The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

A letter of Iames Alday to the Worshipfull M. Michael Lock, Agent in London for the Moscouie company, touching a trade to be established in Lappia, written 1575.

I Haue in remembrance (worshipful Sir) the talke we had when I was with you, as touching the trade in Lappia:* 1.1 And certeinly I haue something marueiled that in all this time the right wor. your societie haue not giuen order that some little conference (by you, or with some other) might haue bin had with me touching those parts, considering they know (as I thinke) that I remained there one whole yere & more, by which meanes reason would that I should haue learned something. But the cause why they haue not desired to conferre with me (as I iudge) resteth only in one of these 4 cases, that is to say, either they thinke themselues so throughly certified of that trade, as more neede not be spoken therof, or that they haue no lust more to deale that waies, or that they hold mee so vntrusty to them that they dare not open their minds, for feare or doubt, I should beare more affectiō to others then to them, & so discouer their secrets: or els they think me of so simple vnderstanding, that I am not worthy to be spoken with in these matters.* 1.2 To which 4 cases I answere as followeth: First, if they think themselues so throughly certified as more need not to be spoken: certeinly I something maruel by whom it should be:* 1.3 for in y^e winter past there lay but 5 English persons there, vz. Chri∣stopher Colt, Roger Leche, Adam Tunstal cooper, one lad, & I: for Henry Cocknedge was the whole winter at Mosco. And of these persons, as touching Colt,* 1.4 I think him (if I may without offence speake my conscience) the most simple person that was there, (as touching the vnderstan∣ding of a marchant) although indeed he tooke vpon him very much to his owne harme & others I doubt, for he vsed himselfe not like a marchant, neither shewed diligence like a worthy seruant or fact••r, but lay stil in a den al y^e whole winter, hauing wares lying vpon his hand, which he would not imploy to any vse; although sundry waies there were that he might haue put his wares in rea∣dy money with gaine, & no great aduenture, which money would haue bin more acceptable to the poore Lappes & fishermen at the spring,* 1.5 then any kind of wares: but his fond head did as he that had the talent in the Gospel, & yet he had counsel to the contrary which he disdained, so that men percei∣uing his captious head, left not only to counsell him, but also some, in as much as they might, kept him from knowledge of the trade that might be in that countrey, the winter time, which is better peraduenture then most men think of. Wherfore if Colt haue written or said any thing touching those countries, it is doubtful whether it toucheth the effect or not, considering he lay still all the winter without trial of any matter. And for Henry Cocknedge assuredly speaking so much as I do perfectly know,* 1.6 I must needs say, that he is a very honest yong man, & right carefull of his bu∣sines,

and in that respect worthy to be praised. But yet he being absent in the winter other then by hearesay he could not learne, so that his instructions may be something doubtful. And like as of the lad nothing can be learned, so am I sure that Tunstal the Cooper hath not yet bene spoken with, so that of those parts certaine knowledge cannot as yet be learned, except by Roger Leche,* 1.7 of whom I confesse knowledge may be had, for indeed there is no English man liuing that hath like knowledge in those countries as he hath, nor that is able to do so much with the people as he may: he in the winter trauailed one waies & other nere 300 miles: he of a litle made somthing, and learned not only the maners, conditions & customs of the people, but also he learned of al kind of commodities in those regions how they may be bought at the most aduantage, that gaine may be made of them: So that I confesse, if he hath giuen intelligence to the right Wor. company, then haue they no neede to speake with me or any other for to learne of those countries (except it be to heare mine opinion) which in truth I wil alwaies open vnto them. But the effect of y^e bene∣ficial secrets of that countrey is to be inquired of him, & in mine opinion worthy to be learned, ex∣cept, as in the second case, they list no more to deale that waies. To which I answere, that if they deale not that waies, & that with speede they seeke not to preuent others y^t mean to deale there, although not English men, let them then not thinke long to haue any profitable trade in Russia:* 1.8 for the greater part of that benefit wil be wiped from them, or 5 yeere to an end, as I will shew good reason, if I be demanded the question. Therefore if they will maintaine the Russia trade with aduantage, then ought they to looke to this in time, and so may they keepe the Russia trade as it is, and likewise make a trade in Lappia more profitable then that, and therfore this is to b••e considered, rather then to prohibite Englishmen frō the trade of Vedagoba.* 1.9 For if they looke not to this, and that in time, they may be likened (if it might be without offence spoken) to two dogs that striue for the bone whiles the third run away with it: and yet meane I not otherwise, but in such order, as not Englishmen only, but also Hollanders, Brabanders, & others may be iustly and vtterly put from the trade in Lappia, and the company to keepe the whole trades to themselues without interruption of any, to their great benefit, which I wish to them from the bottome of my heart, as euer I wished wealth to mine own person: And thereby hold me excused in the third case I write of. And for the fourth as touching my iudgement, as I confesse it is not very deepe,* 1.10 so I thanke God I am not vtterly without vnderstanding (although I be poore) & therfore peraduen∣ture holden out of reputation, yet God doth distribute his gifts as it pleaseth him. I haue seen wise men poore in my time, & foolish men rich, and some men haue more knowledge then they can vtter by speech, which fault was once obiected against me by a great learned man of this realme: but surely how weak soeuer my vtterance is, my meaning is faithful and true, and I wish in my heart to your laudable company al the gaine that may be, or els I pray the Lord God to con∣found me as a false dissembler. It greeueth me to see how of late they haue bin brought to great charges, beating the bush, as the old terme is, & other men taking the birds: this last yere hauing in Lappia 2 ships, as I am partly informed, they both brought not much aboue 300 barrels of traine oile, yet am I sure there was bought besides them of the Russes, Corels, & Lappes, 1183 barrels,* 1.11 besides 27 barrels Colt sold to Iacob the Hollander,* 1.12 at two barrels for one Northerne dozen. And yet there is a greater inconuenience springing, which if it take a litle deeper roote it will be (I feare) too hard to be pulled vp, which for loue & good will (God is my witnes) I write of, wishing as to my deare friends that they should looke to it in time, if they meane to keepe the trade of Russia or Lappia. And thus loue hath compelled me to write this aduertisement, which I wish to be accepted in as good part, as I with good will haue written it.

The request of an honest merchant to a friend of his, to be adui∣sed and directed in the course of killing the Whale, as followeth. An. 1575.

I pray you pleasure me in getting me perfect information of the matter hereunder specified.

FOr the prouision and furniture for a shippe of 200 tunnes, to catch the Whale fish in Russia, passing from England. How many men to furnish the ship.

How many fishermen skilful to catch the Whale, & how many other officers and Coopers.

How many boats, and what fashion, and how many men in each boate.

What wages of such skilfull men and other officers, as we shall neede out of Biskay.

How many harping irons, speares, cordes, axes, hatchets, kniues, and other implements for the fishing, and what sort and greatnes of them.

How many kettles, the greatnesse and maner of them, and what mettall, and whether they bee set on triuets or on furnaces for boiling of the traine oyle, and others.

What quantitie of caske, and what sort of caske, and what number of hoopes and twigges, and how much thereof to be staued for the traine.

What quantitie of victuals, and what kinde of victuals for the men in all the ship ••or 4 mo∣neths time.

For the common mariners and officers to gouerne the ship, we shall not neede any out of Bis∣kaie, but onely men skilful in the catching of the Whale, and ordering of the oile, and one Cooper skilfull to set vp the staued caske.

Also what other matters are requisite to be knowen, and done for the said voyage to catch the Whale, not here noted nor remembred.

These requests were thus answered, which may serue as directi∣ons for all such as shall intend the same voyage, or the like for the Whale.

A proportion for the setting forth of a ship of 200. tunne, for the killing of the Whale.

• THere must be 55 men who departing for Wardhouse in the moneth of April, must bee furnished with 4 kintals and a halfe of bread for euery man.
• 250 hogsheds to put the bread in.
• 150 hogsheds of Cidar.
• 6 kintals of oile.
• 8 kintals of bacon.
• 6 hogsheds of beefe.
• 10 quarters of salt.
• 150 pound of candles.
• 8 quarters of beanes and pease.
• Saltfish & herring, a quantitie conuenient.
• 4 tunnes of wines.
• Half a quarter of mustard seed, and a querne.
• A grindstone.
• 800 empty shaken hogsheds.
• 350 bundles of hoopes, and 6 quintalines.
• 800 paire of heds for the hogsheds.
• 10 Estachas called roxes for harping irons.
• 10 pieces of Arporieras.
• 3 pieces of Baibens for the Iauelines small.
• 2 tackles to turne the Whales.
• A halser of 27 fadom long to turne y^e whales
• 15 great Iauelines.
• 18 small Iauelins.
• 50 harping irons.
• 6 machicos to cut the Whale withall.
• 2 doozen of machetos to minch the Whale.
• 2 great hookes to turne the Whale.
• 3 paire of Can hookes.
• 6 hookes for staues.
• 3 dozen of staues for the harping irons.
• 6 pullies to turne the Whale with.
• 10 great baskets.
• 10 lampes of iron to carie light.
• 5 kettles of 150 li. the piece, and 6 ladles.
• 1000 of nailes for the pinnases.
• 500 of nailes of Carabelie for the houses, and the wharfe.
• 18 axes and hatchets to cleaue wood.
• 12 pieces of lines, and 6 dozen of hookes.
• 2 beetles of Rosemarie.
• 4 dozen of oares for the pinnases.
• 6 lanternes.
• 500 of Tesia.
• Item, gunpouder & matches for harquebu∣shes as shalbe needfull.
• Item, there must be caried from hence 5 pin∣nases, fiue men to strike with harping irons, two cutters of Whale, 5 coopers, & a purser or two.

A note of certaine other necessarie things belonging to the Whale fishing, receiued of master W. Burrough.

• A sufficient number of pullies for tackle for the Whale.
• A dozen of great baskets.
• 4 furnaces to melt the Whale in.
• 6 ladles of copper.
• A thousand of nailes to mend the pinnases.
• 500 great nails of spikes to make their house
• 3 paire of bootes great and strong, for them that shall cut the Whale.
• 8 calue skins to make aprons or barbecans.

The deposition of M. VVilliam Burrough to certaine Interrogato∣ries ministred vnto him concerning the Narue, Kegor, &c. to what king or prince they doe appertaine and are subiect, made the 23 of Iune, 1576.

These articles seeme to haue bene ministred vpon the quarel between Alderman Bond the elder, and the Moscouie company, for his trade to the Narue without their consent.

* 1.13FIrst, whether the villages or townes vulgarely called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo and Cola, and the portes of the same townes, as well at the time of the grant of the letters of pri∣uilege

by the Emperour to our merchants, as also in the yeeres of our Lord, 1566,1567,1568, 1569,1570,1571,1572,1573,1574, and 1575. respectiuely were (as presently they be) of the iurisdiction, and subiect to the mightie prince the Emperour of Russia: and whether the saide Emperour of Russia, by all the time aforesaide, was chiefe lord and gouernour respectiuely of the said places, and so vulgarly knowen, had, and reputed: and whether the said townes and places, and either of them be situated towards the North and Northeast or Northwest, and between the North and the East point: and be the same places whereunto by force of the said priuilege, it is forbidden to any other subiect to haue traffike, sauing to the societie aforesaid.

To this Interrogatorie the deponent saith,* 1.14 that it is true that the villages, townes and places vulgarly called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo and Cola, and the portes thereof, at the time of the grant of the said priuilege (as he iudgeth) were reputed respectiuely to be vnder the iurisdic∣tion, & subiect to the Emperour of Russia, and so from the time of the said grant, vnto the yeere•• 1566, and that in the yeeres of our Lord, 1566,67,68,69,70,71,72,73,74, and 1575. respec∣tiuely they were (as presently they be) of the iurisdiction, and subiect vnto the mighty prince the Emperour of Russia, and the same Emperour of Russia, by all the time aforesaid, was chiefe go∣uernour respectiuely of the said places, and so vulgarly knowen, had and reputed. And that all the said places are situated from London Northwards, betweene the East and the North, and with∣in the grant of the letters patents, and priuileges of the said companie of merchants for the disco∣uery of new trades, and the same places whereunto by force of the said letters patents, it is for∣bidden to any other subiect to haue traffike sauing to the societie aforesaid.

Notwithstanding the Deponent saith, that he hath heard it credibly reported by diuers, that the king of Denmarke of late yeres, or euery yeere once, hath had one of his subiects or more by him selfe, or with his guide a Lappian, that hath at the places Cola, Kegor, and diuers other places in Lappia, taken of the Lappies certain tribute or head pence, which the said Lappies haue willing∣ly giuen to winne fauour of the saide prince, and to liue quietly by his subiects, the people of Fin∣marke which border vpon their countrey, whereof Wardhouse is the strongest hold, & bordereth neere vnto them. Hee hath also hearde that in the time of peace betweene the saide Emperour of Russia, and the kings of Sweden, there was yeerely for the king of Sweden one or more that came into Lappia vnto diuers places, in maner as the king of Denmarkes seruant vseth to doe, and did demaund of them some tribute or duetie which they willingly paide: but since the late warres betweene the saide Emperour and king of Sweden, hee hath not heard of any thing that hath bene paide by them to the king of Sweden: such is the simplicitie of this people the Lappies, that they would rather giue tribute to all those that border vpon their countrey, then by deny∣ing it haue their ill willes.

But the trueth is, as this Deponent saith, that the saide mightie prince the Emperour of Rus∣sia is the chiefe lord and gouernour of the saide countrey of Lappia, his lawes and orders are ob∣serued by them, hee takes toll and custome &c. of them. They are infidels, but if any of them be∣come Christians it is after the Russe law. If there happen any controuersie betweene those peo∣ple, such as cannot be ended amongst themselues, or by the Emperours deputies in that coun∣trey, they repaire to the Mosko as their highest Court, and there haue it ended. Betweene the place specified Kegor, and the confines of Finmarke aforesaide in Lappia, is the monasterie Pe∣chingo,* 1.15 which are monkes, and vse the Russe lawe, the chiefe or head of that abbey is alwayes appointed by the cleargie in Mosko.

Also in the yeere of our Lord 1557. the said Deponent was at the place Kegor, in the moneth of Iune, the 29. day being S. Peters day, at which time was a great assembly of people at a mart there, the Russes, Kerils and Lappians on the one side subiects to the said mighty prince the Em∣perour of Russia, and the Norwegians or Norses and people of Finmarke subiects to the king of Denmarke on the other part, they did barter and exchange fish for other commodities. The depu∣tie for the Russe had the chief gouernment of the said Mart, and tooke toll of those people y^t were subiect to his master, and the captaine of Wardhouse had then the gouernment of the people sub∣iect to his master the king of Denmark. He saith also, that betweene the abbey Pechingo, and the abbey of S. Nicholas in Russia, vpon the border of the said coast of Lappia, he hath bene vpon the shore at diuers places, where fresh riuers fall into the Sea, where are commonly taken fresh salmons, all which places he doth know for certaine, that they were farmed out to the subiects of the said Emperour, and he the said Emperour receiued yeerely the rent for them. And further he saith that it hath bene further credibly reported vnto him, that there is not any such riuer or creek of fresh water which falleth out of the said coūtrey of Lappia into the sea, between the said abbey Pechingo, and the bay of S. Nicholas, but they are all and euery of them farmed out, and the Emperour receiueth the rent for them.

* 1.16Item, whether as well before, as also within the memorie of men, till the time of the graunt of the said letters patents any of the English merchants (sauing the merchants of the said societie) subiects of this realme of England, haue commonly exercised or frequented businesse or trade in the said villages or townes called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo, and Cola, or in any of them, or in any ports or territories of the said Emperour of Russia.

* 1.17To this Interrogatorie the Deponent answereth, that the subiects of this realme before the graunt of the said letters patents did not commonly exercise, neither frequent or trade to any of the said places called the Narue, Kegor, Pechingo or Cola, or to any of them.

Certaine reasons to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue aforesaide, by way through Sweden.

THe merchandise of the Narue are grosse wares, viz. flaxe, hempe, waxe, tallow and hides.

The traffique at that place standeth vpon the agreement and liking of the Emperour of Russia, with the king of Sweden: for all these merchandises that are brought thither come from Plescoue, Nouogrod, and other parts of the Emperours dominions.

For transporting those merchandises from Narue to Stockholm, or what other place shall bee thought conuenient in Sweden, it must be in vessels of those countries, which wilbe of smal force to resist Freebooters, or any other that shall make quarel or offer violence against them.

When the goods are brought into Sweden, they must be discharged, and new laden into smal∣ler vessels, to cary the same by riuer or lake a part of the way, and againe to be vnladen and trans∣ported by land to Newles.

So as the ordinary charges for transporting of goods from Narue to Newles by way as afore∣said, besides the spoile by so often lading and vnlading, cariage by land, and the dangers of the seas, pirats, &c. will be such as when it shalbe so brought to Newles it wil be as deare to the merchants in that place as it shall be worth to be sold in London, wherefore the trade that wayes cannot be profitable to our nation.

Moreouer, when the goods shall be in Newles, it may bee thought doubtfull to bring it thence quietly without disliking or forcible resistance of the king of Denmarke, forasmuch as he maketh quarell,* 1.18 and alleageth damage vnto him in his tolles of the Sound by our trade to S. Nicholas, how much more will he now doe by this way, and with how much greater aduantage may he per∣forme it? The danger that may grow in our trade to Russia by way of S. Nicholas, through the displeasure that the Emperour may conceiue by our trade with the Sweden to Narue is also to be considered.

A remembrance of aduise giuen to the merchants, touching a voyage for Cola abouesaid. 1578.

WHereas you require my counsell after what order the voyage for Cola is to be set forth. I answere that I know no better way then hath bene heretofore vsed, which is after this maner. First of all we haue hired the ship by the great, giuing so much for the wearing of the tac∣kle and the hull of the shippe, as the ship may be in bignesse: as if shee bee about the burden of an hundred tunnes, we pay fourescore pound, and so after that rate: and thereunto we doe victual the ship our selues, and doe ship all our men our selues, shipping no more men, nor giuing them more wages then we should doe if they went of a merchants voyage, for it hath bene a great helpe to our voiage hitherto, to haue our men to fish with one boate, & costing vs no more charges then it should do, if our men should lie & doe nothing sauing the charges of salt, & of lines, which is treble paid for againe. For this last yere past our men killed with one boat betwixt 9. or 10. thousand fish, which yeelded to vs in money with the oile that came of it, about 15. or 16. score pounds, which is a great helpe to a voyage. And besides al this, our ship did take in so much oile and other commodities as we bestowed 100. whole clothes in. But because, as I doe suppose, it is not the vse of London to take ships to fraight after that order before prescribed, neither I think that the mariners wil take such paines as our men will: Therefore my counsell is, if you thinke good, to freight some ship of Hul or Newcastle, for I am sure that you may haue them there better cheap to freight, then here at London. Besides al this, one may haue such men as wil take paines for their merchants. And furthermore when it shal please God that the ship shal returne to come to discharge at Hull, * 1.19 which will be the most for your profit for the sales of all such like commoditie as comes from that place, as for fish, oyle, and Salmon chiefly, hee that will seeke a better market for the sales then at Hull, he must seeke it out of England, for the like is not in England. This is the best way that I can

deuise, and most for your profite, and if you will, I will also set you downe all the commodities that are necessarie for such a voyage, and which way also that the Hollanders may within two or three yeeres be forced to leaue off the trade of Cola which may easily be done. For if my abilitie were to my will. I would vse the matter so that they should either leaue off the trade, or els cary light ships with them home againe.

Notes

• * 1.1

  He maruelleth the company do not cōferre with him of Lappia.
• * 1.2

  1574.
• * 1.3

  5 English men wintered in Lappia.
• * 1.4

  Christopher Colt a simple mar∣chant.
• * 1.5

  Good trade in winter in Lap∣pia.
• * 1.6

  Henry Cock∣nedge honest, but ignorant.
• * 1.7

  Roger Leche expert of Lappia
• * 1.8

  If the compa∣nie do not en∣ter into the trade of Lappia, others wil pre∣uent them.
• * 1.9

  The trade of Vedagoba.
• * 1.10

  He can say somewhat though not much.
• * 1.11

  1183 barrels of oyle bought by others.
• * 1.12

  Colt sold 27 barrels to a Hollander.
• * 1.13

  The first In∣terrogatorie.
• * 1.14

  The depo∣nents answe••
• * 1.15

  Pechingo abbey.
• * 1.16

  The second Interrogato∣rie.
• * 1.17

  The depo∣nents answer.
• * 1.18

  Note.
• * 1.19

  Hull the best market of Eng∣land for sale of fish.