The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

The true report of the siege and taking of Famagusta, of the antique writers called Tamassus, a city in Cyprus 1571. In the which the whole order of all the skirmishes, batteries, mines, and assaults giuen to the sayd fortresse, may plainly appeare. Englished out of Italian by William Malim.

To the right honourable and his singular good Lord, and onely Patron the Earle of Leicester, Baron of Denbigh, Knight of the honourable order of the Garter, one of the Queenes Maiesties most honourable priuy Councell &c. William Malim wisheth long health with increase of honour.

IT hath bene a naturall instinct (right honourable and mine especiall good lord) ingraffed in noble personages hearts, much approued and confirmed also by custome, for them to seeke from time to time, by some meanes in their life, by the which they after their death might deliuer ouer their name to their posteritie: least otherwise with their body, their fame also al∣together might perchance be buried. Vpon the which consideration we reade many notable and famous things to haue bene erected in time past of noble personages (hauing had wealth at will) in such sort, that not onely certaine ruines of the same sumptuous works builded so many hundred yeres past, do still remaine, but also the most part of those princes, the authours of them, do continually by them dwell in our memo∣ries. As the Pyramides made at Memphis, or neere the famous riuer of Nilus, by the great ex∣penses of the kings of Egypt: the tower called Pharia, made in the Iland of Pharos by king Ptolomee: the walles of Babylon, made or at the least reedified by queene Semiramis: Dianas church at Ephesus builded by all the noble persons of Asia: Mausolus toome or sepulchre, made by his wife queene of Caria: Colossus Solis placed at Rhodes, I remember not by what Princes charge, but made by the hands of Cares Lindius scholar to Lysippus: and the image of Iupiter, made of Yuory by the hands of the skilfull workman Phydias. The which monuments made of barbarous and heathen Princes to redeeme themselues from obliuion deserued both for the magnificence, and perfect workmanship of the same, to be accounted in those dayes as the seuen woonders of the world. Since the which time, an easier, readier, and ligh••er way, being also of more continuance then the former, hath bene found out, namely, Letters, which were first inuented by the Caldies and Egyptians, as we reade, and augmented since by others, to our great benefit, and now last of all (no long time past) the same to haue bene committed to Printers presses, to the greatest perfection of the same: men being first inforced to write their actes and monuments in beasts skinnes dried, in barkes of trees, or otherwise perchance as vnreadily. By the which benefit of letters (now reduced into print) we see how easie a thing it is, and hath bene for noble persons, to liue foreuer by the helpe of learned men. For the memory of those two woorthy and valiant captaines Scipio and Hannibal had bene long

before this present quite forgotten, except Titus Liui••s, or ••ome such learned Historiographer had written of them in time. And Alexander Magnus himselfe that great conquerour had nothing beene spoken of, had not Q. Curtius, or some other like by his learned stile reuiued the remembrance of him, and called backe againe his doings to his posteritie. For the which cause we see commonly in all ages learned men to be much made of by noble personages, as that rare paterne of learning Aristotle to haue bene greatly honoured of that former renow∣med Monarch Alexander: who affirmed openly, that he was more bound to his Master Ari∣stotle, then to king Philip his father, because the one had well framed his minde, the other one∣ly his body. Many other like examples I could alledge at this present, if I knew not vnto whom I now wrote, or in what: for your honour being skilfull in hi••tories, and so familiarly acquain∣ted with the matter it selfe, that is in still entertaining learned men with all curtesie, I should seeme to light a candle at noone tide, to put you in remembrance of the one, or to exhort you to doe the other, dayly being accustomed to performe the same. Crassus sayth in Tullies first booke, De Oratore: that a Lawyers house is the oracle of the whole citie. But I can iustly wit∣nesse, that for these fiue yeeres last past, since my returne from my trauell beyond the seas, that your lodging in the Court (where I through your vndeserued goodnesse to my great comfort do dayly frequent) hath bene a continuall receptacle or harbour for all learned men comming from both the eyes of the realme, Cambridge, and Oxford (of the which Vniuersity your lord∣ship is Chanceller) to their great satisfaction of minde, and ready dispatch of their sutes. Espe∣cially for Preachers and Ministers of true religion: of the which you haue beene from time to time not onely a great fauourer, but an earnest furtherer, and protectour: so that these two nurseries of learning (in one of the which I haue before this spent part of my time, that I may speake boldly what I thinke) should wrong your honour greatly, and much forget themselues, if by all meanes possible they should not heerafter (as at this present to their smal powers ma∣ny well learned gentlemen of them do) labour and trauell in shewing of themselues thanke∣full, to reuerence and honour your lordship, and honest their owne names: whose studies cer∣teinly would suddenly decay and fall flat, if they were not held vp by such noble p••oppes, and had not some sure ankerholds in their distresse to leane vnto. How ready dayly your trauell is, and hath long beene besides to benefit all other persons, in whom any sparke of vertue or honesty remaineth, I need not labour to expresse, the world knowing already the same. But whosoeuer they be, that in all their life time haue an especiall care by all meanes to profit as many as they be able, and hurt none, do not onely a laudable act, but leade a perfect and very godly life. Whereupon Strabo affirmeth this most truely to be spoken of them: Mortales tum demum Deum imitari, cum benefici fuerint. That is, Mortall men then specially to follow the na∣ture of God, when they are beneficiall and bountifull to others. Great commendation vn∣doubtedly it bringeth to any noble personage, that as the Moone, that light and brightnesse which she receiueth of the Sun, is wont presently to spread abroad vpon the face of the earth, to the refreshing and comforting of all inferiour and naturall things bearing life: so for him, to bestow all that fauour and credit, which he hath gotten at the princes handes, to the helpe and reliefe of the woorthy and needy. Great is the force (my right honourable lord) of true vertue, which causeth men, as Tully writeth in his booke De Amicitia, to be loued & honored oft of those persons, which neuer saw them. Whereof I neuer had better proofe (I take God & mine one conscience to witnesse, the which I declared also to certaine of my friends assoone as I returned) then at my last being at Constantinople, in the yere of our Lord 1564,* 2.1 whereas I oft resorting (as occasion serued) to the right honorable Christian ambassadors, while I made my abode there (namely vnto Monsieur Antonio Petrimol, lieger there for the French king, Sig. M. Victor Bragadino, for the segniory of Venice, Sig. Lorenzo Giustiniano, for the state of Scio, or Chios, and Sig. Albertacio delli Alberti, for the duke of Florence) heard them often report and speake very honorably of your lordship, partly for your other good inclinations of nature, but especially for your liberality, & courteous intreating of diuers of their friends & countrymen, which vpon sundry occasions had bene here in this our realme. So that to conclude, all men iustly fauour your honourable dealings and deserts: and I for my part haue reuerenced and honoured the same euermore both here at home, and elswhere abroad, wishing often to haue had some iust occasion to pay part of that in good will, which my slender abilitie will neuer suffer me fully to discharge. For vnto whom should I sooner present anything any way, espe∣cially concerning matters done abroad, then vnto your lordship, by whom I was much cheri∣shed abroad in my trauell, and mainteined since my returne here at home? For the which cause I haue enterprised (hoping greatly of your lordships fauour herein) to clothe and set forth a few Italian newes in our English attire, being first mooued thereunto by the right worshipfull M.

D. Wilson Master of her Maie••ties Reque••ts, your honou••s a••••ured trusty friend, a great & pain∣full furtherer of learning, whom I, and many other for diuers respects ought to reuerence: who remembring that I had bene at Cyprus, was willing that my pen should trauell about the Chri∣stian and Turkish affaires, which there lately haue happened: perswading himselfe, that some∣what thereby I might benefit this our natiue countrey. Against whose reasonable motion I could not greatly wrestle, hazzarding rather my slender skill in attempting and performing this his requested taske, then he through my refusall should seeme to want any iot of my good will. In offering vp the which newes, although I shall present no new thing to your honour, because you are so well acquainted with the Italian copy, as I know: yet I trust your lordship will not mislike, that the same which is both pleasant to reade, and so necessary to be knowen for diuers of our captaines and other our countreymen, which are ignorant in the Italian tongue, may thus now shew it selfe abroad, couered vnder the wing of your lordships prote∣ction. Certeinly it mooueth me much to remember the losse of those three notable Ilands, to the great discomfort of all Chistendome, to those hellish Turkes, horseleeches of Christian blood: namely Rhodes besieged on S. Iohn Baptists day,* 2.2 and taken on Iohns day the Euangelist, being the 27 of December 1522. Scio or Chios being lost since my being there,* 2.3 taken of Piali Basha with 80 gallies, the 17 of April 1566. And now last of all not only Famagusta the chiefe holde & fortresse in Cyprus* 2.4 to haue bene lost of the Venetians the 15 of August last past 1571 (the chiefe gouernors & captaines of thē being hewen in sunder by the cōmandement of that tyrant Mustafa Basha) but all the whole Iland also to be conquered by those cruell Turks, anci∣ent professed enemies to all Christian religion. In the which euill successe (comming to vs as I take it for our offences) as I lament the generall losse: so I am surely pensiue to vnderstand by this too true a report of the vile death of two particular noble gentlemen of Venice, Sig. M. Lo∣renzo Tiepolo, and Sig. M. Giouanni Antonio Querint: of both the which I in my trauaile was very courteously vsed, the former of them being then (as now also he was in this ouerthrow) gouernour of Baffo in Cyprus, the other captaine of one of the castels at Corcyra in Greece, now called Corfu. But things past are past amendment, and they could neuer die more honoura∣bly, then in the defence of their countrey. Besides that the late blowes, which the Turks haue receiued since this their fury, in token of Gods wrath against them, do much comfort euery Christian heart. Moreouer, this vniforme preparation which is certainly concluded, and forth∣with looked for, by very many Christian Princes (would God by all generally) against these barbarous Mahometists: whose cruelty and beastly behauiour I partly know, and am able to iudge of hauing bene in Turky amongst them more then eight moneths together. Whose vn∣faithfulnesse also and breach of promise, as the Venetians manly courage in defence of them∣selues, and their fortresse, your honour may easily reade in this short treatise and small handfull of leaues, I hauing set downe also a short description of the Iland of Cyprus, for the better vn∣derstanding of the whole matter. The which I not onely most humbly beseech your honour now fauourably to accept as an earnest peny of more to come, and of my present good will: but with your accustomed goodnesse towards me, to defend the same against such persons, whose tongues too readily roule sometime against other mens painfull trauels, perswading themselues to purchase the sooner some credit of learning with the ruder sort, by controlling and ouerdaintie sifting of other mens laboured tasks. For I know in all ages to be found as well Basilisks as Elephants. Thus nothing doubting of your ready ayd heerein, as I assuredly trust of your honours fauourable acceptation of this my poore present, wishing long life with the increase of Gods holy spirit to your lordship and to all your most honourable familie (vnto whom I haue wholly dedicated my selfe by mine owne choise and election for euer) I, cra∣uing pardon for my former boldnesse, most humbly thus take my leaue.

From Lambhith the 23 of March. Ann. 1572.

Your honours most humble and faithfull seruant for euer, William Malim.

A briefe description of the Iland of Cyprus: by the which not one∣ly the Venetians title why they haue so long enioyed it, but also the Turks, whereby now he claimeth it, may plainly appeare.

THe Iland of Cyprus is inuironed with diuers seas: for Westward it is washed with the sea called Pamphilium: Southward, with the sea AEgyptium: on the East part, with the sea Syrium: and Northward, with the sea called Cilicium. The which I∣land in time past had diuers names: called once Acamantis, as Sabellicus witnes∣seth.

Philonides maketh mention, that it was called sometime Cerasis. Xenogoras writeth, that is was named Aspelia, Amathusa, & Macaria. There were in times past fifteene cities or famous townes in it, but now very few, amongst the which Famagusta is the chiefest & stron∣gest, situated by the sea side. There is also Nicosia, which was woont, by the traffike of Mar∣chants, to be very wealthy: besides the city of Baffo, Arnica, Saline, Limisso, Melipotamo, & Epi∣scopia. Timosthenes affirmeth, that this Iland is in compasse 429 miles: and Arthemidorus wri∣teth the length of the same to be 162 miles, measuring of it from the East to the West, betwixt two promontories named Dinaretta and Acamanta. This Iland is thought to be very rich, a∣bundant of Wine, Oile, Graine, Pitch, Rozin, Allum, Salt, and of diuers precious stones, pleasant, profitable, and necessary for mans vse, and much frequented of Marchants of Syria, vnto the which it lieth very nere. It hath bene, as Plinie writeth, ioyned sometime with Syria, as Sicilia hath beene also with Italy. It was a long time subiect vnto the Romans, after to the Persians, and to the Soldan of AEgypt. The selfesame Iland was sometime also English, be∣ing conquered by king Richard the first, in his voyage to Hierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1192. Who (as Polydore writeth in his fourteenth booke of our English historie) being prohi∣bited by the Cypriottes from arriuall there, inuaded and conquered the same soone after by force: and hauing left behinde him sufficient garrisons to keepe the same, departed from thence to Ptolemayda: who afterward exchanged the same with Guy of Lusignan, that was the last christened king of Hierusalem, for the same kingdome. For the which cause the kings of England were long time after called kings of Hierusalem. And last of all, the Venetians haue enioyed it of late a long time, in this order following. In the yeere of our Lord 1470, Iohn king of the sayd Iland, ••onne to Ianus of Lusignan, had by Helen his wife, which was of the Emperiall house of Paleologus, one daughter only called Charlotta, and a bastard called Iames: the which Iames was afterward consecrated Bishop of Nicosia. This Charlotta was married first to the king of Portingall, of whom he had no issue, so that he being dead, Lewes Duke of Sauoy (to whom shee was the second time married) sonne to Lewes the second of that name (vnto whom the said Iland by the right of this his wife Charlotta did appertaine) had the pos∣session of the same. Iames the bastard assoone as his father was dead, of a Bishop became a souldiour, and with an army wanne the Iland, making it his owne by force. This Duke of Sa∣uoy hearing these newes, with a number of well appointed souldiers, arriued shortly after in Cyprus, and recouering againe the Iland, compelled the bastard to flie foorthwith ouer to the Soldan of AEgypt. Who making himselfe his subiect, in time so wrought and tempered the matter, that the Soldan in person at his request passed ouer into Cyprus, besieged Duke Lewes in the castle of Nicosia, and at length compelled him to depart, leauing his kingdome. So that this Bishop became againe King of this Iland: who shortly after cleauing to the Venetians hauing made a league of friendship with them, married by their consent one Catherina the daughter of Marco Cornaro, which Catherin the Senate of Venice adopted vnto them soone af∣ter as their daughter. This Bishop not long after sickened, and died, leauing this his wife with child, who liued not long after his fathers death. By the which meanes the Venetians making themselues the next heires to Catherina by the law of adoption, tooke vnto them the possessi∣on of this kingdome, and haue kept and enioyed the same almost this hundred yeeres. Now this great Turke called Sultan Selim in the right of the Soldan of AEgypt, whom his grandfa∣ther (called also Sultan Selim) conquered, pretendeth a right title vnto it, and now, as you may vnderstand by reading of this short Treatise, hath by conquest obtained the same. Whom I pray the euerliuing God, if it be his holy will, shortly to root out from thence.

To the Reader.

I Am not ignorant (gentle Reader) how hard a matter it is for any one man to write that, which should please and satisfie all persons, we being com∣monly of so diuers opinions and contrary iudgements: againe Tully affirm∣eth it to be a very difficult thing, to finde out any matter which in his owne kinde may be in all respects perfect. Wherefore I trust by your owne iudge∣ment I ought of reason to be the sooner pardoned (my translation being precisely tied to mine authours meaning) if any thing heerein besides be thought to be wan∣ting: I haue learned by the way how comberous a thing it is to turne the selfesame matter out of the Italian language into our countrey speech. But who so doeth what he possi••ly can is bound to no more. And I now at the request of others (who put me in minde, that I was not onely borne vnto my selfe) haue accomplished that in the ende, which I promised and was

required. With what paine and diligence, I referre me to them which are skilfull in the Itali∣an tongue, or may the better iudge, if it please them to trie the same, casting aside this exam∣pler. I speake it not arrogantly, I take God to witnesse: but mens painefull trauels ought not lightly to be condemned: nor surely at any time are woont to be of the learned, or discreet. By whose gentle acceptation if these my present doings be now supported, I will perswade my selfe that I haue reaped sufficient fruit of my trauell. Vnto whome with all my heart I wish prosperous successe in all their affaires.

Ann. Dom. 1572. W. M.

In Turchas precatio.

SVmme Deus, succurre tuis, miseresce tuorum, Et subeat gentis te noua cura tuae. Quem das tantorum fi••em, Rex magne, laborum? In nos vibrabit tela quoúsque Sathan? Antè Rhodum, mox inde Chium, nunc denique Cyprian, Turcharum cepit sanguinolenta manus. Mustafa foedifragus partes grassatur in omnes, Et Veneta Cypriam strage cruentat humum. Nec finem imponit sceleri, mollitùe furorem, Nec nisi potato sanguine pastus abit. Qualis, quae nunquam nisi plena tuménsque cruore Sanguisuga obsessam mittit hirudo cutem. Torturam sequitur tortura, cruorque cruorem, Et caedem admissam caedis alîus amor. Saeuit inops animi, nec vel se temperat ipse, Vel manus indomitum nostra domare potest. At tu, magne Pater, tumidum disperde Tyrannum, Nec sine mactare semper ouile tuum. Exulet hoc monstrum, ne sanguine terra redundet. Excutiántque nouum Cypria regna iugum. Et quòd Christicolae foedus pepigere Monarchae, Id faustum nobis omnibus esse velis. Tupugna illorum pugnas, & bella secundes, Captiuósque tibi subde per arma Scythas. Sic tua per totum fundetur gloria mundum, Vnus sic Christus fiet, & vna fides.

Gulielmus Malim.

The true report of all the successe of Famagusta, made by the Earle Nestor Martiningo, vnto the renowmed Prince the Duke of Venice.

THe sixteenth day of February, * 2.5 1571, the fleet which had brought the ayde vnto Famagusta, departed from thence, whereas were found in all the ar∣my, but foure thousand footmen, eight hundred of them chosen souldiers, and three thousand (accounting the Citizens and other of the Uillages) the rest two hundred in number were souldiers of Albania. A••ter the arriuall of the which succour, the fortification of the City went more diligently forward of all hands, then it did before, the whole garison, the Grecian Citizens inhabiting the Towne, the Gouernours and Captaines not withdrawing themselues from any kinde of labour, for the bet∣ter incouragement and good example of others, both night and day searching the watch, to the intent with more carefull heed taking they might beware of their enemies, against whom they made no sally out of the City to skirmish but very seldome, especially to vnderstand when they might learne the intent of the enemies. Whilest we made this diligent prouision within the Ci∣tie, the Turks without made no lesse preparation of all things necessary, fit to batter the fortresse withall, as in bringing out of Caramania and Syria with all speed by the Sea, many woollpacks, a gr••at ••••antitie of wood and timber, diuers pieces of artillery, engins, and other things expedi∣ent for their purpose.

At the beginning of April Halli Basha landed there with fourscore gallies or thereabout in

his company, who brought thither that, which of our enemies was desired, who soone a••ter de∣parting from thence, and leauing behinde him thirty gallies, which continually transported soul∣diours, munition, fresh victuals, and other necessaries, besides a great number of * 2.6 Caramusa∣lins, or Brigandines, great Hulkes called * 2.7 Maones, and large broad vessels termed of them * 2.8 Palandrie, which continually passed to and fro betweene Cyprus and Syria, and other places thereabout, which they did with great speed, standing in feare of the Christan army. And about the middest of the same moneth the Turkes caused to be brought out of the Citie of Nicosia, which they had woone a little before, fifteene pieces of artillery, and raising their army from whence they were before, making ditches and trenches necessary, incamped themselues in gar∣dens, and toward the West part of Famagusta neere a place called Precipola.

The fiue and twentieth day of the same moneth they raised vp mounts to plant their artillery vpon, and caused trenches to be made for harquebuzers, one very nigh another, approching still very neere the Citie, in such order, as was almost impossible to stay the same, fortie thousand of their Pioners continually labouring there the most part of all the night. The intent of the e∣nemie being then knowen, and in what part of the Citie he minded most to plant his battery, we tooke diligent heed on the other part, to repaire and fortifie all places necessary within. For the which cause wee placed a great watch in that way, which was couered with a counterscharfe, and in the sallies of their priuy Poster••es, for the defence of the said counterscharfe, there were new flancker•• made, also Trauerses called Butterisses made vpon the Cortaine, with one trench of Tur••es two foot high and broad, the which was made on that side of the wall of the Citie, which was already battered with the shot of the Turkes, with certaine loope holes for our Harquebuzers, by the which they defended the counterscharfe. Two noble personages Bragadino and Baglione personally tooke this charge on them, by the which meanes the Chri∣stian affaires passed in very good order. All the bread for our Souldiers was made in one store∣house, of the which the noble gentleman Lorenzo Tiepolo captaine of * 2.9 Baffo had charge, who refused no paine, where he thought his trauell might preuaile. In the castle was placed that fa∣mous gentleman Andrea Bragadino, who with a diligent gard had charge on that part of the castle principally, next vnto the sea side, trimming and digging out new flanckers for the better defence of the * 2.10 Arsenall.

A valiant knight named Foito was appointed Master of the Ordinance, who was slain with∣in few dayes after in a skirmish, whose garrison the noble Bragadino Proueditore before named presently deliuered ouer to me. Three other captaines were appointed ouer the wilde-fire with twentie footmen for euery one of them, chosen out of the armie, to vse and execu••e the same as occasion should serue. The best pieces of Ordinance were brought foorth vnto that side of the Towne, where the battery was looked for to be made: and they made prsuyfences to couer the better their cannon shot withall. There was no want in the Christians to annoy their enemies in issuing often out of euery side against them, aswell to hinder their determinations, as to hurt them otherwise at diuers times. They also rendered to vs the like. For three hundred of the in∣habitants of Famagusta one time issuing out of the citie, armed onely with their swords and tar∣gets, with so many Italian Harquebuzers also in their company, receiued great dammage, be∣cause the trenches of the enemies were made about so thicke, although at the same present wee compelled them to flie, and slew also many of them: yet they increased to such number, that they killed presently thirty, and hurt there threescore of our company. For the which cause order was taken, that our men should no more come forth of their holde, committing themselues to manifest perill to bid their enemies the base.

The Turkes in processe of time by little and little with their trenches, came at length to the toppe of the counterscharfe, and hauing furnished their forts the nineteenth day of May, began their battery with ten forts, hauing threescore and foureteene pieces of great artillary within their custody, amongst the which there were foure Basiliskes (for so they terme them) of an im∣measurable greatnesse, and began to batter from the gate Limisso vnto the Arsenall, and layed fiue batteries against the towne, the one against the great high Turret of the Arsenall, which was battered with fiue pieces of Ordinance mounted vpon that fort of the rocke, the other a∣gainst the Cortaine it selfe of the Arsenall, battered by one fort with eleuen pieces: another a∣gainst the Keepe of Andruzzi with two commanders, or caualiers, which were aboue with one fort of eleuen other pieces: another battery against the Turret of S. Nappa, the which was bat∣tered with foure Basilisks. The gate of Limisso, which had one high commander or caualier a∣lone, and a Brey and Cortaine without was battered by the forts with three and thirty pieces of artillery, whereas Mustafa himselfe Generall of the Turkes army tooke the charge in person. At the first they seemed not to care much to spoile the walles, but shot still into the city, and a∣gainst

our Ordinance, which greatly galied them. Whereupon they, who were within the city, aswell our souldiours, as the Grecians, assoone as the battery began, withdrawing themselues, came and dwelt by the walles of the citie, whereas they continued from that time to the end of the siege. The noble Bragadino lodged in the Keepe of Andruzzi, Baglioni in that ward of S. Nappa. The honourable Tiepolo in that which was called Campo Santo. Wherefore they being present at all that was done, both encouraged, and punished the souldiers according to their deserts. The right worshipfull Luigi Martiningo was appointed chiefe ouer the Ordinance, who answering all mens expectation of him, with great courage diuided the charge thereof vn∣to si••e other inferiour captaines, who tooke order and care for that company, and for the proui∣sion of things necessary for the gu••ners: one company of the Grecians being appointed to euery gate of the Citie for to attend vpon the seruice of the artillery. The valiant captaine Francesco Bagone warded at the Keepe, and at the great Commander of the Arsenall. Captaine Pietro Conte attended vpon the Cortaine, at the Commander of the Volti, and at the Keepe of Campo Santo. I for m•• part attended vpon the Commander of Campo Santo, and vpon the Comman∣der of Andruzzi, and of the Cortaine, vnto the Turret of Santa Nappa. The Earle Hercole Martiningo attended vpon the Commander of Santa Nappa, and to the whole Cortaine, vnto the gate of Limisso. Horatio Captaine of Veletri attended vpon the Brey and Cortaine, toward the Bulwarke. Upon the high Commander of Limisso, which was more troubled then all the rest, attended the Captaine Roberto Maluezzi. At the same time, when the battery began (by the commission of the honourable Bragadino) victuals were appointed, and giuen to all the soul∣diers, aswell Grecians, as Italians, and Gunners: namely Wine, Pottage, Cheese, and Ba∣kon: all the which things were brought to the walles as need did require in very good order, so that no souldier there spent any more in bread then two souses a day.* 2.11 They were payed at the end of euery thirty dayes with the great trauell of that right worshipfull Uenetian gentleman M. Giouanni Antonio Querini, who besides this his ordinary charge was found present in all weighty and dangerous affaires to the great incouragement of our souldiours. And wee made a counter battery against our enemies for ten dayes space, with so great rage, that we choked and destroyed fifteene of their best pieces, also we killed and dispatched of them about thirty thousand at that season, so that they were disappointed at that time of their battery in that place, and were greatly dismayed. But we foreseeing that we had no great store of powder left, there was made a restraint, and such order taken, that thirty piecies should not shoot off but thirty shot a piece euery day, and that in the presence of the Captaines, who were still present, because the Souldi∣ers and Gunners should not shoot off in vaine.

The nine and twentieth day of May there came towards vs from Candia a Fregat or Pin∣nace, ••he which giuing vs great hope and lightening of ayde, encreased maruellously euery mans courage. The Turks with great trauell and slaughter of both sides, had woonne at the last the counterscharfe from vs, with great resistance and mortalitie on both parts. Whereupon they began on the other side of the fift battery to fill vp the ditch, with the earth that they threw downe, which was taken neere the wall of the counterscharfe. But all that earth and falling downe of the wall made by the shot of their artillery, was caried away of vs within the city, all our com∣pany labouring continually aswell by night as day, vntill our enemies had made certaine loope-holes in the wall, thorow the which they flancking and scouring all the ditch with their harque∣bussie, stopped our former course of carying, or going that way any more, without certaine and expresse danger. But M. Giouanni Marmori, a fortifier, had deuised a certaine kinde of ioyned boords, the which being caried of the souldiers, defended them from the shot of the Harquebuzers, so that some other quantity of earth, but no great store, was caried also away: in the which place this foresayd fortifier was slaine, who had done especiall good seruice in all our necessary af∣faires. And our enemies hauing cast so much earth into the ditch, as filled it vp againe, and made it a firme way to the wall of the counterscharfe, and casting before them the earth by little and lit∣tle, they made one trauerse euen vnto the wall on two sides in all their batteries, the which they made thicke and strong with woolpacks, and other fagots, to assure themselues the better of our flanckers.

When they had once possessed the ditch, that they could not be hurt of vs but by chance, they began foorthwith to cast and digge out vndermines to vndermine the Brey, the Turret of Santa Nappa, the Commander of Andruzzi, the Keepe of Campo Santo, the Cortaine, and the Turri∣on of the Arsenall: so that being able no longer to serue our turne and inioy those fewe flanc∣kers, we threw downe wilde-fire into our enemies campe, the which annoyed them very sore, be∣cause it fired their woolpacks, & also their fagots. And for the better encouragement of the soul∣diers, the right honorable Bragadino gaue to euery souldier one duckat, y^e which could gaine or re∣couer

any of the former woolpackes, making countermines in all places. To the which charge Maggio the fortifier knight was appointed, who in all our businesse serued with such diligence and courage, as he was able, or was requisite. But the countermines met not, sauing those of the Commander of S. Nappa, of Andruzzi, and that of Campo Santo, because they were open, and our men sallied out often both by day and night into the ditch to perceiue better the way of the mines, and to fire the fagots and wooll. Nor we ceassed at any time through the vnspeaka∣ble trauell of the Lord Baglione (who had the ouersight of all these matters) to trouble our e∣nemies intents, by all maner of wit and policie, diuiding the companies for the batteries, ioyn∣ing and planting in all places a garrison of the * 2.12 Albanois souldiours, who aswell on foot as on horsebacke, shewed alwayes notable courage and manhood.

The first assault.

THe one and twentieth day of Iune they put fire to the mine of the Turret of the Arsenall, where as Giambelat Bey tooke charge, who with great ruine rent in sunder a most great and thicke wall, and so opened the same, that he threw downe more then halfe thereof, breaking also one part of the vaimure, made before to vpholde the assault. And suddenly a great number of the Turkes skipping vpon the ruines thereof, displayed their Ensignes, euen to the toppe of the same. Captaine Pietro Conte with his company was in that ward, the which was much shaken and terrified by that sudden ruine. I with my company came first thither, so that they shortly tooke the repulse, and although they refreshed themselues with new supplies fiue or sixe times, yet they failed of their purp••se.* 2.13 There fought personally the Lord Baglione: Bragadi∣no and Querini being armed stood not farre off to refresh and comfort our Souldiours, and the Captaine of the Castell with the Ordinance, that was planted vpon the Butteries, destroyed many of our enemies, when they gaue y^e assault, the which endured fiue houres together: so that of Turkes were slaine very many, and of our side betweene them that were slaine and hurt one hundred: most part of the which number were cast away by a mischance of our wilde-fire, the which being vnaduisedly and negligently handled, burnt vp many of our owne company. There died at that present the Earle Gio. Francesco Goro, the Captaine Barnardino Agubio: and by the throwing of stones Her••ole Malaresta, Captaine Pietro Cont••, with other Captaines and Standerd bearers, were very sore hurt.

The night following arriued in Cyprus a Pinnasse from Candia, which bringing newes of most certaine ayde, greatly increased both the mirth and courage of vs all, so that we made soone after, with the helpe of the Captaine Marco Criuellatore, and Maggio the knight, certaine re∣treats flancked to all the places beaten downe, and whereas they suspected that the enemy had digged vp any mines, with Dogsheads, Chests, Tikes, and Sacks stuffed full of moist earth (the Grecians with all speed hauing already brought almost all that which they had) because they hauing dispatched their Canueis about necessary vses,* 2.14 they brought their hangings, cor∣taines, carpets, euen to their very sheets, to make and stuffe vp their foresayd sacks, a very good and ready way to make vp againe their vaimures, the which were throwen downe with the fury of the artillery,* 2.15 which neuer s••inted, so that we made vp againe still that in the night, the which was throwen downe and broken in the day, sleeping very seldome: all the souldiers standing al∣wayes vpon the walles, visited continually of the Gouernors of the Citie, which slept at no time, but in the extreame heat of the day, hauing no other time to take their rest, because the enemie was at hand, giuing vs continually alarmes, not suffering vs long to breath.

The second assault.

THe nine and twentieth day of the same moneth they set the mine made towards the Brey on fire, the which mine was digged in stone, which brake and cleft all things in pieces, and caused great ruine, making an easie way for the enemy to assault vs, who with an outragi∣ous fury ca•••• to the toppe, whereas Mustafa their Generall was altogether present, which as∣sault was receiued, and stayed at the beginning of the Earle Hercole Martiningo with his gar∣rison,* 2.16 and so were repulsed by our company, who fought without any aduantage of couert, the vaimure-being throwen downe by the mine. There were slaine of our company Captaine Mea∣ni the Sergeant Maior of our armie, Captaine Celio de Fuochi, Captaine Erasmo da Fermo: and Captaine Soldatello, Antonio d'Ascoli, Captaine Gio. d'Istria, Standerd bearers, with ma∣ny other officers, were sore wounded, there died also 30 other of our common souldiers. At the Arsenall they were beaten backe with greater dammage of our enemies, and small hurt to vs.

Fiue onely of our part being ••laine there, whereas Captaine Giacomo de Fabriano also was kil∣led, and I was wounded in my left legge with an harquebush shot. The which assault continu∣ed sixe houres, the Bishop of Limisso standing vp there, incouraging the Souldiours. Where also were found present stout women,* 2.17 who came thither with weapons, stones, and water, to helpe the Souldiours. Our enemies vnderstanding how great hinderance they had receiued at these two assaults, changed their mindes, and began againe with greater fury then euer they had before accustomed to lay battery to all places, and into our retreats, so that they labouring more speedily then euer they did, made seuen other forts more, vnder the castle, and taking away the artillery from them which were farther off, planting of it somewhat neerer, to the number of fourescore, they battered the holde with so great rage, that on the eighth day of Iuly, with the same night also were numbred fiue thousand Canon shot, and after that sort they ouerthrew to the ground the vaimures, that scarsely with great trauell and paine we could repaire them a∣gaine, because our men that laboured about them were continually slaine by their Ordinance, and by reason of the endlesse tempest of the shot of their Harquebuzers. And our men beganne to decrease. For the Turkes caused vs to retire from our Breyes, by the violence of their artil∣lery and mining,* 2.18 in such sort, that there being no more standing left for our Souldiours, be∣cause we making our vaimures more thicke, our standing began to waxe narrower, the which presently we of necessitie enlarged with boords as a scaffolde to the vaimure, whereby we might haue more elbow roome to fight. Captaine Maggio also made one mine vnder the sayd Brey, to the intent, that we being not able any longer to keepe it, the same might be left to our enemies to their great hinderance.

The third assault.

TO the sayd Brey the ninth day of Iuly they gaue the third assault, to the Turrion of Santa Nappa, to that of Andruzzi, to the Cortaine, to the Keepe of the Arsenall: the which as∣sault hauing continued more then sixe houres, they were beaten backe in foure places, but we left the Brey to their great losse, and ours also: because we being assaulted, our company be∣ing not able to mannage their Pikes in good order, by reason of the narrownesse of the stand∣ing where they were, being willing to retire in that order, as the L. Baglione had prescribed vnto them, and could not, cast themselues at the last into a confuse order, and retired, they be∣ing mingled amongst the Turkes: so that fire being giuen to our mine, the same (with a ter∣rible sight to beholde) slew presently of our enemies more then one thousand, and aboue one hun∣dred of vs. There was slaine Roberto Maluezzi, and Captaine Marchetto de Fermo was grieuously wounded. At the assault of the Arsenall was slaine Captaine Dauid Noce master of the Campe, & I my selfe was hurt by the racing of a Cannon shot. This assault continued fiue houres, and the Citizens of Famagusta shewed great courage in euery place, with their wo∣men also, and yoong striplings. The Brey was so defaced by reason of this mine set on fire, that no body any more attempted to recouer the same: because there was no apt place remain∣ing to stay vpon. The left flancker onely remained still, whereas another mine was made. The gate of Limisso was ouer against this foresayd Brey, and somewhat lower, which was al∣wayes open, hauing made to the same a Portall, with a Percollois annexed to it, the which Percollois by the cutting of a small cord, was a present defence to the gate, and our Souldi∣ours gaue their attendance by that gate to bring in the battered earth, which fell in the ditches from the rampaire: and when they saw that their enemies in foure dayes came not thither, they beganne to entrench aboue the Brey, and by the flanckers aboue they suffered no person to passe out of the gate, the which thing brought great suspition vnto our enemies, because they were often times assailed of our company.

The fourth assault.

WHerefore they came the foureteenth day of Iuly to assault the gate of Limisso,* 2.19 and laying their battery to all other places, they came and planted their Ensignes euen be∣fore the gate, whereas the L. Baglione, and Sig. Luigi were in readinesse, who had taken vp∣on them to defend that gate of the Citie. Who assoone as they had encouraged their Souldi∣ours, sallying swiftly foorth, killed, and put to flight the greater part of them, and at the last gi∣uing fire to the mine of the flancker slew foure hundred Turkes, and Sig. Baglione at the same time woon an Ensigne of our enemies, wrasting it violently out of one of the Ensigne bearers hands. The day following they gaue fire to the mine of the Corcaine, the which thing not falling

out greatly to their purpose, they followed not their prepared assault. Wherefore they beganne to fortifie, and aduance higher their trauerses in the ditches, for their better assurance against they should giue the assault: and they had emptied and carried away all the earth neere vnto the coun∣terskarfe, where they lodged in their pauillions, so that we could not descrie them. They shot se∣uen pieces of artillery vpon the wall of the counterscharfe so couertly, that they were not seene: ••wo from the Brey of the Turrion of Santa Nappa, one from Andruzzi, and two other all a∣long the battery of the Cortaine. And they came with certaine boordes couered with rawe and greene hives, vnder which they brought their men to digge in the vaimures, we being nothing behinde or forgetfull to cast wilde-fire amongst them, and sometime to issue foorth of our sallies called Posternes, to offend their Pioners, although to our great hinderance. And we still re∣paired the vaimures by all meanes possible, with Buffe skinnes, being moist and wet, throw∣ing in also earth, shreads, and cotton with water, being well bound together with cordes: all the women of Famagusta gathering themselues together into companies in euery street (being guided of one of their Monkes called Caloiero) reforted dayly to a certaine place appointed, to labour, gathering and prouiding for the souldiers, stones and water, the which was kept for all assaults in halfe buts to quench the fire, which the Turks threw amongst them.

Hauing had no great successe in taking of the gate, they found out a newe way, neuer heard of before, in gathering together a great quantitie of certaine wood called Teglia,* 2.20 which easily burned, and smelt very euill, the which they throwing before the former gate of the Citie, and fagots fastened to the same, with certaine beames be smeered with Pitch, kindled suddenly so great a fire, as was not possible for vs to quench the same, although we threw vpon it whole Buts of water, which were throwen downe from an high Commander, which Buts presently brake in sunder.

This fire continued foure dayes, wherefore we were inforced by reason of the extreame heat and s••inch, to withdraw our selues further inward, and they descending towardes their lowe•• flanckers, beganne other mines, so that the gate was shut vp, because it could be no longer kept open, and suddenly (a thing maruellous to be spoken) the standing of the Brey being repaired,* 2.21 and made vp againe, they planted one piece ouer against the gate, the which of vs with stones, earth and other things, was suddenly buried vp. By this time we were driuen to an exigent, all our prouision within the Citie stooping very lowe, sauing onely hope, the noble courage of the Gouernours and Captaines, and the stout readinesse of the Souldiours:* 2.22 our wine, and flesh as well powdered as vnpowdered was spent, nor there was any Cheese to be gotten, but vpon an vnreasonable price, our company hauing eaten vp their Horses, Asses, and Cats, for lacke of other victualls:* 2.23 there was nothing left to be eaten, but a small quantitie of Bread, and Beanes, and we dranke water and Uineger together, whereof was not much left. When that we percei∣ued that our enemies had digged and cast vp three mines in the Commander of the gate, they la∣bouring in all places more diligently then euer they did before, bringing into the ditch, ouer a∣gainst the battery of the Cortaine, a hill of earth, as high as the wall: and already they came to the wall aboue the Counterscharfe ouer against the Turrion of the Arsenall, and had made one Commander complete, fenced with shares, like vnto plough shares, in proportion and height cor∣respondent to ours.

Within the Citie were remaining but fiue hundreth Italian Souldiours, who were not hurt, yet very faint and weary by their long watching and paines in fighting in those feruent and burning heates,* 2.24 which are in those parts. And the greater and better part also of the Gre∣cians were by this time slaine, whenas the chiefe of those Citizens remaining did fully re∣solue themselues (the which was about the twentieth day of Iuly) to present a supplication in writing to that noble gentleman Bragadino Proueditore, desiring and beseeching him, that seeing their Citie and Fortresse was thus battered and brought to extremitie, without ••uffici∣ent ayde to defend the same, without substance or sustenance, hauing no hope of succour, or a∣ny newe supply, they hauing spent and consumed not onely their goods, but also their liues for the defence of them, and in testifying of their dutifull seruice towardes the noble and roy∣all state of the Segniorie of Venice, that it might nowe please him, and the rest of the ho∣nourable Gouernours, that were present, and put in trust, hauing a carefull eye vnto some honourable conditions, to haue now at the last a respect to the credit and honour of their long trauelled wiues, and the safegard of their poore children, which otherwise were shortly very like to be a pray to their bloudthirsting and rauening enemies. To the which letter or supplica∣tion speedy answere was made by the forenamed honourable Bragadino,* 2.25 comforting them, that they should by no meanes abate their courage, and that shortly he looked for succour from the Segniorie, diminishing as much as hee might, the feare which they had conceiued in their

hearts, dispatching and sending away suddenly from Cyprus into Candia, a Pinnesse to certifie the duke and gouernours there, in what extremitie they were. The Turkes by this time had en∣ded their mines, and set them on fire, the 29. of Iuly: in the which space our men, according as they were woont to doe, renued and made vp againe the vaimures ruined before by the Ordi∣nance, and hauing no other stuffe left to aduaunce them with, made sackes of Kersie, vnto the which the noble Tiepolo diligently looked. The three mines of the Commander did great da∣mage to vs,* 2.26 hauing throwen downe the greater part of the earth, whereas the gouernour Ran∣dacchi was slaine. The mine of the Arsenall ouerthrew all the rest of the Turrion, hauing smol∣dered and choked one whole garrison of our souldiers, the two flanckers onely still remaining.

The fift Assault.

THe enemies trauelled much to become masters of those foresayd flankers, and to sally foorth by the other batteries, and this assault lasted from three of the clocke in the after noone vntil night, where, and at what time were slaine very many of our enemies. In this assault Sig. Gia∣como Strambali, amongst the rest, shewed much worthinesse, as hee had done before in other con∣flictes.

The sixt and last assault.

THe next morning following, at the breake of the day, they assailed all places, the which as∣sault continued more then sixe houres, with very little hurt on our side, because our enemies fought more coldly then they were wont to doe, annoying of vs continually on the Sea side with their Gallies, shooting in all their assaults and batteries continually Cannon shot in all parts of the Citie, as neere as they might. After we had defended and repulsed this assault,* 2.27 and percei∣ued things brought to a narrower straite then they were wont to be at, wee hauing left in all the whole Citie but seuen barrels of pouder, the gouernours of the Citie fully determined to yeelde vp themselues and the Citie, with honourable conditions. Wherefore the first of August in the after noone, they tooke a truce, one being come for that purpose from Mustafa the Generall, with whom they concluded the next morning following to giue two hostages a piece, vntill such time as both armies were agreed. For our hostages (by the appointment of the right honourable Bra∣gadino) were sent foorth the earle Hercole Martinengo, and Signior Matteo Colsi a Citizen of Famagusta, and from our enemies came into the Citie the Lieutenant of Mustafa, and the A∣ga of the Giannizzers,* 2.28 the which were met, euen vnto the gate of the Citie, of Signiour Bagli∣one with two hundreth harquebusers: ours also were met in like maner with great pompe with horsemen and harquebusers, with the sonne also of Mustafa in person, who made very much of them.

The Lord Baglione imparld with these hostages, which were then come for that purpose of the articles of peace, requiring by them of their Generall, their li••es, armour, and goods, fi••e peeces of Ordinance, three of the best horses, and safe passage from thence vnto Candia accom∣panied with their Gallies, and last of all, that the Grecians inhabiting the Island, might dwell there still quietly, and enioy peaceably their owne goods and possessions, liuing still Christians hereafter, as they had done before. All the which requests and articles were agreed vpon,* 2.29 gran∣ted, and subscribed vnto by the hand of Mustafa. Foorthwith were sent Gallies, and other ves∣sels into the hauen, so that our souldiers immediatly began to imbarke themselues, of the which the greater part were already gone aboorde, the Nobilitie and our chiefe Captaines also being likewise very desirous to depart.

The 15. of August in the morning, the worthy Bragadino sent me with a letter vnto Mustafa, by the which hee signified, that the same night hee would come vnto him to deliuer vp the keyes of the Citie, and that he would leaue in the holde the honourable gentleman Tiepolo, praying him therefore, that whilest hee should haue iust cause thus to bee abroad, that there might be no harme done at home, and in the Citie. The Turkes from our truce taking vntill that time, practised with vs all familiarly, and without any suspition of sinister or double dealing, they hauing shewed vs much courtesie both in word and deede. Mustafa himselfe by worde of mouth presently an∣swered me to this letter, in this sort, that I should returne, and make relation to this noble man Bragadino, who had sent mee, that he should come ouer to him at his owne pleasure, for hee was very desirous both to see and know him, for his great worthinesse and prowesse, that hee had tried to be in him, and in the other of his Captaines and Souldiers, of whose manhood and courage he would honourably report, where soeuer he came, as occasion should serue thereunto: and to con∣clude, that hee should nothing doubt of any thing: because in no maner of condition hee would

suffer any violence to be done to those, which remained behind within the Citie. So I speedily re∣turning, made true report of the same: and towards night about foure of the clocke, the right honourable Bragadino accompanied with the L. Baglione, with Signior Aluigi Martinengo, with the right worshipfull Signior Gio. Antonio Querini, with the right worshipfull Signior Andrea Bragadino, with the knight of Haste, with the captaine Carlo Ragonasco, with cap∣taine Francesco Straco, with captaine Hector of Brescia, with captaine Girolomo di Sacile, and with other gentlemen and fiftie souldiours, the Gouernours and Noble men with their swordes, and the souldiours with their harquebuzes came foorth of their hold, and went vnto the pauillion of Mustafa, of whom, all they at the beginning were curteously receiued, and cau∣sed to sit downe by him, he reasoning and discoursing with them of diuers things, a certaine time, and drawing them from one matter to another, at the last vpon a sudden picked a quarell vnto them, especially burdening that noble Bragadino with an vntrueth, laying to his charge y^t he had caused certaine of his slaues in the time that the truce continued betweene thē, to be put to death. The which thing was most false. So that hee being angry therewith, suddenly slept foorth, and commaunded them to bee bound. Thus they being vnarmed (not suffered at that time to enter into his pauillion, with their former weapons) and bound, were led one by one into the mar∣ket place, before his pauillion, being presently cut and hewen in sunder in his presence, and last of all from that woorthy and noble Bragadino (who being bound as the rest, and being com∣maunded twise or thrise to stretch foorth his necke, as though hee should haue bene beheaded, the which most boldly hee did without any sparke of feare) his eares were cut off, and causing him to bee stretched out most vilely vpon the ground,* 2.30 Mustafa talked with him, and blasphe∣med the holy name of our Sauiour, demaunding him, where is now thy Christ, that hee hel∣peth thee not? To all the which no answere at all was giuen of that honourable gentleman. The earle Hercole Martinengo, which was sent for one of the hostages, who was also bound, was hidden by one of Mustafas eunuches vntill such time as his furie was past, afterward his life being graunted him, hee was made the eunuches slaue. Three Grecians which were vnder his pauillion were left vntouched. All the souldiers which were found in the campe, and all sortes of Christians to the number of three hundred, were suddenly slaine, they nothing mistrusting a∣ny such treason, or tirannie. The Christian souldiers which were embarked a litle before, were linked and fettered with iron chaines, made slaues, all things being taken from them, and stripped into their shirtes.

The second day after this murther was committed, which was the 17. of August, Mustafa en∣tred the first time into the Citie, and caused the valiant and wise gouernour Tiepolo to bee han∣ged, who remained behind, waiting the returne of Signior Bragadino. I being in the citie at that present, when other of my countreymen were thus miserably slaine and made slaues, hid my selfe in certaine of the Grecians houses the space of fiue dayes, and they not being able to keepe mee in couert any longer for feare of the great penaltie, which was proclaimed agaynst such transgressors and concealers, I offred, and gaue my selfe slaue to one Sangiaccho del Bir, promising him fiue hundred * 2.31 Zechins, for my ransome, with whom I remained in the Campe. The Friday folowing (being the Turkes sabboth day) this woorthy and pacient gentleman Bragadino was led still in the presence of that vnfaithfull tirant Mustafa, to the batteries made vnto the Citie, whereas he being compelled to cary two baskets of earth, the one vpon his backe, the other in his hand slaue-like, to euery sundry battrie, being enforced also to kisse the ground as oft as he passed by him, was afterward brought vnto the sea side, where he being placed in a chaire to leane and stay vpon, was winched vp in that chaire, and fastened vnto the maineyard of a galley, and hoisted vp with a crane, to shew him to all the Christian souldiours and slaues (which were in the hauen already shipped) hee being afterward let downe, and brought to the market place, the tormenters tooke of his clothes from him, and tacked him vnto the pillorie, whereas he was most cruelly flaied quicke; with so great constancie and faith on his part, that he neuer lost or abated any iot of his stedfast courage,* 2.32 being so farre from any fainting, that hee at that present with most stout heart reproched them, and spake much shame of his most traiterous dealing in breaking of his faithfull promise. At the last without any kind of alteration of his con∣stancie, he recommending his soule vnto almightie God, gaue vp the ghost. When hee had thus ended his life (thanks be to God) his skin being taken and filled with strawe, was commaunded foorthwith to be hanged vpon the bowsprit of a * 2.33 Foist, and to be caried alongst the coast of Syria by the sea side, that all the port townes might see, and vnderstand who he was.

This is now so much as I am able to declare to your highnesse by that I sawe my selfe, and can remember whilest that I was in the Fortresse: that also which by true relation of others I could vnderstand, and sawe also my selfe in the campe, whilest I was slaue, I will likewise briefly

vtter vnto you. The enemies armie was in number two hundred thousand persons of all sor••es and qualities. Of souldiers which tooke pay there were 80. thousand, besides the which number, there were 14. thousand of Giannizzers taken out from all the holdes of Syria, Caramania, Na∣tolia, and part of them also which came from the * 2.34 gate of the great Turke. The venturers with the sword were 60. thousand in number. The reason, why there were so many of this sort, was because Mustafa had dispersed a rumour through the Turkes dominion, that Famagusta was much more wealthy and rich, then the citie of Nicosia was: so for that cause, and by the commodious and easie passage from Syria ouer into Cyprus, these venturers w••re easily indu∣ced to come thither. In 75. dayes (all the which time the batterie still continued) 140. thou∣sand i••on pellets were shot of, numbred, and seene. The chiefe personages which were in their armie neere vnto Mustafa, were these following: the Bassa of Aleppo, the Bassa of Natolia, Musafer Bassa of Nicosia, the Bassa of Caramania, the Aga of the Giannizzers, Giambelat * 2.35 Bey, the Sangiaccho of Tripolis, the * 2.36 Begliarbei of Greece, the Bassa of Sciuassi and of Ma∣rasco, Ferca Framburaro, the * 2.37 Sangiaccho of Antipo, Soliman Bey, three Sangiacchos of Ara∣bia, Mustafa Bey generall of the Uenturers, Fergat gouernour of Malathia, the Framburaro of Diuerie, the Sangiaccho of Arabia and other Sangiacchos of lesser credite, with the number of fourescore thousand persons besides, as by the muster made by his Commission might well ap∣peare.

The Framburaro which was at Rhodes, was appointed and left gouernour at Famagusta, and the report was that there should bee left in all the Island of Cyprus, twentie thousand per∣sons, with two thousand horses, many of the which I saw, being very leane and euill appoynted for seruice. It seemeth also a thing not impertinent to the matter, to signifie to you, how I, by the especiall grace of God, was deliuered out of their cruel hands, I hauing paied within two & fortie dayes (all the which time I was slaue) fiue hundred Zechins for my ransome to him, whose pri∣soner I was, by the meanes of the Consul for the French merchants, a ligier then at Tripolis, who a litle before came from Tripolis in Syria vnto Cyprus, into the Turkes campe. Yet for all that I had paied this summe of money to him, hee would not so set me at libertie, but fed mee vp still with faire wordes, and promised mee that hee would first bring mee vnto his gouerne∣ment, which abutted vpon a piece of the famous riuer of Euphrates, and afterward dismisse me. The which malice and falsehood of his I perceiuing, determined with my selfe to giue him the slip, and to flee: so I waiting my time; and repairing often to the Citie, at length met with a small Fisher boate, of the which a poore Grecian was Owner and master, with whom in one night with two onely dares and a small saile made of two shirts, I passed ouer from Cyprus vnto Tripolis, being a very great danger of drowning, whereas I remained in couert in the house of certaine Christians, vntill the fiue and twentie of September, at what time I departed from thence in a little French shippe called Santa Victor, which came into these partes, and as wee rode, wee touched at a part of Cyprus Westward, called Capo delle Garte, where as I came on land, and talking with certaine of the inhabitants of the Uillages, who were then by chaunce a Hauking, demaunded of them, how they were intreated of the Turkes, and after what sort the Island was tilled: to the which they answered, that they could not possiblie bee in worse pickle then they were at that present, not enioying that quietly which was their owne, being made villaines and slaues, and almost alwayes carying away the Bastonados,* 2.38 so that now (they sayd) they knew by triall too perfectly the pleasant and peaceable gouernment of the Christi∣ans, wishing and praying God that they might shortly returne. And concerning the tillage of the Island they made answere moreouer, that no part of it was plowed or laboured, sauing onely that mountaine which was towards the West, and that because they were litle troubled with the crueltie of the Turkes, but as for the plaine and East part of the Island, there was small seede sowen therein, but became in a maner desert, there being left but few inhabitants, and lesse store of cattell there. Afterward wee departing from thence arriued in * 2.39 Candia. I for my part being clothed in sackecloth, whereas soone after by the great curtesie of the right honourable Signior Latino Orsino, I was new apparelled accordingly, friendly welcommed, and my necessitie relieued. From whence I shortly after sayling in a Cypriottes ship (thankes be to almightie God) arriued in this Citie in health, and ••m safely come home now at the hono∣rable feete of your highnesse.

The Captains of the Christians slaine in Famagusta.

• THe lord Estor Baglione.
• The lord Aluigi Martinengo.
• The lord Federico Baglione.
• The knight of Asta Uicegouernor.
• The capitaine Dauid Noce Master of the Campe.
• The capitaine Meani of Perugia Serieant Maior.
• The earle Sigismond of Casoldo.
• The earle Francesco of Lobi of Cremona.
• The captaine Francesco Troncauilla.
• The captaine Hannibal Adamo of Fermo.
• The captaine Scipio of the citie of Castello.
• The captaine Charles Ragonasco of Cre∣mona.
• The captaine Francesco Siraco.
• The captaine Roberto Maluezzo.
• The captaine Caesar of Aduersa.
• The captaine Bernardin of Agubio.
• The captaine Francesco Bugon of Verona.
• The captaine Iames of Fabiano,
• The captaine Sebastian del Sole of Flo∣rence.
• The captaine Hector of Brescia, the succes∣sour to the captaine Caesar of Aduersa.
• The captaine Flaminio of Florence, succes∣sor vnto Sebastian del Sole.
• The captaine Erasmus of Fermo, successor to the captaine of Cernole.
• The captaine Bartholomew of Cernole.
• The captaine Iohn Battista of Riuarole.
• The captaine Iohn Francesco of Venice.

The names of Christians made slaues.

• THe Earle Herocles Martinengo, with Iulius Caesar Ghelfo a Souldiour of Bressa.
• The earle Nestor Martinengo, which fled.
• The captaine Marco Criuellatore.
• The lord Herocles Malatesta.
• The captaine Peter Conte of Montalber∣to.
• The captaine Horatio of Veletri.
• The captaine Aluigi Pezano.
• The Conte Iames of Corbara.
• The captaine Iohn of Istria.
• The captaine Soldatelli of Agubio.
• The captaine Iohn of Ascoli.
• The captaine Antonie of the same towne.
• The captaine Sebastian of the same towne.
• The captaine Salgano of the citie of Castel∣lo.
• The captaine Marcheso of Fermo.
• The captaine Iohn Antonio of Piacenza.
• The captaine Carletto Naldo.
• The captaine Lorenzo Fornaretti.
• The captaine Barnardo of Brescia.
• The captaine Barnardino Coco.
• The captaine Simon Bagnese, successour to the captaine Dauid Noce.
• The captaine Tiberio Ceruto, successor vnto Conte Sigismond.
• The captaine Ioseph of Lanciano, succes∣sour vnto captaine Francesco Tronca∣uilla.
• The captaine Morgante, successor to captain Hannibal.
• The Lieutenant, successour vnto the captaine Scipio.
• The Standerdbearer, successour to captaine Roberto.
• The captaine Ottauio of Rimini, successour to the captaine Francesco Bugon.
• The captaine Mario de Fabiano, successour to captaine Iacomo.
• The captaine Francesco of Venice, successour vnto captaine Antonio.
• The captaine Matteo of Capua.
• The captaine Iohn Maria of Verona.
• The captaine Mancino.

The Fortifiers.

• Iohn Marmori, slaine.
• The knight Maggio, slaue.

Turkish Captaines at Famagusta.

• MVstafa Generall.
• The Bassa of Aleppo.
• The Bassa of Natolia, slaine.
• Musafer Bassa of Nicosia.
• The Bassa of Caramania.
• The Aga of the Giannizers.
• ...Giambelat Bey.
• The Sangiaccho of Tripolis, slaine.
• ...

• The Begliarbei of Greece.
• The Bassa of Sciuassi and Marasco.
• ...Ferca Framburaro.
• The Sangiaccho of Antipo, slaine.
• Soliman Bey, slaine.
• Three Sangiacchos of Arabia, slaine.
• Mustafa Bey, General of the Venturers, slain.
• Fergat, ruler of Malathia, slaine.
• The Framburaro of Diuerie, slaine.

The woorthy enterprise of Iohn Foxe an English man in deliue∣ring 266. Christians out of the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria, the 3. of Ianuarie 1577.

AMong our merchants here in England it is a common voiage to traffike in∣to Spaine:* 2.40 whereunto a ship, being called The three halfe Moones, man∣ned with 38. men, and well fensed with munitions, the better to encounter their enemies withall, and hauing wind & tide, set from Portsmouth, 1563. and bended her iourney toward Siuill a citie in Spaine, intending there to tra∣fique with them. And falling neere the Streights, they perceiued thēselues to be beset round with eight gallies of the Turkes, in such wise, that there was no way for thē to flie or escape away, but that either they must yeeld or els be sunke. Which the owner perceiuing, manfully encouraged his company, exhorting them valiantly to shew their manhood, shewing them that God was their God, and not their enemies, requesting them also not to faint in seeing such a heape of their enemies ready to deuour them; putting them in mind also, that if it were Gods pleasure to giue them into their enemies hands, it was not they y^t ought to shew one displeasant looke or countenance there against; but to take it patiently, & not to pre∣scribe a day and time for their deliuerance, as the citizens of Bethulia did, but to put themselues vnder his mercy. And againe, if it were his mind and good will to shew his mighty power by thē, if their enemies were ten times so many, they were not able to stand in their hands; putting them likewise in mind of the old and ancient woorthinesse of their countreymen, who in the hardest ex∣tremities haue alwayes most preuailed and gone away conquerors, yea, and where it hath bene almost impossible. Such (quoth he) hath bene the valiantnesse of our countreymen, and such hath bene the mightie power of our God.

With other like incouragements, exhorting them to behaue themselues manfully, they fell all on their knees making their prayers briefly vnto God: who being all risen vp againe perceiued their enemies by their signes and defiances bent to the spoyle, whose mercy was nothing els but crueltie, whereupon euery man tooke him to his weapon.

Then stood vp one Groue the master, being a comely man, with his sword and target, holding them vp in defiance agaynst his enemies. So likewise stood vp the Owner, the Masters mate, Boateswaine, Purser, and euery man well appointed. Nowe likewise sounded vp the drums, trumpets and flutes, which would haue encouraged any man, had he neuer so litle heart or cou∣rage in him.

Then taketh him to his charge Iohn Foxe the gunner in the disposing of his pieces in order to the best effect, and sending his bullets towards the Turkes, who likewise bestowed their pieces thrise as fast toward the Christians. But shortly they drew neere, so that the bowmen fel to their charge in sending forth their arrowes so thicke amongst the Gallies, & also in doubling their shot so sore vpon the gallies, that there were twise so many of the Turkes slaine, as the number of the Christians were in all. But the Turks discharged twise as fast against the Christians, & so long, that the ship was very sore stricken & bruised vnder water. Which the Turkes perceiuing, made the more haste to come aboord the Shippe: which ere they could doe, many a Turke bought it deerely with the losse of their liues. Yet was all in vaine, and boorded they were, where they found so hote a skirmish, that it had bene better they had not medled with the feast. For the Englishmen shewed themselues men in deed, in working manfully with their browne bils and halbardes: where the owner, master, boateswaine, and their company stoode to it so lustily, that the Turkes were halfe dismaied. But chiefly the boateswaine shewed himself valiant aboue the rest:* 2.41 for he fa∣red amongst the Turkes like a wood Lion: for there was none of them that either could or durst stand in his face, till at the last there came a shot from the Turkes, which brake his whistle asun∣der, and smote him on the brest, so that he fell downe, bidding them farewell, & to be of good com∣fort, encouraging them likewise to winne praise by death, rather then to liue captiues in misery and shame. Which they hearing, in deed intended to haue done, as it appeared by their skirmish: but the prease and store of the Turkes was so great, that they were not able long to endure, but were so ouerpressed, that they could not wield their weapons: by reason whereof, they must needs

be taken, which none of them intended to haue bene, but rather to haue died: except onely the ma∣sters mate, who shrunke from the skirmish, like a notable coward, esteeming neither the valure of his name, nor accounting of the present example of his fellowes, nor hauing respect to the mise∣ries, whereunto he should be put. But in fine, so it was, that the Turks were victors, whereof they had no great cause to reioyce, or triumph. Then would it haue grieued any hard heart to see these Infidels so violently intreating the Christians, not hauing any respect of their manhood which they had tasted of, nor yet respecting their owne state, how they might haue met with such a boo∣tie, as might haue giuen them the ouerthrow: but no remorse hereof, or any thing els doth bridle their fierce and tiramious dealing, but that the Christians must needs to the gallies, to serue in new offices: and they were no sooner in them, but their garments were pulled ouer their eares, and torne from their backes, and they set to the oares.

I will make no mention of their miseries, being now vnder their enemies raging stripes. I thinke there is no man wil iudge their fare good, or their bodies vnloden of stripes, and not peste∣red with too much heate, and also with too much cold: but I will goe to my purpose, which is, to shew the ende of those, being in meere miserie, which continually doe call on God with a stedfast hope that he will deliuer them, and with a sure faith that he can doe it.

Nigh to the citie of Alexandria, being a hauen towne, and vnder the dominion of the Turkes, there is a roade, being made very fensible with strong wals, whereinto the Turkes doe customa∣bly bring their gallies on shoare euery yeere, in the winter season, and there doe trimme them, and lay them vp against the spring time. In which road there is a prison, wherein the captiues & such prisoners as serue in the gallies, are put for all that time, vntill the seas be calme and passable for the gallies, euery prisoner being most grieuously laden with irons on their legges, to their great paine, and sore disabling of them to any labour taking. Into which prison were these Christians put,* 2.42 and fast warded all the Winter season. But ere it was long, the Master and the Owner, by meanes of friends, were redeemed: the rest abiding still by the miserie, while that they were all (through reason of their ill vsage and worse fare, miserably starued) sauing one Iohn Fox, who (as some men can abide harder and more miserie, then other some can, so can some likewise make more shift, and worke more deuises to helpe their state and liuing, then other some can doe) being somewhat skilfull in the craft of a Barbour, by reason thereof made great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good meal••. Insomuch, til at the last, God sent him fauour in the sight of the keeper of the prison, so that he had leaue to goe in and out to the road, at his pleasure, paying a cer∣taine stipend vnto the keeper, and wearing a locke about his leg: which libertie likewise, sixe more had vpon like sufferance: who by reason of their long imprisonment, not being feared or su∣spected to start aside, or that they would worke the Turkes any mischiefe, had libertie to go in and out at the sayd road, in such maner, as this Iohn Fox did, with irons on their legs, and to returne againe at night.

In the yeere of our Lord 1577. in the Winter season, the gallies happily comming to their accustomed harborow, and being discharged of all their mastes, sailes, and other such furnitures, as vnto gallies doe appertaine, and all the Masters and mariners of them being then nested in their owne homes: there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred threescore and eight Christian prisoners, who had bene taken by the Turks force, and were of sixteen sundry nations. Among which there were three Englishmen, whereof one was named Iohn Foxe of Wood∣bridge in Suffolke, the other William Wickney of Portsmouth, in the Countie of Southhamp∣ton, and the third Robert Moore of Harwich in the Countie of Essex. Which Iohn Fox hauing bene thirteene or foureteene yeres vnder their gentle entreatance, and being too too weary there∣of, minding his escape, weighed with himselfe by what meanes it might be brought to passe: and continually pondering with himself thereof, tooke a good heart vnto him, in hope that God would not be not alwayes scourging his children, and neuer ceassed to pray him to further his preten∣ded enterprise, if that it should redound to his glory.

Not farre from the road, and somewhat from thence, at one side of the Citie, there was a cer∣taine vi••tualling house, which one Peter Vnticaro had hired, paying also a certaine fee vnto the keeper of the road. This Peter Vnticaro was a Spaniard borne, and a Christian, and had bene prisoner about thirtie yeeres, and neuer practised any meanes to escape, but kept himselfe quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracie: vntill that nowe this Iohn Foxe vsing much thi∣ther, they brake one to another their mindes, concerning the restrain•• of their libertie and impri∣sonment. So that this Iohn Fox at length opening vnto this Vnticaro the deuise which he would faine put in practise, made priuie one more to this their intent. Which three debated of this mat∣ter at such times as they could compasse to meete together: insomuch, that at seuen weekes ende they had sufficiently concluded how the matter should be, if it pleased God to farther them there∣to:

who making fiue more priuie to this their deuise, whom they thought they might safely trust, determined in three nights after to accomplish their deliberate purpose. Whereupon the same Iohn Fox, and Peter Vnticaro, and the other sixe appointed to meete all together in the pri∣son the next day, being the last day of December:* 2.43 where this Iohn Fox certified the rest of the prisoners, what their inten•• and deuise was, and how and when they minded to bring their pur∣pose to passe: who thereunto perswaded them without much a doe to further their deuise. Which the same Iohn Fox seeing deliuered vnto them a sort of files, which he had gathered together for this purpose, by the meaues of Peter Vnticaro, charging them that euery man should be readie discharged of his yrons by eight of the clocke on the next day at night.

On the next day at night, this said Iohn Fox, and his sixe other companions,* 2.44 being all come to the house of Peter Vnticaro, passing the time away in mieth for feare of suspect, till the night came on, so that it was time for them to put in practise their deuise, sent Peter Vnticaro to the master of the roade, in the name of one of the Masters of the citie, with whom this keeper was ac∣quainted, and at whose request he also would come at the first: who desired him to take the paines to meete him there, promising him, that he would bring him backe againe. The keeper agreed to goe with him, willing the warders not to barre the gate, saying, that he would not stay long, but would come againe with all speede.

In the meane s••ason, the other seuen had prouided them of such weapons, as they could get in that house: and Iohn Fox tooke him to an olde rustie sword blade, without either hilt or pomell, which he made to serue his turne, in bending the hand ende of the sword, in steed of a pomell, and the other had got such spits and glaiues as they found in the house.

The keeper now being come vnto the house, and perceiuing no light, nor hearing any noyse, straightway suspected the matter: and returning backward, Iohn Fox standing behind the cor∣ner of the house, stepped foorth vnto him: who perceiuing it to be Iohn Fox, saide, O Fox, what haue I deserued of thee, that thou shouldest seeke my death? Thou villaine (quoth Fox) hast bene a bloodsucker of many a Christians blood, and now thou shalt know what thou hast deserued at my handes: wherewith he lift vp his bright shining sword of tenne yeeres rust, and stroke him so maine a blowe, as there withall his head claue a sunder, so that he fell starke dead to the ground. Whereupon Peter Vnticaro went in, and certified the rest how the case stood with the keeper: who came presently foorth, and some with their spits ranne him through, and the other with their glaiues hewed him in sunder, cut off his head, and mangled him so, that no man should discerne what he was.

Then marched they toward the roade, whereinto they entered sof••ly, where were six warders, whom one of them asked, saying, who was there? quoth Fox & his company, all friendes. Which when they were all within, proued contrary: for, quoth Fox, my masters, here is not to euery man a man, wherefore looke you play your parts. Who so behaued themselues in deede, that they had dispatched these sixe quickly. Then Iohn Fox intending not to be barred of his enterprise, and minding to worke surely in that which he went about, barred the gate surely, and planted a Ca∣non against i••.

Then entred they into the Gailers lodge, where they found the keyes of the fortresse & prison by his bed side, and there had they all better weapons. In this chamber was a chest, wherein was a rich treasure, and all in duckats, which this Peter Vnticaro, & two more, opening, stuffed them∣selues so full as they could, betweene their shirts and their skinne: which Iohn Fox would not once touch, and sayde, that it was his and their libertie which he sought for, to the honour of his God, & not to make a mar••e of the wicked treasure of the Infidels. Yet did these words si••ke no∣thing into their stomakes, they did it for a good intent: so did Saul saue the fattest Oxen, to offer vnto the Lord, and they to serue their owne turne. But neither did Saul scape the wrath of God therefore, neither had these that thing which they desired so, and did thirst after. Such is Gods iu∣stice. He that they put their trust in, to deliuer them from the tyrannous hands of their enemies, he (I say) could supply their want of necessaries.

Nowe these ••ight being armed with such weapons as they thought well of, thinking them∣selues sufficient champions to encounter a stranger enemie, and comming vnto the prison, Fox opened the gates and doores thereof, and called forth all the prisoners, whom he set, some to ram∣ming vp the gate, some to the dressing vp of a certaine gallie, which was the best in all the roade, and was called the captaine of Alexandria, whereinto some caried mastes, sailes, oares, and other such furniture as doth belong vnto a gallie.

At the prison were certaine warders, whom Iohn Fox and his companie slewe: in the killing of whom, there were eight more of the Turkes, which perceiued them, and got them to the toppe of the prison: vnto whom Iohn Fox, and his company, were faine to come by ladders, where

they found a hot skirmish. For some of them were there slaine, some wounded, and some but scar∣red, and not hurt. As Iohn Fox was thrise shot through his apparell, and not hurt, Peter Vnticaro, and the other two, that had armed them with the duckats, were slaine, as not able to weild them∣selues, being so pestered with the weight and vneasie carying of the wicked and prophane trea∣sure: and also diuerse Christians were aswell hurt about that skirmish, as Turkes slaine.

Amongst the Turkes was one thrust thorowe, who (let vs not say that it was ill fortune) fell off from the toppe of the prison wall, and made such a lowing, that the inhabitants thereabout (as here and there scattering stoode a house or two) came and dawed him, so that they vnderstood the case, how that the prisoners were paying their ransomes: wherewith they raised both Alexan∣dria which lay on the west side of the roade, and a Castle which was at the Cities end, next to the roade, and also an other Fortresse which lay on the Northside of the roade: so that nowe they had no way to escape, but one, which by mans reason (the two holdes lying so vpon the mouth of the roade) might seeme impossible to be a way for them. So was the red sea impossible for the Israe∣lites to passe through, the hils and rockes lay so on the one side, and their enemies compassed them on the other. So was it impossible, that the wals of Iericho should fall downe, being neither vn∣dermined, nor yet rammed at with engines, nor yet any mans wisedome, pollicie, or helpe set or put thereunto. Such impossibilities can our God make possible. He that helde the Lyons iawes from renting Daniel asunde••, yea, or yet from once touching him to his hurt: can not he hold the roring canons of this hellish force? He that kept the fiers rage in the hot burning Ouen, from the three children, that praised his name, can not he keepe the fiers flaming blasles from among his elect?

Now is the roade fraught with lustie souldiers, laborers, and mariners, who are faine to stand to their tackling, in setting to euery man his hand, some to the carying in of victuals, some muniti∣ons, some oares, and some one thing, some another, but most are keeping their enemie from the wall of the road. But to be short, there was no time mispent, no man idle, nor any mans labour ill bestowed, or in vaine. So that in short time, this gally was ready trimmed vp. Whereinto euery man leaped in all haste, hoyssing vp the sayles lustily, yeelding themselues to his mercie and grace, in whose hands are both winde and weather.

Now is this gally on flote, and out of the safetie of the roade: now haue the two Castles full power vpon the gally, now is there no remedy but to sinke: how can it be auoided? The canons let flie from both sides, and the gally is euen in the middest, and betweene them both. What man can deuise to saue it? there is no man, but would thinke it must needes be sunke.

There was not one of them that feared the shotte, which went thundring round about their eares, nor yet were once scarred or touched, with fiue & forty shot, which came from the Castles. Here did God hold foorth his buckler, he shieldeth now this gally, and hath tried their faith to the vttermost. Now commeth his speciall helpe: yea, euen when man thinks them past all helpe, then commeth he himselfe downe from heauen with his mightie power, then is his present remedie most readie prest. For they saile away, being not once touched with the glaunce of a shot, and are quickly out of the Turkish canons reach. Then might they see them comming downe by heapes to the water side, in companies like vnto swarmes of bees, making shew to come after them with gallies, in bustling themselues to dresse vp the gallies, which would be a swift peece of worke for them to doe, for that they had neither oares, mastes, sailes, gables, nor any thing else ready in any gally. But yet they are carying them into them, some into one gally, and some into another, so that, being such a confusion amongst them, without any certaine guide, it were a thing impossi∣ble to ouertake them: beside that, there was no man that would take charge of a gally, the wea∣ther was so rough, and there was such an amasednes amongst them. And verely I thinke their God was amased thereat: it could not be but he must blush for shame, he can speake neuer a word for dulnes, much lesse can he helpe them in such an extremitie. Well, howsoeuer it is, he is very much to blame, to suffer them to receiue such a gibe. But howsoeuer their God behaued himselfe, our God shewed himselfe a God indeede, and that he was the onely liuing God: for the seas were swift vnder his faithfull, which made the enemies agast to behold them, a skilfuller Pilot leades them, and their mariners bestirre them lustily: but the Turkes had neither mariners, Pilot, nor any skilfull Master, that was in a readinesse at this pinch.

When the Christians were safe out of the enemies coast, Iohn Fox called to them all, willing them to be thankfull vnto almighty God for their deliuerie, and most humbly to fall downe vpon their knees, beseeching him to aide them vnto their friends land, and not to bring them into an o∣ther daunger, sirh hee had most mightily deliuered them from so great a thraldome and bon∣dage.

Thus when euery man had made his petition, they fell straight way to their labour with the

eares, in helping one another, when they were wearied, and with great labour stewing to come to some Christian land, as neere as they could gesse by the starres. But the windes were so diuers, one while driuing them this way, another while that way, that they were now in a newe maze, thinking that God had forsaken them, and left them to a greater danger. And forasmuch as there were no victuals now left in the gally, it might haue beene a cause to them (if they had beene the Israelites) to haue murmured against their God: but they knew how that their God, who had de∣liuered them out of AEgypt, was such a louing and mercifull God, as that hee would not suffer them to be conformded, in whom he had wrought so great a wonder: but what calamitie soeuer they sustained, they knew it was but for their further triall, and also (in putting them in mind of their farther miserie) to cause them not to triumph and glory in themselues therefore. Hauing (I say) no victuals in the gally, it might seeme that one miserie continually fel vpon an others neck: but to be briefe, the famine grew to be so great, that in 28 dayes, wherein they were on the sea,* 2.45 there died eight persons, to the astonishment of all the rest.

So it fell out, that vpon the 29 day, after they set from Alexandria, they fell on the Isle of Candie, and landed at Gallipoli, where they were made much of by the Abbot and Monks there, who caused them to stay there, while they were well refreshed and eased. They kept there the sworde, wherewith Iohn Fox had killed the keeper,* 2.46 esteeming it as a most precious iewell, and hung it vp for a monument.

When they thought good, hauing leaue to depart from thence, they sayled along the coast, till they arriued at Tarento, where they solde their gallie, and deuided it, euery man hauing a part thereof. The Turkes receiuing so shamefull a foile at their hand, pursued the Christians, and scoured the seas, where they could imagine that they had bent their course. And the Christians had departed from thence on the one day in the morning, and seuen gallies of the Turkes came thither that night, as it was certified by those who followed Fox, and his companie, fearing least they should haue bene met with. And then they came a foote to Naples, where they departed a sun∣der, euery man taking him to his next way home. From whence Iohn Fox tooke his iourney vnto Rome, where he was well entertayned of an Englishman, who presented his worthy deede vnto the Pope, who rewarded him liberally, and gaue him his letters vnto the king of Spaine, where he was very well entertained of him there, who for this his most worthy enterprise gaue him in fee twentie pence a day. From whence, being desirous to come into his owne countrie, he came thither at such time as he conueniently could, which was in the yeere of our Lorde God, 1579. Who being come into England, went vnto the Court, and shewed all his trauell vnto the Coun∣cell: who considering of the state of this man, in that hee had spent and lost a great part of his youth in thraldome and bondage, extended to him their liberalitie, to helpe to maintaine him now in age, to their right honour, and to the incouragement of all true hearted Christians.

The copie of the certificate for Iohn Fox, and his companie, made by the Prior, and the brethren of Gallipoli, where they first landed.

VVE the Prior, and Fathers of the Couent of the Amerciates, of the city of Gallipoli, of the order of Preachers doe testifie, that vpon the 29 of Ianuary last past, 1577, there came in to the said citie a certaine gally from Alexandria, taken from the Turkes, with two hundreth fiftie and eight Christians, whereof was principal Master Iohn Fox, an English∣man, a gunner, and one of the chiefest that did accomplish that great worke, whereby so ma∣ny Christians haue recouered their liberties. In token and remembrance whereof, vpon our earnest request to the same Iohn Fox, he hath left here an olde sworde, wherewith he slewe the keeper of the prison: which sword we doe as a monument and memoriall of so worthy a deede, hang vp in the chiefe place of our Couent house. And for because all things afore∣said, are such as we will testifie to be true, as they are orderly passed, and haue therefore good credite, that so much as is aboue expressed is true, and for the more faith thereof, we the Prior, and Fathers aforesaide, haue ratified and subscribed these presents. Geuen in Gallipoly, the third of Februarie 1577.

I Frier Vincent Barba, Prior of the same place, confirme the premisses, as they are aboue written. I Frier Albert Damaro, of Gallipoly, Subprior, confirme as much. I Frier Anthony Celleler of Gallipoly, confirme as aforesaid. I Frier Bartlemew of Gallipoly, confirme as aboue said. I Frier Francis of Gallipoly, confirme as much.

The Bishop of Rome his letters in the behalfe of Iohn Fox.

BE it knowen vnto all men, to whom this writing shall come, that the bringer hereof Iohn Fox Englishman, a Gunner, after he had serued captiue in the Turkes gallies, by the space of foureteene yeeres, at length, thorough God his helpe, taking good oportunitie, the third of Ianuarie last past, slew the keeper of the prison, (whom he first stroke on the face) together with foure and twentie other Turkes, by the assistance of his fellow prisoners: and with 266. Christians (of whose libertie he was the author) launched from Alexandria, and from thence arriued first at Gallipoly in Candie, and afterwardes at Tarento in Apulia: the written testi∣mony and credite of which things, as also of others, the same Iohn Fox hath in publike tables from Naples.

Vpon Easter eue he came to Rome, and is now determined to take his iourney to the Spa∣nish Court, hoping there to obtaine some reliefe toward his liuing: wherefore the poore di∣stressed man humbly beseecheth, and we in his behalfe do in the bowels of Christ, desire you, that taking compassion of his former captiuitie, and present penurie, you doe not onely suffer him freely to passe throughout all your cities and townes, but also succour him with your cha∣ritable almes, the reward whereof you shall hereafter most assuredly receiue, which we hope you will afford to him, whom with tender affection of pitie wee commende vnto you. At Rome, the 20 of Aprill 1577.

• Thomas Grolos Englishman Bishop of Astraphen.
• Richard Silleum Prior Angliae.
• Andreas Ludouicus Register to our Soueraigne Lord the Pope, which for the greater credit of the premises, haue set my seale to these presents. At Rome, the day and yeere aboue written.
• Mauricius Clement the gouernour and keeper of the English Hospitall in the citie.

The King of Spaine his letters to the Lieutenant, for the placing of Iohn Fox in the office of a Gunner.

TO the illustrious Prince, Vespasian Gonsaga Colonna, our Lieutenant and Captaine Ge∣nerall of our Realme of Valentia. Hauing consideration, that Iohn Fox Englishman hath serued vs, and was one of the most principall, which tooke away from the Turkes a certaine gallie, which they haue brought to Tarento, wherein were two hundred, fiftie, and eight Chri∣stian captiues: we licence him to practise, and giue him the office of a Gunner, and haue or∣dained, that he goe to our said Realme, there to serue in the said office in the Gallies, which by our commandement are lately made. And we doe commaund, that you cause to be payed to him eight ducats pay a moneth, for the time that he shall serue in the saide Gallies as a Gun∣ner, or till we can otherwise prouide for him, the saide eight duckats monethly of the money which is already of our prouision, present and to come, and to haue regarde of those which come with him.

From Escuriall the tenth of August, 1577.

I the King. Iuan del Gado. And vnder that a confirmation of the Councell.

The renuing and increasing of an ancient and commodious trade vnto diuerse places in the Leuant seas, and to the chiefest partes of all the great Turks dominions, by the meanes of the Right worsh, citizens Sir Edward Osburne Alderman, and M. Richard Staper marchant of London.

THis trade into the Leuant (as is before mentioned, page 96 of this present vo∣lume, whereunto I referre the Reader) was very vsuall and much frequented from the yeere of our Lord 1511, till the yeere 1534, and afterward also, though not so commonly, vntill the yeere 1550, when as the barke Aucher vnder the conduct of M. Roger Bodenham made a prosperous voyage vnto Sicilia, Can∣dia, Sio, and other places within the Leuant. Since which time the foresaid trade (notwithstan∣ding the Grand Sig••iors ample priuilege granted to M. Anthony Ienkenson 1553, and the

strong and weighty reasons of Gaspar Campion for that purpose) was vtterly discontinued, and in maner quite forgotten, as if it had neuer bene, for the space of 20 yeares and more. Howbeit the discreete and worthy citizens Sir Edward Osborne and M. Richard Staper seriously consi∣dering what benefite might grow to the common wealth by renuing of the foresaid discontinued trade, to the inlarging of her Maiesties customes, the furthering of nauigation, the venting of di∣uerse generall commodities of this Realme, and the inriching of the citie of London, determined to vse some effectuall meanes for the reestablishing and augmenting thereof.

Wherefore about the yeere 1575. the foresaid R. W. marchants at their charges and expen∣ses sent Iohn Wight and Ioseph Clements by the way of Poland to Constantinople,* 3.1 where the said Ioseph remained 18 monethes to procure a safe conduct from the grand Signior, for M. William Harborne, then factor for Sir Edward Osborne, to haue free accesse into his Highnes dominions, and obtained the same.

Which businesse after two yeres chargeable trauell and suit being accomplished, the sayd M. Harborne the first of Iuly 1578 departed from London by the sea to Hamburgh,* 3.2 and thence accompanied with Ioseph Clements his guide and a seruant, he trauailed to Leopolis in Poland, and then apparelling himselfe, his guide, and his seruant after the Turkish fashion (hauing first obteyned the king of Poland his safe conduct to passe at Camienijecz the frontier towne of his dominions next vnto Turky) by good means he obteined fauour of one Acmet Chaus the Turks ambassadour then in Poland, and readie to returne to Constantinople, to bee receiued into his companie and carouan. And so the fourth of September 1578 he departed with the said Acmet from Leopolis in Poland, and trauelling through Moldauia, Valachia, Bulgaria, and Romania, gratifying the Voiauodes with certaine courtesies, he arriued at Constantinople the 28 of October next insuing. Where he behaued himselfe so wisely and discreetely, that within few moneths after he obtained not onely the great Turkes large and ample priuiledge for him∣selfe, and the two worshipfull persons aforesaid, but also procured his honourable and friendly letters vnto her Maiestie in maner following.

The letters sent from the Imperiall Musulmanlike highnesse of Zuldan Murad Can, to the sacred regall Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England, the fifteenth of March 1579, con∣teyning the grant of the first priuileges.

IN greatnes and glory most renowmed Elizabeth, most sacred Queene, and noble prince of the most mightie worshippers of Iesus, most wise gouernor of the causes and affaires of the people and family of Nazareth, cloud of most pleasant raine, and sweetest fountaine of noblenesse and vertue, ladie & heire of the perpetuall happinesse & glory of the noble Realme of England (whom all sorts seeke vnto and submit themselues) we wish most prosperous suc∣cesse and happie ends to all your actions, and do offer vnto you such pleasures and curtesies as are worthy of our mutuall and eternall familiaritie: thus ending (as best besee∣meth vs) our former salutations.

In most friendly maner we giue you to vnderstand, that a certaine man hath come vnto vs in the name of your most excellent Regall Maiestie, c••mmending vnto vs from you all kindnesse, curtesie and friendly offices on your part, and did humbly require that our Imperiall highnesse would vouchsafe to giue leaue and libertie to him and vnto ‖ 3.3 two other merchants of your king∣dome, to resort hither and returne againe, and that by way of traffike they might be suffered to trade hither with their goods and merchandizes to our Imperiall dominions, and in like sort to make their returne.

Our stately Court and Countrey hath beene euer open for the accesse both of our enemies and friends. But because we are informed that your most excellent Regall Maiesty doth abound with good will, humanitie, & all kind of louing affection towards vs, so much the rather shall the same our Countrey be alwayes open to such of your subiects, as by way of merchandize shall trade hi∣ther: and we will neuer faile to aide & succor any of them that are or shal be willing to esteeme of our friendship, fauour, & assistance: but will reckon it some part of our dutie to gratifie them by all good meanes. And forasmuch as our Imperiall highnesse is giuen to vnderstand that your most excellent Regall Maiestie doth excell in bountie & curtesie, we therfore haue sent out our Impe∣riall commandement to all our kings, iudges, and trauellers by sea, to all our Captaines and vo∣luntarie seafaring men, all condemned persons, and officers of Ports and customes, straightly charging and commanding them, that such foresaid persons as shall resort hither by sea from the

Realme of England, either with great or small vessels to trade by way of marchandize, may law∣fully come to our imperiall Dominions, and freely returne home againe, and that no man shall dare to molest or trouble them. And if in like sort they shall come into our dominions by land, ei∣ther on foote or on horsebacke, no man shall at any time withstand or hinder them: but as our fa∣miliars and confederates, the French, Venetians, Polonians, and the ‖ 3.4 king of Germany, with diuers other our neighbours about vs, haue libertie to come hither, & to returne againe into their owne countreys, in like sort the marchants of your most excellent Regall Maiesties kingdome shall haue safe conduct and leaue to repayre hither to our Imperiall dominions, and so to returne againe into their own Country: straightly charging that they be suffered to vse and trade all kind of marchandize as any other Christians doe, withour ••et or disturbance of any.

Therefore when these our Imperiall letters shall be brought to your most excellent Regall Maiestie, it shall be meet, according to our beneuolence, humanity, and familiarity towards your most excellent Maiesty, that you likewise bethinke yourselfe of your like beneuolence, humanitie and friendshippe towards vs, to open the gate thereof vnto vs, and to nourish by all good meanes this kindnesse and friendship:* 3.5 and that like libertie may be granted by your Highnesse to our sub∣iects and merchants to come with their merchandizes to your dominions, either by sea with their ships, or by la••d with their wagons or horses, and to returne home againe: and that your most ex∣cellent Regall Maiestie do alwayes declare your humanitie, good will, and friendship towards vs, and alwayes keepe open the dore thereof vnto vs.

Giuen at our citie of Constantinople the fifteenth day of March, and in the yeere of our most holy Prophet Mahomet ‖ 3.6 987.

The answere of her Maiestie to the aforesaid Letters of the Great Turke, sent the 25 of October 1579, in the Prudence of London by Ma∣ster Richard Stanley.

ELIZABETHA Dei ter maximi, & vnici coeli terrae{que} Conditoris gratia, Angliae, Franciae & Hiberniae regina, fidei Christianae contra omnes omnium inter Christianos degentium, & Christi nomen falsò profitentium Idolola∣trias inuictissima & potentissima Desensatrix, augustissimo, inuictissimoque principi Sultan Murad Can, Turcici regni dominatori potentissimo, Impe∣rij{que} orientis Monarchae supra omnes soli & supremo, salutē, & multos cum ••erum optimarū affluentia foelices, & fortunatos annos. Augustissime & inuictissime Caesar, accepimus inuictissimae Caesareae vestrae celsitudinis literas, die decimoquinto Martij curren∣tis anni ad nos scriptas Constantinopoli, ex quibus intelligimus quàm benignè quàm{que} cle∣menter, literae supplices quae Caesareae vestrae celsitudini a quodam subdito nostro Gudielmo Hareborno in Imperiali Celsitudinis vestrae ciuitate Constantinopoli commorante offere∣bantur, literae profectionis pro se & socijs eius duobus hominibus mercatoribus subditis no∣stris cum mercibus suis ad terras ditiones{que} Imperio vestro subiectas tam per mare quàm per terras, inde{que} reuersionis venie potestatis{que} humillimam complexae petitionem, ab inuictissi∣ma vestra Caesarea celsitudine, acceptae fuerunt. Ne{que} id solùm, sed quàm mira cum facilitate, digna{que} augustissma Caesarea clementia, quod erat in dictis literis supplicibus positum, ei so∣cijs{que} suis donatum & concessum fuit, pro ea, vti videtur, solùm opinione, quam de nobis, & nostra amicitia vestra celsitudo concepit. Quod singulare beneficium in dictos subditos no∣stros collatum tam gratè tam{que} beneuolè accepimus (maximas celsitudini vestrae propterea & agentes, & habentes gratias) nullo vt vnquam patiemur tempore, pro facultatum nostrarum ratione, pro{que} ea quam nobis inseuit ter maximus mundi monarcha Deus (per quem & cu∣ius auspicijs regnamus) naturae bonitate, qua remotissimas nos esse voluit, & abhorrentes ab ingratitudinis omni vel minima suspitione, docuit{que} nullorum vnquam vt principum, vllis in nos meritis nos sineremus vinci, aut superari, vt apud ingratam principem tantum beneficium deposuisse, se vestra Celsitudo existimer. Propterea{que} animum nostrum inpraesentiarum ve∣strae celsitudini emetimur, benè sentiendo & praedicando, quantopere nos obstrictas beneficij huius in subditos nostros collati putemus memoriâ sempiternâ: longè vberiorem, & amplio∣rem gratitudinis erga vestram celsitudinem nostrae testificationem daturae, cum tempora inci∣dent vt possimus, & à nobis desiderabitur. Quoniam autem quae nostris paucis subditis, ea{que} suis ipsorum precibus, sine vlla intercessione nostra concessa donatio est, in aequè libera pote∣state sita est ad omnes ter••as ditiones{que} Imperio vestro subiectas, cum mercibus suis tam per mare quàm per terras eundi & redeundi, at{que} inuictissime Caesareae vestrae celsitudinis confoe∣deratis, Gallis, Polonis, Venetis, at{que} adeo regis Romanorum subditis largita vnquam aut do∣nata

suit, celsitudinem vestram rogamus ne tam singularis beneficentiae laus in tam angustis terminis duotum aut trium hominum concludatur, sed ad vniuersos subditos nostros diffusa, propagatáque, celsitudinis vestrae beneficium eò reddat augustius; quò eiusdem donatio latiùs patebit, & ad plures pertinebit. Cuius tam singularis in nos beneficij meritum, eò erit celsitu∣dini vestrae minus poenitendum, quò sunt merces illae, quibus regna nostra abundant, & alio∣rum principū ditiones egent, tam humanis vsibus commodae tam{que} necessarie, nulla gens vt sit, quae eis carere queat, propterea{que} longissimis, difficillimis{que} itineribus conquisitis non vehe∣menter gaudeat. Cariùs autem distrahunt alijs, quo ex labore suo quís{que} victum & quaestum quaeritat, adeo vt in earum acquisitione vtilitas, in emptione autem ab alijs onus sit. Vtilitas cel∣situdinis vestrae subditis augebitur liberá hac paucorum nostrorum hominum ad terras vestras profectione: onus minuetur, profectionis quorumcúnque subditorum nostrorum donatione. Accedet praeterea quae à nobis in celsitudinis vestrae subditos proficiscetur, par, equáque merci∣um exercendarum libertas, quoties & quando voluerint ad regna dominiá{que} nostra mercatu∣rae gratia accedere. Quam celsitudini vestrae pollicemur tam amplam latéque patentem fore, quám est vlla â confoederatorum vestrorum vllis principibus antedictis, regibus videlicet Ro∣manorum, Gallorum, Polonorum, ac republica Veneta, celsitudinis vestrae subditis vllo vn∣quam tempore concessa & donata. Qua in re si honestae petitioni nostrae inuictissima Caesarea vestra celsitudo dignabitur auscultare, faciétque vt acceptis nostris literis intelligamus gratum nè habitura sit quod ab ea contendimus & rogamus, ea proposita praestitáque securitate, quae subditos nostros quoscúnque ad dominia sua, terra, maríque proficiscentes, indé{que} reuertentes tutos & securos reddat ab omni quorumcúnque subditorum suorum iniuria, efficiemus, vt quae Deus opt. max. in regna dominiá{que} nostra contulit commoda (quae tam singularia sunt, omni∣um vt principum animos pelliccant ad amicitiam, summe{que} necessitudinis coniunctionem no∣biscum contrabendam, stabiliendámque quo liberius tantis summi Dei beneficijs fruantur, qui∣bus carere nequeunt) nostri subditi ad regna dominiáque Celsitudinis vestrae aduehant tam af∣fluenter támque cumulate, vt vtríque incommodo praedicto necessitatis & oneris plenissimè succurratur. Facit praetereá singularis ista Celsitudinis vestre in nos Gentémque nostram sum∣mae beneuolentiae significatio ac fides, vt eandem, in causam quorundam subditorum nostro∣rum, qui captiui triremibus vestris detinentur, interpellemus, rogemúsque, vt quoniam nullo in celsitudinem vestram peccato suo, siuè arma in eam ••erendo, siuè iniquiùs praeter fas & ius gen∣tium se gerendo in suos subditos, in hanc calamitatem inciderint, soluti vinculis, & libertate donati, nobis pro sua fide & obsequio inseruientes, causam vberiorem praebeant vestrae Celsitu∣dinis in nos humanitatem praedicandi: & Deum illum, qui solus, & supra omnia & omnes est acertimus idolatriae vindicator, suíque honoris contra Gentium & aliorum falsos Deos Zelo∣tes, precabimur, vt vestram inuictissimam Caesaream Celsitudinem omni beatitate eorum do∣norum fortunet, que sola & summè iure merito habentur desideratissima.

Darae è Regia nostra Grenouici, prope ciuitattem nostram Londinum, quintodecimo Men∣sis Octobris, Anno Iesu Christi Saluatoris nostri 1579, Regni verò nostri vicesimo primo.

The same in English.

ELizabeth by the grace of the most mightie God, and onely Creatour of heauen and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queene, the most inuincible and most mighty defender of the Christian faith against all kinde of idolatries, of all that liue among the Christians, and fasly pro∣fesse the Name of Christ, vnto the most Imperiall and most inuincible prince, Zuldan Murad Can, the most mightie ruler of the kingdome of Turkie, sole and aboue all, and most souereigne Monarch of the East Empire, greeting, and many happy and fortunate yeeres, with abundance of the best things.

Most Imperiall and most inuincible Emperour, wee haue receiued the letters of your mightie highnesse written to vs from Cōstantinople the fifteenth day of March this present yere, where∣by we vnderstand how gratiously, and how fauorably the humble petitions of one William Hare∣borne a subiect of ours, resident in the Imperial citie of your highnes presented vnto your Ma∣iestie for the obteining of accesse for him and two other Marchants more of his company our sub∣iects also, to come with marchandizes both by sea and land, to the countreis and territories sub∣iect to your gouernment, and from thence againe to returne home with good leaue and libertie, were accepted of your most inuincible Imperiall highnesse, and not that onely, but with an extra∣ordinarie speed and worthy your Imperiall grace, that which was craued by petition was gran∣ted to him, and his company in regard onely (as it seemeth) of that opinion which your highnesse conceiued of vs and our amitie: which singular benefit done to our aforesaid subiects, wee take so thankefully, and in so good part (yeelding for the same our greatest thanks to your highnesse) that

we will neuer giue occasion to your said highnesse (according as time, and the respect of our af∣faires will permit) once to thinke so great a pleasure bestowed vpon an vngratefull Prince. For the Almighty God, by whom, and by whose grace we reigne, hath planted in vs this good∣nesse of nature, that wee de••est and abhorre the least suspition of ingratitude, and hath taught vs not to suffer our selues to bee ouermatched with the good demerits of other Princes. And therefore at this time wee doe extende our good minde vnto your highnesse, by well conceiuing, and publishing also abroad, how much we repute our selfe bound in an euerlasting remembrance for this good pleasure to our Subiects, meaning to yeelde a much more large and plentifull testi∣fication of our thankefulnesse, when time conuenient shall fall out, and the same shall bee looked for at our handes.

But whereas that graunt which was giuen to a fewe of our Subiects, and at their onely re∣quest without any intercession of ours, standeth in as free a libertie of comming and going to and from all the lands and kingdoms subiect to your Maiestie; both by land & sea with marchandizes, as euer was granted to any of your Imperiall highnesse confederates, as namely to the French, the Polonians, the Venetians, as also to the subiects of the king of the Romanes, wee desire of your highnesse that the commendation of such singular courtesie may not bee so narrowly restrai∣ned to two or three men onely, but may be inlarged to all our subiects in generall, that thereby your highnesse goodnesse may appeare the more notable, by reason of the graunting of the same to a greater number of persons. The bestowing of which so singular a benefit your highnesse shall so much the lesse repent you of, by howe much the more fit and necessary for the vse of man those commodities are, wherewith our kingdomes doe abound, and the kingdomes of other princes doe want, so y^t there is no nation that can be without them; but are glad to come by them, although by very long and difficult trauels: and when they haue them, they sell them much deerer to others, because euery man seeketh to make profite by his labour: so that in the getting of them there is profit, but in the buying of them from others there is losse. But this profite will be increased to the subiects of your highnesse by this free accesse of a few of our subie••ts to your dominions, as also the losse and burden wilbe eased, by the permission of generall accesse to all our people. And furthermore we will graunt as equall and as free a libertie to the subiects of your highnesse with vs for the vse of traffique, when they wil, end as often as they wil, to come, and go to and from vs and our kingdomes. Which libertie wee promise to your highnesse shalbe as ample, and as large as any was euer giuen or granted to your subiects by the aforesaide princes your confederats, as namely the king of the Romanes, of France, of Poland, and the common wealth of Venice. In which matter, if your most inuincible Imperiall highnesse shall vouchsafe to incline to our reaso∣nable request, and shall giue order vpon these our letters, that wee may haue knowledge how the same is accepted of you, and whether it wilbe granted, with sufficient securitie for our subiects to go, and returne safe and secure from all violences and iniuries of your people, we on the other side wil giue order, that those commodities which Almighty God hath bestowed vpon our kingdomes (which are in deed so excellent, that by reason of them all princes are drawen to enter, and confirme leagues of amitie and good neighborhood with vs, by that meanes to enioy these so great blessings of God, which we haue, and they can in no case want) our subiects shall bring them so abundantly and plentifully to the kingdomes and dominions of your highnesse, that both the former inconue∣niences of necessitie, and losse, shall most sufficiently be taken away.

Moreouer the signification and assurance of your highnesse great affection to vs and our nati∣on, doeth cause vs also to intreat and vse mediation on the behalfe of certaine of our subiects, who are deteined as slaues and captiues in your Gallies, for whom we craue, that forasmuch as they are fallen into that misery, not by any offence of theirs, by bearing of armes against your high∣nesse, or in behauing of themselues contrary to honestie, and to the law of nations, they may be de∣liuered from their bondage, and restored to libertie, for their seruice towardes vs, according to their duetie: which thing shall yeeld much more abundant cause to vs of commending your cle∣mencie, and of beseeching that God (who onely is aboue all things, and all men, and is a most se∣uere reuenger of all idolatrie, and is ielons of his honour against the false gods of the nations) to adorne your most inuincible Imperiall highnesse with all the blessings of those gifts, which onely and deseruedly are accounted most worthy of asking.

Giuen at our palace of Greenwich, neere to our Citie of London, the fiue and twentieth day of October, in the yeere of Iesus Christ our Sauiour one thousand, fiue hundreth, seuentie and nine, and of our reigne the one and twentieth.

The charter of the priuileges granted to the English, & the league of the great Turke with the Queenes Maiestie in respect of traffique, da∣ted in Iune 1580.

IM••••ensa & maxima ex potestate potentissimi, terribilibúsque verbis & nun∣quam finienda innumerabiliue clementia & ineffabili auxilio sanctissimi & pu∣ra mente colendissimi tremendissimi{que} vniuersitatum creatoris, princeps tem∣porum presentium, vnicus modernae etatis monarcha, totius orbis terrarum po∣tentibus sceptra diuidere potens, clementiae, gratiae{que} diuinae vmbra, regno∣rum prouinciarumue, & vrbium ciuitatumue distributor permultarum: Nos sacratissimus Cae∣sar Muzulmanicus, Mecchae, id est domus diuinae, Medinae, gloriosissimae & beatissimae Ierusa∣lem, Aegypti fertilissimae, Iemen & Zouan, Eden & Canan, Sami paciferae & Hebes, Iabza & Pazra, Zeruzub & Halepiae, Caramariae & Diabekiruan & Dulkadiriae, Babyloniae, & totius ••ri∣plicis Arabiae, Euzorum & Georgianorum, Cypri diuitis, & regnorum Asiae, Ozakior, Campo∣rum Maris albi & nigri, Graeciae & Mesopotamiae, Africae & Gole••ae, Algeris & Tripolis occi∣dentalis, selectissime{que} Europae, Budae, & Temeswar, & regnorum transalpinorum, & his simi∣lium permultorum princeps Caesarué sacerrimus, potentissimus Murad Can, filius principis Zelim Can, qui fuit Zoleiman Can, qui fuit Zelim Can, qui fuit Paiezid Can, qui fuit Mehe∣med Can, &c.

Nos princeps potentissimus Murad Can hoc in signum nostrae Caesareae amicitiae significa∣mus manifestamus, quòd in temporibus modernis Regina Angliae, Franciae & Hiberniae Eli∣zabetha in Christianitate honoratissima Regina (cuius mercatorum exitus sit foelicissimus) ad nostram excelsam, & iustitiae plenam, fulgidissimamue portam, quae omnibus principibus mun∣di est refugium & requies, peregregium Gulielmum Harebornum literas misit suas, quibus sua maiestas significauit, quod tempore praeterito quidam subditi sui venissent ad nostram portam excelsam, & suam obedientiam erga eam demonstrauissent, & ob eam causam illis quoque ad nostras ditiones mercandi gratia venire & redire poscerent, venia & potestas fuisse•• data: & quòd in locis & hospitijs eorum per mare & terram nemo auderet impedire & illis damnum facere, mandatum Cesareum fuisset datum: & quòd hanc nostram gratiam, quam paucis homi∣nibus suae maiestatis demonstrauissemus, vniuersis suis subditis concederemus, peteb••••. Quare, quemadmodum cum serenissimis beneuolentiam & obedientiam, seruitiáue sua demonstran∣tibus erga nostram portam excelsam regibus & principibus confoederatis (vt sunt rex Gallo∣rum,* 3.7 Veneti, & rex Polonorum, & caeteri) pacem & foedus sanctissimum pepigimus: sic etiam cum praefata Regina amicitiam custodiendam, pacem & foedus coniunximus. Illius igitur ho∣mines, & vniuersi mercatores, sine aliquo impedimento cum suis mercibus & oneribus cunctis ad nostras ditiones Caesareas pacificè & securè veniant, & suam exerceant mercaturam, mane∣antin suis statibus, & secundum suos mores negocientur. Et adhaec, sua maiestas significabat ex hominibus suis aliquos iamdudum captos fuisse, & in captiuitate detineri, & quò•• hi dimit∣terentur petebat, & quòd sicut alijs principibus nobiscum confoederatis priuilegia & mandata Caesarea super foedus sanctissimum dedissemus, sic praefatae quoque Reginae priuilegium & mandata Caesarea vt daremus, nostrae Caesareae celsitudini placeret. Quare secundùm nostram beneuolentiam & gratiam innatam, optata sue maiestatis apud nos grata fuere: Et hoc nostrum priuilegium iustitijs plenum dedimus maiestati suae: Et Beglerbegis, Zanziacbegis famulis no∣stris, & Kazijs, id est, iudicibus, & omnibus teloniatoribus omnium locorum, portuum, & vado∣rum firmiter mandamus, vt donec ex parte prefatae reginae foedus, & pax, & eorum conditiones articulíque (vt conuenit) cu••todiuntur & seruantur, nostrae quóque Caesareae celsitudinis man∣data sunt:

• 1 Vt praefatae Regine homines, & subditi eius quibusuis rebus & mercibus,* 3.8 oneribus & sup∣pellectilibus per mare in magnis & paruis nauibus, per terram autem homines cum oneribus & pecoribus, securè & pacificè ad nostras ditiones Caesareas veniant, & nemo illis noceat, sed se∣curè & sine aliquo impedimento negocientur, & in suis statibus & conditionibus permaneant.
• 2 Item, si praesati homines & mercatores in suis rectis vijs & negociationibus aliquo modo caperentur, sine aliqua tergiuersatione dimittantur, liberentúrque.
• 3 Item, si naues eorum ad aliquos portus & loca venire voluerint, pacificè omni in tem∣pore, & sine impedimento veniant, & discedant in sua loca.
• 4 Item, si in tempestatibus maris naues eorum essent in periculo & auxilio opus esset illis, naues nostrae Caesareae celsitudinis, earúmque homines, & aliorum naues hominésque statim auxilium & opem ferant illis, mandamus.
• ...

• 5 Item, si edulia suis pecunijs emere voluerint, nemo resistat illis, sed sine impedimento edulia emant.
• 6 Item, si infortunium maris naues eorum in terram proiecerit, Begi & iudices, & ceteri nostri subditi sint auxilio illis, merces & res eorum que remanserint iterum reddantur illis, & nemo impediat illos.
• 7 Item, si prefatae reginae homines, eorum interpretes, & mercatores, siue per terram, siue per mare mercandi gratiâ ad nostras ditiones venire velint, legitimo telonio, & vectigali reddi∣to, pacificè vagentur, capitanei & reges maris & nauium, & aliud genus hominum per mare vagantium in personis, & rebus eorum, pecoribúsque, ne noceant illis.
• 8 Item, si aliquis ex Anglis debitor, aut ere alieno esset obstrictus, inueniríque non possit, ratione debitorum alterius nullus nisi esset fideiussor capiatur aut impediatur.
• 9 Item, si Anglus testamentum fecerit, & sua bona cuicúnque legauerit, illi dentur bona il∣lius, & si sine testamento moreretur, consul eorum cuicúnque sociorum mortui hominis dixerit debere dari, illi dentur bona mortui hominis.
• 10 Item, si Angli, & ad Angliam pertinentium locorum mercatores & interpretes, in ven∣dendis & emendis mercibus fideiussionibus & rebus aliquid negocij habuerint, ad iudicem ve∣niant, & in librum inscribi faciant negotium, & si voluerint, literas quóque accepiant à iudice, propterea quòd si aliquid inciderit, videant librum & literas, & secundùm tenorem eorum per∣ficiantur negocia eorum suspecta: si autem néque in librum inscriberentur, néque literas habe∣rent, iudex falsa testimonia non admittat, sed secundùm iustitiam legem administrans non sinat illos impediri.
• 11 Item, si aliquis diceret, quod isti Christiani nostrae fidei Muzulmanicae maledixerint, & eam vituperijs affecerint, in hoc negotio etiam & alijs, testes falsi minimè admittantur.
• 12 Item, si aliquis eorum aliquod facinus patraret, & fugiens non possit inueniri, nullus nisi esset fideiussor pro alterius facto retineatur.
• 13 Item, si aliquod mancipium Anglicum inueniretur, & consul eorū peteret illud, exami∣netur diligenter mancipium, & si inuentum fuerit Anglicum, accipiatur, & reddatur Anglis.
• 14 Item, si aliquis ex Anglis huc venerit habitandi aut mercandi gratiâ siue sit vxoratus, si∣ue sit sine vxore, non soluat censum.
• 15 Item, si in Alexandria, in Damasco, in Samia, in Tunis, in Tripoli occidentali, in Aegypti portubus & in alijs omnibus locis, vbicún{que} voluerint facere Consules, faciant: Et iterum si vo∣luerint eos mutare, & in loco priorū consulum alios locare, liberè faciant, & nemo illis resistat.
• 16 Item, si illorum interpres in arduis negotijs occupatus abesset, donec veniret interpres, expectetur, & interim nemo illos impediat.
• 17 Item, si Angli inter se aliquam litem haberent & vellent ad suos consules ire, nemo resi∣stat illis, sed liberè veniant ad Consules suos, vt secundùm mores eorum finiatur lis orta.
• 18 Item, si post tempus aut datum huius priuilegij, piratae, a••t alij aliqui liberi gubernatores nauium per mare vagantes, aliquem ex Anglis ceperint, & trans mare vel cis mare venderint, secundùm iustitiam examinetur: & si Anglus inuentus fuerit, & religionem Muzulmanicam as∣sumpserit, liberè dimittatur: si autem adhuc esset Christianus, Anglis reddatur, & emptores su∣am pecuniam ab illo petant, à quo emerant.
• 19 Item, si nostrae Caesareae Celsitudinis naues armatae exiuerint ad mare, & ibi inuenerint naues Anglicas merces portantes, nemo impediat illas, imò amicè tractentur, & nullum dam∣num faciant illis: Quemadmodum Gallis, Venetis, & caeteris nobiscum confoederatis regibus, & principibus priuilegium, & articulos priuilegijs dedimus, & concessimus, simili modo his quòque Anglis priuilegium & articulos priuilegijs dedimus & concessimus, & contra legem diuinam, & hoc priuilegium, nemo vnquam aliquid audeat facere.
• 20 Item, si naues magnae, & paruae in itinere & loco vbi stant detinebuntur, nemo illos au∣deat impedire, sed po••ius auxilio sint illis.
• 21 Item, si latrones & fures vi raperent naues illorum, nauiúmque merces, magna diligen∣tia quaerantur latrones & fures, & seuerissimè puniantur.
• 22 Ad extremum, Beglerbegij, & Zanziacbegi, Capitanei nostri, Mancipia, & per mare na∣uigantes serui Capitaneorum, & Iudices, & Teloniatores, & Gubernatores nauium Reiz dicti, & liberi Reiz, omnes isti praefati, secundùm tenorem huius priuilegij, tenorémue articulorum eius, omnia facere teneantur, & debeant. Et donec hoe in priuilegio descriptum foedus, & pax illius Maiestatis ex parte sanctè seruabitur, & custodietur, ex parte etiam nostra Caesarea custo∣diri, & obseruari mandamus.

Datum constantinopoli, anno nostri prophetae Sanctissimi 988, in principio mensis Iunij, anno autem Iesu 1580.

The interpretation of the letters, or priuilege of the most mightie and Musumanlike Emperour Zuldan Murad Can, granted at the request of Elizabeth by the grace of the most mightie God, and only Creator of heauen and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queene, confirming a peace and league betwixt both the said Princes and their subiects.

WE most sacred Musulmanlike Emperour, by the infinite and exceeding great power, by the euerlasting and wonderfull clemencie, & by the vnspeakable helpe of the most mighty & most holy God, creator of all things, to be worshipped and feared with all purenesse of minde, and reuerence of speech, The prince of these present times, the onely Monarch of this age, able to giue scepters to the poten∣tates of the whole world, the shadow of the diuine mercy and grace, the distribu∣ter of many kingdoms, prouinces, townes and cities, Prince, and most sacred Emperour of Mec∣ca, that is to say, of Gods house, of Medina, of the most glorious and blessed Ierusalem, of the most fertile Egypt, Iemen and Iouan, Eden and Canaan, of Samos the peaceable, and of Hebes, of Iabza, and Pazra, of Zeruzub and Halepia, of Caramaria and Diabekiruan, of Dulkadiria, of Babylon, and of all the three Arabias, of the Euzians and Georgians, of Cyprus the rich, and of the kingdomes of Asia, of Ozakior, of the tracts of the white and blacke Sea, of Grecia and Me∣sopotamia, of Africa and Goleta, of Alger, and of Tripolis in the West, of the most choise and principall Europe, of Buda and Temeswar, and of the kingdomes beyond the Alpes, and many o∣thers such like, most mightie Murad Can, the sonne of the Emperour Zelim Can, which was the sonne of Zoleiman Can, which was the sonne of Zelim Can, which was the sonne of Paiizid Can, which was the sonne of Mehemed Can, &c.

We most mightie prince Murad Can, in token of our Imperiall friendship, doe signifie and de∣clare, that now of late Elizabeth Queene of England, France and Ireland, the most honourable Queene of Christendom (to whose marchants we wish happy successe) sent her letters by her wor∣thy seruant William Hareborne vnto our stately and most magnificent Porch replenished with iustice, which is a refuge and Sanctuary to all the princes of the world, by which letters her Ma∣iestie signified, that whereas heretofore certaine of her subiects had repaired to our saide stately Porche, and had shewed their obedience to the same, and for that cause had desired that leaue and libertie might also be granted vnto them, to come and goe for traffiques sake too and from our do∣minions, and that our Imperial commandement might be giuen, that no man should presume to hurt of hinder them, in any of their abodes or passages by sea or land, and whereas shee requested that we would graunt to all her subiects in generall, this our fauour, which before wee had exten∣ded onely to a fewe of her people: therefore as wee haue entred into amitie, and most holy league with the most excellent kings and princes our confederats, shewing their deuotion, and obedience or seruices towards our stately Porch (as namely the French king, the Venetians, the king of Po∣lonia and others) so also we haue contracted an inuiolable amitie, peace and league with the afore∣said Queene. Therefore wee giue licence to all her people, and marchants, peaceably and safely to come vnto our Imperiall dominions, with all their marchandise and goods without any im∣peachment, to exercise their traffique, to vse their owne customes, and to bu•• and sell according to the fashions of their owne countrey.

And further her Maiestie signified vnto vs, that certaine of her people had heretofore bene ta∣ken prisoners, and were detained in captiuitie, and required that they might bee set at libertie, and that as we had graunted vnto other Princes our confederats, priuiledges, and Imperiall de∣crees, concerning our most inuiolable league with them, so it would please our Imperial Maiesty to graunt and confirme the like priuiledges, and princely decrees to the aforesaid Queene.

Wherefore according to our humanitie and gracious ingraffed disposition, the requests of her Maiestie were accepted of vs, and we haue granted vnto her Maiestie this priuilege of ours a∣greeable to reason & equitie. And we straightly command all our Beglerbegs, and Zanziacbegs our seruants, and our Reyz, that is to say, our Iudges, and all our customers in all places, hauens and passages, that as long as this league and amitie with the conditions, and articles thereof, are kept and obserued on the behalfe of the aforesaid Queene, 1 Our Imperiall commandement and pleasure is, that the people and subiects of the same Queene, may safely and securely come to our princely dominions, with their goods and marchandise, and ladings, and other commodities by sea, in great and smal vessels, and by land with their carriages and cattels, and that no man shall hurt them, but they may buy and sell without any hinderance, and obserue the customes and or∣ders of their owne countrey.

2 Item, if the aforesaid people and marchants shalbe at any time in the course of their iourneis and dealings by any meanes taken, they shall be deliuered and inlarged, without any excuse or cauillation.

3 Item, if their ships purpose to ariue in any of our ports and hauens, it shalbe lawfull for them so to do in peace, and from thence againe to depart, without any let or impediment.

4 Item, if it shall happen that any of their ships in tempestuous weather shall bee in danger of losse and perishing, and thereupon shall stand in need of our helpe, we will, and commaund that our men and ships be ready to helpe and succour them.

5 Item, if they shalbe willing to buy any victuals for their money, no person shall withslande them, but they shall buy the same without any disturbance to the contrary.

6 Item, if by any casualtie their shippes shall bee driuen on shoare in perill of shipwracke, our Begs and Iudges, and other our Subiects shall succour them, and such wares, and goods of theirs as shall bee recouered from the losse, shall bee restored to them, and no man shall wrong them.

7 Item, if the people of the aforesayd Queene, their interpreters and marchants, shall for tra∣fique sake, either by lande or Sea repaire to our dominions paying our lawfull toll and custome, they shall haue quiet passage, and none of our Captaines or gouernours of the Sea, and shippes, nor any kinde of persons, shall either in their bodies, or in their goods and cattels, any way mo∣lest them.

8 Item, if any Englishman shall grow in debt, and so owe money to any other man, and there∣upon doth absent himselfe that he can not be found, let no man be arrested or apprehended for any other mans debt, except he be the surety.

9 Item, if any Englishman shall make his will and testament, to whom soeuer by the same hee shall giue his goods, the partie shall haue them accordingly, and if hee die intestate, hee to whom the Consull or gouernour of the societie shall say the goods of the dead are to bee giuen, hee shall haue the same.

10 Item, if the Englishmen or the marchants and interpreters of any places vnder the iuris∣diction of England shall happen in the buying and selling of wares, by promises or otherwise to come in controuersie, let them go to the Iudge, and cause the matter to be entred into a booke, and if they wil, let them also take letters of the Iudge testifying the same, that men may see the booke and letters, whatsoeuer thing shall happen, and that according to the tenour thereof the matter in controuersie and in doubt may be ended: but if such things be neither entred in booke, nor yet the persons haue taken letters of the Iudge, yet he shall admit no false witnesse, but shall execute the Law according to iustice, and shall not suffer them to be abused.

11 Item, if any man shall say, that these being Christians haue spoken any thing to the deroga∣tion of our holy faith and religion, and haue slandered the same, in this matter as in all others, let no false witnesses in any case be admitted.

12 Item, if any one of them shall commit any great crime, and flying thereupon cannot bee found, let no man be arrested, or detained for another mans fact, except he be his suretie.

13 Item, if any slaue shall be found to be an Englishman, and their Consull or gouernour shall sue for his libertie, let the same slaue be diligently examined, and if hee be found indeed to be Eng∣lish, let him be discharged and restored to the Englishmen.

14 Item, if any Englishman shall come hither either to dwel or trafique, whether hee be mar∣ried or vnmarried, he shall pay no polle or head money.

15 Item, if either in Alexandria, Damasco, Samos, Tunis, Tripolis in y^e west, the port townes of AEgypt, or in any other places, they purpose to choose to themselues Consuls or gouernours, let them doe so, and if they will alter them at any time, and in the roome of the former Consuls place others, let them do so also, and no man shall restraine them.

16 Item, if their interpreter shalbe at any time absent, being occupied in other serious matters, let the thing then in question bee stayed and differred e•••• his comming, and in the meane time no man shall trouble them.

17 Item, if any variance or controuersie shall arise among the Englishmen, and thereupon they shall appeale to their Consuls or gouernours, let no man molest them, ••ut let them freely doe so, that the controuersie begunne may be finished according to their owne customes.

18 Item, if after the time and date of this priuilege•• any pirats or other free gouernours of ships trading the Sea shall take any Englishman, and shall make sale of him, either beyonde the S••a, or on this side of the Sea, the matter shalbe examined according to iustice, and if the partie shalbe found to be English, and shall receiue the holy religion, then let him freely be discharged, but if he wil still remaine a Christian, let him then be restored to the Englishmen, and the buyers

shall demaund their money againe of them who solde the man.

19 Item, if the ships of warre of our Imperiall highnesse shal at any time goe forth to Sea, and shall finde any English ships laden with marchandise, no man shall hinder th••m, but rather shall vse them friendly, and doe them no wrong, euen as wee haue giuen and granted articles, and pri∣u••leges to the French, Venetians, and other Kings and princes our confederats, so also wee haue giuen the like to the English: and contrary to this our diuine lawe and priuilege, let no man pre∣sume to doe any thing.

20 Item, if either their great or small ships shall in the course of their voyage, or in any place to which they come, bee stayed or arrested, let no man continue the same arrest, but rather helpe and assist them.

21 Item, if any theeues and robbers shall by force take away any of their ships, and marchan∣dise, let the same theeues and robbers be sought, and searched for with all diligence, and let them be punished most seuerely.

22 Last of all the Beglerbegs, and Zanziacbegs, our Captaines, our slaues and seruants of Captaines vsing the sea, and our Iudges, customers and gouernours of ships called Reiz and free Re••z, all these, according to the tenor of this priuilege and articles, shalbe bound to doe according∣ly: and, as long as the Queene of England on her part shall duely keepe and obserue this league and holy peace, expressed in this priuilege, we also for our Imperial part, do charge and commaund the same so long to be straightly kept and obserued.

Giuen at Constantinople, in the 988. yeere of our most holy prophet, in the beginning of the moneth of Iune, And in the yeere of IESVS 1580.

Her Maiesties letter to the Turke or Grand Signior 1581. pro∣mising redresse of the disorders of Peter Baker of Ratcliffe, committed in the Leuant.

ELizabeth by the diuine grace of the eternall God, of England, France and Ireland most sacred Queene, and of the most Christian faith, against all the prophaners of his most holy Name the zealous and mightie def••ndour•• &c. To the most renowned and Emperious Caesar, Sultan Murad Can, Empe∣rour of all the dominions of Turkie, and of all the East Monarchie ch••efe a∣boue all others whosoeuer, most fortunate yeeres with the su••cesse of al ••rue happinesse. As with very great desire we wish and embrace the loue and ami∣tie of forreine Princes, and in the same by al good dueties and meanes we se••ke to be confirmed: so to vs there may bee nothing more grieuous and disliking, then that any thing should happen through the default of our Subiects, which any way might bring our faith and fidelitie into su∣spition: Although wee are not ignorant how many good princes by the like misaduenture be abu∣sed, where the doings of the Subiects are imputed to the want of good gouernment. But such matters of importance and so well approued we may not omit: such is to vs the sacred estimation of our honour, and of our Christian profession, as we would the same should appeare aswell in the concluding of our promises and agreements, as in the faithfull performing of the same.

The matter which by these our letters wee specially beholde, is a most iniurious and grieuous wrong which of late came vnto our vnderstanding, that should be done vnto certaine of your sub∣iects by certaine of our Subiects, as yet not apprehended:* 3.9 but with all seueritie vpon their ap∣prehension they are to be awarded for the same. And as the deede in it selfe is most wicked, so is it much more intollerable, by how much it doeth infringe the credit of our faith, violate the force of our authoritie, and impeach the estimation of our word faithfully giuen vnto your Imperiall dignitie. In which so great a disorder if wee should not manifest our hatred towardes so wicked and euil disposed persons, we might not onely most iustly be reproued in the iudgement of all such as truely fauour Iustice, but also of all Princes the patrones of right and equitie, might no lesse be condemned. That therefore considered, which of our parts is ordained in this cause which may be to the good liking of your highnesse, we are most especially to request of your Imperiall Ma∣iestie, that through the default and disorder of a sort of euill and wicked disposed persons, you wil not withdraw your gratious fauour from vs, neither to hinder the trafique of our Subiects, which by vertue of your highnesse sufferance, and power of your licence are permitted to trade in∣to your dominions & countreys, or that either in their persons or goods they be preiudiced in their traueyling by land or by water, promising vnto your greatnesse most faithfully, that the goods whereof your subiects by great wrong and violence haue bene spoyled, shall wholy againe be re∣stored, if either by the liues or possessions of the robbers it may any way be brought to passe: And

that hereafter (as now being taught by this euill example) wee will haue speciall care that none vnder the title of our authoritie shall be suffered to commit any the like wrongs or iniuries.

Neither they which haue committed these euil parts had any power vnder your highnesse safe∣conduct graunted vnto our subiects, but from some other safeconduct, whether it were true or fai∣ned, we knowe not, or whether they bought it of any person within t••e gouernment of Marseils: but vnder the colour thereof they haue done that, which the trueth of our dealing doeth vtterly ab∣horre. Notwithstanding howsoeuer it be, wee will surely measure their euill proceedings with most sharpe and iust correction, and that it shall repent them of the impeachment of our honours, as also it shalbe an example of our indignation, that others may dread at all times to commit the like offence. Wherefore that our amitie might be continued, as if this vnfortunate hap had ne∣uer chanced, and that the singuler affection of our Subiects towardes your Imperiall Maies••ie vowed, and dayly more and more desired, might be conserued and defended, we thereunto do make our humble suite vnto your greatnesse: And for so great goodnesse towardes vs and our people granted, doe most humbly pray vnto the Almightie creatour of heauen and earth, euer to main∣taine and keepe your most renowmed Maiestie in all happinesse and prosperitie.

Dated at our palace of Greenewich the 26. of Iune, Anno 1581.

The letters patents, or priuileges graunted by her Maiestie to Sir Edward Osborne, Master Richard Staper, and certaine other Marchants of London for their trade into the dominions of the great Turke, in the yeere 1581.

ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, de∣fender of the faith, &c. To all our Officers, ministers, and Subiects, and to all other people as well within this our Realme of England, as else where vnder our obeysance, iurisdiction, or otherwise, vnto whom these our letters shall be seene, shewed or read, greeting. Where our welbeloued Subiects Edward Osborne Alderman of our Citie of London, and Richard Staper of our sayde City Marchant, haue by great aduenture and industrie, with their great costes and charges, by the space of sundry late yeeres, trauailed, and caused trauaile to bee taken, as well by secret and good meanes, as by dangerous wayes and passages both by lande and Sea, to finde out and set open a trade of Marchandize and trafique into the Lands, Islands, dominions, and territories of the great Turke, commonly called the Grand Signior, not heretofore in the memory of any man nowe liuing knowen to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of mar∣chandise, by an•• the Marchants or any Subiects of vs, or our progenitours; and also haue by their like good meanes and industrie, and great charges procured of the sayde Grand Signior (in our name,) amitie, safetie, and freedome, for trade and trafique of Marchandise to bee vsed, and continued by our Subiects within his sayde Dominions, whereby there is good and ap∣parant hope and likelyhoode both that many good offices may bee done for the peace of Chri∣stendome, and reliefe of many Christians that bee or may happen to bee in thraldome or neces∣sitie vnder the sayde Grand Signior, his vassals or Subiects, and also good and profitable vent and vtterance may be had of the commodities of our Realme, and sundry other great benefites to the aduancement of our honour, and dignitie Royall, the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne, and generall wealth of our Realme: Knowe ye, that hereupon wee greatly tendering the wealth of our people, and the incouragement of our Subiects in their good enterprises for the aduauncement of the Common weale, haue of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge and meere motion, giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successours, doe giue and graunt vnto our sayd trustie, and welbeloued Subiects Edward Osborne, and vnto Thomas Smith of London Esquier, Richard Staper, and William Garret of London Mar∣chants, their executors, and administrators, and to the executours and administratours of them, and of euery of them, that they, and euery of them, and such other person and persons English∣men borne, not exceeding the number of twelue, as they the sayde Edward, and Richard shall ap∣point, nominate, or admit to be parteners, aduenturers, or doers with them the sayde Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, in their societie by themselues, their seruants, Factours or deputies, and to such others as shall bee nominated according to the tenour of these our let∣ters Patents, shall and may during the terme of seuen yeeres from the date of these Patents, freely trade, trafique, and vse feates of Marchandise into, and from the dominions of the sayde Grand Signior, and euery of them, in such order, and maner, forme, liberties and condition to all intents and purposes as shalbe betweene them limitted and agreed, and not otherwise, with∣out any molestation, impeachment, or disturbance, any Lawe, statute, vsage, diuersitie of religion

or faith, or other cause or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary notwithstanding.

And that it shalbe lawful to the said Edward and Richard their executors and administrators, (during the said terme) to appoint or admit to be parteners and aduenturers with them the sayde Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, such persons not exceeding the number of twelue (as a∣fore is said) to trafique and vse the said trade & feate of marchandise according to our saide graunt. And that all and euery such person and persons, as shall hereafter fortune to bee appointed or ad∣mitted as parteners in the said trade or trafique according to these our letters patents, shall and may from the time of such appointment or admittance, haue and enioy the freedome and libertie of the said trade and trafique, during the residue of the said terme of seuen yeeres, accord••ng to such limitation and agreement as is aforesaide, and that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the saide Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executours and administratours, seruants, fac∣tours and deputies, and all such as shall be so appointed, nominated or admitted, to bee parteners or aduenturers in the saide trade, or so many of them as can and will, to assemble themselues for or about any the matters, causes, affaires or businesse of the saide trade in any place or places for the same conuenient, from time to time during the said terme of 7. yeres. within our dominions or elsewhere, and to make, ordeine, and constitute reasonable lawes and ordinances, for the good go∣uernment of the said Company, and for the better aduancement and continuance of the said trade and trafique, not being contrary or repugnant to the lawes, estatutes or customes of our Realme, and the same lawes or ordinances so made to put in vse, and execute accordingly, and at their plea∣sures to reuoke the same lawes and ordinances, or any of them, as occasion shall require.

And in consideration that the said Edward Osborne hath bene the principall setter foorth and doer in the opening, & putting in vre of the said trade, we do therfore especially ordeine, constitute, and prouide by these patents, that the saide Edward Osborne shall be gouernour of all such as by vertue of these our letters patents, shall be parteners, aduenturers, or trafiquers in the said trade, during the said terme of seuen yeeres, if hee so long liue: And that if the said Edward shall hap∣pen to decease during the saide terme, the saide Richard Staper then liuing, then the sayd Richard Staper shall likewise be gouernour during the residue of the said terme (if he so long liue) and that if the said Edward and Richard shall both happen to decease during the said terme, then the part∣ners or aduenturers for the time being, or the greatest part of them, shall from time to time as ne∣cessitie shall require, choose and elect a gouernour of the said Company.

Prouided alwayes, that if there shall happen any great or vrgent occasion to remooue or dis∣place any person that shall be gouernour of the saide fellowship, that then it shall, and may be law∣full for vs, our heires and successours, to remooue, and displace euery such gouernour, and to place another of the said fellowship in the same office, during such time as such person should haue en∣ioyed the same, according to this our graunt, if there had bene no cause to the contrary.

And we further for vs, our heires, and successors, of our especiall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, do graunt to the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their executors and administrators, that nothing shall bee done to be of force or validitie touching the sayde trade or trafique, or the exercise thereof, without or against the con∣sent of the said Edward, during such time as hee shall bee Go••ernour as afore is saide. And af∣ter that time without the consent of the Gouernour for the time being, and the more part of the said Company.

And further, wee of our more ample and abundant grace, meere motion and certaine know∣ledge, haue graunted, and by these paten••s for vs, our heires and successors, doe graunt to the saide Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executors and administrators, that they, the saide Edward, Thomas, Richard and Willam, their executors and administrators, and the said person and persons, by them the said Edward and Richard to be nominated, or appointed as afore is said, together, with such two other persons, as wee our heires or successors from time to time during the sayd terme shall nominate, shall haue the whole trade and trafique, and the whole entire onely libertie, vse and priuilege of trading, and trafiquing, and vsing feate of marchandise, into, and from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior, and euery of them. And when there shall be no such persons so nominated or appointed by vs, our heires or successors, that then the said Edward Os∣borne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their executors and administrators, and such persons by them so to be appointed, shall haue the saide whole trade and trafique, and the whole entire, and onely libertie, vse, and priuilege of trading and trafiquing aforesaid. And that they the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executors & administrators, and also al such as shal so be nominated or appointed to be partners or aduenturers in the said trade, accor∣ding to such agreement as is abouesaid, and euery of them, their seruants, factors and deputies, shal haue ful and free authoritie, libertie, facultie, licence and power to trade and trafique into and

from all and euery the saide dominions of the saide Grand Signior, and into, and from all places where, by occasion of the said trade, they shall happen to arriue or come, whether they be Christi∣ans, Turkes, Gentiles or other, and into, and from all Seas, riuers, ports, regions, territories, do∣minions, coastes and places with their ships, barks, pin••esses and other vessels, and with such ma∣riners and men, as they will lead with them or send for the said trade, as they shall thinke good at their owne proper cost and expenses, any law, statute, vsage, or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary notwithstanding. And that it shalbe lawful for the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, and to the persons aforesaid, and to and for the mariners and seamen to bee vsed and employed in the said trade and voyage to set and place in the tops of their ships and others vessels the armes of England with the red crosse ouer the same, as heretofore they haue vsed the red crosse, any matter or thing to the contrary notwithstanding.

And we of our further royal fauor, and of our especiall grace, certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted, and by these presents doe graunt to the said Edward Osb••rne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their executors and administrators by these presents, that the said lands, territories, and dominions of the said Grand Signior, or any of them, shall not be visited, frequented, nor haunted by way of marchandise by any other our subiects during the said terme, contrary to the true meaning of these patents.

And by vertue of our high prerogatiue royall (which wee will not haue argued or brought in question) we straightly charge and commaund, and prohibite for vs, our heires, and successours, all our subiects (of what degree or qualitie soeuer they be) that none of them directly, or indirect∣l••, do visite, haunt, frequent or trade, trafique, or aduenture by way of marchandise into, or from any of the Dominions of the sayde Grand Signior, or other places abouesayde by water or by lande (other then the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executours or admini∣strators, or such as shalbe admitted, and nominated as is aforesaide) without expresse licence, a∣greement, and consent of the said Gouernour, and company or the more part of them, whereof the said Gouernour alwayes to be one, vpon paine of our high indignation, and of forfei••nre and losse, as well of the ship and shippes, with the furniture thereof, as also of the goods, marchandizes, and things whatsoeuer they be of those our Subiects which shall attempt, or presume to saile, tra∣fique, or aduenture, to or from any the dominions, or places abouesaid, contrary to the prohibition aforesaid: the one halfe of the same forfeiture to be to the vse of vs, our heires & successors, and the other halfe to the vse of the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, and the said companie, and further to suffer imprisonment during our pleasure, and such other punishment as to vs, for so high contempt, shal seeme meete and conuenient.

And further of our grace speciall, certaine knowledge, and meere motion we haue condescen∣ded and graunted, and by these patents for vs our heires and successors, doe condescend and grant to the said Edward, Thomas, Richard & William, their executors and administrators, that we our heires & successors during the said terme, will not grant liberty, licence or power to any person or persons whatsoeuer, contrary to the tenor of these our letters patents, to saile, passe, trade, or tra∣fique into or from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them, without the cōsent of the said Edward, Thomas, Richard & William, and such as shalbe named or appointed as afore is said, or the most of them. And that if at any time hereafter during the said terme, y^e said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, or the suruiuors of them, shal admit or nominate any of our sub∣iects to be partners & aduenturers in the said trade to the number of 12. or vnder as afore is said, that then we our heires and successors at the instance and petition of the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, or the suruiuors of them in our Chauncerie to be made, and vpon the sight of these presents, will grant and make to the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, or to the suruiuors of them, and to such persons as so shall be nominated or appointed by their speciall names, surnames, & additions as is aforesaid, new letters patents vnder the great seale of Eng∣land in due forme of law with like agreement, clauses, prohibitions, prouisoes and articles (mu∣tatis mutandis) as in these our letters patents are conteined, for, and during the residue of the said terme of seuen yeres then remaining vnexpired. And that the sight of these presents shalbe suffi∣cient warrant to the Lord Chancellour, or Lord keeper of the great seale for the time being, for the making, sealing and passing of such new letters patents, without further writ or warrant for the same to be required, had, or obtained.

And the said Edward Osburne, Thomas Smith, and Richard Staper, and William Garret and such others as shalbe so nominated and appointed, as is aforesaid, to be of their trade or companie, shall yeerely during 6. of the last yeres of the said 7. yeres, lade out of this our Realme, and bring home y••erely, for, and in the feare and trade of marchandizing aforesaid, so much goods and mar∣chandizes, as the custome, and subsidie inwards and outwards, shall amount in the whole to the

summe of 500. li. yeerely. So that the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret and the said persons so to be nominated as is aforesaid, or any of them, or their ship or shippes be not barred, slayed, restrained or let by any reasonable occasion from the sayde trade or trafique, and so that the said ship or ships do not perish by any misfortune, or bee spoyled by the way in their voyage.

And further, the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Gar∣ret, and such others as shall be appointed as aforesaide to be of their saide trade or Company, shall giue notice vnto the Lord Admirall of England, or to some of the principall officers of the Admiraltie for the time being, of such ship or shippes as they shall set foorth in the same voyage, and of the number of Mariners appointed to goe in the same ship or shippes, by the space of fif∣teene dayes before the setting or going foorth of the same ship or shippes. And also the said Ed∣ward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper and William Garret, and such other as shall be by them the saide Edward and Richard, nominated to be of the said trade, shall and will at the set∣ting foorth of their ship, or shippes, for the same voyage, permit and suffer the Master of the Ordi∣nance of vs, our heires and successors, or some others, our or their principall officers of the Ordi∣nance, to take a view of the number and quantitie of such Ordinance, powder, and munition, as shall be caried in the said ship, or shippes, and shall also at the returne of the same ship, or shippes, suffer a view to be taken, and vpon request made, make an accompt to the saide officers of our Or∣dinance, of the expenses, and wastes of the said Ordinance, powder, and munition, so to bee caried in the same ship, or shippes.

Prouided alwayes, that if any of the said trade or Company, or their seruants, factors, or sai∣lers, in any ship by them laden, shall commit any piracie or outrage vpon the seas, and that, if the said Company or societie shall not, or do not, within reasonable time, after complaint made, or no∣tice giuen to the said Company, or to any of them, either satisfie or recompense the parties that so shall fortune to be robbed, or spoiled by any of the said Company, or sailers, in the said ships, or els shall not do their endeuour to the vttermost of their reasonable power, to haue the parties so offen∣ding punished for the same their offences, that then, and from thencefoorth, these present letters patents shall be vtterly voyd, cease, and determine.

Prouided likewise, that if it shall hereafter appeare vnto vs, our heires, or successors, that this grant, or the continuance thereof in the whole, or in any part thereof, shall not be profitable to vs, our heires, our successors, or to this our Realme, that then, and fromthencefoorth, vpon, and after one full yeeres warning, to be giuen vnto the said Company, or to the Gouernour thereof, by vs, our heires, or successors, this present grant shall cease, be voyd, and determine, to all intents, con∣structions, and purposes.

Prouided also, that we, our heires and successors, from time to time, during the said 7. yeeres, may lawfully nominate, appoint, and authorise two persons, being fit men, to be of the saide com∣pany, and for want or lacke of them, two others to be aduenturers in the said trade, for such stocke and summe of money, as they shall put in, so that the said persons to bee nominated, or authorised, shall be contributorie to all charges of the said trade & aduenture indifferently, according to their stockes: and as other aduenturers of the said trade shall doe for their stockes, and so that likewise they doe obserue the orders of the said Company, allowable by this our graunt, and that such per∣sons so to be appointed by vs, our heires or successors, shall, and may, with the saide Company, and fellowship, vse the trade and feate of marchandise aforesaide, and all the liberties and priuileges herein before granted, according to the meaning of these our letters patents, any thing in these our letters patents contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

And further of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, we haue condescen∣ded and granted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors, doe condescend, and grant to the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their execu∣tors, and administrators, that if at the ende of the said terme of seuen yeeres, it shall seeme meete, and conuenient vnto the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, or the suruiuer of them, that this present grant shall be continued: and if that also it shall appeare vnto vs, our heires, or successors, that the continuance thereof shall not be preiudiciall, or hurtfull to this our Realme, that then we, our heires, or successors, at the instance and petition of the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, or the suruiuer of them, to be made to vs, our heires, or successors, wil grant and make to the said Edward, Tho∣mas, Richard and William, or the suruiuer of them, and to such other persons, as so shal be by the said Edward and Richard nominated and appointed, new letters patents, vnder the great seale of England, in due forme of lawe, with like couenants, grants, clauses, and articles, as in these pre∣sents are contained, or with addi••ion of other necessary articles, or change of these in some part, for

and during the full terme of seuen yeeres then next following. Willing, and s••raightly comman∣ding, and charging all and singuler our Admirals, Uiceadmirals, Iustices, Maiors, Sheriffes, Escheaters, Constables, Bailiffes, and all and singuler our other officers, ministers, liege men, and subiects whatsoeuer, to be aiding, fauouring, helping, and assis••ing vnto the said Gouernour, and company, and their successors, and to their Deputies, officers, seruants, assignes, and mini∣sters, and euery of them, in executing, and enioying the premisses, as well on land as on sea, from time to time, and at all times when you, or any of you, shall be thereunto required, any statute, act, ordinance, prouiso, proclamation, or restraint heretofore had, made, set forth, ordained, or prouided, or any other matter, cause or thing to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding.

In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents, witnesse our selfe, at Westminster, the 1••. day of September, in the 23. yeere of our raigne.

The first voyage or iourney, made by Master Laurence Aldersey, Marchant of London, to the Cities of Ierusalem, and Tripolis, &c. In the yeere 1581. Penned and set downe by himselfe.

I Departed from London the first day of April, in the yeere of our Lord 1581, pas∣sing through the Nether-land and vp the riuer Rhene by Colen, and other cities of Germanie. And vpon Thursday, the thirde day of May, I came to Augusta, where I deliuered the letter I had to Master Ienise, and Master Castler, whom I found very willing to pleasure me, in any thing that I could or would reasonably demaund. He first furnished me with a horse to Venice, for my money, and then tooke me with him a walking, to shew me the Citie, for that I had a day to ••ary there, for him that was to be my guide. He shewed me first the State-house, which is very faire, and beautifull: then he brought mee to the finest garden, and orchard,* 3.10 that euer I sawe in my life: for there was in it a place for Canarie birdes, as large as a faire Chamber, trimmed with wier both aboue and beneath, with fine little branches of trees, for them to sit in, which was full of those Canarie birdes. There was such an other for Turtle dooues: also there were two pigeon houses ioyning to them, ha∣uing in them store of Turtle dooues, and pigeons. In the same garden also were sixe or seuen fishponds, all railed about, and full of very good fish. Also, seuen or eight fine fountaines, or water springs, of diuers fashions: as for fruite, there wanted none of all sorts, as Orenges, figges, rai∣sons, wallnuts, grapes, besides apples, peares, fillbirds, small nuts, and such other fruite, as wee haue in England.

Then did hee bring mee to the water tower of the same Citie, that by a sleight and deuise hath the water brought vp as high, as any Church in the towne, and to tel you the strange deuises of all, it passeth my capacitie. Then he brought me to another faire garden, called the Shooters hoose, where are buts for the long bowe, the crosse bowe, the stone bowe, the long peece, and for diuers other exercises more.

After this, we walked about the walles of the Citie, where is a great, broade, and deepe ditch, vpon one side of the towne, so full of fish, as euer I sawe any pond in my life, and it is reserued one∣ly for the States of the Citie. And vpon the other side of the Citie is also a deepe place all greene, wherein Deere are kept, and when it pleaseth the States to hunt for their pleasure, thither they resort, and haue their courses with grayhounds, which art kept for that purpose.

* 3.11The fift of May, I departed from Augusta towards Venice, and came thither vpon Whitsun∣day, the thirteenth of the same moneth. It is needlesse to speake of the height of the mountaines that I passed ouer, and of the danger thereof, it is so wel knowen already to the world: the heigth of them is marueilous, and I was the space of sixe dayes in passing them.

I came to Venice at the time of a Faire, which lasted foureteene dayes, wherein I sawe very many, and faire shewes of wares. I came thither too short for the first passage, which went away from Venice about the seuenth or eight of May, and with them about three score pilgrims, which shippe was cast away at a towne called Estria, two miles from Venice, and all the men in her, sa∣uing thirtie, or thereabout, lost.

Within eight dayes after fell Corpus Christi day, which was a day amongst them of proces∣sion, in which was shewed the plate and treasure of Venice, which is esteemed to be worth two millions of pounds, but I do not accompt it woorth halfe a quarter of that money, except there be more then I sawe. To speake of the sumptuousnesse of the Copes, and Uestments of the Church, I leaue, but the trueth is, they bee very sumptuous, many of them set all ouer with pearle, and made of cloth of golde. And for the Iesuits, I thinke there be as many at Venice, as there be in Colen.

The number of Iewes is there thought to be 1000,* 3.12 who dwell in a certaine place of ••he Citie, and haue also a place, to which they resort to pray, which is called the Iewes Sinagogue. They all, and their ofspring vse to weare red caps, (for so they are commaunded) because they may thereby be knowen from other men. For my further knowledge of these people, I went into their Si∣nagogue vpon a Saturday, which is their Sabbath day: and I found them in their seruice or prayers, very deuoute: they receiue the fiue bookes of Moses, and honour them by carying them about their Church, as the Papists doe their crosse.

Their Synagogue is in forme round, and the people sit round about it, and in the midst, there is a place for him that readeth to the rest: as for their apparell, all of them weare a large white lawne ouer their garments, which reacheth from their head, downe to the ground.

The Psalmes they sing as wee doe, hauing no image, nor vsing any maner of idolatrie: their error is, that they beleeue not in Christ, nor yet receiue the New Testament. This Citie of Ve∣nice is very faire, and greatly to bee commended, wherein is good order for all things: and also it is very strong and populous: it standeth vpon the maine Sea, and hath many I••lands about it, that belong to it.

To tell you of the duke of Venice, and of the Seigniory: there is one chosen that euer beareth the name of a duke, but in trueth hee is but seruant to the Seigniorie, for of hims••lfe hee can doe litle: it is no otherwise with him, then with a Priest that is at Masse vpō a festiual day, which put∣ting on his golden garment, seemeth to be a great man, but if any man come vnto him, and craue some friendship at his handes, hee will say, you must goe to the Masters of the Parish, for I can not pleasure you, otherwise then by preferring of your suite: and so it is with the duke of Ve∣nice, if any man hauing a suite, come to him, and make his complaint, and deliuer his supplicati∣on, it is not in him to helpe him, but hee will tell him, You must come this day, or that day, and then I will preferre your suite to the Seigniorie, and doe you the best friendship that I may. Furthermore, if any man bring a letter vnto him, hee may not open it, but in the presence of the Seigniorie, and they are to see it first, which being read, perhaps they will deliuer it to him, per∣haps not. Of the Seigniory there be about three hundreth, and about fourtie of the priuie Coun∣sell of Venice, who vsually are arayed in gownes of crimsen Satten, or crimsen Damaske, when they sit in Counsell.

In the Citie of Venice, no man may weare a weapon, except he be a souldier for the Seignio∣rie, or a scholler of Padua, or a gentleman of great countenance, and yet he may not do that with∣out licence.

As for the women of Venice,* 3.13 they be rather monsters, then women. Euery Shoomakers or Taylors wife will haue a gowne of silke, and one to carie vp her traine, wearing their shooes very neere halfe a yard high from the ground: if a stranger meete one of them, he will surely thinke by the state that she goeth with, that he meeteth a Lady.

I departed from this Citie of Venice, vpon Midsommer day, being the foure and twentieth of Iune, and thinking that the ship would the next day depart, I stayed, and lay a shippeboord all night, and we were made beleeue from time to time, that we should this day, and that day de∣part, but we caried still, till the fourteenth of Iuly, and then with scant winde wee set sayle,* 3.14 and sayled that day and that night, not aboue fiftie Italian miles: and vpon the sixteene day at night, the winde turned flat contrary, so that the Master knewe not what to doe: and about the fift houre of the night, which we reckon to be about one of the clocke after midnight, the Pilot de∣scried a saile, and at last perceiued it to be a Gallie of the Turkes, whereupon we were in great feare.

The Master being a wise fellowe, and a good sayler, beganne to deuise howe to escape the danger, and to loose litle of our way: and while both he, and all of vs were in our dumps, God sent vs a merry gale of winde, that we ranne threescore and tenne leagues before it was twelue a clocke the next day, and in sixe dayes after we were seuen leagues past Zante. And vpon Mun∣day morning, being the three and twentie of the same moneth, we came in the sight of Candia which day the winde came contrary, with great blasts, and stormes, vntill the eight and twen∣tie of the same moneth: in which time, the Mariners cried out vpon me, because I was an Eng∣lishman, & sayd, I was no good Christian, and wished that I were in the middest of the Sea, saying, that they, and the shippe, were the worse for me. I answered, truely it may well be, for I thinke my selfe the worst creature in the worlde, and consider you your selues also, as I doe my selfe, and then vse your discretion. The Frier preached, and the sermon being done, I was demaunded whether I did vnderstand him: I answered, yea, and tolde the Frier himselfe, thus you saide in your sermon, that we were not all good Christians, or else it were not possible for vs to haue such weather: to which I answered, be you well assured, that we are not indeede

all good Christians, for there are in the ship some that hold very vnchristian opinions: so for that time I satisfied him, although (they said) that I would not see, when they said the procession, and honoured their images, and prayed to our Lady, and S. Marke.

There was also a Gentleman, an Italian, which was a passenger in the ship, and he tolde me what they said of me, because I would not sing, Salue Regina, and Aue Maria, as they did: I told them, that they that praied to so many, or sought helpe of any other, then of God the Father, or of Iesus Christ his onely sonne, goe a wrong way to worke, and robbed God of his honour, and wrought their owne destructions.

All this was told the Friers, but I heard nothing of it in three daies after: and then at euening prayer, they sent the purser about with the image of our Lady to euery one to kisse, & I perceiuing it went another way from him, and would not see it: yet at last he fetched his course about, so that he came to me, & offered it to me as he did to others, but I refused it: whereupon there was a great stirre: the patron and all the friers were told of it, and euery one saide I was a Lutheran, and so called me: but two of the friers that were of greatest authoritie, seemed to beare mee better good will then the rest, and trauelled to the patron in my behalfe, and made all well againe.

* 3.15The second day of August we arriued in Cyprus, at a towne called Missagh:* 3.16 the people there be very rude, and like beasts, and no better, they eat their meat sitting vpon the ground, with their legges a crosse like tailors, their beds for the most part be hard stones, but yet some of them haue faire mattraces to lie vpon.

Upon thursday the eight of August we came to Ioppa in a small barke,* 3.17 which we hired betwixt Missagh and Salina, and could not be suffered to come on land till noone the next day, and then we were permitted by the great Basha,* 3.18 who sate vpon the top of a hill to see vs sent away. Being come on land, we might not enter into any house for victuals, but were to content our selues with our owne prouision, and that which we bought to carie with vs was taken from vs. I had a paire of stirrops, which I bought at Venice to serue me in my iourney, and trying to make them fit for me, when the Basha saw me vp before the rest of the companie, he sent one to dismount me, and to strike me, whereupon I turned me to the Basha, and made a long legge, saying, Grand mercie Signior: and after a while we were horsed vpon litle asses, and sent away, with about fiftie light horsemen to be our conduct through the wildernesse, called Deserta foelix, who made vs good sport by the way with their pikes, gunnes, and fauchins.

* 3.19That day being S. Laurence day, we came to Rama, which is tenne Italian miles from Iop∣pa, and there we stayed that night, and payed to the captaine of the castell, euery man a chekin, which is seuen shillings and two pence sterling. So then we had a new gard of souldiers, and left the other.

The house we lodged in at Rama had a doore so low to enter into, that I was faine to creepe in, as it were vpon my knees, & within it are three roomes to lodge trauellers that come that way: there are no beds, except a man buy a mat, and lay it on the ground, that is all the prouision, with∣out stooles or benches to sit vpon. Our victuals were brought vs out of the towne, as hennes, egges, bread, great store of fruite, as pomgranates, figges, grapes, oringes, and such like, and drinke we drue out of the well. The towne it selfe is so ruinated, that I take it rather to be a heape of stones then a towne.

Then the next morning we thought to haue gone away, but we could not be permitted that day, so we stayed there till two of the clocke the next morning, and then with a fresh gard of souldiers we departed toward Ierusalem. We had not ridde fiue English miles, but we were incountered with a great number of the Arabians,* 3.20 who stayed vs, and would not suffer vs to passe till they had somewhat, so it cost vs for all our gard aboue twentie shillings a man betwixt Ioppa and Ierusa∣lem. These Arabians troubled vs oftentimes. Our Truchman that payed the money for vs was striken downe, and had his head broken because he would not giue them as much as they as∣ked: and they that should haue rescued both him and vs, stood still, and durst doe nothing, which was to our cost.

* 3.21Being come within sight of Ierusalem, the maner is to kneele downe, and giue God thankes, that it hath pleased him to bring vs to that holy place where he himselfe had beene: and there we leaue our horses, and go on foote to the towne, and being come to the gates, there they tooke our names, and our fathers names, and so we were permitted to go to our lodgings.

The gouernor of the house met vs a mile out of the towne, and very curteously bade vs all wel∣come, and brought vs to the monasterie. The gates of the citie are all couered with yron, the en∣trance into the house of the Christians is a very low & narrow doore, barred or plated with yron, and then come we into a very darke entry: the place is a monastery: there we lay, & dieted of free cost, we fared reasonable well, the bread and wine was excellent good, the chambers cleane, & all

the meat well serued in, with cleane linnen.

We lay at the monasterie two dayes, friday and saturday, and then we went to Bethlem with two or three of the friers of the house with vs: in the way thither we saw many monuments,* 3.22 as:

The mountaine where the Angell tooke vp Abacuck by the haire, and brought him to Daniel in the Lions denne.

The fountaine of the prophet Ieremie.

The place where the wise men met that went to Bethlem to worship Christ, where is a foun∣taine of stone.

Being come to Bethlem we sawe the place where Christ was borne, which is now a chappell with two altars, whereupon they say masse: the place is built with gray marble, and hath bene beautifull, but now it is partly decayed.

Neere thereto is the sepulchre of the innocents slaine by Herod, the sepulchres of Paul, of Ie∣rome, and of Eusebius.

Also a litle from this monasterie is a place vnder the ground, where the virgine Mary abode with Christ when Herod sought him to destroy him.

We stayed at Bethlem that night, and the next day we went from thence to the mountaines of Iudea, which are about eight miles from Ierusalem, where are the ruines of an olde monasterie. In the mid way from the monasterie to Ierusalem is the place where Iohn Baptist was borne, being now an olde monasterie, and cattell kept in it. Also a mile from Ierusalem is a place called Inuentio sanctae crucis, where the wood was found that made the crosse.

In the citie of Ierusalem we saw the hall where Pilat sate in iudgement when Christ was con∣demned, the staires whereof are at Rome, as they told vs. A litle from thence is the house where the virgin Mary was borne.

There is also the piscina or fishpoole where the sicke folkes were healed, which is by the wals of Ierusalem. But the poole is now dry.

The mount of Caluaria is a great church, and within the doore therof, which is litle, and barred with yron, and fiue great holes in it to looke in, like the holes of tauerne doores in London, they sit that are appointed to receiue our money with a carpet vnder them vpon a banke of stone, & their legs a crosse like tailors: hauing paid our money, we are permitted to go into the church: right against the church doore is the graue where Christ was buried, with a great long stone of white marble ouer it, and rayled about, the outside of the sepulchre is very foule, by meanes that euery man scrapes his name and marke vpon it, and is ill kept.

Within the sepulchre is a partition, & in the further part thereof is a place like an altar, where they say masse, and at the doore thereof is the stone whereupon the Angell sate when he sayde to Marie, He is risen, which stone was also rowled to the doore of the sepulchre.

The altar stone within the sepulchre is of white marble, the place able to conteine but foure persons, right ouer the sepulchre is a deuise or lanterne for light, and ouer that a great louer, such as are in England in ancient houses. There is also the chappell of the sepulchre, and in the mids thereof is a canopie as it were of a bed, with a great sort of Estridge egges hanging at it, with tassels of silke and lampes.

Behinde the sepulchre is a litle chappell for the Chaldeans and Syrians.

Upon the right hand comming into the church is the tombe of Baldwine king of France, and of his sonne: and in the same place the tombe of Melchisedech.

There is a chappell also in the same church erected to S. Helen,* 3.23 through which we go vp to the place where Christ was crucified: the stayres are fiftie steps high, there are two altars in it: be∣fore the high altar is the place where the crosse stood, the hole whereof is trimmed about with sil∣uer, and the depth of it is halfe a mans arme deepe: the rent also of the mountaine is there to be seene in the creuis, wherein a man may put his arme.

Upon the other side of the mount of Caluarie is the place where Abraham would haue sacri∣ficed his sonne. Where also is a chapell, and the place paued with stones of diuers colours.

There is also the house of Annas the high Priest, and the Oliue tree whereunto Christ was bound when he was whipt. Also the house of Caiphas, and by it the prison where Christ was kept, which is but the roome of one man, and hath no light but the opening of the doore.

Without Ierusalem in the vally of Iosaphat is a church vnder the ground, like to the shrouds in Pauls, where the sepulchre of the virgin Mary is: the staires be very broad, and vpon the staires going downe are two sepulchres: vpon the left hand lieth Iosaphat, and vpon the right hand lieth Ioachim and Anna, the father and mother of the virgin Mary.

Going out of the valley of Iosaphat we came to mount Oliuet, where Christ praied vnto his father before his death: and there is to be seene (as they tolde me) the water & blood that fell from

the eyes of Christ. A litle higher vpon the same mount is the place where the Apostles ••ept, and watched not. At the foot of the mount is the place where Christ was imprisoned.

Upon the mountaine also is the place where Christ stood when he wept ouer Ierusalem, and where he ascended into heauen.

* 3.24Now hauing seene all these monuments, I with my company set from Ierusalem, the 20 day of August, and came againe to Ioppa the 22 of the same moneth, where wee tooke shipping presently for Tripolis, and in foure dayes we came to Mecina the place where the ships lie that come for Tripolis.

* 3.25The citie of Tripolis is a mile and a halfe within the land, so that no ship can come further then Mecina: so that night I came thither, where I lay nine daies for passage, and at last we imbarked our selues in a good ship of Venice called the new Naue Ragasona. We entred the ship the second of September, the fourth we set saile, the seuenth we came to Salina, which is 140 miles from Tripolis: there we stayed foure dayes to take in more lading, in which meane time I fell sicke of an ague, but recouered againe, I praise God.

* 3.26Salina is a ruinated citie, and was destroyed by the Turke ten yeeres past: there are in it now but seuenteene persons, women and children. A litle from this citie of Salina is a salt piece of ground, where the water groweth salt that raineth vpon it.

* 3.27Thursday the 21 of September, we came to Missagh, & there we stayed eight dayes for our la∣ding: the 18 of September before we came to Missagh, and within ten miles of the towne, as we lay at an anker, because the winde was contrary, there came a great boatfull of men to boord vs, they made an excuse to seeke for foure men which (they said) our ship had taken from theirs about Tripolis, but our captaine would not suffer any of them to come in to vs.

The next morning they came to vs againe with a great gally, manned with 500 men at y^e least, whereupon our captaine sent the boat to them with twelue men to know their pleasure: they said they sought for 4 men, and therfore would talke with our maister: so then the maisters mate was sent them, and him they kept, and went their way: the next morning they came againe with him, & with three other gallies, and then would needes speake with our captaine, who went to them in a gowne of crimson damaske, and other very braue apparell, and fiue or sixe other gentlemen richly apparelled also. They hauing the Turks safe conduct, shewed it to the captaine of the gallies, and laid it vpon his head, charging him to obey it: so with much adoe, and with the gift of 100 pieces of golde we were quit of them, and had our man againe.

That day as aforesaid, we came to Missagh, and there stayed eight dayes, and at last departed towards Candie,* 3.28 with a scant winde.

The 11 day of October we were boorded with foure gallies, manned with 1200 men, which also made a sleeuelesse arrant, and troubled vs very much, but our captaines pasport, and the gift of 100 chekins discharged all.

* 3.29The 27 of October we passed by Zante with a merrie winde, the 29 by Corsu, and the third of Nouember we arriued at Istria,* 3.30 and there we left our great ship, and tooke small boates to bring vs to Venice.

The 9 of Nouember I arriued again at Venice in good health, where I staied nine daies, and the 25 of the same moneth I came to Augusta, and staied there but one day.

The 27 of Nouember I set towards Nuremberg where I came the 29, and there staied till the 9 of December, and was very well interteined of the English marchants there: and the go∣uernors of the towne sent me and my company sixteene gallons of excellent good wine.

From thence I went to Frankford, from Frankford to Collen, from Collen to Arnam, from Arnam to Vtreight, from Vtreight to Dort, from Dort to Antwerpe, from Antwerpe to Flu∣shing, from Flushing to London, where I arriued vpon Twelfe eue in safetie, and gaue thanks to God, hauing finished my iourney to Ierusalem and home againe, in the space of nine moneths and fiue dayes.

The passeport made by the great Maister of Malta vnto the Eng∣lishmen in the barke Raynolds. 1582.

FRere Hugo de Loubeux Verdala, Dei gratia sacrae domus hospitalis sancti Io∣annis Hierosolymitani magister humilis, pauperum{que}; Iesu Christi custos, vni∣uersis & singulis principibus ecclesiasticis & secularibus, archiepiscopis, epis∣copis, ducibus, marchionibus, baronibus, nobilibus, capitaneis, vicedomini••, praefectis, castellanis, admiralijs, & quibuscun{que}ue triremium vel aliorum na∣uigiorum patronis, ac ciuitatum rectoribus, potestatibus ac magistratibus,

caeteris{que}ue officialibus, & quibuscunque personis cuiuluis dignitatis, gracus, status & condi∣tionis fuerint, vbilibet locorum & terrarum constitutis, salutem.

Notum facimus & in verbo veritatis attestamur, come nelmese di Maggio prossime passato le nostre galere vennero dal viaggio di Barberia, done hauendo mandato per soccorrere a vn ga••onetto de Christiani che hauea dato trauerso in quelle parti, essendo arriuati sopra questa isola alla parte de ponente trouarono vna naue Inglesa, sopra cargo de essa il magnifico Giouann•• Keale, & Dauid Filly patrono, volendo la reconoscere che naue fosse, han visto, che se metteua in ordine per defendersi, dubi∣tando che dette nostre galere fossero de inimici: & per che vn marinaro riuoltose contra la volonta de detti magnifico Giouani Keale & Dauid Filly, habbi tirato vn tiro di artiglieria verso vna de dette galere, & che non se amangnana la vela de la Maiestra secondo la volonta de detti magnifico Gio∣uanni Keale & Dauid Filly patrono, furimensata detta naue nel presente general porto de Malta, se∣condo l'ordine del venerando Generale de dette galere, & essendo qua, monsignor Inquisitore ha impe∣dita quella per con••o del sancto officio, & sidiede parte alla santita di nostro signor Gregorio papa xiij. Ala fin fu licenciata per andarsene alsuo viaggio. Han don{que} humilmente supplicato detti magnifi∣co Giouanni Keale & Dauid Filly per nome & parte delli magnifici Edwardo Osborn senatore & Ri∣chardo Staper merchanti Inglesi della nobile citta di Londra, & anco di Thomaso Wilkinson scriuano, piloti, nocheri, & marinari, gli volessimo dare le nostre lettere patente & saluo condutto, accioche po∣tranno andare & ritornare quādo gli parera commodo con alcuna roba & mercantia a loro benuista: si come noi, essendo cosa giusta & che retorner a commoda a nostra relligione & a questi forrestiers, per tenor de lipresenti se gli habiamo concesse con le conditione però infra scritte. videlicet:

Che ogni volta che detti mercadanti con supradetta naue o con altra non porteranno mercantie de contrabando, & che constara per fede authentica & con lettere patente de sanita, poteran liberalmen∣te victualiar se de tutte le victuarie necessarie, & praticare in questa isola & dominij, & poi partir sene & seguire suo viaggio per doue volessero in leuante o altroue, come tu••ti altri vaselli & specialmente de Francesi & altri nationi, & di vendere & comprare qual si voglia mercantia a loro benuista.

Item, che potera portare poluere de canone & de archibuso, salnitro, carboni di petra rosetta, plati∣ne de rame, staguo, acciale, ferro, carisee commune, tela grossa bianca per far tende de galere, balle de ferro de calibro, petre de molino fine, arbore & antenne de galere, bastardi & alteri. Et in conclusione•• hauenda visto che loro per il tempo che restarano qua, siportorno da fideli & Catholici Christiani, & che sua sanctita habbia trouato bono il saluo condutto del gran Turko a loro concesso, per il timor della armata Tu••kesca & di altri vaselli de mimici, inherendo alla volonta di sua sanctitá & massime per che hauera de andare & passare per diuersi lochi & tanto lontani come Ingilterra, Flandra, & tutti parti di ponente, & in altroue, a noi ha parso farle le presente nostre lettere patente come fidele conuer∣satore nostro, accio piu securamente & sensa obstaculo possa andare & ritornare quando li parera con detta naue o con alire, a loro bennista. Per tanto donque tutti & ciascun di voi sudetti affectuosa∣mente pregamo, che per qual si voglia de vostra iurisditione, alla quale detto magnifico Giouani Keale & Dauid Filly a nome quo supra con la naue & marinari de detti loro principali o altricaschera, naui∣gare, passare, & venire sicuramente, alla libera, sensa alcuno disturbo o altro impedimento li lasciate, & facciate lasciare stare, & passare, tornare, & quando li parera partire, talmente che per amore & contemplatione nostra il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome quo supra con le naue, marinari, & mercantia non habbi difficulta, fastidio & ritentione alcuna, anzi se gli dia ogni agint•• & fauore, cosa degnadi voi, giusta, & a noi gratissima, de recompensaruila con vguale & maggior seruitio, quando dall' occasione ne saremo rechiesti. Et finalmente commandammo a tutti & qual si voglia relligiosi & frati de nostra relligione di qual si voglia cōditione grado & stato che siano, & a tutti riceuitori & procuratori nostri in tutti & qual si voglia priorati nostri deputati & deputandi in vertu di santa obe∣dientia, & atutti nostri vassalli & alla giurisditione di nostra relligione soggetti, che in tale & per tale tenghino & reputino il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome vt supra, naue, marinari, & mercan∣tia, sensa permittere, che nel detto suo viaggio, o in alcun altro luogo sia molestato, o in qual si voglia manera impedito, anzi tutte lecose sue & negotij loro sian da voi ag••outati & continuamente fauoriti. In cuius rei testimonium B••lla nostra magistralis in cera nigra praesentibus est impressa. Datae Me∣litae in conuentu nostro die duodecimo Mensis Iulij. 1582.

The same in English.

FRier Hugo of Loubeux Verdala, by the grace of God, master of the holy house, the hospital of S. Iohn at Ierusalem, and an humble keeper of the poore of Iesus Christ, to all & euery prince ecclesiastical & secular, archbishops, bishops, Dukes, Marqueses, Barons, Capteines, Uicelords, Maiors, Castellanes, Admirals, and whatsoeuer patrons of Gallies, or other greater shippes, and gouernors of cities, potentates and magistrates, and other officers and persons whatsoeuer,

of what dignitie, degree, state and condition soeuer they be, dwelling in all places and landes, greeting.

We make it knowne, and in the word of truth do witnesse, that in the moneth of May last past, our gallies came on the voyage from Barbarie, where hauing commandement to succour a little ship of the Christians which was driuen ouer into that part, being arriued vpon this Iland on the West part they found one English ship vnder the charge of the worshipfull Iohn Keele, and Da∣uid Fillie master: and our men willing to know what ship it was, they seemed to put themselues in order for their defence, doubting that the said our gallies were of the enemies, & therefore one mariner attempted contrary to the will of the worshipfull Iohn Keele, and Dauid Fillie mai∣ster, and had shot off a piece of artillerie against one of the said gallies, and because she would not strike amaine her sayle, according to the will of the saide worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie master, the said ship was brought backe againe vnto the present port of Malta, according to the order of the reuerend generall of the said gallies: and in being there, maister Inquisitor staid it by authoritie of the holy office, and in that behalfe by the holinesse of our Lord pope Gregorie the thirteenth, in the end was licenced to depart on her voyage. They therefore the said worship∣full Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie, in the name and behalfe of the worshipfull master Eward Os∣borne Alderman, and Richard Staper, English marchants of the noble citie of London, haue humbly besought together with Thomas Wilkinson the purser, pilots, master and mariners that we would giue our letters patents, and safe conducts, that they might goe and returne, when they shall see opportunitie, with their goods and merchandizes at their pleasure: whereupon the thing seeming vnto vs iust, and that it might be for the prosite of our religion, and of these strangers, by the tenor of these presents we haue granted the same to them: yet, with the con∣ditions here under written. viz.

That euery time the said marchants of the said ship, or with any other, shall not bring such mar∣chandize as is forbidden, and that by sufficient proofe and letters test••moniall it appeareth that they are free from the infections of the plague, they may victuall themselues with all necessa∣rie victuals, and traffike with vs, and in this Iland and dominion, and afterwarde may depart and follow their voyage whither they will into the Leuant or else where, as all other vessels, and especially of France and other nations do, and sell and buy whatsoeuer marchandize they shal thinke good.

Item, that they may bring powder for cannon and harquebush, saltpe••ter, cole of Newcastle, plates of lattin, tinne, steele, yron, cōmon karsies white, course canuas to make saile for the gallies, balies of yron for shot, fine milstones, trees & masts for gallies, litle and others, and in conclusion, hauing seene that they for the time of their abode here, did behaue themselues like faithfull and catholike Christians, & that his holines hath allowed the safeconduct of the great Turke to them granted for feare of the Turkish armie, and other vessels of the enemie, submitting our selues to the pleasures of his holinesse, and especially because our people haue occasion to passe by diuers places so farre off, as England, Flanders, and all parts Westwards, and in other places, we haue vouchsafed to make these our letters patents, as our faithfull assistant, so as more surely, and without let they may go and returne when they shall thinke good, with the said ship or with others at their pleasure. We therefore pray all and euery of your subiects effectually that by what part soeuer of your iurisdiction, vnto the which the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie by name abouesaid, with the ship and mariners of the said principall place or other, shall haue accesse, saile, & passe, and come safely with libertie without any disturbance or other impediment, that you giue leaue, and cause leaue to be giuen that they may passe, stay and returne, and when they please, depart, in such sort, that for our loue & contentation the said worshipfull Iohn Keele, with the ship and mariners haue no let, hinderance, or retention, also that you giue all helpe and fauour, a thing worthy of your iustice, and to vs most acceptable, to be recompenced with equall and greater ser∣uice, when vpon occasion it shalbe required.

And finally, we command all, and whatsoeuer religious people, and brothers of our religion, of whatsoeuer condition, degree, and state they be, and all other receiuers and procurators, in all and whatsoeuer our priories deputed, and to be deputed by vertue of the holy obedience, and all our people, and all that are subiect to the iurisdiction of our religion, that in, and by the same they hold, and repute the said worshipfull Iohn Keele in the name as abouesaid, the ship, mariners, and marchandize, without let in the same their voyage, or in any other place, that they be not mole∣sted, nor in any wise hindered, but that in all their causes and businesse they be of you holpen•• and furthered continually. In witnesse whereof, our seale of gouernment is impressed to these pre∣sents in blacke waxe. Giuen at Malta in our Conuent, the twelfth of the moneth of Iuly, in the yeere 1582.

The Queenes Commission vnder her great seale, to her seruant master William Hareborne, to be her maiesties Ambassadour or Agent, in the partes of Turkie. 1582.

ELIZABETHA, Dei optimi Maximi, conditoris, & rectoris vnici cle∣mentia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, verae fidei contra Idololatras falsò Christi nomen profitentes inuicta & potentissima propugnatrix, vni∣uersis, & singulis praesentes has literas visuris, & inspecturis, salutem, Cùm augustissimus, & inuictissimus princeps, Zuldan Murad Can, Turcici regni Dominator potentissimus, imperiíque Orientis Monarcha, ••oedus, amici∣tiámque nobiscum percusserit, iurauerítque, (quam nos perpetuis futuris temporibus, quantum in nobis erit, inuiolatè seruare destinamus) ad eámque magis orn••ndam, illustrandámque concesserit idem augustissimus Imperator subditis nostris lib••ram suas mer∣ces excercendi rationem in omnibus Musulmanici imperij sui partibus, cum ••am ampla priui∣legiorum concessione, quàm alijs bonis principibus, socijs, & foederatis nostris largitus est, quo∣rum priuilegiorum donationem nos gratam, acceptámque habentes, pari cum animi gratitu∣dine colere certum habemus, deliberatúmque, nihil in votis habentes potiùs, quàm bonorum erga nos principum animos beneuelos honoratissima mente fouere, promereríque: Sciatis, nos de singulari erga nos, obsequiúmque nostrum, fide, obseruantia, prudentia, & dexteri••ate multùm nobis chari Guilielmi Hareborne, è custodibus corporis nostri vnius, plurimùm con∣f••dentes, eum Oratorem, Nuntium, Procuratorem, & Agentem nostrum certum & indubita∣tum ordinamus, facimus, & con••tituimus, per praesentes: dantes ei, & concedentes potestatem, & authoritatem, nomine nostro, & pro nobis praedictū amicitiae foedus confirmandi, priuilegi∣orum concessionem in manus suas capiendi, ratámque habendi, omnibus & singulis subditis nostris, Musulmanicis oris te••rísque negotiantibus, pro Maiestatis nostrae authoritate praecipi∣endi, mandandíque, vt sint in suis commercijs, quamdiu, quotiésque cum Mansulman••c••s ver∣santur, dictorum priuilegiorum praescripto obtemperantes in omnibus, ac per omnia, ad obse∣quia tanta ami••ltia digna se componentes, a•• in delinquentes in soedus nostrum iustitiam exe∣quatur. Potestatem, & authoritatem e•• damus in omnes, & singulos subditos nostros in qui∣buscunque & locis, & partibus Musulmanici Imperij dominationi subiectis negotiantes, con∣stituendi emporiorum suorum sedes in quibus voluerit portubus, & ciuitatibus, in alijs vctan∣di, in constitutis autem emporiorum sedibus, consules curandi, leges praeceptionésque ferendi, condendíque, quarum ex praescripto dicti nostri subditi, & eorum quilibet sese publicè, & priua∣tim gerant, eorum violatores corrigendi, castigandí{que}, omnia denique & singula faciendi, per∣implendíque, quae ad dictorum subditorum nostrorum honestam gubernationem, & commer∣cij exercendi in illis partibus rationem pertinent: promi••tentes bona fide, & in verbo Regio, nos ratum, gratum, & firmum habitutas, quaecunque dictus Orator, & Agens noster, à legibus nostris non abhorrentia in praemissis aut praemissorum aliquo fecerit. In cuius rei testimonium, has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes, & sigilli nostri impressione iussimus muniri. Datum è castro nostro Windesoriae, 20. die Mensis Nouembris, Anno Iesu Christi 1582. regni verò nostri, vicesimo quarto.

The same in English.

ELizabeth, by the clemencie of the most good and most great God, the only creator and gouer∣nour of all things, Queene of England, France, and Ireland, inuincible, and most mightie defender of the true faith, against all Idolaters falsly professing the name of Christ, to all and sin∣guler persons•• to whose sight and view these our present letters may come, greeting. Whereas the most renowmed, and most inuincible Prince Zuldan Murad Can, the most mighty gouernour of the kingdom of Turkie, and Monarch of the East Empire, hath entered into league and friend∣ship with vs, (which we for our part, as much as lieth in vs, doe purpose solemnly, and inuiolablie to keepe in all times to come) and whereas for the better countenancing and authorizing of the same, the foresayd renowmed Emperour hath graunted vnto our subiects free libertie of traf∣fique, in all the partes of his sacred Empire, with as ample and large a grant of priuileges, as is giuen to other good Princes our neighbours and confederates, the grant of which priuileges, we taking very thankfully, and acceptably, are certainely, and throughly determined to keepe and mainetaine, with the like goodnesse and curtesie of minde, desiring nothing more, then with an honourable respect to nourish, and deserue the beneuolent affections of good Princes toward vs: Know ye, that wee thinking well, and hauing good confidence in the singular trustinesse,

obedience, wisedome, and disposition of our welbeloued seruaunt William Harebo••ne, one of the Esquiers of our body, towards vs, and our seruice, doe by these presents, make, ordaine and constitute him our true and vndoubted Orator, Messenger, Deputie, and Agent. Giuing and granting vnto him power and authoritie, in our name, and for vs, to confirme the foresaid league of friendship, to take into his hands, and to ratifie the grant of the priuileges, and to commaund, and enioyne by the authoritie of our Maiestie, all and singular our Subiects trading and dea∣ling in any of the coastes and kingdomes of that Empire, that as long as they remaine in traf∣fique with his subiects, they be obedient to the prescription and order of the foresayd priuileges, applying themselues in all things, and through all things, to such dueties and seruices as apper∣taine to so great a league and friendship, and the offenders agaynst this our league to receiue iu∣stice, and punishment accordingly. We further giue vnto him power and authoritie ouer all and singuler our Subiects, dealing, and vsing traffique in any place or part whatsoeuer, subiect to the gouernement of that Empire, to appoint the places of their traffiques, in what Hauen or Citie it shall please him, and to prohibite them from all other places, and wher••soeuer their traf∣fiques are appointed to bee kept, there to make and create Consuls or Gouernours, to enact lawes and statutes, by the vertue and tenor whereof all our foresayd subiects, and euery one of them, shall both publikely and priuately vse and behaue themselues, to correct and punish the breakers of those lawes: and last of all, to doe and fulfill all and singular things whatsoeuer, which shall seeme requisite and conuenient for the honest and orderly gouernment of our said sub∣iects, and of the maner of their traffique in those parts. Promising assuredly, and in the word of a Prince, that whatsoeuer shall be done of our sayd Orator and Agent, in all, or in any of the pr••mis∣ses, not repugnant and contrary to our lawes, shall be accepted, ratified, and confirmed by vs. In witnesse whereof, we haue caused these our letters to be made patents, and our seale thereunto to be appensed. Giuen at our Castle of Windsore, the 20. day of Nouember, in the yeere of Christ 1582, and of our raigne the 24.

The Queenes Letter to the great Turke 1582. written in commendation of Master Hareborne, when he was sent Ambassadour.

ELIZABETH &c. Augustissimo inuictissimóque principi, &c. Cùm ad postulatum nostrum Caesarea vestra Maiestas, anno saluatoris nostri Iesu 1580. pacis foedus nobiscum pepigerit, coniunctum cum liberalissima priuilegiorum quorundam concessione, quorum beneficio subditi nostri cum omni securitate tutissimè libertiméque ad vniuersas & singulas Musul∣manici imperij vestri partes terra maríque proficisci, iniísque commercij ex∣ercendi gratia, negotiari, habitare, manere, exindéque ire & redire cum volent queant, ab ijs qui sub Caesarea vestra Maiestate in magistratu sunt vbique locorum protegendi defendendí∣que sine vlla vel corporum, vel bonorum laesione: nos tantae concessionis beneficium gratum acceptúmque habentes, quantum in nobis est, approbamus confirmamúsque: pollicentes in verbo regio, quod nos eandem pacem sine vlla violatione sartam tectám{que} conseruabimus: fa∣ciemús{que} vt subditi nostri priuilegiorum sibi indultorum concessione ita vtantur, vt Caesaream vestram Maiestatem magnificentissimae suae liberalitatis nunquam poenitere queat. Quoniam autem concessionis huius virtus in vsu potiùs quàm verbis, Maiestatis vtriús{que} nostrum senten∣tiâ, ponenda videtur, voluimus hunc mandatarium virum Guilielmum Hareborne, ex satelliti∣bus quibus ad corporis nostri tutelam vtimur vnum, virum compluribus virtutibus ornatum, ad Caesaream vestram Maiestatem ablegare, qui tum nomine nostro vobis gratias ageret, tum vt eius opera vteremur ad eam subditorum nostrorum mercimoniorum rationem stabiliēdam, tam in Imperiali vestra ciuitate Constantinopoli, quàm alijs imperij vestri Musulmanici locis, quae ex praescripto priuilegiorum, Caesareae vestrae Maiestatis benignitate, conceditur, & ex vsu subditorum vtriús{que} nostrum erit. Ad quam rem quoniam opus illi erit Caesareae vestrae Maie∣statis authoritate, summa contentione ab eadem rogamus, velit id agere apud omnes qui sub se in magistratu sunt, vt quibuceun{que} poterunt melioribus modis huic nostro mandatario in Ce∣sareae vestrae Maiestatis placito exequendo, adiutores sint & esse velint. Ei enim hanc curam demandauimus, in qua quàm fidem suam sit honestè liberaturus erga Maiestatem vtrius{que} no∣strū neutiquam dubitamus: cui etiam, vt in omnibus sint obtemperantes nostri subditi, quan∣tum Caesareae vestrae Maiestatis concessio patitur, volumus. Praeterea, cum praeclarus vir Musta∣fa sacrae Caesareae vestrae Maiestatis Musulmannorum interpres egregiam nauarit operam vt hoc inter nos foedus fieret,* 3.31 rogamus summoperè vt in nostram gratiam eum in Mustafara ca∣rum

ordinem Caesarea vestra Maiestas recipere dignetur. Si in his al••sque omnibus honestis causis hic noster agens ••ubd••tí{que} nostri Imperatoriae vestrae sublimitatis ae quanimitatem sen••e∣rint, florebit inter has gentes nobile commercium, & nos omnibus, officijs ••uic vestre Maiesta∣tis fauori & beneuolentiae (si vlla ratione rebus vestris commodare poterimus) respondere li∣bentissimè semper paratae erimus. Deus optimus maximus mundi opifex, &c.

The same in English.

ELizabeth by the grace of the most mightie God and only creator of heauen and earth, of Eng∣land, France, and Ireland Queene, the most inuincible and most mighty defender of the Chri∣stian faith against all kind of idolatries of all that liue among the Christians and falsly professe the name of Christ, vnto the most Imperiall and most inuincible prince, Sultan Murad Can, the most mighty ruler of the kingdom of Turkie, sole aboue all, and most soueraigne Monarch of the East Empire, greeting.

Whereas at our request your Imperiall Maiestie in the yeere of our Sauiour Iesus 1580. hath entered into a league of peace with vs, whereunto was vnited a most large & bountiful grant of certaine priuileges, by benefite whereof our subiects may with all securitie most safely and freely trauell by Sea and land into all and singular parts of your Musulmanlike Empire, and in the same exercising the trade of merchandise, may traffique, dwell, remaine, depart from thence, and returne thither at their pleasure, and in all places be maintained and defended from all da∣mage of bodies and goods, by such as are in authoritie vnder your Imperiall Maiestie: we thank∣fully and gratefully receiuing the benefite of so great a priuilege, as much as in vs lieth doe ap∣prooue and confirme the same, promising in the worde of a Prince, that wee will keepe the said league perfect and inuiolable, and will cause our subiects so to vse the grant of the priuileges gi∣uen vnto them, as your Imperiall maiestie shall neuer haue occasion to repent you of your most princely liberalitie. And because the force of this grant, in the iudgement of both our maiesties, seemeth rather to consist in the vse thereof, then in the wordes, we thought good to send vnto your Imperiall Maiestie this our ambassadour William Hareborne,* 3.32 one of the Esquiers of our body, which both on our behalfe should yeeld thanks vnto your maiestie, and also that we might vse his good indeuour for the establishing of such order in our subiects trade of merchandise, as well in your Imperiall citie of Constantinople, as in other places of your Musulmanlike Empire, as according to the prescript of the priuileges is granted by your princely maiesties goodnesse, and shall be for the benefite of both our subiects. For performance whereof, because hee standeth in neede of your Imperiall Maiesties authoritie•• wee earnestly beseech the same, that you would cause all those which bee in authoritie vnder your Highnesse, by all their best meanes to aide and assist this our Ambassadour in executing this your Imperiall Maiesties pleasure, for vnto him wee haue committed this charge: wherein how honestly hee will discharge his credite toward both our Maiesties, I no whit stand in doubt: to whom also our pleasure is, that all our subiects shall bee obedient, as farre as the grant of your Imperiall maiestie doeth permit. Moreouer, whereas that woorthie personage Mustafa,* 3.33 your Imperiall maiesties Interpretor, hath taken speciall paines for the procuring of this league betweene vs, wee earnestly beseech you that for our sakes your Imperiall Maiestie would vouchsafe to aduance him vnto the degree of the M••∣stafaraks or chiefe pensioners. If in these and in all other honest causes, our aforesayde Agent and our subiectes shall finde your Imperiall Hignesses fauour, a noble traffique will flourish betweene these nations, and wee (if by any way wee may stand your State in steade) will al∣wayes most willingly be readie to requite this your Maiesties fauour and good will with all kinde of good offices. Almightie God the maker of the world preserue and keepe your Impe∣riall Maiestie, &c.

A Letter of the Queenes Maiestie to Alli Bassa the Turkes high Admirall, sent by her ambassadour M. William Hareborne, and deliuered vnto him aboord his gallie in the Arsenal.

ELIZABETHA, &c. Illustrissimo viro Alli Bassa, magni Musulmanici Caesaris Admiralio, salutem & successus fortunatos, Non ignotum esse Ex∣cellentiae vestrae arbitramur, priuilegia quae dam à potentissimo Caesare Mu∣sulmanico domino vestro clementissimo subditis nostris Anglicis concessa es••e, vt illis liceat in omnibus imperij Musulmanici prouincijs tutò & securè manere ac negotiari: non aliter quàm hoc ipsum Francis, Polonis, Venetis,

Germanis antea indultum est. Qua ex causa nos Gulielmum Hareborne nobis dilectum, è corporis custodibus vnū, ac multis nominibus ornatum ad inclytam Constantinopolis ciuita∣tem pro agente misimus: qui ex priuilegiorum praedictorum praescripto nostras & subditorum nostro••um res in illis locis constituere••. Facere igitur non potuimus, quin Excellentiae vest••ae Guilielmum hunc, pro ea qua apud magnum Caesarem polles authoritate, commendaremus: petentes summopere vt tutò in mari sine Classiariorum vestrorum violentia, & securè in porti∣bus absque ministrorum rapinis & ••ni••ria, tam ipse quàm omnes Angli subditi nostri possint versari: vti pro tenore literarum patentium à magno Caesare concessarum illis licere ex illa∣rum conspectione perspicuum esse potest. Gratis••imum ergo nobis excellentia vestra fecerit, si portuum omnium, aliorúmque locorum, qui vestrae iurisdictioni parent, custodibus, item classium & nauium praefectis omnibus mandare velit, vt Guilielmus iste, aliíque Angli subditi nostri cum in illorum erunt potestate, amicè & humaniter tractarentur. Quemadmodum nos viciss••m ••i••nes magni Caesaris subditos omni humanitatis genere tractabunus, si in Oceani maria, aliáue loca venerint, quae nostro parent imperio. Postremo excellentiam vestram pro eo quem in nostros extendet fauore ijs omnibus officijs prosequemur, quae à gratissima prin∣cipe in optime de se merontes debent proficisci. Benè & foeliciter valeas. Datum è castro no∣stro Windesorij die vicessimo mensis Nouembris, Anno Iesu Christi saluatoris nostri 1582. Regni verò nostri vicessimo quarto.

Notes

• * 2.1

  Master Malim at Constanti∣nople 1564.
• * 2.2

  Rhodes lost.
• * 2.3

  Scio lost.
• * 2.4

  Cyprus lost.
• * 2.5

  In Italy and other places the date of the yere of y^e Lord is alwayes changed the first of Ianua∣ry, or on New yeres day, and from that day reckoned vp∣on: although wee heere in England, espe∣cially the tem∣porall lawyers ••or certaine ca••ses are not woont to al••er the same vntill the Annuncia∣tion of our La∣die.
• * 2.6

  Carumusalini he vessels like vnto y^e French Gabards, sai∣ling dayly vp∣on the riuer of Bordeaux, which saile w^t a misen or tri∣angle saile.
• * 2.7

  Maone be ves∣sels like vnto y^e great hulks, which come hither frō Den∣marke, some of the which ca∣ry 7 o•• 8 hun∣dred tunnes a piece, flat and broad, which saile some of them with se∣uen misens a piece.
• * 2.8

  Palandrie be great flat ves∣sels made like Feriboats to transport horse.

  Nicosia, other∣wise called Licosia.

  Sig. Braga••ino was Pro••edi∣tore, that is, Gouernour, and Sig. Baglio∣ne Generall of the Christian armie.
• * 2.9

  Baffo of the ancient wri∣ters named Paphos, in the which Citie there was a sumptuous Church dedi∣cated to Venus.
• * 2.10

  Arsenall in Constantinople and Venice is the place for munition and artillery to lie in.
• * 2.11

  Two Veneti∣an sonses or Soldi amount but to one pe∣ny English.
• * 2.12

  Albannis soul∣diers, souldi∣ers of Albania, otherwise cal∣led Epi••us, who cōmonly serue the Venetians both on horse∣backe and foot, very skilfull & painfull.
• * 2.13

  Of this noble & painfull Ve∣netian gentle∣man M. Gio. Antonio Queri∣ni (who was afterwardes hewen in sun∣der by the cō∣mandement of Mustafa) I was entertai∣ned very cour∣teousl•• in my trauell at Cor∣cyra, now called Cor••u, he being then t••e••e Mag. Castellano or Captaine of one of the ca∣stles.
• * 2.14

  In extremities mē haue no re∣gard to spare trifles.
• * 2.15

  Prouident & car••••ull gouer∣nours or ma∣gistrates sel∣dome sleepe all the night at a∣n•• time, much l••sse in dange∣rous seasons.
• * 2.16

  A small thing at the begin∣ning, or in due ti••e done, hel∣peth much.
• * 2.17

  That certaine women inha∣bating this Iland be ••ira∣gos, or mākind, I saw ••uffici∣ent triall at my last being there, in a ci∣ty called Sa∣line.
• * 2.18

  It is accoūted a good warlike shilt, to leaue that to our e∣nemies with hinderance, which we can not any longer keepe, and vse to our owne commodity.
• * 2.19

  The forward∣nes of the cap∣taine at dan∣gerous times not only much comforteth the common soul∣dier, but also increaseth greatly his credit & com∣mendation w^t all men.
• * 2.20

  Teglia in Latine called Teda is a certanie wood which burneth easily, and sa∣uoreth vnplea∣santly, of the which there is great store in Sicilia: some∣time it is vsed for a torch.
• * 2.21

  No necessarie thing to bee done was lest vnattempted on either part.
• * 2.22

  Mans courage oft abateth, but hope sel∣dome forsa∣keth.
• * 2.23

  Saguntina ••a∣mes.
• * 2.24

  In Iuly the heat is so ex∣treme in this Iland, that the inhabitants thereof are not woont to tra∣uell, but by night onley. A letter or sup∣plication exhi∣bited by the Cypriottes vnto Sig. Bra∣gadino.
• * 2.25

  The answere of the former letter.
• * 2.26

  It standeth with reason, in hope of sauing the greater, to let the lesser go.
• * 2.27

  Necessitie oft times presseth vs in the ••nd to that, which ••ur will conti∣nually spur∣neth against.
• * 2.28

  Giannezer•• ••e the gard of the great Turke, i•• that Aga de Giannizet•• is the captaine of the Turkes gard.
• * 2.29

  Iust Turkish dealing, to speake and not to meane: so∣dainly to pro∣mise, and ne∣uer to perform the same.
• * 2.30

  The propertie of true forti∣tude is, not to be broken with sudden ter∣rors.

  Mustafa, cosin germaine to y^e thiefe, which hong on the left side of our Sauiour at his Passion.
• * 2.31

  Zechini, be cer∣taine pieces of fine gold coined in Ve∣nice, euery one of the which is in value sixe shillings eight pence of our mony, & some∣what better: & equal altoge∣ther to a Tur∣kish By••altom.
• * 2.32

  His death an∣swerable to his former life
• * 2.33

  A Foist is as it were a Bri∣gandine, being somewhat lar∣ger then halfe a galley, much vsed of the Turkish Cur∣saros, or as we call them Pi∣rates of Ro∣uers.
• * 2.34

  The gate of the great Tu••ke, is as much to say, as Constantino∣ple: the which they call in the Turkish lan∣guage S••anb••ll. Gli Venturierida spada, are a kind of ventu∣ring souldiers, who common∣ly are wont to ••olow the ar∣my in hope of the spoile.

  Aleppo, a ••a∣mous riue•••••• neere vnto An∣tiochia, other∣wise called in Greeke, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the city of the Sunne.
• * 2.35

  Bey in y^e Tur∣kish language, signifieth knight with vs.
• * 2.36

  Begliarbei sig∣nifieth lord Admirall.
• * 2.37

  Sangiaccho, is that person w^t the Turkes, that gouer∣neth a pro∣uince or coun∣trey.

  God suffereth much to be done to his ser∣uants, but ne∣uer forsaketh them.

  Necessitie oft times sharpe∣neth mens wits, & causeth boldnes.
• * 2.38

  The nature of euery commo∣ditie is sooner vnderstood by lacking, then by continuall enioying of the same.
• * 2.39

  Candia, of the old writers called Creta in latin, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek, because it had once a 100. Ci∣ties in it, now there remai∣ning but onely 4. thus com∣monly named, Candia, la Cania, Re••ima, and Scythia.
• * 2.40

  Iohn Foxe ta∣ken 1563.
• * 2.41

  The valour & death of their Boatswaine.
• * 2.42

  The English∣men caried prisoners vnto an Hauen nere Alexandria.
• * 2.43

  The last of De∣cember.
• * 2.44

  Ianuari••.
• * 2.45

  Extremity of famine.
• * 2.46

  Iohn Fox his sword kept as a monument in Gallipoli.
• * 3.1

  The voyage of Iohn Wight and Ioseph Clements to Constantino∣ple.
• * 3.2

  The first voy∣age of M. Wil∣liam Harborne to Constantino∣ple.
• ‖ 3.3

  These two were Sir Ed∣ward Osborne And M. Richard Staper.
• ‖ 3.4

  Ye calleth the Germaine em∣peror but king of Germanie.
• * 3.5

  The Turke de∣mandeth like priuileges for his subiects in the Queenes dominions.
• ‖ 3.6

  With vs the yeere 1579.
• * 3.7

  Foedus Turci•• Imperatoris cum Regina ••aitum.
• * 3.8

  Art••culi ••uiu•• priuilegij.
• * 3.9

  This was Bake of Rat∣ci••ste, who with the barke called the Roe, robbed cer∣taine G••ecians in the L••uant.
• * 3.10

  The descripti∣on of Augusta in Germanie,
• * 3.11

  Venice.
• * 3.12

  The number of ••••wes in V••nice.
• * 3.13

  The excesse of the women of Venice
• * 3.14

  His embar∣king at Venice for Ierusalem.
• * 3.15

  Cyprus.
• * 3.16

  Missagh.
• * 3.17

  Ioppa.
• * 3.18

  The Basha of Ioppa.
• * 3.19

  Rama.
• * 3.20

  Troopes of theeuish Ara∣bians.
• * 3.21

  ••is arriuall in the sight of Ierusalem.
• * 3.22

  The monu∣ments in and about Ierusalem
• * 3.23

  S. Helens cha∣pell.
• * 3.24

  His departure from Ierusa∣lem.
• * 3.25

  Tripolis in Syria.
• * 3.26

  Salina.
• * 3.27

  Missagh a town in Cyprus.
• * 3.28

  Candie.
• * 3.29

  Zante.
• * 3.30

  Istria.
• * 3.31

  Mustasa inter∣p••es.
• * 3.32

  M. Wil. Hare∣borne sent am∣bassador to the Turke.
• * 3.33

  A request for the preferring of Mustafa Beg.