The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

A voyage to the East Indies, and beyond the Indies, &c.

IN the yere of our Lord God 1563, I Caesar Fredericke being in Venice,* 1.1 and ve∣ry desirous to see the East parts of the world, shipped my selfe in a shippe cal∣led the Grada••ge of Venice, with certaine marchandise, gouerned by M. Iaco∣mo Vatica, which was bound to Cyprus with his ship, with whom I went: and when we were arriued in Cyprus, I left that ship, and went in a lesser to Tripoly in Soria, where I stayed a while. Afterward I tooke my iourney to Alepo, and there I acquain∣ted my selfe with marchants of Armenia, and Moores, that were marchants, and consorted to go with them to Ormus, and wee departed from Alepo, and in two dayes iourney and a halfe, wee came to a city called Bir.

Of the city called Bir.

BIr is a small city very scarse of all maner of victuals, and nere vnto the walles of the city run∣neth the riuer of Euphrates. In this city the marchants diuide themselues into companies, according to their merchandise that they haue, and there either they buy or make a boat to carry them and their goods to Babylon downe the riuer Euphrates,* 1.2 with charge of a master and ma∣riners to conduct the boat in the voyage: these boats are in a maner flat bottomed, yet they be ve∣ry strong: and for all that they are so strong, they will serue but for one voyage. They are made according to the sholdnesse of the riuer, because that the riuer is in many places full of great stones, which greatly hinder and trouble those that goe downe the riuer. These boats serue but for one voyage downe the riuer vnto a village called Feluchia, because it is impossible to bring them vp the riuer backe againe. At Feluchia the marchants plucke their boats in pieces, or else sell them for a small price, for that at Bir they cost the marchants forty or fifty chickens a piece, and they sel them at Feluchia for seuen or eight chickens a piece,* 1.3 because that when the marchants returne from Babylon backe againe, if they haue marchandise or goods that oweth custome, then they make their returne in forty dayes thorow the wildernesse, passing that way with a great deale lesser charges then the other way. And if they haue not marchandise that oweth custome, then they goe by the way of Mosul,* 1.4 where it costeth them great charges both the Carouan and

company. From Bir where the marchants imbarke themselues to Feluchia ouer against Baby∣lon, if the riuer haue good store of water, they shall make their voyage in fifteene or eighteene dayes downe the riuer, and if the water be lowe, and it hath not rained, then it is much trouble, and it will be forty or fifty dayes iourney downe, because that when the barks strike on the stones that be in the riuer, then they must vnlade them, which is great trouble, and then lade them a∣gaine when they haue mended them: therefore it is not necessary, neither doe the marchants go with one boat alone, but with two or three, that if one boat split and be lost with striking on the sholdes, they may haue another ready to take in their goods, vntill such time as they haue mended the brokē boat, and if they draw the broken boat on land to mend her, it is hard to de••end her in the night from the great multitude of Arabians that will come downe there to robbe you: and in the riuers euery night, when you make fas•• your boat to the banckeside, you must keepe good watch against the Arabians which are theeues in number like to ants,* 1.5 yet when they come to robbe, they will not kill, but steale & run away. Harquebuzes are very good weapons against them, for that they stand greatly in feare of the shot. And ••s you passe the riuer Euphrates from Bir to Feluchia, there are certein places which you must passe by, where you pay custome certaine medines vpon a bale, which custome is belonging to the sonne of Aborise king of the Arabians and of the desert, who hath certaine cities and villages on the riuer Euphrates.

Feluchia and Babylon.

FEluchia is a village where they that come from Bir doe vnbarke themselues and vnlade their goods, and it is distant from Babylon a dayes iourney and an halfe by land: Babylon is no great city,* 1.6 but it is very populous, and of great trade of strangers because it is a great thorow∣fare for Persia, Turkia, and Arabia: and very often times there goe out from thence Carouans into diuers countreys: and the city is very copious of victuals, which comme out of Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris, on certaine Zattares or Raffes made of blowen hides or skinnes cal∣led Vtrij. This riuer Tygris doeth wash the walles of the city. These Raffes are bound fast toge∣ther, and then they lay boards on the aforesayd blowen skinnes, and on the boards they lade the commodities, and so come they to Babylon where they vnlade them, and being vnladen, they let out the winde out of the skinnes, and lade them on cammels to make another voyage. This city of Babylon is situate in the kingdome of Persia, but now gouerned by the Turks. On the other side of the riuer towards Arabia, ouer against the city, there is a faire place or towne, and in it a faire Bazarro for marchāts, with very many lodgings, where the greatest part of the marchants strangers wich come to Babylon do lie with their marchandize.* 1.7 The passing ouer Tygris from Babylon to this Borough is by a long bridge made of boates chained together with great chaines: prouided, that when the riuer waxeth great with the abundance of raine that falleth, then they open the bridge in the middle, where the one halfe of the bridge falleth to the walles of Babylon, and the other to the brinks of this Borough, on the other side of the riuer: and as long as the bridge is open, they passe the riuer in small boats with great danger, because of the smal∣nesse of the boats, and the ouerlading of them, that with the fiercenesse of the streame they be o∣uerthrowen, or els the streame doth cary them away, so that by this meanes, many people are lost and drowned: this thing by proofe I haue many times seene.

Of the tower of Babylon.

THe Tower of Nimrod or Babel is situate on that side of Tygris that Arabia is, and in a very great plaine distant from Babylon seuen or eight miles: which tower is ruinated on euery side, and with the falling of it there is made a great mountaine: so that it hath no forme at all, yet there is a great part of it standing,* 1.8 which is compassed and almost couered with the afore∣sayd fallings: this Tower was builded and made of foure square Brickes, which Brickes were made of earth, and dried in the Sunne in maner and forme following: first they layed a lay of Brickes, then a Mat made of Canes, square as the Brickes, and in stead of lime, they daubed it with earth: these Mats of Canes are at this time so strong, that it is a thing wonderfull to be∣holde, being of such great antiquity: I haue gone round about it, and haue not found any place where there hath bene any doore or entrance: it may be in my iudgement in circuit about a mile, and rather lesse then more.

This Tower in effect is contrary to all other things which are seene afar off, for they seeme small, & the more nere a man commeth to them the bigger they be: but this tower afar off seemeth a very great thing, and the nerer you come to it the lesser. My iudgement & reason of this is, that

because the Tower is set in a very great plaine, and hath nothing more about to make any shew sauing the ruines of it which it hath made round about, and for this respect descrying it a farre off, that piece of the Tower which yet standeth with the mountaine that is made of the substance that hath fallen from it, maketh a greater shew then you shall finde comming neere to it.

Babylon and Basora.

FRom Babylon I departed for Basora, shipping my selfe in one of the barks that vse to go in the riuer T••gris from Babylon to Basora, and from Basora to Babylon: which barks are made after the maner of Fusts or Galliots with a Speron and a couered poope: they haue no pumpe in them because of the great abundance of pitch which they haue to pitch them with all:* 1.9 which pitch they haue in abundance two dayes iourney from Babylon. Nere vnto the riuer Euphrates, there is a city called Heit, nere vnto which city there is a great plaine full of pitch, very maruellous to beholde, and a thing almost incredible, that out of a hole in the earth, which continually throweth out pitch into the aire with continuall smoake, this pitch is throwen with such force, that being hot it falleth like as it were sprinckled ouer all the plaine, in such abundance that the plaine is al∣wayes full of pitch: the Mores and the Arabians of that place say, that that hole is the mouth of hell: and in trueth, it is a thing very notable to be marked: and by this pitch the whole people haue great benefit to pitch their barks, which barks they call Daneck and Saffin. When the ri∣uer of Tygris is well replenished with water, you may passe from Babylon to Basora in eight or nine dayes, and sometimes more and sometimes lesse: we were halfe so much more which is 14 or 15 daies, because the waters were low: they may saile day & night, and there are some places in this way where you pay so many medins on ••aile: if the waters be lowe, it is 18 dayes iourney.

Basora.

BAsora is a city of the Arabians, which of olde time was gouerned by those Arabians called Zizarij,* 1.10 but now it is gouerned by the great Turke where he keepeth an army to his great charges.

The Arabians called Zizarij haue the possession of a great countrey, and cannot be ouercome of the Turke, because that the sea hath diuided their countrey into an Iland by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the sea, and for that cause the Turke cannot bring an army against them, neither by sea nor by land, and another reason is, the inhabitants of that Iland are very strong and warlike men. A dayes iourney before you come to Basora, you shall haue a little castle or fort, which is set on that point of the land where the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris meet toge∣ther,* 1.11 and the castle is called Corna: at this point, the two riuers make a monstrous great riuer, that runneth into the sea, which is called the gulfe of Persia, which is towards the South: Baso∣ra is distant from the sea fifteene miles, and it is a city of great trade of spices and drugges which come from Ormus. Also there is great store of corne, Rice, and Dates, which the countrey doth yeeld. I shipped my selfe in Basora to go for Ormus, and so we sailed thorow the Persian sea sir hundred miles, which is the distance from Basora to Ormus,* 1.12 and we sailed in small ships made of boards, bound together with small cords or ropes, and in stead of calking they lay betweene eue∣ry board certaine straw which they haue, and so they sowe board and board together, with the straw betweene, wherethorow there commeth much water, and they are very dangerous. De∣parting from Basora we passed 200 miles with the sea on our right hand, along the gulfe, vntil at length we arriued at an Iland called Carichij,* 1.13 fro whēce we sailed to Ormus in sight of the Persi∣an shore on the left side, and on the right side towards Arabia we discouered infinite Ilands.

Ormus.

ORmus is an Iland in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles,* 1.14 and it is the barrenest and most drie Iland in all the world, because that in it there is nothing to be had, but salt wa∣ter, and wood, all other things necessary for mans life are brought out of Persia twelue miles off, and out of other Ilands neere thereunto adioyning, in such abundance and quantity, that the city is alwayes replenished with all maner of store: there is standing neere vnto the waters side a ve∣ry faire castell, in the which the captaine of the king of Portugall is alwayes resident with a good band of Portugalles, and before this castell is a very faire prospect: in the city dwell the maried men, souldiers and marchants of euery nation, amongst whom there are Moores and Gentiles.* 1.15 In this city there is very great trade for all sorts of spices, drugges, silke, cloth of silke, brocar∣do,

and diuers other sorts of marchandise come out of Persia: and amongst all other trades of merchandise, the trade of Horses is very great there, which they carry from thence into the In∣dies. This Iland hath a Moore king of the race of the Persians, who is created and made king by the Captaine of the castle, in the name of the king of Portugall. At the creation of this king I was there,* 1.16 and saw the ceremonies that they vse in it, which are as followeth. The olde King being dead, the Captaine of the Portugals chuseth another of the blood royall, and maketh this election in the castle with great ceremonies, and when hee is elected, the Captaine sweareth him to be true and faithfull to the King of Portugall, as his Lord and Gouernour, and then he gi∣ueth him the Scepter regall. After this with great feasting & pompe, and with great company, he is brought into the royall palace in the city. This King keepeth a good traine, and hath suf∣ficient reuenues to maintaine himselfe without troubling of any, because the Captaine of the castle doeth mainteine and defend his right, and when that the Captaine and he ride together, he is honoured as a king, yet he cannot ride abroad with his traine, without the consent of the Cap∣taine first had: it behooueth them to doe this, and it is necessary, because of the great trade that is in the city: their proper language is the Persian tongue. There I shipped my selfe to goe for Goa, a city in the Indies, in a shippe that had fourescore horses in her. This is to aduertise those Marchants that go from Ormus to Goa to shippe themselues in those shippes that carry horses, because euery shippe that carrieth twenty horses or vpwards is priuileged,* 1.17 that all the marchan∣dise whatsoeuer they carry shall pay no custome, whereas the shippes that carry no horses are bound to pay right per cento of all the goods they bring.

Goa, Diu, and Cambaia.

GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies, where is resident the Uiceroy with his Court and ministers of the King of Portugall. From Ormus to Goa is nine hundred foure score and ten miles distance, in which passage the first city that you come to in the Indies, is called Diu,* 1.18 and is situate in a little Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia, which is the greatest strength that the Portugals haue in all the Indies, yet a small city, but of great trade, because there they lade very many great ships for the straights of Mecca and Ormus with marchandise, and these shippes belong to the Moores and Christians, but the Moores can not trade neither saile into those seas without the licence of the Uiceroy of the king of Portugall, o∣therwise they are taken and made good prises. The marchandise that they lade these ships with∣all commeth frō Cambaietta a port in the kingdome of Cambaia,* 1.19 which they bring from thence in small barks, because there can no great shippes come thither, by reason of the sholdn••sse of the water thereabouts, and these sholds are an hundred or fourescore miles about in a straight or gulfe, which they call Macareo, which is as much to say, as a race of a tide, because the waters there run out of that place without measure, so that there is no place like to it, vnlesse it be in the kingdome of Pegu, where there is another Macareo, where the waters run out with moreforce then these doe. The principall city in Cambaia is called Amadauar, it is a dayes iourney and an halfe from Cambaietta, it is a very great city and very populous, and for a city of the Gentiles it is very well made and builded with faire houses and large streets, with a faire place in it with many shippes, and in shew like to Cairo, but not so great: also Cambaietta is situate on the seas side, and is a very faire city. The time that I was there, the city was in great calamity & scarse∣nesse, so that I haue seene the men of the countrey that were Gentiles take their children, their sonnes and their daughters, and haue desired the Portugals to buy them, and I haue seene them solde for eight or ten larines a piece, which may be of our money x.s. or xiii. s. iiii. d. For all this, if I had not seene it, I could not haue beleeued that there should be such a trade at Cambaietta as there is: For in the time of euery new Moone and euery full Moone, the small barks (innume∣rable) come in and out, for at those times of the Moone the tides and waters are higher then at other times they be. These barkes be laden with all sorts of spices, with silke of China, with Sandols, with Elephants teeth, Ueluets of Vercini, great quantity of Pannina, which com∣meth from Mecca, Chickinos which be pieces of golde woorth seuen shillings a piece sterling, with money, and with diuers sorts of other marchandize. Also these barks lade out, as it were, an infinite quantity of cloth made of Bumbast of all sorts, as white stamped and painted, with great quantity of Indico, dried ginger & conserued, Myrabolans drie and condi••e, Boraso in paste, great store of sugar, great quantity of Cotton, abundance of Opium, Assa Fe••ida, Puchio, with many other sorts of drugges, turbants made in Dui, great stones like to Corneolaes, Granats, Agats, Diaspry, Calcidonij, Hematists, and some kinde of naturall Diamonds. There is in the city of Cambaietta an order, but no man is bound to keepe it, but they that will;

but all the Portugall marchants keepe it, the which is this. There are in this city certaine Bro∣kers which are Gentiles and of great authority, and haue euery one of them fifteene or twenty seruants, and the Marchants that vse that countrey haue their Brokers, with which they be ser∣ued: and they that haue not bene there are informed by their friends of the order, and of what bro∣ker they shall be serued. Now euery fifteene dayes (as abouesayd) that the fleet of small shippes entreth into the port, the Brokers come to the water side, and these Marchants assoone as they are come on land, do giue the cargason of all their goods to that Broker that they will haue to do their businesse for them, with the marks of all the fardles and packs they haue: and the marchant hauing taken on land all his furniture for his house, because it is needfull that the Marchants that trade to the Indies cary prouision of housholde with them,* 1.20 because that in euery place where they they come they must haue a new house, the Broker that hath receiued his cargason, comman∣deth his seruants to carry the Marchants furniture for his house home, and load it on some cart, and carry it into the city, where the Brokers haue diuers empty houses meet for the lodging of Marchants, furnished onely with bedsteds, tables, chaires, and empty iarres for water: then the Broker sayth to the Marchant, Goe and repose your selfe, and take your rest in the city. The Broker carrieth at the water side with the cargason, and causeth all his goods to be discharged out of the ship, and payeth the custome, and causeth it to be brought into the house where the mar∣chant lieth, the Marchant not knowing any thing thereof, neither custome, nor charges. These goods being brought to this passe into the house of the Marchant, the Broker demandeth of the Marchant if he haue any desire to sell his goods or marchandise, at the prises that such wares are worth at that present time? And if he hath a desire to sell his goods presently, then at that instant the Broker selleth them away. After this the Broker sayth to the Marchant, you haue so much of euery sort of marchandise neat and cleare of euery charge, and so much ready money. And if the Marchant will imploy his money in other commodities, then the Broker telleth him that such and such commodities will cost so much, put aboord without any maner of charges. The Marchant vnderstanding the effect, maketh his account; and if he thinke to buy or sell at the pri∣ses currant, he giueth order to make his marchandise away: and if he hath commodity for 20000 duckets, all shalbe bartred or solde away in fifteene dayes without any care or trouble: and when as the Marchant thinketh that he cannot sell his goods at the prise currant, he may tary as long as he will, but they cannot be solde by any man but by that Broker that hath taken them on land and payed the custome: and perchance tarying sometimes for sale of their commodity, they make good profit, and sometimes losse: but those marchandise that come not ordinarily euery fifteene dayes, in tarying for the sale of them, there is great profit. The barks that lade in Cambaietta go for Diu to lade the ships that go from thence for the streights of Mecca and Ormus, and some go to Chaul and Goa: and these ships be very wel appointed, or els are guarded with the Arma∣da of the Portugals, for that there are many Corsaries or Pyrats which goe coursing alongst that coast, robbing and spo••ling:* 1.21 and for feare of these theeues there is no safe sailing in those seas, but with ships very well appointed and armed, or els with the fleet of the Portugals, as is a∣foresayd. In fine, the kingdome of Cambaia is a place of great trade, and hath much doings and traffique with all men, although hitherto it hath bene in the hands of tyrants, because that at 75 yeeres of age the true king being at the assault of Diu, was there slaine; whose name Sultan Ba∣du. At that time foure or fiue captaines of the army diuided the kingdome amongst themselues, and euery one of them shewed in his countrey what tyranny he could: but twelue yeeres ago the great Mogol a Moore king of Agra and Delly, forty dayes iourny within the land of Amadauar, became the gouernour of all the kingdome of Cambaia without any resistance, because he being of great power and force, deuising which way to enter the land with his people, there was not any man that would make him any resistance, although they were tyrants and a beastly people, they were soone brought vnder obedience. During the time I dwelt in Cambaietta I saw very mar∣uellous things:* 1.22 there were an infinite number of artificers that made bracelets called Mannij, or bracelets of elephants teeth, of diuers colours, for the women of the Gentiles, which haue their armes full decked with them. And in this occupation there are spent euery yeere many thou∣sands of crownes: the reason whereof is this, that when there dieth any whatsoeuer of their kin∣dred, then in signe and token of mourning and sorrow, they breake all their bracelets from their armes, and presently they go and buy new againe, because that they had rather be without their meat then without their bracelets.

Daman. Basan. Tana.

HAuing passed Diu, I came to the second city that the Portugals haue, called Daman, situ∣ate in the territory of Cambaia, distant from Diu an hundred and twenty miles: it is no

towne of merchandise, saue Rice and corne, and hath many villages vnder it, where in time of peace the Portugals take their pleasure, but in time of warre the enemies haue the spoile of them; in such wise that the Portugals haue little benefit by them. Next vnto Daman you shall haue Basan, which is a filthy place in respect of Daman: in this place is Rice, Corne, and Timber to make shippes and gallies. And a small distance beyond Basan is a little Iland called Tana,* 1.23 a place very populous with Portugals, Moores, and Gentiles: these haue nothing but Rice, there are many makers of Armesine, and weauers of girdles of wooll and bumbast blacke and redde like to Moocharies.

Of the cities of Chaul, and of the Palmer tree.

BEyond this Iland you shall finde Chaul in the firme land; and they are two cities, one of the Portugals, and the other of the Moores: that city which the Portugals haue is situate low∣er then the other, and gouerneth the mouth of the harbour, and is very strongly walled: and as it were a mile and an halfe distant from this is the city of Moores, gouerned by their king Zamal∣luco. In the time of warres there cannot any great ships come to the city of the Moores, because the Portugals with their ordinance will sincke them, for that they must perforce passe by the ca∣stles of the Portugals: both the cities are ports of the sea, and are great cities, and haue vnto them great traffique and trade of merchandise, of all sorts of spices, drugges, silke, cloth of silke, Sandols, Marsine, Versine, Porcelane of China, Ueluets and Scarlets that come from Por∣tugall, and from Meca: with many other sortes of merchandise. There come euery yeere from Cochin, and from Cananor tenne or fifteene great shippes laden with great Nuts cured, and with Sugar made of the selfe same Nuts called Giagra: the tree whereon these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree: and thorowout all the Indies, and especially from this place to Goa, there is great abundance of them, and it is like to the Date tree. In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is, neither doe men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they do of this, there is not any part of it but serueth for some vse, and none of it is woorthy to be burnt. With the timber of this tree they make shippes with∣out the mixture of any other tree, and with the leaues thereof they make sailes, and with the fruit thereof, which be a kinde of Nuts, they make wine, and of the wine they make Sugar and Pla∣cetto, which wine they gather in the spring of the yeere: out of the middle of the tree where con∣tinually there goeth or runneth out white liquour like vnto water, in that time of the yeere they put a vessell vnder euery tree, and euery euening and morning they take it away full, and then di∣stilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquour: and then they put it into buts, with a quanti∣ty of Zibibbo, white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect wine. After this they make of the Nuts great store of oile: of the tree they make great quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings. Of the barke of this tree they make cables, ropes, and other furniture for shippes, and, as they say, these ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe. They make of the bowes, bedsteds, after the Indies fashion, and Scauasches for merchandise. The leaues they cut very small, and weaue them, and so make sailes of them, for all maner of shipping, or els very fine mats. And then the first rinde of the Nut they stampe, and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke shippes, great and small: and of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other ves∣sels for meat, in such wise that there is no part thereof throwen away or cast to the fire. When these Mats be greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to drinke: and if a man be thirsty, with the liquour of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe: and as this Nut ripeneth, the liquor thereof turneth all to kernell. There goeth out of Chaul for Mallaca, for the Indies, for Macao, for Portugall, for the coasts of Melinde, for Ormus, as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia, as cloth of bumbast white, painted, printed, great quantity of Indico, Opium, Cotton, Silke of euery sort, great store of Boraso in Paste, great store of Fetida, great store of yron, corne, and other merchandise. The Moore king Zamalluco is of great power, as one that at need may command, & hath in his camp, two hundred thousand men of warre, and hath great store of artillery, some of them made in pie∣ces,* 1.24 which for their greatnesse can not bee carried to and fro: yet although they bee made in pie∣ces, they are so commodious that they worke with them maruellous well, whose shotte is of stone, and there hath bene of that shot sent vnto the king of Portugall for the rareness of the thing. The city where the king Zamalluco hath his being, is within the land of Chaul seuen or eight dayes iourney, which city is called Abneger. Threescore and tenne miles from Chaul, towards the Indies, is the port of Dabul, an hauen of the king Zamallaco: from thence to Goa is an hun∣dred and fifty miles.

Goa.

GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies,* 1.25 wherein the Uiceroy with his royall Court is resident, and is in an Iland which may be in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles: and the city with the boroughs is reasonable bigge, and for a citie of the Indies it is reasonable faire, but the Iland is farre more fairer: for it is as it were full of goodly gardens, re∣plenished with diuers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesayd. This city is of great tra∣fique for all sorts of marchandise which they trade withall in those parts: and the fleet which comm••th euery yeere from Portugall, which are fiue or sixe great shippes that come directly for Goa, arriue there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September, and there they remaine forty or fifty dayes, and from thence they goe to Cochin, where they lade for Portugall, and often times they lade one shippe at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugall. Cochin is distant from Goa three hundred miles. The city of Goa is situate in the kingdome of Dialcan a king of the Moores, whose chiefe city is vp in the countrey eight dayes iourney, and is call••d Bisapor: this king is of great power, for when I was in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570, this king came to giue assault to Goa, being encamped neere vnto it by a riuer side with an army of two hundred thousand men of warre, and he lay at this siege foureteene moneths: in which time there was peace concluded, and as report went amongst his people, there was great calamity and mortali∣ty which bred amongst them in the time of Winter, and also killed very many elephants. Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567, I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the kingdome of Narsinga eight dayes iourney from Goa, within the land, in the company of two other mer∣ch••nts which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king: because the horses of that countrey are of a small stature, and they pay well for the Arabian horses: and it is requisite that the merchants sell them well, for that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus, and from Ormus to Goa, where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and vp∣wards payeth no custome, neither ship nor goods whatsoeuer; whereas if they bring no horses, they pay 8 per cento of all their goods: and•• at the going out of Goa the horses pay custome, two and forty pagodies for euery horse, which pagody may be of sterling money sixe shillings eight pence, they be pi••ces of golde of that value. So that the Arabian horses are of great value in those countreys, as 300,400,500 duckets a horse, and to 1000 duckets a horse.* 1.26

Bezeneger.

THe city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565, by foure kings of the Moores, which were of great power and might: the names of these foure kings were these following, the first was called Dialcan, the second Zamaluc, the third Cotamaluc, and the fourth Viridy: and yet these foure kings were not able to ouercome this city and the king of Bezeneger, but by trea∣son.* 1.27 This king of Bezeneger was a Gentile, and had, amongst all other of his captaines, two which were notable, and they were Moores: and these two captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten or fourescore thousand men. These two captaines being of one religion with the foure kings which were Moores, wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands. The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies, but went out of his city to wage battell with them in the fieldes; and when the armies were ioyned, the battell lasted but a while not the space of foure houres, because the two traitourous captaines, in the chiefest of the fight, with their compaines turned their faces against their king, and made such disorder in his army, that as astonied they set themselues to flight. Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were tyrants, the which keeping the rightfull king in prison, it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people, and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed. These brethren were three captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison, which when he died, left his sonne very yong, and then they tooke the gouern∣ment to themselues. The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio, and sate in the royall throne, and was called the king: the second was called Temiragio, and he tooke the gouernment on him: the third was called Bengatre, and he was captaine generall of the army. These three brethren were in this battell, in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead. Onely Temiragio fled in the battel, hauing lost one of his eyes: when the newes came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell,* 1.28 the wiues and children of these three tyrants, with their lawfull king (kept prisoner) f••ed away, spoiled as they were, & the foure kings of the Moores en∣tred the city Bezeneger with great triumph, & there they remained sixe moneths, searching vnder houses & in all places for money & other things that were hidden, and then they departed to their

owne kingdomes, because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was, so farre distant from their owne countrey.

When the kings were departed from Bezeneger, this Temiragio returned to the city, and then beganne for to repopulate it, and sent word to Goa to the Merchants, if they had any hor∣ses, to bring them to him, and he would pay well for them, and for this cause the aforesayd two Merchants that I went in company withall, carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger. Also this Tyrant made an order or lawe,* 1.29 that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesayd battell or warres, although they were of his owne marke, that he would giue as much for them as they would: and beside he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them. When by this meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto him, hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes, vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more. Then he licenced the Merchants to depart, without giuing them any thing for their hor∣ses, which when the poore men saw, they were desperate, and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe.

I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths, although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse, for it was necessary to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of theeues, which at that time ranged vp and downe. And in the time I rested there, I saw many strange and beast∣ly d••eds done by the Gentiles. First, when there is any Noble man or woman dead, they burne their bodies: and if a married man die, his wife must burne herselfe aliue, for the loue of her husband, and with the body of her husband: so that when any man dieth, his wife will take a moneths leaue, two or three, or as shee will, to burne her selfe in, and that day being come, wherein shee ought to be burnt, that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely, either on horsebacke or on an eliphant, or else is borne by eight men on a smal stage: in one of these orders she goeth, being apparelled like to a Bride, carried round about the City, with her haire downe about her shoulders, garnished with iewels and flowers, according to the estate of the party, and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials: shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse, and in her right hand an arrow, and singeth thorow the City as she passeth, and sayth, that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband. She is accom∣panied with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone, then they goe out of the City,* 1.30 and going along the riuers side called Nigondin, which runneth vnder the walles of the City, vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of wo∣men, being widdowes, there is prepared in this place a great square caue, with a little pinna∣cle hard by it, foure or fiue steppes vp: the foresayd caue is full of dried wood. The woman be∣ing come thither, accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing, then they make ready a great banquet,* 1.31 and she that shall be burned eateth with as great ioy and glad∣nesse, as though it were her wedding day: and the feast being ended, then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time, according as she will. After this, the woman of her owne accord, commandeth them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is, and when it is kindled, they come and certifie her thereof, then presently she leaueth the feast, and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand, and they both goe together to the banke of the fore∣sayd riuer, where shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes, and giueth them to her pa∣rents or kinsefolke, and couering herselfe with a cloth, because she will not be seene of the people being naked, she throweth herselfe into the riuer, saying: O wretches, wash away your ••innes. Comming out of the water, she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of foureteene braces long: and againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand, and they go both together vp to the pin∣nacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made. When she is on the pinnacle, shee talketh and reasoneth with the people, recommending vnto them her children and kindred. Before the pin∣nacle they vse to set a mat, because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire, yet there are many that will haue them plucked away, shewing therein an heart not fearefull, and that they are not affrayd of that sight. When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content, there is another woman that taketh a pot with oile, and sprinckleth it ouer her head, and with the same she anoynteth all her body, and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace, and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire, and presently the people that are round about the fornace throw after her into the caue great pieces of wood, so by this meanes, with the fire and with the blowes that she hath with the wood throwen after her, she is quickly dead, and after this there groweth such sorrow and such lamentation among the people, that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping,* 1.32 in such wise, that a man could scarse beare the hearing of it. I haue seene many burnt in this maner, because my house was neere to the gate where they goe out to the place of burning: and when there dieth any great man, his wife with all his slaues

with whom hee hath had carnall copulation, burne themselues together with him. Also in this kingdome I haue seene amongst the base sort of people this vse and order, that the man being dead, hee is carried to the place where they will make his sepulchre, and setting him as it were vpright, then commeth his wife before him on / her knees, casting her armes about his necke, with imbracing and clasping him, vntill such time as the Masons haue made a wall round about them, and when the wall is as high as their neckes, there commeth a man behinde the woman and strangleth her: then when she is dead, the workemen finish the wall ouer their heads, and so they lie buried both together. Besides these, there are an infinite number of beastly qualities a∣mongst them, of which I haue no desire to write. I was desirous to know the cause why these women would so wilfully burne themselues against nature and law, and it was tolde mee that this law was of an ancient time, to make prouision against the slaughters which women made of their husbands. For in those dayes before this law was made,* 1.33 the women for euery little displeasure that their husbands had done vnto them, would presently poison their husbands, and take other men, and now by reason of this law th••y are more faithfull vnto their husbands, and count their liues as deare as their owne, because that after his death her owne followeth pre∣sently.

In the yeere of our Lord God 1567, for the ill successe that the people of Bezeneger had, in that their City was sacked by the foure kings, the king with his Court went to dwell in a ca∣stle eight dayes iourney vp in the land from Bezeneger, called Penegonde.* 1.34 Also sixe dayes iour∣ney from Bezeneger, is the place where they get Diamants: I was not there, but it was tolde me that it is a gr••at place, compassed with a wall, and that they s••ll the earth within the wall, for so much a squadron, and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall digge. Those Diamants that are of a certeine sise and bigger then that sise are all for the king, it is many yeeres agone, since they got any there, for the troubles that haue beene in that kingdome. The first cause of this trouble was, because the sonne of this Temeragio had put to death the lawfull king which he had in prison, for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their King, and by this meanes there are many kings, and great diui∣sion in that kingdome, and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether destroyed, yet the houses stand still, but empty, and there is dwelling in them nothing, as is reported, but Tygers and other wilde beasts. The circuit of this city is foure & twentie miles about, and within the walles are certeine mountaines. The houses stand walled with earth, and plaine, all sauing the three pa∣laces of the three tyrant brethren, and the Pagodes which are idole houses: these are made with lime and fine marble. I haue seene many kings Courts, and yet haue I seene none in greatnesse like to this of Bezeneger, I say, for the order of his palace, for it hath nine gates or ports. First when you goe into the place where the king did lodge, there are fiue great ports or gates: these are kept with Captaines and souldiers: then within these there are foure lesser gates, which are kept with Porters. Without the first gate there is a little porch, where there is a Captaine with fiue and twenty souldiers, that keepeth watch and ward night and day: and within that another with the like guard, where thorow they come to a very faire Court, and at the end of that Court there is another porch as the first, with the like guard, and within that another Court. And in this wise are the first fiue gates guarded and kept with those Captaines: and then the lesser gates within are kept with a guard of Porters: which gates stand open the greatest part of the night, because the custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse, and make their feasts in the night, rather then by day. The city is very safe from theeues, for the Portugall merchants sleepe in the streets, or vnder porches, for the great heat which is there, and yet they neuer had a∣ny harme in the night. At the end of two moneths, I determined to go for Goa in the company of two other Portugall Marchants, which were making ready to depart, with two palanchines or little litters, which are very commodious for the way, with eight Falchines which are men hi∣red to cary the palanchines, eight for a palanchine, foure at a time: they carry them as we vse to carry barrowes. And I bought me two bullocks, one of them to ride on,* 1.35 and the other to carry my victuals and prouision, for in that countrey they ride on bullocks with pannels, as we terme them, girts and bridles, and they haue a very good commodious pace. From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight dayes iourney, but we went in the midst of Winter, in the moneth of Iu∣ly, and were fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the sea coast, so in eight dayes I had lost my two bullocks: for he that carried my victuals, was weake and could not goe, the other when I came vnto a riuer where was a little bridge to passe ouer, I put my bullocke to swimming, and in the middest of the riuer there was a little Iland, vnto the which my bullocke went, and find∣ing pasture, there he remained still, and in no wise we could come to him: and so perforce, I was forced to leaue him, and at that time there was much raine, and I was forced to go seuen dayes

a foot with great paines: and by great chance I met with Falchines by the way, whom I hired to carry my clothes and victuals. We had great trouble in our iourney, for that euery day wee were taken prisoners, by reason of the great dissension in that kingdome: and euery morning at our departure we must pay rescat foure or fiue pagies a man. And another trouble wee had as bad as this, that when as wee came into a new gouernours countrey, as euery day we did, al∣though they were al tributary to the king of Bezeneger, yet euery one of them stamped a seueral coine of Copper, so that the money that we tooke this day would not serue the next: at length, by the helpe of God, we came safe to Ancola, which is a country of the queene of Gargopam, tribu∣tary to the king of Bezeneger. The marchandise that went euery yere from Goa to Bezeneger were Arabian Horses, Ueluets, Damasks, and Sattens, Armesine of Portugall,* 1.36 and pieces of China, Saffron, and Skarlets: and from Bezeneger they had in Turky for their commodities, iewels, a••d Pagodies which be ducats of golde: the appar••ll that they vse in Bezeneger is Uel∣uet, Satten, Damaske, Scarlet, or white Bumbast cloth, according to the estate of the person with long hats on their heads,* 1.37 called Colae, made of Ueluet, Satten, Damaske, or Scarlet, gir∣ding themselues in stead of girdles with some fine white bombast cloth: they haue breeches after the order of the Turks: they weare on their feet plaine high things called of them Aspergh, and at their eares they haue hanging great plenty of golde.

Returning to my voyage, when we were together in Ancola, one of my companions that had nothing to lose, tooke a guide, and went to Goa, whither they goe in foure dayes, the other Por∣tugall not being disposed to go, taried in Ancola for that Winter. The Winter in those parts of the Indies beginneth the fifteenth of May, and lasteth vnto the end of October:* 1.38 and as we were in Ancola, there came another Marchant of horses in a palanchine, and two Portugall souldiers which came from Zeilan, and two cariers of le••ters, which were Christians borne in the Indies: all these consorted to goe to Goa together, and I determined to goe with them, and caused a pal∣lanchine to be made for me very poorely of Canes; and in one of them Canes I hid priuily all the iew••ls I had, and according to the order, I tooke eight Falchines to cary me: and one day about el••uen of the clocke wee set forwards on our iourney, and about two of the clocke in the after∣noone, as we passed a mountaine which diuideth the territory of Ancola and Dialcan, I being a little behinde my company, was assaulted by eight theeues, foure of them had swordes and tar∣gets, and the other foure had bowes and arrowes. When the Falchines that carried me vnder∣stood the noise of the assault, they let the pallanchine and me fall to the ground, and ranne away and left me alone, with my clothes wrapped about me: presently the theeues were on my necke, and rifeling me, they stripped me starke naked, and I fained my selfe sicke, because I would not leaue the pallanchine, and I had made me a little bedde of my clothes; the theeues sought it very narrowly and subtilly, and found two pursses that I had, well bound vp together. wherein I had put my Copper money which I had changed for foure pagodies in Ancola. The theeues thin∣king it had beene so many duckats of golde, searched no further: then they threw all my clothes in a bush, and hied them away, and as God would haue it, at their departure there fell from them an handkercher, and when I saw it, I rose from my pallanchine or couch, and tooke it vp, and wrapped it together within my pallanchine. Then these my Falchines were of so good conditi∣on, that they returned to seeke mee, whereas I thought I should not haue found so much good∣nesse in them: because they were payed their mony aforehand, as is the vse, I had thought to haue seene them no more. Before their comming I was determined to plucke the Cane wherein my iewels were hidden, out of my coutch, and to haue made me a walking staffe to carry in my hand to Goa, thinking that I should haue gone thither on foot, but by the faithfulnes of my Falchines, I was rid of that trouble, and so in foure dayes they carried me to Goa, in which time I made hard fare, for the theeues left me neither money, golde, nor siluer, and that which I did eat was giuen me of my men for Gods sake: and after at my comming to Goa I payed them for euery thing royally that I had of them. From Goa I departed for Cochin, which is a voyage of three hundred miles, and betweene these two cities are many holdes of the Portugals, as Onor, Man∣galor, Barzelor, and Cananor.* 1.39 The Holde or Fort that you shall haue from Goa to Cochin that belongeth to the Portugals, is called Onor, which is in the kingdome of the queene of Bat∣tacella, which is tributary to the king of Bezenegar: there is no trade there, but onely a charge with the Captaine and company he keepeth there. And passing this place, you shall come to ano∣ther small castle of the Portugals called Mangalor, and there is very small trade but onely for a little Rice: and from thence you goe to a little fort called Barzelor, there they haue good store of Rice which is carried to Goa: and from thence you shall goe to a city called Cananor, which is a harquebush shot distant from the chiefest city that y^e king of Cananor hath in his kingdome being a king of the Gentiles: and he & his are very naughty & malicious people, alwayes hauing delight

to be in warres with the Portugales, and when they are in peace, it is for their inter••st to let their merchandize passe: there goeth out of this kingdom of Cananor, all the Cardamomū, great store of Pepper, Ginger, Honie, ships laden with great Nuts, great quantitie of Archa, which is a fruit of the bignesse of Nutmegs, which fruite th••y eate in all those partes of the Indies and be∣yond the Indies, with the leafe of an Herbe which they call Bettell,* 1.40 the which is like vnto our Iuie leafe, but a litle lesser and thinner: they eate it made in plaisters with the lime made of Oi∣stershels, and thorow the Indies they spend great quantitie of money in this composition, and it is vsed daily, which thing I would not haue beleeued, if I had not seene it. The customers get great profite by these Herbes, for that they haue custome for them. When this people eate and chawe this in their mouthes, it maketh their spittle to bee red like vnto blood, and they say, that it maketh a man to haue a very good stomacke and a sweete breath, but sure in my iudgement they eate it rather to fulfill their filthie lustes, and of a knauerie, for this Herbe is moyst and hote, & maketh a very strong expulsion. Frō Cananor you go to Cranganor, which is another smal Fort of the Portugales in the land of ••he king of Cranganor,* 1.41 which is another king of the Gentiles, and a countrey of small importance, and of an hundreth and twentie miles, full of thieues, be∣ing vnder the king of Calicut, a king also of the Gentiles, and a great enemie to the Portu∣gales, which when hee is alwayes in warres, hee and his countrey is the nest and resting for stranger theeues, and those bee called Moores of Carposa, because they weare on their heads long red hats, and these thieues part the spoyles that they take on the Sea with the king of Ca∣licut, for hee giueth leaue vnto all that will goe a rouing, liberally to goe, in such wise, that all along that coast there is such a number of thieues, that there is no saillng in those Seas but with great ships and very well armed, or els they must go in company with the army of the Portugals. From Cranganor to Cochin is 15. miles.

Cochin.

COchin is, next vnto Goa, the chiefest place that the Portugales haue in the Indies,* 1.42 and there is great trade of Spices, brugges, and all other sortes of merchandize for the king∣dome of Portugale, and there within the land is the kingdome of Pepper, which Pepper the Portugales lade in their shippes by bulke, and not in sackes: the Pepper that goeth for Portu∣gale is not so good as that which goeth for Mecca,* 1.43 because that in times past the officers of the king of Portugale made a contract with the king of Cochin, in the name of the king of Portu∣gale, for the prizes of Pepper, and by reason of that agre••ment betweene them at that time made, the price can neither rise nor fall, which is a very lowe and base price, and for this cause the vil∣laines bring it to the Portugales, greene and full of filthe. The Moores of Mecca that giue a better price, haue it cleane and drie, and better conditioned. All the Spices and drugs that are brought to Mecca, are stollen from thence as Contrabanda. Cochin is two cities, one of the Portugales, and another of the king of Cochin: that of the Portugales is situate neerest vn∣to the Sea, and that of the king of Cochin is a mile and a halfe vp higher in the land, but they are both set on the bankes of one riuer which is very great and of a good depth of water, which riuer commeth out of the mountaines of the king of the Pepper, which is a king of the Gen∣tiles, in whose kingdome are many Christians of saint Thomas order: the king of Cochin is al∣so a king of the Gentiles and a great faithfull friend to the king of Portugale, and to those Por∣tugales which are married, and are Citizens in the Citie Cochin of the Portugales. And by this name of Portugales throughout all the Indies, they call all the Christians that come out of the West, whether they bee Italians, Frenchmen, or Almaines, and all they that marrie in Co∣chin do get an office according to the trade he is of: this they haue by the great priuileges which the Citizens haue of that city,* 1.44 because there are two principal commodities that they deale withal in that place, which are these. The great store of Silke that commeth from China, and the great store of Sugar which commeth from Bengala: the married Citizens pay not any custome for these two commodities: for / all other commodities they pay 4. per cento custome to the king of Cochin, rating their goods at their owne pleasure. Those which are not married and strangers, pay in Cochin to the king of Portugale eight per cento of all maner of merchandise. I was in Cochin when the Uiceroy of the king of Portugale wrought what hee coulde to breake the priuilege of the Citizens, and to make them to pay custome as other did: at which time the Citizens were glad to waigh their Pepper in the night that they laded the ships with∣all that went to Portugale and stole the custome in the night. The king of Cochin hauing vn∣derstanding of this, would not suffer any more Pepper to bee weighed. Then presently after this, the marchants were licensed to doe as they did before, and there was no more speach of

this matter, nor any wrong done. This king of Cochin is of a small power in respect of the other kings of the Indies, for hee can make but seuentie thousand men of armes in his campe: hee hath a great number of Gentlemen which hee calleth Amochi, and some are called Nairi: these two sorts of men esteeme not their liues any thing, so that it may be for the honour of their king, they will thrust themselues forward in euery danger, although they know they shall die. These men goe naked from the girdle vpwardes, with a clothe rolled about their thighs, going barefooted, and hauing their haire very long and rolled vp together on the toppe of their heads, and alwayes they carrie their Bucklers or Targets with them and their swordes naked, these Nairi haue their wiues common amongst themselues, and when any of them goe into the house of any of these women, hee leaueth his sworde and target at the doore, and the time that hee is there, there dare not any bee so hardie as to come into that house. The kings children shall not inherite the kingdome after their father, because they hold this opinion, that perchance they were not begotten of the king their father, but of some other man, therefore they accept for their king, one of the sonnes of the kings sisters, or of some other woman of the blood roial, for that they be sure they are of the blood roiall.

* 1.45The Nairi and their wiues vse for a brauerie to make great holes in their eares, and so bigge and wide, that it is incredible, holding this opinion, that the greater the holes bee, the more noble they esteeme themselues. I had leaue of one of them to measure the circumference of one of them with a threed, and within that circumference I put my arme vp to the shoulder, clothed as it was, so that in effect they are monstrous great. Thus they doe make them when they be litle, for then they open the eare, & hang a piece of gold or lead thereat, & within the ope∣ning, in the hole they put a certaine leafe that they haue for that purpose, which maketh the hole so great. They lade ships in Cochin for Portugale and for Ormus, but they that goe for Or∣mus carrie no Pepper but by Contrabanda, as for Sinamome they easilie get leaue to carrie that away, for all other Spices and drugs they may liberally carie them to Ormus or Cambaia, and so all other merchandize which come from other places, but out of the kingdom of Cochin properly they cary away with them into Portugale great abundance of Pepper, great quantitie of Ginger dried and conserued, wild Sinamom, good quantitie of Arecca, great store of Cor∣dage of Cairo, made of the barke of the tree of the great Nut, and better then that of Hempe, of which they carrie great store into Portugale.

* 1.46The shippes euery yeere depart from Cochin to goe for Portugall, on the fift day of Decem∣ber, or the fift day of Ianuary. Nowe to follow my voyage for the Indies: from Cochin I went to Coulam, distant from Cochin seuentie and two miles, which Coulam is a small Fort of the king of Portugales, situate in the kingdom of Coulam, which is a king of the Gentiles, and of small trade: at that place they lade onely halfe a ship of Pepper, and then she goeth to Cochin to take in the rest, and from thence to Cao Comori is seuentie and two miles, and there endeth the coast of the Indies: and alongst this coast, neere to the water side, and also to Cao Comori, downe to the lowe land of Chilao, which is about two hundred miles, the people there are as it were all turned to the Christian faith: there are also Churches of the Friers of S. Pauls order, which Friers doe very much good in those places in turning the people, and in conuerting them, and take great paines in instructing them in the law of Christ.

The fishing for Pearles.

* 1.47THe Sea that lieth betweene the coast which descendeth from Cao Comori, to the lowe land of Chilao, and the Iland Zeilan, they call the fishing of Pearles, which fishing they make euery yeere, beginning in March or Aprill, and it lasteth fiftie dayes, but they doe not fishe euery yeere in one place, but one yeere in one place, and another yeere in another place of the same sea. When the time of this fishing draweth neere, then they send very good Di∣uers, that goe to discouer where the greatest heapes of Oisters bee vnder water, and right a∣gaynst that place where greatest store of Oisters bee, there they make or plant a village with houses and a Bazaro, all of stone, which standeth as long as the fishing time lasteth, and it is furnished with all things necessarie, and nowe and then it is neere vnto places that are inhabi∣ted, and other times farre off, according to the place where they fishe. The Fishermen are all Christians of the countrey, and who so will may goe to fishing, paying a certaine dutie to the king of Portugall, and to the Churches of the Friers of Saint Paule, which are in that coast. All the while that they are fishing, there are three or foure Fostes armed to defend the Fisher∣men from Rouers. It was my chance to bee there one time in my passage, and I saw the order

that they vsed in fishing, which is this. There are three or foure Barkes that make consort to∣gether, which are like to our litle Pilot boates, and a litle lesse, there goe seuen or eight men in a boate: and I haue seene in a morning a great number of them goe out, and anker in fifteene or eighteene fadome of water, which is the Ordinarie depth of all that coast. When they are at an∣ker, they cast a rope into the Sea, and at the ende of the rope, they make fast a great stone, and then there is readie a man that hath his nose and his eares well stopped, and annointed with oyle, and a basket about his necke, or vnder his left arme, then hee goeth downe by the rope to the bottome of the Sea, and as fast as he can hee filleth the basket, and when it is full, he shaketh the rope, and his fellowes that are in the Barke hale him vp with the basket: and in such wise they goe one by one vntill they haue laden their barke with oysters, and at euening they come to the village, and then euery company maketh their mountaine or heape of oysters one distant from another, in such wise that you shall see a great long rowe of mountaines or heapes of oy∣sters, and they are not touched vntill such time as the fishing bee ended, and at the ende of the fi∣shing euery companie sitteth round about their mountaine or heape of oysters, and fall to ope∣ning of them, which they may easilie doe because they bee dead, drie and brittle: and if euery oyster had pearles in them, it would bee a very good purchase, but there are very many that haue no pearles in them: when the fishing is ended, then they see whether it bee a good gathering or a badde: there are certaine expert in the pearles whom they call Chitini,* 1.48 which set and make the price of pearles according to their carratts, beautie, and goodnesse, making foure sortes of them. The first sort bee the round pearles, and they be called Aia of Portugale, because the Por∣tugales doe buy them. The second forte which are not round, are called Aia of Bengala. The third sort which are not so good as the second, they call Aia of Canara, that is to say, the king∣dome of Bezeneger. The fourth and last sort, which are the least and worst sort, are called Aia of Cambaia. Thus the price being set, there are merchants of euery countrey which are rea∣die with their money in their handes, so that in a fewe dayes all is bought vp at the prises set ac∣cording to the goodnesse and caracts of the pearles.

In this Sea of the fishing of pearles is an Iland called Manar, which is inhabited by Chri∣stians of the countrey which first were Gentiles, and haue a small hold of the Portugales being situate ouer agaynst Zeilan: and betweene these two Ilands there is a chanell, but not very big, and hath but a small depth therein: by reason whereof there cannot any great shippe passe that way, but small ships, and with the increase of the water which is at the change or the full of the Moone, and yet for all this they must vnlade them and put their goods into small vessels to ligh∣ten them before they can passe that way for feare of Sholdes that lie in the chanell, and after lade them into their shippes to goe for the Indies, and this•• doe all small shippes that passe that way, but those shippes that goe for the Indies Eastwardes, passe by the coast of Coromandel, on the other side by the land of Chilao which is betweene the firme land and the Iland Manor: and going from the Indies to the coast of Coromandel, they loose some shippes, but they bee emp∣tie, because that the shippes that passe that way discharge their goods at an Iland called Peri∣patane, and there land their goods into small flat bottomed boates which drawe litle water, and are called Tane, and can run ouer euery Shold without either danger or losse of any thing, for that they tarrie in Peripatane vntill such time as it bee faire weather. Before they depart to passe the Sholdes, the small shippes and flat bottomed boates goe together in companie, and when they haue sailed sixe and thirtie miles, they arriue at the place where the Sholdesare, and at that place the windes blowe so forciblie, that they are forced to goe thorowe, not hauing any other refuge to saue themselues. The flat bottomed boates goe safe thorow, where as the small shippes if they misse the aforesayd chanell, sticke fast on the Sholdes, and by this meanes many are lost: and comming backe from the Indies, they goe not that way, but passe by the chanell of Manar as is abouesayd, whose chanell is Oazie, and if the shippes sticke fast, it is great chance if there be any danger at all. The reason why this chanell is not more sure to goe thither, is, because the windes that raigne or blowe betweene Zeilan and Manar, make the chanell so sha∣low with water, that almost there is not any passage. From Cao Comori to the Iland of Zei∣lan is 120. miles ouerthwart.

Zeilan.

ZEilan is an Iland, in my iudgement, a great deale bigger then Cyprus: on that side to∣wards the Indies lying Westward is the citie called Columba, which is a hold of the Por∣tugales, but without walles or enimies. It hath towards the Sea a free port, the lawfull king

of that Iland is in Columbo, and is turned Christian and maintained by the king of Portu∣gall, being depriued of his kingdome. The king of the Gentiles, to whom this kingdome did belong, was called Madoni, which had two sonnes, the first named Barbinas the prince; and the second Ragine. This king by the pollicie of his yoonger sonne, was depriued of his kingdome, who because hee had entised and done that which pleased the armie and souldiours, in despight of his father and brother being prince, vsurped the kingdome, and became a great warriour. First, this Iland had three kings; the king of Cotta with his conquered prisoners: the king of Candia, which is a part of that Iland, and is so called by the name of Candia, which had a reasonable power,•• and was a great friend to the Portugals, which sayd that hee liued se∣cretly a Christian; the third was the king of Gianifampatan. In thirteene yeeres that this Ra∣gine gouerned this Iland, he became a great tyrant.

In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom, great store of Pepper, great store of Nuttes and Arochoe: there they make great store of Cairo to make Cordage:* 1.49 it bringeth foorth great store of Christall Cats eyes, or Ochi de Gati, and they say that they finde there some Rubies, but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Sinamom, or take it from the tree that it groweth on, and so much the ra∣ther, because the time that I was there, was the season which they gather it in, which was in the moneth of Aprill, at which time the Portugals were in armes, and in the field, with the king of the countrey; yet I to satisfie my desire, although in great danger, tooke a guide with mee and went into a wood three miles from the Citie, in which wood was great store of Sina∣mome trees growing together among other wilde trees;* 1.50 and this Sinamome tree is a small tree, and not very high, and hath leaues like to our Baie tree. In the moneth of March or A∣prill, when the sappe goeth vp to the toppe of the tree, then they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise. They cut the barke of the tree round about in length from knot to knot, or from ioint to ioint, aboue and belowe, and then easilie with their handes they take it away, lay∣ing it in the Sunne to drie,* 1.51 and in this wise it is gathered, and yet for all this the tree dieth not, but agaynst the next yeere it will haue a new barke, and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamome: for that which groweth two or three yeeres is great, and not so good as the o∣ther is; and in these woods groweth much Pepper.

Negapatan.

FRom the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small shippes to Negapatan, within the firme land, and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie, and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the countrey, and part Gentiles: it is a countrey of small trade, neither haue they any trade there, saue a good quantitie of Rice, and cloth of Bumbast which they carie into diuers partes: it was a very plentifull countrey of victuals, but now it hath a great deale lesse; and that abundance of victuals caused many Portugales to goe thither and build houses, and dwell there with small charge.

This Citie belongeth to a noble man of the kingdome of Bezeneger being a Gentile, neuer∣thelesse the Portugales and other Christians are well intreated there, and haue their Churches there with a monasterie of Saint Francis order, with great deuotion and very well accommo∣dated, with houses round about: yet for all this, they are amongst tyrants, which alwayes at their pleasure may doe them some harme, as it happened in the yeere of our Lord God one thou∣sand fiue hundred, sixtie and fiue: for I remember very well, how that the Nayer, that is to say, the lord of the citie, sent to the citizens to demaund of them certaine Arabian horses, and they hauing denied them vnto him, and gainesayd his demaund, it came to passe that this lord had a desire to see the Sea, which when the poore citizens vnderstood, they doubted some euill, to heare a thing which was not woont to bee, they thought that this man would come to sacke the Citie,* 1.52 and presently they embarked themselues the best they could with their mooueables, mar∣chandize, iewels, money, and all that they had, and caused the shippes to put from the shore. When this was done, as their euill chance would haue it, the next night following, there came such a great storme that it put all the shippes on land perforce, and brake them to pieces, and all the goods that came on land and were saued, were taken from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which came downe with him to see the Sea, and were attendant at the Sea side, not thinking that any such thing would haue happened.

Saint Thomas or San Tome.

FRom Negapatan following my voyage towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles, I found the house of blessed Saint Thomas,* 1.53 which is a Church of great deuotion, and greatly regarded of the Gentiles for the great miracles they haue heard to haue bene done by that blessed Apostle: neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded them a Citie in the countrey sub∣iect to the king of Bezeneger, which citie although it bee not very great, yet in my iudgement it is the fairest in all that part of the Indies: and it hath very faire houses and faire gardens in vacant places very well accommodated: it hath streete•• large and streight, with many Chur∣ches of great deuotion, their houses be set close one vn 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other, with little doores, euery house hath his defence, so that by that meanes it is of force sufficient to defend y^e Portugals against the people of that countrey. The Portugals there haue no other possession but their gardens and houses that are within the citie: the customes belong to the king of Bezeneger, which are very small and easie, for that it is a countrey of great riches and great trade: there come euery yeere two or three great ships very rich, besides many other small ships: one of the two great ships goeth for Pegu, and the other for Malacca, laden with fine Bumbast cloth of euery sort, painted,* 1.54 which is a rare thing, because those kinde of clothes shew as they were gilded with diuers co∣lours, and the more they be washed, the liuelier the colours will shew. Also there is other cloth of Bumbast which is wouen with diuers colours, and is of great value: also they make in Sant Tome great store of red Yarne, which they die with a roote called Saia, and this colour will neuer waste, but the more it is washed, the more redder it will shew: they lade this yarne the greatest part of it for Pegu, because that there they worke and weaue it to make cloth according to their owne fashion, and with lesser charges. It is a maruelous thing to them which haue not seene the lading and vulading of men and merchandize in S. Tome as they do: it is a place so dangerous, that a man cannot bee serued with small barkes, neither can they doe their businesse with the boates of the shippes, because they would be beaten in a thousand pieces, but they make certaine barkes (of purpose) high, which they call Masadie, they be made of litle boards; one board being sowed to another with small cordes, and in this order are they made. And when they are thus made, and the owners will embarke any thing in them, either men or goods, they lade them on land, and when they are laden, the Barke-men thrust the boate with her lading into the streame, and with great speed they make haste all that they are able to rowe out against the huge waues of the sea that are on that shore, vntill that they carie them to the ships: and in like maner they lade these Masadies at the shippes with merchandise and men. When they come neere the shore, the Barke-men leap out of the Barke into the Sea to keepe the Barke right that she cast not thwart the shore, and being kept right, the Suffe of the Sea setteth her lading dry on land without any hurt or danger, and sometimes there are some of them that are ouerthrowen, but there can be no great losse, because they lade but a litle at a time. All the marchandize they lade outwards, they emball it well with Ore hides, so that if it take wet, it can haue no great harme.

In my voyage, returning in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand, fiue hundred, sixtie and sixe, I went from Goa vnto Malacca, in a shippe or Gallion of the king of Portugal, which went vnto Banda for to lade Nutmegs & Maces:* 1.55 from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight hundred miles, we passed without the Iland Zeilan, and went through the chanell of Nicubar, or els through the chanell of Sombrero, which is by the middle of the Iland of Sumatra, called in olde time Taprobana: and from Nicubar to Pegu is as it were a rowe or chaine of an infi∣nite number of Ilands, of which many are inhabited with wilde people, and they call those I∣lands the Ilands of Andemaon,* 1.56 and they call their people sauage or wilde, because they eate one another: also these Ilands haue warre one with another, for they haue small Barkes, and with them they take one another, and so eate one another: and if by euil chance any ship be lost on those Ilands, as many haue bene, there is not one man of those ships lost there that escapeth vneaten or vnslaine. These people haue not any acquaintance with any other people, neither haue they trade with any, but liue onely of such fruites as those Ilands yeeld: and if any ship come neere vnto that place or coast as they passe that way, as in my voyage it happened as I came from Ma∣lacca through the chanell of Sombrero, there came two of their Barkes neere vnto our ship la∣den with fruite, as with Mouces which wee call Adams apples, with fresh Nuts, and with a fruite called Inani, which fruite is like to our Turneps, but is very sweete and good to eate: they would not come into the shippe for any thing that wee could doe: neither would they take any money for their fruite, but they would trucke for olde shirtes or pieces of olde linnen breeches, these ragges they let downe with a rope into their Barke vnto them, and looke

what they thought those things to bee woorth, so much fruite they would make fast to the rope and let vs hale it in: and it was told me that at sometimes a man shall haue for an old shirt a good piece of Amber.

Sumatra.

THis Iland of Sumatra is a great Iland and deuided and gouerned by many kings, and deui∣ded into many chanels, where through there is passage: vpon the headland towardes the West is the kingdom of Assi gouerned by a Moore king:* 1.57 this king is of great force and strength, as he that beside his great kingdom, hath many Foists and Gallies. In his kingdom groweth great store of Pepper, Ginger, Beniamin: he is an vtter enemy to the Portugals, and hath diuers times bene at Malacca to fight against it, and hath done great harme to the boroughts thereof, but the citie alway withstood him valiantly, and with their ordinance did great spoile to his campe. At length I came to the citie of Malacca.

The Citie Malacca.

* 1.58MAlacca is a Citie of marueilous great trade of all kind of marchandize, which come from diuers partes, because that all the shippes that saile in these seas, both great and small, are bound to touch at Malacca to paie their custome there, although they vnlade nothing at all, as we doe at Elsinor: and if by night they escape away, and pay not their custome, then they fall into a greater danger after: for if they come into the Indies and haue not the seale of Malacca, they pay double custome. I haue not passed further then Malacca towards the East, but that which I wil speake of here is by good information of them that haue bene there. The sailing from Ma∣lacca towards the East is not common for all men, as to China and Iapan, and so forwards to go who will, but onely for the king of Portugall and his nobles, with leaue granted vnto them of the king to make such voiages, or to the iurisdiction of the captaine of Malacca, where he expecteth to know what voiages they make from Malacca thither, & these are the kings voiages, that euery yere there departeth frō Malacca 2. gallions of the kings, one of thē goeth to y^e Moluccos to lade Cloues,* 1.59 and the other goeth to Banda to lade Nutmegs and Maces. These two gallions are la∣den for the king, neither doe they carie any particular mans goods, sauing the portage of the Ma∣riners and souldiers, and for this cause they are not voiages for marchants, because that going thither, they shal not haue where to lade their goods of returne; and besides this, the captaine will not cary any marchant for either of these two places. There goe small shippes of the Moores thi∣ther, which come from the coast of Iaua, and change or guild their commodities in the kingdom of Assa,* 1.60 and these be the Maces, Cloues, and Nutmegs, which go for the streights of Mecca. The voiages that the king of Portugall granteth to his nobles are these, of China and Iapan, from China to Iapan, and from Iapan to China, and from China to the Indies, and the voyage of Bengala, Maluco, and Sonda, with the lading of fine cloth, and euery sort of Bumbast cloth. Sonda is an Iland of the Moores neere to the coast of Iaua, and there they lade Pepper for Chi∣na. The ship that goeth euery yeere from the Indies to China, is called the ship of Drugs,* 1.61 be∣cause she carieth diuers drugs of Cambaia, but the greatest part of her lading is siluer. From Malacca to China is eighteene hundred miles: and from China to Iapan goeth euery yeere a shippe of great importance laden with Silke, which for returne of their Silke bringeth barres of siluer which they trucke in China. The distance betweene China and Iapan is foure and twen∣tie hundred miles, and in this way there are diuers Ilands not very bigge, in which the Friers of saint Paul, by the helpe of God, make many Christians there like to themselues. From these Ilands hitherwards the place is not yet discouered for the great sholdnesse of Sandes that they find.* 1.62 The Portugals haue made a small citie neere vnto the coast of China called Macao, whose church and houses are of wood, and it hath a bishoprike, but the customs belong to the king of Chi∣na, and they goe and pay the same at a citie called Canton, which is a citie of great importance and very beautifull two dayes iourney and a halfe from Macao. The people of China are Gen∣tiles, and are so iealous and fearefull, that they would not haue a stranger to put his foote within their land: so that when the Portugals go thither to pay their custome, and to buy their marchan∣dize, they will not consent that they shall lie or lodge within the citie, but send them foorth into the suburbes. The countrey of China is neere the kingdom of great Tartaria,* 1.63 and is a very great countrey of the Gentiles and of great importance, which may be iudged by the rich and precious marchandize that come from thence, then which I beleeue there are not better nor in greater quantitie in the whole world besides.

First, great store of golde, which they carie to the Indies, made in plates like to little shippes, and in value three and twentie caracts a peece, very great aboundance of fine silke, cloth of damaske and taffata, great quantitie of muske, great quantitie of Occam in barres, great quantitie of quicksiluer and of Cinaper, great store of Camfora, an infinite quantitie of Por∣cellane, made in vessels of diuerse sortes, great quantitie of painted cloth and squares, infi∣nite store of the rootes of China: and euery yeere there commeth from China to the Indies, two or three great shippes, laden with most rich and precious marchandise. The Rubarbe com∣meth from thence ouer lande, by the way of Persia, because that euery yeere there goeth a great Carouan from Persia to China,* 1.64 which is in going thither sixe moneths. The Carouan arriueth at a Citie called Lanchin, the place where the king is resident with his Court. I spake with a Persian that was three yeeres in that citie of Lanchin, and he tolde me that it was a great Citie and of great importance. The voiages of Malacca which are in the iurisdiction of the Captaine of the castle, are these: Euery yeere he sendeth a small shippe to Timor to lade white San∣dols, for all the best commeth from this Iland: there commeth some also from Solor, but that is not so good: also he sendeth another small ship euery yere to Cauchin China, to lade there wood of Aloes, for that all the wood of Aloes commeth from this place, which is in the firme land neere vnto China, and in that kingdome I could not knowe how that wood groweth by any meanes. For that the people of the countrey will not suffer the Portugales to come within the land, but onely for wood and water, and as for all other things that they wanted, as victuals or marchan∣dise, the people bring that a boord the ship in small barkes, so that euery day there is a mart kept in the ship,* 1.65 vntill such time as she be laden: also there goeth another ship for the said Captaine of Malacca to Sion, to lade Uerzino: all these voiages are for the Captaine of the castle of Malac∣ca, and when he is not disposed to make these voiages, he selleth them to another.

The citie of Sion, or Siam.

SIon was the imperiall seat, and a great Citie, but in the yeere of our Lord God one thou∣sand fiue hundred sixtie and seuen, it was taken by the king of Pegu, which king made a voyage or came by lande foure moneths iourney with an armie of men through his lande, and the number of his armie was a million and foure hundreth thousand men of warre:* 1.66 when hee came to the Citie, he gaue assault to it, and besieged it one and twentie monethes before he could winne it, with great losse of his people, this I know, for that I was in Pegu sixe moneths after his departure, and sawe when that his officers that were in Pegu, sent fiue hundreth thou∣sand men of warre to furnish the places of them that were slaine and lost in that assault: yet for all this, if there had not beene treason against the citie, it had not beene lost: for on a night there was one of the gates set open, through the which with great trouble the king gate into the citie, and became gouernour of Sion: and when the Emperour sawe that he was betrayed, and that his enemie was in the citie, he poysoned himselfe: and his wiues and children, friends and noble∣men, that were not slaine in the first affront of the entrance into the citie, were all caried captiues into Pegu, where I was at the comming home of the king with his triumphs and victorie, which comming home & returning from the warres was a goodly sight to behold, to see the Elephants come home in a square, laden with golde, siluer, iewels, and with Noble men and women that were taken prisoners in that citie.

Now to returne to my voyage: I departed from Malacca in a great shippe which went for Saint Tome, being a Citie situate on the coast of Coromandel: and because the Captaine of the castles of Malacca had vnderstanding by aduise that the king of * 1.67 Assi would come with a great armie and power of men against them, therefore vpon this he would not giue licence that any shippes should depart: Wherefore in this ship wee departed from thence in the night, without making any prouision of our water: and wee were in that shippe foure hundreth and odde men: we departed from thence with intention to goe to an Iland to take in water, but the windes were so contrary, that they would not suffer vs to fetch it, so that by this meanes wee were two and fortie dayes in the sea as it were lost, and we were driuen too and fro, so that the first lande that we discouered, was beyonde Saint Tome, more then fiue hundreth miles which were the moun∣taines of Zerzerline,* 1.68 neere vnto the kingdome of Orisa, and so wee came to Orisa with many sicke, and more that were dead for want of water: and they that were sicke in foure dayes dyed: and I for the space of a yeere after had my throat so sore and hoarse, that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in drinking of water: I iudge the reason of my hoarse∣nesse to bee with soppes that I wet in vineger and oyle, wherewith I susteyned my selfe many dayes. There was not any want of bread nor of wine: but the wines of that countrey

are so hot that being drunke without water they will kill a man: neither are they able to drinke them: when we beganne to want water, I sawe certaine Moores that were officers in the ship, that solde a small dish full for a duckat, after this I sawe one that would haue giuen a barre of Pepper, which is two quintalles and a halfe, for a litle measure of water, and he could not haue it. Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue, whom then I had to serue mee, which cost mee verie deare: but to prouide for the daunger at hand, I solde my slaue for halfe that he was worth, because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke, to serue my owne pur∣pose, and to saue my life.

Of the kingdome of Orisa, and the riuer Ganges.

ORisa was a faire kingdome and trustie, through the which a man might haue gone with golde in his hande without any daunger at all, as long as the lawefull King reigned which was a Gentile, who continued in the citie called Catecha, which was within the land sixe dayes iourney. This king loued strangers marueilous well, especially marchants which has traffique in and out of his kingdome, in such wise that hee would take no custome of them, neither any other grieuous thing. Onely the shippe that came thither payde a small thing ac∣cording to her portage, and euery yeere in the port of Orisa were laden fiue and twentie or thir∣tie ships great and small, with ryce and diuers sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth,* 1.69 oyle of Zer∣zeline which they make of a seed, and it is very good to eate and to fry fish withal, great store of butter, Lacca, long pepper, Ginger, Mirabolans dry and condite, great store of cloth of herbes, which is a kinde of silke which groweth amongst the woods without any labour of man,* 1.70 and when the bole thereof is growen round as bigge as an Orenge, then they take care onely to ga∣ther them. About sixteene yeeres past, this king with his kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane, which was also king of the greatest part of Bengala, and when he had got the king∣dome, he set custome there twenty pro cento, as Marchants paide in his kingdome: but this tyrant enioyed his kingdome but a small time, but was conquered by another tyrant, which was the great Mogol king of Agra, Delly, and of all Cambaia, without any resistance. I departed from Orisa to Bengala, to the harbour Piqueno, which is distant from Orisa towardes the East a hundred and seuentie miles. They goe as it were rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles, and then we enter into the riuer Ganges:* 1.71 from the mouth of this riuer, to a citie called Satagan, where the marchants gather themselues together with their trade, are a hundred miles, which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the water: in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis, and when the ebbing water is come, they are not able to rowe against it, by reason of the swiftnesse of the water, yet their barkes be light and armed with oares, like to Foistes, yet they cannot preuaile against that streame, but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the riuer vntill the next flowing water, and they call these barkes Bazaras and Patuas: they rowe as well as a Galliot, or as well as euer I haue seene a∣ny. A good tides rowing before you come to Satagan, you shall haue a place which is called But∣tor, and from thence vpwards the ships doe not goe, because that vpwardes the riuer is very shallowe, and litle water. Euery yeere at Buttor they make and vnmake a Uillage, with houses and shoppes made of strawe, and with all things necessarie to their vses, and this village stan∣deth as long as the ships ride there, and till they depart for the Indies, and when they are depar∣ted, euery man goeth to his plot of houses, and there setteth fire on them, which thing made me to maruaile. For as I passed vp to Satagan, I sawe this village standing with a great num∣ber of people, with an infinite number of ships and Bazars, and at my returne comming downe with my Captaine of the last ship, for whom I carried, I was al amazed to see such a place so soone razed and burnt, & nothing left but the signe of the burnt houses. The small ships go to Sa∣tagan, and there they lade.

Of the citie of Satagan.

IN the port of Satagan euery yeere lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small, with rice, cloth of Bombast of diuerse sortes, Lacca, great abundance of sugar, Mirabolans dri∣ed and preserued, long pepper, oyle of Zerzeline, and many other sorts of marchandise. The ci∣tie of Satagan is a reasonable faire citie for a citie of the Moores,* 1.72 abounding with all things, and was gouerned by the king of Patane, and now is subiect to the great Mogol. I was in this kingdome foure moneths, whereas many marchants did buy or fraight boates for their bene∣fites, and with these barkes they goe vp and downe the riuer of Ganges to faires, buying their

commoditie with a great aduantage, because that eueryday in the weeke they haue a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, now in one place, and now in another, and I also hired a barke and went vp and downe the riuer and did my businesse, and so in the night I saw many strange things. The kingdome of Bengala in times past hath bene as it were in the power of Moores, neuerthelesse there is great store of Gen∣tiles among them; alwayes whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles, is to be vnderstood Idolaters, and wheras I speak of Moores I meane Mahomets sect.* 1.73 Those people especially that be within the land doe greatly worship the riuer of Ganges: for when any is sicke, he is brought out of the countrey to the banke of the riuer, and there they make him a small cottage of strawe, and euery day they wet him with that water, whereof there are many that die, and when they are dead,* 1.74 they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon, and putting fire thereunto, they let the bodie a••ne vntill it be halfe rosted, and then they take it off from the fire, and make an emptie iarre fast about his necke, and so throw him into the riuer. These things euery night as I passed vp and downe the riuer I saw for the space of two moneths, as I passed to the fayres to buy my commodities with the marchants. And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the water of the riuer Ganges, yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is. From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin, and from Cochin to Malacca, from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant. That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or thirtie dayes, but we were foure moneths, and at the ende of three moneths our ship was without victuals. The Pilot told vs that wee were by his altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary, in the kingdome of Pegu, and these his words were not true, but we were (as it were) in the middle of many Ilands, and many vninhabited rockes, and there were also some Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land, and knewe also where the citie of Tanasari was.

This citie of right belongeth to the kingdome of Sion, which is situate on a great riuers side, which commeth out of the kingdome of Sion: and where this riuer runneth into the sea, there is a village called Mirgim, in whose harbour euery yeere there lade some ships with Uerzi∣na, Nypa, and Beniamin, a few cloues, nutmegs and maces which come from the coast of Sion,* 1.75 but the greatest marchandise there is Uerzin and Nypa, which is an excellent wine, which is made of the floure of a tree called Nyper. Whose liquour they distill, and so make an excellent drinke cleare as christall, good to the mouth, and better to the stomake, and it hath an excellent gentle vertue, that if one were rotten with the french pockes, drinking good store of this, he shall be whole againe, and I haue seene it proued, because that when I was in Cochin, there was a friend of mine, whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease,* 1.76 and he was counselled of the doctors of phisicke, that he should goe to Tanasary at the time of the new wines, and that he should drinke of the nyper wine, night and day, as much as he could before it was distilled, which at that time is most delicate, but after that it is distilled, it is more strong, and if you drinke much of it, it will fume into the head with drunkennesse. This man went thither, and did so, and I haue scene him after with a good colour and sound. This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies, and for that it is brought so farre off, it is very deare: in Pegu ordinarily it is good cheape, because it is neerer to the place where they make it, and there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof. And returning to my purpose, I say, being amongst these rockes, and farre from the land which is ouer against Tanasary, with great scarcitie of victuals, and that by the saying of the Pylot and two Portugales, holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayd harbour, we determined to goe thither with our boat and fetch victuals, and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place assigned. We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for victuals, and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship, assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port, wee rowed all that day, and a great part of the next night, and all the next day without finding harbour, or any signe of good landing, and this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that were with vs.

For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs, in such wise that we had lost the lande inhabited, together with the shippe, and we eight and twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate, but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a litle rice with him in the boate to barter away for some other thing, and it was not so much but that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale: I tooke the gouernment of this Ryce,* 1.77 promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place that was inhabited: & when I slept I put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me: we were nine daies rowing alongst the coast, without finding any thing but countreys vninhabited, & desert Ilands, where if we had found but grasse it would haue seemed

sugar vnto vs, but wee could not finde any, yet we found a fewe leaues of a tree, and they were so hard that we could not chewe them, we had water and wood sufficient, and as wee rowed, we could goe but by flowing water, for when it was ebbing water, wee made fast our boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes, and in these nine dayes that we rowed, we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges, wherein were one hundred fortie and foure egges, the which was a great helpe vnto vs: these egges are as bigge as a hennes egge, and haue no shell aboue them but a tender skinne, euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges, with an handfull of rice in the broth thereof: it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes we discouered certaine fisher men, a fishing with small barkes, and we rowed towardes them, with a good cheare, for I thinke there were neuer men more glad then we were, for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie, that we could scarce stande on our legges. Yet according to the order that we set for our ryce, when we sawe those fisher men, there was left sufficient for foure dayes. The first village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay, vnder the king of Pegu,* 1.78 whereas we found great store of victuals: then for two or three dayes after our arriuall there, we would eate but litle meate any of vs, and yet for all this, we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to Martauan, in the kingdome of Pegu, are seuentie two miles. We laded our bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths, from whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan, where in short time we arriued, but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should, from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her. And they found her in great calamitie, and neede of water, being at an anker with a contrary winde, which came very ill to passe, because that she wanted her boat a moneth, which should haue made her prouision of wood and water, the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid port of Martauan.

The Citie of Martauan.

* 1.79WE found in the Citie of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base men, which had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie, and all for this cause, that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue falchines of the king of Pegu, which chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere the kingdome of Sion. They haue for custome in this Countrey and kingdome, the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his king∣dome,* 1.80 that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of Falchines, with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or other delicates of refreshings, and with cleane clothes: it chaunced that this Carouan passing by Martauan, and resting themselues there a night, there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight, and from wordes to blowes, and because it was thought that the Portugales had the worse, the night following, when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie, the Portugales went and cut off fiue of their heads.* 1.81 Now there is a lawe in Pegu, that whosoeuer killeth a man, he shall buy the shed blood with his money, according to the estate of the person that is slaine, but these Falchines being the seruants of the king, the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter, without the consent of the king, because it was necessarie that the king should knowe of such a matter. When the king had knowledge thereof, he gaue commaundement that the male factors should be kept vntill his comming home, and then he would duely minister iustice, but the Captaine of the Portugales would not deliuer those men, but rather set himselfe with all the rest in armes, and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and ensignes displayd. For at that time the Citie was emptie of men, by reason they were gone all to the warres and in businesse of the king: in the middest of this rumour wee came thither,* 1.82 and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugales vse such insolencie in another mans Citie. And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe, and would not vnlade my goods be∣cause that they were more sure in the shippe then on the land, the greatest part of the la∣ding was the owners of the shippe, who was in Malacca, yet there were diuerse marchants there, but their goods were of small importance, all those marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there, vnlesse I would vnlade first, yet after they left my coun∣sell and followed their owne, and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit. The Rector with the customer sent for mee, and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande, and payed my custome as other men did? To whom I answered, that I was a marchant that was newly come thither, and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales, I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare, with the sweate of my face, and for this cause I was determined not

to put my goods on lande, vntill such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king, that I should haue no losse, and although there came harme to thē Portugales, that nei∣ther I nor my goods should haue any hurt, because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult: my reason sounded well in the Retors eares, and so presently he sent for the Bargits, which are as Counsellers of the Citie, and there they promised mee on the kings head or in the behalfe of the king, that neither I nor my goods should haue any harme, but that we should be safe and sure: of which promise there were made publike notes. And then I sent for my goods and had them on land, and payde my custome, which is in that countrey ten in the hundreth of the same goods, and for my more securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house. The Captaine of the Portugales, and all the Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie, and I with twentie and two poore men which were officers in the shippe, had my dwelling in the Citie. After this, the Gentiles deuised to be reuenged of the Portu∣gales;* 1.83 but they would not put it in execution vntill such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods, and then the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some Elephants of warre; and before that they made any tumult in the citie, the Retor sent, and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie, when they heard any ru∣mour or noyse, that for any thing they should not goe out of their houses, as they tendered their owne health. Then foure houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre, with Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales, and their houses of wood and strawe, in the which tumult there were some Portugales woun∣ded, and one of them slaine; and others without making proofe of their manhoode, which the day before did so bragge, at that time put themselues to flight most shamefully, and saued themselues a boord of litle shippes, that were at an anker in the harbour, and some that were in their beds fled away naked, and that night they caried away all the Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie, and those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes also. After this the Portugales that were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues, tooke a newe courage to themselues, and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes, which houses be∣ing made of boorde and strawe, and the winde blowing fresh, in small time were burnt and consumed, with which fire halfe the Citie had like to haue beene burnt; when the Portugales had done this, they were without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe, which goods might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats, which, if they had not set fire to the towne, they might haue had againe withont any losse at all. Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king, but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie ware very ill content, knowing that they had made a great fault, yet the next mor∣ning following, the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against the Citie, which batterie of theirs continued foure dayes, but all was in vaine, for the shotte neuer hit the Citie, but lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it, so that the citie had no harme. When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against the Citie, hee tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie, and sent them foure miles into the Countrey, there to tarry vntill such time as the other Portugales were departed, that made the batterie, who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any harme done vnto them. I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor, that no man should doe me iniurie, nor harme me nor my goods; in such wise that hee perfourmed all that he had promised me in the name of the king, but he would not let me depart before the com∣ming of the king, which was greatly to my hinderance, because I was twenty and one moneths sequestred, that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of marchandize. Those commodities that I brought thither, were peper, sandols, and Porcellan of China: so when the king was come home, I made my supplication vnto him, and I was licenced to depart when I would.

From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the kingdome of Pegu, which is al∣so called after the name of the kingdome, which voyage is made by sea in three or foure daies; they may goe also by lande, but it is better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea and lesser charge. And in this voyage you shall haue a Macareo, which is one of the most marueilous things in the world that nature hath wrought, and I neuer saw any thing so hard to be beleeued as this, to wit, the great increasing & diminishng of the water there at one push or instant,* 1.84 and the horrible earthquake and great noyse that the said Macareo maketh where it commeth. We departed from Martauan in barkes, which are like to our Pylot boates, with the increase of the water, and they goe as swift as an arrowe out of a bow, so long as the tide runneth with them, and when the water is at the highest, then they drawe themselues out of the Chanell towardes some banke, and there they come to anker, and when the water is diminished, then they rest on dry land:

and when the barkes rest dry, they are as high from the bottome of the Chanell, as any house top is high from the ground. They let their barkes lie so high for this respect, that if there should any shippe rest or ride in the Chanell, with such force commeth in the water, that it would ouerthrowe shippe or barke:* 1.85 yet for all this, that the barkes be so farre out of the Chan∣nell, and though the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high, yet they make fast their prowe to the streme, and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull, and if the anker did not holde her prow vp by strength, shee would be ouerthrowen and lost with men and goods. When the water beginneth to increase, it maketh such a noyse and so great that you would thinke it an earthquake, and presently at the first it maketh three waues.* 1.86 So that the first washeth ouer the barke, from stemme to sterne, the second is not so furious as the first, and the thirde rayseth the Anker, and then for the space of sixe houres while the water encrea∣seth, they rowe with such swiftnesse that you would thinke they did fly: in these tydes there must be lost no iot of time, for if you arriue not at the stagious before the tyde be spent, you must turne backe from whence you came. For there is no staying at any place, but at these stagions, and there is more daunger at one of these places then at another, as they be higher and lower one then another. When as you returne from Pegu to Martauan, they goe but halfe the tide at a time, because they will lay their barkes vp aloft on the bankes, for the reason aforesayd. I could ne∣uer gather any reason of the noyse that this water maketh in the increase of the tide, and in de∣minishing of the water. There is another Macareo in Cambaya,* 1.87 but that is nothing in compa∣rison of this. By the helpe of God we came safe to Pegu, which are two cities, the olde and the newe, in the olde citie are the Marchant strangers,* 1.88 and marchantes of the Countrey, for there are the greatest doings and the greatest trade. This citie is not very great, but it hath very great suburbes. Their houses be made with canes, and couered with leaues, or with strawe, but the marchants haue all one house or Magason, which house they call Godon which is made of brickes,* 1.89 and there they put all their goods of any valure, to saue them from the often mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe. In the new citie is the pallace of the king, and his abiding place with all his barons and nobles, and other gentlemen; and in the time that I was there, they finished the building of the new citie:* 1.90 it is a great citie, very plaine and flat, and foure square, walled round about, and with ditches that compasse the wals about with water, in which diches are many crocodils, it hath no drawe bridges, yet it hath twentie gates, fiue for euery square on the walles, there are many places made for centinels to watch, made of wood and coue∣red or guilt with gold, the streetes thereof are the fayrest that I haue seene, they are as streight as a line from one gate to another, and standing at the one gate you may discouer to the other, and they are as broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them: and those streetes that be thwart are faire and large, these streetes, both on the one side and on the other, are planted at the doores of the houses, with nut trees of India, which make a very commodious shadowe, the houses be made of wood and couered with a kind of tiles in forme of cups, very necessary for their vse, the kings pa∣lace is in the middle of the citie, made in forme of a walled castle,* 1.91 with ditches full of water round aboue it, the lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded, with fine pinacles, and very cost∣ly worke, couered with plates of golde. Truely it may be a kings house: within the gate there is a faire large court, from the one side to the other, wherein there are made places for the stron∣gest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the seruice of the kings person, and amongst all other Eliphants,* 1.92 he hath foure that be white, a thing so rare that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any such, and if this king knowe any other that hath white Eliphantes, he sen∣deth for them as for a gift. The time that I was there, there were two brought out of a farre Countrey, and that cost me something the sigth of them, for that they commaund the marchants to goe to see them, and then they must giue somewhat to the men that bring them: the brokers of the marchants giue for euery man halfe a duckat, which they call a Tansa,* 1.93 which amoun∣teth to a great summe, for the number of merchants that are in that citie; and when they haue payde the aforesayde Tansa, they may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no, because that when they are in the kings stall, euery man may see them that will: but at that time they must goe and see them, for it is the kings pleasure it should be so. This King amongst all other his titles, is called the King of the white Eliphants, and it is repor∣ted that if this king knewe any other king that had any of these white Eliphantes, and would not send them vnto him, that he would hazard his whole kingdome to conquer them, he estee∣meth these white Eliphants very deerely, and they are had in great regard, and kept with very meete seruice, euery one of them is in a house, all guilded ouer, and they haue their meate gi∣uen them in vessels of siluer and golde, there is one blacke Eliphant the greatest that hath bene seene, and he is kept according to his bignesse, he is nine cubi••es high, which is a marueilous thing,

It is reported that this king hath foure thousand Elephants of warre, and all haue their ••eeth, and they vse to put on their two vppermost teeth sharpe pikes of yron, and make them fast with rings,* 1.94 because these beastes fight, and make battell with their teeth; hee hath also very many yong Eli∣phants that haue not their teeth sprowted foorth: also this king hath a braue deuise in hunting to take these Eliphants when hee will,* 1.95 two miles from the Citie. He hath builded a faire pallace all guilded, and within it a faire Court, and within it and ••ounde about there are made an infi∣nite number of places for men to stande to see this hunting: neere vnto this Pallace is a migh••y great wood, through the which the hun••s-men of the king ride continually o•• the backs of the fe∣minine Eliphants, teaching them in this businesse. Euery hunter carieth out with him fiue or si••e of these feminines, and they say that they anoynt the secret place with a certaine composition that they haue, that when the wilde Eliphant doeth smell there••nto, they followe the f••mini••es and cannot leaue them: when the hunts-men haue made prouision, & the Eliphant is so entangled, th••y guide the feminines towards the Pallace which is called Tambell, and this Pallace hath a doore which doth open and shut with engines, before which doore there is a long streight way with trees on both the sides, which couereth the way in such wise as it is like darkenesse in a corner: the wilde Eliphant when he commeth to this way, thinketh that he is in the woo••s. At the end of this darke way there is a great field, when the hunters haue gotten this praye, when they first come to this field, they send presently to giue knowledge thereof to the Citie, and with all speed there go out fiftie or sixtie men on horsebacke, and doe beset the fielde rounde about: in the great fielde then the females which are taught in this businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way, and when as the wilde Eliphant is entred in there, the hunt••rs shoute and make a great noyse, as∣much as is possible, to make the wilde Eliphant enter in at the gate of that Pallace, which is then open, and assoone as hee is in, the gate is shut without any noyse, and so the hunters with the fe∣male Eliphants•• and the wilde one are all in the Court together, and then within a small time the females withdraw themselues away one by one out of the Court, leauing the wilde Eliphant a∣lone:* 1.96 and when he perceiueth that he is left alone, he is so madde that for two or three houres to see him, it is the greatest pleasure in the world: he weepeth, hee flingeth, hee runneth, he iustleth, hee thrusteth vnder the places where the people stand to see him, thinking to kil some of them, but the posts and timber is so strong and great, that hee cannot hurt any body, yet hee oftentimes brea∣keth his teeth in the grates; At length when hee is weary and hath laboured his body that hee is all wet with sweat, then he plucketh in his truncke into his mouth, and then hee throweth out so much water out of his belly, that he sprinckleth it ouer the heades of the lookers on, to the vtter∣most of them, although it bee very high: and then when they see him very weary, there goe cer∣taine officers into the Court with long sharpe canes in their ha••ds,* 1.97 and prick him that they make him to goe into o••e of the houses that is made alongst the Court for the same purpose: as there are many which are made long and narrow, that when the Eliphant is in, he cannot turne himself to go backe againe. And it is requisite that these men should be very wary and swift, for although their canes be long, yet the Eliphant would kill them if they were not swift to saue themselues: at length when they haue gotten him into one of those houses, they stand ouer him in a loft and get ropes vnder his belly and about his necke, and about his legges, and binde him fast, and so let him stand foure or fiue dayes, and giue him neither meate nor drinke. At the ende of these foure or fiue dayes, they vnloose him and put one of the females vnto him,* 1.98 and giue them meate and drinke, and in eight dayes he is become tame. In my iudgment there is not a beast so intellectiue as are these Eliphants, nor of more vnderstanding in al the world: for he wil do all things that his keeper saith, so that he lacketh nothing but humaine speech.

It is reported that the greatest strength that the king of Pegu hath is in these Eliphants, for when they goe to battell, they let on their backes a Castle of wood bound thereto,* 1.99 with hands vn∣der their bellies: and in euery Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with hargubushes, with bowes and arrowes, with darts and pikes, and other launcing weapons: and they say that the skinne of this Eliphant is so hard, that an harquebusse will not pierce it, vnlesse it bee in the eye, temples, or some other tender place of his body. And besides this, they are of great strength, and haue a very e••cellent order in their battel,* 1.100 as I haue seene at their feastes which they make in the yeere, in which feastes the king maketh triumphes, which is a rare thing and worthy memo∣rie, that in so barbarous a people there should be such goodly orders as they haue in their a••••ies, which be distinct in squares of Eliphants, of horsemen, of harquebushers and pikemen,* 1.101 that ••••uly the number of them are infinite: but their armour and weapons are very nought and weake as well the one as the other: they haue very had pikes, their swords are worse made, like long kniues without points, his harquebushes are most excellent, and alway in his warres he hath eightie thou∣sand harquebushes, and the number of them encreaseth dayly. Because the king will haue them

shoote euery day at the Plancke, and so by continuall exercise they become most excellent shot: al∣so hee hath great Ordinance made of very good mettall; to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath more power or strength then this king of Pegu, because hee hath twentie and sixe crowned kings at his commaunde.* 1.102 He can make in his Campe a million and an halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies. The state of his kingdome and maintenance of his ar∣my, is a thing incredible to consider, & the victuals that should maintaine such a number of people in the warres: but he that knoweth the nature and qualitie of that people, will easily beleeue it. I haue seene with mine eyes, that those people and souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wild beasts that are on the earth, whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all serueth for their mouthes: yea, I haue seene them eate Scorpions and Serpents,* 1.103 also they feed of all kinde of herbes and grasse. So that if such a great armie want not water and salt, they wil maintaine themselues a long time in a bush with rootes, flowers and leaues of trees, they cary rice with them for their voyage, & that serueth them in stead of com••its, it is so daintie vnto them. This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by sea, but in the land, for people, dominions, golde and siluer, he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength. This king hath diuers Magasons ful of treasure, as gold, & siluer, and euery day he encreaseth it more and more, and it is neuer diminished. Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies, Safires & Spinels.* 1.104 Neere vnto his royal pallace there is an inesti∣mable treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt, for that it standeth in such a place that euery one may see it, and the place where this treasure is, is a great Court walled round about with walls of stone, with two gates which stand open euery day. And within this place or Cour•• are foure gil∣ded houses couered with lead, & in euery one of these are certaine heathenish idoles of a very great valure. In the first house there is a stature of the image of a man of gold very great, & on his head a crowne of gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires, and round about him are 4. litle children of gold. In the second house there is the stature of a man of siluer, that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money: whose stature in height, as hee sitteth, is so high, that his highnesse exceedes the height of any one roofe of an house; I measured his feete, and found that they were as long as all my body was in height, with a crowne on his head like to the first. And in the thirde house, there is a stature of brasse of the same bignesse, with a like crowne on his head. In the 4. and last house there is a stature of a man as big as the other, which is made of Gansa, which is the metall they make their money of, & this metall is made of copper & leade mingled together. This stature also hath a crowne on his head like the first: this treasure being of such a value as it is, standeth in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may go & see it: for the keepers therof neuer forbid any man the sight thereof. I say as I haue said before, that this king euery yere in his feastes trium∣pheth: & because it is worthy of the noting, I thinke it meet to write therof, which is as foloweth. The king rideth on a triumphant cart or wagon all gilded, which is drawen by 16. goodly horses:* 1.105 and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy ouer it, behind the cart goe 20. of his Lords & no∣bles, with euery one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart for to hold it vpright that it fal not. The king sitteth in the middle of the cart; & vpon the same cart about the king stande 4. of his nobles most fauored of him, and before this cart wherein the king is goeth all his army as aforesaid, and in the middle of his army goeth all his nobilitie, round about the cart, that are in his dominions, a marueilous thing it is to see so many people, such riches & such good order in a people so barba∣rous as they be. This king of Pegu hath one principal wife which is kept in a Seralio, he hath 300 concubines, of whom it is reported that he hath 90. children. This king sitteth euery day in person to heare the suites of his subiects, but he nor they neuer speake one to another, but by supplicati∣ons made in this order.* 1.106 The king sitteth vp aloft in a great hall, on a tribunall seat, and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about, then those that demaund audience enter into a great Court before the king, and there set them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the kings person,* 1.107 and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of audience before the king, but all alike, and there they sit with their supplications in their hands, which are made of long leaues of a tree, these leaues are 3. quarters of a yard long, & two fingers broad, which are written with a sharpe iron made for y^t purpose, & in those leaues are their supplications written, & with their sup∣plications, they haue in their hands a present or gift, according to the waightines of their matter. Then come y^e secretaries downe to read these supplications, taking them & reading them before the king, & if the king think it good to do to them that fauour or iustice that they demaund, then he cōmandeth to take the presents out of their hands: but if he thinke their demand be not iust or ac∣ding to right, he commandeth them away without taking of their gifts or presents. In the In∣dies there is not any marchandise that is good to bring to Pegu, vnlesse it bee at some times by chance to bring Opium of Cambaia, and if he bring money he shall lose by it. Now the commodi∣ties that come from S. Tome are the onely marchandize for that place, which is the great quantity

of cloth made there, which they vse in Pegu;* 1.108 which cloth is made of bomba•••• wouen and pa••••ted, so that the more that kinde of cloth is washed, the more liuelie they shewe their colours, which is a rare thing, and there is made such accompt of this kinde of cloth which is of so great importance, that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duckets. Also from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne, of bombast died with a roote which they call Saia, as aforesayd, which co∣lour will neuer out. With which marchandise euery yeere there goeth a great shippe from S. Tome to Pegu, of great importance, and they vsually depart from S. Tome to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September, & if she stay vntil the twelfth, it is a great hap if she returne not without making of her voiage. Their vse was to depart the sixt of September,* 1.109 and then they made sure voyages, and now because there is a great labour about that kind of cloth to bring it to perfection, and that it be well dried, as also the greedinesse of the Captaine that would make an extraordinary gaine of his fraight, thinking ••o haue the wind alwayes to serue their turne, they stay so long, that at some∣times the winde turneth. For in those parts the windes blow firmely for certaine times, with the which they goe to Pegu with the winde in poope, and if they arriue not there before the winde change, and get ground to anker, perforce they must returne backe againe: for that the gales of the winde blowe there for three or foure moneths together in one place with great force. But if they get the coast & anker there, then with great labour they may saue their voyage. Also there go∣eth another great shippe from Bengala euery yeere, laden with fine cloth of bombast of all sorts, which arriueth in the harbour of Pegu, when the ship that commeth from S. Tome departeth. The harbour where these two ships arriue is called Cosmin. From Malaca to Martauan, which is a port in Pegu,* 1.110 there come many small ships, and great, laden with pepper, Sandolo, Procellan of China, Camfora, Bruneo, and other marchandise. The ships that come from Mecca enter into the port of Pegu and Cirion, and those shippes bring cloth of Wooll, Scarlets, Ueluets, Opium, and Chickinos,* 1.111 by the which they lose, and they bring them because they haue no other thing that is good for Pegu: but they esteeme not the losse of them, for that they make such great gaine of their commodities that they cary from thence out of that kingdome. Also the king of Assi his ships come thither into the same port laden with peper; from the coast of S. Tome of Bengala out of the Sea of Bara to Pegu are three hundreth miles, and they go it vp the riuer in foure daies, with the encreasing water, or with the flood, to a City called Cosmin, and there they discharge their ships, whither the Customers of Pegu come to take the note and markes of all the goods of euery man, & take the charge of the goods on them, and conuey them to Pegu, into the kings house, wherin they make the custome of the marchandize. When the Customers haue taken the charge of the goods & put them into barks, the Retor of the City giueth licence to the Marchants to take barke, and goe vp to Pegu with their marchandize; and so three or foure of them take a barke and goe vp to Pegu in company.* 1.112 God deliuer euery man that hee giue not a wrong note, and entrie, or thinke to steale any custome: for if they do, for the least trifle that is, he is vtterly vndone, for the king doeth take it for a most great affront to bee deceiued of his custome; and therefore they make diligent searches, three times at the lading and vnlading of the goods, and at the taking of them a land. In Pegu this search they make when they goe out of the ship for Diamonds, Pearles, and fine cloth which taketh little roome: for because that all the iewels that come into Pegu, and are not found of that countrey, pay custome, but Rubies, Safyres and Spinels pay no custome in nor out: because they are found growing in that Countrey. I haue spoken before, how that all Marchants that meane to goe thorow the Indies, must cary al maner of houshold stuffe with them which is necessary for a house, because that there is not any lodging nor Inues nor hostes, nor chamber roome in that Countrey, but the first thing a man doth when he commeth to any City is to hier a house, either by the yeere or by the moneth, or as he meanes to stay in those parts.

In Pegu their order is to hire their houses for sixe moneths. Nowe from Cosmin to the Citie of Pegu they goe in sixe houres with the flood, and if it be ebbing water, then they make fast their boate to the riuer side,* 1.113 and there cary vntil the water flow againe. It is a very commodious and pleasant voyage, hauing on both sides of the riuers many great villages, which they call Cities: in the which hennes, pigeons, egges, milke, rice, and other things be very good cheape. It is all plaine, and a goodly Countrey, and in eight dayes you may make your voyage vp to Macceo, di∣stant frō Pegu twelue miles, & there they discharge their goods, & lade them in Carts or waines drawen with oxen, and the Marchants are caried in a closet which they call Deling,* 1.114 in the which a man shall be very well accommodated, with cushions vnder his head, and couered for the defence of the Sunne and raine, and there he may sleepe if he haue wil thereunto: and his foure Falchines cary him running away, changing two at one time and two at another. The custome of Pegu and fraight thither, may amount vnto twentie or twentie two per cento, and 23. according as he hath more or lesse stolen from him that day they custome the goods. It is requisite that a man haue his

eyes watchfull, and to be carefull, and to haue many friendes, for when they custome in the great hall of the king, there come many gentlemen accompanied with a number of their slaues, and these gentlemen haue no shame that their slaues rob strangers: whether it be cloth in shewing of it or any other thing, they laugh at it. And although the Marchants helpe one another to keepe watch, & looke to their goods, they cannot looke therto so narrowly but one or other wil rob some∣thing, either more or lesse, according as their marchandise is more or lesse: and yet on this day there is a worse thing then this: although you haue set so many eyes to looke there for your benefit, that you escape vnrobbed of the slaues, a man cannot choose but that he must be robbed of the officers of the custome house. For paying the custome with the same goods oftentimes they take the best that you haue, & not by rate of euery sort as they ought to do, by which meanes a man payeth more then his dutie. At length when the goods be dispatched out of the custome house in this order, the Mar∣chant causeth them to be caried to his house, and may do with them at his pleasure.

There are in Pegu 8. brokers of the kings, which are called Tareghe, who are bound to sell all the marchandize which come to Pegu, at the common or the currant price: then if the marchants wil sell their goods at that price, they sel them away, and the brokers haue two in the hundreth of euery sort of marchandise, and they are bound to make good the debts of those goods, because they be sold by their hands or meanes, & on their wordes, and oftentimes the marchant knoweth not to whom he giueth his goods, yet he cannot lose any thing thereby, for that the broker is bound in any wise to pay him, and if the marchant sel his goods without the consent of the broker, yet neuerthe∣lesse he must pay him two per cento, and be in danger of his money: but this is very seldom seene, because the wife, children, and slaues of the debtor are bound to the creditor, and when his time is expired and paiment not made, the creditor may take the debtor and cary him home to his house, and shut him vp in a Magasin, whereby presently he hath his money, and not being able to pay the creditor,* 1.115 he may take the wife, children, and slaues of the debtor, and sel them, for so is the lawe of that kingdome. The currant money that is in this city, and throughout all this kingdom is called Gansa or Ganza, which is made of Copper and leade: It is not the money of the king, but euery man may stamp it that wil, because it hath his iust partition or value: but they make many of them false,* 1.116 by putting ouermuch lead into them, and those will not passe, neither will any take them. With this money Ganza, you may buy golde or siluer, Rubies and Muske, and other things. For there is no other money currant amongst them. And Golde, siluer and other marchandize are at one time dearer then another, as all other things be.

This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze, & this name of Byza goeth for y^e accompt of the weight, and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our accompt) halfe a ducat, litle more or lesse: and albeit that Gold and siluer is more or lesse in price, yet the Byza neuer changeth: euery Byza maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight, and so the number of the money is Byza. He that goeth to Pegu to buy Iewels, if he wil do well, it behoueth him to be a whole yere there to do his businesse. For if so be that he would return with the ship he came in,* 1.117 he cānot do any thing so cōueniently for the breuitie of the time, because that when they custome their goods in Pegu that come from S. Tome in their ships, it is as it were about Christmas: and when they haue customed their goods, then must they sell them for their credits sake for a moneth or two: and then at the beginning of March the ships depart. The Marchants that come from S. Tome take for the paiment of their goods,* 1.118 gold, and siluer, which is neuer wanting there. And 8. or 10. dayes before their departure they are all satisfied: also they may haue Rubies in paiment, but they make no accompt of them: and they that will winter there for another yere, it is needfull that they be aduertized, that in the sale of their goods, they specifie in their bargaine, the terme of two or 3. moneths paiment, & that their paiment shalbe in so many Ganza, and neither golde nor siluer: because that with the Ganza they may buy & sel euery thing with great aduātage. And how needful is it to be aduertized, when they wil recouer their paiments, in what order they shal receiue their Ganza? Because he that is not experienced may do himselfe great wrong in the weight of the Gansa, as also in the falsenesse of them: in the weight he may be greatly deceiued, because that from place to place it doth rise and fall greatly: and therefore when any wil receiue money or make paiment, he must take a publique wayer of money, a day or two before he go about his businesse, and giue him in paiment for his la∣bour two Byzaes a moneth, and for this he is bound to make good all your money, & to maintaine it for good, for that hee receiueth it and seales the bags with his seale: and when hee hath recei∣ued any store, then hee causeth it to bee brought into the Magason of the Marchant, that is the owner of it.

That money is very weightie, for fourtie Byza is a strong Porters burden; and also where the Marchant hath any payment to be made for those goods which he buyeth, the Common wayer of money that receiueth his money must make the payment thereof. So that by this meanes, the

Marchant with the charges of two Byzes a moneth, receiueth and payeth out his money wi••hout losse or trouble. The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu are Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Saphyres,* 1.119 Spinelles, great store of Beniamin, long peper, Leade, Lacca, rice, wine, some sugar, yet there might be great store of sugar made in the Countrey, for that they haue aboundance of Canes, but they giue them to Eliphants to eate, and the people consume great store of them for food, and ma∣ny more doe they consume in vaine things, as these following. In that kingdome they spend ma∣ny of these Sugar canes in making of houses and tents which they call Varely for their idoles, which they call Pagodes, whereof there are great aboundance, great and smal, and these houses are made in forme of little hilles, like to Sugar loaues or to Bells, and some of these houses are as high as a reasonable steeple, at the foote they are very large, some of them be in circuit a quar∣ter of a mile. The saide houses within are full of earth, and walled round about with brickes and dirt in steade of lime, and without forme, from the top to the foote they make a couering for them with Sugar canes, and plaister it with lime all ouer, for otherwise they would bee spoyled, by the great aboundance of raine that falleth in those Countreys. Also they consume about these Varely or idol houses great store of leafe-gold, for that they ouerlay all the tops of the houses with gold, and some of them are couered with golde from the top to the foote:* 1.120 in couering whereof there is great store of gold spent, for that euery 10. yeeres they new ouerlay them with gold, from the top to the foote, so that with this vanitie they spend great aboundance of golde. For euery 10. yeres the raine doeth consume the gold from these houses. And by this meanes they make golde dearer in Pegu then it would bee, if they consumed not so much in this vanitie. Also it is a thing to bee noted in the buying of iewels in Pegu, that he that hath no knowledge shall haue as good iewels, and as good cheap, as he that hath bene practized there a long time, which is a good order, and it is in this wise. There are in Pegu foure men of good reputation, which are called Tareghe, or bro∣kers of Iewels. These foure men haue all the Iewels or Rubies in their handes, and the Mar∣chant that wil buy commeth to one of these Tareghe and telleth him, that he hath so much money to imploy in Rubies. For through the hands of these foure men passe all the Rubies:* 1.121 for they haue such quantitie, that they knowe not what to doe with them, but sell them at most vile and base prices. When the Marchant hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or Tareghe, they cary him home to one of their Shops, although he hath no knowledge in Iewels: and when the Iew∣ellers perceiue that hee will employ a good round summe, they will make a bargaine, and if not, they let him alone. The vse generally of this Citie is this; that when any Marchant hath bought any great quantitie of Rubies, and hath agreed for them, hee carieth them home to his house, let them be of what value they will, he shall haue space to looke on them and peruse them two or three dayes: and if he hath no knowledge in them, he shall alwayes haue many Marchants in that Citie that haue very good knowledge in Iewels; with whom he may alwayes conferre and take coun∣sell, and may shew them vnto whom he will; and if he finde that hee hath not employed his money well, hee may returne his Iewels backe to them whom hee had them of, wi••hout any losse at all. Which thing is such a shame to the Tareghe to haue his Iewels returne, that he had rather beare a blow on the face then that it should be thought that he solde them so deere to haue them ••eturned. For these men haue alwayes great care that they affoord good peniworths, especially to those that haue no knowledge. This they doe, because they woulde not loose their credite: and when those Marchants that haue knowledge in Iewels buy any, if they buy them deere, it is their own faults and not the brokers: yet it is good to haue knowledge in Iewels, by reason that it may somewhat ease the price.* 1.122 There is also a very good order which they haue in buying of Iewels, which is this; There are many Marchants that stand by at the making of the bargaine, and because they shall not vnderstand howe the Iewels be solde, the Broker and the Marchants haue their hands vnder a cloth,* 1.123 and by touching of fingers and nipping the ioynts they know what is done, what is bidden, and what is asked. So that the standers by knowe not what is demaunded for them, al∣though it be for a thousand o•• 10. thousand duckets. For euery ioynt and euery finger hath his sig∣nification. For if the Marchants that stande by should vnderstand the bargaine, it would breede great controuersie amongst them. And at my being in Pegu in the moneth of August, in Anno 1569. hauing gotten well by my endeuour, I was desirous to see mine owne Coun••rey, and I thought it good to goe by the way of S. Tome, but then I should tary vntil March.

In which iourney I was counsailed, yea, and fully resolued to go by the way of Bengala, with a shippe there ready to depart for that voyage. And then wee departed from Pegu to Chati∣gan a great harbour or port, from whence there goe smal ships to Cochin, before the fl••ete depart for Portugall in which ships I was fully determined to goe to Lisbon, and so to Venice. When I had thus resolued my selfe, I went aboord of the shippe of Bengala, at which time it was the yeere of Touffon:* 1.124 concerning which Touffon ye are to vnderstand, that in the East Indies often

times, there are not stormes as in other countreys; but euery 10. or 12. yeres there are such tem∣pests and stormes, that it is a thing incredible, but to those that haue seene it, neither do they know certainly what yeere they wil come.

* 1.125Unfortunate are they that are at sea in that yere and time of the Touffon, because few there are that escape that danger. In this yere it was our chance to be at sea with the like storme, but it hap∣pened well vnto vs, for that our ship was newly ouer-plancked, and had not any thing in her saue victuall and balasts, Siluer and golde, which from Pegu they cary to Bengala, and no other kinde of Marchandise. This Touffon or cruel storme endured three dayes and three nights: in which time it caried away our sailes, yards, and rudder; and because the shippe laboured in the Sea, wee cut our mast ouer boord: which when we had done she laboured a great deale more then before, in such wise, that she was almost full with water that came ouer the highest part of her and so went downe: and for the space of three dayes and three nights sixtie men did nothing but hale water out of her in this wise, twentie men in one place, and twentie men in another place, and twentie in a thirde place: and for all this storme, the shippe was so good, that shee tooke not one iot of wa∣ter below through her sides, but all ran downe through the hatches, so that those sixtie men did no∣thing but cast the Sea into the Sea. And thus driuing too and fro as the winde and Sea would, we were in a darke night about foure of the clocke cast on a sholde: yet when it was day, we could neither see land on one side nor other, and knew not where we were. And as it pleased the diuine power, there came a great waue of the Sea, which braue vs beyonde the should. And when wee felt the shippe aflote,* 1.126 we rose vp as men reuiued, because the Sea was calme and smooth water, and then sounding we found twelue fadome water, and within a while after wee had but sixe fa∣dome, and then presently we came to anker with a small anker that was left vs at the s••erne, for all our other were lost in the storme: and by and by the shippe strooke a ground, and then wee did prop her that she should not ouerthrow.

When it was day the shippe was all dry, and wee found her a good mile from the Sea on drie land. This Touffon being ended, we discouered an Island not farre from vs, and we went from the shippe on the sands to see what Island it was:* 1.127 and wee found it a place inhabited, and, to my iudgement, the fertilest Island in all the world, the which is diuided into two parts by a chanell which passeth betweene it, & with great trouble we brought our ship into the same chanel, which patteth the Island at flowing water, and there we determined to stay 40. dayes to refresh vs. And when the people of the Island saw the ship, and that we were cōming a land: presently they made a place of bazar or a market, with shops right ouer against the ship with all maner of prouision of victuals to eate, which they brought downe in great abundance, and sold it so good cheape, that we were amazed at the cheapenesse thereof. I bought many salted kine there, for the prouision of the ship, for halfe a Larine a piece, which Larine may be 12. shillings sixe pence, being very good and fat; and 4. wilde hogges ready dressed for a Larine; great fat hennes for a Bizze a piece, which is at the most a penuie: and the people told vs that we were deceiued the halfe of our money, because we bought things so deare. Also a sacke of fine rice for a thing of nothing, and consequently all o∣ther things for humaine sustenance were there in such aboundance, that it is a thing incredible but to them that haue seene it. This Island is called Sondiua belonging to the kingdome of Benga∣la,* 1.128 distant 120. miles from Chatigan, to which place wee were bound. The people are Moores, and the king a very good man of a Moore king, for if he had bin a tyrant as others be, he might haue robbed vs of all, because the Portugall captaine of Chatigan was in armes against the Retor of that place, & euery day there were some slaine, at which newes we rested there with no smal feare, keeping good watch and ward aboord euery night as the vse is, but the gouernour of the towne did comfort vs, and bad vs that we should feare nothing, but that we should repose our selues securely without any danger, although the Portugales of Chatigan had slaine the gouernour of that City, and said that we were not culpable in that fact; and moreouer he did vs euery day what pleasure he could, which was a thing contrary to our expectations considering that they & the people of Chati∣gan were both subiects to one king.* 1.129 We departed from Sondiua, & came to Chatigan the great port of Bengala, at the same time when the Portugales had made peace and taken a truce with the gouernours of the towne, with this condition that the chiefe Captaine of the Portugales with his ship should depart without any lading: for there were then at that time 18. ships of Portugales great and small. This Captaine being a Gentleman and of good courage, was notwithstanding contended to depart to his greatest hinderance, rather then hee would seeke to hinder so many of his friends as were there, as also because the time of the yeere was spent to go to the Indies. The night before he departed, euery ship that had any lading therein, put it aboord of the Captaine to helpe to ease his charge and to recompence his courtesies. In this time there came a messenger from the king of Rachim to this Portugal Captaine,* 1.130 who saide in the behalfe of his king, that hee

had heard of the courage and valure of him, des••••ing him gently that he would vouchsafe to come with the ship into his port, and comming thither he should be very wel intreated. This Portugal went thither and was very well satisfied of this King.

This King of Rachim hath his seate in the middle coast betweene Bengala and Pegu, and the greatest enemie he hath is the king of Pegu: which king of Pegu deuiseth night and day how to make this king of Rachim his subiect, but by no meanes hee is able to doe it: because the king of Pegu hath no power nor armie by Sea. And this king of * 1.131Rachim may arme two hundreth Gal∣leyes or Fusts by Sea, and by land he hath certaine sluses with the which when the king of Pegu pretendeth any harme towards him, hee may at his pleasure drowne a great part of the Countrey. So that by this meanes hee cutteth off the way whereby the king of Pegu should come with his power to hurt him.

From the great port of Chatigan they cary for the Indies great store of Rice,* 1.132 very great quan∣titie of Bombast cloth of euery sort, Suger, corne, and money, with other marchandize. And by reason of the warres in Chatigan, the Portugall ships caried there so long, that they arriued not at Cochin so soone as they were wont to doe other yeeres. For which cause the fleete that was at Cochin was departed for Portugal before they arriued there,* 1.133 and I being in one of the small shippes before the fleete, in discouering of Cochin, we also discouered the last shippe of the Fleete that went from Cochin to Portugall, where shee made saile, for which I was maruelously dis∣comforted, because that all the yeere following, there was no going for Portugale, and when we arriued at Cochin I was fully determined to goe for Venice by the way of Ormus, and at that time the Citie of Goa was besieged by the people of Dialcan, but the Citizens forced not this as∣sault, because they supposed that it would not continue long. For all this I imbarked my selfe in a Galley that went for Goa,* 1.134 meaning there to shippe my selfe for Ormus: but when we came to Goa, the Viceroy would not suffer any Portugal to depart, by reason of the warres. And being in Goa but a small time, I fell sicke of an infirmitie that helde mee foure moneths: which with phisicke and diet cost me eight hundreth duckets, and there I was constrained to sell a smal quan∣titie of Rubies to sustaine my neede: and I solde that for fiue hundreth duckets, that was worth a thousand. And when I beganne to waxe well of my disease, I had but little of that money left, euery thing was so scarse: For euery chicken (and yet not good) cost mee seuen or eight Liuers, which is sixe shillings, or sixe shillings eight pence. Beside this great charges, the Apothecaries with their medicines were no small charge to me. At the ende of sixe moneths they raised the siege, and then I beganne to worke, for Iewels were risen in their prices: for, whereas before I sold a few of refused Rubies, I determined then to sell the rest of all my Iewels that I had there, and to make an other voyage to Pegu. And for because that at my departure from Pegu, Opium was in great request, I went then to Cambaya to imploy a good round summe of money in Opi∣um,* 1.135 and there I bought 60. percels of Opium, which cost me two thousand & a hundreth duckets, euery ducket at foure shillings two pence. Moreouer I bought three bales of Bombast cloth, which cost me eight hundred duckats, which was a good cōmoditie for Pegu: when I had bought these things, the Viceroy commanded that the custome of the Opium should be paide in Goa, and paying custome there I might cary it whither I would. I shipped my 3. bales of cloth at Chaul in a shippe that went for Cochin, and I went to Goa to pay the aforesaid custome for my Opium, and from Goa I departed to Cochin in a ship that was for the voyage of Pegu, and went to win∣ter then at S. Tome. When I came to Cochin, I vnderstood that the ship that had my three bales of cloth was cast away and lost, so that I lost my 800. Serafins or duckats: and departing from Cochin to goe for S. Tome, in casting about for the Island of Zeilan the Pilote was deceiued, for that the Cape of the Island of Zeilan lieth farre out into the sea, and the Pilot thinking that he might haue passed hard aboord the Cape, and paying roomer in the night; when it was morning we were farre within the Cape, and past all remedy to go out, by reason the winds blew so fiercely against vs. So t••at by this meanes we lost our voyage for that yere, and we went to Manar with the ship to winter there, the ship hauing lost her mastes, and with great diligence we hardly saued her, with great losses to the Captaine of the ship, because he was forced to fraight another ship in S. Tome for Pegu with great losses and interest, and I with my friends agreed together in Ma∣nar to take a bark to cary vs to S. Tome; which thing we did with al the rest of the marchants; and ariuing at S. Tome I had news through or by the way of Bengala, that in Pegu Opium was very deare, and I knew that in S. Tome there was no Opium but mine to go for Pegu that yere, so that I was holden of al the marchants there to be very rich: and so it would haue proued, if my aduerse fortune had not bin contrary to my hope, which was this. At that time there went a great ship from Cambaya, to the king of Assi, with great quantitie of Opium, & there to lade peper: in which voyage there came such a storme, that the ship was forced with wether to goe roomer 800. miles,

and by this meanes came to Pegu, whereas they ariued a day before mee; so that Opium which was before very deare, was now at a base price: so that which was sold for fiftie Bizze before, was solde for 2. Bizze & an halfe, there was such quantitie came in that ship; so that I was glad to stay two yeres in Pegu vnlesse I would haue giuen away my commoditie: and at the end of two yeres of my 2100. duckets which I bestowed in Cambaya, I made but a thousand duckets. Then I departed againe from Pegu to goe for the Indies and for Ormus with great quantitie of Lacca, and from Ormus I returned into the Indies for Chaul, and from Chaul to Cochin, and from Cochin to Pegu. Once more I lost occasion to make me riche, for whereas I might haue brought good store of Opium againe, I brought but a little, being fearefull of my other voyage before. In this small quantitie I made good profite. And now againe I determined to go for my Countrey, and departing from Pegu, I tarried and wintered in Cochin, and then I left the Indies and came for Ormus.

I thinke it very necessary before I ende my voyage, to reason somewhat, and to shewe what fruits the Indies do yeeld and bring forth. First, in the Indies and other East parts of India there is Peper and ginger, which groweth in all parts of India. And in some parts of the Indies, the greatest quantitie of peper groweth amongst wilde bushes, without any maner of labour: sauing, that when it is ripe they goe and gather it.* 1.136 The tree that the peper groweth on is like to our I∣uie, which runneth vp to the tops of trees wheresoeuer it groweth: and if it should not take holde of some tree, it would lie flat and rot on the ground. This peper tree hath his floure and berry like in all parts to our Iuie berry, and those berries be graines of peper: so that when they gather them they be greene, and then they lay them in the Sunne, and they become blacke.

* 1.137The Ginger groweth in this wise: the land is tilled and sowen, and the herbe is like to Paniz∣zo, and the roote is the ginger. These two spices grow in diuers places.

* 1.138The Cloues come all from the Moluccas, which Moluccas are two Islands, not very great, and the tree that they grow on is like to our Lawrell tree.

* 1.139The Nu••megs and Maces, which grow both together, are brought from the Island of Ban∣da, whose tree is like to our walnut tree, but not so big.

* 1.140All the good white Sandol is brought from the Island of Timor. Canfora being compound commeth all from China, and all that which groweth in canes commeth from Borneo, & I thinke that this Canfora commeth not into these parts: for that in India they consume great store, and that is very deare. The good Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina.* 1.141

* 1.142The Beniamin commeth from the kingdome of Assi and Sion.

* 1.143Long peper groweth in Bengala, Pegu, and Iaua.

Muske commeth from Tartaria, which they make in this order, as by good information I haue bene told.* 1.144There is a certaine beast in Tartaria, which is wilde and as big as a wolfe, which beast they take aliue, & beat him to death with small staues y^t his blood may be spread through his whole body, then they cut it in pieces, & take out all the bones, & beat the flesh with the blood in a morter very smal, and dry it, and make purses to put it in of the skin, and these be the cods of muske.

Truely I know not whereof the Amber is made, and there are diuers opinions of it, but this is most certaine, it is cast out of the Sea, and throwne on land, and found vpon the sea bankes.

* 1.145The Rubies, Saphyres, and the Spinels be gotten in the kingdome of Pegu. The Diamants come from diuers places; and I know but three sorts of them. That sort of Diamants that is called Chiappe, commeth from Bezeneger. Those that be pointed naturally come from the land of Delly, and from Iaua, but the Diamants of Iaua are more weightie then the other. I could ne∣uer vnderstand from whence they that are called Balassicome.* 1.146

Pearles they fish in diuers places, as before in this booke is showne.

* 1.147 From Cambaza commeth the Spodiom which congeleth in certaine canes, whereof I found many in Pegu, when I made my house there, because that (as I haue said before) they make their houses there of wouen canes like to mats. From Chaul they trade alongst the coast of Melinde in Ethiopia, within the land of Cafraria:* 1.148 ••n that coast are many good harbors kept by the Moores. Thither the Portugals bring a kinde of Bombast cloth of a low price, and great store of Pater∣nosters or beads made of paltrie glasse, which they make in Chaul according to the vse of the Countrey: and from thence they cary Elephants teeth for India, slaues called Cafari, and some Amber and Gold. On this coast the king of Portugall hath his castle called Mozambique, which is of as great importance as any castle that hee hath in all his Indies vnder his protection, and the Captaine of this castle hath certaine voyages to this Cafraria, to which places no Marchants may goe, but by the Agent of this Captaine:* 1.149 and they vse to goe in small shippes, and trade with the Cafars, and their trade in buying and selling is without any speach one to the other. In this wise the Portugals bring their goods by litle and litle alongst the Sea coast, and lay them downe:

and so depart, and the Cafar Marchants come and see the goods, & there they put downe as much gold as they thinke the goods are worth, and so goe their way and leaue their golde and the goods together, then commeth the Portugal, and ••inding the golde to his content, hee taketh it and goeth his way into his ship, and then commeth the Cafar and taketh the goods and carieth them away: and if he finde the golde there still, it is a signe that the Portugals are not contented, and if the Ca∣far thinke he hath put too little, he addeth more, as he thinketh the thing is worth: and the Portu∣gales must not stand with them too strickt; for if they doe, then they will haue no more trade with them: For they disdaine to be refused, when they thinke that they haue offered ynough, for they be a peeuish people, and haue dealt so of a long time: and by this trade the Portugals change their commodities into gold,* 1.150 and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique, which is in an Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria on the coast of Ethiopia, and is distant from India 2800. miles. Now to returne to my voyage, when I came to Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin of Venice, and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for 70. duckets, and with vs there went other Marchants, which did ease our fraight, and very commodiously wee came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for prouiding a Carouan of barks to go to Babylon, because they vse not to goe two or 3. barkes at once, but 25. or 30. because in the night they cannot go, but must make them fast to the banks of the riuer, and then we must make a very good & strong guard, and be wel prouided of armor, for respect & safegard of our goods, because the number of theeues is great that come to spoile and rob the marchants. And when we depart for Babylon we goe a litle with our saile, and the voyage is 38. or 40. dayes long, but we were 50. dayes on it. When we came to Babylon we stayed there 4. moneths, vntil the Carouan was ready to go ouer the wilder∣nes, or desert for Alepo; in this citie we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together, fiue Ve∣netians and a Portugal; whose names were as followeth, Messer Florinasa with one of his kins∣men,* 1.151 Messer Andrea de Polo•• the Portugal & M. Francis Berettin and I, and so wee furnished our selues with victuals and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes; and wee bought horses and mules, for that they bee very good cheape there, I my selfe bought a horse there for 11. akens, and solde him after in Alepo for 30. duckets. Also we bought a Tent which did vs very great pleasure: we had also amongst vs 32. Camels laden with marchandise: for the which we paid 2. duckets for e∣uery camels lading, and for euery 10. camels they made 11, for so is their vse and custome. We take also with vs 3. men to serue vs in the voyage, which are vsed to goe in those voyages for fiue Dd. a man, and are bound to serue vs to Alepo: so that we passed very well without any trouble: when the camels cried out to rest, our pauilion was the first that was erected. The Carouan ma∣keth but small iourneis about 20. miles a day, & they set forwards euery morning before day two houres, and about two in the afternoone they sit downe. We had great good hap in our voyage, for that it rained: For which cause we neuer wanted water, but euery day found good water, so that we could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet we caried a camel laden alwayes with wa∣ter for euery good respect that might chance in the desert, so that wee had no want neither of one thing, nor other that was to bee had in the countrey. For wee came very well furnished of euery thing, and euery day we eat fresh mutton, because there came many shepheards with vs with their flocks, who kept those sheepe that we bought in Babylon, and euery marchant marked his sheepe with his owne marke, and we gaue the shepheards a Medin, which is two pence of our money, for the keeping and feeding our sheep on the way, and for killing of them. And beside the Medin they haue the heads, the skinnes, and the intrals of euery sheepe they kil. We sixe bought 20. sheepe, and when we came to Alepo we had 7. aliue of them. And in the Carouan they vse this order, that the marchants doe lende flesh one to another, because they will not cary raw flesh with them, but pleasure one another by lending one one day, and another another day.

From Babylon to Alepo is 40. dayes iourney, of the which they make 36. dayes ouer the wil∣dernes,* 1.152 in which 36. dayes they neither see house, trees, nor people that inhabite it, but onely a plaine, and no signe of any way in the world. The pilots go before, and the Carouan followeth af∣ter. And when they sit downe all the Carouan vnladeth and sitteth downe, for they know the stati∣ons where the wells are. I say, in 36. dayes we passe ouer the wildernesse. For when wee depart from Babylon two dayes we passe by villages inhabited vntil we haue passed the riuer Euphrates. And then within two dayes of Alepo we haue villages inhabited. In this Carouan there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Iustice vnto all men:* 1.153 and euery night they keepe watch about the Ca∣rouan, and comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli, whereas Master Florin, and Master Andrea Polo, and I, with a Frier, went and hired a barke to goe with vs to Ierusalem. Departing from Tripolie, we arriued at Iaffa: from which place in a day and halfe we went to Ierusalem, and we gaue order to our barke to tary for vs vntill our returne. Wee stayed in Ierusalem 14. dayes, to visite those holy places: from whence we returned to Iaffa, and from Iaffa to Tripolie, and there

wee shipped our selues in a ship of Venice called the Bagazzana: And by the helpe of the diuine power, we arriued safely in Venice the fift of Nouember 1581.* 1.154 If there be any that hath any de∣sire to goe into those partes of India, let him not be astonied at the troubles that I haue passed: be∣cause I was intangled in many things: for that I went very poore frō Venice with 1200. duc∣kets imployed in marchandize, and when I came to Tripolie, I fell sicke in the house of Master Regaly Oratio, and this man sent away my goods with a small Carouan that went from Tripo∣lie to Alepo, and the Carouan was robd, and all my goods lost sauing foure chests of glasses which cost me 200. duckets, of which glasses I found many broken: because the theeues thinking it had bene other marchandize, brake them vp, and seeing they were glasses they let them all alone. And with this onely stocke I aduentured to goe into the Indies: And thus with change and rechange, and by diligence in my voyage, God did blesse and helpe mee, so that I got a good stocke. I will not be vnmindfull to put them in remembrance,* 1.155 that haue a desire to goe into those parts, how they shall keepe their goods, and giue them to their heires at the time of their death, and howe this may be done very securely. In all the cities that the Portugales haue in the Indies, there is a house cal∣led the schoole of Sancta misericordia comissaria: the gouernours whereof, if you giue them for their paines, will take a coppy of your will and Testament, which you must alwayes cary about you; and chiefly when you go into the Indies. In the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles, in those voyages alwayes there goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Por∣tugales. Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants that by chance die in those voyages, and they that haue not made their Wills and registred them in the aforesaide schooles, the Captaines wil consume their goods in such wise, that litle or nothing will be left for their heires and friends. Also there goeth in these same voyages some marchants that are com∣missaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia, that if any Marchant die and haue his Wil made, and hath giuen order that the schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them, then they sende the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone, with that copie of his Testament, then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof, into what part of Christendome soeuer it be, and the heires of such a one comming thither; with testimoniall that they be heires, they shall receiue there the value of his goods: in such wise that they shall not loose any thing. But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of their goods by ancient custome of the Countrey, that if any Christian dieth in the kingdome of Pegu, the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde of his goods, and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this matter. I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu, and in their age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there, and haue departed with al their goods and substance with∣out let or trouble.

* 1.156In Pegu the fashion of their apparel is all one, as well the Noble man, as the simple: the one∣ly difference is in the finenes of the cloth, which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another, and they weare their apparell in this wise: First, a white Bombast cloth which serueth for a shirt, then they gird another painted bombast cloth of foureteene brases, which they binde vp betwixt their legges, and on their heads they weare a small tock of three braces, made in guize of a myter, and some goe without tocks, and cary (as it were) a hiue on their heades, which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare, when it is lifted vp: they goe all bare footed, but the Noble men neuer goe on foote, but are caried by men in a seate with great reputation, with a hat made of the leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne, or otherwise they ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops.* 1.157 All sorts of women whatsoeuer they be, weare a smocke downe to the girdle, and from the girdle downewards to the foote they weare a cloth of three brases, open be∣fore; so straite that they cannot goe, but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft, and in their going they faine to hide it with their hand, but they cānot by reason of the straitnes of their cloth. They say that this vse was inuented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men the vices against nature, which they are greatly giuen vnto: which sight should cause them to regard women the more. Also the women goe bare footed, their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels: And their fingers full of precious rings, with their haire rolled vp a∣bout their heads. Many of them weare a cloth about their shoulders in stead of a cloacke.

Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write, I say, that those parts of the Indies are very good, because that a man that hath litle, shall make a great deale thereof; alwayes they must go∣uerne themselues that they be taken for honest men. For why? to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe wel, but he that is vicious, let him tary at home and not go thither, because he shall alwayes be a begger, and die a poore man.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The authours going frō Ve∣nice to Cyprus and Tripoly.
• * 1.2

  The riuer Eu∣phrates.
• * 1.3

  Feluchia a small city on Euphra∣tes.
• * 1.4

  Mosul.
• * 1.5

  The Arabian theeues are in number like to Ants.
• * 1.6

  The olde Baby∣lon hath great trade w^t mar∣chants 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.7

  A bridge made of boats.
• * 1.8

  These bricks be in thicknes six or seuen in∣ches, and a foot & a halfe square.
• * 1.9

  This hole whereour cō∣meth this pitch is most true, and the water & pitch runneth into the valley or Iland where the pitch rest∣eth, & the wa∣ter runneth in∣to the riuer Eu∣phrates, and it maketh all the riuer to be as it were b••ac∣kish with the smell of pitch and brimstone.
• * 1.10

  Zizarij, an anci∣ent people.
• * 1.11

  At the castle of Corna the riuer Euphrates and Tygris do meet.
• * 1.12

  Ormus is the barrennest I∣land in all the world.
• * 1.13

  Carichij an I∣land in y^e gulfe of Persia.
• * 1.14

  Ormus is al∣wayes reple∣nished with abundance of victuall, and yet there is none that groweth in the Iland.
• * 1.15

  Great trade of merchandise in Ormus.
• * 1.16

  The election of the king of Ormus.
• * 1.17

  A priuilege for Marchants.
• * 1.18

  Diu.
• * 1.19

  Cambaietta.
• * 1.20

  Marchants that trauell to the Indies must cary their pro∣uision of hous∣hold with thē.
• * 1.21

  Great ••••o••e of men of warre and rouers o•• the coast of Cambaia.
• * 1.22

  A maruellous ••o••d delight in women.
• * 1.23

  Tana an Iland whereo•• Odo∣ricus writeth, pag 41.
• * 1.24

  Great ordi∣nance made in pieces, and ••et seruicea∣ble.
• * 1.25

  The chiefe place the Por∣tugals haue in the Indies.
• * 1.26

  A very good sale for horses.
• * 1.27

  A most vnkind & wicked trea∣sō against their prince: this they haue for giuing credit to strangers, rather then to their owne na∣tiue people.
• * 1.28

  The sacking in the city.
• * 1.29

  An excellent good policy to intrap men.
• * 1.30

  A discription of the burning place.
• * 1.31

  Feasting and dancing when they should mourne.
• * 1.32

  Mourning when they should re∣ioyce.
• * 1.33

  The cause why the women do so bur••e them∣selues.
• * 1.34

  Penegonde.
• * 1.35

  Men ride on bullocks•• and trauell with th••m on the way.
• * 1.36

  The marchan∣dise that come in and out to Bezeneger eue∣ry yere.
• * 1.37

  The apparell of those peo∣ple.
• * 1.38

  Their Winter is our Sum∣mer.
• * 1.39

  Foure small fortes of the Portugals.
• * 1.40

  Bettell is a very profitable herbe in that countrey.
• * 1.41

  Enimies to the king of Portugall.
• * 1.42

  Within Cochin is the kingdom of Pepp••r.
• * 1.43

  The Pepper th••t the Por∣tugals bring, is not so good as th••t which go••th for Mec∣ca w••ich is b••ought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by y^e streights
• * 1.44

  Great priuile∣ges that the citizens of Co∣chin haue.
• * 1.45

  A very strange thing hardly to be beleeued.
• * 1.46

  Note the de∣parting of the ships from Co∣chin.
• * 1.47

  The order how they fish for pearles.
• * 1.48

  These pearles are prised ac∣cording to the caracts which they weigh, e∣uery caract is 4. grames, and these men that prise thē haue an instrument of copper with holes in it, which be made by degrees for to sort & perles withall.
• * 1.49

  Cairo is a stuffe that they make ropes with, the which is the barke of a tree.
• * 1.50

  The cutting & gathering of Sinamom.
• * 1.51

  A car things.
• * 1.52

  A foolish feare of Portugals.
• * 1.53

  S. Thomas his sepulchre.
• * 1.54

  A painted kind of cloth & died of diuers co∣lours which those people delight much in, and esteeme them of great price.
• * 1.55

  In the Iland of Banda they lade Nutmegs for there they grow.
• * 1.56

  In the Ilands of Andemaon, they eate one another.
• * 1.57

  The commo∣dities that grow in the kingdom of Assi.
• * 1.58

  The great trade that is at Malacca.
• * 1.59

  At the Moluc∣cos they lade the Cloues.
• * 1.60

  The kingdome of Assa.
• * 1.61

  The ship of drugs, so ter∣med of the Portugals.
• * 1.62

  Ilands not discouered.
• * 1.63

  China is vnder the gouern∣ment of the great Tartar.
• * 1.64

  A yeerely Ca∣rouan from Persia to China.
• * 1.65

  A market kept aboord of the ships.
• * 1.66

  A prince of a marueilous strength and power.
• * 1.67

  O•• Achem.
• * 1.68

  The moun∣taines of Zer∣zerline.
• * 1.69

  The commo∣dities that go out of Orisa.
• * 1.70

  This cloth we call Nettle cloth.
• * 1.71

  The riuer of Ganges.
• * 1.72

  The commo∣dities that are laden in Sata∣gan.
• * 1.73

  Moores are of the sect of Ma∣homet.
• * 1.74

  A ceremony of the gentiles when they are dead.
• * 1.75

  Marchandise comming from Sion.
• * 1.76

  Niper wine good to cure the French disease.
• * 1.77

  Great extre∣mitie at sea.
• * 1.78

  Tauay vnder the king of Pegu.
• * 1.79

  Martauan a citie vnder the king of Pegu.
• * 1.80

  A custom that these people haue when the king is in the warres.
• * 1.81

  A law in Pegu for killing of men.
• * 1.82

  Great pride of the Portugales.
• * 1.83

  A reuenge on the Portugales.
• * 1.84

  A thing most marueilous, that at the comming of •• tide the earth should quake.
• * 1.85

  This tide is like to the sides in our riuer of Seueine.
• * 1.86

  These tides make their iust course as ours doe.
• * 1.87

  This Macareo to a tide or a currant.
• * 1.88

  Houses made of canes, & co∣uered with leaues of trees.
• * 1.89

  Godon is a place or house for marchants to lay their goods in.
• * 1.90

  The forme of the building of the new citie of Pegu.
• * 1.91

  A rich and stately palace.
• * 1.92

  Foure white Eliphants.
• * 1.93

  This mane•• called Tansa is halfe a duckat which may be shire shillings & foure pence.
• * 1.94

  A warlike poli••i••.
• * 1.95

  An ••xc••ll••••t d••••ise to h••••t ••••d take wilde Eliphan••s.
• * 1.96

  An ••xcell•••••• pastime of the Elipha••ts.
• * 1.97

  These canes 〈…〉〈…〉 to them in Spain•• whi••h they call loco de tore.
• * 1.98

  A strange thi••g ••hat a bea•••• so w••lde should in so shor•• time he made tame••
• * 1.99

  The g••••••test strength that the king of Pe∣•••• ••ath.
• * 1.100

  A goodly or∣der in a barba∣rous people.
• * 1.101

  The o••••er of their weapons and ••umber of his men.
• * 1.102

  26. Crowned kings at his command.

  Fifteene hun∣dreth thousand men in one Campe.
• * 1.103

  Eating of ser∣pents.
• * 1.104

  The riches of the king of Pegu.
• * 1.105

  The great pompe of the ••ing.
• * 1.106

  The order of Iustice.
• * 1.107

  No difference of persons be∣fore the king in controuer∣sies or in iu∣stice.
• * 1.108

  The com••••••∣d••r•• that are ventured in Pegu.
• * 1.109

  Note the de∣parture of the ships from S. Tome to Pegu.
• * 1.110

  Commodities brought into Pegu.
• * 1.111

  The Chikinos are pieces of gold worth sterling 7. shillings.
• * 1.112

  Great rigour for the stealing of Customes.
• * 1.113

  Description of the fruitful∣nesse of that soyle.
• * 1.114

  Deling is a small litter ca∣ried with men as is aforesaid.
• * 1.115

  A lawe for Banckrupts.
• * 1.116

  Euery man may stampe what money he wil.
• * 1.117

  How a man may dispose himselfe for the trade in Pegu.
• * 1.118

  Good instruc∣tions.
• * 1.119

  The Marchan∣dizes that goe out of Pegu.
• * 1.120

  Idol houses couered wi••h gold.
• * 1.121

  Rubies excee∣ding cheape in Pegu.
• * 1.122

  An hon••st care of heathen people.
• * 1.123

  Bargain••s made with the nipping of fingers vnder a cloth.
• * 1.124

  This Touf••on is an ••xtraor∣dinary s••orme at Sea.
• * 1.125

  The Toufon cō∣meth but eue∣ry 10. or 12. yeeres.
• * 1.126

  A manifest to∣ken of the eb∣ding and flow∣ing in those Countreis.
• * 1.127

  This Island is called Son∣diua.
• * 1.128

  Sondiua is the ••ruit fullest Countrey in al the world.
• * 1.129

  Chatigan is a port in Bengala, whither the Portugales go with their ships.
• * 1.130

  The King of Rachim or Ara∣cam, neighbour to Bengala.
• * 1.131

  Or, Aracam.
• * 1.132

  The commo¦dities that goe from Chatigan to the Indies.
• * 1.133

  The Portugal ships depart toward Portu∣gall out of the harbor of Co∣chin.
• * 1.134

  Goa was be∣••ieged.
• * 1.135

  Opium a good commoditie in Pegu.
• * 1.136

  Peper tree.
• * 1.137

  Ginger.
• * 1.138

  Cloues.
• * 1.139

  Nutmegs and Maces.
• * 1.140

  White Sandol. Canfora.
• * 1.141

  Lignum Aloes.
• * 1.142

  Beniamin.
• * 1.143

  Long peper.
• * 1.144

  This Muske the Iewes doe con••••er••eit and take out halfe the good muske and beat the flesh of an asse and put in the roome of it.
• * 1.145

  Rubies Sa∣phyres, and Spinels.
• * 1.146

  The Balassi arowe in Zeilan.
• * 1.147

  Spodiom.
• * 1.148

  On the coast of Melynde in E∣thiopia, in the land of Ca••ra••ia, the great trade that the Portu∣gals haue.
• * 1.149

  Buying and selling without word•• one to another.
• * 1.150

  Golden trades that the Portu∣gals haue.
• * 1.151

  An order hold to prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babylon to Alepo.
• * 1.152

  36. Dayes iourney ouer the wildernes.
• * 1.153

  An order how to prouide for the going to Ierusalem.
• * 1.154

  The author re∣turneth to Ve∣nice 1581.
• * 1.155

  A very good order that they haue in those Countrey•• for the recouering of the goods of the dead.
• * 1.156

  Order of ap∣parel in Pegu••
• * 1.157

  The order of the womens apparel in Pegu.