which were nearest him, the great San Philip being in the winde of him, and comming towards him, becalmed his sailes in such sort, as the shippe could neither make way, nor feele the helme: so huge and high carged was the Spanish ship, being of a thousand and fiue hundreth tuns. Who af∣ter layd the Reuenge aboord. When he was thus ber••ft of his sailes, the ships that were vnder his ••ee luffing vp, also layd him aboord: of which the nert was the Admiral of the Biscaines, a ve∣ry mighty and puissant shippe commanded by Bri••tandona. The sayd Philip carried three tire of ordinance on a side, and eleuen pieces in euery ••ire. She shot eight forth rightout of her chase, besides those of her sterne ports.

After the Reuenge was entangled with this Philip, foure other boorded her; two on her lar∣boord, and two on her starboord. The fight thus beginning at three of the clock in the afternoone, continued very terrible all that euening. But the great San Philip hauing receiued the lower tire of the Reuenge, discharged with crosse bar shot, shifted her selfe with all diligence from her sides, vtterly misliking her first entertainement. Some say that the shippe foundred, but we can∣not report it for truth, vnlesse we were assured. The Spanish ships were filled with companies of souldiers, in some two hundred besides the mariners; in some fiue, in others eight hundreth. In ours there were none at all beside the mariners, but the seruants of the commanders and some few voluntary gentlemen onely. After many enterchanged volies of great ordinance and small shot, the Spaniards deliberated to enter the Reuenge, and made diuers attempts, hoping to force her by the multitudes of their armed soulders and Musketters, but were still repulsed againe and and againe, and at all times beaten backe into their owne ships, or into the seas. In the beginning of the fight, the George Noble of Londō hauing receiued some shot thorow her by the Armadas, fell vnder the lee of the Reuenge, and asked Sir Richard what he would command him, being but one of the victualers and of small force: Sir Richard bid him saue himselfe, and leaue him to his fortune. After the fight had thus, without intermission, continued while the day lasted and some houres of the night, many of our men were slaine and hurte, and one of the great Gallions of the Armada, and the Admirall of the Hulkes both sunke, and in many other of the Spanish shippes great slaughter was made. Some write that sir Richard was very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight, and lay speechlesse for a time ere hee recouered. But two of the Re∣uenges owne company, brought home in a ship of Lime from the Ilandes, examined by some of the Lordes, and others, affirmed that hee was neuer so wounded as that hee forsooke the vpper decke, till an houre before midnight; and then being shot into the bodie with a Musket as hee was a dressing, was againe shot into the head, and withall his Chirurgion wounded to death. This a∣greeth also with an examination taken by sir Francis Godolphin, of foure other mariners of the same shippe being returned, which examination, the said sir Francis sent vnto master William Killegr••e, of her Maiesties priuy Chamber.

But to returne to the fight, the Spanish ships which attempted to bord the Reuenge, as they were wounded and beaten off, so alwayes others came in their places, she hauing neuer lesse then two mighty Gallions by her sides, and aboard her: So that ere the morning, from three of the clocke the day before, there had fifteene seuerall Armadas assayled her; and all so ill approued their entertainement, as they were by the breake of day, far more willing to harken to a composition, then hastily to make any more assaul••s or entries. But as the day encreased, so our men decreased: and as the light grew more and more•• by so much more grewe our discomforts. For none appea∣red in sight but enemies, sauing one small ship called the Pilgrim, commaunded by Iacob Whid∣don, who houered all night to see the successe: but in the morning bearing with the Reuenge, was hunted like a hare amongst many rauenous houndes, but escaped.

All the powder of the Reuenge to the last barrell was now spent, all her pikes broken, fortie of her best men slaine, and the most part of the rest hurt. In the beginning of the fight shee had but one hundreth free from sicknes, and fourescore & ten sicke, laid in hold vpon the Ballast. A small troup to man such a ship, & a weake garrison to resist so mighty an army. By those hundred al was susteined, the vol••is, boordings, and entrings of fifteen ships of warre, besides those which beat her

at large. On the contrary, the Spanish were alwayes supplied with souldiers brought from eue∣ry squadron: all maner of Armes and powder at will. Unto ours there remained no comfort at all, no hope, no supply either of ships, men, or weapons; the Mastes all beat••n ouer boord, all her tackle cut asunder, her vpper worke altogether rased, and in effect euened shee was with the wa∣ter, but the very foundation or bottome of a ship, nothing being left ouer head ••ither for flight or defence. Sir Richard finding himselfe in this distresse, and vnable any longer to make resistance, hauing endured in this fifteene houres fight, the assault of fifteene seuerall Armadas, all by turnes aboord him, and by estimation eight hundred shotte of great Artillerie, besides many assaults and entries; and that himselfe and the shippe must needes be possessed by the enemy, who were now all cast in a ring round about him (The Reuenge not able to mooue one way or other, but as she was moued with the waues and billow of the sea) commaunded the Master gunner, whom hee knew to be a most resolute man, to split and sinke the shippe; that thereby nothing might re∣maine of glory or victory to the Spaniards: seeing in so many houres fight, and with so great a Nauie they were not able to take her, hauing had fifteene houres time, aboue ten thousand men, & fiftie and three saile of men of warre to performe it withall:* 14.28 and perswaded the company, or as many as hee could induce, to yeelde themselues vnto God, and to the mercie of none else; but as they had, like valiant resolute men, repulsed so many enemies, they should not nowe shorten the honour of their Nation, by prolonging their owne liues for a few houres, or a fewe dayes. The Master gunner readily condescended and diuers others; but the Captaine and the Master were of another opinion, and besought Sir Richard to haue care of them: alleaging that the Spaniard would be as ready to entertaine a composition, as they were willing to offer the same: and that there being diuers sufficient and valiant men yet liuing, and whose wounds were not mortal, they might do their Countrey and prince acceptable seruice hereafter. And whereas Sir Richard had alleaged that the Spaniards should neuer glory to haue taken one shippe of her Maiestie, see∣ing they had so long and so notably defended themselues; they answered, that the shippe had sixe foote water in holde, three shot vnder water, which were so weakely stopped, as with the first wor∣king of the sea, she must needs sinke, and was besides so crusht and brused, as shee could neuer be remoued out of the place.

And as the matter was thus in dispute, and Sir Ricard refusing to hearken to any of those reasons; the Master of the Reuenge (while the Captaine wanne vnto him the greater party) was conuoyd aboord the Generall Don Alfonso Baçan. Who (finding none ouer hastie to enter the Reuenge againe, doubting least Sir Richard would haue blowne them vp and himselfe, and per∣ceiuing by the report of the Master of the Reuenge his dangerous disposition) yeelded that all their liues should be saued, the company sent for England, & the better sort to pay such reasonable ransome as their estate would ••eare, and in the meane season to be free from Gally or imprison∣ment. To this he so much the rather cōdescended as wel, as I haue said, for feare of further losse and mischiefe to themselues, as also for the desire he had to recouer Sir Richard Greenuil; whom for his notable valure he seemed greatly to honour and admire.

When this answere was returned, and that safetie of life was promised, the common sort be∣ing now at the ende of their perill, the most drew backe from Sir Richard and the Master gun∣ner, being no hard matter to disswade men from death to life. The Master gunner finding him∣selfe and Sir Richard thus preuented and mastered by the greater number, would haue slaine himselfe with a sword, had he not bene by force with-held and locked into his Cabben. Then the Generall sent many boates aboord the Reuenge, and diuers of our men fearing Sir Richards dis∣position, stole away aboord the Generall and other shippes. Sir Richard thus ouermatched, was sent vnto by Alfonso Baçan to remooue out of the Reuenge, the shippe being marueilous vnsa∣uorie, filled with blood and bodies of dead, and wounded men like a slaughter house. Sir Richard answered that hee might doe with his body what he list, for hee esteemed it not, and as he was car∣ried out of the shippe hee swounded, and reuiuing againe desired the company to pray for him. The Generall vsed Sir Richard with all humanitie, and left nothing vnattempted that tended to his recouerie, highly commending his valour and worthinesse, and greatly bewailing the dan∣ger wherein he was, being vnto them a rare spectacle, and a resolution sildome approoued, to see one shippe turne toward so many enemies, to endure the charge and boording of so many huge Armadas, and to resist and repell the assaults and entries of so many souldiers. All which and more is confirmed by a Spanish Captaine of the same Armada, and a present actor in the fight, who being seuered from the rest in a storme, was by the Lion of London a small ship taken, and is now prisoner in London.

The generall commander of the Armada, was Don Alphonso Baçan, brother to the Marques of Santa Cruz. The admiral of the Biscaine squadron, was Britandona. Of the squadron of Siuil,

Marques of Arumburch. The Hulkes and Flybotes were cōmanded by Luis Coutinho. There were slaine and drowned in this fight, well neere one thousand of the enemies, a••d two speciall commanders Don Luis de sant Iohn, and Don George de Prunaria de Mallaga, as the Spa∣nish captaine confesseth, besides diuers others of speciall account, whereof as yet report is not made.

The Admirall of the Hulkes and the Ascension of Siuil were both sunke by the side of the Re∣uenge; one other recouered the rode of Saint Michael, and sunke also there; a fourth ranne her selfe with the shore to saue her men. Sir Richard died as it is sayd, the second or third day aboord the Generall, and was by them greatly bewailed. What became of his body, whether it were bu∣ried in the sea or on the land we know not: the comfort that remayneth to his friends is, that hee hath ended his life honourably in respect of the reputation wonne to his nation and countrey, and of the same to his posteritie, and that being dead, he hath not outliued his owne honour.

For the rest of her Maiesties ships that entred not so farre into the fight as the Reuenge, the reasons and causes were these. There were of them but sixe in all, whereof two but small ships; the Reuenge ingaged past recouery: The Iland of Flores was on the one side, 53 saile of the Spanish, diuided into squadrons on the other, all as full filled with s••uldiers as they could con∣taine: Almost the one halfe of our men sicke and not able to serue: the ships growne foule, vnroo∣maged, and scarcely able to beare any saile for want of balast, hauing bene sixe moneths at the sea before. If all the rest had entred, all had bene lost: for the very hugenes of the Spanish fleete, if no other violence had beene offered, would haue crusht them betweene them into shiuers. Of which the dishonour and losse to the Queene had bene farre greater then the spoyle or harme that the enemie could any way haue receiued. Notwithstanding it is very true, that the Lord Tho∣mas would haue entred betweene the squadrons, but the rest would not condescend; and the ma∣ster of his owne ship offred to leape into the sea, rather then to conduct that her Maiesties ship and the rest to bee a pray to the enemie, where there was no hope nor possibilitie either of defence or victory. Which also in my opinion had ill sorted or answered the discretion and trust of a Gene∣rall, to commit himselfe and his charge to an assured destruction, without hope or any likelyhood of preuailing: thereby ••o diminish the strength of her Maiesties Nany, and to enrich the pride and glory of the enemie. The Foresight of the Queenes commaunded by M. Thomas Vauisor per∣formed a very great fight, and stayed two houres as neere the Reuenge as the weather would per∣mit him, not forsaking the fight, till he was like to be encompassed by the squadrons, & with great difficultie cleared himselfe. The rest gaue diuers voleis of shot, and entred as farre as the place permitted, and their owne necessities, to keepe the weather gage of the enemie, vntill they were parted by night. A fewe dayes after the fight was ended, and the English prisoners dispersed in∣to the Spanish and Indie ships, there arose so great a storme from the West and Northwest, that all the fleete was dispersed, as well the Indian fleete which were then come vnto them, as the rest of the Armada that attended their arriuall, of which 14. saile together with the Reuenge, and in her 200 Spaniards, were cast away vpon the Isle of S. Michael. So it pleased them to ho∣nor the buriall of that renowmed ship the Reuenge, not suffering her to perish alone, for the great honour she atchieued in her life time. On the rest of the Ilandes there were cast away in this storme, 15 or 16 more of the ships of warre: and of an hundred and odde saile of the Indie fleete, expected this yeere in Spaine, what in this tempest, and what before in the bay of Mexico, and a∣bout the Bermudas, there were 70 and odde consumed and lost, with those taken by our shippes of London, besides one very rich Indian ship, which set her selfe on fire, beeing boorded by the Pil∣grim, and fiue other taken by master Wats his ships of London, between the Hauana and Cape S. Antonio. The fourth of this moneth of Nouember we receiued letters from the Tercera, af∣firming that there are 3000 bodies of men remaining in that Iland, saued out of the perished ships: & that by the Spaniards owne confession, there are 10000 cast away in this storme, besides those that are perished betweene the Ilands and the maine. Thus it hath pleased God to fight for vs, and to defend the iustice of our cause, against the ambicious and bloody pretenses of the Spa∣niard, who seeking to deuoure all nations, are themselues deuoured. A manifest testimony how iniust and displeasing, their attempts are in the sight of God, who hath pleased to witnes by the successe of their affaires, his mislike of their bloody and iniurious designes, purposed and practised against all Christian princes, ouer whom they seeke vnlawfull and vngodly rule and Empery.

One day or two before this wracke happened to the Spanish fleete, when as some of our priso∣ners desired to be set on shore vpon the Ilandes, hoping to be from thence transported into Eng∣land, which libertie was formerly by the Generall promised: One Morice Fitz Iohn, sonne of olde Iohn of Desmond, a notable traytour, cousin german to the late Earle of Desmond, was sent to the English from shippe to shippe, to perswade them to serue the King of Spaine.

The arguments hee vsed to induce them were these. The increase of pay which he promised to be trebled: aduancement to the better sort: and the exercise of the true Catholique Religion, and safetie of their soules to all. For the first, euen the beggerly and vnnaturall behauiour of those English and Irish rebels, that serued the King in that present action, was sufficient to answere that first argument of rich pay. For so poore and beggerly they were, as for want of apparell they stripped their poore Countrey men prisoners out of their ragged garments, worne to nothing by sixe months seruice, and spared not to despoyle them euen of their bloody shirtes, from their wounded bodies, and the very shooes from their feete; A notable testimonie of their rich enter∣tainment and great wages. The second reason was hope of aduancement if they serued well, and would continue faithfull to the King. But what man can bee so blockishly ignorant euer to expect place or honour from a forraine King, hauing no other argument or perswasion then his owne disloyaltie; to be vnnaturall to his owne Countrey that bred him; to his parents that begat him, and rebellious to his true Prince, to whose obedience he is bound by oath, by nature, and by Religion? No, they are onely assured to be imployed in all desperate enterprises, to bee helde in scorne and disdaine euer among those whom they serue. And that euer traitour was either tru∣sted or aduanced I could neuer yet reade, neither can I at this time remember any example. And no man coulde haue lesse becommed the place of an Orator for such a purpose, then this Morice of Desmond. For the Erle his cosen being one of the greatest subiects in that kingdom of Ireland, hauing almost whole Countreis in his possession; so many goodly Mannors, castles, and lordships; the Count Palatine of Kerry, fiue hundred gentlemen of his owne name and family to follow him, besides others (all which he possessed in peace for three or foure hundred yeeres) was in lesse then three yeeres after his adhering to the Spaniards and rebellion, beaten from all his holdes, not so many as ten gentlemen of his name left liuing, himselfe taken and beheaded by a souldier of his owne nation, and his land giuen by a Parliament to her Maiestie, and possessed by the English: His other cosen Sir Iohn of Desmond taken by Master Iohn Zouch, and his body hanged ouer the gates of his natiue Citie to be deuoured by rauens: the thirde brother Sir Iames hanged, drawne, and quartered in the same place. If hee had withall vaunted of his successe of his owne house, no doubt the argument would haue mooued much, and wrought great effect; which be∣cause hee for that present forgot, I thought it good to remember in his behalfe. For matter of Religion it would require a particuler volume, if I should set downe how irreligiously they co∣uer their greedy and ambicious pretenses, with that veile of pietie. But sure I am, that there is no kingdome or common-wealth in all Europe, but if they be reformed, they then inuade it for religion sake: if it bee, as they terme Catholique, they pretend title; as if the Kings of Castile were the naturall heires of all the world: and so betweene both, no kingdome is vnsought. Where they dare not with their owne forces to inuade, they basely entertaine the traitours and vaca∣bonds of all Nations; seeking by those and by their runnagate Iesuits to winne parts, and haue by that meane ruined many Noble houses and others in this lande, and haue extinguished both their liues and families. What good, honour, or fortune euer man yet by them atchieued, is yet vnheard of, or vnwritten. And if our English Papists doe but looke into Portugall, against which they haue no pretence of Religion, how the Nobilitie are put to death, imprisoned, their rich men made a praye, and all sorts of people captiued; they shall finde that the obedience euen of the Turke is easie and a libertie, in respect of the slauerie and tyrannie of Spaine. What haue they done in Sicill, in Naples, Millaine, and in the Low countreis; who hath there bene spared for Re∣ligion at all? And it commeth to my remembrance of a certaine Burger of Antwerpe, whose house being entred by a company of Spanish souldiers, when they first sacked the Citie, hee be∣sought them to spare him and his goods, being a good Catholique, and one of their owne partie and faction. The Spaniards answered, that they knew him to be of a good conscience for himselfe, but his money, plate, iewels, and goods, were all hereticall, and therefore good prize. So they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming, who hoped that an Agnus Dei had bene a sufficient target against all force of that holy and charitable nation. Neither haue they at any time as they protest inuaded the kingdomes of the Indies and Peru, and elsewhere, but onely led thereunto, ra∣ther to reduce the people to Christianitie, then for either gold or Emperie. When as in one onely Island called Hispaniola, they haue wasted thirtie hundred thousand of the naturall people, besides many millions else in other places of the Indies: a poore and harmelesse people created of God, and might haue bene wonne to his knowledge, as many of them were, and almost as many as euer were perswaded thereunto. The storie whereof is at large written by a Bishop of their owne nation called Bartholomew de las Casas, and translated into English and many other lan∣guages, intituled The Spanish cruelties. Who would therefore repose trust in such a nation of rauenous strangers, and especially in those Spaniards which more greedily thirst after

English blood, then after the liues of any other people of Europe, for the many ouerthrowes and dishonours they haue receiued at our hands, whose weakenesse wee haue discouered to the world, and whose forces at home, abroad, in Europe, in India, by sea and land, wee haue euen with handfulles of men and shippes, ouerthrowen and dishonoured. Let not therefore any Eng∣lish man, of what religion soeuer, haue other opnion of the Spaniards, but that those whom hee seeketh to winne of our Nation, he esteemeth base and trayterous, vnworthy persons, or vn∣constant fooles: and that he vseth his pretence of religion, for no other purpose but to bewitch vs from the obedience of our naturall Prince; thereby hoping in time to bring vs to slauery and subiection, and then none shall be vnto them so odious, and disdayned as the traitours themselues, who haue solde their Countrey to a stranger, and forsaken their faith and obedi••nce contrarie to nature & religion; and contrarie to that humane and generall honour, not onely of Christi∣ans, but of heathen and irreligious nations, who haue alwayes sustayned what labour soeuer, and embraced euen death it selfe, for their countrey, Prince, or common-wealth. To conclude, it hath euer to this day pleased God to prosper and defend her Maiestie, to breake the purposes of malicious enemies, of forsworne traytors, and of iniust practises and inuasions. She hath euer beene honoured of the worthiest kings, serued by faithfull subiects, and shall by the fauour of God, resist, repell, and confound all whatsoeuer attempts against her sacred person or king∣dome. In the meane time let the Spaniard and traytour vaunt of their successe, and wee her true and obedient vassals, guided by the shining light of her vertues, shall alwayes loue her, serue her, and obey her to the end of our liues.

A particular note of the Indian fleet, expected to haue come into Spaine this present yeere of 1591. with the number of shippes that are perished of the same: according to the examination of certaine Spaniards lately taken and brought into England by the ships of London.

THe fleete of Noua Hispania, at their first gathering together and setting foorth, were two and fiftie sailes. The Admirall was of sixe hundred tunnes, and the Uice Admirall of the same burthen. Foure or fiue of the shippes were of nine hundred and 1000 tunnes a peece, some fiue hundred, and some foure hundred and the least of two hundred tuns. Of this fleet 19 were cast away, and in them 2600 men by estimation, which was done along the coast of Noua Hispania, so that of the same fleet there came to the Hauana but 33 sailes.

The fleete of Terra Firma were, at their first departure from Spaine, fiftie sailes, which were bound for Nombre de Dios, where they did discharge their lading, and thence returned to Car∣tagena, for their healths sake, vntill the time the treasure was readie they should take in, at the said Nombre de Dios. But before this fleete departed, some were gone by one or two at a time, so that onely 23 sayles of this fleete arriued in the Hauana.

At the Hauana there met

• 33 sailes of Noua Hispania.
• 23 sailes of Terra Firma.
• 12 sailes of San Domingo.
• 9 sailes of the Hunduras.

The whole 77 shippes, ioyned and set sailes all together at the Hauana, the 17 of Iuly, according to our account, and kept together vntill they came into the height of thirtie fiue de∣grees, which was about the tenth of August, where they found the winde at Southwest chaun∣ged suddenly to the North, so that the sea comming out of the Southwest, and the wind very vio∣lent at North, they were put all into great extremitie, and then first lost the Generall of their fleete, with 500 men in her; and within three or foure dayes after, an other storme rising, there were fiue or sixe other of the biggest shippes cast away with all their men, together with their Uice-Admirall.

And in the height of 38. degrees, about the end of August, grew another great storme, in which all the fle••t sauing 48. sailes were cast away: which 48. sailes kept together, vntill they came in sight of the Islands of Coruo and Flores, about the fift or sixt of September, at which time a great storme separated them: of which number fifteene or sixeteene were after seene by these Spanyards to ride at anchor vnder the Tercera; and twelue or foureteene more to beare with the Island of S. Michael; what became of them after that these Spaniards were taken cannot yet be certified; their opinion is, that very few of thee fleet are escaped, but are either drowned or taken. And it is otherwaies of late certified, that of this whole fleete that should haue come into

Spaine this yeere, being one hundred twentie and three sayle, there are arriued as yet but fiue and twentie. This note was taken out of the examination of certaine Spaniardes, that were brought into England by sixe of the ships of London, which tooke s••uen of the aboue named In∣dian Fleete, neere the Islands of Açores.

A report of Master Robert Flicke directed to Master Thomas Brom∣ley, Master Richard Staper, and Master Cordall concerning the successe of a part of the London supplies sent to my Lord Thomas Howard to the Isles of the Azores, 1591.

WOrshipfull, my heartie commendations vnto you premised: By my last of the twelfth of August from this place I aduertised you particularly of the acci∣dents of our Fleete vntill then. It remayneth now to relate our endeuours in accomplishing the order receiued for the ioyning with my Lorde Thomas Howard, together with the successe wee haue had. Our departure from hence was the seuenteenth of August, the winde not seruing before. The next day following I caused a Flagge of Counsell to be put foorth, whereupon the Captaines and Masters of euery shippe came aboord, and I acquainted them with my Commission, fir∣med by the Right honourable the Lordes of her Maiesties Counsell, and with all the aduertise∣ments of Sir Edward Denny, of my Lordes determination to remaine threescore leagues to the West of Fayal, spreading North and South betwixt thirtie seuen and a halfe or thirty eight and a halfe degrees. And not finding him in this heigth to repaire to the Isles of Flores and Cor∣uo, where a Pinnesse of purpose should stay our comming vntill the last of August, with intent after that day to repaire to y^e coast of Spaine, about the heigth of The Rocke, some twentie or thir∣tie leagues off the shoare. The which being aduisedly considered of, hauing regard vnto the short∣nesse of time, by reason of our long abode in this place, and the vncertainety of the weather to fa∣uour vs, it was generally holden for the best and securest way to meete with my Lorde, to beare with the heigth of The Rocke, without making any stay vpon the coast, and so directly for the Islands which was accordingly fully agreed and performed. The 28 day wee had sight of the Burlings, and the 29 being thwart of Peniche, the winde seruing vs, without any stay we direc∣ted our course West for the Islands. The 30 day we met with Captaine Royden in the Red-Rose, sometime called the Golden Dragon, separated from my Lorde of Cumberland in a storme: who certified vs of 50 sayles of the Spanish kings Armadas to be gone for the Ilands, but could not informe vs any newes of my Lord Thomas Howard, otherwise then vpon pre∣sumption to remaine about the Islandes, and so wee continued our course the winde standing with vs.

The 4 of September we recouered Tercera, and ranged along all the Islands, both on the South and North sides the space of foure dayes: during which time it was not our hap to meete with any shipping, whereby either to vnderstand of my Lord, or of the Indian Fleete: hereupon we directed our course to the West from Fayal, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny. The 11 day in the plying to the Westwards we descried a sayle out of our maine toppe, and in the afternoone betweene two and three of the clocke hauing raysed her hull, the weather became calme, so that the ship could not fetch her. I sent off my Skiffe throughly manned, fur∣nished with shot and swords, The Cherubin, and the Margaret and Iohn doing the like. Upon this the sayle stood off againe, and the night approching, our boates lost her and so returned. In this our pursute after the sayle the Centurion being left a sterne, the next morning wee missed her, and spent that day in plying vp and downe seeking her. And for as much as euery of the ships had rec••iued order, that, if by extremity of weather or any other mischance they should be seue∣red from our Fleete, they should meete and ioyne at Flores, we, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny, proceeded to the finding of my Lord Thomas Howard, being in the heigth appointed and not a••le to holde the same by reason of extreme tempestes which forced vs to the Isles of Flores and Coruo, which we made the 14 day in the morning, aud there also ioyned a∣gaine with the Centurion, whose company before we had lost: who declared vnto vs that the 12 day, being the same day they lost vs, they met with fiue and forty sailes of the Indian Fleete. The same night vpon these newes we came to an anker betweene Flores and Coruo, and the mo∣row following at the breake of day, a flagge of Counsell being put out the Captaines & Masters came abord me: where, for the desire to vnderstand some tidings of my Lord, as also the supplying of our want of water, it was thought good to send our boats ••urnished on shore, vnder the conduct of Captaine Brothus, and then it was also ordered after our departure thence to range along the

Southsides of the Islands to the end we might either vnderstand of my Lord, or ••lse light on the Indian fleete; and in the missing of our purpose to direct our course for Cape Sant Vin∣cente.

The boates, according to the foresayd determination, being sent on shoare, it chaunced that The Costely ryding vttermost in the roade, did weigh to bring her selfe more neere among vs for the succour of the boates sent off, and in opening the land discouered two sayles, which we in the roade could not perceiue: whereupon shee gaue vs a warning piece, which caused vs to waue off our boates backe, and before they could recouer our shippes, the discryed ships ap∣peared vnto vs, towardes the which we made with all haste, and in a very happie houre, as it pleased God. In that wee had not so soone cleared the lande, and spoken with one of them, which w••s a Barke of Bristoll, who had also sought my Lorde in the heigths appointed and could not finde him, but a violent storme arose,* 15.1 in such manner, as if we had remained in the roade, we had beene in daunger of perishing: and the same extremely continued during the space of threescore houres. In which storme I was separated from our Fleete, except the Cherubin and the Costely, which kept company with m••e. And so sayling among the I∣lands, I viewed the roade of Fayal, and finding no Roaders there, went directly for the Isle Tercera.

The nin••teenth day in the morning comming vnto y^• same with intent to edge into the Road, a tempest arose and scanted the winde, that we could not seaze it: from the which being driuen we fell among certaine of the Indian Fleete, which the sayde storme dispersed, and put them from the road: wher••upon my selfe with the other two ships in companie gaue seuerall chases, and thereby lost the company each of other.

In following our chase aboue noone we made her to strike and yeelde, being a Portugall,* 15.2 la∣den with hides, salsa-perilla and Anile. At this very instant we espied another, and taking our Prize with vs followed her,* 15.3 and somewhat before night obtayned her, named the Conception, Francisco Spinola being Captaine, which was laden with hides, Cochonillio, and certaine raw s••lke. And for that the seas were so growen, as neither with boate nor shippe they were to bee boorded, we kept them till fit opportunitie. The same night a litle before day there happened another into our company, supposing vs by our two prizes to be of their Fleete, which we vntill the morning dissembled.

The 20 day in the morning, the sayle being shot somewhat a head of vs, hauing a speciall care for the safe keeping of the two former, we purposed to cause our Prizes to put out more sayle thereby to keepe them neere in giuing chase to the other: vnto the which the Master would not ••earken nor be pe••swaded, but that they would follow vs: by the which his wilfuln••sse by such time as we had caused the other to yeelde, and sent men aboord, the Conception, Francisco Spi∣nola Captaine being brought a sterne, and hauing gotten the winde of vs, stood off with all her sayles bearing, so as we were forced to make a new chase of her: and had not the winde enlarged vpon vs we had lost her. In the pu••sute before we recouered her and brought our selues againe in company of our other Prizes, the whole day was spent, and by this meanes we lost the opor∣tunitie of that day, the weather fitly seruing to boord the Portugall Prize, which was in great distresse, and made request to take them being readie to sinke, and, as we well perceiued, they ceased not to pumpe day and night: the which ship to all our iudgements the same night peri∣shed in the sea.

The one and twentie day the Conception, whereof Francisco Spinola was Captaine, being also in a leake, and the same still increasing notwithstanding the continuall pumping, in such sort as not to be kept long aboue water, I tooke and discharged out of her two and forty chestes of Cochonillio and silkes, and so left her with 11 foote water in holde, and her furniture and 4700 hides, vnto the seas.

The other Prize which we haue brought into the harborough is named Nostra Senn•••••• ••e los remedios, whereof Francisco Aluares is Captaine, laden with 16 chests of Cochonillio, certaine fardels of raw silke, and about 4000 hides. Upon the discharge of the goods your worships shall be particularly aduertised thereof.

In the boording of the Prizes the disorder of the company was such, as that they letted not presently besides the rifling of the Spaniards to breake open the chests and to purloyne such mo∣ney as was in them: notwithstanding that it was ordered at conuenient leasure to haue gone a∣boord my selfe, and there in the presence of three or foure witnesses to haue taken a iust account thereof, and the same to haue put in safe keeping, according to the effects of articles receiued in this behalfe.

And whereas there w••re also certaine summes of money taken from the company which they

had thus purloyned and embeseled, and the same with some other parcels brought aboord my ship, amounting vnto 2129 pezoes & a halfe, the company as pillage due vnto them demanded to haue the same shared, which I refused, & openly at the maine maste read the articles firmed by my Lord Treasurer and my lord Admirall, whereby we ought to be directed, and that it was not in mee any way to dispose thereof vntill the same were finally determined at home. Hereupon they mu∣tined and at last grew into such furie, as that they would haue it or els breake downe the cabbine, which they were also readie to put in practise, whereby I was forced to yeeld, least the Spaniards which we had abord being many perceiuing the same, might haue had fit opportunitie to rise a∣gainst vs, which, after their brawles were appeased, they sought to haue put in execution.

By the last aduise from Castile the Generall of the kings Armada which is lately come to sea hath receiued commaundement to ioyne his Fleete with those of the Indies, and for to stay alto∣gether at Tercera vntill the 15 of October: for that 6 pataches with 7 or 8 millions of the kings treasure will come by that time, or els they stay their comming from Hauana vntil Ianuary next, or the kings further pleasure therein to be knowen. These Pataches are said to be of 300 tuns the piece, and to cary 30 pieces of brasse, and also of saile reported to haue the aduantage of any shipping.

There perished of the Indies Fleete sunke in the sea before their comming to Flores 11 sailes, whereof the General was one, and not one man saued. And it is by the Spaniards themselues pre∣supposed that the stormes which we had at Flores & at Tercera haue deuoured many more of them, whereof in part we were eye witnesses. And so what by the seas and our men of warre I presume that of 75 sailes that came from Hauana, halfe of them will neuer arriue in Spaine.

The 11 day of October at night we came to anker in the sound of Plimouth, and the next mor∣ning with our Prize came into Cattewater: for which God be thanked: for that a vehement storme arose, and with such fury increased, as that the Prize was forced to cut ouer her maine maste: otherwise with the violence of the storme, her ground tackle being bad, she had driuen on shore: which was the most cause that moued me to put in here; intending now here to discharge the goods without further aduenture, and haue certified thus much vnto my Lord Admirall, and therewith also desired to vnderstande the direction of the Lords of the Counsell together with yours, insomuch as my Lord Thomas Howard is not returned. How the rest of our consorts which were separated from vs by weather haue sped, or what Prizes they haue taken, whereof there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West Indian Fleete, as yet we are able to say nothing. And thus expecting your answere, and for all other matters referring me vnto the bearer Captaine Furtho, I end.

Plymouth the 24 of October, 1591.

Your worships louing friend Robert Flicke.

A large testimony of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten Hollander, concer∣ning the worthy exploits atchieued by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland, By Sir Martine Frobisher, Sir Richard Greenuile, and diuers other English Captaines, about the Isles of the Açores, and vpon the coasts of Spaine and Portugall, in the yeeres 1589, 1590, 1591, &c. recorded in his excellent discourse of voiages to the East and West Indies. cap. 96. 97. and 99.

THe 22 of Iuly 1589 about Euening, being by the Islands of Flores & Coruo, we perceiued 3 ships that made towards vs, which came from vnder the land, which put vs in great feare: for they came close by our Admirall, and shot diuers times at him, and at another ship of our companie, whereby we perceiued them to be Englishmen, for they bare an English flagge vpon their main•• tops, but none of them shewed to be aboue 60 tunnes in greatnes. About Euening they followed after vs, and all night bore lanternes with candles burning in them at their sternes, al∣though the Moone shined. The same night passing hard by the Island of Fayal, the next day being betweene the Island of S. George that lay on our right hand, and the small Island called Gra∣ciosa on our left hand, we espied the 3 English ships still following vs y^t tooke counsell together, whereof one sailed backwards, thinking that some other ship had come after vs without cōpany, & for a time was out of sight, but it was not long before it came again to y^e other two, wherwith they tooke coūsel & came all 3 together against our ship, because we lay in the lee of al our ships, & had y^e Island of S. George on the one side in stead of a sconce, thinking to deale so with vs, that in y^e end we should be constrained to run vpon the shore, whereof we wanted not much, and in that manner

with their flagges openly displayed, came lustily towardes vs, sounding their Trumpets, and say∣led at the least three times about vs, beating vs with Musket and Caliuer, and some great pieces, and did vs no hurt in the body of our shippe, but spoyled all our sayles and ropes, and to conclude, wee were so plagued by them, that no man durst put foorth his head, and when wee shot off a peece, wee had at the least an houres worke to lade it againe, whereby wee had so great a noise and crie in the shippe, as if we had all bene cast away, whereat the English men themselues beganne to mocke vs, and with a thousand testing words called vnto vs. In the meane time the other shippes hoised all their sayles, and did the best they could to saile to the Island of Tercera, not looking once behinde them to helpe vs•• doubting they should come too late thither, not caring for vs, but thinking themselues to haue done sufficiently so they saued their owne stakes, where∣by it may easily be seene what company they keepe one with the other, and what order is among them. In the ende the English men perceiuing small aduantage against vs, (little knowing in what case and feare we were, as also because wee were not farre from Tercera) left vs, which made vs not a litle to reioyce, as thinking our selues to bee risen from death to life, although wee were not well assured, neyther yet voyde of feare till we lay in the road before Tercera, and vnder the safetie of the Portingales fort, and that we might get thither in good time wee made all the sailes we could: on the other side we were in great doubt, because we knew not what they did in the Island, nor whether they were our friends or enemies, and we doubted so much the more, be∣cause we found no men of warre nor any Caruels of aduise from Portingal, as wee made our ac∣counts to doe, that might conuoy vs from thence, or giue vs aduise, as in that countrey ordinarily they vse to do: and because the English men had bene so victorious in those parts, it made vs sus∣pect that it went not well with Spaine: they of the Island of Tercera were in no lesse feare then we, for seeing our fleete, they thought vs to bee Englishmen, and that wee came to ouerrun the Island, because the 3. Englishmen had bound vp their flags, and came in company with vs: for the which cause the Island sent out two Caruels that lay there with aduise from the king, for the Indian ships that should come thither. Those Caruels came to view vs, and perceiuing what we were, made after vs, whereupon the English ships left vs, and made towardes them, because the Caruels thought them to be friends, and shunned them not, as supposing them to bee of our com∣pany, but we shot foure or fiue times and made signes vnto them that they should make towards the Island, which they presently did. The Englishmen perceiuing that, did put forwards into the sea, & so the Caruels borded vs telling vs that the men of the Island were all in armes, as hauing receiued aduise from Portugall, that Sir Francis Drake was in readinesse, and woulde come vnto those Islands. The likewise brought vs newes of the ouerthrow of the Spanish fleet be∣fore England, and that the English men had bene before the gates of Lisbon: whereupon the king gaue vs commandement that we should put into the Island of Tercera, and there lie vnder the safety of the Castle vntil we receiued further aduise what we should do, or whether we should saile: for that they thought it too dangerous for vs to go to Lisbon. Those newes put our fleet in great feare, and made vs looke vpon eche other not knowing what to say, as being dangerous for them to put into the road, because it lieth open to the sea: so that the Indian ships, although they had expresse commandement from the king, yet they durst not anker there, but onely vsed to come thither, and to lie to and fro, sending their boates on land to fetch such necessaries as they wanted, without ankering: but being by necessitie compelled thereunto, as also by the kings commande∣ment, and for that we vnderstood the Erle of Cumberland not to bee farre from those Islands with certaine ships of warre, we made necessitie a vertue, and entring the road, ankered close vn∣der the Castle, staying for aduise and order from the king, to performe our voyage, it being then the 24. of Iuly, and S. Iames day.

The day before the Erle of Cumberland with 6. or 7. ships of war, sailed by the Island of Ter∣cera, and to their great good fortune passed out of sight, so that they dispatched themselues in all haste, and for the more securitie, tooke with them 4. hundred Spaniards, of those that lay in Garri∣son in the Island, and with them they sayled towards Lisbon, hauing a good wind: so that within 11 daies after they arriued in the riuer of Lisbon with great gladnes & triumph: for if they had stayed but one day longer before they had entred the riuer, they had all beene taken by Captaine Drake, who with 40 ships came before Cascais, at the same time that the Indian ships cast anker in the riuer of Lisbon, being garded thither by diuers Gallies.

While I remained in Tercera, the Erle of Cumb. came to S. Marie, to take in fresh water, and some other victuals: but the inhabitants would not suffer him to haue it, but wounded both himselfe & diners of his men, whereby they were forced to depart without hauing any thing there.

The Erle of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera, came vnto the Isle of Graciosa, where himselfe in person, with seuen or eight in his company went on land, asking certaine beasts, hens,

and other victuals, with wine and fresh water, which they willingly gaue him, and therewith he departed from thence, without doing them any hurt: for the which the inhabitants thanked him, and commended him for his courtesie, and keeping of his promise.

The same time that the Erle of Cumberland was in the Island of Graciosa, he came like∣wise to Fayall, where at the first time that he came, they beganne to resist him, but by reason of some controuersie among them, they let him land, where he razed the Castle to the ground, and sunke all their Ordinance in the sea, taking with him certaine Carauels and ships that lay in the road, with prouision of all things that he wanted: and therewith departed againe to sea. Where∣upon the king caused the principall actors therein to be punished, and sent a company of souldi∣ers thither againe, which went out of Tercera, with all kinde of warlike munition, and great shot, making the foretresse vp againe, the better to defend the Island, trusting no more in the Portugales.

The 99 Chapter.

THe ninth of October 1589. there arriued in Tercera fourteene ships that came from the Spanish Indies, laden with Cochenile, Hides, Golde, Siluer, Pearles, and other rich wares. They were fiftie in companie, when they departed out of the Hauen of Hauana, where∣of, in their comming out of the Channell, eleuen sunke in the same Channell by foule weather, the rest by a storme were scattered and separated one from the other. The next day there came another ship of the same companie, that sayled close vnder the Island, so to get into the Roade: where she met with an English ship that had not aboue three cast peeces, and the Spaniards 12. They fought a long time together, which we being in the Island might stand and behold: where∣vpon the Gouernour of Tercera sent two boates of Musketiers to helpe the shippe: but before they could come at her, the English ship had shot her vnder water, and we saw her sinke into the Sea with all her sayles vp, and not any thing seene of her aboue the water. The Englishmen with their boate saued the Captaine and about thirtie others with him, but not one penie-worth of the goods, and yet in the shippe there was at the least to the value of two hundred thousand Duckats in Golde, Siluer, and Pearles, the rest of the men were drowned which might be about fiftie persons, among the which were some Fryers and women, which the Englishmen would not saue. Those that they had saued they set on land: and then they sayled away. The seuen and twentieth of the same moneth, the sayd fourteene ships hauing refreshed themselues in the Island departed from Tercera toward Siuill, and comming vpon the coast of Spaine they were taken by the English ships that lay there to watch for them, two onely excepted which esca∣ped away, and the rest were wholly caried into England.

About the same time the Erle of Cumberland with one of the Queenes ships, and fiue or sixe more, kept about those Islands and came oftentimes so close vnder the Island, and to the Road of Angra, that the people on land might easily tell all his men that he had aboord, and knewe such as walked on the Hatches: they of the Island not once shooting at them, although they might easily haue done it, for they were within Musket shot both of the towne and fort. In these places he continued for the space of two moneths, and sayled round about the Islands, and lan∣ded in Graciosa and Fayal, as in the description of those Islands I haue alreadie declared. Here he tooke diuers ships and Carauels, which he sent into England: so that those of the Island durst not once put foorth their heads. At the same time about three or foure dayes after the Earle of Cumberland had beene in the Island of Fayal, and was departed from thence, there arriued in the said Island of Fayal sixe Indian shippes, whose Generall was one Iuan Doriues: and there they discharged in the Island 4 millions of golde and siluer. And hauing with all speede refreshed their ships, fearing the comming of the Englishmen they set sayle, and arriued safely in S. Lu∣car•• not meeting with the enemie, to the great good lucke of the Spaniards and hard fortune of the Englishmen: for that within lesse then two dayes after the gold and siluer was laden againe into the Spanish ships, the Erle of Cumberland sayled againe by that Island: so that it appeared that God would not let them haue it, for if they had once had sight thereof, without doubt it had bene theirs, as the Spaniards themselues confessed.

In the moneth of Nouember there arriued in Tercera two great shippes, which were the Ad∣mirall and Uiceadmirall of the Fleete laden with siluer, who with stormie weather were sepa∣rated from the Fleete, and had beene in great torment and distresse, and readie to sinke: for they were forced to vse all their Pumps: so that they wished a thousand times to haue met with the Englishmen to whom they would willingly haue giuen their siluer and all that euer they brought with them, onely to saue their liues. And although the Erle of Cumberland lay still about those

Islands, yet they met not with him, so that after much paine and labour they got into the Road before Angra, where with all speede they vnladed and discharged aboue fiue millions of siluer, all in pieces of 8 or 10 pound great: so that the whole Ray lay couered with plates and chests of siluer, full of Ryales of eight, most monderfull to behold, (each million being ten hundred thou∣sand duckats,) besides pearles, gold, and other stones, which were not registred. The Admirall and chiefe commaunder of those ships and Fleete called Aluaro Flores de Quiniones was sicke of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought to land, whereof not long after he died in Siuillia. He brought with him the Kings broad seale and full authoritie to be Generall and chiefe commaun∣der vpon the Seas, and of all Fleetes or ships, and of all places and Islands, or lands whereso∣euer he came: whereupon the gouernour of Tercera did him great honour, and betweene them it was concluded, perceiuing the weaknesse of their ships, and the danger of the Englishmen, that they would send the shippes emptie with souldiers to conuey them, either to Siuill or Lis∣bon, where they could first arriue, with aduise vnto his Maiestie of all that had past, and that he would giue order to fetch the siluer with good and safe conuoy. Whereupon the said Aluaro Flo∣res stayed there, vnder colour of keeping the siluer, but specially because of his disease, and for that they were affraide of the Englishmen. This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part a∣boue 50000 Duckats in pearles, which he shewed vnto vs, & sought to sell them or barter them with vs for spices or bils of exchange. The said two ships see sayle with 3 or 4 hundred men, as well souldiers as others that came with them out of India, and being at sea had a storme, where∣with the Admiral burst and sunke in the sea, & not one man saued. The Uice-Admirall cut downe her mast, and ranne the ship on ground hard by Seruual, where it burst in pieces, some of the men sauing themselues by swimming, that brought the newes, but the rest were drowned.

In the same moneth there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies, and being within half a mile of the Road of Tercera•• they met with an English ship, which, after they had fought long together, tooke them both. About 7 or 8 moneths before, there had beene an English shippe in Tercera, that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffike in the Island, there to lade woad, and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the kings vse, and all the men kept prisoners: yet went they vp and downe the streetes to get their liuings, by labouring like slaues, being in deede as safe in that Island, as if they had beene in prison. But in the ende vpon a Sun∣day, all the Saylers went downe behinde the hils called Bresil: where they found a Fisher-boat, whereinto they got and rowed into the sea to the Erle of Cumberlands shippes, which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Island, and ankered with his ships about halfe a mile from the Road of Angra, hard by two small Islands, which lie about a bases shot from the Island and are full of Goats, Deere and Sheepe, belonging to the inhabitants of the Island of Tercera. Those Saylers knew it well, and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their boates, and lying at anker that day, they fetched as many Goates and sheepe as they had neede of: which those of the towne and of the Island well saw and beheld, yet durst not once goe foorth: so there remained no more on land but the Master and the Marchant of the said English ship. This Ma∣ster had a brother in lawe dwelling in England, who hauing newes of his brothers imprison∣ment in Tercera, got license of the Queene of England to set forth a ship, there with to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them, and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera, and he it was that tooke the two Spanish ships before the Towne, the Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me, and looking vpon them, for he was my great acquaintance. The ships being taken that were worth 300 thousand duckats, he sent al the men on land sauing onely two of the principall Gentlemen, which he kept aboord thereby to ransome his brother: and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken, with a letter to the Gouernor of Tercera: wherein he wrote that he should deliuer him his brother, & he would send the 2 Gentlemen on land: if not, he would saile with them into England, as indeed he did, be∣cause the Gouernour would not doe it, saying that the Gentlemen might make that suite to the king of Spaine himselfe. This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs, and the Englishmen like∣wise, where he shewed vs all the manner of their fight, much commending the order and maner of the Englishmens fighting, as also their courteous vsing of him: but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship, without paying any ransome as yet.

In the moneth of Ianuarie 1590 there arriued one ship alone in Tercera, that came from the Spanish Indies, and brought newes that there was a Fleete of a hundred shippes which put out from the Firme land of the Spanish Indies, and by a storme were driuen vpon the coast called Florida, where they were all cast away, she hauing onely escaped, wherin there were great riches, & many men lost, as it may well be thought: so that they made their account, that of 220 ships that for certaine were knowen to haue put out of Noua Spagna, S. Domingo, Hauana, Capo verde,

Brasilia, Guinea, &c. in the yeere 1589. to saile for Spaine & Portugall, there were not aboue 14 or 15 of them arriued there in safetie, all the rest being either drowned, burst or taken.

In the same moneth of Ianuary there arriued in Tercera 15 or 16 ships that came from Siuil, which were most Flieboats of the Low countries, and some Britons that were arrested in Spaine: these came full of souldiers, and wel appointed with munition, to lade the siluer that lay in Terce∣ra, and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the kings cōmandement into Spaine. And because that time of the yeere there are alwayes stormes about those Ilands, therefore they durst not enter into the road of Tercera, for that as then it blew so great a storme that some of their ships that had ankred were forced to cut downe their mastes, and were in danger to be lost: and among the rest a ship of Biscaie ran against the land and was striken in pieces, but all the men saued themselues. The o∣ther ships were forced to keepe the sea and seperate themselues one from the other, where wind and weather would driue them vntill the 15 of March for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anker in, whereby they endured much miserie, cursing both the siluer and the Iland. This storme being past, they chanced to meet with a small English ship of about 40 tunnes in bignesse, which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes: so they set vpon her and tooke her, and with the English flag in their Admirals sterne, they came as proudly into the hauen as if they had conquered all the realme of England: but as the Admirall that bare the English flag vpon her sterne was entring into the road, there came by chance two English ships by the Iland that paied her so well for her paines, that they were forced to cry Misericor∣dia, and without all doubt had taken her, if she had bene but a mile further in the sea: but because she got vnder the Fortresse, which also began to shoot at the Englishmen, they were forced to leaue her, and to put further into the sea, hauing slaine fiue or sixe of the Spaniards. The English∣men that were taken in the small shippe were put vnder batches, and coupled in bolts, and after they had bene prisoners 3 or 4 dayes, there was a Spanish Ensigne-bearer in the ship that had a brother slaine in the Fleet that came for England, who as then minding to reuenge his death, and withall to shew his manhood on the English captiues that were in the English ship, which they had taken, as is aforesayd, tooke a poiniard in his hand and went downe vnder the hatches, where finding the poore Englishmen sitting in boltes, with the same poiniard he stabbed sixe of them to the heart: which two others of them perceiuing, clasped each other about the middle, be∣cause they would not be murthered by him, & threw themselues into the sea and there were drow∣ned. This acte was of all the Spaniards much disliked and very ill taken, so that they caried the Spaniard prisoner vnto Lisbon, where being arriued, the king of Spaine willed he should be sent into England, that the Queene of England might vse him as she thought good: which sentence his friends by intreatie got to be reuersed, notwithstanding he commanded he should without all fauour be beheaded: but vpon a good Friday the Cardinall going to masse, all the captaines and Commanders made so great intreaty for him, that in the end they got his pardon. This I thought good to note, that men might vnderstand the bloody & dishonest minds of the Spaniards when they haue men vnder their subiection.

The same two English ships which folowed the Spanish Admirall till he had got the Fort of Tercera, as I sayd before, put into the sea, where they met with another Spanish ship being of the same Fleet, that had likewise bene scattred by the storme and was onely missing, for the rest lay in the road. This small ship the Englishmen tooke, and sent all the men on shore, not hurting any of them: but if they had knowen what had bene done vnto the foresayd English captiues, I be∣leeue they would soone haue reuenged themselues, as afterward many an innocent soule paied for it. This ship thus taken by the Englishmen, was the same that was taken and confiscated in the Iland of Tercera by the Englishmen that got out of the Iland in a fisher boat (as I said before) and was sold vnto the Spaniards that as then came from the Indies, wherewith they sayled to S. Lucar, where it was also arrested by the duke, and appointed to go in company to fetch the siluer in Tercera, because it was a ship that sailed well, but among the Spaniards Fleet it was the mea∣nest of the company. By this means it was taken from the Spaniards and caried into England, and the owners had it againe when they least thought of it.

The 19 of March the aforesayd ships being 19 in number, set saile, hauing laden the kings sil∣uer, and receiued in Aluaro Flores de Quiniones, with his company and good prouision of neces∣saries, munition and souldiers that were fully resolued (as they made shew) to fight valiantly to the last man before they would yeeld or lose their riches: and although they set their course for S. Lucar, the wind draue them vnto Lisbon, which (as it seemed) was willing by his force to helpe them, and to bring them thither in safetie, although Aluaro de Flores, both against the wind and weather would perforce haue sailed to Saint Lucar, but being constrained by the wind and importunitie of the sailers that protested they would require their losses and damages of him, he

was content to saile to Lisbon: from whence the siluer was by land caried vnto Siuil. At Cape S. Vincent there lay a Fleet of 20 English ships to watch for the Armada, so that if they had put in∣to S. Lucar, they had fallē right into their hands, which if the wind had serued they had done. And therefore they may say that the wind hath lent them a happy voiage: for if the Englishmen had met with them, they had surely bene in great danger, and possibly but few of them had escaped, by reason of the feare where with they were possessed, because fortune or rather God was wholy a∣gainst them: which is a sufficiēt cause to make the Spaniards out of heart, & to the contrary to giue the Englishmen more courage, and to make them bolder for that they are victorious, stout and valiant: and seeing all their enterprises do take so good effect, that thereby they are become lords and masters of the sea, and need care for no man, as it wel appeareth by this briefe discourse.

The 7 of August 1590. a nauie of English ships was seen before Tercera, being 20 in num∣ber, and 5 of them the Queenes ships: their Generall was one Martin Frobisher, as we after had intelligence. They came purposely to watch for the Fleet of the Spanish Indies, and for the In∣dian ships, and the ships of the countreys in the West: which put the Ilanders in great feare, specially those of Fayal, for that the Englishmen sent a trumpet to the Gouernour to aske cer∣taine wine, flesh, and other victuals for their money and good friendship. They of Fayal did not onely refuse to giue eare vnto them, but with a shot killed their messenger or trumpeter: which the Englishmen tooke in euill part, sending them word that they were best to looke to themselues and stand vpon their guard, for they ment to come and visite them whether they would or no. The Gouernour made them answere, that he was there in the behalfe of his maiestie of Spaine, and that he would doe his best to keepe them out, as he was bound: but nothing was done, although they of Fayal were in no litle feare, sending to Tercera for aide, from whence they had certaine barkes with pouder and munition for warte, with some bisket and other necessary prouision.

The 30 of August we receiued very certaine newes out of Portugal, that there were 80 ships put out of the Groine laden with victuals, munition, money and souldiours, to goe for Britaine to aide the Catholiques and Leaguers of France against the king of Nauarre. At the same time two Netherland hulkes comming out of Portugall to Tercera being halfe the Seas ouer, met with 4 of the Queenes ships, their Generall being sir Iohn Hawkins, that staied them, but let them go againe without doing them any harme. The Netherlanders reported, that each of the Queenes ships had 80 pieces of Ordinance, and that captaine Drake lay with 40 ships in the English cha∣nell watching for the armie of the Groine: and likewise that there lay at the Cape S. Vincent ten other English ships, that if any ships escaped from the Ilands, they might take them. These tidings put the Ilanders in great feare, least if they failed of the Spanish fleete and got nothing by them, that then they would fall vpon the Ilands, because they would not returne emptie home, whereupon they held streit watch, sending aduise vnto the king what newes they heard.

The first of September there came to the Iland of S. Michael a Portugall ship out of the ha∣uen of Phernambuck in Brasile, which brought newes that the Admirall of the Portugall Fleet that came from India, hauing missed the Iland of S. Helena, was of necessitie constrained to put into Phernambuck, although the king had expresly vnder a great penaltie forbidden him so to doe, because of the wormes that there doe spoile the ships. The same shippe wherein Bernardin Ribero was Admirall the yeere before 1589. sailed out of Lisbon into the Indies, with 5 ships in her company, whereof but 4 got into India, the 5 was neuer heard of, so that it was thought to be cast away: the other foure returned safe againe into Portugall, though the Admiral was much spoiled, because he met with two English ships that fought long with him, and slew many of his men, but yet he escaped from them.

The 5 of the same moneth there arriued in Tercera a carauel of the Iland of Coruo, & brought with her 50 men that had bin spoiled by the Englishmen who had set them on shore in the Iland of Coruo, being taken out of a ship that came from the Spanish Indies, they brought tidings that the Englishmen had taken 4 more of the Indian ships, & a carauel with the king of Spaines letters of aduise for the ships comming out of the Portugal Indies, & that with those which they had takē, they were at the least 40 English ships together, so y^t not one bark escaped them, but fel into their hands, & that therefore the Portugall ships comming out of India durst not put into the Ilands, but tooke their course vnder 40 & 42 degrees, and frō thence sailed to Lisbon, shimning likewise the cape S. Vincent, otherwise they could not haue had a prosperous iourney of it, for that as then the sea was ful of English ships. Whereupon the king aduised the fleet lying in Hauana in y^e Spa∣nish Indies ready to come for Spaine, that they should stay there all that yeere till the next yeere, because of the great danger they might fal into by y^e Englishmen, which was no smal charge, & hin∣derance to the fleet, for that the ships that lie there do consume themselues, and in a maner eat vp one another, by reason of the great nūber of people, together with the scarcitie of al things, so that

many ships chose rather one by one to aduenture thēselues alone to get home, then to stay there: all which fell into the Englishmens hands, wherof diuers of the men were brought into Tercera,* 15.4 for that a whole day we could see nothing els, but spoiled men set on shore, some out of one ship, some out of another, that pitie it was to see all of them cursing the Englishmen & their owne for∣tunes, with those that had bene the causes to prouoke the Englishmen to fight, and complaining of the small remedie and order taken therein by the king of Spaines officers.

The 19 of the same moneth there came to Tercera a Carauel of Lisbon, with one of the kings officers, to cause the goods that were saued out of the ship which came from Malacca (for y^t which we staied there) to be laden and sent to Lisbon. And at the same time there put out of the Groine one Don Alonso de Baçan, with 40 great ships of warre to come vnto the Ilands, there to watch for the fleet of the Spanish & Portugall Indies, and the goods of the Malacca ship being laden, they were to conuoy thē all together into the riuer of Lisbon: but being certaine daies at sea, alwaies hauing a contrary wind, they could not get vnto the Ilands, onely two of them that were scattred from the fleet, arriued at Tercera, and not finding the fleet, they presently returned to seeke them: in the meane time the king changed his mind, & caused the fleet to stay in India, as I said before: and therefore hee sent worde vnto Don Alonso de Baslan, that hee should returne againe to the Groine, which he presently did (without doing any thing, nor once approching neer the Ilands, sa∣uing onely the two foresayd ships, for he well knew that the Englishmen lay by the Iland of Cor∣uo, but he would not visit them: and so he returned to the hauen the Groine, whereby our goods that came from Malacca were yet to ship, and trussed vp againe, and forced to stay a more fortu∣nate time with patience perforce.

The 23 of October there arriued in Tercera a Carauel with aduise out of Portugall, that of 5 ships which in the yere 1590 were laden in Lisbon for the Indies, 4 of them were turned againe to Portin. After they had bene 4 moneths abroad, & that the Admirall, wherein the Uiceroy called Mathias d'Albukerk sailed, had onely gotten to India, as afterward newes thereof was brought ouer-land, hauing bin at the least 11 moneths at sea & neuer saw land, and came in great misery to Malacca. In this ship there died by the way 280 men, according to a note by himselfe made, and sent to the Cardinal at Lisbon, with the names & surnames of euery man, together with a descrip∣tion of his voiage, & the misery they had endured, which was onely done, because he would not lose the gouernment of India: and for that cause he had sworne either to lose his life, or to arriue in India, as in deed he did afterwards, but to the great danger, losse and hinderance of his companie, that were forced to buy it with their liues, & onely for want of prouision, as it may wel be thought: for he knew full well that if he had returned backe againe into Portugal as the other ships did, he should haue bin cassiered from his Indian regiment, because the people began already to murmure at him for his proud & lofty mind. And amōg other things that shewed his pride the more, behind aboue the gallery of his ship, he caused Fortune to be painted, & his own picture w^t a staffe standing by her, as it were threatning Fortune, with this pos••e, Quero que vencas, that is, I wil haue thee to ouercome: which being read by the Cardinal & other gentlemen (that to honor him brought him aboord his ship) it was thought to be a point of exceeding folly: but it is no strange matter among the Portugals: for they aboue all others must of force let the foole peepe out of their sleeues, spe∣cially when they are in authoritie, for that I knew the said Mathias d'Albukerk in India, being a souldier and a captaine, where he was esteemed and accounted for one of the best of them, & much honoured, and beloued of all men, as behauing himselfe curteously to euery man, whereby they all desired that he might be Uiceroy. But when he once had receiued his patent with full power & au∣thoritie from the king to be Uiceroy, he changed so much from his former behauior, that by reason of his pride, they all began to feare and curse him, and that before hee departed out of Lisbon, as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie.

The 20 of Ianuarie 1591. there was newes brought out of Portugall into Tercera, that the Englishmen had takē a ship that the king had sent into the Portugal-Indies, w^t aduise to the Uice∣roy for the returning againe of the 4 ships that should haue gone to India, & because the ships were come backe againe, that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be, hauing likewise in ready money 500 thousand duckets in roials of 8, besides other wares. It departed from Lisbon in the moneth of Nouember 1590. & met with the Englishmen, with whō for a time it fought, but in the end it was taken and caried into England with men & all, yet when they came there, the men were set at libertie, and returned into Lisbon, where the captaine was committed prisoner; but he excused himselfe and was released, with whom I spake my selfe, & he made this report vnto me. At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Mine ladē with gold, & 2 ships laden with pepper & spices that were to saile into Italy, the pepper onely that was in them, being worth 170 thousand duckets: all these ships were caried into England, & made good prise.

In the moneth of Iuly 1591. there hapned an earthquake in the Iland of S. Michael, which continued frō the 26 of Iuly, to the 12 of August, in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields, fasting & praying with great sorow, for that many of their houses fel down, and a towne called Villa Franca, was almost cleane razed to the ground, all the cloisters & houses shaken to the earth; and therein some people slaine. The land in some places rose vp, and the cliffs remooued from one place to another, and some hils were defaced and made euen with the ground. The earthquake was so strong, that the ships which lay in the road and on the sea, shaked as if the world would haue turned round: there sprang also a fountaine out of the earth, from whence for the space of 4 daies, there flowed a most cleare water, & after that it ceased. At the same time they heard such thunder & noise vnder the earth, as if all the deuils in hell had bin assembled together in that place, wherewith many died for feare. The Iland of Tercera s••ooke 4 times together, so that it seemed to turne about, but there hapned no misfortune vnto it. Earthquakes are common in those Ilands, for about 20 yeres past there hapned another earthquake, wherein a high hill that li∣eth by the same towne of Villa Franca, fell halfe downe, & couered all the towne with earth, and killed many men. The 25 of August the kings Armada comming out of Ferol arriued in Terce∣ra being in all 30 ships, Biskaines, Portugals and Spaniards, and 10 dutch flieboats that were ar∣rested in Lisbon to serue the king, besides other small ships & pataxos, that came to serue as mes∣sengers from place to place, and to discouer the seas. This nauie came to stay for, and conuoy the ships that should come from the Spanish Indies, and the flieboats were appointed in their returne home, to take in the goods that were saued in the lost ship that came from Malacca, and to conuoy them to Lisbon.

The 13 of September the said Armada arriued at the Iland of Coruo, where the English∣men with about 16 ships as then lay, staying for the Spanish fleet, whereof some or the most part were come, and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them. But whē they perceiued the kings army to be strong, the Admiral being the lord Thomas Howard, commanded his Fleet not to fal vpon them, nor any of them once to separate their ships from him, vnlesse he gaue com∣mission so to do: notwithstanding the viceadmirall sir Richard Greenuil being in the ship called the Reuenge, went into the Spanish fleet, and shot among them doing them great hurt, & thinking the rest of the company would haue folowed, which they did not, but left him there, & sailed away: the cause why could not be knowē. Which the Spaniards perceiuing, with 7 or 8 ships they boor∣ded her, but she withstood them all, fighting with them at the least 12 houres together and sunke two of them, one being a new double Flieboat of 600 tunnes, and Admiral of the Flieboats, the other a Biscain: but in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her, she was taken, but to their great losse: for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue 400 men, and of the English were slaine about 100, Sir Richard Greenuil himselfe being wounded in his braine, whereof af∣terwards he died. He was caried into the ship called S. Paul, wherein was the Admirall of the fleet Don Alonso de Baçan: there his wounds were drest by the Spanish surgeons, but Don A∣lonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him: all the rest of the captaines and gen∣tlemen went to visite him, and to comfort him in his hard fortune, wondering at his courage and stout heart, for y^t he shewed not any signe of faintnes nor changing of colour; but feeling the houre of death to approch, he spake these words in Spanish, and said: Here die I Richard Greenuil with a ioyful & quiet mind, for that I haue ended my life as a true souldier ought to do, that hath fought for his countrey, Queene, religion and honor, whereby my soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body, & shal alwayes leaue behind it an euerlasting fame of a valiant & true souldier that hath done his dutie as he was bound to doe. When he had finished these or such other like words, he gaue vp the Ghost, with great & stout courage, & no man could perceiue any true signe of heauines in him.

This sir Rich. Greenuil was a great and a rich gentleman in England, & had great yeerely re∣uenues of his owne inheritance, but he was a man very vnquiet in his mind, and greatly affected to war; insomuch as of his owne priuate motion he offred his seruice to the Queene: he had per∣formed many valiant acts, and was greatly feared in these Ilands, and knowen of euery man, but of nature very seuere, so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse, & spake very hardly of him: for when they first entred into the fleet or Armada, they had their great saile in a readinesse, and might possibly enough haue ••ailed away, for it was one of the best ships for saile in England, and the master perceiuing that the other ships had left them, & folowed not after, commanded the great saile to be cut that they might make away: but sir Rich. Greenuil threatned both him & al the rest that were in the ship, y^t if any mā laid hand vpon it, he would cause him to be hanged, and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight & in the end were taken. He was of so hard a cōplexion, that as he continued among the Spanish captains while they were at dinner or supper with him, he would carouse 3 or 4 glasses of wine, and in a brauerie take the glasses betweene his teeth

and crash them in pieces & swalow them downe, so that oftentimes the blood ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him: & this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him. The Englishmen that were left in the ship, as the captaine of the souldiers, the master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish ships that had taken them, where there had almost a new fight arisen between the Biscains and the Portugals: while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her, so that there grew a great noise and quarel among them, one taking the chiefe ensigne, and the other the flag, and the captaine and euery one held his owne. The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order, and broken, and many of their men hurt, whereby they were compelled to come into the Island of Tercera, there to repaire thē∣selues: where being arriued, I and my chamber-felow, to heare some newes, went aboord one of the ships being a great Biscain, and one of the 12 Apostles, whose captaine was called Bartando∣no, that had bin General of the Biscains in the fleet that went for England. He seeing vs called vs vp into the gallery, where with great curtesie he receiued vs, being as then set at dinner with the English captaine that sate by him, and had on a sute of blacke veluet, but he could not tell vs any thing, for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine, which Bartandono also could a litle speake. The English captaine got licence of the gouernour that he might come on land with his weapon by his side, and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland, being of that ship whereof the sailers got away, as I said before. The gouer∣nour of Tercera bade him to dinner, and shewed him great curtesie. The master likewise with li∣cence of Bart••ndono came on land and was in our lodging, and had at the least•• 10 or 12 wounds, as well in his head as on his body, whereof after that being at sea between Lisbon & the Ilands he died. The captaine wrote a letter, wherein he declared all the maner of the fight, and left it with the English marchant that lay in our lodging, to send it to the lord Admiral of England. This English captaine comming vnto Lisbon, was there wel receiued and not any hurt done vnto him, but with good conuoy sent to Setuual, and from thence sailed into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prisoners.

The Spanish armie staied at the Iland of Coruo til the last of September, to assemble the rest of the fleet together, which in the ende were to the number of 140 sailes of ships partly comming from India, and partly of the army, and being altogether ready to saile to Tercera in good compa∣ny, there suddenly rose so hard & cruell a storme, that those of the Ilands did affirme, that in mans memorie there was neuer any such seen or heard off before: for it seemed the sea would haue swa∣lowed vp the Ilands, the water mounting higher then the cliffs, which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them: but the sea reached aboue them, and liuing fishes were throwen vpon the land. This storme continued not only a day or two with one wind, but 7 or 8 dayes continually, the wind turning round about in al places of the compasse, at the lest twise or thrise during that time, and all alike, with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold, euen to vs that were on shore, much more then to such as were at sea: so that onely on the coasts and cliffes of the Iland of Tercera, there were aboue 12 ships cast away, and not onely vpon the one side, but round about it in euery corner, wherby nothing els was heard but complaining, crying, lamenting & telling, here is a ship broken in pieces against the cliffes, and there another, and all the men drowned: so that for the space of 20 dayes after the storme, they did nothing els but fish for dead men that continu∣ally came driuing on the shore. Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge,* 15.5 that was cast away vpon a cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera, where it brake in an hundred pieces & sunke to the ground, hauing in her 70 men Galegos, Biscains, and others, with some of the captiue En∣glishmen, whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the cliffes aliue, and had his body and head all wounded, and he being on shore brought vs the newes desiring to be shrinen, & thereupon pre∣sently died. The Reuenge had in her diuers faire brasse pieces that were all sunke in y^e sea, which they of the Iland were in good hope to waigh vp againe the next Sommer after. Among these ships that were cast away about Tercera, was likewise a Flie-boat, one of those that had bin arre∣sted in Portugall to serue the king, called the white Doue, the master of her was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland, add there were in her 100 souldiers, as in euery one of the rest there were. He being ouer-ruled by the captaine that he could not be master of his owne, say∣ling here and there at the mercy of God, as the storme droue him, in the end came within the sight of the Iland of Tercera, which the Spaniards perceiuing thought all their safetie onely to consist in putting into the road, compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Iland, al∣though the master refused to doe it, saying, that they were most sure there to be cast away and vt∣terly spoyled: but the captaine called him drunkard and Heretique, and striking him with a staffe, commaunded him to doe as hee would haue him. The Master seeing this and being com∣pelled to doe it, sayd: well then my Masters, seeing it is the desire of you all to bee cast away.

I can but lose one life, and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shore, and was on that side of the Iland, where there was nothing els but hard stones and rocks, as high as mountaines, most terri••le to beholde•• where some of the inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof, to thro•• them downe vnto the men, that they might lay holde vpon them, and saue their liues: but few of them got so neere, most of them being cast away, and smitten in pieces before they could get to the wall. The ship sailing in this maner (as I sayd before) towards the Iland, and approching to the shore, the master being an olde man, and full of yeeres, called his sonne that was in the ship with him, and hauing imbraced one another, and taken their last fare∣well, the good olde father willed his sonne not to take care for him, but seeke to saue himselfe; for (sayd he) sonne thou art yong, & mayest haue some hope to saue thy life, but as for me it is no great matter (I am olde) what become of me, and therewith ech of these shedding many teares, as eue∣ry louing father and kinde childe may well consider, the ship fell vpon the cliffes, and brake in pie∣ces, the father on the one side, the sonne on the other side falling into the sea, ech laying holde vpon that which came next to hand, but to no purpose; for the sea was so high and furious, that they were all drowned, and onely foureteene or fifteene saued themselues by swimming, with their legs and armes halfe broken and out of ioynt, among which was the Masters sonne, and foure o∣ther Dutch boyes: the rest of the Spaniards and Sailers, with the Captaine and Master•• were drowned. Whose heart would not melt with teares to beholde so grieuous a sight, specially con∣sidering with himselfe that the greatest cause thereof was the beastlines and insolency of the Spa∣niards, as in this onely example may well be seene: Whereby may be considered how the other shippes sped, as we our selues did in part beholde, and by the men that were saued did heare more at large, as also some others of our countreymen that as then were in the like danger can well witnesse.

On the other Ilands the losse was no lesse then in Tercera: for on the Iland of Saint George there were two ships cast away: on the Iland of Pico two ships: on the Iland of Gratiosa three ships: and besides those there came euery where round about diuers pieces of broken ships, and other things fleeting towards the Ilands, wherewith the sea was all couered most pitifull to be∣holde. On the Iland of S. Michael there were foure ships cast away, and betweene Tercera and S. Michael three more were sunke, which were seene and heard to cry out; whereof not one man was saued. The rest put into the sea without masts, all torne and rent: so that of the whole fleet and armada, being 140 ships in all, there were but 32 or 33 arriued in Spaine and Portugall,* 15.6 yea, and those few with so great misery, paine and labour, that not two of them arriued there toge∣ther, but this day one, and to morrow another, next day the third, and so one after the other to the number aforesayd. All the rest were cast away vpon the Ilands, and ouerwhelmed in the Sea•• whereby may be considered what great losse and hindrance they receiued at that time: for by ma∣ny mens iudgements it was esteemed to be much more then was lost by their army that came for England; and it may well be thought, and presumed, that it was no other but a iust plague pur∣posely sent by God vpon the Spaniards, and that it might truely be sayd, the taking of the Re∣uenge was iustly reuenged vpon them, and not by the might or force of man, but by the power of God, as some of them openly sayd in the Ile of Tercera, that they beleeued verily God would con∣sume them, and that he tooke part with the Lutherans and heretiks: saying further that so soone as they had throwen the dead body of the Uiceadmirall Sir Richard Greenfield ouer-boord, they verily thought that as he had a diuellish faith and religion, and therefore the diuels loued him, so he presently sunke into the bottome of the sea, and downe into hell, where he raised vp all the di∣uels to the reuenge of his death: and that they brought so great stormes and torments vpon the Spaniards, because they onely maintained the Catholike & Romish religion. Such and the like blasphemies against God, they ceased not openly to vtter, without being reprooued of any man therein, nor for their false opinions: but the most part of them rather sayd and affirmed, that of trueth it must needs be so.

As one of those Indian fleets put out of Noua Spagna, there were 35 of them by storme and tempest cast away and drowned in the Sea, being 50 in all; so that but 15 escaped. Of the fleet that came from Santo Domingo there were 14 cast away, comming out of the chanell of Ha∣uana, whereof the Admirall and Uiceadmirall were two of them: and from Terra Firma in In∣dia there came two ships laden with golde and siluer, that were taken by the Englishmen: and be∣fore the Spanish army came to Coruo, the Englishmen at times had taken at the least 20 ships, that came from S. Domingo, India, Brasilia, &c. and were all sent into England.

A relation sent by Melchior Petoney to Nigil de Moura at Lisbon, from the Iland and Castle of Arguin, standing a little to the Southward of Cape Blanco, in the Northerly latitude of 19 degrees, concerning the rich and secret trade from the inland of Africa thither: Anno 1••91.

AS concerning the trade to this Castle and Iland of Arguin, your worship is to vn∣derstand, that if it would please the kings maiesty to send hither two or three ca∣rauels once in a yeere with Flanders and Spanish commodities, as Bracelets of glasse,* 16.1 Kniues, Belles, Linnen-cloth, Looking-glasses, with other kinds of small wares, his highnesse might do great good here. For 50 leagues vp into the land the Moores haue many exceeding rich golde mines; insomuch that they bring downe their golde to this Castle to traffique with vs: and for a small trifle they will giue vs a great wedge of gold.* 16.2 And because here is no trade, the sayd Moores cary their golde to Fez being 250 leagues distant from hence, and there doe exchange the same for the foresayd kindes of commodities. By this meanes also his maiesty might stop that passage, and keepe the king of Fez from so huge a masse of golde. Scarlet-clothes, and fine Purples are greatly accepted of in these parts.* 16.3 It is a most fer••••le countrey within the land, and yeeldeth great store of Wheat, flesh of all kindes, and abun∣dance of fruits. Therefore, if it were possible, you should do well to deale with his maiesty, ei∣ther himselfe to send a couple of carauels, or to giue your worship leaue to traffique here: for here is a very good harbour where ships may ride at ancre hard by the Castle.* 16.4 The countrey where all the golde-mines are is called The kingdome of Darha. In this kingdome are great store of cities and townes; and in euery city and towne a Captaine with certaine souldiers; which Cap∣taines are lords and owners of the sayd townes.* 16.5 One city there is called Couton, another Xani∣geton, as also the cities of Tubguer, Azegue, Amader, Quaherque, and the towne of Faroo. The which townes and cities are very great and fairely built, being inhabited by rich Moores, and abounding with all kinde of cattell, Barley, and Oates. And here is such plenty of golde found vpon the sands by the riuers side, that the sayd Moores vsually carry the same Northward to Marocco, and Southward to the city of Tombuto in the land of Negros, which city standeth about 300 leagues from the kingdome of Darha; and this kingdome is but 60 leagues from this Iland and Castle of Arguin. Wherefore I beseech your worship to put his maiesty in remem∣brance hereof; for the sayd cities and townes are but ten dayes iourney from hence. I heartily wish that his maiesty would send two or three marchants to see the state of the Countrey, who might trauell to the aforesayd cities, to vnderstand of their rich trade. For any man may go safe and come safe from those places. And thus without troubling of your worship any further, I humbly take my leaue.

From the Iland and Castle of Arguin the 20 of Ianuary 1591

.

Your worships seruant Melchior Petoney.

The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the riuers of Senega and Gambra adioyning vpon Guinea, 1591, with a discourse of the treasons of certain of Don Antonio his seruants and followers.

BY vertue of her Maiesties most gracious charter giuen in the yeere 1588, and in the thirtieth yeere of her Highnesse reigne, certaine English marchants are gran∣ted to trade, in and from the riuer of Senega to and in the riuer of Gambra, on the Westerne coast of Africa. The chiefest places of ••raffique on that coast betweene these riuers, are these:

1 Senega riuer: The commodities be hides, gumme, elephants teeth, a few graines, ostrich feathers, amber-griece, and some golde.

2 Beseguiache, a towne by Capo Verde * 16.6 leagues from Senega riuer: The commodi∣ties be small hides, and a few teeth.

3 Refisca Vieio, a towne 4 leagues from Beseguiache: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and then.

4 Palmerin, a towne 2 leagues from Refisca: The commodities be small hides, and a few elephants teeth now and then.

5 Porto d'Ally, a towne 5 leagues from Palmerin: The commodities be small hides, teeth, amber-griece, and a little golde: and many Portugals are there.

6 Candimal, a towne halfe a league from Porto d' Ally: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and then.

7 Palmerin, a towne 3 leagues from Candimal: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and then.

8 Ioala, a towne 6 leagues from Palmerin: The commodities be hides, ware, elephants teeth, rice, and some golde: and many Spaniards and Portugals are there.

9 Gambra riuer: The commodities are rice, waxe, hides, elephants teeth, and golde.

The Frenchmen of Diepe and New-hauen haue traded thither aboue thirty yeres: and com∣monly with foure or fiue ships a yere, whereof two small barks go into the riuer of Senega.* 16.7 The other were woont (vntill within these foure yeres, that our ships came thither) to ride with their ships in the road of Porto d' Ally and so sent their small shaloups of sixe or eight tunnes to some of these places on the Sea coast before repeated. Where in all places generally they were well beloued and as courteously entertained of the Negros, as if they had bene naturally borne in the countrey. And very often the Negros come into France and returne againe, which is a further increasing of mutuall loue and amity. Since our comming to that coast the Frenchmen ride with their shippes at Refisca Vieio, and suffer vs to ancre with our shippes at Porto d' Ally. The Frenchmen neuer vse to go into the riuer of Gambra:* 16.8 which is a riuer of secret trade and riches concealed by the Portugals. For long since one Frenchman entred the riuer with a small barke which was betrayed, surprised, and taken by two gallies of the Portugals.

In our second voyage and second yeere there were by vile trecherous meanes of the Portu∣gals and the king of the Negros consent in Porto d'Ally and Ioala about forty Englishmen cru∣elly slaine and captiued,* 16.9 and most or all of their goods confiscated: whereof there returned onely two, which were the marchants. And also by procurement of Pedro Gonsalues, one of Don An∣tonio the kings seruants, Thomas Dassel and others had bene betrayed, if it had not pleased al∣mighty God to reueale the same, whereby it was preuented.

From the South side of Senega riuer on the Sea coast vnto about Palmerin is all one king∣dome of Negros. The kings name is Melick Zamba, who dwelleth two dayes iourney within the land from Refisca.

The 12 of Nouember 1591, I Richard Rainolds & Thomas Dassel factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London of 125 tunnes, and a pinnesse called the Messenger of 40 tunnes ar∣riued neere vnto Capo Verde at a litle Iland called The Iland of liberty.* 16.10 At this Iland we set vp a small pinnesse, with which we cary our marchandise on land when wee traffique. And in the meane time Thomas Dassel went with the great pinnesse to traffike with Spaniards or Por∣tugals in Porro d'Ally or Ioala. Ouer against the sayd Iland on the maine is an habitation of the Negros called Besegueache.* 16.11 The alcaide or gouernor thereof with a great traine came aboord in their canoas to receiue the kings dueties for ankerage and permitting the quiet setting vp of our pinnesse: who liked passing well that no Portugall came in the shippe, saying, we should be better thought of by the king and people, if we neuer did bring Portugall, but come of our selues as the Frenchmen euer did and doe. And to purchase the more loue, I Richard Rainolds gaue him and all his company courteous entertainment. Also vpon his intreaty, hauing sufficient pledge aboord. I and others went on land with him. At this instant there was great warre be∣tweene this alcaide and another gouernor of the next prouince. Neuerthelesse vpon our arriuall truce was taken for a space; and I with our company conducted among both enemies to the go∣uernors house in Besegueache,* 16.12 and were gently and friendly feasted after their maner, and with some presents returned safe aboord againe. The next day the alcaide came aboord againe, to wil me to send some yron and other commodities in the boat to traffike with the Negros, and also re∣quested me that I would go to Refisca with the ship; which I did. And one thing I noted, that a number of Negros attended the alcaides landing in warlike maner with bowes and poisoned ar∣rowes, darts poisoned, and swords, (because that the enemies by reason of the truce taken were there also to view the ship) who for the most part approched to him kneeling downe and kissed the backe of his hand.

The 17 of Nouember we weyed anker; and by reason no French ship was yet come, I went to the road of Refisca: where I sent for the alcaides interpretors, who came thither aboord, and receiued of me the kings duties for to haue free traffike with the Negros, with whom dayly I ex∣changed my yron & other wares for hides and some elephants teeth, finding the people very friend∣ly and tractable. And the next day after our arriuall I went vp into the land about three miles to the towne of Refisca,* 16.13 where I was friendly vsed and well entertained of the alcaide, and especi∣ally of a yoong nobleman called Conde Amar Pattay, who presented me with an oxe for my com∣pany, goats and some yoong kids, assuring me that the king would be glad to heare of the arriuall

of a Christians ship, whom they called Blancos, that is, white men: especially of an English ship. And so dayly the yong Conde came with a small company of horsemen to the sea side, feasting me very kindly and courteously. And the fift of December he with his traine came aboord to see the ship; which to them seemed woonderfull, as people that seldome had seene the like: who tolde me that his messenger from the king was returned; and the king reioyced much to heare that English men were come with a ship to trade in his ports; and being the first Englishman that euer came with a ship, I was the better welcome; promising that I or any Englishman hereafter should be wel intreated & find good dealing at their hands. And further the Conde on the kings behalfe and his owne, earnestly requested, that before my departure off the coast I would returne againe to his road to conferre with him for the better continuance and confirming of amity betweene them and Englishmen: which I agreed vnto. And so shewing him and his company the best friendship and courtesie I could, he went on shore, and should haue had the honor of our ordinance but that he desired the contrary, being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the gunnes, which they did greatly admire.

* 16.14The 13 of December at night we weighed anker, and arriued the 14 day at the road of Porto d' Ally, which is another kingdome: the king thereof is called Amar Meleck, & sonne to Meleck Zamba the other king, and dwelleth a dayes iourney and an halfe from Porto d' Ally. When we had ankered, the kings kinsmen being gouernors, with all the officers of that towne came aboord to receiue all duties for the ship & licence to traffike due to the king; who there generally seemed to be very glad that no Portugall was come in our ship out of England; saying it was the kings pleasure we should bring none hereafter; for that the king did esteeme them as people of no truth; and complained of one Francisco de Costa seruant to Don Antonio, how he had often and the last yere also abused and deluded their king Amar Meleck in promising to bring him certaine things out of England, which he neuer performed, and deemed that to be the cause of his staying behinde this voyage, and that neither Spaniard nor Portugall could abide vs, but reported very badly and gaue out hard speeches tending to the defamation & great dishonor of England: and also affirmed that at the arriuall of an English ship called The Command, of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth,* 16.15 one Pedro Gonsalues a Portugall that came in the sayd ship from Don Antonio reported vnto them, that we were fled out of England and come away vpon intent to rob and do great spoile vp∣on this coast to the Negros and Portugals,* 16.16 and that Thomas Das••el had murdered Francisco de Acosta since our comming from England, who was comming to their king in our ship with great presents from Don Antonio, and desired that at our arriuall stay might be made of our goods and our selues in secret maner; which they denied, not giuing credit to his report, hauing bene often abused by such friuolous and slanderous speeches by that nation; telling me their king was sory for the former murder and captiuity of our nation, and would neuer yeeld to the like, hauing the Portugals and Spaniards in generall hatred euer since, and conceiueth much better of our coun∣trey and vs, then these our enemies report of. For which I yeelded them hearty thanks, assuring them they should finde great difference betweene the loyalty of the one and disloyalty of the other: and so payed their dueties: and for that it was the chiefe place of trade,* 16.17 I shewed them how I was resolued to goe to their king with certaine presents which we had brought out of England; which we determined for the more honor and credit of our countrey, and augmenting of their bet∣ter affection toward vs.

* 16.18All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great pinnesse at the towne of Ioala, being in the kingdome of king Iocoel Lamiockeric, traffiking with the Spaniards & Portugals there. And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalues, which came out of England, was there also with other English marchants about the busines of Rich. Kelley; and as it should seeme, for that he could not obtaine his mischieuous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel and others at the towne of Porto d' Ally, where I Richard Rainolds remained, he attempted with consent of other Portugals which were made priuy to his intent to betray the sayd Thomas Dassel at this towne, & had with bribes seduced the chiefe commanders and Negros to effect his wicked & most villanous practise: which as God would, was reuealed to the sayd Thomas Dassel by Rich. Cape an Englishman and ser∣uant to the forenamed Rich. Kelley; to whom this sayd Pedro Gonsalues had disclosed his secret treachery, willing him with all expedition to stand vpon his guard. Whereupon Thomas Dassel went aboord a small English barke called The Cherubin of Lime,* 16.19 and there one Iohn Payua a Portugall and seruant of Don Antonio declared, that if he & one Garcia a Portugall of the sayd towne would haue consented with Pedro Gonsalues, the sayd Thomas Dassel had bene betrayed long before. And vpon this warning Thomas Dassel the next day hauing gotten three Portugals aboord, aduised for our better securities to send two on land, & detained one with him called Villa noua, telling them that if the next day by eight of the clocke, they would bring Pedro Gonsalues

aboord ••o him, he would release the sayd Villa noua, which they did not. And Thomas Dassel hauing intelligence that certaine Negros and Portugals were ridden post ouer-land Porto d' Ally with intent to haue Richard Rainolds and his company stayd on land, being doubtfull what friendship soeuer the vnconstant Negros professed (by reason they be often wauering being ouer∣come with drinking wine) how they would deale, to preuent the dangerous wiles that might be effected in the road by Portugals, and for better strength, the 24 of December he came with his pinnesse & Portugall to ride in the road of Porto d' Ally, where our great shippe the Nightingall was: who was no sooner arriued but he had newes also from the shore from Iohn Baily Anthony Dassels seruant, who was there with our goods detained by the Portugals means, that aboue 20 Portugals and Spaniards were come from Ioala by land, and Pedro Gonsalues in their compa∣ny, to take order for the releasing of Villa noua. So hauing had conference two or three dayes with the Commanders, the Negros, some Spaniards, and some Portugals, in the end by due exa∣mination of the matter the Negros seeing how vilely Pedro Gonsalues had delt, he being in their power, sayd he should suffer death or be tortured, for an example to others. But we in recom∣pense of his cruelty pitied him and shewed mercy, desiring the Negros to intreat him well though vndeserued: and thereupon the Commanders brought him aboord the pinnesse to Thomas Das∣sel to do with him what he would: where at his comming from the shore, for lauish speeches which he vsed of Princes, he was well buffetted by a Spaniard, and might haue bene slaine, if for our sakes he had not bene rescued.

While I went on shore with Villa noua, the sayd Pedro Gonsalues confessed vnto Thomas Dassel that he did enquire of some Negros and Portugals if he might not stay him and his goods in the land,* 16.20 and that he did nothing but by commission from his king by his letters which he recei∣ued from London in Dartmouth after we were departed from London, for that we presumed to come to Guinea to traffike without a seruant of his; and further, that he had power or procurati∣on from Francisco de Costa the Portugall that stayed behinde in England to detaine the goods of Anthony Dassel in Guinea.

By consent of M. Francis Tucker, Iohn Browbeare, and the rest of the factours of Richard Kelley, with whom this Pedro Gonsalues came, for auoiding further mischiefe that might be practised, we agreed that the say Pedro Gonsalues should stay aboord our shippe, and not goe any more on land vntill they departed. So the ninth of Ianuary he was deliuered aboord to goe for England in the same ship wherein he came; who was all the time of his abode in our shippe both courteously and friendly vsed at my hands, much against the mariners willes, who could not a∣bide such a wicked creature and caitiue, that is nourished and relieued in our countrey, and yet by villanous meanes sought the destruction of vs all.

The Spaniards and Portugals though they be dissemblers and not to be trusted, when they perceiued how king Amar Melicks Negros befriended and fauored vs, and that it would be pre∣iudiciall to their trade for diuers respects, if we should any way be iniuried, renounced the sayd practises, detesting the author, and protested to defend vs in such cases with all faithfulnesse; de∣siring we would, as the king of Negros had commanded vs, neuer bring Portugal with vs more: vsing this phrase in disdaine of such as came out of England, let your Portugals be barres of y∣ron: for in trueth in regard of the rich trade maintained by Frenchmen and by vs of late, they e∣steeme more of one barre of yron then of twenty Portugals which we should bring out of Eng∣land: who at their comming thither very subtilly disaduantage vs, and doe great hurt to euery party.

At the beginning of these broiles the king Amar Melick had sent his chiefe secretary and three horses for me Richard Rainolds: but I denied to goe by reason of the hurley burley, though I might haue had Negros of account for pledges aboord: yet we sent the presents vnto the king; who so soone as he vnderstood the cause why I came not to him, being sory and offended thereat, commanded presently by proclamation, that no iniury should be offered vs in his dominions by his owne people, or suffered to be done by Spaniards or Portugals. And if the Negros ioyning to his kingdome should confederate with the Spaniards and Portugals to molest or trouble vs; that his subiects the Negros should be ready to ayde, succor and defend vs. In which people ap∣peared more confident loue and good will towards vs, then euer we shall finde either of Spa∣niards or Portugals, though we should relieue them of the greatest misery that can be imagined.

In the riuer of Senega no Spaniard or Portugall vse to trade: and onely one Portugall cal∣led Ganigoga dwelleth farre within the riuer, who was maried to a kings daughter.

In the townes of Porto d' Ally and Ioala, being townes of chiefest trade, and in the townes of Canton and Cassan in the riuer of Gambra are many Spaniards and Portugals resident by per∣mission of the Negros; who haue rich trades there along the coast,* 16.21 especially to San Domingo

and Rio grande,* 16.22 not far distant from Gambra riuer; whither they transport the yron which they buy of Frenchmen and vs, and exchange it for Negros;* 16.23 which be caried continually to the West Indies in such ships as came from Spaine. Also by the gouernors order and Renters of Ca••••el de Mina and other places, where golde is, vpon the coast of Guinea, they haue a place limited how farre they must go to trade within the riuer of Gambra; and further they may not go vpon paine of confiscation of their goods, and losse of life: for that the Renters themselues send at certaine times their owne barks within the riuer to such places, where as they haue great store of golde.* 16.24 And in all these places hereabouts, where we vse to trade, they haue no Fort, Cas••le, or place of strength, but onely trading by the Negros safeconduct and permission. And the most part of the Spaniards and Portugals that be resident in these places be ••anished men or fugitiues, for com∣mitting most hainous crimes and incestuous acts, their life & conuersation being agreeable; and they are of the basest behauiour that we haue euer seene of these nations in any other countrey.

A briefe relation concerning the estate of the cities and prouinces of Tombuto and Gago written in Marocco the first of August 1594, and sent to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London.

MY hearty commendations premised: your letter of late I receiued, and found that you would haue me discouer vnto you the estate & quality of the countreyes of Tombuto and Gago. And that you may not thinke me to slumber in this ac∣tion, wherin you would be truely and perfectly resolued, you shall vnderstand, that not ten dayes past here came a Ca••••ia of the Andoluzes home from Gago, and another principall Moore, whom the king sent thither at the first with Al∣caide Hamode, and they brought with them thirty mules laden with gold. I saw the same come into the Alcasaua with mine owne eies: and these men themselues came not poore, but with such wealth, that they came away without the kings commandement; and for that cause the king will pay them no wages for the time they haue beene there. On the other side they dare not aske the king for any wages. And when Alcaide Hamode saw that the Cahaia of the Andoluzes would not stay in Gago with him, he thought good to send these thirty mules laden with golde by him, with letters of commendations, by which the king smelled their riches that they brought with them: and this was the cause of the kings displeasure towards them. So now there remaineth in Gago Alcaide Hamode, and Alcaide Iawdara, and Alcaide Bucthare. And here are in a rea∣dinesse to depart in the end of this next September Alcaide Monsor, Ben Abdrahaman Allies, Monsor Rico with fiue thousand men, most of the fe••tilase, that is to say, of fier-mach, & muskets. There is gone good s••ore of reds & yellowes: and this yere here was want of the same commodi∣ty;* 17.1 but I trust the next yere wil be no want. But in fine the king doth prosper wel in those parts, and here are many pledges come hither, and namely three of the kings sonnes of Gago and the Iustice; I saw them come in with the treasure. Now when Alcaide Monsor commeth to Ga∣go, the which will be in Ianuary next, then returneth hither Alcaide Hamode with all the trea∣sure, and Alcaide Monsor is to keepe Gago vntill the king take further order. And thus much for Gago. Thus not hauing any other thing to write at this present, I commend you to the mer∣cifull tuition of the almighty.

From Marocco the first of August 1594

.

Your assured friend Laurence Madoc.

Another briefe relation concerning the late conquest and the ex∣ceeding great riches of the cities and prouinces of Tombuto and Gago, written from Marocco the 30 August 1594. to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London aforesayd.

LOuing friend M. Dassel, two of your letters I haue receiued, one by the shippe called The Amity, the other by The Concord: the chiefest matter therein was to be satisfied of the king of Marocco his proceedings in Guinea. Therefore these are to let you vnderstand that there went with Alcaide Hamode for those parts seuenteene hundred men: who passing ouer the sands, for want of war perished one third part of them: and at their comming to the city of Tombuto,* 18.1 the Negros made some resistance; but to small purpose, for that they had no defence but with their asagaies or iauelings poisoned. So they tooke it, and proceeded to the city of Gago,* 18.2 where the Negros were in number infin••te, and meant to stand to the vttermost for their countrey: but the Moores slew them so fast, that they were faine to yeeld, and do pay tribute by the yere. The rent

of Tombuto is 60 quintals of golde by the yeere; the goodnesse whereof you know. What rent Gago will yeeld, you shall know at the Spring, for then Alcaide Hamode commeth home, The rent of Tombuto is come by the cafelow or carouan, which is, as aboue is mentioned, 60 quintals. The report is, that Mahomed bringeth with him such an infinite treasure as I neuer heard of: it doth appeare that they haue more golde then any other part of the world beside. The Alcaide winneth all the countrey where he goeth without fighting, and is going downe towards the sea coast. This king of Marocco is like to be the greatest prince in the world for money, if he keepe this countrey. But I make account assoone as the king of Spaine hath quietnesse in Chri∣stendome, he wil thrust him out: for that the kings force is not great as yet; but he meaneth to be stronger. There is a campe ready to go now with a viceroy: the speech is with 3000 men: but I thinke they will be hardly 2000; for by report, 3000 men are enough to conquer all the coun∣trey: for they haue no defence of importance against an enemy. I thinke Hamode will be retur∣ned home in Ianuary or thereabout: for he stayeth but for the comming of the viceroy. Mulley Balasen the kings sonne of Marocco was slaine in Guinea by his owne men, and they were pre∣sently killed, because they should tell ••o tales. And thus leauing to trouble you, I commit you to God, who prosper you in all your proceedings.

From Marocco the first of August 1594.

Yours to command for euer Laurence Madoc.

Of these two rich cities and kingdomes of Tombuto and Gago Leo Africanus writeth at large in the beginning of his seuenth booke of the description of Africa, which worthy worke is to be annexed vnto the end of this second volume.

A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton, and others, for traffique betweene the riuer of Nonnia and the riuers of Madra∣bumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea, in the yeere 1592.

IN May the 34 yeere of our gracious soueraigne Queene Elizabeth, a patent of speciall licence was granted to Thomas Gregory of Tanton in the county of Somerset, and to Thomas Pope, and certaine other marchants to traffique into Guinea from the Northermost part of the riuer of Nonnia to the Southermost parts of the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona, and to other parts aswell to the Southeast as to the Northwest, for a certaine number of leagues therein specified which amount to an hundred or thereabout. Which patent was granted for the terme of ten yeres: as appeareth at large in the sayd patent recorded in the Rolles in her Maiesties Chancery.

The maner of the taking of two Spanish ships laden with quick∣siluer & the Popes bulles, bound for the West Indies, by M. Thomas White in the Amity of London. 1592.

THe 26 of Iuly 1592, in my returning out of Barbary in the ship called the Amity of London, being in the height of 36 degrees or thereabout, at foure of the clocke in the morning we had sight of two shippes, being distant from vs about three or foure leagues: by seuen of the clocke we fetched them vp, and were with in gun∣shot: whose boldnesse, hauing the king of Spaines armes displayed, did make vs iudge them rather ships of warre, then laden with marchandise. And as it appeared by their owne speeches, they made full account to haue taken vs: it being a question among them, whether it were best to cary vs to S. Lucar, or to Lisbon. We waued ech other a maine. They hauing pla∣ced themselues in warlike order one a cables length before another, we began the fight. In the which we continued, so fast as we were able to charge and discharge, the space of fiue houres, be∣ing neuer a cables length distant either of vs from other. In which time we receiued diuers shot both in the hull of our ship, masts, and sailes, to the number of 32 great, besides 500 musket shot and harquebuzes a crocke at the least, which we tolde after the fight. And because we perceiued them to be stout, we thought good to boord the Biscaine, which was on head the other: where ly∣ing aboord about an houre, and plying our ordinance and small shot; in the end we stowed all his men. Now the other in the slieboat, thinking we had entred our men in their fellow, bare roome with vs, meaning to haue layed vs aboord, and so to haue intrapped vs betwixt them both: which we perceiuing, fitted our ordinance so for him, as we quitted our selues of him, and he boorded his fellow: by which meanes they both fell from vs. Then presently we kept our loose, hoised our top-sailes, and weathered them, and came hard aboord the flieboat with our ordinance prepared,

and gaue he•• our whole broad side, with the which we slew diuers of their men; so as we might see the blood run out at the scupper holes. After that we cast about, and new charged all our ordi∣nance, and came vpon them againe, willing them to yeeld, or els we would sinke them: wherupon the one would haue yeelded, which was shot betweene winde and water; but the other called him traitor. Unto whom we made answere, that if he would not yeeld presently also, we would sinke him first. And thereupon he vnderstanding our determination, presently put out a white flag, and yeelded, and yet refused to strike their owne sailes,* 18.3 for that they were sworne neuer to strike to any Englishman. We then commanded their captaines and masters to come aboord vs; which they did. And after examination & stowing them, we sent certaine of our owne men aboord them, and strook their sailes, and manned their ships: finding in them both 126 persons liuing, & 8 dead, besides those which they themselues had cast ouerboord. So it pleased God to giue vs the victory being but 42 men and a boy, whereof 2 were killed and 3 wounded: for the which good successe we giue God the only praise. These two rich prizes laden with 1400 chests of quicksiluer with the armes of Castile and Leon fastened vpon them, and with a great quantity of bulles or indul∣gences, and guilded Missals or Seruice books, with an hundred tunnes of excellent wines, we brought shortly after into the riuer of Thames vp to Blacke-wall.

By the taking of this quicksiluer, about 1400 chests, the king of Spaine loseth for euery quin∣tall of the same a quintall of siluer, that should haue beene deliuered him by the masters of the mines there, which amounteth to 600000 pounds.

More by taking of his bulles, to wit, two millions and 72 thousand for liuing and dead persons for the prouinces of Noua Hispania, Iucatan, Guatimala, the Honduras, and the Philippinas, ta∣xed at two reals the piece. And more for eighteene thousand bulles taxed at foure reals, amoun∣teth all to 107700 pounds. Summa totalis 707700 li.

More there were taken ten fardels of gil•• missals and breuiaries sent for the kings account.

So the hinderance that the king receiueth by the losse of his bulles and quicksiluer amoun∣teth as is abouesaid: besides the lacking of his wines, about 100 tunnes, whereby his fleet is dis∣appointed of a great part of their prouision.

A true report of the honourable seruice at Sea perfourmed by Sir Iohn Burrough Knight, Lieutenant generall of the fleet prepared by the honor. Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Lord warden of the Stanneries of Cornwall and Deuon. Wherin chiefly the Santa Clara of Biscay, a ship of 600 tunnes was taken, and the two East Indian caraks, the Santa Cruz and the Madre de Dios were forced, the one burnt, and the other ta∣ken and brought into Dartmouth the seuenth of September, 1592.

SIr Walter Ralegh vpon cōmission receiued from her Maiesty for an expedition to be made to the West Indies, slacked not his vttermost diligence to make full prouision of all things necessary, as both in his choise of good ships, and sufficient men to performe the action euidently appeared. For his shippes which were in number 14 or 15, those two of her Maiesties, the Garland & the Foresight were the chiefest; the rest either his owne or his good friends or aduenturers of Lon∣don. For the gentlemen his consorts and officers, to giue them their right, they were so well qualited in courage, experience, & discretion, as the greatest prince might repute himselfe happy to be serued with their like. The honor of Lieutenant generall was imposed vpon sir Iohn Bur∣rough, a gentleman, for his manifold good and heroicall parts, thought euery way worthy of that commandement: with whom after sir W. R. returned was ioyned in commission sir Martin Fro∣bisher, who for his speciall skill & knowledge in marine causes had formerly caried imploiments of like or greater place. The rest of the captaines, souldiers, and sailers were men of notable re∣solution, and for the most part such as heretofore had giuen to the world sufficient proofe of their valour in diuers seruices of the like nature. With these ships thus manned sir Walter Ralegh departed towards the West countrey, there to store himselfe with such further necessaries as the state of his voyage did needfully require: where the Westerly windes blowing for a long time contrary to his course, bound and constrained him to keepe harborough so many weeks, that the fittest season for his purpose was gone, the mindes of his people much altered, his victuals consu∣med; and withall, her Maiesty vnderstanding how crosly all this sorted, began to call the proceed∣ing of this preparation into question: insomuch that, whereas the sixt of May was first come be∣fore sir Walter could put to sea, the very next day Martin Frobisher in a pinnesse of my lord Admirals called The Disdaine, met him, and brought to him from her Maiesty letters of reuo∣cation, with commandement to relinquish (for his owne part) the intended attempt, and to leaue

the charge and conduct of all things in the hands of sir Iohn Burrough and sir Martin Frobisher. But sir Walter finding his honor so farre engaged in the vndertaking of this voyage, as without proceeding he saw no remedy either to salue his reputation, or to content those his friends which had put in aduentures of great summes with him; and making construction of the Queenes let∣ters in such sort as if her commandement had bene propounded in indifferent termes, either to ad∣uance forward or to retire, at his owne discretion; would in no case yeeld to leaue his fleet now vnder saile. Wherefore continuing his course into the sea, he met within a day or two, with cer∣taine sailes lately come from Spaine: among which was a ship appertaining to Monsieur Gour∣don gouernor of Caleis, and found aboord her one M. Neuel Dauies an Englishman, who hauing indured a long and miserable captiuity for the space of twelue yeeres, partly in the inquisition in Spaine, was now by good fortune escaped, and vpon returne to his countrey. This man, among other things, reported for certaine, that there was little hope of any good this yeere to be done in the West India; considering that the king of Spaine had sent expresse order to all the ports both of the Ilands and of Terra firma, that no ship should stirre that yeere, nor any treasure be layed a∣boord for Spaine. But neither this vnpleasant relation nor ought els could stay his proceedings, vntill a tempest of strange and vncouth violence arising vpon Thursday the 11 of May, when he was a thwart the Cape Finister, had so scattered the greater part of the fleet, and sunke his boats and pinnesses, that as the rest were driuen and seuered, some this way and some that, sir Walter himselfe being in the Garland of her Maiesty was in danger to be swallowed vp of the Sea. Whereupon sir W. Ralegh finding that the season of the yere was too farre gone to proceed with the enterprise which he had vpon Panama, hauing bene held on the English coast from Februa∣ry till May, and thereby spent three moneths victuals; and considering withall, that to lie vpon the Spanish coast or at the Ilands to attend the returne of the East or West Indian fleets was rather a worke of patience then ought els: he gaue directions to sir Iohn Burgh and sir M. Fro∣bisher to diuide the fleet in two parts; sir M. with the Garland, cap. George Gifford, cap. Henry Thin, cap. Grenuile and others to lie off the South cape, thereby to amaze the Spanish fleet, and to holde them on their owne coast; while sir I. Burgh, capt. Robert Crosse, capt. Tomson, & others should attend at the Ilands for the caraks or any other Spanish ships comming from Mexico or other parts of the West Indies. Which direction tooke effect accordingly; for the king of Spaines Admirall receiuing intelligence that the English fleet was come on the coast, attended to defend the South parts of Spaine, & to keepe himselfe as nere sir Mart. Frobisher as he could, to impeach him in all things which he might vndertake; and thereby neglected the safeconduct of the caraks; with whom it fared as hereafter shall appeare. Before the fleet seuered themselues they mette with a great Biscain on the Spanish coast called Santa Clara a ship of 600 tunnes.* 18.4

The noise of the artillery on both sides being heard, immediatly they drew to their fleet; where after a reasonable hot fight, the ship was entred and mastered, which they found fraighted with all sorts of small yron-worke, as horse-shoes, nailes, plough-shares, yron barres, spikes, boults, locks, gimbols, & such like, valued by vs at 6000 or 7000 li. but woorth to them treble the value. This Biscain was sailing towards S. Lucar, there to take in some further prouision for the West India. This ship being first roomaged, and after sent for England, our fleet coasted along towards the Southcape of S. Vincent, and by the way, about the Rocke nere Lisbon, sir Iohn Burrough in the Robucke spying a saile afarre off, gaue her present chase; which being a flieboat and of good saile, drew him farre Southwards before he could fetch her; but at last she came vnder his lee and strooke saile. The master of which flieboat comming aboord him, confessed that the king indeed had prepared a great fleet in S. Lucar and Cadiz, and (as the report in Spaine was currant) for the West Indies. But in deed the Spanish king had prouided this fleet vpon this counsell. He re∣ceiued intelligence, that sir Walter Ralegh was to put out strong for the West India: to impeach him, and to ranconter his force he appointed this fleet; although looking for the arriuall of his East Indian caraks, he first ordained those ships to waft them from the Açores. But perswading himselfe, that if the fleet of sir Walter Ralegh did go for the West India, then the Ilands should haue none to infest them but some small men of warre, which the caraks of themselues would be well able to match; his order was to Don Alonso de Baçan brother to the Marques of Santa Cruz, and Generall of his armada, to pursue sir Walters fleet, and to confront him, what course soeuer he held. And that this was true, our men in short time by proofe vnderstood: for sir Iohn Burrough, not long after the taking of his last prize the flieboat, as he sailed backe againe towards the rest of his company, discouered the Spanish fleet to sea-ward of him: which hauing likewise espied him betwixt them and the shore, made full account to bring him safe into Spanish harbour; and therefore spred themselues in such sort before him, that indeed his danger was very great: for both the liberty of the sea was brought into a narrow straight, and the shore being enemy could

giue him no comfort of reliefe: so that trusting to Gods helpe onely and his good saile, he thrust out from among them in spight of all their force, and to the notable illusion of all their cunning, which they shewed to the vttermost, in laying the way for his apprehension. But now sir Iohn Burrough hauing happily escaped their clouches,* 18.5 finding the coast guarded by this fleet, and knowing it was but folly to expect a meeting there with sir Martin Frobisher (who vnderstand∣ing of this armada aswell as himselfe, would be sure not to come that way) beganne to shape his course to the Açores according to sir W. Raleghs direction, and came in sight of S. Michael,* 18.6 run∣ning so neere by Villa Franca, that he might easily discerne the shippes lying there at anker. Di∣uers small carauels both here and betweene S. Georges and the Pike in his course toward Flo∣res he intercepted;* 18.7 of which no great intelligence for his affaires could be vnderstood. Arriuing before Flores vpon Thursday the 21 of Iune, towards euening, accompanied onely with cap∣taine Caufield and the Master of his shippe, the rest not being yet arriued, he made towards the shore with his boat, finding all the people of of Santa Cruz,* 18.8 a village of that Iland, in armes, fea∣ring their landing, and ready marshalled to defend their towne from spoile. Sir Iohn contrari∣wise made signes of amity vnto them by aduancing a white flagge, a common token of peace, which was answered againe of them with the like: whereupon ensued entercourses of good friendship; and pledges were taken on both sides, the captaine of the towne for them, and captaine Caufield for ours: so that whatsoeuer our men wanted, which that place could supply either in fresh water, victuals, or the like, was very willingly granted by the inhabitants: and good leaue had they to refresh themselues on shore as much and as oft as they would without restraint. At this Santa Cruz sir Iohn Burrough was informed, that indeed there was among them no expec∣tation of any fleet to come from the West, but from the East,* 18.9 that no longer since then three dayes before his arriuall a carak was passed by for Lisbon, and that there were foure caraks more behinde, of one consort. Sir Iohn being very glad of this newes, stayed no longer on shore, but presently imbarqued himselfe, hauing onely in company a small barke of threescore tunnes be∣longing to one M. Hopkins of Bristoll. In the meane while that these things thus passed at Flo∣res, part of the rest of the English fleet, which sir Iohn Burrough had left vpon the coast of Spaine, drew also towards the Açores: and whereas he quickly at sea had discouered one of the caraks, the same euening he might descry two or three of the Earle of Cumberlands ships (whereof one M. Norton was captaine) which hauing in like sort kenned the carak, pursued her by that course which they saw her to runne towards the Ilands. But on no side was there any way made by rea∣son of a great calme which yeelded no breath to spread a saile. Insomuch that fitly to discouer her what she was, of what burthen, force, and countenance, sir Iohn Burrough tooke his boat, and rowed the space of three miles, to make her exactly: and being returned, he consulted with the better sort of the company then present, vpon the boording her in the morning. But a very migh∣ty storme arising in the night, the extremity thereof forced them all to wey ankers, yet their care was such in wrestling with the weather not to lose the carak, that in the morning, the tempest be∣ing qualified, and our men bearing againe with the shore, they might perceiue the carak very neere the land, and the Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such things as they could any maner of way conuey out of her; and seeing the haste our men made to come vpon them, forsooke her: but first,* 18.10 that nothing might be left commodious to our men, set fire to that which they could not cary with them, intending by that meanes wholly to consume her; that neither glory of victory nor be∣nefit of shippe might remaine to ours. And least the approch and industry of the English should bring meanes to extinguish the flame, thereby to preserue the residue of that which the fire had not destroyed; being foure hundred of them in number and well armed, they intrenched themselues on land so neere to the carak, that she being by their forces protected, and our men kept aloofe off, the fire might continue to the consumption of the whole. This being noted by sir Iohn Burrough he soone prouided a present remedy for this mischiefe. For landing one hundred of his men,* 18.11 whereof many did swim and wade more then brest high to shore, and easily scattering those that presented themselues to guard the coast, he no sooner drew toward their new trenches, but they fled immediatly, leauing as much as the fire had spared to be the reward of our mens paines. Here was taken among others one Vincent Fonseca a Portugall, Purser of the carak, with two others, one an Almaine and the second a Low-dutchman, canoniers: who refusing to make any voluntary report of those things which were demanded of them, had the torture threatened, the feare whereof at the last wrested from them this intelligence, that within fifteene dayes three o∣ther greater caraks then that lately fired would arriue at the same Iland: and that being fiue ca∣raks in the fleet at their departure from Goa, to wit, the Buen Iesus admirall, the Madre de Di∣os, the S. Bernardo, the S. Christophoro, and the S. Cruz, (whose fortune you haue already heard) they had receiued speciall commandement from the king not to touch in any case at the Iland

of S. Helena, where the Portugall caraks in their returne from the East India were alwayes till now woont to arriue to refresh themselues with water and victuals. And the kings reason was; because of the English men of warre, who (as he was informed) lay there in wait to inter∣cept them. If therefore their necessity of water should driue them to seeke supply any where, he appointed them Angola in the maine of Africa,* 18.12 with order there to stay onely the taking in of wa∣ter to auoid the inconuenice of infections, wherunto that hot latitude is dangerously subiect. The last rendeuous for them all was the Iland of Flores, where the king assured them not to misse of his armada thither sent of purpose for their wasting to Lisbon. Upon this information sir Iohn drew to counsel, meeting there captaine Norton, captaine Dounton, captaine Abraham Cocke, captaines of three ships of the Earle of Cumberland, M. Tomson of Harwich cap. of the Dain∣ty of sir Iohn Haukins, one of sir W. Raleghs fleet, and M. Christopher Newport cap. of the Gol∣den dragon newly returned from the West India, and others. These being assembled, he commu∣nicated with them what he had vnderstood of the foresaid examinates, and what great presumpti∣ons of trueth their relation did cary: wishing that forasmuch as God & good fortune had brought them together in so good a season, they would shew the vttermost of their indeuors to bring these Easterlings vnder the lee of the English obedience. Hereupon a present actors on all sides fol∣lowed not to part company or leaue of those seas till time should present cause to put their consul∣tatious in execution. The next day her Maiesties good ship the Foresight commanded by sir Rob. Crosse came in to the rest: and he like wise informed of the matter was soone drawen into this seruice. Thus sir Iohn with al these ships departing thence 6 or 7 leagues to the West of Flores, they spread themselues abroad from the North to the South, ech ship two leagues at the least di∣stant from another. By which order of extension they were able to discouer the space of two whole degrees at sea. In this sort they lay from the 29 of Iune to the third of August, what time cap. Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios, one of the greatest receit belonging to the crowne of Portugall. The Dainty being of excellent saile got the start of the rest of our fleet, and began the conflict somewhat to her cost, with the slaughter and hurt of diuers of her men. Within a while after, sir Iohn Burrough in the Robucke of sir W. Raleghs, was at hand to second her, who saluted her with shot of great ordinance, and continued the fight within musket shot assisted by cap. Tomson and cap. Newport till sir R. Crosse vicead∣mirall of the fleet came vp being to lee ward, at whose arriual sir I. Burgh demanded of him what was best to be done, who answered, that if the carak were not boorded she would recouer the shore and fire herselfe as the other had done. Wherupon sir I. Burgh concluded to intangle her; and sir R. Crosse promised also to fasten himselfe to her together at the instant; which was performed: but after a while sir Iohn Burgh receiuing a shot with a canon perier vnder water, and ready to sinke, desired sir R. C. to fall off, that he might also cleere himselfe, and saue his ship from sinking, which with difficulty he did; for both the Roebucke and the Foresight were so intangled, as with much adoe could they cleere themselues.

The same euening sir R. Crosse finding the carak then sure & drawing nere the Iland perswa∣ded his company to boord her againe, or els there was no hope to recouer her: who after many excuses & feares, were by him incouraged, and so fell athwart her foreships all alone; and so hin∣dered her sailing that the rest had time to come vp to his succour, & to recouer the carak yer she re∣couered the land:* 18.13 and so toward the euening after he had fought with her alone three houres sin∣gle, my lord of Cumberlands two ships came vp, & with very litle losse entred with sir R. Crosse, who had in that time broken their courages, and made the assault easie for the rest.

The generall hauing disarmed the Portugals, and stowed them for better security on all sides, first had presented to his eyes the true proportion of the vast body of this carak, which did then and may still iustly prouoke the admiration of all men not formerly acquainted with such a sight. But albeit this first apparance of the hugenesse thereof yeelded sights enough to entertaine our mens eyes; yet the pitifull obiect of so many bodies slaine and dismembred could not but draw ech mans eye to see, and heart to lament, and bands to helpe those miserable people, whose limmes were so torne with the violence of shot, and paine made grieuous with the multitude of woundes. No man could almost steppe but vpon a dead carkase or a bloody floore, but specially about the helme, where very many of them fell suddenly from stirring to dying. For the great∣nesse of the stirrage requiring the labour of twelue or foureteene men at once, and some of our shippes beating her in at the sterne with their ordinance often times with one shot slew foure or fiue labouring on either side of the helme; whose roomes being still furnished with fresh supplies, and our artillery still playing vpon them with continuall volleys, it could not be but that much bloud should be shed in that place. Whereupon our Generall moued with singular commiserati∣on of their misery, sent them his owne chyrurgions, denying them no possible helpe or reliefe that

he or any of his company could affoord them. Among the rest of those,* 18.14 whose state this chance had made very deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoça Grand captaine and Commander of this Carake: who indeed was descended of the house of Mendoça in Spaine; but being married into Portugall, liued there as one of that nation; a gentleman well stricken in yeeres, well spo∣ken, of comely personage, of good stature, but of hard fortune. In his seuerall seruices against the Moores he was twise taken prisoner, and both times ransomed by the king. In a former voyage of returne from the East India he was driuen vpon the Baxos or sands of Iuda nere the coast of Cephala, being then also captaine of a caracke which was there lost, and himselfe, though escaping the sea-danger, yet fell into the hands of infidels on land; who kept him vnder long and grieuous seruitude. Once more the king carying a louing respect to the man, and desirous to bet∣ter his condition, was content to let him try his fortune in this Easterly nauigation, and commit∣ted vnto him the conduct of this caracke, wherein he went from Lisbon Generall of the whole fleet, and in that degree had returned, if the Vice-rey of Goa embarked for Portugall in the Bon Iesus had not, by reason of his late office, bene preferred. Sir Iohn intending not to adde too much affliction to the afflicted, mooued with pity and compassion of humane misery, in the end resolued freely to dismisse this captaine & the most part of his followers to their owne countrey, and for the same purpose bestowed them in certaine vessels furnished with all kindes of necessary prouision. This businesse thus dispatched, good leasure had he to take such view of the goods as conueniency might affoord. And hauing very prudently (to cut off the vnprofitable spoile & pillage whereunto he saw the minds of many inclined) seised vpon the whole to her Maiesties vse, after a short & slen∣der romaging & searching of such things as first came to hand, he perceiued that y^e wealth would arise nothing disanswerable to expectation; but that the variety and grandure of all rich commo∣ties would be more then sufficient to content both the aduenturers desire & the souldiers trauell. And here I cannot but enter into the consideration and acknowledgement of Gods great fauor towards our nation, who by putting this purchase into our hands hath manifestly discouered those secret trades & Indian riches, which hitherto lay strangely hidden, and runningly concealed from vs; whereof there was among some few of vs some small and vnperfect glimse onely, which now is turned into the broad light of full and perfect knowledge. Whereby it should seeme that the will of God for our good is (if our weaknesse could apprehend it) to haue vs communicate with them in those East Indian treasures, & by the erection of a lawfull traffike to better our meanes to aduance true religion and his holy seruice. The caracke being in burden by the estimation of the wise and experienced no lesse then 1600 tunnes had full 900 of those stowed with the grosse bulke of marchandise, the rest of the tunnage being allowed, partly to the ordinance which were 32 pieces of brasse of all sorts, partly to the passengers and the victuals, which could not be any small quantity, considering the number of the persons betwixt 600 and 700, and the length of the nauigation. To giue you a taste (as it were) of the commodities,* 18.15 it shall suffice to deliuer you a generall particularity of them, according to the catalogue taken at Leaden hall the 15 of Sep∣tember 1592. Where vpon good view it was found, that the principall wares after the iewels (which were no doubt of great value, though they neuer came to light) consisted of spices, drugges, silks, calicos, quilts, carpets and colours, &c. The spices were pepper, cloues, maces, nutmegs, cinamom, greene ginger: the drugs were beniamim, frankincense, galingale, mirabolans, aloes zocotrina, camphire: the silks, damasks, taffatas, sarcenets, altobassos, that is, counterfeit cloth of gold, vnwrought China silke, sleaued silke, white twisted silke, curled cypresse. The calicos were book-calicos, calico-launes, broad white calicos, fine starched calicos, course white calicos, browne broad calicos, browne course calicos. There were also canopies, and course diaper-towels, quilts of course-sarcenet and of calico, carpets like those of Turky; wherunto are to be added the pearle, muske, ciuer, and amber-griece. The rest of the wares were many in number, but lesse in value; as elephants teeth, porcellan vessels of China, coco-nuts, hides, eben-wood as blacke as iet, bed∣sleds of the same, cloth of the rindes of trees very strange for the matter, and artificiall in worke∣manship. All which piles of commodities being by men of approued iudgement rated but in rea∣sonable sort amounted to no lesse then 150000 li. sterling, which being diuided among the aduen∣turers (whereof her Maiesty was the chiefe) was sufficient to yeeld contentment to all parties. The cargazon being taken out, and the goods fraighted in tenne of our ships sent for London, to the end that the bignesse, heigth, length, bredth, and other dimensions of so huge a vessell might by the exact rules of Geometricall obseruations be truly taken,* 18.16 both for present knowledge, and de∣riuation also of the same vnto posterity, one M. Robert Adams, a man in his faculty of excellent skill, omitted nothing in the description, which either his arte could demonstrate, or any mans iudgement thinke woorthy the memory. After an exquisite suruey of the whole frame he found the length from the beak-head to the sterne (whereupon was erected a lanterne) to containe 165

foote. The breadth in the second close decke whereof she had three, this being the place where there was most extension of bredth, was 46 foot and 10 inches. She drew in water 31 foot at her departure from Cochin in India, but not aboue 26 at her arriuall in Dartmouth, being lightened in her voyage by diuers meanes, some 5 foote. She caried in height 7 seuerall stories, one maine Orlop, three close decks, one fore-castle, and a spar-decke of two floores a piece. The length of the keele was 100 foote, of the maine-mast 121 foot, and the circuite about at the partners 10 foote 7 inches, the maine-yard was 106 foote long. By which perfect commensuration of the parts ap∣peareth the hugenesse of the whole, farre beyond the mould of the biggest shipping vsed among vs either for warre or receit.

Don Alonso de Baçan hauing a great Fleet and suffering these two caracks, the Santa Cruz to be burnt, and the Madre de Dios to be taken, was disgraced by his prince for this negligence.

The firing and sinking of the stout and warrelike Carack called Las Cinque Llaguas, or, The fiue Wounds, by three tall Ships set foorth at the charges of the right honorable the Erle of Cumberland and his friends: Written by the discreet and valiant captaine M. Nicholas Downton.

IN the latter ende of the yeere 1593. the right honourable Erle of Cum∣berland, at his owne charges and his friends, prepared 3 ships all at equall rate, and either of them had like quantitie of victuals, and like numbers of men, there being embarked in all 3 ships 420 men of al sorts. The Roial Ex∣change went as Admirall,* 18.17 wherein M. George Caue was captaine. The May-flower Uiceadmirall vnder the conduct of William Anthonie: and the Sampson, the charge whereof it pleased his honour to commit vnto me Ni∣cholas Dounton. Our directions were sent vs to Plimmouth, and we were to open them at sea.

The sixt of Aprill 1594 we set sayle in the sound of Plimmouth, directing our course toward the coast of Spaine.

The 24 of the sayd moneth at the Admirals direction wee diuided our selues East and West from ech other, being then in the heigth of 43 degrees, with commaundement at night to come together againe.

The 27 day in the morning we descried the May-flower and the litle Pinnasse with a Prise that they had taken, being of Viana in Portugall, and bound for Angola in Africa.* 18.18 This Barke was of 28 tunnes, hauing some 17 persons in the same. There were in her some 12 Buts of Ga∣licia wine, whereof we tooke into euery shippe a like part, with some Ruske in chests and bar∣rels, with 5 buts of blew course cloth, and certaine course linnen-cloth for Negros shirts, which goods were diuided among our fleet.

The 4 of May we had sight of our Pinnasse, and the Admirals Shallop which had taken three Portugall Carauels, whereof they had sent two away and kept the third.

The second of Iune we had sight of S. Michael. The third day in the morning wee sent our small pinnasse, which was of some 24 tunnes, with the small Carauell which we had taken at the Burlings to range the road of all the Ilands, to see if they could get any thing in the same: appoin∣ting them to meet vs W.S.W. 12 leagues from Faiall. Their going from vs was to no purpose. They missed comming to vs whē we appointed, as also we missed them, when we had great cause to haue vsed them.

The 13 of Iune we met with a mightie Carack of the East Indies, called Las cinque Lla∣gas, or The fiue wounds. The May-flower was in fight with her before night. I, in the Samp∣son, fetched her vp in the euening, and as I commanded to giue her the broad side, as we terme it, while I stood very heedfully prying to discouer her strength: and where I might giue counsel to boord her in the night when the Admirall came vp to vs, and as I remember at the very first shot the discharges at vs, I was shot in a litle aboue the belly, whereby I was made vnseruiceable for a good while after, without touching any other for that night. Yet by meanes of an honest true-hearted man which I had with me, one captaine Grant, nothing was neglected: vntill midnight when the Admirall came vp, the May-flower, and the Sampson neuer left by turnes to ply her with their great ordinance; but then captaine Caue wished vs to stay till morning, at what time each one of vs should giue her three bouts with our great ordinance, & so should clap her a boord: but in deed it was long lingered in the morning vntill 10 of the clocke before wee attempted to boord her. The Admirall laid her a boord in the mid ship: the May-flower comming vp in the quarter, as it should seeme, to lie at the sterne of the Admirall on the larboord side. The captaine of the sayd May-flower was slaine at the first comming vp: whereby the ship fell to the sterne of

the out-licar of the Carack, which (being a piece of timber) so wounded her foresaile, that they sayd they could come no more to fight, I am sure they did not, but kept aloofe from vs. The Sampson went aboord on the bow, but hauing not roome enough, our quarter lay on the Exchāges bow, and our bowe on the Caracks bowe. The Exchange also at the first comming had her captaine M. Caue shot into both the legs, the one whereof he neuer recouered, so he for that present was not a∣ble to doe his office, and in his absence he had not any that would vndertake to lead out his compa∣ny to enter vpon the enemie. My friend captaine Grant did lead my men on the Caracks side, which being not manfully backed by the Exchanges men, his forces being smal, made the enemie bolder then he would haue bene, whereby I had sixe men presently slaine and many more hurt, which made them that remained vnhurt to returne aboord, and would neuer more giue the assault. I say not but some of the Exchanges men did very well, and many more (no doubt) would haue done the like, if there had bene any principall man to haue put them forward, and to haue brought all the company to the fight, and not to haue run into corners themselues. But I must needs say, that their ship was as well prouided for defence, as any that I haue seene. And the Portugals per-aduenture encouraged by our stocke working, prased the men and had Barricados made, where they might stand without any danger of our shot. They plied vs also very much with sixe, so that most of our men were burnt in some place or other: & while our men were putting out of the fire, they would euer be plying them with small shot or darts. This vnusuall casting of fire did much dismay many of our men and made them draw backe as they did. When we had not men to enter, we plied our great ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted, for otherwise we did them litle harme, and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle being close by her, we fired a mat on her beak-head, which more and more kindled, and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit, and from the mat vp to the wood of the bow-sprit, and thence to the top-saile yard, which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger, and to make shew of parle. But they that had the charge before encouraged them making shew, that it might easily be put out, and that it was nothing. Whereupon againe they stood stifly to their defence. A none the fire grew so strong, that I saw it beyond all helpe, although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then we desired to be off from her, but had litle hope to obtaine our desire; neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well. In deed I made litle other reckoning for the ship, my selfe, and diuers hurt men, then to haue ended there with the Carack, but most of our people might haue saued themselues in boats. And when my care was most, by Gods prouidence onely, by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile, and the ropes about the spritsaile-yard of the Carack, where∣by we were fast intangled, we fell apart, with burning of some of our sailes which we had then on boord. The Exchange also being farther from the fire, afterward was more easily cleared, and fell off from abaft. And as soone as God had put vs out of danger; the fire got into the fore-ca∣stle, where, I thinke, was store of Beniamin, and such other like combustible matter, for it flamed and ran ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner. The Portugals lept ouer-boord in great numbers. Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat, with leaue to vse his owne discretion in sa∣uing of them. So he brought me aboord two gentlemen, the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira, which (as appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of Huighen de Linschoten) was gouernour of Moçambique and Cesala, in the yeere 1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of importance in the East Indies. And the shippe wherein he was comming home was cast away a litle to the East of the Cape of Buona Speran∣za, and from thence he trauelled ouer-land to Moçambique, and came as a passenger in this Ca∣rack. The other was called Bras Carrero, and was captaine of a Carack which was cast away neere Moçambique, and came likewise in this ship for a passenger. Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat, onely these two we clothed and brought into England. The rest which were taken vp by the other ship boats, we set all on shore in the Ile of Flores, except some two or three Negros, whereof one was borne in Moçambique, and another in the East Indies. This fight was open off the Sound betweene Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward. The people which we saued told vs that the cause why they would not yeeld, was, because this Carack was for the king, end that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey for that yeere in her, and that the captaine of her was in fauour with the king, and at his returne into the Indies should hane been Uiceroy there. And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor without, and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise: moreouer, she had the ordi∣nance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique, and the company of her, together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a litle to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza. Yet through sicknesse which they caught at Angola, where they watered, they say, they had not now aboue 150 white men, but Negros a great many. They likewise affirmed that they

had three noblemen and three ladies in her, but we found them to differ in most of their talke. All this day and all the night she burned, but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels blew her abroad, so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the water. Some of them say, that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios, and some, that she was lesse: but she was much vndermasted, and vndersoiled, yet she went well for a ship that was so foule. The shot which wee made at her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts which we had, and sixe or 7 shot at about, one with another, some 49 shot•• the time we lay aboord might be two houres. The shot which we discharged aboord the Carack might be some twentie S••cars. And thus much may suffice concerning our daungerous conflict with that vn∣fortunate Carack.

The last of Iune after long trauersing of the seas we had sight of another mightie Carack, which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the great S. Philip the Admirall of Spaine, but the next day being the first of Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack, which after some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld; but they standing stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same. Wherefore seeing no good could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take in the boording. But by reason that wee which were the chiefe Captaines were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict, and because of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions, our valiant and re∣solute determinations were crossed: and to conclude a long discourse in few wordes, the Carack escaped our hands. After this attending about Coruo & Flores for some West Indian purchase, and being disappointed of our expectation, and victuals growing short, we returned for England, where I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August.

The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape Sprat without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie.1593.

THe Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men, the owner whereof was the worshipfull M. Richard Staper, being bound for Liuorno, Zante and Patras in Morea, being laden with marchandize to the value of 11 or 12 thousand pounds sterling, set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of August 1593, and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great quanti∣tie of wheate, and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of Wight, the 6. day of October, the winde being faire: and the 16 of the same moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent, where on the next morning we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs, to which we gaue chase with very much winde, the sayle being a Spaniard, which wee found in fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue her and giue her ouer. Two dayes after this we had sight of mount Chiego, which is the first high-land which we descrie on the Spanish coast at the entrance of the Straight of Gibraltar, where we had very foule weather and the winde scant two dayes together. Here we lay off to the sea. The Master, whose name was George Goodlay, being a young man, and one which neuer tooke charge before for those parts, was very proud of that charge which he was litle able to discharge, neither would take any coun∣sel of any of his company, but did as he thought best himselfe, & in the end of the two dayes of foule weather cast about, and the winde being faire, bare in with the straights mouth. The 19 day at night he thinking that he was farther off the land then he was, bare sayle all that night, & an houre and an halfe before day had ranne our shippe vpon the ground on the coast of Barbarie without the straight foure leagues to the South of Cape Espartel. Whereupon being all not a litle astonied, the Master said vnto vs, I pray you forgiue me; for this is my fault and no mans else. The com∣pany asked him whether they should cut off the maine maste: no sayd the Master we will hoyse out our boate. But one of our men comming speedily vp, sayd, Sirs, the ship is full of water, well sayd the Master, then cut the mayne-mast ouer boord: which thing we did with all speede. But the after part suddenly split a sunder in such sort that no man was able to stand vpon it, but all fled vpon the foremast vp into the shrouds thereof, and hung there for a time: but seeing no∣thing but present death approch (being so suddenly taken that we could not make a raft which we had determined) we committed our selues vnto the Lord and beganne with dolefull time and heauy hearts to sing the 12 Psalme. Helpe Lord for good and godly men &c. Howbeit before we had finished foure verses the waues of the sea had stopped the breathes of most of our men. For the foremast with the weight of our men & the force of the sea fell downe into the water, and vpon the fall thereof there were 38 drowned, and onely 12 by Gods prouidence partly by swimming and other meanes of chests gote on shoare, which was about a quarter of a mile from the wracke

of the ship. The master called George Goodley, and William Palmer his mate, both perished. M. Caesar also being captaine and owner was likewise drowned: none of the officers were sa∣ued but the carpenter.

We twelue which the Lord had deliuered from extreme danger of the Sea, at our comming a∣shore fell in a maner into as great distresse. At our first comming on shore we all fell downe on our knees, praying the Lord most humbly for his mercifull goodnesse. Our prayers being done, we consulted together what course to take, seeing we were fallen into a desert place, & we trauel∣led all that day vntill night, sometimes one way and sometimes another, and could finde no kinde of inhabitants; onely we saw where wilde beasts had bene, and places where there had bene hou∣ses, which after we perceiued to haue bene burnt by the Portugals. So at night falling into cer∣taine groues of oliue trees, we climed vp and sate in them to auoid the danger of lions and other wilde beasts, whereof we saw many the next morning. The next day we trauelled vntill three of the clocke in the afternoone without any food, but water and wilde date roots: then going ouer a mountaine, we had sight of Cape Espartel; whereby we knew somewhat better which way to trauell, and then we went forward vntill we came to an hedgerow made with great long canes; we spied and looked ouer it, and beheld a number of men aswell horsemen as footmen, to the num∣ber of some fiue thousand in skirmish together with small shot and other weapons. And after con∣sultation what we were best to do, we concluded to yeeld our selues vnto them, being destitute of all meanes of resistance. So rising vp we marched toward them, who espying vs, foorthwith some hundred of them with their iauelings in their hands came running towards vs as though they would haue run vs thorow: howbeit they onely s••rooke vs flatling with their weapons, and said that we were Spaniards: and we tolde them that we were Englishmen; which they would not beleeue yet. By and by the conflict being ended, and night approching, the captaine of the Moores, a man of some 56 yeres olde, came himselfe vnto vs, and by his interpretor which spake Italian, asked what we were, and from whence we came. One Thomas Henmer of our compa∣ny which could speake Italian, declared vnto him that we were marchants, and how by great mis∣fortune our ship, marchandise, & the greatest part of our company were pitifully cast away vpon their coast. But he void of humainity & all manhood, for all this, caused his men to strip vs out of our apparell euen to our shir••s to see what money and iewels we had about vs: which when they had found to the value of some 200 pounds in golde and pearles they gaue vs some of our apparel againe, and bread and water onely to comfort vs. The next morning they carried vs downe to the shore where our shippe was cast away, which was some sixteene miles from that place. In which iourney they vsed vs like their slaues, making vs (being extreame weake) to carry their stuffe, and offering to beat vs if we went not so fast as they. We asked them why they vsed vs so: and they replied, that we were their captiues: we sayd we were their friends, and that there was neuer Englishman captiue to the king of Marocco. So we came downe to the ship, and lay there with them seuen dayes, while they had gotten all the goods they could, and then they parted it amongst them. After the end of these seuen dayes the captaine appointed twenty of his men wel armed, to bring vs vp into y^e countrey: and the first night we came to the side of a riuer called Alarach, where we lay on the grasse all that night: so the next day we went ouer the riuer in a fri∣gate of nine oares on a side, the riuer being in that place aboue a quarter of a mile broad: and that day we went to a towne of ••hirty houses, called Totteon: there we lay foure dayes hauing no∣thing to feed on but bread and water; and then we went to a towne called Cassuri, and there we were deliuered by those twenty souldiers vnto the Alcaide, which examined vs what we were: and we tolde him. He gaue vs a good answere, and sent vs to the Iewes house, where we lay se∣uen dayes. In the meane while that we lay here, there were brought thither twenty Spaniards and twenty Frenchmen, which Spaniards were taken in a conflict on land, but the Frenchmen were by foule weather cast on land within the Straights about Cape de Gate, and so made cap∣tiues. Thus at the seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen, the twelue French, and the twenty Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers horsemen and fotmen, and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez, where we lodged all night, being prouided of tents. The next day we went to a towne called Salle, and lay without the towne in tents. From thence we trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne, but euery night we came to fresh water, which was partly running water and sometime raine water. So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco, where we pitched our tents: and there we matte with a carrier which did trauell in the countrey for the English mar∣chants; and by him we sent word vnto them of our estate: and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore, which brought vs victuals, being at that instant very feeble and hungry; and withall sent vs a letter with pen, inke, and paper, willing vs to write vnto them what ship it was that was

cast away, and how many and what men there were aliue. For said they we would knowe with speed, for to morow is the kings court: and therefore we would know, for that you should come into the citie like captiues. But for all that we were carried in as captiues and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and Spaniards. And so we were carried before the king: and when we came before him he did commit vs all to ward, where w••e lay 15 dayes in close prison: and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great charges: for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces, euery ounce in that country contayning ••wo shillings. And when we came out of prison we went to the Alfandica, where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants. At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S. Cruz, where the English ships road: where we tooke shipping about the 20 of March, two in the Anne Francis of London, and fiue more of vs fiue dayes after in the Expedition of London, and two more in a Flemish flie-boat, and one in the Mary Edward also of London, other two of our number died in the countrey of the bloodie-fluxe: the one at our first imprisonment at Marocco, whose name was George Hancock, and the other at S. Cruz, whose name was Robert Swancon, whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and other vnnaturall things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile, and by our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents. Thus of fiftie persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of vs, and after a thousand miseries returned home poore, sicke, and feeble into our countrey.

• Richard Iohnson.
• William Williams Carpenter.
• Iohn Durham.
• Abraham Rouse.
• Iohn Matthewes.
• Thomas Henmore.
• Iohn Siluester.
• Thomas Whiting.
• William Church.
• Iohn Fox.

The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia, 1597.

Inuictissimo potentissimó{que} Abassenorum regi, magnó{que} vtrius{que} Aethiopiae imperatori &c.

ELizabetha dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae regina, fidei defensor &c. summo ac potentissimo AEthiopiae imperatori salutem. Quod ab omni∣bus qui vbiuìs terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibus{que} praestari par & aequum est, vt quanquàm maximo locorum interuallo dissiti, & moribus ac legibus discrepantes, communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri & conseruare, mutua{que}, vt occasio ferret, charitatis & beneuolentiae officia ve∣lint exercere: in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam concipientes, huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti, hasce literas nostras, qui∣bus & nostra erga vos beneuolentia testata sit, & illum hinc profectū esse conster, potissimùm vobis indicandas dedimus. Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi cognoscendi{que} studio per∣motus, multis antehàc regionibus peragratis, iam tandem in eas regiones, quae vestrae ditionis sunt, longum, periculosum{que} iter instituat: cùm ipse existimauit, tum nos etiam sumus in ea∣dem opinione, ad incolumitatem suam, atque etìam ad gratiam apud vos, plurimum illi pro∣futurum, si diplomate nostro munitus, beneuolen••iae nostrae & profectionis hinc suae testimo∣nium ad vos deferret. Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rector{que} praepotens deus, regi∣bus principibus{que} qui suam vicem gerunt, orbem terrarum, suis cuique finibus pro rata por∣tione designatis, regendum atque administrandum dederit; eo{que} munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternae necessitudinis, aeternum{que} foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit: non erit (vt arbitra∣mur) ingratum vobis, cùm beneuolentiae nostrae significationem, tàm immensa maris ac ter∣rarum spatia transgressam, ab vltima Britannia ad vos in Aethiopiam perferri intellexeritis. Nobis{que} rursùs ericiucundum, cùm subditorum nostrorum praedicatione, ab ipsis Nili fontibus, & ab ijs regionibus quae solis cursum definiunt, fama vestri nominis ad nos recurret. Erit igi∣tur humanitatis vestrae huic subdito nostro eam largiri gratiam, vt in ditionem vestram sub pre∣sidio ac tutela vestri nominis intrare, ibique saluus & incolumis manere possit: quod ipsum etiam ab aliis principibus, per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit, magnoperè petimus, no∣bis{que} ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus: ne{que} tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus, quàm vicissìm omnium principum subditis, omnium{que} gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè concedimus. Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris: anno regni nostri tricesimo nono: anno{que} Dom. 1597.

The same in English.

To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens, the mightie Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower.

ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith &c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of Aethiopia greeting. Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer, be they neuer so much disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes, to maintaine and pre∣serue the common societie of mankinde, and, as occasion shall be offered, to performe mutuall du∣ties of charitie and beneuolence: we for that cause conceiuing most vndoubted hope of your princely fidelity and courtesie, haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to trauell into your dominions, these our letters to be deliuered without faile vnto your Highnesse, to the end they may be a testimony of our good will towards you and of our saide subiect his de∣parture from England. Who, after his trauels in many forren countreys, being as yet enflamed with a desire more throughly to surueigh and contemplate the world, and now at length to vnder∣take a long and daungerous iourney into your territories and regions: both the sayd Laurence thought, and our selues also deemed, that it would very much auaile him, as well for his owne safetie as for the attayning of your fauour, if, being protected with our broad seale, hee might transport vnto your Highnesse a testimony of our louing affection & of his departure from hence. For sithence almightie God the highest creatour and gouernour of the world hath allotted vnto kings and princes his vicegerents ouer the face of the whole earth, their designed portions and limits to be ruled and administred by them; and by this his gift hath established among them a certaine law of brotherly kindnesse, and an eternall league by them to be obserued: it will not (we hope) seeme vnpleasant vnto your highnesse, when you shall haue intelligence of our louing letters sent so huge a distance ouer sea and land; euen from the farthest realme of England vnto you in Aethiopia. On the other side our selues shall take great solace and delight, when as by the relation of our owne subiects, the renowme of your name shall be brought vnto vs from the fountains of Nilus, and from those regions which are situate vnder the Southerne Tropike. May it please you therefore of your princely clemencie to vouchsafe so much fauour on this our subiect, that he may, vnder the safeguard, and protection of your name, enter into your highnesse dominions, and there remaine safe and free from danger. Which fauour and cour••esie wee doe likewise most earnestly request at the hands of other princes, through whose Seigniories our said subiect is to passe; and we shall esteeme it as done vnto ourselfe and for our honours sake. Neither do we require any greater fauour in this behalfe, then we are vpon the like occasion most ready to graunt vnto the subiects of all princes and the people of all Nations, traueiling into our dominions. Giuen at London the fift day of No∣uember, in the thirtie and ninth yeere of our reigne: and in the yeare of our Lorde 1597.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Madera first dis∣couered by one Macham an Englishman.
• * 1.2

  Macham made there a chapel, naming it Iesus chapell.
• | 1.3

  These wri∣tings are in the Tower.
• * 1.4

  The first cause of this ambas∣sage.
• * 1.5

  The second cause.
• * 1.6

  The third cause.
• * 1.7

  The English had an ordina∣ry trade to the Canaries 1526.
• * 1.8

  English men at the first con∣quest of the Canaries.
• * 1.9

  Ciuitas Palma∣rum.
• * 1.10

  The planting and growth of sugar canes.
• * 1.11

  The making of sugar.
• * 1.12

  Wine.
• * 1.13

  Plantano.
• * 1.14

  Lime.
• * 1.15

  Orchel good for dying.
• * 1.16

  Santa Cruz.
• * 1.17

  The only vine∣yard in Hierro planted by Ioh. Hill of Tauoton.
• * 2.1

  Asafi.
• * 2.2

  Santa Cruz.
• * 2.3

  The English were at Santa Cruz the yeere before being 1551.
• * 2.4

  Tunis. Bugia. Tripoli.
• * 2.5

  Numidia.
• * 2.6

  Ilands of Tunis. Malta.
• * 2.7

  The desers of Lybia.
• * 2.8

  Barbarie.
• * 2.9

  Mauritania.
• * 2.10

  The kingdom of Fes & Ma∣rocco.
• * 2.11

  Tremisen.
• * 2.12

  Oram.
• * 2.13

  Mersalquiber.
• * 2.14

  Sala.
• * 2.15

  Azamor.
• * 2.16

  The Ilands of Canaria.
• * 2.17

  Guinea.
• * 2.18

  Aethiopians.
• * 2.19

  Marocco. Fes.
• * 2.20

  Tremisen.
• * 2.21

  Guinea.
• * 2.22

  Africa y^e great.
• * 2.23

  Africa the lesse.
• * 2.24

  Carthage.
• * 2.25

  Prester Iohn.
• * 2.26

  Cape de Bona Speranza.
• * 2.27

  Alcair.
• * 2.28

  Amacaiz.
• * 2.29

  From whence the Queene of Saba came.
• * 2.30

  The earthly Paradise. The trees of the Sunne and the Moone.
• * 2.31

  Pinteado.
• * 2.32

  Brasile. Guinea.
• * 2.33

  The Ilands of Madera.
• * 2.34

  The castle of Mina.
• * 2.35

  The Ilands of Canarie.
• * 2.36

  The Iland of S. Nicholas.
• * 2.37

  The riuer of Sesto.
• * 2.38

  Graines.
• * 2.39

  The thirst of gold.
• * 2.40

  The castle of Mina.
• * 2.41

  The quantitie of gold.
• * 2.42

  Furie admit∣teth no counsel
• * 2.43

  The Rossia.
• * 2.44

  Rotting heat.
• * 2.45

  Benin.
• * 2.46

  Francisco. Nich. Lambart.
• * 2.47

  The king of Benin his court
• * 2.48

  Reuerence to∣ward the king.
• * 2.49

  The commu∣nication be∣tween the king of Benin and our men.
• * 2.50

  Pepper.
• * 2.51

  The kings gentlenes to∣wards our men.
• * 2.52

  The death of Windam.
• * 2.53

  Pinteado euill vsed of the mariners.
• * 2.54

  This Lambert was a Londiner bo••ne, whose father had but Lord Maior of London.
• * 2.55

  The death of Pinteado.
• * 2.56

  Pinteado first perswaded our men to the voi∣age of Guinea.
• * 3.1

  Seuen hun∣dred reis are ten shillings. Alcayre is halfe a bushell.
• * 4.1

  Robert G••in••h was master of the Ioh•• Euan∣gelist.
• * 4.2

  The Ile of Madera.
• * 4.3

  The Ile of Palmes. Teneriffa•• The Canaries••
• * 4.4

  From Madera to the Isle of Palmes.
• * 4.5

  Gran Canari••. Fo••teuentura.
• * 4.6

  The ••land of Gomera.
• * 4.7

  Teneriffa.
• * 4.8

  Snow.
• * 4.9

  The coast of Barbarie.

  Cape Blanke.
• * 4.10

  The riuer del Oro.
• * 4.11

  The cro••s••ers or crosse stars.
• * 4.12

  Rio Grande••
• * 4.13

  Cape Mēsurado.
• * 4.14

  The riuer of Sesto.
• * 4.15

  The riuer of Sesto.
• * 4.16

  Rio Dulce.
• * 4.17

  Cape de Monte.
• * 4.18

  Cape de las Pal∣mas.
• * 4.19

  The land of Cakeado.
• * 4.20

  Shauo.
• * 4.21

  Croke.
• * 4.22

  S. Vincents har∣borow.
• * 4.23

  The riuer Dulce.
• * 4.24

  Cape de las Palmas.
• * 4.25

  The coast of Guinea.
• * 4.26

  The castle of Arra.
• * 4.27

  The towne of Samma.
• * 4.28

  The pledge was sir Iohn Yorke his Ne∣phew.
• * 4.29

  Cape Corea.
• * 4.30

  The castle of Mina pertei∣ning to the king of Por∣tugall.
• * 4.31

  Perecow.
• * 4.32

  Perecow grand.
• * 4.33

  Monte Rodondo.
• * 4.34

  The currants.
• * 4.35

  From Mina homeward.
• * 4.36

  Rio de los Potos.
• * 4.37

  Iuory.
• * 4.38

  Cabo de las Palmas.
• * 4.39

  Currants.
• * 4.40

  The Ile de Flores.
• * 4.41

  The Ile of Coruo.
• * 4.42

  Where they lost the sight of the North starre.
• * 4.43

  How the com∣passe do••th varie.
• * 4.44

  The Prim∣rose.
• * 4.45

  The towne of Samma.
• * 4.46

  Golde.
• * 4.47

  Gold foure hundreth ••••••••g••••.
• * 4.48

  Graines.
• * 4.49

  Elephants teeth.
• * 4.50

  The head of an Elephant.
• * 4.51

  Sir Andrew Iudde.
• * 4.52

  The contem∣plations of Gods wor••s.
• * 4.53

  The descripti∣on and p••••••••••∣••ies of the Ele∣phant.
• * 4.54

  Debate be∣tweene the Elephant & the Dragon.
• * 4.55

  Sanguis Dra∣conis.
• * 4.56

  Cinnabaris.
• * 4.57

  Three kinds of Elephants.
• * 4.58

  Workes of Iuorie.
• * 4.59

  The people of Africa.
• * 4.60

  Libya interior.
• * 4.61

  ••••tul••••.
• * 4.62

  AEthiope. Nigrite.
• * 4.63

  The riuer Ni∣gritis or Se∣nega.
• * 4.64

  •• strange thing.
• * 4.65

  Garamantes.
• * 4.66

  People of Libya.
• * 4.67

  Prester Iohn.
• * 4.68

  Regnum Or∣guene.
• * 4.69

  Gambra.
• * 4.70

  Guinea.
• * 4.71

  Cabo Verde.
• * 4.72

  The Portugals Nauigation to Brasile.
• * 4.73

  Aethiopia.
• * 4.74

  The 7 Bank of Meroe.
• * 4.75

  The Queene of Saba.
• * 4.76

  Prester Iohn Emperour of Aethiopia.
• * 4.77

  People of the Eastside of Africa.
• * 4.78

  People with∣out heads.
• * 4.79

  Myrth.
• * 4.80

  Azania.
• * 4.81

  Regnum Me∣linde.
• * 4.82

  Aethiopia inte∣rior.
• * 4.83

  White Ele∣phants.
• * 4.84

  Habasia.
• * 4.85

  I••••••hiophagi.
• * 4.86

  Anthropophagi.
• * 4.87

  Monte•• Lunae.
• * 4.88

  Gazatia.
• * 4.89

  Cap. bonç Spei.
• * 4.90

  Africa without colde.
• * 4.91

  The winter of Africa.
• * 4.92

  Flames of fire and noise in the aire.
• * 4.93

  The middle region of the aire 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cold.
• * 4.94

  The s••••••••e of Elements.
• * 4.95

  Winde.
• * 4.96

  The heate of the Moone.
• * 4.97

  The nature of the starres.
• * 4.98

  Spoutes of water falling out of the aire.
• * 4.99

  Cataracts of heauen.
• * 4.100

  Uehement motions in the Sea.
• * 4.101

  A strange thing.
• * 4.102

  The power of nature.
• * 4.103

  They rase their skinnes.
• * 4.104

  Fiue iewels.
• * 4.105

  A bracelet.
• * 4.106

  Shackles.
• * 4.107

  Kings.
• * 4.108

  Dogs chaines of golde.
• * 4.109

  A muske cat.
• * 4.110

  Their houses.
• * 4.111

  Their feeding.
• * 4.112

  Flying fishes.
• * 4.113

  A strange thing.
• * 4.114

  Their bread.
• * 4.115

  Their wheat.
• * 4.116

  The Sunne.
• * 4.117

  Their drinke.
• * 4.118

  Graines.
• * 4.119

  ••••els that ••leaue to ships.
• * 4.120

  Barnacles.
• * 4.121

  Bromas.
• * 4.122

  A secret.
• * 4.123

  The death of our men.
• * 4.124

  Fiue blacke Moues brought vnto England.
• * 4.125

  Colde may be better abiden then heate.
• * 4.126

  September.
• * 4.127

  October.
• * 4.128

  Nouember.
• * 4.129

  Porto Santo.
• * 4.130

  Madera.
• * 4.131

  Tenerif.
• * 4.132

  Palma.
• * 4.133

  Gomera.
• * 4.134

  Ferro.
• * 4.135

  Riuer del Oro.
• * 4.136

  A Caruell taken.
• * 4.137

  Great store of fish vpon the coast of Bar∣bary.
• * 4.138

  The Tropike of Cancer in 23. and a halfe.
• * 4.139

  Cape Blanke.
• * 4.140

  Cape Verde.
• * 4.141

  The coast of Guinea.
• * 4.142

  The Currant setting East∣ward.
• * 4.143

  Riuer S. Vincent.
• * 4.144

  Cloth made of the barke of trees.
• * 4.145

  The Negroes race their skinnes.
• * 4.146

  Graines of Guinea Elephants teeth.
• * 4.147

  The descrip∣tion of their Townes and houses.
• * 4.148

  Diago the name of a Captaine.
• * 4.149

  The latitude of S. Vincent ri∣uer is 4. de∣grees and a halfe.
• * 4.150

  Leaues of ex∣ceeding length.
• * 4.151

  Long pease stalkes.
• * 4.152

  Long wo∣mens breasts.
• * 4.153

  The language about the Riuer of S. Vin∣cent.
• * 4.154

  The tides and nature of the shoare.
• * 4.155

  The point of Palmas.
• * 4.156

  That was the yere 1554.
• * 4.157

  The tides run∣ning East∣ward.
• * 4.158

  A Towne.
• * 4.159

  Many Palme trees.
• * 4.160

  Cape Tres puntas.
• * 4.161

  Their maner of swearing by the water of the Sea.
• * 4.162

  Two townes.
• * 4.163

  Cape Tres puntas.
• * 4.164

  The towne of Don Iohn.
• * 4.165

  Their wea∣pons.
• * 4.166

  60. Portugales in the castle of Mina.
• * 4.167

  The English in anno 1554 tooke away 5 Negroes.
• * 4.168

  This lan∣guage seemeth partly to be corrupt.
• * 4.169

  Sight of the castle of Mina.
• * 4.170

  Don Iohns towne descri∣bed.
• * 4.171

  The Portugales of the castle of Mina inuaded our men.
• * 4.172

  The towne of Don Iohn de Viso.
• * 4.173

  Foure men ta∣ken away by the English.
• * 4.174

  A great towne.
• * 4.175

  The like they doe in the countrey of Prete lanni.
• * 4.176

  Master Rober•• Gainshes voy∣age to Gu••••ea u•• anno 1554.
• * 4.177

  The English were offered to bu••••d a towne in G••••ne.
• * 4.178

  A Portugale Brigandine.
• * 4.179

  Februarie.
• * 4.180

  They returne for England.
• * 4.181

  Cape de Monte.
• * 4.182

  March.
• * 4.183

  Cape Verde in latitude 14 de∣gr••es & a halfe
• * 4.184

  Aprill.
• * 4.185

  May.
• * 4.186

  Their arriual ••t Bristoll.
• * 4.187

  Nouember.
• * 4.188

  December.
• * 4.189

  Sierra Leona.
• * 4.190

  The riuer of Sestos.
• * 4.191

  They admit certaine Frenchmen into their com∣panie.
• * 4.192

  An assault vp∣on elephants.
• * 4.193

  Rio de S. Andre. Captaine Blun∣del the French Admirall.
• * 4.194

  Allow,
• * 4.195

  Dondo•• a great towne.
• * 4.196

  The castle of Mina.
• * 4.197

  Cape de Tres puntas.
• * 4.198

  Bulle.
• * 4.199

  Han••a.
• * 4.200

  Shamma.
• * 4.201

  The Negros brought ••ome by our men.
• * 4.202

  Note.
• * 4.203

  Robert Gaynsh.
• * 4.204

  Hanta.
• * 4.205

  Fiue sailes of Portiugals descried.
• * 4.206

  The fight with the Portugals.
• * 4.207

  The French fo••sake our men.
• * 4.208

  Februarie.
• * 4.209

  George our Negro.
• * 4.210

  Two Portu∣gal•• slaine by the Engli••h.
• * 4.211

  The French∣men bridled by the English.
• * 4.212

  I••ing Abaan.
• * 4.213

  The offer of the king to the English to build a Fort.
• * 4.214

  A towne in circuit as big as London.
• * 4.215

  A pretie deuise to descrit the enemie.
• * 4.216

  The kings friendly enter∣tainment of o••r men.
• * 4.217

  Their ceremo∣nies in drin∣king.
• * 4.218

  Mow••e.
• * 4.219

  Lagoua.
• * 4.220

  They returne••
• * 4.221

  Ships of Por∣tugall.
• * 4.222

  Cape Mens••∣rado.
• * 4.223

  Two small I∣lands by Sier∣ra Leona. Note.
• * 4.224

  A Fre••ch b••as uado.
• * 4.225

  It is to be vn∣derstood, that at this time there was warre betwixt England and France.
• * 4.226

  The French mens goods seazed in the time of the warre vpo•• the losse of Tales.
• * 4.227

  Two English Marc••ants Ligiers in the Grand Canary.
• * 4.228

  The Spanish West Indian fleet o•• nine∣teene saile.
• * 4.229

  Rio del Oro.
• * 4.230

  Francis Caste∣lin.
• * 4.231

  Cape verde.
• * 4.232

  Foure Ilands.
• * 4.233

  A great trade of the French∣men at Cape ••erde.
• * 4.234

  A faire Iland where the French trade.
• * 4.235

  Elephants teeth, muske, and hides.
• * 4.236

  Cabo de Monte.
• * 4.237

  The riuer de Sestos.
• * 4.238

  Rio de Potos.
• * 4.239

  They descrie fi••e saile of the Portugals.
• * 4.240

  The fight.
• * 4.241

  Lagua.
• * 4.242

  Peri••nen, Weamba, Pe••ecow, Eg••••nd.
• * 4.243

  The English boord the Frenchmen.
• * 4.244

  Fifty pound of golde taken in the French prise.
• * 4.245

  Benin.
• * 4.246

  Our men die of sicknesse.
• * 4.247

  Sicknesse.
• * 4.248

  Mowre.
• * 4.249

  The great towne of Don Iohn.
• * 4.250

  Cormatin.
• * 4.251

  A fight with the Negros.
• * 4.252

  Note.
• * 4.253

  They put the Frenchmen with victuals into the pin∣nesse.
• * 4.254

  Shamma burnt by the Eng∣lish.
• * 4.255

  Their returne homeward.
• * 4.256

  The currant.
• * 4.257

  S. Thome Iland
• * 4.258

  The descripti∣on of the ••le of S. Thome.
• * 4.259

  The Iland of Salt.
• * 4.260

  The great in∣conu••nience by late s••aying vpon the coast of Guinie.
• * 4.261

  The Tyger gi∣uen vp.
• * 4.262

  Extreame weaknesse of our men.
• * 5.1

  The English marchants in∣tend to fortifie in Ghinea, in the king of Ha∣baans countrey.
• * 5.2

  The king of Haban.
• * 7.1

  Capo verde.
• * 7.2

  Rio de Sestos.
• * 7.3

  The Minion.
• * 7.4

  Rio de Potis.
• * 7.5

  Rio de S. Andre.
• * 7.6

  Cauo das palmas.
• * 7.7

  Cauo de tres puntas.
• * 7.8

  Anta.
• * 7.9

  Equi.
• * 7.10

  Two galies.
• * 7.11

  Mowre.
• * 7.12

  Cormantin.
• * 7.13

  Much hurt done in the Minion with fi∣ring a barrel of gunpouder.
• * 7.14

  They returne.
• * 7.15

  Rio de Barbos.
• * 7.16

  The blacke pinnasse.
• * 7.17

  Rio de Sesto.
• * 7.18

  The Minion of the Queene.
• * 7.19

  The firing and s••nking of the Merline bound for Guinea.
• * 7.20

  They meet their Admirall againe.
• * 7.21

  A good caueat.
• * 7.22

  Cape Verde.
• * 7.23

  The foolish rashnes of Wil. Bats perswa∣ding the com∣pany to land vnarmed.
• * 7.24

  Ciuet, muske, gold & grains the commodi∣tie•• of Cape Verde.
• * 7.25

  The Negros trecherie.
• * 7.26

  A French in∣terpreter for Cape Verde.
• * 7.27

  The danger of poison••d ar∣rowes.
• * 7.28

  The answere of the Negros.
• * 7.29

  Bona vista.
• * 7.30

  A good admo∣nition.
• * 7.31

  Banished Por∣tugals.
• * 7.32

  Great store of goates.
• * 7.33

  The Ile of Maiyo.
• * 7.34

  S. Iago.
• * 7.35

  The treason of the Portugals in S. Iago to our men.
• * 7.36

  The Isle of Fuego.
• * 7.37

  Mill.
• * 7.38

  Cotton in Fuego.
• * 7.39

  The Isle of Braua.
• * 7.40

  They returne. March.
• * 7.41

  Aprill.
• * 7.42

  Woad.
• * 7.43

  May.
• * 7.44

  A Portugall Galiasse of 400 tunnes.
• * 7.45

  A fight be∣tweene one English ship and 7 Portugals
• * 7.46

  The 7 Portugals depart with shame from one English ship.
• * 7.47

  Iune.
• * 7.48

  A Portugall ship (notwith∣standing all their vilanies) defended by one men from Rouers.
• * 7.49

  M. Hogan his arriual at Azafi in Barbarie.
• * 7.50

  May.
• * 7.51

  ••n Barbary the•• haue no Innes but they lodge in open fieldes where they can find water.
• * 7.52

  The singular humani••ie of the king to our Ambassadour.
• * 7.53

  The Spaniards and Po••••••gales were cōman∣de•• by the king in paine of death, to ••eete th•• En••lish Ambas••adour.
• * 7.54

  The king of Spaine sought to disgrace the Queene & he•• Ambassour.
• * 7.55

  The king of Barbarie sent into England for Musicians.
• * 7.56

  A rich gift be∣stowed vpon our Ambassa∣dour.
• * 7.57

  Iune.
• * 7.58

  The offers of the king to our English mer∣chants.
• * 7.59

  A good pro∣uiso.
• * 7.60

  The Emperor of Maroco his priuileges to the English.
• * 7.61

  Thomas Stukeley was wrong∣fully indued with this title.
• * 7.62

  Fuquien.
• * 7.63

  Cinc••o.
• * 7.64

  Cantan.
• * 7.65

  Cheq••e••m.
• * 7.66

  Xutiamfu.
• * 7.67

  Chelim.
• * 7.68

  Quianci•• or Quinzi.
• * 7.69

  ••achin.
• * 7.70

  Their mo∣neths.
• * 7.71

  Loutea.
• * 7.72

  Ch••an, or, Chaen.
• * 7.73

  Ponchi••ssi.
• * 7.74

  Anchiassi, or, He••••si.
• * 7.75

  T••zi.
• * 7.76

  Taissu••
• * 7.77

  Licentiates.
• * 7.78

  Doctors.
• * 7.79

  We, that is the Italians and Spaniards.
• * 7.80

  After the Dutch fashion.
• * 7.81

  Pythagorean like.
• * 7.82

  The Italians call it the stra∣pado••
• * 7.83

  A pillo••y boord.
• * 7.84

  Of like the first lenders be the more weal∣thie.
• * 7.85

  Fuquieo.
• * 7.86

  Here••••••ofore••
• * 7.87

  Parai.
• * 7.88

  Tamen the p••oper name of China.
• * 7.89

  Poch••n, o••, Pachin.
• * 7.90

  Their ene∣mies.
• * 7.91

  Mariage of the ki••••s children.
• * 7.92

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 speaketh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••re of all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but o•• 〈…〉〈…〉s, for 〈…〉〈…〉 places 〈◊〉〈◊〉 beg∣〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••s 〈…〉〈…〉 ready•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉∣ming 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of trees.
• * 7.93

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.94

  He speaketh of Fuquien shire.
• * 7.95

  Alàs Ce••••bi.
• * 7.96

  The Kings reuenu••e.
• * 7.97

  Parai.
• * 7.98

  Fish poudered with peper.
• * 7.99

  ☞ Great ships comming from the North.
• * 7.100

  That is their temples.
• * 7.101

  It should seeme by their voyage to be Cardandan in Ortelius.
• * 7.102

  ☞ A Northerne Sea.
• * 7.103

  It seemeth they came vp the riuer from the Caspian sea.
• * 7.104

  At Cacan. Riuers ouer-frosen in China.
• * 7.105

  Ali Auoins Tartars.
• * 7.106

  Mount Vsont.
• * 7.107

  Mogores.
• * 7.108

  Blewes of great price in China.
• * 7.109

  Brames.
• * 7.110

  Southward from Chenchi to the sea.
• * 7.111

  Auoins.
• * 7.112

  Chenchi.
• * 7.113

  Goa is a city of the Portugals in the East Indies.
• * 7.114

  Odericus wri∣teth of the like.
• * 7.115

  Great store of ••ner mynes.
• * 7.116

  Petrus Maffeius de rebus Iapo∣nicis.
• * 7.117

  But his almes are ve∣ry good.
• * 7.118

  Inambuxu.
• * 7.119

  Genguis.
• * 7.120

  A warrelike people 300 leagues to the North of Meaco.
• * 7.121

  The Iapanish funerals.
• * 7.122

  They burn•• their dead.
• * 7.123

  A••••••.
• * 7.124

  De reb. Iab••••. 4••
• * 7.125

  Santianum.
• * 7.126

  The situation and li••••tes of China.
• * 7.127

  Chinian Cos∣mographers.
• * 7.128

  The rich reue∣nues of the king of China.
• * 7.129

  Fifteene great prouinces in China.
• * 7.130

  The seats roi∣all all of the king of China.
• * 7.131

  The warlike munitions of China, & a mar∣ueilous wall.
• * 7.132

  Abundance of ••nhabitants 〈◊〉〈◊〉 China.
• * 7.133

  Cities and townes.
• * 7.134

  The Chinian riuers greatly inhabited.
• * 7.135

  Holesome a••re, plenty & peace in China.
• * 7.136

  Chinian s••or••es••
• * 7.137

  The city of Coanchesu, aliās Cantam.
• * 7.138

  Great abun∣dance of gold in China.
• * 7.139

  Great store of siluer.
• * 7.140

  Pearles.
• * 7.141

  Great store of silke in China.
• * 7.142

  Silke brought into Iapon.
• * 7.143

  Spices, Cam∣phire, & muske.
• * 7.144

  Cotton-wooll, whereof Cali∣cut-cloth is made.
• * 7.145

  Three quali∣ties of porcel∣lan.
• * 7.146

  Plants.
• * 7.147

  Sugar.
• * 7.148

  China in a ma∣ner destitute of corne, wine, & oile.
• * 7.149

  Chinian maps.
• * 7.150

  The dispositi∣ons & maners of the Chini∣ans.
• * 7.151

  Their loyaltie vnto their su∣periours.
• * 7.152

  Their labori∣ous industry.
• * 7.153

  Painting.
• * 7.154

  Gunnes.
• * 7.155

  Printing.
• * 7.156

  Nauigation.
• * 7.157

  The Tartars tyranized ouer China.
• * 7.158

  Military disci∣pline.
• * 7.159

  The literature of China.
• * 7.160

  Three degrees in learning.
• * 7.161

  The first de∣gree.
• * 7.162

  The second degree.
• * 7.163

  The third and highest degree.
• * 7.164

  Note the ex∣traordinary honor, vouch∣sa••ed by the great King of China vpon his l••••rned gra∣duates.
• * 7.165

  Naturall phi∣losophy.
• * 7.166

  Excellent a∣stronomers in China.
• * 7.167

  The politike gouernment of China.
• * 7.168

  Three princi∣pall magi∣strates in ech prouince.
• * 7.169

  Two Senates or Counsels cōtinually hol∣den in China.
• * 7.170

  The causes of peace in China.
• * 7.171

  Learning the only step to ho∣nour in China.
• * 7.172

  The stately & for••idable procession of the Chinian magistrates.
• * 7.173

  The houses of the Chinian magistrates.
• * 7.174

  The magi∣strates bar∣ges.
• * 7.175

  The maner of electing ma∣gistrates in China.
• * 7.176

  Degrees vnto honour.
• * 7.177

  Kiding post.
• * 7.178

  Martiall dig∣nities.
• * 7.179

  The king of China.
• * 7.180

  Van-Sui.
• * 7.181

  The succession of the crowne.
• * 7.182

  The king•• yonger bre∣thren.
• * 7.183

  Twelue cha∣riots.
• * 7.184

  The idola∣trous religion of the king.
• * 7.185

  The ciuill go∣uernment of China most a∣greeable to the instance of na∣ture.
• * 7.186

  The fiue ver∣tues principal∣ly esteemed a∣mong the Chi∣nians.
• * 7.187

  ••rbanity.
• * 7.188

  The Chinians great piety to∣wards their parents.
• * 7.189

  A memorable story.
• * 7.190

  The religion of China.
• * 7.191

  Three princi∣pall sectes a∣mong the Chinians.
• * 7.192

  Confucius au∣thour of the first sect.
• * 7.193

  The summe of Confucius his doctrine.
• * 7.194

  Xequiam author of the second sect, whose fol∣lowers ar cal∣led Ce•• or Bonzi.
• * 7.195

  Note.
• * 7.196

  The third sect.
• * 7.197

  The superstiti∣on of the Sara∣ceni.
• * 7.198

  Christian religi∣on planted in China.
• * 7.199

  An ancient cu∣stome worthy y^e obseruation.
• * 7.200

  The Chinians contemne o∣ther nations.
• * 8.1

  The variation of the com∣passe.
• * 8.2

  Signes about the Cape of Bo••a Speransa.
• * 8.3

  Fishes on the sea coast of A••••••ca.
• * 8.4

  Note.
• * 8.5

  Corall.
• * 8.6

  Two wayes beyond y^e cap•• of Good ho••e.
• * 8.7

  They cōmonly saile from Lis∣bon to Goa in 5 moneths.
• * 8.8

  Running seas very dange∣rous.
• * 8.9

  Certaine signs of land.
• * 8.10

  They arriu••d at Goa the 24 of October.
• * 8.11

  The coast of India greatly troubled with Moores.
• * 8.12

  Abundance of golde, siluer, pearles, & pre∣cious stones in Pegu.
• * 8.13

  The great gaine of the Portugals in Pegu.
• * 8.14

  Pegu the best & richest coun∣trey in all the East India.
• * 8.15

  A prophesie of an Indian a∣gainst Spaine.
• * 8.16

  Three occasi∣ons of sicknes neere the line.
• * 8.17

  Agoada de Sal∣danha.
• * 8.18

  Great store of Penguins and Seales.
• * 8.19

  Bullocks, oxe, and sheepe, dog-cheape.
• * 8.20

  Cape de Buona Speransa dou∣bled.
• * 8.21

  Cape dos Corri∣entes.
• * 8.22

  Here they are seuered from the Penelope.
• * 8.23

  Foure men slaine with a clap of thunder
• * 8.24

  The Shoulds of S. Laurence.
• * 8.25

  Quitangone neere Mozan∣bique.
• * 8.26

  The Ile of Co∣moro.
• * 8.27

  32 of our men betraied at the Ile of Como••o.
• * 8.28

  Zanzibar Iland.
• * 8.29

  A Portugall Factorie in Zanzibar.
• * 8.30

  The treason of the Portugals towards the English.
• * 8.31

  An excellent place for refre∣shing.
• * 8.32

  A gallie Fri∣gate.
• * 8.33

  Another thun∣der-clap.
• * 8.34

  Heat in the head deadly.
• * 8.35

  Letting of blood very ne∣cessary.
• * 8.36

  A Iunco laden with pepper and brugs.
• * 8.37

  The currents set ••o the Northward.
• * 8.38

  Zocotora.
• * 8.39

  The Iles of Mamale.
• * 8.40

  Cape Comori doubled 1592.
• * 8.41

  The Iles of Nicubar.
• * 8.42

  The Iles of Gomes Polo.
• * 8.43

  Sumatra.
• * 8.44

  The Iles of Pulo Pinaou.
• * 8.45

  Trees fit for mastes.
• * 8.46

  Malacca.
• * 8.47

  Three Ships of Pegu laden with pepper. Martabam.
• * 8.48

  Pera.
• * 8.49

  Pulo Sambilam.
• * 8.50

  A ship of Nega∣patan taken.
• * 8.51

  A ship of S. Thome.
• * 8.52

  The galeon of Malacca of 700 taken.
• * 8.53

  Wares fit to car•• into the East India.
• * 8.54

  The kingdom of Iunsalaom.
• * 8.55

  Amber-greese. The hornes of Abath.
• * 8.56

  The female U∣nicorne.
• * 8.57

  Some small quantitie here∣of may be cari∣ed to pleasure those kings.
• * 8.58

  They arriue at the Iles of Ni∣cubar, which are inhabited by Moores.
• * 8.59

  They returne homeward.
• * 8.60

  They arriue at Zeilan.
• * 8.61

  Tanaseri in the kingdom of Siam.
• * 8.62

  Commodities of Bengala.
• * 8.63

  Commodities of Pegu.
• * 8.64

  Commodities of Tanaseri.
• * 8.65

  A great cur∣rent to the Southward.
• * 8.66

  A notable re∣liefe of fishes taken.
• * 8.67

  Baia de Agoa.
• * 8.68

  They double the Cape of Buona Speransa.
• * 8.69

  S. Helena.
• * 8.70

  Iohn Segar an Englishman left 18 mo∣neths alone in the Ile of Santa Helena.
• * 8.71

  A miraculous effect of ex∣treme feare or extreme ioy.
• * 8.72

  The descriptiō of the commo∣dities of the ile of santa Hele••a.
• * 8.73

  The gulfe of Paria, or Bocca del Dragoo•• passed.

  A good note.
• * 8.74

  The Ile of Mona.
• * 8.75

  The Ile of Sa∣uona enuironed with flats.
• * 8.76

  Cape de Tiberon.
• * 8.77

  The old chanel passed.
• * 8.78

  They returne backe to the West Indies.
• * 8.79

  Fiue English men le••t on the Nueblas.
• * 8.80

  The ship lost by driuing a∣way.
• * 8.81

  Great famine.
• * 8.82

  Two ships of Diepe.
• * 8.83

  The French trafike in S. Domingo.
• * 8.84

  M. Lancaster re∣turneth to Diepe, and so to England.
• * 9.1

  The Isle of S. Sebastian.
• * 9.2

  R••o grande.
• * 9.3

  Sue Coxe an old English man buried aliue by the Moores of Rio grāde in Guinea.
• * 9.4

  The Co••igido•• of Bilbao taken and brought to London.
• * 11.1

  The same in English.
• * 11.2

  A letter of Mul∣ly Hamet to the Erle of Lei∣cester.
• ‖ 11.3

  Which is with vs 1587.
• * 11.4

  The Queenes letters to the Emperour.
• * 11.5

  Iohn Herman an English rebel.
• * 11.6

  The gouernor of S. Michael ta∣ken prisoner.
• * 11.7

  Pedro Sar∣miento the go∣uernour of the Straights of Magelan taken prisoner.
• * 11.8

  A ship laden with fish taken and released againe.
• * 11.9

  One of the ships taken, and sent away with 2. per∣sons.
• * 11.10

  The Carauel is taken.
• * 11.11

  The prises sent home.
• * 11.12

  Two Ca∣racks, 10. Gal∣lions, 12. small ships.
• * 11.13

  The 2. pinasses returne for England.
• * 11.14

  The Carack called the Sanct Philip taken.
• * 11.15

  A former voy∣age to Gambra.
• * 11.16

  Rio del oro is in 22. degrees, and 47. min.
• * 11.17

  Cauo de las Barbas.
• * 11.18

  Crosiers.
• * 11.19

  Cauo Verde, in 14 degr. 43. m.
• * 11.20

  Cauo de Monte.
• * 11.21

  Cauo Mensurado.
• * 11.22

  Rio de Sestos. Cauo dos Baixos.
• * 11.23

  Tabanoo.
• * 11.24

  A French ship at Ratire.
• * 11.25

  Crua.
• * 11.26

  A currant to the South∣eastward.
• * 11.27

  Cape de tres puntas.
• * 11.28

  The Castle of Mina.
• * 11.29

  Two white watch-houses••.
• * 11.30

  Monte Redondo.
• * 11.31

  Villa longa.
• * 11.32

  Rio de Lagoa.
• * 11.33

  Very shallow water.
• * 11.34

  Rio de Iaya.
• * 11.35

  Rio Benin.
• * 11.36

  A currant Westward.
• * 11.37

  Ten foote wa∣ter vpon the barre of Rio de Benin.
• * 11.38

  Sicknesse a∣mong our men
• * 11.39

  The death of the Captaine.
• * 11.40

  Pepper & E∣lephants teeth.
• * 11.41

  A deceityfull currant.
• * 11.42

  Rockweed or Saragasso all along the sea.
• * 11.43

  Inamia, a kind of bread in Benin.
• * 11.44

  Wine of palm trees.
• * 11.45

  Abundance of hony.
• * 12.1

  Goto in Benin.
• * 12.2

  The great citie of Benin.
• * 13.1

  A token of a Northerly winde.
• * 13.2

  Great cur∣rants.
• * 13.3

  Two rocks.
• * 13.4

  A French ship of Hunfleur.
• * 13.5

  Cauo de las Palmas.
• * 13.6

  Rio de los Bar∣bos.
• * 13.7

  Rio de Boilas.
• * 13.8

  Papuas.
• * 13.9

  Arda.
• * 13.10

  Ianuarie.
• * 13.11

  Villa longa.
• * 13.12

  Rio de Lagoa.
• * 13.13

  The riuer of Iaya.
• * 13.14

  The riuer of Benin.
• * 13.15

  Goto.
• * 13.16

  The Carauell bringeth teeth aboord.
• * 13.17

  298. sacks of pepper.
• * 13.18

  Three spouts.
• * 13.19

  They returned homeward.
• * 13.20

  Braua.
• * 13.21

  We departed in company of a prise.
• * 13.22

  Coruo.
• * 13.23

  It is more temperate vn∣der the equi∣noctiall, then on the co••st of Guinie & Benin.
• * 14.1

  Paulo Dias Go∣uernour of An∣gola.
• * 14.2

  The king of Matamba.
• * 14.3

  114 Portugals slain in Angola.
• * 14.4

  Amasanguano the Portugal•• abode in Angol••
• * 14.5

  The onely way to reduce a re∣bellious king∣dom vnto obe∣dience.
• * 14.6

  An vsuall trick of lewd goue••••nours.
• * 14.7

  Answere to th•• fir••t.
• * 14.8

  Answere to th•• second.
• * 14.9

  Answere to the third.
• * 14.10

  Answere to the fourth.
• * 14.11

  Answere to the fift.
• * 14.12

  Our men land within a mile of the Groine the 20 of April
• * 14.13

  The notable o∣uerthrow giuē to the Spani∣ards at Puente de Burgos.
• * 14.14

  Peniche taken.
• * 14.15

  Vigo taken.
• * 14.16

  Vigo burned.
• * 14.17

  Their returne to Plimmouth.
• * 14.18

  A worthy que∣stion dilated.
• * 14.19

  3 ships forci∣bly towed out of harbour.
• * 14.20

  An escape of 8. Englishmen from Tercera.
• * 14.21

  The taking of the towne and platforme of Fayal,
• * 14.22

  A description of the towne of Faial.
• * 14.23

  Mines in Ire∣l••nd.
• * 14.24

  Captaine Lister drowned.
• * 14.25

  February 1590.
• * 14.26

  A fight of sixe houres long.
• * 14.27

  A faint-hea••∣••ed Fleming.
• * 14.28

  The Spanish 53. saile.
• * 15.1

  A violent storme.
• * 15.2

  A Portugall Prize taken.
• * 15.3

  A rich West-India Prize taken.
• * 15.4

  Great ha••ock of Spaniards.
• * 15.5

  The wracke of the Reuenge.
• * 15.6

  Aboue ••00 Spanish and Portugall ships drow∣ned.
• * 16.1

  Commodities fit for Arguin.
• * 16.2

  Wedges of golde giuen for small trifles.
• * 16.3

  Scarlet & fine Purple cloth greatly accep∣ted.
• * 16.4

  A good harbor before the Ca∣stle of Arguin.
• * 16.5

  Concerning this kingdome reade Leo Afri∣canus a little af∣ter the begin∣ning of his 6 boo••e.
• * 16.6

  The names of the chief•• pla∣ces of traffike betweene Sene∣ga & Gambra.
• * 16.7

  Our trade hi∣ther beganne 1587.
• * 16.8

  Gambra a riuer of secret & rich trade concea∣led.
• * 16.9

  The second voyage.

  Forty English¦mē traiterous∣ly slaine and captiued.
• * 16.10

  Cape Verde.
• * 16.11

  Besegueache.
• * 16.12

  Besegueache.
• * 16.13

  Refisca.
• * 16.14

  Porto Dally.
• * 16.15

  The Comand a ship of Richard Kelley.
• * 16.16

  The mōstrous lies of a Por∣tugall.
• * 16.17

  Port Dally the chiefe place of trade.
• * 16.18

  Ioala.
• * 16.19

  The Cherubin of Lime at Ioala.
• * 16.20

  Note.
• * 16.21

  San Domingo.
• * 16.22

  Rio grande.
• * 16.23

  Note this trade.
• * 16.24

  A rich trade for golde in Rio grande.
• * 17.1

  Commodities for Gago.
• * 18.1

  Tombuto taken
• * 18.2

  Gago taken.
• * 18.3

  Marke this o••••e.
• * 18.4

  The Santa Clara a Biscain ship of 600 tunnes taken.
• * 18.5

  Sir Iohn Bur∣rough in great danger of the Spanish fleet.
• * 18.6

  The Ile of S. Michael.
• * 18.7

  Diuers small ships taken.
• * 18.8

  Santa Cruz a village in the Ile of Flores.
• * 18.9

  Newes of the East Indian caraks.
• * 18.10

  A carak called The Santa Cruz set on fire.
• * 18.11

  An hundred of our men land.
• * 18.12

  Angola a new watering place for the caraks.
• * 18.13

  The Madre de Dios taken.
• * 18.14

  Exceeding hu∣manity shew∣ed to the ene∣my.
• * 18.15

  A briefe cata∣logue of y^e sun∣dry rich com∣modities of y^e Madre de Dios.
• * 18.16

  The capacity and dimensi∣ons of the Ma∣dre de Dios.
• * 18.17

  Besides these 3 ships there was a pinnas called the Vio∣let, of the Why not I.
• * 18.18

  Commodities fit for Angola.