The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

THREE SEVERALL TESTIMONIES CON∣cerning the mighty kingdom of Coray, tributary to the king of Chi∣na, and borthering vpon his Northeast frontiers, called by the Portug••••••s Coria, and by them esteemed at the first an Iland, but since found to adioyne with the maine not many dayes iourney from Paqui the Metropolitan citie of China. The more perfect discouery whereo•• and of the coast of Tartaria Northward may in time bring great light (if not full certaintie) either of a Northwest or a Northeast passage from Europe to those rich countries. Collected out of the Portugale Iesuites yeerely la••o∣nian Epistle•• dated 1590, 1591, 1592, 1594, &c.

The first testimony containing a resolute determination of Qua••a∣condo••o the great Monarch of all Iapan, to inuade and conquere China by the way of Coray, being a cou••try diuided from the Iles of Iapan onely by an arm•• of the sea about twentie leagues broad, and abounding with victuals and all other n••∣cessaries for the maintenance of the warres. Out of the Epistles of father Frier Lew••s Frois, dated 1590.

QVabacondono hauing subdued all the petic kingdomes of Iapan, in the yeere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our Lord 1590 (as father Frier Lewis Frois writeth in his Iaponian Epi∣stles of the foresaid yeere) grew so proud and insolent that he seemed anothe•• Lucifer; so farre foorth, that he made a solemne vow and othe••, that he would passe the sea in his owne person to conquere China: and for this purpose hee made great preparations, saying, that since hee is become Lorde of all Ia∣pan, he hath nothing now to doe but to conquere China, and that although he should end his lif•• in that enterprize, he is not to giue ouer the same. For he hopeth to leaue behinde him hereby so great fame, glorie, and renowne, as none may be comparable thereunto. And though hee could not conquere the same, and should ende his life in the action, yet should he alwayes remaine immortall with this glory. And if God doth not cut him off, it is thought verily, that hee will throughly attempt the same. And for his more secure passage thither, he is determined to leau•• behinde him two Gouernours (after his maner) in the parts of M••acó with the administration of Finqua; and of those of his Monarchie he saith that he will take with him all the great Iaponish Lords, or at the least all his principall subiects•• and leaue in his dominions such guard and gari∣sons as shall seeme best vnto him. And so hauing passed the winter, he meaneth to come to thes•• partes of Ximo,* 1.1 for from hence he is to set forth his armie, & to passe to the land of Coray,* 1.2 which the Portugales call Coria, being deuided from Iapan with an arme of the sea. And although the Portugales in times past thought, that it was an Ile or Peninsula, yet is it firme lande, which ioyneth vnto the kingdome of Paqui. And he hath now stricken such a terror with his name in the countrey of Coray, that the king thereof hath sent his ambassadors hither to ••eelde vnto him a kind of homage, as he required; which ambassadors are now in the city of Miacó. And by this Pen∣insula of Coray he may passe with his army by land in fewe dayes iourney vnto the citie of Paqui,* 1.3 being the principall citie where the king of China hath his residence. And as the Chinians be weake, and the people of Iapan so valiant and feared of them, if God doth not cut him off in this ••xpedition, it may fall out according to his expectation.

But whatsoeuer become of China, it is held for a certaintie, that his comming will cause great alterations in these partes of Ximo, especially in this kingdom of Figen, wherein are the prince∣domes of Arima and O••u••a, and all the ••orce of our Christianity: and he told Don Protasio when he was with him once before, that he would make him a great man in China, and that he would re∣mooue these lordes•• and deliuer th••ir gouernments vnto lordes that were Gentiles; which would be the ruine of all this Christianitie•• neither should w•• haue any place wherein to remaine. For, as it is the custome of Iapan in the alterations of estates and kingdomes (which they call Cunin∣gaia) to remooue all the nobilitie and gentry, and to leaue onely the base people and labourers, committing them to the gouernment of Ethnicks, wee shall hereby also leese our houses, and the Christians shall be dispersed with their lords•• whom sometimes he handleth in such sort, that he gi∣ueth them nothing to sus••eine themselues, and so they remaine with all their followers, as men ba∣nished, and vtterly ruined.

The second Testimonie contai••ing the huge leu••es and preparations of Quabacondono; as also his warres and conque••ts, and he suc••esse thereof in the kingdome of Coray. Together with a description of the same kingdom, and of their trafficke and maner of gouernment: and also of the shipping of China, Iapan, and Coray, with mention of certaine isles thereunto adjacent, and other particulars very memorable. Out of the Epistles of the aforesaid Father Fryer Luis Frois dated 1591, and 1592.

ABout this time Quabacondono determining to put his warre against China in execution, assembled sundry o•• his nobles and captaines vnto whom he declared his intent: who, albeit they were all of a quite contrary opinion, yet all of them without any pretense of difficulty appro∣ued his determination. For he had giuen out that he would not abstaine ••rom this warre, although his owne some should rise from death to life and request him; yea whosoeuer would mooue any impediment or difficulty in that matter, hee would put him to death. Wherefore for certaine mo∣neths there was nothing in all places to be seene, but prouision of ships, armour, munition, and o∣ther necessaries for the warres. Quabacondono making a catalogue of all the lordes and nobles his subiects, willed euery one of them (not a man excepted) to accompany him in this expedition, inioyning and appointing to each one, what numbers they should bring. In all these kingdomes of Ximo he hath nominated 4 of his especiall fauourites; whom (to all mens admiration) he will haue to be heads ouer all these new kingdomes, notwithstanding that here are 4 others farre more mighty then they. Of whom (by Gods good prouidence) two are Christians, to wit, Augustine Eucunocamindono gouernour of half the kingdom of Fi••ga, & Cainocami the sou of Quambio∣indono gouernour of the greater part of the kingdome of Bugen. The other two are Ethniques, namely Toranosuque gouernour of the halfe of the kingdom of Finga and Augustins mortall ene∣mie; and Iconocami gouernour of the residue of the kingdome of Bugen, and an enemie both to Augustine and Ca••nocami. And Quabacondono hath commanded all the Christian lordes of T••ximo to follow Christian gouernours. Whereupon the lord Protasius was there with 2000 souldiers, & Omurandono the lord of Ceuxima and Augustins sonne in law, which lately became a Christian, with a thousand. Also he appointed that the gouernours of Firando and Goto should follow Augustine, who albeit they were Gentiles, had many Christians to their subiects. Where∣fore Augustine was to conduct 15000 souldiers, besides mariners, slaues, and other base people to cary the baggage of the army, all which being as great a number as the former, so soone as they arriued in the kingdom of Coray, were made souldiers, and bore armes. Unto the said Augustine, Quabacondono, in token of singular fauour, granted the first assault or inuasion of the king∣dome of Coray, to wit, that he onely with his forces might enter the same, the other lordes remai∣ning in Ce••xima (which is 18 leagues distant from Coray) till they should bee aduertized from Augustine: which thing procured vnto Augustine great enuie and disdaine from them all; howbe∣it (as you shall forthwith vnderstand) it prooued in the end most honourable vnto him. The other Christian gouernour Cainocami being but a yong man of 23 yeeres, he commanded the king of Bungo to ••ollow with 6000 souldiers; so that with the 4000 which hee had before, his number a∣mounted vnto 10000, besides mariners and others which caried burthens. This was must ioyful newes to vs, and to all the Christians. Of the Ethnick lords Quabacondono appointed the go∣uerno•••• of Riosogo together with Foranosuque to march with 8000: and likewise the king of Saçeuma and Iconocami with as many. And amongst all he gaue the first and chiefe place vnto Augustine. All the other souldiers of Iapan hee caused to accompanie his owne person: the num∣ber of all together (as appeared out of a written catalogue) amounting to three hundreth thou∣sand persons; of whom two hundred thousand were souldiers.

The order prescribed in this whole armie was, that first they should make their ent••ance by the kingdome of Coray,* 1.4 which is almost an island, one ende whereof ioyneth vpon the maine lande of China; which though it be a seuerall kingdome of it selfe•• yet is it subiect and tributarie vnto the king of China. And because this kingdom of Coray is diuided but by an a••me of the sea ••rō Iapan, Quabacondono determined to subdue the same, for that it so aboundeth with victuals, that from thence he might the eas••ier inuade China. While all things were preparing, it was commanded, that at the chief port of Ximo called Nangoia, being twelue leagues distant from Fi••ando, there should be erected a mightie great castle; where Quabacondono with all his fleet was minded to stay, till newes were brought of the successe of the aforesaid 4 gouernours or captaines. Hee ap∣pointed also another castle to bee built in Fuchinoxima, which is another island situate betweene Nangoia and Ceuxima. And he built a third castle in Ceuxima, that his passage might be the more commodious. The charge of building these castles he imposed vpon the 4 aforesaid gouernours•• and commanded the other lords of Ximo their associates to assist them; all which so applyed that busines, that in 6 moneths space it was wholly finished. The castle of Nangoia was enuironed with a double wall of square and beautifull stone, with broad and deepe ditches like vnto Miacó. The innermost wall being lesse then the other two was 100 fathom square, within the compasse whereof wer so many houses built both for the lordes, and their followers, and also for marchants shoppes, and victualers houses, distinguished with broad and direct streetes, that it seemed a faire towne. But (that which was much more admirable) all the way from Miacó to Nangoia, at the ende of euery dayes iourney, all the lords and gouernours, at the commandement of Quabacon∣dono, built each one within his iurisdiction new and stately palaces from the ground, so that for 20 dayes together he lodged euery night with all his traine in one of those palaces. And because these things were done at the very same time when the expedition into the kingdome of Coray was in hand, all Iapan was so grieuously oppressed (Quabacondono in the meane while being at no charges) as it was most intollerable. Yet is it incredible how ready euery one is to do him ser∣uice: which appeareth by these magnificent stately buildings reared vp in so short a space, which in Europe would haue required a long time and huge expences. In the meane season it was com∣monly giuen out, that this enterprize of Quabacondono would haue most vnfortunate successe, as being a matter wrought by constraint, and that it would be an occasion of manifold dissentio••s in Iapan: for no man there was, but mi••liked of this warre: yea, all the lordes were in great hope, that some one man at length would step foorth and restore their libertie; howbeit there is none as yet found, which dare put his had to that businesse. Wherefore they were all (though to their great griefe and lamentation) violently constrained to prosecute the enterprize. But Quabacon∣dono being voyde of all anxiety, to the ende hee might encourage his followers, boasted that hee would make great alterations of kingdomes, and would bestow vpon them the kingdoms of Co∣ray and China; and vnto the lord Protasius hee hath promised 3 kingdomes: but he with all the other lords giuing him great thankes, had much rather retaine a smal portion of their estate in Ia∣pan, then to hunt after all those kingdomes which he promiseth.

And whereas Quabacondono had by proclamation published, that he would personally be pre∣sent at Nangoia the 3 moone of this yeere; troups and armies of men began to resort from all the quarters of Iapan to these parts. Now were our afflictions renewed. For so long as Quaba∣condono remained at Miacó, we might stay in these parts of Ximo without any danger: but af∣ter he began to come this way, it seemed impossible for our state to continue whole and sound, and we were put into no small perplexitie. For the Christian lordes aduised vs, that sithence Quaba∣condono was come so neere, all our companie that liued in the Colledge, in the house of Pro∣bation, and in the Seminary, should depart to some other place. And the Christians from Miacó writ dayly vnto vs, that wee shoulde pull downe our houses and Churches at Omura, Arima, and Cansaco, and that the fathers of Europe should return vnto Nangasaque in the secular habite of Portugals, but that the Iaponian Fryers should retire themselues vnto seueral houses of Christi∣ans, that so they might al remaine safe and out of danger. But this remedy, as it was too grieuous and subiect to may difficulties, so did it afford vs but small comfort. In brief the Father visitor tal∣king of this matter with Eucunocamindono, the lord Protasius, and Omurandono, before their expedition toward the kingdom of Coray, found them, as before, in the same fortitude of minde, be∣ing constant in their first opinion: neither would they giue any other counsel or direction, then that the fathers should keepe themselues secret, and should only forsake their houses at Arima, and O∣mura, wherein the Toni or great lordes would haue some of their kinsemen remaine. It was also thought conuenient, that the number of the Seminary should bee diminished, and that of 90 there should onely remaine 50 in our scholes, namely such as studied the Latine tongue. With the Fa∣ther

Visitour there came vnto Nangasaque certaine Fathers and Friers, which were said to be of Fungo and Firando. For the sayde Father vnder the name of a Legate might retaine them with him more openly.

About this time Quabacondono, that hee might with some pastime recreate his Nobles which accompanied him; and also might declare, with how great confidence and securitie of minde hee tooke vpon him this expedition for China; and likewise to obscure the most renow∣med fame of a certaine hunting and hawking performed of olde by that mightie Prince Ioritono, who was Emperour ouer all Iapan; hee determined to ordaine (as it were) another royall court of diuers kindes of fowle. Whereupon beeing accompanied with many great lordes and others, hee departed to the kingdome of Oiaren, where his game had so good successe, that hee caught aboue 30000. fowles of all sortes; amongst which were many falcons. Howbeit, for Quaba∣condono his greate recreation, and for the more solemnitie of the game, there were also added many dead fowles,* 1.5 which the Iaponians with certaine poulders or compositions know how to preserue sweete in their feathers a long time. This game beeing ended, Quabacondono re∣turned with great pompe vnto Miacó: before whom went great multitudes which carried those thousandes of fowles vpon guilded canes. Next after these followed many horsemen sumptu∣ously attired, carying a great number of Falcons and other birdes. After them were lead ma∣ny horses by the reines, most richly trapped. Next of all were brought Coscis or Littiers very stately adorned: after which was carryed Quabacondono himselfe in a Littier of another fa∣shion, like vnto those which in India are called Palanchins, which was made in China, with most curious and singular workemanship, and was presented vnto him by the Father Visitour, and seemeth exceedingly to content him, for that in all actions of solemnitie hee vseth the same. Last of all followed a great troope of Princes and Nobles brauely mounted on horsebacke, and gorgeously attired, thereby the more to delight Quabacondono, who in triumphant sort bee∣ing welcomed by the way, with the shoute and applause of infinite swarmes of people, entred the citie of Miacó.

Now when the time of sayling towardes China approched, Quabacondono determined first to proclayme his nephew Inangondono his successour, and gouernour of all Iapan, to the ende hee might supply his owne roome in the time of this warre. And therefore he comman∣ded the Dairi to transferre vnto his sayd nephew the dignitie belonging to himselfe, calling him by the name of Taicusama, that is to say, Great lord. Which dignitie was in such sort transla∣ted, that albeit he assigned vnto his nephew large reuenues, together with that princely title, yet himselfe remained the very same that he was before. The day of the sayd translation being ap∣pointed, hee summoned all the Princes of Iapan to appeare, and to sweare obedience vnto this his nephew: Who with great pompe going vnto the Dairi to receiue that dignitie at his hande, had surrendred vnto him the Castle of Miacó, and the palaces of Quabacondono to dwell in.

Thus at the beginning of the third moone, he set forward on his iourney to Nangoia, hauing before giuen order, that Augustine should passe ouer into the kingdome of Coray, and that his other Captaines should remayne in Ceuxima. Wherefore, the twentieth day of the third Moone hee came vnto Nangoia, where the companies of the other lordes beeing numbered, were founde to bee 200000. persons, besides those that were conducted by the foure fore∣sayde gouernours. In the meane season Augustine with his forces,* 1.6 and with a Fleete of eight hundred Ships, arriued at Coray. In whose armie the lord Protasius excelled all others; for though hee had but the leading of 2000. souldiers, yet for the goodnesse of his armour, and the beautie of his ships, he was admired of all men. At their very first entrance they wonne 2. castles of the kingdome of Coray by maine force, wherein the Corayans reposed great confidence; for they where enuironed with mighty high walles, and defended with great multitudes of souldiers, and with a kinde of gunnes of 2. spannes and ½. long,* 1.7 which in stead of bullets discharged with a terrible noise woodden arrowes headed with forked points of yron: but the sayd gunnes beeing able to hurt but a small distance off, and the Iaponians being furnished with brazen ordinance vn∣knowen vnto the Corayans, they presently draue them from their walles, and with ladders made for the same purpose of great canes, they forthwith scaled the same, and planted their ensignes thereon; the Corayans indeed for a short time making resistance, but after a while betaking them∣selues to dishonorable flight, 5000 men of their part being slaine, and of Augustines but 100. and 400. wounded. Augustine perceiuing that the Corayans could not endure any long assault, de∣termined to take vpon himselfe, and his armie the whole burthen and honour of this warre, and not staying for the gouernours his associates, to ••••••h vp into the heart of the kingdome, and to

the principall City; vnto which determination all the lordes that were with him gaue their con∣sent. This was (no doubt) a bolde, yea, and in some sort, a rash enterprise of Augustine: but yet it argueth a wise and valiant minde in him. But this long delay was so grecuous to the Cap∣taines which in Ceuxima expected the successe of the warre, that before they heard any newes at all concerning the surprize of the two Castles, they brought Augustine in suspition among their friends, that hee ambitiously affected the honour of the whole warre. Which thing beeing knowen vnto Quabacondono, he was so troubled in mind euen before he came to Nangoia, that suddenly hee commaunded the other Captaines to set sayle from Ceuxima. But when Quaba∣condono was come to Nangoia, and heard newes of the two Castles taken, and that Augustine pursuing the victorie proceeded on towards the Miacó,* 1.8 that is to say, The kingly citie of Coray, and was determined to inuade the same also (all which Augustine himselfe wrote, and requested him to send the other captaines and commanders to assayle the kingdom on a•• sides, and to furnish the castles which he had taken and should take, with garisons of souldiers, because as yet he had not men enough to hold those fortresses which he had wonne) he was surprized with such vnspeakable ioy, as he affirmed openly, that in all Iapan he had no subiect comparable to Augustine: and that neither Nabunanga, nor himselfe euer knewe any man indued with so valiant and couragious a mind. I (saith he) knowing against wh••m and with what forces I waged warre, subdued by litle and litle all Iapan vnto me: but Augustine in so short a time and with so small forces, hath boldely set his foote in a forren region, and with most glorious victory hath subdued the mightie king∣dome of Coray. Wherefore (quoth he) I will reward him with many kingdomes, and wil make him ne••t vnto my selfe the greatest Prince in all Iapan. Hee added farther, that now his owne sonne seemed to bee risen from the death; and that whosoeuer durst either disgrace or extenuate the deedes of Augustine, he would grieuously punish him, not respecting whether hee did it vpon reason or malice. By this speach the name and report of Augustine grew so honourable amongst all men, that th••se which most enuied his estate, durst not speake one ill worde of him, but highly commended him before Quabacondono.

* 1.9This kingdome of Coray extendeth in length about 100. and in bredth 60. leagues. And al∣beit the inhabitants in nation, language, and strength of body (which maketh the people of Chi∣na to dread th••m) be different from the Chinians, yet because they pay tribute to the king of Chi∣na, and exercise traffique with his subiects, they doe after a sort imitate the Lawes, apparell, cu∣stomes, and gouernement of the Chinians. They border on one side vpon the Tartars, and other nations, with whom sometimes they haue peace, and sometimes warre: but with the Chinians they haue continuall peace. They are speciall good bow-men; but at other weapons, because they haue but few, and those bad, they are nothing so skilfull. Wherefore they are not compara∣ble to the Iaponians, who by reason of their warres are continually exercised in armes, and are by nature more couragious and valiant, being furnished with yron-peeces, with lances, and with excellent swordes. Onely in shipping they are inferiour to the Corayans and Chinians, by reason of the hugenesse of their Ships which they vse vpon the sea. Wherefore, if they were to ioyne battels by sea,* 1.10 there is no doubt but that both the foresayde Nations would b•• too hard for them. But now because they knewe nothing of the comming of the Iaponian armie, or for that they doubted that their sea-forces were the stronger, or els because God was determined to pu∣nish them, he suffered them to be destitute of all the defence of their shipping, so that the Iaponians without any resistance landed vpon their dominions.

Now the fame of Augustines victory causing the armie notably to increase, and the Mariners, and many others which caryed burthens (as they were trained vp in warre from th••ir childhood) bearing armes, while the Corayan captiues supplied their baser offices: so great a terrour pos∣sessed all the people of Coray where Augustine came, that all the castles and fortresses which hee passed by were forsaken by their garisons, and all men fled for refuge to the principall ci••y. And while other commanders and Christians sent from Ceuxima and Nangoia shaped their course for Coray, Augustine had pit••hed his campe neere vnto the foresaid principall citie: of the which be∣ing come within 3. dayes iourney, ••e was encountered by 20000. men; whom at the very first as∣sault, hauing slaine 3000. of them, hee put to flight. But approching very neere vnto the citie, and hauing passed a riuer, hee maintained a valiant conflict at a certaine narrow passage against 80000. Corayans, 8000. whereof were slaine, and a great number drowned in the riuer. Heere while Augustine appointed all his troopes to remayne for two dayes, to the end they might some∣what refresh their wearie limmes, the king of Coray seeing himselfe besieged by his enemie,* 1.11 and that many other Iaponian lordes with strong armies inuaded his kingdome on all sides, de∣termined to haue his citie strengthened with garisons, and to retire himselfe into the in-land of

China. Which by reason of the abundance of horses that he had, he was able right commodious∣ly to performe. Whereupon the second or third day after, Augustine without any resistance en∣tred the head-city, being presented with great store of victuals and gifts by them that remained therein. Thus Augustine, with other captaines his associates, became lord of the principall citie, and wonne all the honour of the victory vnto himselfe: for albeit by this time the other captaines were come from Ceuxima, and many from Nangoia, yet they found all things performed to th••ir hands.

Quabacondono being aduertised of this second victory, yeelded as much honour vnto Augu∣stine as he could possibly deuise, speaking so highly to the commendation both of him, and of other Captaines his associates, a•• if but the tenth part of his faire promises come to effect, they shall be farre greater then they are, and Augustine (next vnto himselfe) shall be the principall person in all Iapan. And now he is become so famous in the Court, and throughout the whole king∣dome of Iapan, that at all their meetings and assemblies there is no talke but onely of the va∣lour and fortitude of Augustine, who in twentie dayes space hath subdued so mightie a king∣dome to the Crowne of Iapan. And all the Nobles account him a most happy man, being asto∣nished at the immortall renowme which he hath attained vnto by this exploite: yea, and Quaba∣condono sent forthwith vnto him, as vnto the conquerour and vanquisher of the Corayans, in to∣ken of great honour, a two-edged sword and a horse, which among the Iaponians is a pledge of the most peerelesse honour that can possibly be done to a man: and this very gift did Nabunanga in times past send vnto Quabacondono, when hee had in any battel woune any kingdome from Morindono. And by this great euent the power of the Christians God, and his prouidence to∣wards his children is knowen not onely to the Christians, but euen to the very Ethnicks them∣selues, for that in the heate of such extreme persecution it hath pleased his diuine Maiestie to lay the honour of all this warre vpon Christian lords. Wherefore we doubt not, but they wil proue more mighty and famous then euer they were.

Hence it commeth to passe that the Portugals ship come from China, hath wintered in Iapan: by which occasion the presence of the father Uisitour hath bene a great comfort not onely to vs, but to all the other Christians, who in regarde of the departure of so many men with Quabacon∣dono and his captaines to the warres, thought they should haue bene left vtterly forsaken and des••itute, had not the father U••sitour, in whom they reposed all their confidence, remayned here. But the singular prouidence and loue of God towards vs appeared in this, that hee would haue the sayd Ship, contrary to their vsuall custome, to winter in Iapan. For when Quabacondono hauing obteined that victorie, was determined to returne vnto Ximo, they were all shrowded vn∣der the protection of the foresayd Father•• who hearing that hee was entred into Nangoia, cau∣sed Frier Iohn Rodorigues and the gouernour of the Portugal ship to salute and welcome him. For the Christians of Miacó, which succeeded in their roomes that went for Coray, aduised him in their letters so to doe.

And it was very acceptable to Quabacondono to see the Portugals captaine General atten∣ded vpon by so many Portugals sumptuously attired, and comming with so many shippes in the company of Frier Iohn Rodoriguez: and hee asked the Frier how the father Uisitour did? And whether the presents to the Uice-roy liked him? As also, that hee tooke it in very good part that the Father had wintered in Iapan, and that the Frier should stay with him. Afterward writing an answere to the father, he declared therin the great fauour which he bore to the captaine of the ship. Whom, hauing familiarly entertained him for the space of 2. houres, hee dismissed with euident tokens of good will. After the Captaines returne, Frier Rodoriguez staying behinde aboue a moneth, attempted very often to speake with Quabacondono, of whom hee was alwayes most kindly vsed. Afterward by reason of sicknesse hee returned to Nangasaque; whereupon Qua∣bacondono demaunded why he was not cured at the same place where himselfe remained? Ia∣cuino answered, that beeing a stranger, hee was to bee cured with such diet and medicines, as were not there to bee had: with which answere hee was satisfied. Hence it is, that by of∣ten conferences which were made by reason of the ambassage, Quabacondono waxeth euery day more courteous and affable. And yet for all this, new occasions of troubles and afflictions are not cut off: for certaine it is, that Quabacondono hath giuen out, that if he haue good successe with his warre against China, he will make great alterations of estates, in assigning the king∣domes of Coray and China to the Christian princes, and placing in their roomes Ethnick lordes throughout Iapan: which thing might redound to the ruine and destruction of all Christiani∣tie heere, neither should the Christians finde in Iapan any place of refuge. And albeit Au∣gustine had certainly informed the father Uisitour of the sayde alteration of estates, and Iacuine

had written vnto Augustine, that Quabaco••dono had fully determined to alter the states or go∣uernments of Ximo, and so consequently the state of Augustine, and of the Christian princes of Arima and Omura; yea, and that the said two princes had notice thereof: yet almightie God with the eyes of his infinit•• mercy hath vouchsafed to regard the prayers of his faith••ull seruants (who for this cause were most pe••ple••ed and sorowfull) and to prouide this remedie following.

The Corayans hauing intelligence, that their king and the forces which hee caried with him were in safety, went the greatest part of them, with as much victuals as they could get, and hidde themselu••s in the mountains and woods, remaining there with such hate and indignation against the Iaponians, that with promise of safe conduct they could by no meanes be drawen out of their starting holes. Wherefore albeit the Iaponians haue all the castles and places of defence in their owne possession, yet because they want people to tille the ground, and to doe them other necessary seruices, they cannot chuse but forgoe all that which they haue woon. Moreouer, the common high wayes are so pestered with theeues and murtherers, that vnlesse the Iaponians march in whole troopes all together, they are suddenly oppressed with swarm••s of Corayans issuing foorth of the woods.* 1.12 Many of the Corayans also haue retired themselues vnto the neighbour-islands, from whence with numbers of great ships, to the mighty losse of the Iaponians, they assaile their small and weake ones, and haue already sunke many of them. Wherefore all the Iaponian lords which remaine in Coray haue written vnto Quabacondono, that his army must for a certaine time in no wise remooue from the place where it is, ••or auoyding of such imminent dangers as in procee∣ding further it may incurre. Upon these aduertisements Quabacondono being ready to take his iourney to Coray, to diuide the whole kingdome, was hindred from his purpose, and sent most fri••ndly letters to all his nobles, willing them to be of good cheere, for that he would not deale a∣bout altering of their estates, till 3. yeres were expired: whereupon they were cased of e••ceeding great care and griefe. For albeit there is no great trust to be giuen to his words, yet we hope that this yere he wil not meddle: what he wil doe afterward, God knoweth. In Coray at this present there are aboue 200000•• Iaponian souldiers, who at the commandement of Quabacondono are diuided throughout the whole kingdom. Augustine lieth vpon the very extreame frontiers of Chi∣na:* 1.13 but because the Chinians are separated from the kingdome of Coray with a mighty riuer of 3. leagues broad, and abound with great ships, and haue planted innumerable troopes of men vp∣on the shore, the successe of the warre remayneth most doubtfull and vncertaine. Neither doe wee know whether the Iaponians will proceede any farther this yeere or no.

The third testimony of Coray, signifying (amongst other nota∣ble and politicall obseruations) the later successe of the warres of Iapan against Coray; and to what end Quabacondono still mainteineth garisons in that king∣dome. Out of the Epistles of Father Organtino Brixiano, bearing date from Iapan Anno 1594.

THe whole Empire of Iapan is now in the handes of this king Quabacondono: and (which hath not bene knowen since the first creation thereof) there is not the bredth of one foote through••ut all the whole Island, which is not absolutely subiect vnto him. And hee reigneth in so great peace and tranquilitie, that if his successors follow the same course of gouernment, there is no likelihood of future sedition or perturba••ion in any of the kingdoms. And doubtles the meanes which he vseth to establish continuall peace and concord among the Iaponians, are very great and effectuall.

One is, that after he hath passed his publique promise, he neuer putteth any of his aduersaries to death, which his predecessour Nabunanga performed not: for he hauing subdued any kingdom, would put all the lords and gouernours to the sword. But this king granteth vnto them not only life, but also yerely reuenues, whereby to maintaine thems••lues in an honest and meane estate: in which regarde they all rest contented, and willingly submit themselues.

Ano••her is, in that he hath brought the husbandmen and pesants (by whose assistance & wealth all the pety-kingdoms were after a sort sust••ined) vnto such extreme pouerty, that they haue scarce wherewithall to keepe life and soule together: as likewise hee hath bereaued them of all kinde of weapons.

The third is, because hee hath most streightly forbidden all contentions, seditions, frayes, and skirmishes. For whosoeuer be found culpable of this crime, they dye euery m••n of them on both parties. If any escape by flight•• their kinsefolks are punished in their stead; and for lacke of them, their seruants; and for defalt of both, their next neighbours. If many were guilty, many are puni∣shed

and suffer death: but hence it commeth to passe, that many innocent persons are constrained to die. And this seueritie is the cause, why there are at this present so seldome frayes and conten∣tions in Iapan.

The fourth is, that in administring of iustice hee is most vpright, without all respect either to his owne kinred, or to his ancient captaines, or the blood royall, or any of the Bonzij, bee they ne∣uer so famous: and being once aduertized of a crime, hee pardoneth no man. And albeit himselfe is exceedingly addicted to wom••n, yet will he permit none of his subiects to haue any concubines. For which cause not many dayes agoe, hee banished a Bonzio of great wealth, being in alliance and dignitie most neere vnto himselfe. And being informed that all the Bonzij of Miacó kept concubines, hee would haue put them all to death, had not the gouernour of Miacó promised, that hee would vndertake to keepe them from offending any more in that kinde. Wherefore hee cau∣sed all the Bonzij euery moneth to bee sworne, that they should liue honestly vpon paine of death: as also hee hath sworne the heads or superiors of all their religious houses vnder paine of death, ••o giue vp their names whom they most suspect of the foresayd crime. Hence it is, that all of them (if you regard their outward estate) liue in ex••reme feare.

The fift is, for that hee suffereth none of his souldiers, nor his great lordes to liue in idlenesse. If there be no warr••s for their imployment hee occupieth them in building of stately palaces, and in raising new for••r••sses, or in repairing and strengthening of olde, and also in performing other notable workes, to the ornament of Iapan, and to his owne lasting honour. So that at this pre∣sent neere vnto Miacó there are thirti•• thousand men imployed about the building of one castle; and in the citie of Bozacca aboue an hundred thousand: which imployments afforde them neither place nor time to practise any rebellions.

The sixt is his altering of gouernments: for hee remooueth his gouernours from one extreme part of Iapan to another.

The seuenth, for that vnto his souldiers (besides the ordinarie pay continually allotted vnto them for their seruice) in time of warre hee alloweth victuals at his owne costes. Wherof it com∣meth to passe, that hee effecteth whatsoeuer hee thinkes good by their meanes. Neither hath hee hitherto waged any warre, wherein his enemie was not vanquished, according to his owne desire: this late warre of China onely excepted, which farre surmounted all his forces. Howbeit in the kingdome of Coray hee maintaineth as yet great gariso••s,* 1.14 as well to keepe his honour, as to con∣straine the Chinians to sue for peace.

The eighth is, in that hee curbeth and restraineth persons of ambitious and aspiring mindes, who (as hee coniectureth) after his death might worke some innouatio••s in the common wealth, or disturbe the kingdomes.

The ninth is, because hee hath on no side within foure or fiue dayes iourney of Miacó, any mightie or industrious captaine or gouernour.

The tenth and last is, for that hee hath brought his yeerely r••uenues to two millions of gold.

By these courses and meanes, wee are in good hope that firme peace will bee established in all these kingdomes, and also that a fit way will be prepared, for the conuersion of all the great lordes vnto Christian religion.

A briefe note concerning an extreme Northerne prouince of Iapan called Zuegara, situate thirtie dayes iourney from Miacó, which argueth the Isle of Iapan to be of greater extension Northward, then it is ordinarily described in maps, or supposed to be: together with mention of a certaine nation of Tartars called Iezi inhabiting on the maine to the North of China, neuer heard of in these parts before: taken out of an Epistle written 1596 from Iapan by Fryer Luis Frois vnto Claudius Aquaui••a, &c. Printed in Latine at Mentz in Germanie 1599.

NOt many dayes ago was baptized a certaine honourable personage called Iohn Vongui the sonne of Taigarandono, who is gouernour of a certaine prince∣dome situate on the borders of Iapan towardes the North, being distant from Miacó thirtie dayes iourney.

And after a fewe lines it followeth.

This Taigorandono being the most Northerly gouernour in all Iapan hath traffique with the Iezi, who are a nation of Tartars, which from the maine continent resort vnto the Isle of Mate••mai,* 1.15 being about twelue or fifteene leagues distant from the foresayd Norther∣ly princedome of Zuegara; where they sell fishes, the skinnes of beasts, and certaine he••bes of the

sea vsed by ••he Iaponians for foode, with other such like commodities. On the other side the said Iezi Tartari buy of the Iaponians, cloth to make them ga••m••nts,* 1.16 with we••pons and other instru∣ments. These Tartars (they say) are a most barbarous kinde of people, of a browne colour, with long haire on their heads and beardes like the Moscouites: they liu•• by hunting and fishing, and negl••ct husbandry. This Nor••herly princedome of Zuegata (as the sayd gouernour reported to our Fath••rs) aboundeth with excellent grapes both black and white, which without the labour of man grow naturally in all places, and he promis••d the Fath••rs to bring s••me of these vi••es to Mi∣acó, that they might be pla••ted there.

Aduertisements touching the shippes that goe from Siuil to the Indies of Spaine: together with some notes of the Contractation house in Siuil.

* 1.17YOur Pilot must be examined in the Contractation house, and allowed by such as be ap∣pointed for the examination of Pilots, that hee be a sufficient man to take the charge i•• hand, and that which belongeth thereunto, and to gouerne and lead the same ship directly by his onely commandement to such ports as are conuenient for the voyage that hee ta∣keth in hand.

* 1.18You must haue a Master, that must giue in sureties to the value of 6000 dukats: and such as be his sur••ties must be landed men, and their lands worth to the value of that summe aforesayd, if the sayd ship be betweene three or foure hundred tunnes. And if shee be more or lesse of burthen, then he must giu•• sureties of a greater summe or lesse, according to the proportion of her burden.

He shall in all his voyage giue a iust and true accompt of all such goods, and marchandizes, as shall in all that voyage come into the ship: as also of such place and money, as shalbe registred in the Kings Register, appertayning to the King, or any other particuler marchant: and if any default be, hee or his sureties are to pay all such losses as thereof shall growe: as also to see the mariners payed well and truely, the third part of all such fraights, as the sayde shippe shall get going and comming.

The ship being fraighted by her merchants, the Master shall take order that there be sufficient mariners abourd her to take in such lading from time to time, as the marchant shall send to her: And also the Purser must be a man sufficient of abilitie to take,* 1.19 & to giue account of all such goods, marchandize, siluer and golde, as shall come in and out of the sayd shippe that present voyage, as also giue sureties of 1500 dukats at the least to come backe from the Indies in the said shippe, and not to ••arrie there, if hee liue.

* 1.20The Master must prouide a perfect mariner called a Romager, to raunge, and bestow all mar∣chandize in such place as is conuenient: and that it be not put in place, where it may perish ••or lack that it be not fast, sure, and drie, according to the qualitie and forme of the sayd marchandize.

When it is all bestowed, and the shippe able to beare no more, then a mariner called the Coun∣termaster, or Masters mate,* 1.21 hath cha••ge to locke fast the hatches, that none of the marchants wines, or oyles, or any other kind of marchandize be robbed or spoyled by the mariners. And if it fortune that any bee so spoyled, then the mariners are to pay for it out of the third part of all ••he whole fraight of the shippe that doth appertaine to the sayd marchants.* 1.22

The shipp•• being laden, goeth to the port wherehence she sail••th to goe towards the Indies cal∣led S. Lucar, and there one of the chiefe Iudges of the Contractation house commeth downe to dispatch the shippes that goe together in that fleete. And that Iudge goeth abourd euery ship, and with him hee doth carrie an expert mariner or two called Uisitors of the shippes, to know whether the sayd shippe or ships be well tackled: whether they haue men sufficient: and in euery ship euery mans name is taken, and if he haue any marke in the face, or hand or a••me, it is written by a Nota∣rie (as well as his name) appertaining to the Contractation house, appointed for these causes. Al∣so the Master is bound to bring backe euery mariner againe, and to leaue none behinde him there, vpon great paines, vnlesse he be a passenger appointed by the King at the court, and bringeth his licence from thence for the same purpose.

* 1.23The ship must be well appointed with ordinance of bra••se, and yron, according to The orders of their house, of that there must want nothing, and euery ship is appointed according to her burthen in all kinde of artillerie, as peeces of brasse and yron, hand-guns, crosbowes, pikes, swords, dag∣gers, targets, and for all ordinance double shot, with powder, with new cables and ankers suffici∣ent for the voyage. And moreouer it is ordeined, that the shippes haue double sailes, that is, that they bee thorowly sayled, and moreouer all newe sayles of fore-sayle, and maine-sayle, of coarse,

and bonne•• newe made, and kept in some driefat or chest in the same ship; that if the weather take the one from them, the other may be in r••adines.

Euery sh••p must haue their master sworne before the sayd Iudge of the Contratacion, that all this is in a readinesse in the shippe, as also so many newe pipes of fresh water,* 1.24 so many buttes of good rack•• wine, so m••ny kintals of bread, so many iarres of oyle, so many iarres or Botijas of vineger, so much flesh, so much fish, and such quantitie of euery kinde of victuall, as the burthen of the shippe requireth, wh••rein euery shippe according to her greatnesse is appointed by The ordi∣nances of the house: Also so many gunners, so many ma••in••rs, so many gro••••ettes, so many pages, and ••o many souldiers. Th••n all these aforesaide matters being vnder Registe•• by the no∣tarie and all things prepared for the voyage, the Iudge doeth command the masters to hoyse vp the yards acrosse vnto the howndes of the mastes: and many times, if they perceiue the shippe to be wa••ty and ouerladen, as many couetous masters doe, th••n hee hangeth the boa••es in the fore and maine ••ackle, to see whe••her the sayd shippe will make any helde downewarde, in laying downe her side: if she doe helde, he commandeth barkes abourd, to discharge her of such lading, as is thought to be too much in her: and there can no ship depart before they cary the Register of the said Iudges,* 1.25 howe that shee goeth by their order: and euery shippe carieth her owne Register, and in the Regi∣ster the quantitie of al the goods that are laden in her, and if there be any more goods, they be forfay∣••ed in the Indies, bo••h shippe and goods.

The masters are bound to keepe the course that the Admiral doeth leade,* 1.26 and euery shippe to follow her. and shee must goe alwayes in the Sea before all the rest of the fleete, and by night ca••y light that all may knowe where she goeth. The viceadmirall must come behinde all, and so euery shippe in the fleete before her•• if any be ill of sayle, all are bounde to fit their sayles in such order, that they goe no faster then she doeth.

The Admiral and the viceadmirall goe neuer but halfe laden, but very well armed of men, and artillery, three times double and more then any of the other haue: because they may help to defend all the rest, if neede doe require: and the dead freight of these two shippes is alwayes borne vpon the whole goods that are laden in the fle••te, as also at the least there be two hundred souldiers in e∣uery of th••se two shippes besides the mariners, great gunners, gromettes, and other officers.

The voyages bee so appointed, that alwayes they goe and come in the best of Summer,* 1.27 a••d bee there all the winter in the ports to discharge their lading and recharge backe againe.

The ships that are Admirall and viceadmirall be neither the greatest nor the smallest shippes, but of 3 hundreth or 4 hundreth tunnes at the most: but they be very good saylers, and strong, cho∣sen for the purpose, to sayle well and to beare good store of ordinance. In these two shippes a••e al∣wayes going and comming, two good knights men of warre, and Captaines and souldiers ex∣pert in the warres.

And in euery other ship is a Captaine,* 1.28 which ruleth in all causes of controuersie, or fights in the seas; the Pilot directeth onely in gouerment and leading the shippe to her port.

All the Captaines, Masters, Pilots, Maryners, and passengers, and all others bee obedi••nt to the two shippes, so appoynted to passe: they doe, as in all other commandements what is by them appoynted, hauing power to hang, or doe any iustice vpon any man, as to them seemeth good at sea, and this is the last commandement vpon payne of death, if the General please.

Concerning the Contractation house, there are therein sixe Iudges of the highest sort.* 1.29

There are visitours of shippes,* 1.30 as it is sayd before, to see whether the ships goe in order well, and sufficient in al things: and what manner of men the Masters of the ships and Pilots are, whe∣ther they be able to answere to all such articles, as the reader is able to obiecte vnto them, in mat∣ters of Nauigation:* 1.31 if they be not found sufficient, they are not admitted ••o take charge.

The ma••ter must knowe whether the ship be sufficiently talked, tackled, and furnished in all things accordingly, as with mastes, sayles, cables, ankers, and all other necessary furniture: that at such t••••e as any of the high iudges with their ordinary visitours appointed for such causes doe come, there be nothing found out of order or lacking according to The booke of orders,* 1.32 which euery shippe proportionable to her burthen ought to haue, which is not vnknowen to a••y of the masters, being in writing common among them: and all the charge giuen to the Master and Pi∣lot serueth onely to conduct the ship from port to port.

The counter Master, or masters mate is obedient in all things whereunto hee shall bee com∣manded by the master and Pilote, and at his commandement are all the maryners of the ship.

The shippes commonly goe deeper laden from Spaine, then our shippes doe in any voyage.

The order of the Carena giuen to the ships that go out of Spaine, to the Indies.

THe shippe of what burthen soeuer shee bee must giue a Carena, as they call it in the Spanish tongue, which is in English, shee must be throughly calked, and fortified, as well with carpenters to set knees into her, and any other ••ymbers appertaining to the strengthening of a shippe, as with calking: which is to put occam into her sides; and that kinde of calking is not vsed, as ours is here in England: but first before they put in any ••hreede of occam, they with certaine crooked yrons, with an hammer in one hande, and the croo∣ked yron in the other, doe forcibly pull out all the olde threede that hath bene in the shippe the voy∣age before, and so driue in new.

* 1.33If the seame of the shippe be worne to any bredth, as many olde shippes be, by reason of of∣ten raking them, vpon that seame there is clapt a piece of caste leade, nayled vpon the calking, and seame with speciall nayles, which leade is cast a handes bredth, and as thinne as may bee for the same purpose, and at euery voyage it is taken off and renued, and by that meanes their shippes are very stanch a yeere or two.

* 1.34The Carenero or the Calker doeth giue in suerties, that if the shippe so cast ouer, as they doe commonly vse to cast them, in such sort as any man may goe drie vpon the keele, as I haue done, and without any butte, pipe, or any other kinde of timber vnder her sides, more then with counter-poyze of stones in her, made within certaine timber as though it were a cheste; and with the stones the Carenero doeth bring her as hee will, high and low, leaning, or rysing: and if shee miscarrie in her Carena, then is the Carenero bound, if it bee either by fire, water, or sinking, or any other misfortune to pay for the valew of the ship.

The Carena of a shippe of one hundred tunnes being done so substantially as they vse to doe it, will cost two hundred Duckets, of two hundred tunnes, foure hundred Duckets, of three hun∣dred tunnes, sixe hundred Duckets, and so according to the greatnesse of the shippe.

It would be done here in England for one third part of the money, by reason that the necessa∣ries that goe to it are better cheape here by much, and the calkers farre better ch••ape by two parts.

This Carena may not be giuen at any hand but in a riuer where no tempest can arise, as in this riuer of London in such a place, where at al times the sayd ship may ride aflote: it may not be done in any dangerous harbour, where the winde may bring vp the waues of the Sea, neither where the Sea may heaue and set.

The calking of Siuill is so substantially done, that in one day one calker doeth not throughly calke past one yarde and an halfe in one seame, or two yardes at the most, and to that he doeth, the master calker is at hand to ouersee him, and this done, the Carenero doeth with his ballast set her vpright, and so shee beginneth to lade.

Examen de los maestros y Pilotos, que nauegan en las flotas de Espanna para las Indias del mar oceano, escrito por Pedro Dias Pi∣loto, natural de la Isla de la Palma. 1586.

PRimeramente pide al Piloto mayor, que es al presente Alonso de Chi∣auez,* 1.35 que lo admita al examen, por quanto es natural y sufficiente para ello.

Manda el Piloto mayor, que haga enformacion, de co mo es marine∣ro, y platico de a quella parte, de que se quiere examinar. Luego presenta cinco o seis testigos de los Pilotos examinados, de como es buen marinero, y sufficiente para ser Piloto, y como es natural de los Reynos De Espanna; y que no es de ca∣sta de Moro, ni Iudeo, ni Negro.

Y hecha la enformacion, presenta la al Piloto mayor. Y visto el Piloto maior la enfor∣macion ser buena, manda que el Cathedratico Rodrigo Zamorano lo admita a la Cathe∣dra.* 1.36 Y alli se juntan a vezes quatorze o quinze que pretendē examinarse, y acuden alli a vna casa, que El Cathedratico tiene para a quello efeto, a las ocho de la mannana, y estan do•• oras, y otras dos a la tarde. El Cathedratico tiene por costumbre de leer en la Cathe∣dra vna ora, y otra ora ocupan en preguntarse los vnos a los otros muchas cosas conue∣nientes a la arte de nauegar en presencia del Cathedratico. Y el que no responde a propo∣sito, El Cathedratico le emienda, y le dize de la manera que es cada cosa. Y este estudio dura dos meses, en los quales no ha de fal••ar de ir dos vezes al dia, como ••engo dicho.

Y despues de auer oido la Cathedra estos dos meses, van a la Sala del Examen,* 1.37 que es en la Contratacion. Y alli esta el Piloto mayor, y los de mas pilotos, qui son por lo menos veinte cinco: y alli estando todos as••entados por ••u orden, manda el Piloto mayor, que lean las en∣formaciones; y despues de auer leidas las enformaciones o testimonios, pregunta el piloto maior al piloto y maestro, que se quiere examinar, de que parte de las Indias se quiere exami∣nar? Y luego el piloto responde, que de Nueua Espanna, o de Nombre de Dios, Y o••ros, que no son platicos de estas tierras, dizen, que de Santo Domingo, y Puerto rico, y Cuba. Y lue∣go demanda el Piloto ma••ot, que tienda la carta en la mesa, y en presencia de los demas pilo∣tos parra de la bar••a de San Lucar para las Islas de Canaria, y de alli para las Indias, hasta lle∣gara a quella pa••te de donde se examina, y buelue para Espanna, a tornar a la Barra de San Lu∣car, de donde partio.

Y el Piloto mayor le pregunta, Que siyendo naue gando por la mar le diese vn viento con∣trario, que remedio haria para que su nao no trabajasse tanto en la mar? Y el le responde lo mejor que entiende. Luego le pregunta vno de los pilotos por la; reglas del Sol, y de la Estrel∣la del norte, y que cuenta le ha••a en todo tiempo del anno? A lo qual ha de responder el piloto que se examina a todo a quello que le preguntaren. Y luego le pregunta otro por las sennas de las tierras que est••uieren en el camino, hasta llegar al puerto de donde se examina. Y luego pregunta otro, que si con tormenta se le quebrasse los arboles, Que remedio haria? Y otros le preguntan, Que sila nao abriesse vn agua, a donde peligrassen las vidas, que remedio haria pa∣ra tomarla con menos riesgo? Y otros le preguntan, que si le faltasse el timon, que remedio haria? Y otros le preguntan por la cuenta de la Luna, y de las mateas? Y otros le preguntan, Que si lo tomasse vn corsario, y lo dexasse sin carta y sin astrolabio, y otros instrumentos para tomar la altura del Sol y de la Estrella del norte, que orden tendria para hazer los? Otros le preguntan otras preguntas necessarias a vn marinero, que quiere ser piloto. A todo esto esta attento, respondiendo a todo. Y despues que todos le an preguntado todo lo necessario, le mandan, que salga suera de la sala, para que a solas dé cada vno su boto debaxo de iuramento en vn libro, que prometen de dezir verdad.* 1.38 Y luego ponen dentro de vn vaso de plata, que alli esta para a quel efeto, tantas hauas, y tantos garuanços, como ai pilotos dentro de la sala: y va cada vno por su orden; y el que le parece que es sufficiente, saca vna haua, y el que le parece, que no lo es, saca vn garuanço. Y despues que todos an sacado, mira el piloto mayor los bo∣••os que tiene; y si halla que tiene cantos botos en su fauor como en contrario, manda que ha∣ga otro viaje: y si tiene mas botos en su fauor, que en con••rario, luego le dan vna carta del exa∣men firmada del piloto mayor,* 1.39 y del Cathedratico, y del Escriuano, y sellada con el sello de la Contra••acion. Y ••eniendo esta carta, luego da de presente al piloto mayor, y al Cathedratico, para guantes y gallinas, cōforme que cada vno puede, que es de ordinario dos o tres ducados. Y luego se puede concertar por piloto en qual quier nauio que quisiere, para a quella parte de∣donde se examino. Y si hallare en las Indias algun nauio que tenga piloto no examinado, lo puede botar fuera, y venit el piloto examinado en el nauio por el mismo concierte, que el otro piloto tenia hecho.

Suelen lleuar los pilotos de partido y concierte por vn viaje de yr y boluer,* 1.40 conforme que es el nauio. Si es de ciento tonelladas, dozientos ducados, y dozientos y cinquenta; y si es de quatrocientas o de quinientas, lleua de partido quinientos o quinientos, y cinquenta ducados: y si es mayor, lleua mas partido: y mas, todos los dias que estuuiere en tierra, quatro reales para su comida. Y las naos grandes siempre lleuan los pilotos mas viejos, porque son mas ex∣perimentados y mejores pilotos que los mançebos, que comiençan a nauegar, y a ser pilotos,

El piloto no tiene mas trabajo ni mas cuidado que en la nauegacion: por que los maestros de los nanios tienen cuidado de fretar,* 1.41 y adereçar sus naos, y pagar a los marineros, y hazer to∣do lo que es menester para su nao: porque el piloto no viene a la nao, si no es quando los visi∣tadores vienen a visitarla, si tiene todo lo necessario para el viage.

Los visitadores son quatro hombres qui estan puestos por el rey,* 1.42 y estos son hombres muy entendidos, y vienen a visitar los nauios, antes que tomen carga, porver si estan bien adereça∣dos para hazerel viage. Y despues que estan los nauios cargados, bueluen otra vez a visitar∣los, por ver si tienen todas las cosas necessarias, conforme a la Prematica;* 1.43 y si tienen todos los marineros, y bastimentus, y poluere, y artilleria, y balas, y todo lo de mas necessario para el vi∣aje. Y si alguna cosa les falta, les mandan con graues penas que lo compren, antes que sal∣gan del puerto.

Suelen lleuar los nauios qu•• van a las Indias vn escriuano que tiene cargo de tomar por me∣moria todas las mercaderias que se cargan en la nao,* 1.44y tomar las marcas, para por ellas entre∣gar

la carga a sus duennos, despues de auer acabado su viaje: y sirue tanbien, si vn hombre caesle enfermo, para hazer testamiento y otros recaudos que se suelen hazer delante vn escriuano: y gana por su sueldo en vn viaje tanto como dos marineros.

* 1.45Tiene el general de las flotas por costumbre, despues que llega a las Indias, de embiar vn nauio de auiso, para dar relacion al ••ey, de como ha llegado. Y despues que estan prestas para partir, despacha otro nauio de auiso, para hazer relacion, de como estan ya prestas para partir,* 1.46 con otras particularidades.

Van en las slotas dos naos grandes, la vna por Capitana, y la otra por Almiranta,* 1.47 cada vna de seiscientas y de sietecientas tonelladas, que no lleuan mas que bastimentos y soldados para de∣fensa de la demasslota: y lleua cada vna como docientos soldados: y estas se pagan de las mer∣caderias que vienen en la slota a vno por ciento, y algunas vezes a vno y medio por ciento.

Ay en la casa de la Contratacion de Seuilla vna tabla que sirue de Arançel, es••rita con letras de oro; en que stan aualiadas todas las mercaderias que se embar∣can para las Indias.

EN esta tabla se puede saber quantas botijas hazen vna tonellada de vino y quantos quintales y quantos bariles, y quantos coffres sea vna tonellada.

Y todas mercaderias estan alli taxadas, para pagar los derechos al rey, y el flete al maestro.

Y alli esta puesto, que ningun maestro pue de lleuar a las Indias ningun passagero, ni frayle, ni clerigo, ni otras personas, ni estranieros de los reynos de Espanna, sin licencia del Rey.

Y mas, que no puede lleuar mercaderias fuera de la Prematica, y todo lo que lleuaren, lo lleuen registrado, so pena de la vida.

Y mas, que ningun maestro ni piloto puede lleuar instrumentos que no sean firmados por el piloto mayor Alonço de Chiaues, y el cosmografo Cathedratico Roderigo Zamocano: como son la carta, el astrolabio, la balestilla, y el regimiento.

Y mas, que yendo en la compannia de la flota, obedes••••n al General, y no hagan mas de lo que el mandare, so pena de la vida.

The same in English.

The examination of the Masters and Pilots which saile in the Fleetes of Spaine to the West Indies: Written in the Spanish tongue by Pe∣dro Dias a Spanish pilot taken by Sir Richard Grinuile 1585.

FIrst they make suit vnto the Pilot maior (who at this present is called Alonço de Chiauez) that he would admit them to examination, because they are naturall Spaniards, and sufficient for the same.

Hereupon the Pilot maior commandeth the party to be examined, to giue in∣formation that he is a mariner,* 1.48 and well practized in those parts, about which hee desireth to be examined. And then immediatly he bringeth fiue or sixe pilots be∣before examined to giue testimonie that he is a good mariner, and sufficient to become a pilot, that he is a Spaniard borne, and that he is not of the race of the Moores, Iewes, or Negros.

Hauing made this information, hee presenteth it vnto the Pilot maior. And the Pilot maior seeing the information to be good,* 1.49 willeth the kings publique reader of nauigation (who is now Roderigo Zamorano) to admit him to his lectures. Whither there doe resort foureteene or fif∣teene persons that desire to be examined: and they come to a certaine house which the kings rea∣der hath appointed vnto him for the same purpose, at eight of the clocke in the morning: and then they stay two houres, and two houres likewise in the afternoone: in one of which houres Zamo∣rano readeth vnto them, and in the other they aske one another many particulars concerning the art of nauigation in the presence of the said kings reader: and him that answereth not to the pur∣pose the sayd reader instructeth more perfectly, and telleth him how euery thing is. And this exer∣cise continueth two moneths, during which time the examinates must not faile to bee present twise in a day, as is aforesaid.

And hauing heard the kings reader those two moneths, they resort then vnto The hall of ex∣amination which is in the Contractation house, where there are assembled the Pilot maior and diuers other pilots, to the number of 25 at the least; who all sitting there in order, the Pilot maior

demandeth of him that would be examined, of what part of the Indies he desireth to be examined? Whereto the e••aminate answereth, that he would bee examined concerning Nueua Espanna,* 1.50 or of Nombre de Dios and Tierra firma. And others that are not experienced in those partes, craue to be examined of Santo Domingo, Puerto rico, and Cuba.

Then the Pilot maior commandeth the examinate to spread a sea-chart vpon the table, and in the presence of the other pilots to depart or shewe the course from the barre of Sant Lucar to the Canarie-Islands, and from thence to the Indies, till he come to that place whereof he is to bee ex∣amined, and then also to returne backe to the barre of Sant Lucar in Spaine, from whence he de∣parted. Also the Pilot maior asketh him, if when he saileth vpon the sea, hee be taken with a con∣trary wind, what remedie he is to vse, that his ship be not too much turmoiled vpon the sea? And the examinate answereth him aswell as he can.

Then one of the other pilotes opposeth him about the rules of the Sunne and of the North∣starre, and how hee ought to vse the declination of the Sunne at all times of the yeere: whom the examinate is bound to answere in euery thing that hee demandeth. Then another asketh him of the signes and markes of those lands which lye in his way to that hauen whereof he is examined. And then another demandeth, that if his mastes should be broken by tempest•• what remedy hee would vse? Others aske him, if his ship should take a leake, to the hazarding of the liues of him∣selfe and his company, what remedy he would find to stoppe the same with least danger? Others aske him, what remedy, if his rudder should chance to faile? Others oppose him about the account of the Moone and of the tides? Others aske him, if a Pirate should take him and leaue him de∣stitute of his Chart, his Astrolabe, and his other instruments seruing to take the height of the Sunne and of the starre, what course hee would take in that extremitie? Others demand other questions needfull for a mariner to know, which desireth to be a pilot. Unto all which the exa∣minate is very attentiue, and answereth to euery particular.

After they haue all asked him so much as they thinke expedient,* 1.51 they bid him depart out of the hall, to the ende that euery one of them may seuerally bee sworne vpon a booke, that they will speake the trueth. Then they put into a certaine vessell of siluer standing there for the same pur∣pose so many beanes, and so many peason as there are pilots within the hall: and euery one put∣ting his hand into the vessell inorder, he that thinketh the partie examined to be sufficient, taketh vp a beane, and he that thinketh him not sufficient, taketh vp a pease. And after that all haue ta∣ken out what they please, the Pilot maior looketh what voyces the examinate hath: and if he finde him to haue as many voyces for him as against him, he commandeth him to make another voyage:* 1.52 but if he hath more voyces for him then against him, then they giue him letters testimoniall of his examination signed by the Pilot maior, by the kings reader, and the secretary, and sealed with the seale of the Contractation house. And vpon the receipt of these letters testimoniall, the new pilot giueth a present vnto the Pilot maior, and the kings reader, for their gloues and hennes, euery one according to his abilitie, which is ordinarily some two or three ducats.

And then he may take vpon him to be pilot in any ship whatsoeuer, vnto that place for which he was examined: and if he finde in the Indies any ship vnder the charge of a pilot not before exami∣ned, he may put him out of his office, and may himselfe take charge of that ship for the same wages that the other pilot agreed for.

The pilots wages for making a voyage outward and homeward is according to the burthen of the ship. If she be of 100 tunnes, hee hath 200 or 250 ducats: and if shee be of 400 or 500 tunnes, he taketh for his wages 500 or 550 ducates: and if she be bigger, he hath a greater allow∣ance: ouer and besides all which, he hath euery day while he remaineth on land•• foure reals for his diet. And the greater shippes are alwayes committed vnto the more ancient pilots, because they are of greater experience and better skill, then the yonger sort which newly take vpon them to be pilots.

The pilot vndertaketh no farther trauell nor care, but in directing the course or nauigation: for the masters of the ships take charge of the freighting and preparing their ships, and to pay the mariners, and to doe all things needefull for the ship. For the pilot commeth not vnto the shippe, vntill the visitours come to visite the same, to see whether hee hath all things necessary for the boyage.

The visitours are foure men which are appoynted by the king, and these are men of great vn∣derstanding:* 1.53 and they come to visite the shippes before they take in their lading, to see whether they be well prepared to make the voyage. And after the ships bee laden, they returne againe to visite them the second time, to see whether they haue all things necessary, according to The orders of the Contractation house:* 1.54 and whether they haue all their mariners, victuals, pouder, shot, and

ordinance, and all other things necessary for the voyage. And if they want any thing, they charge them vpon grieuous penalties, to prouide the same before they set out of the hauen.

The ships that goe to the Indies are wont eche of them to haue with them a Notarie, whose charge is to keepe a note of remembrance of all the marchandize which is laden in the ship, and to take the marks thereof, therby to deliuer the commodities in the ship to their particular owners, after they haue finished their voyage, and he serueth likewise to make willes, and other instru∣ments, which are wont to be made by a Notarie, if any man chanceth to fall sicke. And his wages in eche voyage is as much as the wages of two mariners.

The Generall of the fleetes vseth continually, after hee is arriued in the Indies, to send into Spaine a barke of Auiso,* 1.55 to aduertise the king of the state of his arriuall: And after the fleetes be ready to come home, hee dispatcheth another pinnesse of Auiso to certifie them how the fleetes are now ready to set saile, with other particularities. There go with the fleetes two great ships, the one as Admirall, the other as Uiceadmirall, of the burthen of 400 or 500 tunnes, which carry nothing but victuals and souldiers for the wafting of the rest of the fleete, and these are payd out of the marchandize, which come in the fleete, after the rate of one in the hundred, and sometime at one and an halfe in the hundred.

There is in the Contractation house of Siuil a table which ser∣ueth for an Arançel, or table of rate or taxation, written in letters of gold, wherein the values of all kind of marchandize, which are embarqued for the Indies, are set downe.

* 1.56BY this table a man may know how many Botijas or iarres make a tunne of wine, or how many packes, or how many quintals, or how many barrels, or how many chests make a tunne.

And all marchandize haue their rates set downe, to pay the king his customes, and the Master his due fraight.

And therein is set vp in writing that no Master may carry any passenger to the Indies, with∣out licence, especially no learned men, nor any fryer, or clergyman, nor any body else without li∣cence of the king: nor any strangers not borne in the kingdomes of Spaine.

Moreouer, that they may not carry away any marchandize not comprized in the foresaid orders, vnder paine of death: and that all goods which they carry with them, they ought to carry the same regis••red; vnder paine of death.

Furthermore, that no Master nor Pilot may carry any Chart, nor Astrolabe, nor Crosse-staffe, nor regiment, without they bee signed and sealed by the Pilot maior Alonço de Chiauez, and the Cosmographer the kings reader Rodrigo Zamorano.

Moreouer, that going in company with the fleete, they doe and obey all such things, as their Generall shall command them, vnder paine of death.

Written by me Pedro Dias borne in the Isle of Palma one of the Canaries, vpon the request and gratifica∣tion of M. Richard Hakluyt, in February 1586.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ximo.
• * 1.2

  Coray continēt land with Paqui.
• * 1.3

  From Coray an armie may passe by land in few daye•• to Paqui the chiefe citi•• of China.
• * 1.4

  A description of Coray.
• * 1.5

  A meane to keepe head birds sweete in their fea∣thers a long time.
• * 1.6

  A Fleete of 800. ships.
• * 1.7

  Short gunnes charged with forked ar∣rowes.
• * 1.8

  The significa∣tion o•• Miacó.
• * 1.9

  The length and bredth of Coray.
• * 1.10

  The people of Coray and Chi∣na stronger in shipping, then they of Iapan.
• * 1.11

  The king of Coray freth out of his prin∣cipall citie.
• * 1.12

  I••••nds neer•• ••••••o Coray.
• * 1.13

  A mighty ri∣••er of 3. ••••ags broad.
• * 1.14

  The warre of I••••an against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and China.
• * 1.15

  The Isle of Mateumai.
• * 1.16

  Ie•••• a nation of Tartars dwelli••g on the 〈…〉〈…〉 to the North of Chin•• vsing cloth.
• * 1.17

  The Pilo••.
• * 1.18

  The Master.
• * 1.19

  The Purser.
• * 1.20

  A Romag••r.
• * 1.21

  The Masters mate.
• * 1.22

  The chiefe Iudges of the Contractation house.

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 b••ing skilfull mari∣ners.

  The names and markes of men taken.
• * 1.23

  The Pragmati∣ca o•• orders of the Contracta∣tion house.
• * 1.24

  Prouision of vic••uals vpon othe.
• * 1.25

  The Register of euery ship.
• * 1.26

  The two ships of war•••••• to draft ••he fleet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of peace.
• * 1.27

  Note.
• * 1.28

  A Ca••taine in euery ship.
• * 1.29

  Sixe Iudges.
• * 1.30

  Foure visi∣tours.
• * 1.31

  The ••eader of t•••• arte of Na∣uigation.
• * 1.32

  The booke of ••••••rs, ••••••ed i•• S••a••i••h P••ag••mati••a, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wr••ting a∣mo••g the ma∣sters.
• * 1.33

  ••alking with t••inne plates of ••ea••.
• * 1.34

  The Calker or Carenero.
• * 1.35

  Alonso de Chi∣••uez Piloto ma∣yor.
• * 1.36

  Rodrigo Zamo∣rano Cathedra∣tico.
• * 1.37

  La Sala del ex∣ame••.
• * 1.38

  La man••••a de ••∣lecion de los maestr••s, y pilo∣tos.
• * 1.39

  Carta del exa∣men.
• * 1.40

  Sueldo de lo•• pilotos.
• * 1.41

  Maestros, y su•• o••ficios.
• * 1.42

  Lo•• quatro visi∣tadores, y su of∣ficio.
• * 1.43

  Prematic••.
• * 1.44

  Esc••i••••••o, y 〈◊〉〈◊〉 officio.
• * 1.45

  Primero nau••o de acilo.
• * 1.46

  Legando nauio de ••u••lo.
• * 1.47

  D. s••ao•• de gu••••ia.
• * 1.48

  The witnesse of fiue or sixe pilots.
• * 1.49

  The pilots ad∣mission to the le••tur•••• of the kings reader.

  They heare the kings rea∣ders lectures two houres a day ••o•• two moneths.

  Their disputa∣tions of the art of nauiga∣tion before the kings reader who is their moderatour.

  The hall of ex∣amination.
• * 1.50

  The maner of the yong pi∣lot•• exami∣nation.
• * 1.51

  The maner of their election.
• * 1.52

  Letters testi∣moniall of eue∣ry new pilots examination and app••oba∣tion, vnder the hands of the Pilot maior, the kings reader, and the secre∣tary, and seale of the Con∣tractation house.
• * 1.53

  Foure visi∣toure.
• * 1.54

  The orders of the Contrac∣tation house.
• * 1.55

  The first barke of Auiso.

  The second barke of Auiso.
• * 1.56

  A table of rates &c. set by in the Con∣tractation house.