The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, NAVIGATIONS, and Discoueries (intended for the finding of a Northwest pas∣sage) to the North parts of America, to Meta incognita, and the backe∣side of Gronland, as farre as 72 degrees and 12 minuts: performed first by Sebastian Cabota, and since by Sir Martin Frobisher, and M. Iohn Davis, with the Patents, Discourses, and Aduertisements thereto belonging.

The Letters patents of King Henry the seuenth granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his three sonnes, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius for the discouerie of new and vnknowen lands.

HEnricus Dei gratia rex Angliae, & Franciae, & Dominus Hiberniae, omnibus, ad quos praesentes literae nostrae peruenerint, salutem.

Notum sit & manifestum, quod dedimus & concessimus, ac per praesentes damus & concedimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, di∣lectis nobis Ioanni Caboto ciui Vene••iarum, Lodouico, Sebastia∣no, & Sancio, filijs dicti Ioannis, & eorum ac cuius•• bet eorum hae∣redibus & deputatis, plenam ac liberam authoritatem, facultatem & potestatem nauigandi ad omnes partes, regiones, & sinus maris orientalis, occidentalis, & septentrionalis, sub banneris, vexillis, & insignijs nostris, cum quinque nauibus siue nauigijs, cuiuscúnque portiturae & qualitatis existant, & cum tot & tantis nautis & hominibus, quot & quantos in di∣ctis nauibus secum ducere voluetint, suis & eorum proprijs sumptibus & expensis, ad inueni∣endum, discooperiendum, & inuestigandum quascun que insulas, patrias, regiones siue pro∣uincias gentilium & infidelium quorumcúnque, in quacunque parte mundi positas, quae Chri∣stianis omnibus ante haec tempora fuerint incognitae. Concessimus etiam eisdem & eorum cuilibet, eorúmque & cuiuslibet eorum haeredibus & deputatis, ac licentiam dedimus ad affi∣gendum praedictas banneras nostras & insignia in quacunque villa, oppido, castro, insula seu terra firma à se nouiter inuentis. Et quòd praenominatus Ioannes, & filij eiusdem, seu haeredes & eorum deputati, quascunque huiusmodi villas, castra, oppida, & insulas à se inuentas, quae fubiugari, occupari, possideri possint, subiugare, occupare, possidere valeant tanquam vasalli nostri, & gubernatores, locatenentes, & deputati eorundem, dominium, titulum & iurisdicti∣onem earundem villarum, castrorum, oppidorum, insularum, ac terrae firmae sic inuentorum nobis ac quirendo. Ita tamen, vt ex omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolumentis, commodis, lucris, & obuentionibus ex huiusmodi nauigatione prouenientibus, prae••atus Iohannes, & fi∣lij ac haeredes, & eorum deputati, teneantur & sint obligati nobis pro omni viagio suo, toties quoties ad portum nostrum Bristolliae applicuerint (ad quem omnino applicare teneantur & sint astricti) deductis omnibus sumptibus & impensis necessarijs per eosdem factis, quintam partem capitalis lucri facti, siue in mercibus, siue in pecunijs persoluere: Dantes nos & con∣cedentes eisdem suisque haeredibus & deputatis, vt ab omni solutione custumarum omnium & singulorum bonorum & mercium, quas secum reportarint ab illis locis sic nouiter inuentis, liberi sint & immunes. Et insuper dedimus & concessimus eisdem ac suis haeredibus & depu∣tatis, quòd terrae omnes firmae, insulae, villae, oppida, castra, & loca quaecunque a se inuenta,

quotquot ab eis inueniri contigem, ••on possint ab alijs quibusuis nostris subditis frequentari seu visitari, absque licentia praedictorum Ioannis & eius filiorum, suorúmque deputatorum, sub poena amissio••s tam nauium quàm bonerum omnium quorumcun que ad ea locasic in∣uenta nauigare praesumentium. Volentes & strictissimè mandantes omnibus & singulis nostris subditis, tam in terra quàm in mari constitutis, v•• praesato Ioanni, & eius filijs ac deputatis, bo∣nam assistentiam faciant, & tam in armandis nauibus se•• nauigijs, quàm in prouisione com∣meatus & victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum, atque alia••um omnium rerum sibi proui∣dendarum pro dicta nauigatione sumenda suos omnes fauores & auxilia impertiant. In ouius rei ••estimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes.* 1.1 Teste meipso apud Westmonaste∣rium quinto die Martij anno regni nostri vndecimo.

The same in English.

HEnry by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting.

Be it knowen that we haue giuen and granted, and by these presents do giue and grant for vs and our heires, to our wel beloued Iohn Cabot citizen of Venice, to Lewis, Sebastian, and San∣tius, sonnes of the sayd Iohn, and to the heires of them, and euery of them, and their deputies, full and free authority, leaue, and power to saile to all parts, countreys, and seas of the East, of the West, and of the North, vnder our banners and ensignes, with fiue ships of what burthen or quan∣tity soeuer they be, and as many mariners or men as they will haue with them in the sayd ships, vpon their owne proper costs and charges, to seeke out, discouer, and finde whatsoeuer is••es, coun∣treys, regions or prouinces of the heathen and infidels whatsoeuer they be, and in what part of the world soeuer they be•• which before this time haue bene vnknowen to all Christians: we haue granted to them, and also to euery of them, the heires of them, and euery of them, and their depu∣ties, and haue giuen them licence to set vp our banners and ensignes in euery village, towne, ca∣stle, isle, or maineland of them newly found. And that the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes, or their heires and assignes may subdue, occupy and possesse all such townes, cities, castles and isles of them found, which they can subdue, occupy and possesse, as our vassals, and lieutenants, getting vnto vs the rule, title, and iurisdiction of the same villages, townes, castles, & firme land so found. Yet so that the aforesayd Iohn, and his sonnes and heires, and their deputies, be holden and boun∣den of all the fruits, profits, gaines, and commodities growing of such nauigation, for euery their voyage, as often as they shall arriue at our port of Bristoll (at the which port they shall be bound and holden onely to arriue) all maner of necessary costs and charges by them made,* 1.2 being deduc∣ted, to pay vnto vs in wares or money the fift part of the capitall gaine so gotten. We giuing and granting vnto them and to their heires and deputies, that they shall be free from all paying of customes of all and singular such merchandize as they shall bring with them from those places so newly found.* 1.3 And moreouer, we haue giuen and granted to them, their heires and deputies, that all the firme lands, isles, villages, townes, castles and places whatsoeuer they be that they shall chance to finde, may not of any other of our subiects be frequented or visited without the licence of the foresayd Iohn and his sonnes, and their deputies, vnder paine of forfeiture aswell of their shippes as of all and singuler goods of all them that shall presume to saile to those places so found. Willing, aud most straightly commanding all and singuler our subiects aswell on land as on sea, to giue good assistance to the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes and deputies, and that as well in ar∣ming and furnishing their ships or vessels, as in prouision of food, and in buying of victuals for their money, and all other things by them to be prouided necessary for the sayd nauigation, they do giue them all their helpe and fauour. In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made these our Letters patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the fift day of March, in the eleuenth yeere of our reigne.

Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi.

REx tertio die Februarij, anno 13, licentiam de dit Ioanni Caboto,* 1.4 quod ipse capere possit sex naues Anglicanas, in aliquo portu, siue portibus regni Ang∣••iae, ita quod sint deportagio 200. doliorum, vel subtùs, cum apparatu requi∣sito, & quod recipere possit in dictas naues omnes tales magistros, marinari∣os, & subditos regis, qui cumeo exire voluerint, &c.

The same in English.

THe king vpon the third day of February, in the 13 yeere of his reigne, gaue licence to Iohn Cabo•• to take sixe English ships in any hauen or hauens of the realme of England, being of the burden of 200 tunnes, or vnder, with all necessary furniture, and to take also into the said ships all such masters, mariners, and subiects of the king as willingly will go with him, &c.

An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams, concerning his discouery of the West Indies, which is to be seene in her Maiesties priuie gallerie at Westminster, and in many other ancient merchants houses.

ANno Domini 1497 Ioannes Cabotus Venetus, & Sebastianus illius filius eam terram fecerunt peruiam, quam nullus priùs adire ausus fuit, die 24 Iunij, circiter horam quintam bene manè. Hanc autem appellauit Terram primùm visam, credo quod ex mari in eam partem primùm oculos inie••erat. Nam que ex aduerso sira est insula, eam appellauit insulam Diui Ioannis, hac opinor ra∣tione, quòd a perta fuit eo diē qui est sacer Diuo Ioanni Baptistae: Huius incolae pelles animali∣um, exuuiásque fera••um pro indumentis habent, easque tanti faciunt, quanti nos vestes precio∣sissimas. Cùm bellum gerunt, vtuntur a••cu, sagittis, hastis, spiculis, clauis ligneis & fundis. Tel∣lus sterilis est, neque vllos fructus affert, ex quo fit, vt vrsis albo colore, & ceruis inusitatae apud nos magnitudinis referta sit: piscibus abundar, ijsque sane magnis, quales sunt lupi marini, & quos salmones vulgus appellat; soleae autem reperiuntur tam longae, vt vlnae mensuram exce∣dant. Imprimis autem magna est copia eorum piscium, quos vulgari sermone vocant Bacal∣laos. Gignuntur in ea insula accipitres ita nigti, vt coruorum similitudinem mirum in modum exprimant, perdices autem & aquilae sunt nigri coloris.

The same in English.

IN the yere of our Lord 1497 Iohn C••bot a Uenetian, and his sonne Sebastian (with an Eng∣lish fleet set out from Bristoll) discouered that land which no man before that time had attemp∣ted, on the 24 of Iune, about fiue of the clock•• early in the morning. This land he called Prima vista, that is to say, First seene, because as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea. That Island which lieth out before the land, he called the Island of S. Iohn vpon this occasion, as I thinke, because it was discouered vpon the day of Iohn the Baptist. The inha∣bitants of this Island vse to weare beasts skinnes, and haue them in as great estimation as we haue our finest garments. In their warres they vse bowes, arrowes, pikes, darts, woodden clubs, and slings. The saile is barren in some places, & yeeldeth litle fruit, but it is full of white beares, and stagges farre greater then ours. It yeeldeth plenty of fish, and those very great, as seales, and those which commonly we call salmons: there are soles also aboue a yard in length: but especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the Sauages call baccalaos. In the same Island also there bréed hauks, but they are so blacke that they are very like to ra∣uens, as also their partridges, and egles, which are in like sort blacke.

A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discouery of part of the West India out of England in the time of king Henry the seuenth, vsed to Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in Spaine, and reported by the sayd Legate in this sort.

* 1.5DOe you not vnderstand sayd he (speaking to certaine Gentlemen of Venice) how to passe to India toward the Northwest, as did of late a citizen of Venice, so valiant a man, and so well practised in all things pertaining to nauigations, and the science of Cosmographie, that at this present he hath not his like in Spaine, insomuch that for his vertues he is preferred aboue all other pilots that saile to the West Indies, who may not passe thither without his licence, and is therefore called Piloto mayor,* 1.6 that is, the grand Pilot. And when we sayd that we knew him not, he proceeded, saying, that being certaine yeres in the city of Siuil, and desirous to haue some knowledge of the nauigations of the Spanyards, it was tolde him that there was in the city a

valiant man, a Uenetian borne named Sebastian Cabot, who had the charge of those things, be∣ing an expert man in that science, and one that coulde make Cardes for the Sea with his owne hand, and that by this report, seeking his acquaintance, hee found him a very gentle person, who intertained him friendly, and shewed him many things, and among other a large Mappe of the world, with certaine particuler Nauigations, as well of the Portugals, as of the Spaniards, and that he spake further vnto him to this effect.

When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to dwell in England, to follow the trade of marchandises, hee tooke mee with him to the citie of London, while I was very yong, yet hauing neuerthelesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie, and of the Sphere. And when my father died in that time when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese had discouered the coasts of India, whereof was great talke in all the Court of king Henry the 7. who then raigned, insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more diuine then humane, to saile by the West into the East where spices growe, by a way that was neuer knowen before, by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to at∣tempt some notable thing. And vnderstanding by reason of the Sphere, that if I should saile by way of the Northwest, I should by a shorter tract come into India, I thereupon caused the King to be aduertised of my deuise, who immediatly commanded two Caruels to bee furnished with all things appertayning to the voyage, which was as farre as I remember in the yeere 1496. in the beginning of Sommer. I began therefore to saile toward the Northwest, not thinking to finde any other land then that of Cathay, & from thence to turne toward India, but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards the North, which was to mee a great displeasure. Neuer∣thelesse, sayling along by the coast to see if I could finde any gulfe that turned, I found the lande still continent to the 56. degree vnder our Pole. And seeing that there the coast turned toward the East, despairing to finde the passage, I turned backe againe, and sailed downe by the coast of that land toward the Equinoctiall (euer with intent to finde the saide passage to India) and came to that part of this firme lande which is nowe called Florida, where my victuals failing, I depar∣ted from thence and returned into England, where I found great tumults among the people, and preparation for warres in Scotland: by reason whereof there was no more consideration had to this voyage.

Whereupon I went into Spaine to the Catholique king, and Queene Elizabeth, which being aduertised what I had done, intertained me, and at their charges furnished certaine ships, where∣with they caused me to saile to discouer the coastes of Brasile,* 1.7 where I found an exceeding great and large riuer named at this present Rio de la plata, that is, the riuer of siluer, into the which I sailed and followed it into the firme land, more then sixe score leagues, finding it euery where very faire, and inhabited with infinite people, which with admiration came running dayly to our ships. Into this Riuer runne so many other riuers, that it is in maner incredible.

After this I made many other voyages, which I nowe pretermit, and waxing olde, I giue my selfe to rest from such trauels, because there are nowe many yong and lustie Pilots and Mariners of good experience, by whose forwardnesse I doe reioyce in the fruit of my labours, and rest with the charge of this office,* 1.8 as you see.

The foresaide Baptista Ramusius in his preface to the thirde vo∣lume of the Nauigations, writeth thus of Sebastian Cabot.

IN the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations of Iohn de Vararza∣na, Florentine, and of a great captaine a Frenchman, and the two voyages of Iaques Cartier a Briton, who sailed vnto the land situate in 50. degrees of La∣titude to the North, which is called New France, which landes hitherto are not throughly knowen, whether they doe ioyne with the firme land of Florida and Noua Hispania, or whether they bee separated and deuided all by the Sea as Ilands: and whe∣ther that by that way one may goe by Sea vnto the countrey of Cathaia. As many yeeres past it was written vnto mee by Sebastian Cabota our Countrey man a Uenetian, a man of great expe∣rience, and very rare in the art of Nauigation, and the knowledge of Cosmographie, who sailed along and beyond this lande of New France, at the charges of King Henry the seuenth king of England: and he aduertised mee, that hauing sailed a long time West and by North, beyond those Ilands vnto the Latitude of 67. degrees and an halfe, vnder the North pole, and at the 11. day of Iune finding still the open Sea without any maner of impediment,* 1.9 he thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the way to Cathaia, which is in the East, and would haue done it, if the mu∣tinie

of the shipmaster and Mariners had not hindered him and made him to returne homewards from that place. But it seemeth that God doeth yet still reserue this great enterprise for some great prince to discouer this voyage of Cathala by this way, which for the bringing of the Spi∣ceries from India into Europe, were the most easie and shortest of all other wayes hitherto found out. And surely this enterprise would be the most glorious, and of most importance of all other that can be imagined to make his name great, and fame immortall, to all ages to come, farre more then can be done by any of all these great troubles and warres which dayly are vsed in Europe a∣mong the miserable Christian people.

Another testimonie of the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the West and Northwest, taken out of the sixt Chapter of the third Decade of Pe∣ter Martyr of Angleria.

SCrutatus est oras glaciales Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venetus, sed à pa∣rentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus (vti moris est Venetorum, qui com∣mercij causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites) transportatus penè infans. Duo is sibi nauigia, propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit, & primò tendens cum homini∣bus tercentum ad Septentrionem donecetiam Iulio mens•• vastas repererit glaciales moles pe∣lago natantes, & lucem ferè perpetuam, tellure tamen libera, gelu liquefacto: quare coactus fuit, vti ait, vela vertere & occidentem sequi: tetendítque tantum ad meridiem littore sese incur∣uante, vt Herculei freti latitudinis fere gradus equarit: ad occidentémque profectus tantum est vt Cubam Insulam à laeua, longitudine graduum penè parem, habuerit. Is ea littora percurrens, quae Baccalaos appellauit, eosdem se reperisse aquarum, sed lenes delapsus ad Occidentem ait, quos Castellani, meridionales suas regiones adnauigantes, inueniunt. Ergò non modò verisi∣milius, sed necessatio concludendum est, vastos inter vtrámque ignotam hactenus tellurem ia∣cere hiatus, qui viam praebeant aquis ab oriente cadentibus in Occidentem. Quas arbitror im∣pulsu coelorum circulariter agi in gyrum circa terre globum, non autem Demogorgone anhe∣lante vomi, absorberique vt nonnulli senserunt, quod influxu, & refluxu forsan assentire daretur. Baccalaos, Cabotus ipse terras illas appellauit, eò quod in earū pelago tantam reperierit mag∣norum quorundam piscium, tynnos aemulantium, sic vocatorum ab indigenis, multitudinem, vt etiam illi interdum nauigia detardarent. Earum Regionum homines pellibus tantum coo∣pertos reperiebat, rationis haud quaquam expertes. Vrsorum inesse regionibus copiam ingen∣tem refere, qui & ipsi piscibus vescantur. Inter densa namque piscium illorum agmina sese im∣mergunt vrsi, & singulos singuli complexos, vnguibúsque inter squammas immissis in terram raptant, & comedunt. Proptereà minimè noxios hominibus visos esse ait. Orichalcum in ple∣risque locis se vidisse apud incolas praedicat. Familiarem habeo domi Cabotum ipsum, & con∣tubernalem interdum. Vocatus namque ex Britannia à Rege nostro Catholico, post Henrici Maioris Britanniae Regis mortem, concurialis noster est, expectátque indies, vt nauigia sibi pa∣rentur, quibus arcanum hoc naturae latens iam tandem detegatur.

The same in English.

THese North Seas haue bene searched by one Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian borne, whom be∣ing yet but in maner an infant, his parents caried with them into England, hauing occasion to resort thither for trade of marchandise, as is the maner of the Venetians to leaue no part of the world vnsearched to obtaine riches. Hee therefore furnished two ships in England at his owne charges, and first with 300 men directed his course so farre towards the North pole, that euen in the moneth of Iuly he found monstrous heapes of ice swimming on the sea, and in maner continu∣all day light, yet saw he the land in that tract free from ice, which had bene molten by the heat of the Sunne. Thus seeing such heapes of yce before him, hee was enforced to turne his sailes and fol∣low the West, so coasting still by the shore, that he was thereby brought so farre into the South, by reason of the land bending so much Southwards, that it was there almost equall in latitude, with the sea Fretum Herculeum, hauing the Northpole eleuate in maner in the same degree. He sailed likewise in this tract so farre towards the West, that hee had the Island of Cuba on his left hand, in maner in the same degree of longitude. As hee trauelled by the coastes of this great land, (which he named Baccalaos) he saith that hee found the like course of the waters toward the West,* 1.10 but the same to runne more softly and gently then the swift waters which the Spaniards found in their Nauigations Southward. Wherfore it is not onely more like to be true, but ought

also of necessitie to be concluded that betweene both the lands hitherto vnknowen, there should be certaine great open places whereby the waters should thus continually passe from the East vnto the West:* 1.11 which waters I suppose to be driuen about the globe of the earth by the vncessant mo∣uing and impulsion of the heauens, and not to bee swallowed vp and cast vp againe by the brea∣thing of Demogorgon, as some haue imagined, because they see the seas by increase and decrease to ebbe and flowe. Sebastian Cabot himselfe named those lands Baccalaos, because that in the Seas thereabout hee found so great multitudes of certaine bigge fishes much like vnto Tunies, (which the inhabitants call Baccalaos) that they sometime stayed his shippes. He found also the people of those regions couered with beastes skinnes, yet not without the vse of reason. He also saith there is great plentie of Beares in those regions which vse to eate fish: for plunging them∣selues into y^e water, where they perceiue a multitude of these fishes to lie, they fasten their clawes in their scales, and so draw them to land and eate them, so (as he saith) the Beares being thus sa∣tisfied with fish, are not noisome to men. Hee declareth further, that in many places of these Re∣gions he saw great plentie of Copper among the inhabitants.* 1.12 Cabot is my very friend, whom I vse familiarly, and delight to haue him sometimes keepe mee company in mine owne house. For being called out of England by the commandement of the Catholique King of Castile, after the death of King Henry the seuenth of that name King of England, he was made one of our councill and Assistants, as touching the affaires of the new Indies, looking for ships dayly to be furnished for him to discouer this his secret of Nature.

The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara a Spaniard, in the fourth Chapter of the second Booke of his generall history of the West Indies concerning the first discouerie of a great part of the West Indies, to wit, from 58. to 38. degrees of latitude, by Sebastian Cabota out of England.

HE which brought most certaine newes of the countrey & people of Baccalaos, saith Gomara, was Sebastian Cabote a Uenetian, which rigged vp two ships at the cost of K. Henry the 7. of England, hauing great desire to traffique for the spices as the Portingals did. He caried with him 300. men, and tooke the way towards Island from beyond the Cape of Labrador, vntill he found himselfe in 58. degrees and better. He made relation that in the moneth of Iuly it was so cold, and the ice so great, that hee durst not passe any further: that the dayes were very long, in a maner without any night, and for that short n••ght that they had, it was very cleare. Cabot feeling the cold, turned towards the West, refreshing himselfe at Baccalaos: and afterwards he sailed a∣long the coast vnto 38. degrees, and from ••hence he shaped his course to returne into England.

A note of Sebastian Cabots first discouerie of part of the Indies taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabians Chronicle not hitherto printed, which is in the custodie of M. Iohn Stow a diligent preseruer of Antiquities.

IN the 13. yeere of K. Henry the 7. (by meanes of one Iohn Cabot a Venetian which made himselfe very expert and cunning in knowledge of the circuit of the world and Ilands of the same, as by a Sea card and other demonstrations reaso∣nable he shewed) the king caused to man and victuall a ship at Bristow, to search for an Island,* 1.13 which he said hee knew well was rich, and replenished with great commodities: Which shippe thus manned and victualled at the kings cost, diuers Marchants of London ventured in her small stocks, being in her as chiefe patron the said Venetian. And in the company of the said ship, sailed also out of Bristow three or foure small ships fraught with sleight and grosse marchandizes, as course cloth, caps, laces, points & other trifles. And so departed from Bristow in the beginning of May, of whom in this Maiors time returned no tidings.

Of three Sauages which Cabot brought home and presented vn∣to the King in the foureteenth yere of his raigne, mentioned by the fore∣said Robert Fabian.

THis yeere also were brought vnto the king three men taken in the Newfound Island that before I spake of, in William Purchastime being Maior: These were clothed in beasts skins, & did eate raw flesh, and spake such speach that no man could vnderstand

them, and in their demeanour like to bruite beastes, whom the King kept a time after. Of the which vpon two yeeres after, I saw two apparelled after ••he maner of Englishmen in Westmin∣ster pallace, which that time I could not discerne from Englishmen, til I was learned what they were, but as for speach, I heard none of them vtter one word.

A briefe extract concerning the discouerie of Newfound-land, taken out of the booke of M. Robert Thorne, to doctor Leigh, &c.

I Reason, that as some sickenesses are hereditarie, so this inclination or desire of this dis∣couery I inherited from my father, which with another marchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discouerers of the Newfound-lands; of the which there is no doubt (as nowe plainely appeareth) if the Mariners would then haue bene ruled, and followed their Pilots minde, but the lands of the West Indies, from whence all the golde com∣meth, had bene ours; for all is one coast as by the Card appeareth, and is aforesaid.

The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Ca∣bota, constituting him grand Pilot of England.

EDwardus sextus Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae rex, omnibus Christi fidelibus, ad quos praesentes hae literae nostrae peruenerint, salutem. Sciatis quod nos in consideratione boni & acceptabilis seruitij, nobis per dilectum seruientem nostrum Sebastianum Cabo••am impensi atque im∣pendendi, de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia, & mero motu no∣stro, nec non de aduisamento, & consensu preclarissimi auunculi nostri Ed∣wardi Ducis Somerseti personae nostre Gubernatoris, ac Regnorum, domi∣niorum, sub ditorúm que nostrorum protectoris, & caeterorum consiliariorū nostrorum, dedimus & concessimus, ac per praesentes damus, & concedimus eidem Sebastiano Cabotae, quandam annuitatem siue annualem reditum, centum sexaginta & sex librarum, tresdecim solidorum, & quatuor denariorum sterlingorum, habendam, gaudendam, & annuatim percipiendam p••aedi∣ctam annuitatem, siue annalem reditum eidem Sebastiano Cabote, durante vi••a sua naturali, de thesauro nostro ad receptum scacarij nostri Westmonasterij per manus the sauiariorum, & Ca∣merariorum nostrorum, ibidem pro tempore existentium, ad festa annuntiationis beatae Mariae Virginis, natiuitatis sancti Ioannis Baptistae, Sancti Michaelis Archangeli, & Natalis Domini per aequales portiones soluendam. Et vlteriùs devberiori gratia nostra, ac de aduisamento, & consensu praedictis damus, & per presentes concedimus prefato Sebastiano Cabotae, tot & tantas Denariorum summas, ad quot & quantas dicta annuitas siue annalis reditus centum sexaginta sex librarū, tresdecim solidorum, & quatuor denariorū, à festo sancti Michaelis Arch∣angeli vltimò praeterito huc vs{que} se extendit, & attingit, habendas & recipiendas prefato Seba∣stiano Cabotae & assignatis ••uis de thesauro nostro praedicto per manus predictorum Thesaura∣riorum, & Camerariorum nostrorum de dono nostro absque computo, seu aliquo alio nobis, haere dibus, vel successoribus nostris proinde reddendo, soluendo, vel faciendo: eo quòd expressa mentio, &c.* 1.14 In cuius rei testimonium, &c. Teste Rege, apud Westmonasterium 6. die Ianuarij, Anno 2. Regis Edwardi sexti.

The same in English.

EDward the sixt by the grace of God, King of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, to all Christian people to whom these presents shall come, sendeth greeting. Know yee that we, in consideration of the good and acceptable seruice done, and to be done, vnto vs by our beloued seruant Sebastian Cabota, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, meere motion, and by the aduise and counsel of our most honourable vncle Edward duke of Somerset gouernour of our person, and Protector of our kingdomes, dominions, and subiects, and of the rest of our Coun∣saile, haue giuen & granted, and by these presents do giue and graunt to the said Sebastian Cabo∣ta, a certaine annuitie, or yerely reuenue of one hundreth, threescore & sixe pounds, thirteene shil∣lings foure pence sterling, to haue, enioy, and yerely receiue the foresaid annuitie, or yerely reue∣nue, to the foresaid Sebastian Cabota during his natural life, out of our Treasurie at the receit of our Exchequer at Westminster, at the hands of our Treasurers & paymasters, there remayning for the time being, at the feasts of the Annuntiation of the blessed Uirgin Mary, the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist, S. Michael y^e Archangel, & the Natiuitie of our Lord, to be paid by equal portions.

And further, of our more speciall grace, and by the aduise and consent aforesaide wee doe giue, and by these presents doe graunt vnto the aforesaide Sebastian Cabota, so many, and so great summes of money as the saide annuitie or yeerely reuenue of an hundreth, threescore and sixt pounds, thirteene shillings 4. pence, doeth amount and rise vnto from the feast of S. Michael the Archangel last past vnto this present time, to be had and receiued by the aforesaid Sebastian Ca∣bota, and his assignes out of our aforesaid Treasurie, at the handes of our aforesaide Treasurers, and officers of our Exchequer of our free gift without accompt, or any thing else therefore to be yeelded, payed, or made, to vs, our heires or successours, forasmuch as herein expresse mention is made to the contrary.

In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made patents: Witnesse the King at Westminster the sixt day of Ianuarie, in the second yeere of his raigne. The yeere of our Lord 1548.

A discourse written by Sir Humfrey Gilbert Knight, to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cathaia, and the East Indies.

The Table of the matters in euery Chapter of this discourse.

Capitulo I.

TO proue by authoritie a passage to be on the North side of America, to goe to Ca∣taia, China, and to the East India.

Capitulo 2.

To proue by reason a passage to be on the North side of America, to go to Ca∣taia, Moluccae, &c.

Capitulo 3.

To proue by experience of sundry mens trauailes the opening of this Northwest passage, whereby good hope remaineth of the rest.

Capitulo 4.

To proue by circumstance, that the Northwest passage hath bene sailed throughout.

Capitulo 5.

To prooue that such Indians as haue bene driuen vpon the coastes of Germanie came not thi∣ther by the Southeast, and Southwest, nor from any part of Afrike or America.

Capitulo 6.

To prooue that the ••ndians aforenamed came not by the Northeast, and that there is no tho∣row passage nauigable that way.

Capitulo 7.

To proue that these Indians came by the Northwest, which induceth a certaintie of this pas∣sage by experience.

Capitulo 8.

What seueral reasons were alleaged before the Queenes Maiestie, and certaine Lords of her Highnesse priuie Council, by M. Anth. Ienkinson a Gentleman of great trauaile and experience, to proue this passage by the Northeast, with my seuerall answeres then alleaged to the same.

Capitulo 9.

How that this passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffike, then the other by the Northeast, if there were any such.

Capitulo 10.

What commodities would ensue, this passage being once discouered.

To proue by authoritie a passage to be on the Northside of Ame∣rica, to goe to Cathaia, and the East India.

Chapter I.

WHen I gaue my selfe to the studie of Geographie, after I had perused and diligently scanned the descriptions of Europe, Asia & Afrike, and conferred them with the Mappes and Globes both Antique and Moderne: I came in fine to the fourth part of the world, commonly called America, which by all descriptions I found to bee an Iland enuironed round about with Sea, hauing on the Southside of it the frete or straight of Magellan, on the West side Mar del Sur, which Sea runneth towards the North, separating it from the East parts of Asia, where the Dominions of the Cathaians are: On the East part our West Ocean, and on the

North side the sea that seuereth it from Groneland, thorow which Northren Seas the Passage lyeth, which I take now in hand to discouer.

Plato in Timaeo, and in the Dialogue called Critias, discourseth of an incomparable great I∣land then called Atlantis, being greater then all Affrike and Asia, which lay Westward from the Straights of Gibraltar, nauigable round about: affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis did aswell enioy the gouernance of all Affrike, and the most part of Europe, as of Atlantis it selfe.

Also to proue Platos opinion of this Iland, and the inhabiting of it in ancient time by them of Europe, to be of the more credite; Marinaeus Siculus in his Chronicle of Spaine, reporteth that there haue bene found by the Spaniards in the gold Mines of America, certaine pieces of Money ingraued with the Image of Augustus Caesar: which pieces were sent to the Pope for a testimo∣nie of the matter, by Iohn Rufus Archbishop of Consentinum.

Moreouer, this was not only thought of Plato, but by Marsilius Ficinus, an excellent Floren∣tine Philosopher, Crantor the Graecian, and Proclus,* 1.15 and Philo the famous Iew (as appeareth in his ••ooke De Mundo, and in the Commentaries vpon Plato) to be ouerflowen and swallowed vp with water, by reason of a mightie earthquake, and streaming downe of the heauenly Flud∣gates. The like whereof happened vnto some part of Italy, when by the forciblenes of the Sea, called Superum, it cut off Sicilia from the Continent of Calabria, as appeareth in Iustine,* 1.16 in the be∣ginning of his fourth booke. Also there chanced the like in Zeland a part of Flanders.

* 1.17And also the Cities of Py••rha and Antissa, about Meotis palus: and also the Citie Burys, in the Corynthian bosome, commonly called Sinus Corinthiacus, haue bene swallowed vp with the Sea, and are not at this day to be discerned: By which accident America grew to be vnknowen of long time, vnto vs of the later ages, and was lately discouered againe, by Americus Vespucius, in the yeere of our Lord 1497. which some say to haue bene first discouered by Christophorus Columbus a Genuois, Anno 1492.

The same calamitie happened vnto this Isle of Atlantis 600. and odde yeres before Plato his time, which some of the people of the Southeast parts of the world accompted as 9000. yeeres•• for the maner then was to reckon the Moone her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere, which is our vsuall moneth, depending à Luminari mino••i.

So that in these our dayes there can no other mayne or Islande be found or iudged to bee par∣cell of this Atlantis, then those Westerne Islands, which beare now the name of America: coun∣teruailing thereby the name of Atlantis, in the knowledge of our age.

Then, if when no part of the sayd Atlantis was oppressed by water, and earthquake, the coasts round about the same were nauigable:* 1.18 a farre greater hope now remaineth of the same by the Northwest, seeing the most part of it was (since that time) swallowed vp with water, which could not vtterly take away the olde deeps and chanels, but rather, be an occasion of the inlarging of the olde, and also an inforcing of a great many new: why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage and nauigation from England to India? &c. seeing that Atlantis now called America, was euer knowen to be an Island, and in those dayes nauigable round about, which by accesse of more water could not be diminished.

Also Aristotle in his booke De mundo, and the learned Germaine Simon Gryneus in his an∣notations vpon the same, saith that the whole earth (meaning thereby, as manifestly both appeare, Asia, Africk, and Europe, being all the countreys then knowen) is but one Island, compassed a∣bout with the reach of the sea Atlantine: which likewise prooueth America to be an Island, and in no part adioyning to Asia, or the rest.

* 1.19Also many ancient writers, as Strabo and others, called both the Ocean sea (which lieth East of India) Atlanticum pelagus, and that sea also on the West coasts of Spaine and A∣frick, Mare Atlanticum: the distance betweene the two coasts is almost halfe the compasse of the earth.

So that it is incredible, as by Plato appeareth manifestly, that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus of the mountaine Atlas in Africk, or yet the sea adioyning to Africk, had the name Oceanus Atlanticus of the same mountaine:* 1.20 but that those seas and the mountaine Atlas were so called of this great Island Atlantis, and that the one and the other had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas, sometime king thereof, who was Iaphet yongest sonne to Noah, in whose time the whole earth was diuided betweene the three brethren, Sem, Cam, and Iaphet.

Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest will be found fauourable to this our enterprise, and am the rather imboldened to beleeue the same, for that I finde it not onely confirmed by Plato, Aristotle, and other ancient Phylosophers: but also by all the best moderne

Geographers, as Gemma Frisius, Munsterus, Appianus, Hunterus, Gastaldus, Guyccardinus, Michael Tramasinus, Franciscus Demongenitus, Bernardus Pureanus, Andreas Vauasor, Tra∣montanus, Petrus Martyr, and also Ortelius, who doth coast out in his generall Mappe set out Anno 1569, all the countreys and Capes, on the Northwest side of America, from Ho••helaga to Cape de Paraman••ia: describing likewise the sea coastes of Cataia and Gronland, towards a∣ny part of America, making both Gronland and America, Islands disioyned by a great sea, from any part of Asia.

All which learned men and painefull trauellers haue affirmed with one consent and voice, that America was an Island: and that there lyeth a great Sea betweene it, Cataia, and Grond∣land, by the which any man of our countrey, that will giue the attempt, may with small danger passe to Cataia, the Moluccae, India, and all other places in the East, in much shorter time, then either the Spaniard, or Portugal doeth, or may doe, from the neerest parte of any of ••heir coun∣treys within Europe.

What moued these learned men to affirme thus much, I know not, or to what ende so many and sundry trauellers of both ages haue allowed the same:* 1.21 But I coniecture that they would neuer haue so constantly affirmed, or notified their opinions therein to the world, if they had not had great good cause, and many probable reasons, to haue lead them thereunto.

Now least you should make small accompt of ancient writers or of their experiences which trauelled long before our times, reckoning their authority amongst fables of no importance: I haue for the better assurance of those proofes, set downe some part of a discourse, written in the Saxon tongue, and translated into English by M. Nowel seruant to Sir William Cecil, lord Burleigh, and lord high treasurer of England. wherein there is described a Nauigation, which one Ochther made, in the time of king Alfred,* 1.22 King of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of which discourse were these: Hee sailed right North, hauing alwaies the desert land on the Star∣borde, and on the Larbord the maine sea, continuing his course, vntill hee perceiued that the coast bowed directly towards the East, or else the Sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre,* 1.23 where he was compelled to stay vntil he had a westerne winde, or somewhat vpon the North, and sayled thence directly East alongst the coast, so farre as hee was able in foure dayes, where he was againe inforced to tary vntill hee had a North winde, because the coast there bowed directly towards the South, or at least opened he knew not howe farre into the land, so that he sayled thence along the coast continually full South, so farre as he could trauell in the space of fiue dayes, where hee discouered a mighty riuer, which opened farre into the land, and in the entrie of this riuer he turned backe againe.

Whereby it appeareth that he went the very same way, that we now doe yerely trade by S. Ni∣cholas into Moscouia, which way no man in our age knew for certaintie to be by sea, vntil it was since discouered by our English men, in the time of King Edward the sixt:* 1.24 but thought before that time that Groneland had ioyned to Normoria, Byarmia, &c. and therefore was accompted a new discouery, being nothing so indeede, as by this discourse of Ochther it appeareth.

Neuerthelesse if any man should haue taken this voyage in hand by the encouragement of this onely author, he should haue bene thought but simple: considering that this Nauigation was writ∣ten so many yeres past, in so barbarous a tongue by one onely obscure author, and yet we in these our dayes finde by our owne experiences his former reports to be true.

How much more then ought we to beleeue this passage to Cataia to bee, being verified by the opinions of all the best, both Antique, and Moderne Geographers, and plainely set out in the best and most allowed Mappes, Charts, Globes, Cosmographical tables & discourses of this our age, and by the rest not denied, but left as a matter doubtfull.

To prooue by reason, a passage to be on the Northside of Ame∣rica, to goe to Cataia, &c. Chap. 3.

FIrst, all seas are maintained by the abundance of water, so that the neerer the end any Riuer,* 1.25 Bay or Hauen is, the shallower it waxeth, (although by some accidentall barre, it is sometime found otherwise) But the farther you sayle West from Island towards the place, where this fret is thought to be, the more deepe are the seas: which giueth vs good hope of continuance of the same Sea with Mar del Sur, by some fret that lyeth betweene America, Groneland and Cataia.

2 Also if that America were not an Island, but a part of y^e continent adioyning to Asia, either

the people which inhabite Mangia, Anian, & Quinzay, &c. being borderers vpon it, would before this time haue made some road into it, hoping to haue found some like cōmodities to their owne••

3 Or els the Scythians and Tartarians (which often times heretofore haue sought farre and neere for new seats,* 1.26 driuen thereunto through the necessitie of their cold and miserable coun∣treys) would in all this time haue found the way to America, and entred the same, had the passa∣ges bene neuer so straite or difficult; the countrey being so temperate, pleasant and fruitfull, in comparison of their owne. But there was neuer any such people found there by any of the Spa∣niards, Portugals, or Frenchmen, who first discouered the Inland of that countrey: which Spa∣niards, or Frenchmen must then of necessitie haue seene some one ciuil man in America, consi∣dering how full of ciuill people Asia is: But they neuer saw so much as one token or signe, that euer any man of the knowen part of the world had bene there.

4 Furthermore it is to be thought, that if by reason of mountaines, or other craggy places, the people neither of Cataia or Tartarie could enter the countrey of America, or they of America haue entred Asia if it were so ioyned: yet some one sauage or wandring beast would in so many yeres haue passed into it: but there hath not any time bene found any of the beasts proper to Cataia, or Tartarie &c. in America: nor of those proper to America, in Tartarie, Cataia, &c. or any part of Asia. Which thing proueth America, not onely to be one Island, and in no part adioyning to Asia: But also that the people of those Countreys, haue not had any traffique with each other.

5 Moreouer at the least some one of those painefull trauellers, which of purpose haue passed the confines of both countreys, with intent only to discouer, would as it is most likely haue gone from the one to the other: if there had bene any piece of land, or Isthmos, to haue ioyned them together, or els haue declared some cause to the contrary.

6 But neither Paulus Venetus, who liued and dwelt a long time in Cataia, euer came into America, and yet was at the sea coastes of Mangia, ouer against it where he was embarked, and perfourmed a great Nauigation along those seas: Neither yet Verarzanus, or Franciscus Vas∣ques de Coronado, who trauelled the North part of America by land, euer found entry from thence by land to Cataia, or any part of Asia.

* 1.277 Also it appeareth to be an Island, insomuch as the Sea runneth by nature circularly from the East to the West, following the diurnal motion of Primum Mobile, which carieth with it all inferiour bodies moueable, aswel celestiall as elemental: which motion of the waters is most eui∣dently seene in the Sea, which lieth on the Southside of Afrike, where the current that runneth from the East to the West is so strong (by reason of such motiō) that the Portugals in their voy∣ages Eastward to Calicut, in passing by Cap. de buona Sperança are inforced to make diuers courses, the current there being so swift as it striketh from thence all along Westward vpon the fret of Magellan, being distant from thence, neere the fourth part of the longitude of the earth: and not hauing free passage and entrance thorow the fret towards the West, by reason of the narrownesse of the sayd Straite of Magellan, it runneth to salue this wrong (Nature not yeelding to accidentall restraints) all along the Easterne coastes of America, Northwards so far as Cape Fredo, being the farthest knowne place of the same continent towards the North: which is about 4800 leagues, reckoning there withal the trending of the land.

8 So that this current being continually maintained with such force, as Iaques Cartier affirmeth it to be, who met with the same being at Baccalaos, as he sayled along the coastes of America, then either it must of necessitie haue way to passe from Cape Fredo, thorow this fret, Westward towards Cataia, being knowen to come so farre, onely to salue his former wrongs, by the authority before named: or els it must needes strike ouer, vpon the coast of Island, Norway, Finmarke, and Lappia, (which are East from the sayd place about 360 leagues) with greater force then it did from Cape de buona Sperança,* 1.28 vpon the fret of Magellan, or from the fret of Magellan to Cape Fredo, vpon which coastes Iaques Car••ier met with the same, considering the shortnesse of the Cut from the sayd Cape Fredo, to Island, Lappia, &c. And so the cause Effi∣cient remaining, it would haue continually followed along our coasts, through the narrow seas, which it doth not, but is disgested about the North of Labrador, by some through passage there thorow this fret.

The like course of the water in some respect happeneth in the Mediterrane sea (as affirmeth Conterenus) wheras the current which commeth from Tanais,* 1.29 & Pontus Euxinus, running along all the coasts of Greece, Italy, France, and Spaine, and not finding sufficient way out through Gibraltar, by meanes of the straitnesse of the fret it runneth backe againe along the coastes of Barbary, by Alexandria, Natolia, &c.

It may (peraduenture) bee thought that this course of the sea doth sometime surcease, and

thereby impugne this principle, because it is not discerned all along the coast of America, in such sort as Iaques Cartier found it: Whereunto I answere this:* 1.30 that albeit, in euery part of the Coast of America,* 1.31 or elswhere this current is not sensibly perceiued, yet it hath euermore such like motion, either in the vppermost or nethermost part of the sea: as it may be proued true, if ye sinke a sayle by a couple of ropes, neere the ground, fastening to the nethermost corners two gunne chambers or other weights: by the driuing whereof you shall plainely perceiue, the course of the water, and current, running with such course in the bottome.

By the like experiment, you may finde the ordinary motion of the sea, in the Ocean: howe farre soeuer you be off the land.

9 Also there commeth another current from out the Northeast from the Scythian Sea (as M. Ienkinson a man of rare vertue, great trauaile and experience, told me) which runneth West∣ward towardes Labrador, as the other did, which commeth from the South:* 1.32 so that both these currents, must haue way thorow this our fret, or else encounter together and runne contrarie courses, in one line, but no such conflicts of streames, or contrary courses are found about any part of Labrodor, or Terra noua, as witnesse our yeerely fishers, and other saylers that way, but is there disgested, as aforesayd, and found by experience of Barnard de la Torre, to fall into Mar del Sur.

10 Furthermore, the current in the great Ocean, could not haue beene maintained to runne continually one way, from the beginning of the world vnto this day, had there not beene some thorow passage by the fret aforesayd, and so by circular motion bee brought againe to maintaine it selfe: For the Tides and courses of the sea are maintayned by their interchangea∣ble motions: as fresh riuers are by springs, by ebbing and flowing, by rarefaction and conden∣sation.

So that it resteth not possible (so farre as my simple reason can comprehend) that this perpe∣tual•• current can by any meanes be maintained,* 1.33 but onely by continuall reaccesse of the same wa••er, which passeth thorow the fret, and is brought about thither againe, by such circular mo∣tion as aforesayd. And the certaine falling thereof by this fret into Mar del Sur is prooued by the testimonie and experience, of Bernard de la Torre, who was sent from P. de la Natiuidad to the Moluccae, Anno domini 1542. by commandement of Anthony Mendoza, then Viceroy of Noua Hispania, which Bernard sayled 750. Leagues, on the Northside of the Aequator, and there met with a current,* 1.34 which came from the Northeast the which droue him backe againe to Tidore.

Wherfor••, this current being proued to come from C. de buona Sperança to the fret of Ma∣gellan, and wanting sufficient entrance there, by narrownes of the straite, is by the necessitie of natures force, brought to Terra de Labrador, where Iaques Cartier met the same, and thence certainly knowen, not to strike ouer vpon Island, Lappia, &c. and found by Bernard de la Torre in Mar del Sur, on the backeside of America: therefore this current (hauing none other passage) must of necessity, fall out thorow this our fret into Mar del Sur, and so trending by the Muluccae, China, and C. de buona Sperança, maintaineth it selfe by circular motion, which is all one in na∣ture, with Motus ab Oriente in Occidentem.

So that it seemeth, we haue now more occasion to doubt of our returne, then whether there be a passage that way, yea or no: which doubt, hereafter shall be sufficiently remooued. Where∣fore, in mine opinion, reason it self, grounded vpon experience, assureth vs of this passage, if there were nothing els to put vs in hope thereof. But least these might not suffice, I haue added in this chapter following, some further proofe hereof, by the experience of such as haue passed some part of this discouerie: and in the next adioining to that the authority of those, which haue sailed wholy, thorow euery part thereof.

To proue by experience of sundry mens trauels, the opening of some part of this Northwest passage: wherby good hope remaineth of the rest. Chap. 3.

PAulus Venetus, who dwelt many yeres in Cataia, affirmed that hee sayled 1500 miles vpon the coastes of Mangia, and Anian, towards the Northeast: alwayes finding the Seas open before him, not onely as farre as he went, but also as farre as he could discerne.

2 Also Franciscus Vasques de Coronado passing from Mexico by Ceuola, through the countrey of Quiuira, to Siera Neuada, found there a great sea, where were certaine ships laden

with Merchandise, carrying on their prowes the pictures of certaine birds called Alcatrarzi,* 1.35 part whereof were made of golde, and part of siluer, who signified by signes, that they were thirty dayes comming thither: which likewise proueth America by experience to be disioyned from Cataia, on that part by a great Sea, because they could not come from any part of Ameri∣ca, as Natiues thereof: for that, so farre as is discouered, there hath not bene found there any one Shippe of that countrey.

* 1.363 In like maner, Iohn Baros testifieth that the Cosmographers of China (where he him∣selfe had bene) affirme that the Sea coast trendeth from thence Northeast, to 50 degrees of Sep∣tentrional latitude, being the furthest part that way which the Portugals had then knowledge of: And that the said Cosmographers knew no cause to the contrary, but that it might continue further.

By whose experiences America is prooued to be separate from those parts of Asia, directly a∣gainst the same. And not contented with the iudgements of these learned men only, I haue sear∣ched what might be further sayd for the confirmation hereof.

4 And I found that Franciscus Lopez de Gomara affirmeth America to be an Island, and likewise Gronland: and that Gronland is distant from Lappia 40 leagues, and from Terra de Labrador, 50.

5 Moreouer, Aluarus Nunnius a Spaniard, and learned Cosmographer, and Iacobus Car∣tier, who made two voyages into those parts, and sayled 900 miles vpon the Northeast coastes of America doe in part confirme the same.

6 Likewise Hieronymus Fracastorius, a learned Italian, and trauailer in the North parts of the same land.

7 Also Iaques Cartier hauing done the like, heard say at Hochelaga in Noua Francia, how that there was a great Sea at Saguinay, whereof the end was not knowen: which they presup∣posed to be the passage to Cataia,

* 1.37Furthermore, Sebastian Cabota by his personal experience and trauel hath set foorth, and de∣••cribed this passage in his Charts, which are yet to be seene in the Queens Maiesties priuie Gal∣lerie at Whitehall, who was sent to make this discouery by king Henrie the seuenth, and entre•• the same fret: affirming that he sayled very farre Westward, with a quart••r of the North, on the Northside of Terra de Labrador the eleuenth of Iune, vntill he came to the Septentrionall lati∣tude of 67 degrees and a halfe, and finding the Seas still open, sayd, that he might, & would haue gone to Cataia, if the mutime of the Master and Mariners had not bene.

Now as these mens experience hath proued some part of this passage: so the chapter follow∣ing shal put you in full assurance of the rest, by their experiences which haue passed through euery part thereof.

To prooue by circumstance that the Northwest passage hath bene sayled throughout. Chap. 4.

* 1.38THe diuersitie betweene bruite beastes and men, or betweene the wise and the simple is, that the one iudgeth by sense onely, and gathereth no surety of any thing that he hath not seene, felt, heard, tasted, or smelled: And the other not so onely, but also findeth the certaintie of things by reason, before they happen to be tryed. Wherefore I haue added proofes of both sorts, that the one and the other might thereby be satisfied.

1 First, as Gemma Frisius reciteth, there went from Europe three brethren through this passage: whereof it tooke the name of Fretum trium fratrum.

2 Also Plinie affirmeth out of Cornelius Nepos, (who wrote 57 yeeres before Christ) that there were certaine Indians driuen by tempest, vpon the coast of Germanie which were presen∣ted by the king of Sueuia, vnto Quintus Metellus Celer, the Proconsull of France.

* 1.393 And Plinie vpon the same sayth, that it is no maruell though there be Sea by the North, where there is such abundance of moisture: which argueth that hee doubted not of a nauigable passage that way, through which those Indians came.

4 And for the better proofe that the same authoritie of Cornelius Nepos is not by me wre∣sted, to proue my opinion of the Northwest passage: you shall finde the same affirmed more plain∣ly in that behalfe, by the excellent Geographer Dominicus Marius Niger,* 1.40 who sheweth how ma∣ny wayes the Indian sea stretcheth it selfe, making in that place recital of certaine Indians, that were likewise driuen through the North Seas from India, vpon the coastes of Germany, by

great tempest, as they were sayling in trade of marchandize.

5 Also while Frederic Barbarossa reigned Emperour, Anno Do. 1160.* 1.41 there came certaine other Indians vpon the coast of Germanie.

6 Likewise Othon in the storie of the Gothes affirmeth, that in the time of the Germane Emperours, there were also certaine Indians cast by force of weather, vpon the coast of the sayd countrey, which foresaid Indians could not possibly haue come by the Southeast, South∣west, nor from any part of Afrike or America, nor yet by the Northeast: therefore they came of necessitie by this our Northwest passage.

To prooue that these Indians aforenamed came not by the Southeast, Southwest, nor from any other part of Afrike, or America. Cap. 5.

FIrst, they could not come from the Southeast by the Cape de bona Sperança, because the roughnes of the Seas there is such (occasioned by the currents and great winds in that part) that the greatest Armadas the king of Portugal hath, cannot without great difficulty passe that way, much lesse then a Canoa of India could liue in those outragious seas without shipwracke (being a vessell of very small burden) and haue conducted themselues to the place aforesayd, be∣ing men vnexpert in the Arte of nauigation.

2 Also, it appeareth plainely that they were not able to come from alongst the coast of Afrike aforesayd, to those parts of Europe, because the winds doe (for the most part) blow there Easter∣ly off from the shore, and the current running that way in like sort, should haue driuen them Westward vpon some part of America: for such winds and tides could neuer haue led them from thēce to the said place where they were found, nor yet could they haue come from any of the coun∣tries aforesayd, keeping the seas alwayes, without skilful mariners to haue conducted them such like courses as were necessary to performe ••uch a voiage.

3 Presupposing also, if they had bene driuen to the West (as they must haue bene, comming that way) then they should haue perished, wanting supplie of victuals, not hauing any place (once leauing the coast of Afrike) vntill they came to America, nor from America vntill they arriued vpon some part of Europe, or the Islands adioyning to it, to haue refreshed themselues.

4 Also, if (notwithstanding such impossibilities) they might haue recouered Germanie by comming from India by the Southeast, yet must they without all doubt haue striken vpon some other part of Europe before their arriuall there, as the Isles of the Açores, Portugal, Spaine, France, England, Ireland, &c. which if they had done, it is not credible that they should or would haue departed vndiscouered of the inhabitants: but there was neuer found in those dayes any such ship or men but only vpon the coasts of Germanie, where they haue bene sundry times and in sun∣dry ages cast a land: neither is it like that they would haue committed themselues againe to sea, if they had so arriued, not knowing where they were, nor whither to haue gone.

5 And by the Southwest it is vnpossible, because the current aforesayd which cōmeth from the East,* 1.42 striketh with such force vpon the fret of Magellan, and falleth with such swiftnesse and furie into Mar del Zur, that hardly any ship (but not possibly a Canoa, with such vnskilfull ma∣riners) can come into our Westerne Ocean through that fret, from the West seas of America, as Magellans experience hath partly taught vs.

6 And further, to prooue that these people so arriuing vpon the coast of Germany, were In∣dians, & not inhabiters of any part either of Africa or America, it is manifest, because the natiues both of Africa and America neither had,* 1.43 or haue at this day (as is reported) other kind of boates then such as do beare neither mastes nor sailes, (except onely vpon the coasts of Barbarie and the Turkes ships) but do carie themselues from place to place neere the shore by the ore onely.

To prooue that those Indians came not by the Northeast, and that there is no thorow nauigable passage that way. Cap. 6.

IT is likely that there should be no thorow passage by the Northeast, whereby to goe round a∣bout the world, because all Seas (as aforesayd) are maintained by the abundance of water, waxing more shallow and shelffie towards the ende, as we find it doeth by experience in Mar•• Glaciali, towards the East, which breedeth small hope of any great continuance of that sea, to be nauigable towards the East, sufficient to saile thereby round about the world.

* 1.442 Also, it standeth scarcely with reason, that the Indians dwelling vnder Torrida Zona, could endure the iniurie of the cold ayre, about the Septentrional latitude of 80. degrees, vnder which eleuation the passage by the Northeast cannot bee (as the often experience had of all the South parts of it sheweth) seeing that some of the inhabitants of this cold climate (whose Summer is to them an extreme Winter) haue bene stroken to death with the cold damps of the aire about 72 degrees,* 1.45 by an accidental mishap, and yet the aire in such like Eleuation is alwaies cold, and too cold for such as the Indians are.

3 Furthermore, the plercing cold of the grosse thicke aire so neere the Pole wil so stiffen and furre the sailes and ship tackling, that no mariner can either hoise or strike them (as our experience farre neerer the South, then this passage is presupposed to be, hath taught vs) without the vse whereof no voiage can be performed.

4 Also, the aire is so darkened with continuall mists and fogs so neere the Pole, that no man can well see, either to guide his ship, or direct his course.

5 Also the compasse at such eleuation doth very suddenly vary, which things must of force haue bene their destructions, although they had bene men of much more skill then the Indians are.

* 1.466 Moreouer, all baies, gulfes, and riuers doe receiue their increase vpon the flood, sensibly to be discerned on the one side of the shore or the other, as many waies as they be open to any main sea, as Mare Mediterraneum, Mare Rubrum, Sinus Persicus, Sinus Bodicus, Thamesis, and all other knowen hauens or riuers in any part of the world, and each of them opening but on one part to the m••ine sea, doe likewise receiue their increase vpon the flood the same way, and none other, which Mare Glaciale doeth, onely by the West; as M. Ienkinson affirmed vnto me: and therfore it followeth that this Northeast sea, receiuing increase but onely from the West, cannot possibly open to the maine Ocean by the East.

7 Moreouer, the farther you passe into any sea towards the end of it, on that part which is shut vp from the maine sea (as in all those aboue mentioned) the lesse and lesse the tides rise and fall. The like whereof also happeneth in Mare Glaciale, which proueth but small continuance of that Sea toward the East.

8 Also, the further yee goe toward the East in Mare Glaciale, the lesse salt the water is: which could not happen, if it were open to the salt Sea towards the East, as it is to the West on∣ly,* 1.47 seeing Euery thing naturally ingendreth his like: and then must it be like salt throughout, as all the seas are, in such like climate and eleuation.

And therefore it seemeth that this Northeast sea is maintained by the riuer Ob, and such like fresshets,* 1.48 as Mare Goticum, and Mare Mediterraneum, in the vppermost parts thereof by the ri∣uers Nilus, Danubius•• Neper, Tanais, &c.

9 Furthermore, if there were any such sea at that eleuation, of like it should be alwaies frozen throughout (there being no tides to hinder it) because the extreme coldnes of the aire being in the vppermost part, and the extreme coldnesse of the earth in the bottome, the sea there being but of small depth, whereby the one accidentall coldnesse doth meet with the other, and the Sunne not hauing his reflection so neere the Pole, but at very blunt angles, it can neuer be dissolued after it is frozen, notwithstanding the great length of their day: for that the sunne hath no heate at all in his light or beames, but proceeding onely by an accidentall reflection, which there wa••teth in effect.

10 And yet if the Sunne were of sufficient force in that eleuation, to preuaile against this ice, yet must it be broken before it can be dissolued, which cannot be but through the long continuance of the sunne aboue their Horizon, and by that time the Sommer would be so farre spent, and so great darkenes and cold ensue, that no man could be able to endure so cold, darke, and discomforta∣ble a nauigation, if it were possible for him then, and there to liue.

11 Further, the ice being once broken, it must of force so driue with the windes and tides, that no ship can saile in those seas, seeing our Fishers of Island, and the New found land, are sub∣iect to danger through the great Islands of Ice which fleete in the Seas (to the sailers great dan∣ger) farre to the South of that presupposed passage.

12 And it cannot be that this Northeast passage should be any neerer the South, then before recited, for then it should cut off C••remissi, & Turbi Tartari, with Vzesucani, Chisani, and others from the Co••tinent of Asia, which are knowen to be adioyning to Scythia, Tartaria, &c. with the other part of the same Continent.

And if there were any thorowe passage by the Northeast, yet were it to small ende and purpose for our traffique, because no shippe of great burden can Na••igate in so shallow a Sea:

and ships of small burden are very vnfit & vnprofitable, especially towards the blustering North, to performe such a voyage.

To prooue that the Indians aforenamed, came only by the North∣west, which induceth a certaintie of our passage by experience. Cap. 7.

IT is as likely that they came by the Northwest, as it is vnlikely that they should come either by the Southeast, Southwest, Northeast, or from any other part of Africa or America, and therefore this Northwest passage hauing bene alreadie so many wayes proued, by disproouing of the others, &c. I shall the lesse neede in this place, to vse many words otherwise then to con∣clude in this sort, That they came onely by the Northwest from England, hauing these many reasons to leade me thereunto.

1 First, the one halfe of the windes of the compasse might bring them by the Northwest, be••∣ring alwayes betweene two sheats, with which kind of sayling the Indians are onely acquainted, not hauing any vse of a bow lin••, or quarter winde, without the which no ship can possibly come either by the Southeast, Southwest or Northeast, hauing so many sundry Capes to double, whereunto are required such change and shift of windes.

2 And it seemeth likely that they should come by the Northwest,* 1.49 because the coast whereon they were driuen, lay East from this our passage, And all windes doe naturally driue a ship to an opposite point from whence it bloweth, not being otherwise guided by Arte, which the In∣dians do vtterly want, & therefore it seemeth that they came directly through this our fret, which they might doe with one wind.

3 For if they had come by the Cape de buona Sperança, then must they (as aforesaid) haue fallen vpon the South parts of America.

4 And if by the fret of Magellan, then vpon the coasts of Afrike, Spaine, Portugall, France, Ireland or England.

5 And if by the Northeast, then vpon the coasts of Ceremissi, Tartarij, L••ppia, Island, Terra de Labrador, &c. and vpon these coasts (as aforesaid) they haue neuer bene found.

So that by all likelihood they could neuer haue come without shipwracke vpon the coastes of Germanie, if they had first striken vpon the coastes of so many countries, wanting both Arte and shipping to make orderly discouery, and altogether ignorant both in the Arte of Nauigation, and also of the Rockes, Flats, Sands or Hauens of those parts of the world, which in most of these places are plentifull.

6 And further it seemeth very likely, that the inhabitants of the most part of those countries, by which they must haue come any other way besides by the Northwest, being for the most part Anthropophagi, or men eaters, would haue deuoured them, slaine them, or (at the least wise) kept them as wonders for the gaze.

So that it plainely appeareth that those Indians (which as you haue heard in sundry ages were driuen by tempest vpon the shore of Germanie) came onely through our Northwest pas∣sage.

7 Moreouer, the passage is certainely prooued by a Nauigation that a Portugall made, who passed through this fret, giuing name to a Promontorie farte within the same, calling it after his owne name, Promontorium Corterialis, neere adioyning vnto Polisacus fluuius.

8 Also one Scolmus a Dane entred and passed a great part thereof.

9 Also there was one Saluaterra, a Gentleman of Victoria in Spaine, that came by chance out of the West Indias into Ireland, Anno 1568. who affirmed the Northwest passage from vs to Cataia, constantly to be beleeued in America nauigable. And further said in the presence of sir Henry Sidney (then lord Deputie of Ireland) in my hearing, that a Frier of Mexico, called Andrew Vrdaneta, more then eight yeeres before his then comming into Ireland, told him there, that he came from Mar del Sur into Germany through this Northwest passage, & shewed Salua∣terra (at that time being then with him in Mexico) a Sea Card made by his owne experience and trauell in that voyage, wherein was plainly set downe and described this Northwest passage, agreeing in all points with Ortelius mappe.

And further, this Frier tolde the king of Portugall (as he returned by that countrey home∣ward) that there was (of certainty) such a passage Northwest from England, and that he meant to publish the same: which done, the king most earnestly desired him not in any wise to disclose or make the passage knowen to any nation: For that (said the king) if England had knowledge

and experience thereof, it would greatly hinder both the king of Spai••e and me.* 1.50 This Frier (as Saluaterra reported) was the greatest Discouerer by sea, that hath bene in our age. Also Sal∣uaterra being perswaded of this passage by the frier Vrdaneta, and by the common opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting America, offered most willingly to accompanie me in this Discouery, which of like he would not haue done if he had stood in doubt thereof.

And now as these moderne experiences cannot be impugned, so, least it might be obiected that these things (gathered out of ancient writers, which wrote so many yeeres past) might serue litle to prooue this passage by the North of America, because both America and India were to them then vtterly vnknowen:* 1.51 to remooue this doubt, let this susfise: That Aristotle (who was 300. yeeres before Christ) named Mare Indicum.* 1.52 Also Berosus (who liued 330 yeres before Christ) hath these words, Ganges in India. Also in the first chapter of Hester be these wordes, In the dayes of Assuerus which ruled from India to Aethiopia, which Assuerus liued 580 yeeres before Christ. Also Quintus Curtius (where he speaketh of the conquests of Alexander) mentioneth India. Also, Arianus, Philostratus, and Sidrach in his discourses of the warres of the king of Ba∣ctria, and of Garaab, who had the most part of India vnder his gouernment. All which assureth vs, that both India and Indians were knowen in those dayes.

These things considered, we may (in my opinion) not only assure our selues of this passage by the Northwest, but also that it is nauigable both to come and go, as hath bene prooued in part and in all, by the experience of diuers, as Sebastian Cabota, Cor••erialis, the three brethren aboue na∣med, the Indians, and Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico, &c.

And yet notwithstanding all this, there be some that haue a better hope of this passage to Ca••aia by the Northeast then by the West, whose reasons with my seuerall answeres ensue in the chapter following.

Certaine reasons alleaged for the proouing of a passage by the Northeast, before the Queenes Maiestie, and certaine Lords of the Coun∣sell, by Master Anthonie Ienkinson, with my seuerall answeres then vsed to the same. Cap. 8.

BEcause you may vnderstand as well those things alleaged against me, as what doth serue for my purpose, I haue here added the reasons of Master Anthony Ienkinson a worthy gentle∣man, and a great traueller, who conceiued a better hope of the passage to Cataia from vs, to be by the Northeast, then by the Northwest.

He first said that he thought not to the contrary, but that there was a passage by the North∣west,* 1.53 according to mine opinion: but assured he was, that there might be found a nauigable pas∣sage by the Northeast from England, to goe to all the East parts of the world, which he ende∣uoured to prooue three wayes.

* 1.54The first was that he heard a Fisherman of Tartaria say in hunting the Morce, that he sayled very farre towards the Southeast, finding no end of the Sea: whereby he hoped a thorow pas∣sage to be that way.

* 1.55Whereunto I answered, that the Tartarians were a barbarous people, and vtterly ignorant in the Arte of Nauigation, not knowing the vse of the Sea Card, Compasse or Starre, which he confessed to be true: and therfore they could not (said I) certainly know the Southeast from the Northeast, in a wide sea, and a place vnknowen from the sight of the land.

Or if he sailed any thing neere the shore, yet he (being ignorant) might be deceiued by the doubling of many points and Capes, and by the trending of the land, albeit he kept continually alongst the shore.

And further, it might be that the poore Fisherman through simplicitie thought that there was nothing that way but sea,* 1.56 because he saw no land: which proofe (vnder correction) giueth small assurance of a Nauigable sea by the Northeast, to goe round about the world, For that he iudged by the eye onely, seeing we in this our cleare aire doe account twentie miles a k••n at Sea.

* 1.57His second reason is, that there was an Unicornes horne found vpon the coast of Tartaria, which could not come (said he) thither by any other meanes then with the tides, through some fret in the Northeast of Mare Glaciale, there being no Unicorne in any part of Asia, sauing in India and Cataia: which reason (in my simple iudgement) forceth as litle.

* 1.58First, it is doubtfull whether those barbarous Tartarians do know an Unicornes horne, yea, or no: and if it were one, yet it is not credible that the Sea could haue driuen it so farre, being of such nature that it will not swimme.

Also the tides running too and fro, would haue driuen it as farre backe with the ebbe, as it brought it forward with the flood.

There is also a beast called Asinus Indicus (whose horne most like it was) which hath but one horne like an Unicorne in his forehead, whereof there is great plenty in all the North parts ther∣unto adioyning, as in Lappia, Noruegia, Finmarke, &c. as Iacobus Zieglerus writeth in his historie of Scondia.

And as Albertus saieth, there is a fish which hath bu•• one horne in his forehead like to an Uni∣corne, and therefore it seemeth very doubtfull both from whence it came, and whether it were an Unicornes horne, yea, or no.

His third and last reason was,* 1.59 that there came a continuall streame or current through Mare Glaciale, of such swiftnesse (as a Colmax told him) that if you cast any thing therein, it would pre∣sently be carried out of sight towards the West.

Whereunto I answered,* 1.60 that there doth the like from Maeotis Palus, by Pontus Euxinus, Si∣nus Bosphorus, and along the coast of Graecia, &c. As it is affirmed by Contarenus, and diuers others that haue had experience of the same: and yet that Sea lieth not open to any maine Sea that way, but is maintained by fresshets as by Tanais, Danubius, &c.

In like maner is this current in Mare Glaciale increased and maintained by the Dwina, the riuer Ob, &c.

Now as I haue here briefly recited the reasons alleaged, to prooue a passage to Cataia by the Northeast, with my seuerall answeres thereunto: so will I leaue it to your iudgement, to hope or dispaire of either at your pleasure.

How that the passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffique, then the other by the East, if there were any such. Cap. 9.

FIrst, by the Northeast (if your windes doe not giue you a maruelous speedie & luckie passage) you are in danger (being so neere the Pole) to be benighted almost the one halfe of the yeere, and what danger that were, to liue so long comfortlesse, voide of light, (if the ••old killed you not) each man of reason or vnderstanding may iudge.

2 Also Mangia, Quinzai, and the Moluccae are neerer vnto vs by the Northwest,* 1.61 then by the Northeast, more then two fiue parts, which is almost by the halfe.

3 Also we may haue by the West a yerely returne, it being at all times nauigable, whereas you haue but 4. moneths in the whole yeere to goe by the Northeast: the passage being at such ele∣uation as it is formerly expressed, for it cannot be any neerer the South.

4 Furthermore, it cannot be finished without diuers win••rings by the way, hauing no hauens in any temperate climate to harbour in there: for it is as much as we can well saile from hence to S. Nicholas, in the trade of Moscouia, and returne in the nauigable season of the yeere, & from S. Nicholas to Cerimissi Tartari, which stande at 80 degrees of the Septentrionall latitude, it is at the least 400 leagues, which amounteth scarce to the third part of the way, to the end of your voyage by the Northeast.

5 And yet after you haue doubled this Cape, if then there might be found a nauigable Sea to carie you Southeast according to your desire, yet can you not winter conueniently, vntil you come to 60 degrees, and to take vp one degree running Southeast, you must saile 24 leagues and three foure parts, which amounteth to 495 leagues.

6 Furthermore, you may by the Northwest saile thither with all Easterly windes, and re∣turne with any Westerly windes, whereas you must haue by the Northeast sundry windes, and those proper, according to the lying of the coast and Capes, you shalbe inforced to double, which windes are not alwaies to be had, when they are looked for: wherby your iourney should be great∣ly prolonged, and hardly endured so neere the Pole. As we are taught by sir Hugh Willoughbie, who was frozen to death farre neerer the South.

7 Moreouer, it is very doubtfull, whether we should long inioy that trade by the Northeast, if there were any such passage that way, the commodities thereof once knowen to the Moscouite, what priuilege so euer hee hath granted, seeing pollicy with the masse of excessiue gaine, to the in∣riching (so greatly) of himselfe and all his dominions would perswade him to presume the same, hauing so great opportunitie to vtter the commodities of those countries by the Narue.

But by the Northwest, we may safely trade without danger or annoyance of any prince liuing, Christian or Heathen, it being out of all their trades.

8 Also the Queenes Maiesties dominions are neerer the Northwest passage then any other great princes that might passe that way, and both in their going and returne, they must of neces∣sitie succour themselues and their ships vpon some part of the same, if any tempestuous weather should happen.

Further, no princes nauie of the world is able to incounter the Queenes Maiesties nauie, as it is at this present: and yet it should be greatly increased by the traffike insuing vpon this disco∣uerie, for it is the long voyages that increase and maintaine great shipping.

Now it seemeth necessarie to declare what commodities would growe thereby, if all these things were, as we haue heretofore presupposed, and thought them to be: which next adioyning are briefly declared.

What commodities would ensue, this passage once discouered. Cap. 10.

FIrst, it were the onely way for our princes, to possesse the wealth of all the East parts (as they terme them) of the world, which is infinite: a•• appeareth by the experience of Alexander the great, in the time of his conquest of India, and other the East parts of the world, alleaged by Quintus Curtius, which would be a great aduancement to our countrey, a wonderfull inriching to our prince, and an vnspeakable commoditie to all the inhabitants of Europe.

2 For through the shortnesse of the voyage, we should be able to sell all maner of merchandize, brought from thence, farre better cheape then eit••er the Portugall or Spaniard doth or may do. And further, we should share with the Portugall in the East, & the Spaniard in the West, by tra∣ding to any part of America, thorow Mar del Sur, where they can no maner of way offend vs.

3 Also we might sayle to diuers very rich countreys, both ciuill and others, out of both their iurisdictions, trades and traffikes, where there is to be found great abundance of golde, siluer, precious stones, cloth of gold, silkes, all maner of spices, grocery wares, and other kinds of mer∣chandize of an inestimable price, which both the Spaniard and Portugall, through the length of their iournies, cannot well attaine vnto.

4 Also we might inhabite some part of those countryes, and settle there such needy people of our countrey, which now trouble the common wealth, and through want here at home are infor∣ced to commit outragious offences, whereby they are dayly consumed with the gallowes.

5 Moreouer, we might from all the aforesaid places haue a yeerely returne, inhabiting for our staple some conuenient place of America, about Sierra Neuada, or some other part, wheras it shal seeme best for the shortning of the voyage.

6 Beside vttering of our countrey commodities, which the Indians, &c. much esteeme: as appeareth in Hester, where the pompe is expressed of the great king of India, Assuerus, who mat∣ched the coloured clothes, wherewith his houses and tents were apparelled, with gold and siluer, as part of his greatest treasure: not mentioning either veluets, silkes, cloth of gold, cloth of sil∣uer, or such like, being in those countreyes most plentifull: whereby it plainly appeareth in what great estimation they would haue the clothes of this our countrey, so that there would be found a farre better vent for them by this meanes, then yet this realme euer had: and that without depen∣ding either vpon France, Spaine, Flanders, Portugall, Hamborow, Emden, or any other part of Europe.

7 Also, here we shall increase both our ships and mariners, without burthening of the state.

8 And also haue occasion to set poore mens children to learne handie craftes, and thereby to make trifles and such like, which the Indians and those people do much esteeme: by reason where∣of, there should be none occasion to haue our countrey combred with loiterers, vagabonds, and such like idle persons.

All these commodities would grow by following this our discouery, without iniury done to a∣ny Christian prince, by crossing them in any of their vsed trades, whereby they might take any iust occasion of offence.

Thus haue I briefly shewed you some part of the grounds of mine opinion, trusting that you will no longer iudge me fantasticke in this matter: seeing I haue conceiued no vaine hope of this voyage, but am perswaded thereunto by the best Cosmographers of our age, the same being con∣firmed both by reason and certaine experiences.

Also this discouery hath bene diuers times heretofore by others both offered, attempted, and performed.

It hath bene offered by Stephan Gomes vnto Carolus the fift Emperour, in the yeere of our

Lord God 1527, as Alphonso Vllua testifieth in the story of Carolus life: who would haue set him forth in it (as the story mentioneth) if the great want of money, by reason of his long warres had not caused him to su••cease the same.

And the king of Portugall fearing least the Emperour would haue perseuered in this his en∣terprise gaue him to lea••e the ma••ter vnattempted, the summe of 350000 crownes:* 1.62 and it is to be thought that the king of Portugall would not haue giuen to the Emperour such summes of money fo••••••ges in mooneshine.

I•• hath bene attempted by Sebastian Cabota in the time of king Henry the seuenth, by Cor∣terialis the Portugall•• and S••olmus the Da••e.* 1.63

And it hath bene performed by three brethren,* 1.64 the Indians aforesaid, and by Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico.

Also diuers haue offered the like vnto the French king, who hath sent two or three times to haue discouered the same: The discouerers spending and consuming their victuals in searching the gulfes and bayes betweene Florida and Terra de Labrador, whereby the yce is broken to the after commers.

So that the right way may now easily be found out in short time: and that with litle ieoperdie and lesse expences.

For America is discouered so farre towardes the North as Cape Frio, which is at 62 degrees, and that part of Grondland next adioyning is knowen to stand but at 72 degrees.* 1.65 So that wee haue but 10 degrees to saile North & South, to put the world out of doubt hereof•• and it is likely that the king of Spaine, and the king of Portugall would not haue sit out all this while, but that they are sure to possesse to themselues all that trade they now vse, and feare to deale in this disco∣uery, least the Queenes Maiestie hauing so good opportunitie, and finding the commoditie which thereby might ••nsue to the common wealth, would cut them off, and enioy the whole traffique to her selfe, and thereby the Spaniards and Portugals,* 1.66 with their great charges, should beate the bush, and other men catch the birds: which thing they foreseeing, haue commanded that no pilot of theirs vpon paine of death, should seeke to discouer to the Northwest, or plat out in any Sea card any thorow passage that way by the Northwest.

Now, and if you will indifferently compare the hope that remaineth, to animate me to this en∣terprise, with those likelihoods which Columbus alleaged before Ferdinando the king of Casti∣lia, to prooue that there were such Ilands in the West Ocean, as were after by him and others discouered to the great commodity of Spaine and all the world: you will thinke then this North∣west passage to be most worthy trauell therein.

For Columbus had none of the West Ilands set foorth vnto him, either in globe or card, nei∣ther yet once mentioned of any writer (Plato excepted, and the commentaries vpon the same) from 942 yeeres before Christ, vntill that day.

Moreouer, Columbus himselfe had neither seene America nor any other of the Ilands about it, neither vnderstood he of them by the report of any other that had seene them, but only comfor∣ted himselfe with this hope, that the land had a beginning where the Sea had an ending: for as touching that which the Spaniards doe write of a Biscaine, which should haue taught him the way thither, it is thought to be imagined of them, to depriue Columbus of his honour, being none of their countrey man, but a stranger borne.

And if it were true of the Biscaine, yet did he but roue at the matter, or (at the least) gathered the knowledge of it, by coniectures onely.

And albeit my selfe haue not seene this passage or any part thereof, but am ignorant of it as touching experience (as Columbus was before his attempt made) yet haue I both the report, re∣lation, and authoritie of diuers most credible men, which haue both seene and passed through some and euery part of this discouery, besides sundry reasons for my assurance thereof: all which Co∣lumbus wanted.

These things considered, & indifferently weighed togither, with the wonderfull commodities which this discouery may bring, especially to this realme of England: I must needes conclude with learned Baptista Ramusius, and diuers other learned men, who said, that this discouery hath bene reserued for some noble prince or woorthie man, thereby to make himselfe rich, and the world happie•• desiring you to accept in good part this briefe and simple discourse, written in haste, which if I may perceiue that it shall not sufficiently satisfie you in this behalfe, I will then impart vnto you a large discourse, which I haue written onely of this discouery.

And further, because it sufficeth not only to know that such a thing there is, without abilitie to performe the same, I wil at leasure make you partaker of another simple discourse of nauigation,

wherein I haue not a litle trauelled, to make my selfe as sufficient to bring these things to effect, as I haue bene readie to offer my selfe therein.

And therein I haue deuised to amend the errors of vsuall sea cards, whose common fault is, to make the degrees of longitude in euery latitude of one like bignesse.

And haue al••o deuised therein a Spherical instrument, with a compasse of variation for the per∣fect knowing of the longitude.

And a precise order to pricke the sea card, together with certaine infallible rules for the short∣ning of any discouery, to know at the first ••ntring of any fret, whether it lie open to the Ocean more wayes then one, how farre soeuer the sea stretcheth it selfe into the land.

Desiring you hereafter neuer to mislike with me, for the taking in hande of any laudable and honest enterprise: for if through pleasure or idlenesse we purchase shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame remaineth for euer.

* 1.67And therefore to giue me leaue without offence, alwayes to liue and die in this mind, That he is not worthy to liue at all, that for feare, or danger of death, shunneth his countries seruice, and his owne honour: seeing death is ineuitable, and the fame of vertue immortall. Where∣fore in this behalfe, Mutare vel timere sperno.

Certaine other reasons, or arguments to prooue a passage by the Northwest, learnedly written by M. Richard Willes Gentleman.

FOure famous wayes there be spoken of to those fruitfull and wealthie Islands, which wee doe vsually call Moluccaes, continually haunted for gaine, and dayly trauelled for riches therein growing. These Ilands, although they stand East from the Meridian, distant almost halfe the length of the worlde, in extreame heate, vnder the Equinoctiall line, possessed of In∣fidels and Barbarians: yet by our neighbours great abundance of wealth there is paine∣fully sought in respect of the voyage deerely bought, and from thence dangerously brought home vnto vs. Our neighbours I call the Portugals in comparison of the Molucchians for neere∣nesse vnto vs, for like situation Westward as we haue, for their vsuall trade with vs, for that the farre Southeasterlings doe knowe this part of Europe by no other name then Portugall, not greatly acquainted as yet with the other Nations thereof. Their voyage is very well vnder∣stood of all men, and the Southeasterne way round about Afrike by the Cape of Good hope more spoken of,1 1.68 better knowen and trauelled, then that it may seeme needfull to discourse thereof any further.

2 1.69The second way lyeth Southwest, betweene the West India or South America, and the South continent, through that narrow straight where Magellan first of all men that euer we doe read of, passed these latter yeeres, leauing thereunto therefore his name. This way no doubt the Spaniardes would commodiously take, for that it lyeth neere vnto their dominions there,* 1.70 could the Easterne current and leuan•• windes as easily suffer them to returne, as speedily therwith they may be carried thither: for the which difficultie, or rather impossibility of striuing against the force both of winde and streame, this passage is litle or nothing vsed, although it be very well knowen.

3 1.71The third way by the Northeast, beyond all Europe and Asia, that worthy and renowmed knight sir Hugh Willoughbie sought to his perill, enforced there to ende his life for colde, con∣gealed and frozen to death. And truely this way consisteth rather in the imagination of Geogra∣phers, then allowable either in reason, or approued by experience, as well it may appeare by the dangerous trending of the Scythish Cape set by Ortelius vnder the 80 degree North,* 1.72 by the vn∣likely sailing in that Northerne sea alwayes clad with yce and snow, or at the least continually pe∣stred therewith, if happily it be at any time dissolued: besides bayes and shelfes, the water waxing more shallow toward the East, that we say nothing of the foule mists and darke fogs in the cold clime, of the litle power of the Sunne to cleare the aire, of the vncomfortable nights, so neere the Pole, fiue moneths long.

4 1.73A fourth way to go vnto these aforesaid happy Ilands Moluccae sir Humfrey Gilbert a lear∣ned and valiant knight discourseth of at large in his new passage to Cathayo. The enterprise of it selfe being vertuous, the fact must doubtlesse deserue high praise, and whensoeuer it shal be fini∣shed, the fruits thereof cannot be smal: where vertue is guide, there is fame a follower, & fortune a companion. But the way is dangerous, the passage doubtfull, the voiage not throughly knowen, and therefore gainesaid by many, after this maner.

* 1.74First, who can assure vs of any passage rather by the Northwest then by the Northeast? doe

not both wayes lye in equall distance from the North Pole? Stand not the North Capes of ey∣ther continent vnder like eleuation? Is not the Ocean sea beyond America farther distant from our Meridian by 30. or 40. degrees West, then the extreame poyntes of Cathayo Eastward, if Ortelius generall Carde of the world be true?* 1.75 In the Northeast that noble Knight Syr Hugh Willoughbie perished for colde: and can you then promise a passenger any better happe by the Northwest? Who hath gone for triall sake at any time this way out of Europe to Cathayo?

If you seeke the aduise herein of such as make profession in Cosmographie,* 1.76 Ptolome the father of Geographie, and his eldest children, will answere by their mappes with a negatiue, concluding most of the Sea within the land, and making an ende of the world Northward, neere the 63. de∣gree. The same opinion, when learning chiefly florished, was receiued in the Romanes time, as by their Poets writings it may appeare: tibi seruiat vltima Thyle, said Virgil, being of opinion, that Island was the extreme part of the world habitable toward the North. Ioseph Moletius an Italian, and Mercator a Germaine, for knowledge men able to be compared with the best Geo∣graphers of our time, the one in his halfe Spheres of the whole world, the other in some of his great globes, haue continued the West Indies land, euen to the North Pole, and consequently, cut off all passage by sea that way.

The same doctors, Mercator in other of his globes and mappes, Moletius in his sea Carde, ne∣uerthelesse doubting of so great continuance of the former continent, haue opened a gulfe betwixt the W••st Indies and the extreame Northerne land: but such a one, that either is not to be trauel∣led for the causes in the first obiection alledged, or cleane shut vp from vs in Europe by Groen∣land: the South ende whereof Moletius maketh firme land with America, the North part con∣tinent with Lappeland and Norway.

Thirdly,* 1.77 the greatest fauourers of this voyage can not denie, but that if any such passage be, it lieth subiect vnto yce and snow for the most part of the yeere, whereas it standeth in the edge of the frostie zone. Before the Sunne hath warmed the ayre, and dissolued the yce, eche one well knoweth that there can be no sailing: the yce once broken through the continuall abode the sunne maketh a certaine season in those parts, how shall it be possible for so weake a vessel as a shippe is, to holde out amid whole Islands, as it were of yce continually beating on eche side, and at the mouth of that gulfe, issuing downe furiou••ly from the north, and safely to passe, when whole moun∣taines of yce and snow shall be tumbled downe vpon her?

Well, graunt the West Indies not to continue continent vnto the Pole,* 1.78 grant there be a pas∣sage betweene these two lands, let the gulfe lie neerer vs then commonly in cardes we finde it set, namely, betweene the 61. and 64. degrees north, as Gemma Fr••sius in his mappes and globes imagineth it, and so left by our countryman Sebastian Cabot in his table which the Earle of Bed∣ford hath at Cheinies: Let the way be voyde of all difficulties, yet doeth it not follow that wee haue free passage to Cathayo. For examples sake: You may trend all Norway, Finmarke, and Lappeland, and then bowe Southward to Saint Nicholas in Moscouia: you may like∣wise in the Mediterranean Sea fetch Constantinople, and the mouth of Tanais: yet is there no passage by Sea through Moscouia into Pont Euxine, now called Mare Maggiore. Againe, in the aforesaid Mediterranean sea, we saile to Alexandria in Egypt, the Barbarians bring their pearle and spices from the Moluccaes vp the Red sea or Arabian gulph to Sues, scarcely three dayes iourney from the aforesayd hauen: yet haue wee no way by sea from Alexandria to the Moluc∣caes, for that Isthmos or litle straight of land betweene the two seas. In like maner although the Northerne pa••sage be free at 61 degrees of latitude, and the West Ocean beyond America, vsu∣ally called Mar del Zur, knowen so be open at 40. degrees eleuation from the Island Iapan, yea three hundred leagues Northerly aboue Iapan: yet may there be land to hinder the thorow pas∣sage that way by Sea, as in the examples aforesaid it falleth out, Asia and America there being ioyned together in one continent. Ne can this opinion seeme altogether friuolous vnto any one that diligently peruseth our Cosmographers doings. Iosephus Molerius is of that minde, not onely in his plaine Hemispheres of the world, but also in his Sea card. The French Geogra∣phers in like maner be of the same opinion, as by their Mappe cut out in forme of a Hart you may perceiue: as though the West Indies were part of Asia. Which sentence well agreeth with that old conclusion in the Schooles: Quic quid praeter Africam & Europam est, Asia est. What∣soeuer land doeth neither apperteine vnto Afrike nor to Europe, is part of Asia.

Furthermore it were to small purpose to make so long,* 1.79 so painefull, so doubtfull a voyage by such a newfound way, if in Cathayo you should neither bee suffered to land for silkes and siluer, nor able to fetch the Molucca spices and pearle for piracie in those Seas. Of a law denying all Aliens to enter into China, and forbidding all the inhabiters vnder a great penaltie to let in any

stranger into those countryes, shall you reade in the report of Galeotto Perera there imprisoned with other Portugals: as also in the Iaponish letters, how for that cause the worthy traueller Xauierus bargained with a Barbarian Merchant for a great summe of pepper to be brought into Canton, a port in China. The great and dangerous piracie vsed in those Seas no man can be ignorant of, that listeth to reade the Iaponish and East Indian historie.

* 1.80Finally, all this great labour would be lost, all these charges spent in vaine, if in the ende our trauellers might not be able to returne againe, and bring safely home into their owne natiue coun∣trey that wealth & riches, which they in forrein regions with aduenture of goods, & danger of their liues haue sought for. By the Northeast there is no way, the Southeast passage the Portugals doe hold as the Lords of those Seas. At y^e Southwest Magellans experience hath partly taught vs, and partly we are persuaded by reason, how the Easterne current striketh so furiously on that straight, and falleth with such force into that narrow gulph, that hardly any ship can returne that way into our West Ocean out of Mar del Zur. The which if it be true, as truely it is, then wee may say that the aforesayd Easterne current or leuant course of waters continually following af∣ter the heauenly motions, looseth not altogether his force, but is doubled rather by an other ••ur∣rent from out the Northeast, in the passage betweene America and the North land, whither it is of necessity caryed: hauing none other way to maintaine it selfe in circular motion, & consequent∣ly the force and fury thereof to be no lesse in the straight of Anian, where it striketh South into Mar del Zur, beyond America (if any such straight of Sea there be) then in Magellans fret, both straights being of like bredth: as in Belognine Zalterius table of new France, and in Don Diego Hermano de Toledo his Card for nauigation in that regi•••• we doe f••••de precisely set downe.

Neuerthelesse to approoue that there lyeth a way to Cathayo at the Northwest from out of Europe, we haue experience, namely of three brethren that went that iourney, as Gemma Frisius recordeth, and left a name vnto that straight, whereby now it is called Fretum trium fratrum. We doe reade againe of a Portugall that passed this straight, of ••hom Master Frobisher speaketh, that was imprisoned therefore many yeeres in Lisbone, to verifie the olde Spanish prouerbe, I suffer for doing well. Likewise Andrew Vrdaneta a Fryer of Mexico came out of Mar del Zur this way into Germanie•• his Carde (for he was a great Discouerer) made by his owne experi∣ence and trauell in that voyage, hath bene seene by Gentlemen of good credite.

* 1.81Now if the obseruation and remembrance of things breedeth experience, and of experience proceedeth arte, and the certaine knowledge we haue in all faculties, as the best Philosophers that euer were doe affirme: truely the voyage of these aforesayd trauellers that haue gone out of Europe into Mar del Zur, and returned thence at the Northwest, do most euidently conclude that way to be nauigable, and that passage free. So much the more we are so to thinke, for that the first principle and chiefe ground in all Geographie,* 1.82 as Ptolome saith, is the history of trauell, that is, reports made by trauellers skilful in Geometrie and Astronomie, of all such things in their iourney as to Geographie doe belong. It onely then remaineth, that we now answere to those arguments that seemed to make against this former conclusion.

* 1.83The first obiection is of no force, that generall table of the world set forth by Ortelius or Mer∣cator, for it greatly skilleth not, being vnskilfully drowen for that point: as manifestly it may appeare vnto any one that conferreth the same with Gemma Frisius his vniuersall Mappe, with his round quartered carde, with his globe, with Sebastian Cabota his cable, and Ortelius his ge∣nerall mappe alone, worthily preferred in this case before all Mercator & Ortelius other doings: for that Cabota was not onely a skilful Seaman•• but a long traueller, and such a one as entred personally that straight, sent by king Henry the ••euenth to make this aforesayd Discouerie, as in his owne discourse of nauigation you may reade in his carde drawen with his owne hand, that the mouth of the Northwesterne straight lyeth neere the 318. Meridian•• betweene 61. and 64. de∣grees in the eleuation, continuing the ••ame bredth about 10. degrees West, where it openeth Southerly more and more, vntill it come vnder the tropicke of Cancer, and so runneth into Mar del Zur, at the least 18. degrees more in bredth there, then it was where it first began: otherwise I could as well imagine this passage to be more vnlikely then the voyage to Moscouia, and more impossible then it for the farre situation and co••tin••••nce thereof in the frostie clime: as now I can affirme it to be very possible and most likely in comparison thereof, for that it neither coasteth so farre North as the Moscouian passage doeth, neither is this straight so long as that, before it bow downe Southerly towardes the Sunne againe.

* 1.84The second argument concludeth nothing. Ptolome knew not what was aboue sixteene de∣grees South beyond the Equinoctiall line, he was ignorant of all passages Northward from the eleuation of 63. degrees: he knewe no Ocean sea beyond Asia, yet haue the Portugals trended

the cape of Good hope at the South point of Afrike, and trauelled to Iapan an Island in the East Ocean, betweene Asia & America: our merchants in the time of king Edward the sixt discouered the Moscouian passage farther North then Thyle, & shewed Groenland not to be continent with Lappeland & Norway: the like our Northwesterne trauellers haue done, declaring by their na∣uigation that way, the ignorance of all Cosmographers that either doe ioyne Groenland with A∣merica, or continue the West Indies with that frosty region vnder the north pole. As for Virgil he sang according to the knowledge of men in his time, as an other Poet did of the hot zone.

Quarum quae media est, non est habitabilis aestu.* 1.85 Imagining, as most men then did, Zonam torridam, the hot zone to be altogether dishabited for heat, though presently wee know many fa∣mous and woorthy kingdomes and cities in that part of the earth, and the Island of S. Thomas neere AEthiopia, & the wealthy Islands for the which chiefly all these voyages are taken in hand, to be inhabited euen vnder the equinoctiall line.

To answere the third obiection,* 1.86 besides Cabota and all other trauellers nauigations, the onely credit of M. Frobisher may suffice, who lately through all these Islands of ice, and mountaines of snow, passed that way, euen beyond the gulfe that tumbleth downe from the North, and in some places though he drewe one inch thicke ice, as he returning in August did, yet came he home safely againe.

The fourth argument is altogether friuolous & vaine,* 1.87 for neither is there any isthmos or strait of land betweene America and Asia, ne can these two landes ioyntly be one continent. The first part of my answere is manifestly allowed of by Homer, whom that excellent Geographer Strabo followeth,* 1.88 yeelding him in this facultie the price. The authour of that booke likewise 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to Alexander, attributed vnto Aristotle, is of the same opinion that Homer and Strabo be of, in two or three places. Dionisius in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hath this verse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So doth the Ocean Sea runne round about the worlde: speaking onely of Europe, Afrike and Asia, as then Asia was trauelled and knowen.* 1.89 With these Doctours may you ioyne Pomponius Mela. cap. 2. lib. 1. Plinius lib. 2. cap. 67. and Pius 2. cap. 2. in his description of Asia. All the which writers doe no lesse confirme the whole Easterne side of Asia to be compassed about with the sea, then Plato doeth affirme in Timaeo, vnder the name Atlantis, the West Indies to be an Island, as in a special discourse thereof R. Eden writeth,* 1.90 agreeable vnto the sentence of Proclus, Marsilius Ficinus, and others. Out of Plato it is gathered that America is an Island. Homer, Strabo, Ari∣stotle, Dionysius, Mela, Plinic, Pius 2. affirme the continent of Asia, Afrike, & Europe, to be enui∣roned with the Ocean. I may therfore boldly say (though later intelligences therof had we none at all) that Asia & the West Indies be not tied together by any Isthmos or straight of land, contra∣ry to the opinion of some new Cosmographers, by whom doubtfully this matter hath bin brought in controuersie. And thus much for the first part of my answere vnto the fourth obiection.

The second part, namely that America and Asia cannot be one continent, may thus be proued, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 1.91 The most Riuers take downe that way their course, where the earth is most hollow and deepe, writeth Aristotle: and the Sea (sayth he in the same place) as it goeth further, so is it found deeper. Into what gulfe doe the Moscouian riuers One∣ga, Duina, Ob, powre out their streames Northward out of Moscouia into the sea? Which way doeth that sea strike? The South is maine land, the Easterne coast waxeth more and more shalow: from the North, either naturally, because that part of the earth is higher Aristot. 2. Met. cap. 1. or of necessitie, for that the forcible influence of some Northerne starres causeth the earth there to shake off the Sea, as some Philosophers doe thinke: or finally for the great store of wa∣ters engendred in that frostie and colde climate, that the bankes are not able to holde them. Al∣ber. in 2. Meteor. cap. 6. From the North, I say, continually falleth downe great abundance of water. So that this Northeasterne currant must at the length abruptly bow toward vs South on the West side of Finmarke and Norway: or else strike downe Southwest aboue Groneland, or betwixt Groneland and Iseland, into the Northwest straight we speake of, as of congruence it doeth, if you marke the situation of that Region, and by the report of M. Frobisher experience teacheth vs. And M. Frobisher the further he trauailed in the former passage, as he tolde me, the deeper alwayes he found the Sea. Lay you now the summe hereof together. The riuers runne where the chanels are most hollow, the sea in taking his course waxeth deeper, the Sea waters fall continually from the North Southward, the Northeasterne current striketh downe into the straight we speake of, and is there augmented with whole mountaines of yce and snowe falling downe furiously out from the land vnder the North pole. Where store of water is,* 1.92 there is it a thing impossible to want Sea, where Sea not onely doeth not want, but waxeth deeper, there can be discouered no land. Finally, whence I pray you came the contrary tide, that M•• Frobisher

mette withall after that he had sailed no small way in that passage, if there bee any Isthmos or straight of land betwixt the aforesayd Northwesterne gulfe, and Mar del Zur, to ioyne Asia and America together? That conclusion frequented in scholes Quicquid preter, &c. was meant of the partes of the world then knowen, and so is it of right to be vnderstood.

* 1.93The fift obiection requireth for answere wisedome and policie in the trauailer, to winne the Barbarians fauour by some good meanes: and so to arme and strengthen himselfe, that when he shal haue the repulse in one coast, he may safely trauaile to an other, commodiously taking his con∣uenient times, and discreetely making choise of them with whom hee will throughly deale. To force a violent entry, would for vs Englishmen be very hard, considering the strength and valour of so great a Nation, farre distant from vs, and the attempt thereof might be most perillous vnto the doers, vnlesse their part were very good.

Touching their lawes against strangers, you shall reade neuerthelesse in the same relations of Galeotto Perera, that the Cathaian king is woont to graunt free accesse vnto all forreiners that trade into his Countrey for Marchandise, and a place of libertie for them to remaine in: as the Moores had, vntill such time as they had brought the Loutea or Lieutenant of that coast to bee a circumcised Saracene: wherefore some of them were put to the sword, the rest were scattered a∣broad: at Fuquien a great citie in China, certaine of them are yet this day to be seene. As for the Iapans they be most desirous to be acquainted with strangers. The Portingals though they were straitly handled there at the first, yet in the ende they found great fauour at the Prince his hands, insomuch that the Loutea or president that misused them was therefore put to death. The rude Indian Canoa halleth those seas, the Portingals, the Saracenes, and Moores trauaile continually vp and downe that reach from Iapan to China, from China to Malacca, from Malacca to the Mo∣luccaes: and shall an Englishman, better appointed then any of them all (that I say no more of our Nauie) feare to saile in that Ocean? What seas at all doe want piracie? What Nauigation is there voyde of perill?

* 1.94To the last argument. Our trauailers neede not to seeke their returne by the Northeast, nei∣ther shall they be constrained, except they list, either to attempt Magellans straight at the South∣west, or to be in danger of the Portingals for the Southeast: they may returne by the Northwest, that same way they doe goe foorth, as experience hath shewed.

The reason alleadged for proofe of the contrary may be disproued after this maner. And first it may be called in controuersie, whether any current continually be forced by the motion of Pri∣mum mobile, round about the world, or no? For learned men doe diuersly handle that que••tion. The naturall course of all waters is downeward, wherefore of congruence they fall that way where they finde the earth most lowe and deepe: in respect whereof, it was erst sayd, the seas doe strike from the Northren landes Southerly.* 1.95 Uiolently the seas are tossed and troubled diuers wayes with the windes, encreased and diminished by the course of the Moone, hoised vp & downe through the sundry operations of the Sunne and the starres: finally, some be of opinion, that the seas be caried in part violently about the world, after the dayly motion of the highest moueable heauen, in like maner as the elements of ayre and fire, with the rest of the heauenly spheres, are from the East vnto the West. And this they doe call their Easterne current,* 1.96 or leuant streame. Some such current may not be denied to be of great force in the hot zone, for the neerenesse there∣of vnto the centre of the Sunne, and blustring Easterne windes violently driuing the seas West∣ward: howbeit, in the temperate climes, the Sunne being further off, & the windes more diuers, blowing as much from the North, the West and South, as from the East, this rule doeth not ef∣fectually withholde vs from trauailing Eastward, neither be we kept euer backe by the aforesaid Leuant windes and streame. But in Magellans streight wee are violently driuen backe West∣ward: Ergo, through the Northwesterne straight or Anian frette shall we not be able to returne Eastward? It followeth not. The first, for that the northwesterne straight hath more searoome at the least by one hundreth English myles, then Magellans frette hath, the onely want whereof causeth all narrow passages generally to be most violent. So would I say in the Anian gulfe, if it were so narrow as Don Diego and Zalterius haue painted it out, any returne that way to bee full of difficulties, in respect of such streightnesse thereof, not for the neerenesse of the Sunne, or Easterne windes, violently forcing that way any leuant streame: But in that place there is more sea roome by many degrees, if the Cardes of Cabota, and Gemma Frisius, and that which Tra∣mezine imprinted, be true.

And hitherto reason see I none at all, but that I may as well giue credite vnto their doings, as to any of the rest. It must be Peregrinationis historia, that is, true reportes of skilfull trauai∣lers, as Ptolome writeth,* 1.97 that in such controuersies of Geographie must put vs out of doubt.

Ortelius in his vniuersall tables, in his particular Mappes of the West Indies, of all Asia, of the Northren kingdomes, of the East Indies, Mercator in some of his globes, and generall Mappes of the world, Moletius in his vniuersall table of the Globe diuided, in his sea Carde, and particu∣ler tables of the East Indies, Zalterius, and Don Diego, with Ferdinando Bertely, and others, doe so much differ from Gemma Frisius and Cabota, among themselues, and in diuers places from themselues, concerning the diuers situation and sundry limits of America, that one may not so rashly, as truely surmise, these men either to be ignorant in those points touching the afore∣said region, or that the Mappes they haue giuen out vnto the world, were collected onely by them, and neuer of their owne drawing.

The first Voyage of M. Martine Frobisher, to the Northwest, for the search of the straight or passage to China, written by Christopher Hall, Master in the Gabriel, and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576.

THe 7. of Iune being Thursday,* 1.98 the two Barks, viz. the Gabriel, and the ‖ 1.99 Mi∣chael & our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe, and bare down to Detford, and there we ancred: the cause was, that our Pinnesse burst her boultspri••, and for••m••st aboard of a ship that rode at Detford, else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich.

The 8. day being Friday, about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford, and set saile all three of vs, and bare downe by the Court, where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could: Her Maiestie beholding the same, commended it, and bade vs farewell, with shaking her hand at vs out of the window. Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs, who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings, and thanked vs for it, and also wil∣led our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her.

The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs, and declared to the company, that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient, and diligent to their Captaine, and gouernours in all things, and wished vs happie successe.

The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend, by the castle or blockehouse, we obserued the lati∣tude, which was 51. degrees 33. min•• And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. de∣grees and a halfe.

The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone, I had sight o•• Faire yle,* 1.100 being from vs 6. leagues North and by East, and when I brought it Northwest and by North, it did rise at the Souther∣most ende with a litle hommocke, and sw••mpe in the middes.

The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone, the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale, I cast about to the Westward, the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me,* 1.101 and the land of Faire yle, West Southwest from me. I sailed di∣rectly to the North head of that said land, scunding as I ranne in, hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms, and gray redde shels: and within halfe a mile of that Island, there are 36. fathoms, for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde, and I found by my sounding hard rockes, and foule ground, and deepe water, within two cables length of the shoare, 28. fathome, and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile, and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island. The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast: the flood setteth Southeast, and the ebbe Northwest.

The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale, sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head, I did obserue the latitude, the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest frō me 6. leagues, and Swinborne head East southeast from me, I found my * 1.102eleuation to be 37. degr. and my decli∣nation 22. degr. 46. min. So that my latitude was 59. degr. 46. min. At that present being neere to Swinborne head, hauing a leake which did trouble vs, as also to take in fresh water, I plyed roome with a sound, which is called S. Tronions,* 1.103 and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water, and faire sande. You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17.15.12.10.9.8. and 7. fa∣thoms, and the sound lyeth in North northwest, and there we roade to a West sunne, & stopped our leake, and hauing refreshed our selues with water, at a North northwest sunne, I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest, and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound, and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay. And running off toward Fowlay.* 1.104 I sounded, hauing fiftie fathome, and stre••m••e ground, and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande, hauing fiftie fathome at the South head, and streamie ground, like

broken otmell, and one shell being redde and white like mackerell.

* 1.105The 27. day at a South sunne I did abserue the latitude, the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast: I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees, 59. min. truly ob∣serued, the winde at South Southwest: I sailed West and by North.

From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone, the wind at South, a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues, and at the ende of this watch, I sounded hauing 60. fathome, with little stones and shels, the Island from vs 8. leagues East.

* 1.106The first of Iuly, from 4. to 8. a clocke, wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues, and at that pre∣sent we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues.

[unspec 3] The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to the Westwards: this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6. leagues.

* 1.107From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues. At that present I found our Compasse to be varied 11. deg. and one 4. part to the Westwards, which is one point.

The 11 day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West [unspec 11] northwest 16. leagues, and rising like pinacles of steeples, and all couered with snowe. I found my selfe in 61. degr. of latitude.* 1.108 Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150•• fa∣thoms, we hoised out our boate, and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land, but the land lying full of yce, they could not get on land, and so they came aboord againe: We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge. Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues.

[unspec 18] The 18. day at a Southeast sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg. And at a South∣southeast sunne 40. deg. So I obserued it till I found it at the highest, and then it was eleuated 52. deg. I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward.* 1.109

* 1.110The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce, seeming a firme lande, and we cast Westward to be cleare of it.

* 1.111The 26. we had sight of a land of yce: the latitude was 62. degrees, and two minutes.

The 28. day in the morning was very foggie: but at the clearing vp of the fogge, wee had sight of lande, which I supposed to be Labrador,* 1.112 with great store of yce about the land: I ranne in towards it, and sownded, but could get no ground at 100. Fathom, and the yce being so thicke, I could not get to the shoare, and so lay off, and came cleare of the yce. Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare, and sought a harborowe: all the sownd was full of yce, and our [unspec 30] boate rowing a shoare, could get no ground at a 100. fathom, within a Cables length of the shoare: then we sailed Eastnortheast along the shoare, for so the lande lyeth, and the currant is there great, setting Northeast, and Southwest: and if we could haue gotten anker ground, wee would haue seene with what force it had runne, but I iudge a ship may driue aleague and a halfe, in one houre, with that tide.

[unspec 31] This day at 4. of the cloke in the morning, being faire and cleere, we had sight of a head land, as we iudged, bearing from vs north, and by East, and we sailed Northeast, and by North to that land, and when we came thither, wee could not get to the lande for yce: for the yce stretched along the coast, so that we could not come to the land, by fiue leagues.

* 1.113Wednesday the first of August it calmed, and in the after noone I caused my boate to be hoy∣sed [unspec 1] out, being hard by a great Island of yce, and I and foure men rowed to that yce, and sown∣ded [unspec 2] within two Cables length of it, and had sixteene fathome, and little stones, and after that sownded againe within a Minion shot, and had ground at an hundreth fathome, and faire sand: we sownded the next day a quarter of a myle from it, and had sixtie fathome rough ground, and at that present being aboord, that great Island of yce fell one part from another, making a noyse as if a great cliffe had fallen into the Sea. And at foure of the clocke I sownded againe, and had 90. fathome, and small blacke stones, and little white stones, like pearles. The tide here did set to the shoare.

[unspec 10] The tenth I tooke foure men, and my selfe, and rowed to shoare to an Island one league from the maine, and there the flood setteth Southwest alongest the shoare, and it floweth as neere as I could iudge so too, I could not tarry to prooue it, because the ship was a great way from me, and I feared a fogge: but when I came a shoare, it was a low water. I went to y^e top of the Island, and before I came backe, it was hied a foote water, and so without tarrying I came aboord.

[unspec 11] * 1.114The 11. we found our latitude to be 63. degr. and eight minutes, and this day we entred the streight.

The 12. wee set saile towardes an Island, called the Gabriels Island, which was 10. leagues [unspec 12] then from vs.

We espied a sound, and bare with it, and came to a sandie Baye, where we came to an anker, [unspec 13] the land bearing East southeast off vs, and there we rode al night in 8. fathome water. It floweth there at a Southeast Moone. We called it Priors sownd, being from the Gabriels Island, tenne leagues.

The 14. we waied, and ranne into another sownde, where wee ankered in 8. fathome water, [unspec 14] faire sand, and blacke oaze, and there called our ship, being weake from the wales vpward, and tooke in fresh water.

The 15. day we waied, and sailed to Priors Bay, being a mile from thence. [unspec 15]

The 16. day was calme, and we rode still, without yce, but presently within two houres it was [unspec 16] frozen round about the ship, a quarter of an ynch thicke, and that day very faire, and calme.

The 17. day we waied, and came to Thomas Williams Island. [unspec 17]

The 18. day we sailed North northwest, and ankered againe in 23. fathome, and tough oaze, [unspec 18] vnder Burchers Island, which is from the former Island, ten leagues.

The 19. day in the morning, being calme, and no winde, the Captaine and I tooke our boate, [unspec 19] with eight men in her, to rowe vs a shoare, to set if there were there any people, or no, and going to the toppe of the Island, we had sight of seuen boates, which came rowing from the East side,* 1.115 to∣ward that Island: whereupon we returned aboord againe: at length we sent our boate with fiue men in her, to see whither they rowed, and so with a white cloth brought one of their boates with their men along the shoare, rowing after our boate, till such time as they sawe our ship, and then they rowed a shoare: then I went on shoare myselfe, and gaue euery of them a threadden point, and brought one of them aboord of me, where hee did eate and drinke, and then carried him on shoare againe. Whereupon all the rest came aboord with their boates, being nineteene persons, and they spake, but we vnderstoode them not. They bee like to Tartars,* 1.116 with long blacke haire, broad faces, and flatte noses, and tawnie in colour, wearing Seale skinnes, and so doe the women, not differing in the fashion, but the women are marked in thé face with blewe streekes downe the cheekes, and round about the eyes. Their bo••tes are made all of Seales skinnes, with a keele of wood within the skin: the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop, saue only they be flat in the bottome, and sharpe at both ende.

The twentieth day wee wayed, and went to the Eastside of this Island, and I and the Cap∣taine, [unspec 20] with foure men more went on shoare, and there we sawe their houses, and the people espy∣ing vs, came rowing towards our boate: whereupon we plied toward our boate: and wee being in our boate and they ashoare, they called to vs, and we rowed to them, and one of their company came into our boate, and we car••ied him a boord, and gaue him a Bell, and a knife: so the Cap∣taine and I willed fiue of our men to set him a shoare at a rocke,* 1.117 and not among the company, which they came from, but their wilfulnesse was such, that they would goe to them, and so were taken themselues, and our boate lost.

The next day in the morning, we stoode in neere the shoare, and shotte off a fauconet, and soun∣ded [unspec 21] our trumpet, but we could heare nothing of our men: this sound wee called the fiue mens sound, and plyed out of it, but ankered againe in thirtie fathome, and oaze: and riding there all night, in the morning, the snow lay a foote thicke vpon our hatches.

The 22. day in the morning we wayed, and went againe to the place where we lost our men, [unspec 22] and our boate. We had sight of foureteene boates, and some came neere to vs, but wee could learne nothing of our men: among the rest, we intised one boate to our ships side, with a Bell, and in giuing him the Bell, we tooke him, and his boate, and so kept him, and so rowed downe to Tho∣mas Williams Island, and there ankered all night.

The 26. day we waied, to come homeward,* 1.118 and by 12. of the clocke at noone, we were thwart of Trumpets Island. [unspec 26]

The next day we came thwart of Gabriels Island, and at 8. of the clocke at night we had the Cape Labrador as we supposed West from vs, ten leagues. [unspec 27]

The 28. day we went our course Southeast. [unspec 28]

We sailed Southeast, and by East, 22. leagues. [unspec 29]

The first day of September in the morning we had sight of the land of Friseland,* 1.119 being eight leagues from vs, but wee could not come neerer it, for the monstrous yce that lay about it. [unspec 1] From this day, till the sixth of this Moneth, we ranne along Island, and had the South part of it at eight of the clocke, East from vs ten leagues.

The seuenth day of this moneth we had a very terrible storme, by force whereof, one of our [unspec 7] men was blowen into the sea out of our waste, but he caught hold of the foresaile sheate, and there held till the Captaine pluckt him againe into the ship.

The 25. day of this moneth we had sight of the Island of Orkney, which was then East from vs.

* 1.120The first day of October we had sight of the Sheld, and so sailed about the coast, and ankered at Yarmouth, and the next day we came into Harwich.

The language of the people of Meta incognita.

• Argoteyt, a hand.
• Cangnawe, a nose.
• Arered, an eye.
• Keiotot, a tooth.
• Mutchatet, the head.
• Chewat, an eare.
• Comagaye, a legge.
• Atoniagay, a foote.
• Callagay, a paire of breeches.
• Attegay, a coate.
• Polleueragay, a knife.
• Accaskay, a shippe.
• Coblone, a thumbe.
• Teckke••e, the foremost finger.
• Ketteckle, the middle finger.
• Mekellacane, the fourth finger.
• Yacketrone, the litle finger.

The second voyage of Master Martin Frobisher, made to the West and Northwest Regions, in the yeere 1577. with a description of the Countrey, and people: Written by Master Dionise Settle.

ON Whitsunday, being the sixe and twentieth of May, in the yeere of our Lord God 1577. Captaine Frobisher departed from Blacke Wall, with one of the Queenes Maiesties ships, called The Aide, of nine score tunnes, or therabouts: and two other little Borkes likewise, the one called The Gabriel, whereof Master Fenton, a Gentleman of my Lord of Warwikes, was Captaine: and the other, The Michael, whereof Master Yorke, a Gentleman of my Lord Ad∣mirals was Captaine, accompanied with seuen score Gentlemen, souldiers, and sailers, well fur∣nished with victuals, and other prouision necessarie for one halfe yeere, on this his second voyage, for the further discouering of the passage to Cathay, and other Countreys thereunto adiacent, by West and Northwest nauigations: which passage or way, is supposed to bee on the North and Northwest pars of America: and the said America to be an Island inuironed with the sea, where through our Merchants may haue course and recourse with their merchandize, from these our Northernmost parts of Europe, to those Orientall coasts of Asia, in much shorter time, and with greater benefite then any others, to their no little commoditie and profite that do or shall frequent the same. Our said Captaine and General of this present voyage and company hauing the yeere before, with two little pinnesses, to his great danger, and no small commendations, giuen a wor∣thy attempt towards the performance thereof, is also prest, when occasion shall be ministred (to the benefite of his Prince, and natiue Countrey) to aduenture himselfe further therein. As for this second voyage, it seemeth sufficient, that he hath better explored and searched the commodities of those people and Countreys, which in his first voyage the yeere before he had found out.

Upon which considerations, the day and yeere before expressed, we departed from Blacke Wall to Harwich, where making an accomplishment of things necessary, the last of May we hoised vp sailes, and with a merrie wind the 7. of Iune we arriued at the Islands called Orcades, or vul∣garly Orkney,* 1.121 being in number 30. subiect and adiacent to Scotland, where we made prouision of fresh water: in the doing whereof our Generall licensed the Gentlemen and souldiers for their recreation, to goe on shore.* 1.122 At our landing, the people fled from their poore cottages, with shrikes and alarms, to warne their neighbours of enemies, but by gentle perswasions we reclamed them to their houses. It seemeth they are often frighted with Pirats, or some other enemies, that mooue them to such sudden feare. Their houses are very simply builded with Pibble stone, with∣out any chimneis, the fire being made in the middest thereof. The good man, wife, children, and o∣ther of their family eate and sleepe on the one side of the house, and the cattell on the other, very beastly and rudely, in respect of civilitie. They are destitute of wood,* 1.123 their fire is ••urffes, and Cow∣shards. They haue corne, bigge, and oates, with which they pay their Kings rent, to the mainte∣nance of his house. They take great quantitie of fish, which they dry in the wind and Sunne. They dresse their meat very filthily, and eate it without salt. Their apparell is after the rudest sort of Scotland. Their money is all base. Their Church and religion is reformed according to the Scots. The fisher men of England can better declare the dispositions of those people then I:* 1.124 wherefore I remit other their vsages to their r••ports, as ye••rely repai••ers thither, in their course to and from Island for fish.

We departed herehence the 8. of Iune,* 1.125 and followed our course betweene West and North∣west, vntill the 4. of Iuly: all which time we had no night, but that easily, and without any impe∣diment we had when we were so disposed, the fruition of our bookes, and other pleasures to passe away the time: a thing of no small moment to such as wander in vnknowen seas, and long naui∣gations, especially, when both the winds and raging surges do passe their common and wonted course. This benefite endureth in those parts not 6. weekes, while the sunne is neere the Tro∣pike of Cancer: but where the pole is raised to 70. or 80. degrees, it continueth much longer.

All along these seas, after we were sixe dayes sailing from Orkney, we met floting in the sea, great Firre trees,* 1.126 which as we iudged, were with the furie of great floods rooted vp, and so dri∣uen into the sea. Island hath almost no other wood nor fuell, but such as they take vp vpon their coastes. It seemeth, that these trees are driuen from some part of the New found land, with the current that setteth from the West to the East.* 1.127

The 4. of Iuly we came within the making of Frisland. From this shoare 10•• or 12. leagues, we met great Islands of yce, of halfe a mile, some more, some lesse in compasse, shewing aboue the sea, 30. or 40. fathoms, and as we supposed fast on ground, where with our lead we could scarse sound the bottome for depth.

Here, in place of odoriferous and fragrant sinels of sweete gums, & pleasant notes of musicall birdes, which other Countreys in more temperate Zones do yeeld, wee tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts mixt with snow and haile, in the moneths of Iune and Iuly,* 1.128 nothing inferior to our vntemperate winter: a sudden alteration, and especially in a place or Parallele, where the Pole is not eleuate aboue 61. degrees: at which height other Countreys more to the North, yea vnto 70. degrees, shew themselues more temperate then this doth.

All along this coast yce lieth, as a continuall bulwarke, & so defendeth the Countrey, that those that would land there, incur great danger. Our Generall 3. dayes together attempted with the ship boate to haue gone on shoare, which for that without great danger he could not accomplish, he deferred it vntill a more conuenient time. All along the coast lie very high mountaines couered with snow, except in such places; where through the steepenes of the mountaines of force it must needs fall. Foure dayes coasting along this land, we found no signe of habitation. Little birds, which we iudged to haue lost the shore, by reason of thicke fogges which that Countrey is much subiect vnto,* 1.129 came flying into our ships, which causeth vs to suppose, that the Countrey is both more tollerable, and also habitable within, then the outward shore maketh shew or signification.

From hence we departed the eight of Iuly: and the 16. of the same, we came with the ma∣king of land, which land our Generall the yeere before had named The Queenes foreland, being an Island as we iudge, lying neere the supposed continent with America: and on the other side, opposite to the same, one other Island called Halles Isle, after the name of the Master of the ship, neere adiacent to the firme land, supposed continent with Asia. Betweene the which two Islands there is a large entrance or streight, called Frobishers streight,* 1.130 after the name of our Generall, the first finder thereof. This said streight is supposed to haue passage into the sea of Sur, which I leaue vnknowen as yet.

It seemeth that either here, or not farre hence, the sea should haue more large entrance, then in other parts within the frozen or vntemperate Zone: and that some contrary tide, either from the East or West, with maine force casteth out that great quantity of yce, which commeth floting from this coast, euen vnto Friseland, causing that Countrey to seeme more vntemperate then o∣thers, much more Northerly then the same.

I cannot iudge that any temperature vnder the Pole, the time of the Sunnes Northerne de∣clination being halfe a yere together, and one whole day, (considering that the Sunnes eleuation surmounteth not 23. degrees and 30. minuts) can haue power to dissolue such monstrous and huge yce, comparable to great mountaines,* 1.131 except by some other force, as by swift currents and tides, with the helpe of the said day of halfe a yeere.

Before we came within the making of these lands we tasted cold stormes, in so much that it seemed we had changed summer with winter, if the length of the dayes had not remooued vs from that opinion.

At our first comming, the streights seemed to be shut vp with a long mure of yce, which gaue no litle cause of discomfort vnto vs all: but our Generall, (to whose diligence imminent dangers, and difficult attempts seemed nothing, in respect of his willing mind, for the commoditie of his Prince and Countrey,* 1.132) with two little Pinnesses prepared of purpose, passed twise thorow them to the East shore, and the Islands thereunto adiacent: and the ship, with the two Barks lay off and on something further into the sea, from the danger of the yce.

* 1.133Whilest he was searching the Countrey neere the shoare, some of the people of the Countrey shewed themselues leaping and dauncing, with strange shrikes and cries, which gaue no little ad∣miration to our men. Our Generall desirous to allure them vnto him by faire meanes, caused kniues, and other things to be profered vnto them, which they would not take at our hands, but being laid on the ground, and the party going away, they came and tooke vp, leauing some thing of theirs to counteruaile the same. At the length two of them leauing their weapons, came downe to our Generall and Master, who did the like to them, commanding the company to stay, and went vnto them: who after certaine dumbe signes, and mute congratulations, began to lay handes vp∣on them,* 1.134 but they deliuerly escaped, and ranne to their bowes and arrowes, and came fiercely vp∣on them, (not respecting the rest of our companie which were ready for their defence) but with their arrowes hure diuers of them: we tooke the one, and the other escaped.

Whilest our Generall was busted in searching the Countrey, and those Islands adiacent on the Eastshoare, the ship and barkes hauing great care, not to put farre into the sea from him, for that he had small store of victuals, were forced to abide in a cruell tempest, chancing in the night, amongst and in the thickest of the yce, which was so monstrons, that euen the least of a thousand had bene of force sufficient, to haue shiuered our ship and barks into small portions, if God (who in all necessities, hath care vpon the infirmitie of man) had not prouided for this our extremitie a suf∣ficient remedie through the light of the night, whereby we might well discerne to flee from such in••••luent dangers, which we auoyded with 14. Bourdes in one watch the space of 4. houres. If we had not incurred this danger amōgst these monstrous Islands of yce, we should haue lost our Generall and Master, and the most of our best sailers, which were on the shoare destitute of victu∣als: but by the valure of our Master Gunner,* 1.135 Master Iackman,* 1.136 and Andrew Dier,* 1.137 the Masters, Mates, men expert both in nauigation, and other good qualities, wee were all content to incurre the dangers afore rehearsed, before we would with our owne safetie, runne into the seas, to the de∣struction of our sayd Generall, and his company.

The day following, being the 19. of Iulie, our Captaine returned to the ship, with report of supposed riches, which shewed it selfe in the bowels of those barren mountaines, wherewith wee were all satisfied.

Within foure daies after we had bene at the entrance of the streights, the Northwest and West winds dispersed the yce into the sea, & made vs a large entrance into the streights, so that without any impediment, on the 19. of Iulie we entred them, and the 20. thereof, our Generall and Ma∣ster with great diligence, sought out and sounded the West shóare, and found out a faire Harbo∣rough for the ship and barkes to ride in, and named it after our Masters mate, Iackmans sound,* 1.138 and brought the ship, barkes, and all their company to safe anker, except one man, which died by Gods visitation.

At our first arriuall, after the ship rode at anker, our generall, with such company as could well be spared from the ships, in marching order entred the lande, hauing speciall care by exhortations, that at our entrance thereinto, wee should all with one voyce, kneeling vpon our knees, chiefly thanke God for our safe arriuall: secondly beseech him, that it would please his diuine Maiestie, long to continue our Queene, for whom he, and all the rest of our company in this order tooke pos∣session of the Countrey:* 1.139 and thirdly, that by our Christian studie and endeuour, those barbarous, people trained vp in Paganisme, and infidelitie, might be reduced to the knowledge of true reli∣gion, and to the hope of saluation in Christ our Redeemer. With other words very apt to signifie his willing mind, and affection toward his Prince and Countrey: whereby all suspicion of an vn∣dutifull subiect, may credibly be iudged to be vtterly exempted from his mind. All the rest of the Gentlemen and other deserue worthily herein, their due praise and commendation.

These things in this order accomplished, our Generall commanded all the company to be obe∣dient in things needfull for our owne safegard, to Master Fenton, Master Yorke, and Master Beast his Lieutenant, while he was occupied in other necessarie affaires, concerning our com∣ming thither.

After this order we marched through the Countrey, with Ensigne displaied, so farre as was thought needfull, and now and then heaped vp stones on high mountaines, and other places in to∣ken of possession, as likewise to signifie vnto such as hereafter may chance to arriue there, that pos∣session is taken in the behalfe of some other Prince, by those who first found out the Countrey.

* 1.140Who so maketh nauigations to those Countreys, hath not onely extreme winds, and furious seas to encounter withall, but also many monstrous and great Islands of yce: a thing both rare, wonderfull, and greatly to be regarded.

We were forced sundry times, while the ship did ride here at anker, to haue continuall watch,

with boats & men ready with halsers to knit fast vnto such yce, as with the ebbe & flood were tos∣sed to and from the harborough, & with force of oares to hale them away, for endangering the ship.

Our Generall certaine dayes searched this supposed continent with America, and not finding the commodity to answere his expectation, after he had made triall thereof he departed thence with two little barks, and men sufficient to the East shore being the supposed continent of Asia, and left the ship with most of the Gentlemen, souldiers, and sailers, vntill such time as he either thought good to send or come for them.

The stones of this supposed continent with America be altogether sparkled, and glister in the Sunne like gold:* 1.141 so likewise doth the sand in the bright water, yet they verifie the old Prouerb:* 1.142 All is not gold that glistereth.

On this West shore we found a dead fish floating, which had in his nose a horne streight and torque•• of length two yards lacking two ynches, being broken in the top, where we might per∣ceiue it hollow, into the which some of our sailers putting spiders they presently died. I saw not the triall hereof, but it was reported vnto me of a trueth: by the vertue whereof we supposed it to be the sea Unicorne.* 1.143

After our Generall had found out good harborough for the ship and barks to anker in, and also such store of supposed gold ore as he thought himselfe satisfied withall, he returned to the Micha∣el, whereof Master Yorke aforesaid was Captaine, accompanied with our master and his Mate: who coasting along the West shore not f••rre from whence the ship rode, they perceiued a faire harborough, and willing to sound the same, at the entrance thereof they espied two cents of Seale skins, vnto which the Captaine, our said Master, and other company resorted. At the sight of our men the people fled into the mountaines:* 1.144 neuerthelesse they went to their tents, where leauing certaine trifles of ours, as glasses, bels, kniues, and such like things they departed, not taking any thing of theirs except one dogge. They did in like maner leaue behind them a letter, pen, yncke, and paper, whereby our men whom the Captaine lost the yere before, and in that peoples custody, might (if any of them were aliue) be aduertised of our pretence and being there.

On the same day after consultation had, all the Gentlemen, and others likewise that could be spared from the ship, vnder the conduct and leading of Master Philpot,* 1.145 (vnto whom in our Ge∣nerall his absence, and his Lieutenant Master Beast,* 1.146 al the rest were obedient) went a shore, deter∣mining to see, if by faire means we could either allure them to familiarity, or otherwise take some of them, and so attaine to some knowledge of those men whom our Generall lost the yeere before.

At out comming backe againe to the place where their tents were before, they had remooued their tents further into the said Bay or Sound, where they might if they were driuen from the land, flee with their boates into the sea. We parting our selues into two companies, and compas∣sing a mountaine came suddenly vpon them by land, who espying vs, without any tarying fled to their boates, leauing the most part of their oares behind them for haste, and rowed downe the bay, where our two Pinnesses met them and droue them to shore: but if they had had all their oares, so swift are they in rowing, it had bene lost time to haue chased them.

When they were landed they fiercely assaulted our men with their bowes and arrowes,* 1.147 who wounded three of them with our arrowes: and perceiuing themselues thus hurt, they desperatly leapt off the Rocks into the Sea, and drowned themselues: which if they had not done, but had submitted themselues, or if by any meanes we could haue taken them aliue (being their enemies as they iudged) we would both haue saued them, & also haue sought remedy to cure their wounds receiued at our hands. But they altogether voyd of humanity, and ignorant what mercy mea∣neth, in extremities looke for no other then death: and perceiuing they should fall into our hands, thus miserably by drowning rather desired death then otherwise to be saued by vs: the rest per∣ceiuing their fellowes in this distresse, fled into the high mountaines. Two women not being so apt to escape as the men were, the one for her age, and the other being incombred with a yong child, we tooke. The old wretch, whom diuers of our Saylers supposed to be eyther a deuill, or a witch, had her vnskins plucked off, to see if she were clouen footed, and for her ougly hew and de∣formley we let her goe: the yong woman and the child we brought away. We named the place where they were slaine, Bloodie point: and the Bay or Harborough, Yorks sound, after the name of one of the Captaines of the two Barks.

Hauing this knowledge both of their fiercenesse and cruelty, and perceiuing that faire meanes as yet is not able to allure them to familiarity,* 1.148 we disposed ourselues, contrary to our inclinati∣on, something to be cruel, returned to their tents and made a spoyle of the same: where we found an old shirt, a doublet, a girdle, and also shooes of our men, whom we lost the yeere before: on no∣thing else vnto them belonging could we set our eyes.

* 1.149Their riches are not gold, siluer or precious Dr••pery, but their said tents and botes, made of the skins of red Deare and Seale skins: also dogges like vnto woolues, but for the most part black, with other trifles, more to be wondred at for their strangenesse, then for any other commo∣ditie need••full for our vse.

* 1.150Thus returning to our ship the 3. of August, we departed from the West shore supposed firme with America, after we had ankered there 13. dayes: and so the 4. thereof we came to our Gene∣rall on the East shore, and ankered in a faire Harborough named Anne Warwickes sound, vnto which is annexed an Island both named after the Countesse of Warwicke, Anne Warwickes sound and Isle.

In this Isle our Generall thought good for this voyage, to fraight both the ship and barkes, with such stone or supposed gold minerall, as he iudged to counteruaile the charges of his first, and this his second nauigation to these Countr••ys.

* 1.151In the meane time of our abode here some of the countrey people came to shew themselues vnto vs, sundry times on the maine shore, neere adiacent to the said Isle. Our Generall desirous to haue some newes of his men, whom he lost the yeere before, with some company with him re∣paired with the ship boat to common, or signe with them for familiaritie, whereunto he is p••rswa∣ded to bring them. They at the first shew made tokens, that three of his fiue men were aliue, and desired penne, ynck, and paper, and that within three or foure dayes they would returne, and (as we iudged) bring those of our men which were liuing, with them.

They also made signes or tokens of their King, whom they called Cacough, & how he was car∣ried on mens shoulders, and a man farre surmounting any of our company, in bignesse and stature.

With these tokens and signes of writing, penne, yncke, and paper was deliuered ••hem, which they would not take at our hands, but being laid vpon the shore, and the partie gone away, they tooke vp: which likewise they do when they desire any thing for change of theirs, laying for that which is left so much as they thinke will counteruaile the same,* 1.152 and not comming neere together. It seemeth they haue bene vsed to this trade or traffiqu••, with some other people adioyning, or not farre distant from their Countrey.

* 1.153After 4. dayes some of them shewed themselues vpon the firme land, but not where they were before. Our General very glad thereof, supposing to heare of our men, went from the Island, with the boat, and sufficient company with him. They seemed very glad, and allured him about a cer∣taine point of the land: behind which they might perceiue a company of the crafty villaines to lye lurking, whom our Generall would not deale withall, for that he knew not what company they were, and so with few signes dismissed them and returned to his company.

* 1.154An other time as our said Generall was coasting the Countrey with two little Pinnesses, whereby at our returne he might make the better relation thereof, three of the crafty villains, with a white skin allured vs to them. Once againe our generall, for ••hat he hoped to heare of his men, went towards them: at our comming neere the shore whereon they were, we might per∣ceiue a number of them lie hidden behind great stones, & those 3, in sight labouring by al meanes possible that some would come on land:* 1.155 and perceiuing we made no hast by words nor friendly signes, which they vsed by clapping of their hands, and being without weapon, and but 3. in sight, they sought further means to prouoke vs therevnto. One alone laid flesh on the shore,* 1.156 which we tooke vp with the Boat hooke, as necessary victuals for the relieuing of the man, woman, and child, whom we ha•• taken: for that as yet they could not digest our meat: whereby they percei∣ued themselues deceiued of their expectation, for all their crafty allurements.* 1.157 Yet once againe to make (as it were) a full shew of their craftie natures, and subtile sleights, to the intent thereby to haue intrapped and taken some of our men, one of them counterfeited himselfe impotent and lame of his legs, who seemed to descend to the water side, with great difficulty: and to couer his craft the more, one of his fellowes came downe with him, and in such places where he seemed vn∣able to passe, he tooke him on his shoulders, set him by the water side, and departed from him, lea∣uing him (as it should seeme) all alone, who playing his counterfait pageant very well, thought thereby to prouoke some of vs to come on shore, not fearing, but that one of vs might make our party good with a lame man.

* 1.158Our Generall hauing compassion of his impotency, thought good (if it were possible) to cure him thereof: wherefore he caused a souldier to shoo••e a•• him with his Caleeuer, which grased be∣fore his face. The counterfeit villeine deliuerly fled, without any impediment at all, and got him to his bow and arrowes, and the rest from their lu••king holes, with their weapons, bowes, ar∣rowes, slings, and darts. Our Generall caused some caleeuers to be shot off at them, wherby some being hurt, they might hereafter stand in more feare of vs.

This was all the answere for this time we could haue of our men, or of our Generals letter. Their crafty dealing at these three seuerall times being thus manifest vnto vs, may plainely shew their disposition in other things to be correspondent. We iudged that they vsed these stra∣tagemes, thereby to haue caught some of vs, for the deliuering of the man woman and child whom we had taken.

They are men of a large corporature, and good proportion: their colour is not much vnlike the Sunne burnt Countrey man, who laboureth daily in the Sunne for his liuing.

They weare their haire something long, and cut before either with stone or knife, very disorder∣ly. Their women weare their haire long, and knit vp with two loupes, shewing forth on either side of their faces, and the rest foltred vpon a knot. Also some of their women race their faces pro∣portionally, as chinne, cheekes, and forehead, and the wrists of their hands, whereupon they lay a colour which continueth darke azurine.

They eate their meat all raw, both flesh, fish, and foule, or something perboyled with blood and a little water which they drinke. For lacke of water they will eate yce, that is hard frosen, as pleasantly as we will do Sugar Candie, or other Sugar.

If they for necessities sake stand in need of the premisses, such grasse as the Countrey yeeldeth they plucke vp and eate, not deintily, or salletwise to allure their stomacks to appetite: but for ne∣cessities sake without either salt, oyles, or washing, like brute beasts deuouring the same. They neither vse table, stoole, or table cloth for comlines: but when they are imbrued with blood knuc∣kle deepe, and their kniues in like sort, they vse their tongues as apt instruments to lick them cleane: in doing whereof they are assured to loose none of their victuals.

They frank or keepe certaine dogs not much vnlike Wolues,* 1.159 which they yoke togither, as we do oxen & horses, to a sled or traile: and so carry their necessaries ouer the yce and snow from place to place: as the captiue, whom we haue, made perfect signes. And when those dogs are not apt for the same vse: or when with hunger they are constrained for lacke of other victuals, they eat them:* 1.160 so that they are as needfull for them in respect of their bignesse, as our oxen are for vs.

They ••pparell themselues in the skins of such beasts as they kill, sewed together with the sinewes of them. All the foule which they kill, they skin, and make thereof one kind of garment or other, to defend them from the cold.

They make their apparel with hoods and tailes, which tailes they giue when they thinke to gratifie any friendship shewed vnto them:* 1.161 a great signe of friendship with them. The men haue them not so side as the women.

The men and women weare their hose close to their legges, from the wast to the knee without any open before, as well the one kind as the other. Upon their legges they weare hose of leather, with the furre side inward two or three paire on at once, and especially the women. In those hose they put their kniues, needles, and other things needfull to beare about. They put a bone within their hose, which reacheth from the foote to the knee, whereupon they draw their said hose, and so in place of garters they are holden from falling downe about their feete.

They dresse their skinnes very soft and souple with the haire on. In cold weather or Winter they weare the furre side inward: and in Summer outward. Other apparell they haue none but the said skinnes.

Those beasts, fishes, and foules which they kill, are their meat, drinke, apparell, houses, bed∣ding, hose, shooes, threed, and sailes for their boates, with many other necessaries whereof they stand in need, and almost all their riches.

Their houses are tents made of Seale skins, pitched vp with 4. Firre quarters foure square meeting at the top,* 1.162 and the skins sewed together with sinewes, and laid thereupon: they are so pitched vp, that the entrance into them is alwayes South or against the Sunne.

They haue other sorts of houses which we found not to be inhabited, which are raised with stones and Whale bones, and a skinne layd ouer them, to withstand the raine or other weather: the entrance of them being not much vnlike an Ouens mouth, whereto I thinke they resort for a time to fish, hunt, and foule, and so leaue them vntill the next time they come thither a∣gaine.

Their weapons are bowes, arrowes, darts, and slings.* 1.163 Their bowes are of wood of a yard long, sinewed at the back with strong sinewes, not glued too, but fast girded and tyed on. Their bow strings are likewise sinewes. Their arrowes are three pieces nocked with bone, and en∣ded with bone, with those two ends, and the wood in the midst, they passe not in length halfe a yard or little more. They are fethered with two fethers the penne end being cut away, and the fe∣thers layd vpon the arrow with the broad side to the wood: insomuch that they seeme when they

are tyed on, to haue foure fethers. They haue also three sorts of heads to those arrowes:* 1.164 one sort of stone or yron, proportioned like to a heart: the second sort of bone, much like vnto a stopt head, with a hooke on the same: the third sort of bone likewise made sharpe at both sides, and sharpe pointed. They are not made very fast but lightly tyed to, or else set in a nocke, that vpon small oc∣casion the arrowes leaue these heads behind them: and they are of small force, except they be very neere when they shoote.

* 1.165Their Darts are made of two sorts: the one with many forkes of bones in the fore end, and likewise in the midst: their proportions are not much vnlike our toasting yrons but longer: these they cast out of an instrument of wood, very readily. The other sort is greater then the first afore∣sayd, with a long bone made sharpe on both sides not much vnlike a Rapier, which I take to bee their most hurtfull weapon.

* 1.166They haue two sorts of boats made of leather, set out on the inner side with quarters of wood, artifially tyed together with thongs of the same: the greater sort are not much vnlike our wher∣ries, wherein sixeteene of twenty men may sit: they haue for a sayle drest the guts of such beasts as they kill very fine and thinne, which they sew together: the other boate is but for one man to sit and row in with one oare.

* 1.167Their order of fishing, hunting, and fouling are with these said weapons: but in what sort, or how they vse them we haue no perfect knowledge as yet.

* 1.168I can suppose their abode or habitation not to be here, for that neither their houses or apparell, are of such force to withstand the ex••remity of cold, that the Coun••rey seemeth to be infected with all: neither do I see any signe likely to performe the same.

Those houses or rather dennes which stand there, haue no signe of footway, or any thing else troden, which is one of the chiefest tokens of habitation. And those tents which they bring with them, when they haue sufficiently hunted and fished, they remoue to other places: and when they haue sufficiently stored them of such victuals, as the Countrey yeeldeth or bringeth forth, they re∣turne to their winter stations or habitations. This coniecture do I make, for the infertility which I coniecture to be in that Countrey.

* 1.169They haue some yron whereof they make arrow heads, kniues, and other little instruments, to worke their boates, bowes, arrowes, and darts withall, which are very vnapt to doe any thing withall but with great labour.

It seemeth that they haue conuersation with some other people, of whom for exchange they should receiue the same. They are greatly delighted with any thing that is bright, or giueth a sound.

What knowledge they haue of God, or what Idoll they adore, we haue no perfect intelli∣gence. I thinke them rather Anthropophagi,* 1.170 or deuourers of mans flesh then otherwise: for that there is no flesh or fish which they find dead (smell it neuer so filthily) but they will eate it, as they finde it without any other dressing. A loathsome thing, either to the beholders or hearers.

* 1.171There is no maner of creeping beast hurtfull, except some Spiders (wyich as many affirme, are signes of great store of gold) and also certaine stinging Gnattes, which bite so fiercely, that the place where they bite shortly after swelleth and itcheth very sore.

* 1.172They make signes of certaine people that weare bright plates of gold in their foreheads, and other places of their bodies.

* 1.173The Countreys on both sides the streights lye very high with rough stony mountaines, and great quantitie of snow thereon. There is very little plaine ground and no grasse, except a little which is much like vnto mosse that groweth on soft ground, such as we get Turffes in. There is no wood at all. To be briefe there is nothing fit or profitable for the vse of man, which that Countrey with roote yeeldeth or bringeth forth: Howbeit there is great quantity of Deere, whose skins are like vnto Asses, there heads or hornes doe farre exceede, as well in length as also in breadth, any in these our parts or Countreys: their feete likewise are as great as our oxens, which we measured to be seuen or eight ynches in breadth. There are also hares, wolues, fishing beares, and sea foule of sundry sorts.

As the Countrey is barren and vnfertile, so are they rude and of no capacitie to culture the same to any perfection: but are contented by their hunting, fishing, and fouling, with raw flesh and warme blood to satisfie their greedy panches, which is their only glory.

* 1.174There is great likelihood of Earthquakes or thunder: for that there are huge and monstrous mountaines, whose greatest substance are stones, and those stones so shaken with some extraordi∣narie meanes that one is separated from another, which is discordant from all other Quarries.

There are no riuers, or running springs, but such as through the heate of the Sunne,* 1.175 with such water as discendeth from the mountaines and hilles, whereon great drifts of snow do lie, are ingendred.

It argueth also that there should be none: for that the earth, which with the extremitie of the Winter is so frosen within, that that water which should haue recourse within the same to main∣taine springs,* 1.176 hath not his motion, whereof great waters haue their originall, as by experience is seene otherwhere. Such valleis as are capable to receiue the water, that in the Summer time by the operation of the Sunne descendeth from great abundance of snowe, which continu∣ally lyeth on the mountaines and hath no passage, sinketh into the earth and so vanisheth away, without any runnell aboue the earth, by which occasion or continuall standing of the said water, the earth is opened, and the great frost yeeldeth to the force thereof, which in other places foure or fiue fathoms within the ground for lacke of the said moisture, the earth (euen in the very Sum∣mer time) is frosen, and so combineth the stones together, that scarcely instruments with great force can vnknit them.

Also where the water in those valleis can haue no such passage away, by the continuance of time in such order as is before rehearsed, the yeerely descent from the mountaines filleth them full, that at the lowest banke of the same, they fall into the valley, and so continue as fishing Ponds or Stagnes in Summer time full of water, and in the Winter hard frosen: as by skarres that re∣maine thereof in Summer may easily be perceiued: so that the heat of Summer is nothing com∣parable or of force to dissolue the extremitie of cold that commeth in Winter.

Neuerthelesse I am assured that below the force of the frost within the earth, the waters haue recourse, and emptie themselues out of sight into the sea, which through the extremitie of the frost are constrained to doe the same: by which occasion the earth within is kept the warmer, and springs haue their recourse, which is the onely nutriment of golde and Minerals within the same.* 1.177

There is much to be sayd of the commodities of these Countreys, which are couched within the bowels of the earth, which I let passe till more perfect triall be made thereof.

The 24. of August, after we had satisfied our minds with fraight sufficient for our vessels, though not our couetous desires with such knowledge of the Countrey, people, and other commo∣dities as are before rehearsed, we departed therehence. The 17. of September we fell with the lands end of England, and so sailed to Milford Hauen,* 1.178 from whence our Generall rode to the Court for order, to what Port or Hauen to conduct the ship.

We lost our two Barkes in the way homeward, the one the 29. of August, the other the 31. of the same moneth, by occasion of great tempest and fogge.* 1.179 Howbeit God restored the one to Bristowe, and the other made his course by Scotland to Yermouth. In this voyage we lost two men, one in the way by Gods visitation, and the other homeward cast ouer borde with a surge of the sea.

I Could declare vnto the Readers,* 1.180 the latitude and longitude of such places and regions as we haue bene at, but not altogether so perfectly as our masters and others, with many circum∣stances of tempests and other accidents incident to Sea faring men, which seeme not altogether strange, but I let them passe to their reports as men most apt to set forth and declare the same. I haue also left the names of the Countreys on both the shores vntouched, for lacke of vnderstan∣ding the peoples language: as also for sundry respects, not needfull as yet to be declared.

Countreys new discouered where commoditie is to be looked for, doe better accord with a new name giuen by the discouerers, then an vncertaine name by a doubtfull Authour.

Our general named sundry Islands, Mountaines, Capes, and Harboroughs after the names of diuers Noble men and other gentlemen his friends, aswel on the one shore as also on the other.

The third and last voyage vnto Meta Incognita, made by M. Martin Frobisher, in the yeere 1578. Written by Thomas Ellis.

THese are to let you know, that vpon the 25, of May, the Thomas Allen being Uiceadmirall, whose Captaine was M. Yorke,* 1.181 M. Gibbes Master, Chri∣stopher Hall Pilot,* 1.182 accompanied with the Reareadmiral named the Hopewel,* 1.183 whose Captaine was M. Henrie Carewe,* 1.184 the M. Andrewe Dier,* 1.185 and certaine other ships came to Grauesend, where wee ankred and abode the comming of certaine of our Fleete which were not yet come.

The 27. of the same moneth our Fleete being nowe come together, and all things prest in a readinesse, the wind fauouring, and tide seruing, we being of sailes in number eight, waied an∣kers and hoised our sailes toward Harwich to meete with our Admirall,* 1.186 and the residue which then and there abode our arriuall: Where we safely arriued the 28. thereof, finding there our Ad∣mirall, whom we with the discharge of certaine pieces saluted, acording to order and duety, and were welcommed with the like courtesie: which being finished we landed: where our Generall continued mustering his souldiers and Miners, and setting things in order appertaining to the voyage vntill the last of the said moneth of May, which day we hoised our sailes, and committing our selues to the conducting of Almightie God, we set forward toward the west Countrey in such luckie wife and good successe, that by the fift of Iune we passed the Dursies,* 1.187 being the vtmost part of Ireland to the Westward.* 1.188

And here it were not much amisse nor farre from our purpose, if I should a little discourse and speake of our aduentures and chances by the way, as our landing at Plimmouth,* 1.189 as also the mee∣ting c••rtaine poore men, which were robbed and spoyled of all that they had by Pirates and Ro∣uers: amongst whom was a man of Bristow,* 1.190 on whom our Generall vsed his liberality, and sent him away with letters into England.

But because such things are impertinent to the matter, I will returne (without any more mentioning of the same) to that from the which I haue digressed and swarued, I meane our ships now sailing on the surging seas, sometime passing at pleasure with a wished Easterne wind, sometime hindered of our course againe by the Westerne blasts, vntill the 20. day of the foresayd moneth of Iune, on which day in the morning we fell with Frizeland,* 1.191 which is a very hie and cragged land and was almost cleane couered with snow, so that we might see nought but craggie rockes ••nd the tops of high and huge hilles, sometimes (and for the most part) all couered with foggie mists. There might we also peceiue the great Isles of yce lying on the seas, like moun∣taines, some small, some big, of sundry kinds of shapes, and such a number of th••m, that wee could not come neere the shore for them.

Thus sailing alongst the coast, at the last we saw a place somewhat voyd of yce, where our Ge∣nerall (accomp••nied with certaine other) went a shore, where they sawe certaine tents made of beasts skinnes, and boates much like vnto theirs of Meta Incognita. The tents were furnished with flesh, fish, skins, and other ••rifles: amongst the which was found a boxe of nailes: whereby we did coniecture, that they had either Artificers amongst them, or els a traffike with some other nation. The men ran away, so that wee could haue no conference or communication with them. Our Generall (because hee would haue them no more to flee,* 1.192 but rather incouraged to stay through his courteous dealing) gaue commaundement that his men should t••ke nothing away with them, sauing onely a couple of white dogs, for the which he left pinnes, poynts, kniues, and o∣ther trifling things, and departed without taking or hurting any thing, and so came abord, and hoysed sailes, and passed forwards.

But being scarce out of the sight thereof, there f••ll such a fogge and hidious mist that we could not see one another: whereupon we stroke our drums, and sounded our trumpets, to the ende we might keepe together: and so continued all that day and night till the next day that the mist brake vp: so that we might easily perceiue all the ships thus sailing together all that day, vntil the next day, being the 22. of the same: on which day wee sawe an infinite number of yce, from the which we cast about to shun the danger thereof.

But one of our small Barkes named the Michael, whose Captaine was Master Kinderslie,* 1.193 the Master Bartholomew Bull,* 1.194 lost our company, insomuch that we could not obteine the sight of her many dayes after, of whom I meane to speake further anon when occasion shall be ministred, and opportunitie serue. Thus we continued in our course vntill the second of Iuly, on which day we fell with the Queenes foreland, where we saw so much yce, that we thought it vnpossible to get into the Straights: yet at the last we gaue the aduenture and entred the yce.

* 1.195Being amongst it wee sawe the Michael, of whom I spake before, accompanied with the Iudith,* 1.196 whose Captaine was Master Fenton,* 1.197 the Master Charles Iackman,* 1.198 bearing into the foresayd yce, farre distant from vs, who in a storme that fell that present night, (whereof I will at large God willing, discourse hereafter) were seuered from vs, and being in, wandred vp and downe the Straights amongst the yce many dayes in great perill, till at the last, (by the proui∣dence of God) they came safely to harbor in their wished Port, in the Countesse of Warwicks sound,* 1.199 the 20. of Iuly aforesayd, tenne dayes before any of the other shippes: who going on shore found where the people of the Countrey had bene, and had hid their prouision in great heapes of stones being both of flesh and fish, which they had killed: whereof wee also found great store in

other places after our arriual. They found also diuers engins, as bowes, slings, and darts. They found likewise certaine pieces of the Pinnesse which our Generall left there the yeere before, which Pinnesse he had sunke, minding to haue it againe the next yeere.

Now seeing I haue entreated so much of the Iudith and the Michael: I will returne to the rest of the other ships, and will speake a little of the storme which fell, with the mishaps that we had, the night that we put into the yce: whereof I made mention before.

At the first entring into the yce in the mouth of the Straights, our passage was very narrow,* 1.200 and difficult but being once gotten in, we had a faire open place without any yce for the most part, being a league in compasse, the yce being round about vs and inclosing vs, as it were, within the pales of a parke. In which place, (because it was almost night) we minded to take in our sailes, and lie a hull all that night. But the storme so increased, and the waues began to mount aloft, which brought the yce so neere vs, and comming on so fast vpon vs, that we were faine to beare in and out, where we might espie an open place. Thus the yce comming on vs so fast, we were in great danger, looking euery houre for death. And thus passed we on in that great danger, seeing both our selues and the rest of our ships so troubled and tossed amongst the yce, that it would make the strongest heart to relent.

At the last the Barke Dionyse being but a weakeship,* 1.201 and bruised afore amongst the yce, being so leake that no longer she could carry aboue the water, sanke without sauing any of the goods which were within her: which sight so abashed the whole Fleete, that we thought verily we should haue tasted of the same sauce. But neuerthelesse we seeing them in such danger, manned our boates and saued all the men in such wise, that not one perished: God be thanked.

The storme still increased and the yce inclosed vs, so that we were faine to take downe top and top mastes: for the yce had so inuironed vs, that we could see neither land nor sea,* 1.202 as farre as we could kenne: so that we were faine to cut our cables to hang ouer boord for fenders, somewhat to ease the ships sides from the great and driry strokes of the the yce: some with Capstan barres, some fending off with oares, some with plancks of two ynches thicke, which were broken imme∣diatly with the force of the yce, some going out vpon the yce to beare it off with their shoulders from the ships. But the rigorousnes of the tempest was such, and the force of the yce so great, that that not onely they burst and spoyled the foresaid prouision, but likewise so rased the sides of the ships, that it was pitifull to behold, and caused the hearts of many to faint.

Thus we coutinued all that dismall and lamentable night plunged in this perplexitiy, looking for instant death: but our God (who neuer leaueth them destitute which faithfully call vpon him,* 1.203 although he often punisheth for amendements sake) in the morning caused the winds to cease, and the fogge which all that night lay on the face of the water to cleare: so that we might perceiue about a mile from vs, a certaine place cleare from any yce, to the which with an easie breath of wind which our God sent vs, we bent our selues. And furthermore, hee prouided better for vs then we deserued or hoped for: for when we were in the foresaid cleare place, he sent vs a fresh gale at West or at West Southwest, which set vs cleare without all the yce. And further he ad∣ded more: for he sent vs so pleasant a day as the like we had not of a long time before, as after pu∣nishment consolation.

Thus we ioyfull wights being at libertie, tooke in all our sailes and lay a hull, praysing God for our deliuerance, and slayed to gather together our Fleete: which once being done, we seeing that none of them had any great hurt, neither any of them wanted, sauing onely they of whom I spake before and the ship which was lost, then at the last wee hoised our sailes, and lay bulting off and on, till such time as it would please God to take away the yce that wee might get into the Straights.

And as we thus lay off and on we came by a marueilous huge mountaine of yce,* 1.204 which surpas∣sed all the rest that euer we saw: for we iudged it to be neere fourescore fathomes aboue water, and we thought it to be a ground for any thing that we could perceiue, being there nine score fa∣thoms deepe, and of compasse about halfe a mile.

Also the fift of Iuly there fell a hidious fogge and mist, that continued till the nineteenth of the same:* 1.205 so that one shippe could not see another. Therefore we were faine to beare a small sayle and to obserue the time: but there ran such a current of a tide, that it set vs to the Northwest of the Queenes foreland the backside of all the Straights:* 1.206 where (through the contagious fogge ha∣uing no sight either of Sunne or Starre) we scarce knew where we were. In this fogge the tenth of Iuly we lost the company of the Uiceadmirall, the Anne Francis, the Busie of Bridgewater, and the Francis of Foy.

The 16. day one of our small Barkes named the Gabriel was sent by our Generall to beare in* 1.207

with the land to discrie it, where being on land, they met with the people of the Countrey, which seemed very humane and ciuill, and offered to traffike with our men,* 1.208 profering them foules and skins for kniues, and other trifles: whose courtesie caused vs to thinke, that they had small con∣uersation with other of the Straights.

Then we bare backe againe to goe with the Queenes foreland: and the eighteenth day wee came by two Islands whereon we went on shore, and found where the people had bene: but we saw none of them. This day wee were againe in the yce, and like to be in as great perill as we were at the first. For through the darknesse and obscuritie of the foggie mist, we were almost run on rocks and Islands before we saw them: But God (euen miraculously) prouided for vs, ope∣ning the fogges that we might see clearely, both where and in what danger we presently were, and also the way to escape: or els without faile we had ruinously runne vpon the rocks.

When we knew perfectly our instant case, wee cast about to get againe on Sea-bord, which (God be thanked) by night we obtained and praised God. The cleare con••inued scarce an houre, but the fogge fell againe as thicke as euer it was.

Then the Rearadmirall and the Beare got themselues cleare without danger of yce and rocks, strooke their sailes and lay a hull, staying to haue the rest of the Fleete come forth: which as yet had not found the right way to cleare themselues from the danger of rockes and yce, vntill the next morning, at what time the Rearadmirall discharged certaine warning pieces to giue notice that she had escaped,* 1.209 and that the rest (by following of her) might set themselus free, which they did that day.

Then hauing gathered our selues togither we proceeded on our purposed voyage, bearing off, and keeping our selues distant from the coast till the 19. day of Iuly: at which time the fogges brake vp and dispersed, so that we might plainely and clearely behold the pleasant ayre, which so long had bene taken from vs, by the obscuritie of the foggie mists: and after that time we were not much encombred therewith vntill we had left the confines of the Countrey.

* 1.210Then we espying a fayre sound, supposed it to goe into the Straights betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound, which proued as we imagined. For our Generall sent forth againe the Gabriel to discouer it, who passed through with much difficulty: for there ran such an extreme current of a tide, with such a horrible gulfe, that with a fresh gale of wind they were scarce able to stemme it: yet at the length with great trauaile they passed it, and came to the Straights, where they met with the Thomas Allen, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Busse of Bridgewater: who altogether aduentured to beare into the yce againe, to see if they could obtaine their wished Port. But they were so incombred that with much difficultie they were able to get out againe, yet at the last they escaping, the Thomas Allen, and the Gabriel ••are in with the Westerne shore, where they found harbour, and there moared their ships vntill the fourth of August, at which time they came to vs in the Countesse of Warwicks sound. The Thomas of Ipswich caught a great leake which caused her to cast againe to Seabord and so was mended.

We sailed along still by the coast vntill we came to the Queenes foreland, at the point where∣of we met with part of the gulfe aforesayd, which place or gulfe (as some of our Masters doe cre∣dibly report) doeth flow nine houres, and ebs but three. At that point wee discouered certaine lands Southward, which neither time nor opportunitie would serue to search. Then being come to the mouth of the Straights we met with the Anne Francis, who had laine bulting vp and downe euer since her departure alone, neuer finding any of her company. We met then also the Francis of Foy, with whom againe we intended to venture and get in: but the yce was yet so thicke, that we were compelled againe to retyre and get vs on Sea-bord.

There fell also the same day being the 26. of Iuly, such an horrible snow,* 1.211 that it lay a foot thick vpon the hatches which frose as it fell.

We had also at other times diuers cruell stormes both of snow and haile, which manifestly declared the distemperature of the Countrey: yet for all that wee were so many times repulsed and put backe from our purpose; knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for vs, but hurtfull to our voyage, we mutually consented to our valiant Generall once againe, to giue the onset.

The 28. day therefore of the same Iuly we assayed, and with little trouble (God be praysed) we passed the dangers by day light. Then night falling on the face of the earth, wee hulled in the cleare, til the chearefull light of the day had chased away the noysome darkenesse of the night: at which time we set forward towards our wished Port:* 1.212 by the 30. day wee obteined our expected desire, where we found the Iudith, and the Michael: which brought no smal ioy vnto the General, and great consolation to the heauie hearts of those wearied wights.

The 30. day of Iuly we brought our ships into the Countesse of Warwicks sound, and moa∣red them, namely these ships, The Admirall, the Rearadmiral, the Francis of Foy, the Beare, Ar∣menel, the Salomon, and the Busse of Bridgewater: which being done, our Generall commaun∣ded vs all to come a shore vpon the Countesses Iland, where he set his Miners to worke vpon the Mine, giuing charge with expedition to dispatch with their lading.

Our Generall himselfe, accompanied with his Gentlemen, diuers times made rodes into sun∣dry partes of the Countrey, as well to finde new Mines, as also to finde out and see the people of the Countrey. He found out one Mine vpon an Island by Beares sound, and named it the Coun∣tesse of Sussex Island.* 1.213 One other was found in Winters Fornace,* 1.214 with diuers others, to which the ships were sent sunderly to be laden. In the same rodes he mette with diuers of the people of the Countrey at sundry times, as once at a place called Dauids sound:* 1.215 who shot at our men, and very desperately gaue them the onset, being not aboue three or foure in number, there being of our Countrey men aboue a dosen: but seeing themselues not able to preuaile, they tooke them∣selues to flight: whom our men pursued, but being not vsed to such craggie cliffes, they soone lost the sight of them, and so in vaine returned.

We also saw of them at Beares sound,* 1.216 both by Sea and land in great companies: but they would at all times keepe the water betweene them and vs. And if any of our ships chanced to be in the sound (as they came diuers times, because the Harbor was not very good) the ship laded, and departed againe: then so long as any ships were in sight, the people would not be seene. But when as they perceiued the ships to be gone, they would not only shew themselues standing vpon high cliffes, and call vs to come ouer vnto them: but also would come in their Botes very neere to vs, as it were to brag at vs: whereof our Generall hauing aduertisement, sent for the Cap∣taines and Gentlemen of the Ships, to accompany and attend vpon him, with the Captaine also of the Anne Francis, who was but the night before come vnto vs. For they, and the Fleebote ha∣uing lost vs the 26. day in the great snowe, put into an harbour in the Queenes foreland, where they found good Oare, wherewith they laded themselues, and came to seeke the Generall: so that now we had all our Shippes, sauing one Barke, which was lost, and the Thomas of Ipswich, who (compelled by what furie I knowe not) forsooke our company, and returned home with∣out lading.

Our Generall accompanied with his Gentlemen,* 1.217 (of whom I spake) came all together to the Countesse of Sussex Island, neere to Beares sound: where he manned out certaine Pinnis∣ses, and went ouer to the people: who perceiuing his arriuall, fledde away with all speede, and in haste left certaine dartes and other engines behinde them, which we found: but the people we could not finde.

The next morning our Generall perceiuing certaine of them in botes vpon the Sea, gaue chase to them in a Pinnesse vnder saile, with a fresh gale of winde, but could by no meanes come neere vnto them: for the longer he sailed, the further off he was from them: which well shewed their cunning and actiuitie. Thus time wearing away, and the day of our departure approching, our Generall commaunded vs to lade with all expedition, that we might be againe on Seaboard with our ships: for whilest we were in the Countrey, we were in continual danger of freezing in: for often snow and haile often falling, the water was so much frosen and congealed in the night, that in the morning we could scarce row our botes or Pinnesses, especially in Diers sound, which is a calme and still water: which caused our Generall to make the more haste, so that by the 30. day of August we were all laden, and made all things ready to depart.

But before I proceede any further herein, to shew what fortune befell at our departure, I will turne my penne a litle to M. Captaine Fenton, and those Gentlemen which should haue inhabited all the yeere in those Countries,* 1.218 whose valiant mindes were much to be commended: For doubtlesse they had done as they intended, if lucke had not withstoode their willingnesse.

For the Barke Dionyse which was lost, had in her much of their house which was prepared and should haue bene builded for them, with many other implements. Also the Thomas of Ips∣wich which had most of their prouision in her, came not into the Streights at all: neither did we see her since the day we were separated in the great snow, of which I spake before. For these causes, hauing not their house, nor yet prouision, they were disappointed of their pre••ence to tarie, and therefore laded their ships, and so came away with vs.

But before we tooke shipping, we builded a litle house in the Countesse of Warwicks Island, and garnished it with many kinds of trifles, as Pinnes, Points, Laces, Glasses, Rombes, Babes on horsebacke and on foote,* 1.219 with innumerable other such fansies and toyes: thereby to allure and entice the people to some familiaritie against other yeeres.

Thus hauing finished all things we departed the Countrey, as I sayd before: but because the Busse had not lading enough in her, she put into Beares sound to take in a little more. In the meane while the Admirall, and the rest without at Sea stayed for her. And that night fell such an outragious tempest,* 1.220 beating on our ships with such vehement rigor, that anchor and cable a∣uailed nought: for we were driuen on rockes and Islands of yce, insomuch that (had not the great goodnesse of God bene miraculously shewed to vs) we had bene cast away euery man. This danger was more doubtfull and terrible, then any that preceded or went before: for there was not any one shippe (I thinke) that escaped without damage. Some lost anchor and also ca∣bles, some botes, some Pinnisses: some anchor, cables, boates and Pinnisses.

This boystrous storme so seuered vs one from another, that one shippe knewe not what was become of another. The Admirall knewe not where to finde the Uiceadmirall or Rearadmirall, or any other ship of our company. Our Generall being on land in Beares sound could not come to his Shippe, but was compelled to goe aboord the Gabriel where he continued all the way home∣ward: for the boystrous blasts continued so extreamely and so long a time, that they sent vs home∣warde (which was Gods fauour towardes vs) will we, nill we, in such haste, as not any one of vs were able to keepe in company with other, but were separated. And if by chance any one Shippe did ouertake other, by swiftnesse of sayle, or meete, as they often did: yet was the ri∣gour of the wind so hidious, that they could not continue company together the space of one whole night.

* 1.221Thus our iourney outward was not so pleasant, but our comming thither, entering the coasts and countrey, by narrow Streights, perillous yce, and swift tides, our times of aboade there in snowe and stormes, and our departure from thence the 31. of August with dangerous blustering windes and tempests, which that night arose, was as vncomfortable: separating vs so as wee sayled, that not any of vs mette together, vntill the 28. of September, which day we fell on the English coastes, betweene Sylley and the landes ende, and passed the channell, vntill our arri∣uall in the riuer of Thames.

The report of Thomas VViars passenger in the Emanuel, other∣wise called the Busse of Bridgewater, wherein Iames Leech was Master, one of the ships in the last Voyage of Master Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the the discouerie of a great Island in their way homeward the 12. of September.

THe Busse of Bridgewater was left in Beares sound at Meta incognita, the se∣cond day of September behinde the Fleete in some distresse, through much winde, ryding neere the Lee shoare, and forced there to ride it out vpon the ha∣zard of her cables and anchors, which were all aground but two, The third of September being fayre weather, and the winde North northwest she set sayle, and departed thence, and fell with Frisland on the 8. day of September at sixe of the clocke at night, and then they set off from the Southwest point of Frisland, the wind being at East, and East Southeast, but that night the winde veared Southerly, and shifted often∣times that night: but on the tenth day in the morning, the wind at West northwest faire weather, they steered Southeast, and by south, and continued that course vntil the 12. day of September, when about 11. a clocke before noone, they descryed a lande, which was from them about fiue leagues, and the Southermost part of it was Southeast by East from them, and the Norther∣most next, North Northeast, or Northeast. The Master accompted that the Southeast poynt of Frisland was from him at that instant when hee first descryed this new Islande, Northwest by North, 50. leagues. They account this Island to be 25. leagues long,* 1.222 and the longest way of it Southeast, and Northwest. The Southerne part of it is in the latitude of 57. degrees and 1. se∣cond part,* 1.223 or there about. They continued in sight of it, from the 12. day at a 11. of the clocke, till the 13. day three of the clocke in the after noone, when they left it: and the last part they saw of it, bare from them Northwest by North. There appeared two Harboroughs vpon that coast:* 1.224 the greatest of them seuen leagues to the Northwards of the Southermost poynt, the other but foure leagues. There was very much yce neere the same land, and also twentie or thirty leagues from it, for they were not cleare of yce, till the 15. day of September after noone. They plyed their Uoyage homewards, and fell with the West part of Ireland about Galway, and had first sight of it on the 25. day of September.

Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple Es∣quire, giuen to certaine Gentlemen that went with M. Frobisher in his North west discouerie, for their directions•• And not vnfit to be committed to print, considering the same may stirre vp considerations of these and of such other things, not vnmee••e in such new voyages as may be attempted hereafter.

THat the first Seate be chosen on the seaside, so as (if it may be) you may haue your owne Nauie within Bay, riuer or lake, within your Seate safe from the enemie: and so as the enemie shalbe forced to lie in open rode abroade with∣out, to be dispersed with all windes and tempests that shall arise. Thus seated you shall be least subiect to annoy of the enemie, so may you by your Nauie within passe out to all parts of the world, and so may the Shippes of England haue accesse to you to supply all wants, so may your commodities be caryed away also. This seat is to be chosen in a temperate Climat, in sweete ayre, where you may possesse alwayes sweete water, wood, seacoles or turfe, with fish, flesh, graine, fruites, herbes and rootes, or so many of those as may suffice very necessitie for the life of such as shall plant there. And for the possessing of mines of golde, of siluer, copper, quicksiluer, or of any such precious thing, the wants of those needfull things may be supplyed from some other place by sea, &c.

• Stone to make Lyme of, are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together.
• Slate stone to tyle withall, or such clay as maketh tyle, are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together.
• Stone to wall withall, if Brycke may not bee made, are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together.
• Timber for buylding easely to be conuei∣ed to the place, are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together.
• Reede to couer houses or such like, if tyle or state be not. are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together.

The people there to plant and to continue are eyther to liue without traffique, or by traffique and by trade of marchandise. If they shall liue without sea traffique, at the first they become na∣ked by want of linnen and woollen, and very miserable by infinite wants that will otherwise en∣sue, and so will they be forced of themselues to depart, or else easely they will be consumed by the Spanyards, by the Frenchmen, or by the naturall inhabitants of the countrey, and so the enter∣prize becomes reprochfull to our Nation, and a let to many other good purposes that may be ta∣ken in hand.

And by trade of marchandise they can not liue, except the Sea or the Land there may yeelde commoditie. And therefore you ought to haue most speciall regard of that poynt, and so to plant, that the naturall commodities of the place and seate may draw to you accesse or Nauigation for the same, or that by your owne Nauigation you may cary the same out, and fetch home the supply of the wants of the seate.

Such Nauigation so to be employed shall, besides the supply of wants, be able to encounter with forreine force.

And for that in the ample vent of such things as are brought to you out of England by Sea, standeth a matter of great consequence, it behoueth that all humanitie and curtesie and much for∣bearing of reuenge to the Inland people be vsed: so shall you haue firms amitie with your neigh∣bours, so shall you haue their inland commodities to mainteine traffique, and so shall you waxe rich and strong in force. Diuers and seuerall commodities of the inland are not in great plenty to be brought to your hands, without the ayde of some portable of Nauigable riuer, or ample lake, and therefore to haue the helpe of such a one is most requisite: And so is it of effect for the dispersing of your owne commodities in exchange into the inlands.

Nothing is more to be indeuoured with the Inland people then familiarity. For so may you best discouer all the natural cōmodities of their countrey, & also all their wants, al their strengths, all their weaknesse, and with whom they are in warre, and with whom confederate in peace and amitie, &c. which knowen you may worke many great effects of greatest consequence.

And in your planting the consideration of the clymate and of the soyle be matters that are to be respected. For if it be so that you may let in the salt sea water, not mixed with the fresh into flats, where the sunne is of the heate that it is at Rochel, in the Bay of Portugal, or in Spaine, then may you procure a man of skill, and so you haue wonne one noble commoditie for the fishing, and for trade of marchandize by making of Salt.

Or if the soyle and clymate be such as may yeeld you the Grape as good as that at Burdeaux, as that in Portugal, or as that about Siuil in Spaine, or that in the Islands of the Canaries, then there resteth but a workeman to put in execution to make Wines, and to dresse Resigns of the sunne and other, &c.

Or if ye finde a soyle of the temperature of the South part of Spaine or Barbarie in the which you finde the Oliue tree to growe: Then you may be assured of a noble marchandize for this Realme, considering that our great trade of clothing doeth require oyle, and weying how deere of late it is become by the vent they haue of that commoditie in the West Indies, and if you finde the wilde Oliue there it may be graffed.

Or if you can find the berrie of Cochenile with which we colour Stammelles, or any Roote, Berrie, Fruite, wood or earth fitte for dying, you winne a notable thing fitte for our state of clo∣thing. This Cochenile is naturall in the West Indies on that firme.

Or if you haue Hides of beasts fitte for sole Lether, &c. It will be a marchandize right good, and the Sauages there yet can not tanne Lether after our kinde, yet excellently after their owne manner.

Or if the soyle shall yeeld Figges, Almonds, Sugar Canes, Quinces, Orenges, Lemonds, Potatos, &c. there may arise some trade and traffique by Figs, Almonds, Sugar, Marmelade, Sucket, &c.

Or if great woods be found, if they be of Cypres, chests may be made, if they be of some kinde of trees, Pitch and Tarre may be made, if they be of some other, then they may yeeld Rosin, Tur∣pentine, &c. and all for trade and traffique, and Caskes for wine and oyle may be made, likewise ships and houses, &c.

And because traffique is a thing so materiall, I wish that great obseruation be taken what eue∣ry soyle yeeldeth naturally, in what commoditie soeuer, and what it may be made to yeelde by in∣deuour, and to send vs notice home, that thereupon we may deuise what meanes may be thought of to raise trades.

Now admit that we might not be suffered by the Sauages to enioy any whole country or any more then the sc••pe of a citie, yet if we might enioy traffique, and be assured of the same, we might be much inriched, our Nauie might be increased, and a place of safetie might there be found, if change of religion or ciuil warres should happen in this realme, which are things of great benefit. But if we may enioy any large territorie of apt soyle, we might so vse the matter, as we should not depend vpon Spaine for oyles, sacks, resignes, orenges, lemonds, spanish skins, &c. Nor vpon France for woad, baysalt, and Gascoyne wines, nor on Eastland for flaxe, pitch, tarre, masles, &c. So we should not so exhaust our treasure, and so exceedingly inrich our doubtfull friends, as we doe, but should purchase the commodities that we want for halfe the treasure that now wee doe: and should by our owne industries and the benefites of the soyle there cheaply purchase oyles, wines, salt, fruits, pitch, tarre, flaxe, hempe, mastes, boords, fish, golde, siluer, copper, tallow, hides and many commodities: besides if there be no flatts to make salt on, if you haue plentie of wood you may make it in sufficient quantitie for common vses at home there.

If you can keepe a safe Hauen, although you haue not the friendship of the neere neighbours, yet you may haue traffique by sea vpon one shore or other, vpon that firme in time to come, if not present.

If you find great plentie of tymber on the shore side or vpon any portable riuer, you were best to cut downe of thesame the first winter, to be seasoned for ships, barks, boates and houses.

And if neere such wood there be any riuer or brooke vpon the which a sawing mill may be pla∣ced, it would doe great seruice, and therefore consideration would be had of such places.

And if such port & chosen place of setling were in possession and after fortified by arte, although by the land side our Englishmen were kept in, and might not enioy any traffique with the next neighbours, nor any victuals: yet might they victuall themselues of fish to serue very necessitie, and enter into amitie with the enemies of their next neighbours, and so haue vent of their mar∣chandize of England & also haue victual, or by meanes hereupon to be vsed, to force the next neigh∣bours to amitie. And keeping a nauy at the setling place, they should find out along the tract of the land to haue traffique, and at diuers Islands also. And so this first seat might in tune become a sta∣pling place of the commodities of many countreys and territories, and in time this place might become of all the prouinces round about the only gouernour. And if the place first chosen should not so well please our people, as some other more lately found out: There might be an easie re∣moue, and that might be rased, or rather kept for others of our nation to auoyd an ill neighbour.

If the soyles adioyning to such conuenient Hauen and setling places be found mar••hie and

boggie, then men skilful in drayning are to be caryed thither. For arte may worke wonderful ef∣fects therein, and make the soyle rich for many vses.

To plant vpon an Island in the mou••h of some notable riuer, or vpon the point of the land en∣tring into the riuer, if no such Island be, were to great end. For if such riuer were nauigable or portable farre into the land, then would arise great hope of planting in fertil soyles, and traffike on the one or on the other side of the riuer, or on both, or the linking in amitie with one or other pettie king contending there for dominion.

Such riuers found, both Barges and Boates may be made for the safe passage of such as shall pierce the same. These are to be couered with doubles of course linnen artificially wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of the sauage from the rower.

Since euery soile of the world by arte may be made to yeeld things to feede and to clothe man, bring in your returne a perfect note of the soile without and within, and we shall deuise if neede require to amend the same, and to draw it to more perfection. And if you finde not fruites in your planting place to your liking, we shall in fiue drifats furnish you with such kindes of plants to be carryed thither the winter after your planting, as shall the very next summer following yeeld you some fruite, and the yeere next following, as much as shall suffice a towne as bigge as Calice, and that shortly after shall be able to yeeld you great store of strong durable good sider to drinke, and these trees shall be able to encrease you within lesse then seuen yeeres as many trees presently to beare, as may suffice the people of diuers parishes, which at the first setling may stand you in great stead, if the soile haue not the commoditie of fruites of goodnesse already. And because you ought greedily to hunt after things that yeeld present reliefe, without trouble of carriage thither, there∣fore I make mention of these thus specially, to the end you may haue it specially in minde.

A true Discourse of the three Voyages of discouerie, for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the Northwest, vnder the conduct of Martin Frobisher Generall: Before which, as a necessary Preface is prefixed a two-folde discourse, conteining certaine reasons to proue all partes of the World habita∣ble. Penned by Master George Best, a Gentleman employed in the same voyages.

What commodities and instructions may be reaped by diligent reading this Discourse.

• 1 FIrst, by example may be gathered, how a Discouerer of new Countries is to proceed•• in his first attempt of any Discouerie.
• 2 Item, how he should be prouided of shipping, victuals, munition, and choice of men.
• 3 How to proceede and deale with strange people, be they neuer so barbarous, cruell and fierce, either by lenitie or otherwise.
• 4 How trade of Merchandize may be made without money.
• 5 How a Pilot may deale, being inuironed with mountaines of yce in the frozen Sea.
• 6 How length of dayes, change of seasons, Summers and Winters doe differ in sundry regions.
• 7 How dangerous it is to attempt new Discoueries, either for the length of the voyage, or the ignorance of the language, the want of Interpretors, new and vnaccustomed Elements and ayres, strange and vnsauoury meates, danger of theeues and robbers, fiercenesse of wilde beastes and fishes, hugenesse of woods, dangerousnesse of Seas, dread of tempestes, feare of hidden rockes, steepnesse of mountaines, darkenesse of sudden falling fogges, continuall paines taking without any rest, and infinite others.
• 8 How pleasant and profitable it is to attempt new Discoueries, either for the sundry sights and shapes of strange beastes and fishes, the wonderfull workes of nature, the different maners and fashions of diuers nations, the sundry sortes of gouernment, the sight of strange trees, fruite, foules, and beastes, the infinite treasure of Pearle, Golde and Siluer, the newes of newe found landes, the sundry positions of the Sphere, and many others.
• 9 How valiant Captaines vse to deale vpon extremitie, and otherwise.
• 10 How trustie souldiers dutifully vse to serue.
• 11 Also here may bee seene a good example to be obserued of any priuate person, in taking notes, and making obseruations of all such things as are requisite for a Discouerer of newe Countries.
• ...

• 12 Lastly, the Reader here may see a good paterne of a well gouerned seruice, sundry in∣structions of matters of Cosmographie, Geographie, and Nauigation, as in reading more at large may be seene.

Experiences and reasons of the Sphere, to prooue all partes of the worlde habitable, and thereby to confute the position of the fiue Zones.

FIrst, it may be gathered by experience of our Englishmen in Anno 1553. For Captaine Windam made a Uoyage with Merchandise to Guinea, and entred so farre within the Torrida Zona,* 1.225 that he was within three or foure degrees of the Equinoctiall, and his company abiding there certaine Moneths, returned with gaine.

Also the Englishmen made another Uoyage very prosperous and gainefull, An. 1554. to the coasts of Guinea, within 3. degrees of the Equinoctiall. And yet it is reported of a trueth, that all the tract from Cape de las Palmas trending by C. de tres puntas alongst by Benin, vnto the Ile of S. Thomas (which is perpendiculer vnder the Equinoctial) all that whole Bay is more sub∣iect to many blooming and smoothering heates, with infectious and contagious ayres, then any other place in all Torrida Zona: and the cause thereof is some accidents in the land. For it is most certaine, that mountains, Seas, woods and lakes &c. may cause through their sundry kinde of si∣tuation, sundry strange and extraordinary effects, which the reason of the clyme otherwise would not giue. I mention these Uoyages of our Englishmen, not so much to prooue that Torrida Zona may bee, and is inhabited, as to shew their readinesse in att••mpting long and dangerous Nauiga••ions. Wee also among vs in England haue blacke Moores, AEthiopians, out of all partes of Torrida Zona, which after a small continuance, can well endure the colde of our Coun∣trey, and why should not we as well abide the heate of their Countrey? But what should I name any more experiences, seeing that all the coastes of Guinea and Benin are inhabited of Portugals, Spanyardes, French, and some Englishmen, who there haue built Castles and Townes. Onely this I will say to the Merchants of London, that trade yeerely to Marochus,* 1.226 it is very certaine, that the greatest part of the burning zone is farre more temperate and coole in Iune, then the Countrey of Marochus, as shall appeare by these reasons and experiences fol∣lowing. For let vs first consider the breadth and bignesse of this burning zone (which as euery man knoweth, is 47. degrees) each Tropicke, which are the bounders thereof, being 23. degrees and a halfe distant from the Equinoctiall. Imagine againe two other Parallels, on each side the Equinoctiall one, eyther of them distant from the Equinoctial about 20. degrees, which Paralels may be described either of them twice a yeere by the Sunne, being in the first degrees of Gemini the 11. of May, and in Leo the 13. of Iuly, hauing North latitude. And againe, the Sunne being in the first degrees of Sagittarius, the 12. of Nouember, and in Aquarius the 9. of Ianuary, hauing South latitude, I am to prooue by experience and reason, that all that distance included be∣tweene these two Paralels last named (conteyning 40. degrees in latitude, going round about the earth, according to longitude) is not onely habitable, but the same most fruitfull and delec∣table, and that if any extremitie of heate bee, the same not to be within the space of twenty de∣grees of the Equinoctiall on either side, but onely vnder and about the two Tropickes, and so proportionally the neerer you doe approch to eyther Tropicke, the more you are subiect to ex∣tremitie of heate (if any such be) and so Marochus being situate but sixe or seuen degrees from the Tropicke of Cancer, shall be more subiect to heate, then any place vnder or neere the Equi∣noctiall line.

And first by the experience of sundry men, yea thousands, Trauailers and Merchants, to the East and West Indies in many places both directly vnder, and hard by the Equinoctiall, they with one consent affirme, that it aboundeth in the middest of Torrida Zona with all manner of Graine, Hearbes, grasse, fruite, wood and cattell, that we haue heere, and thousandes other sortes, farre more wholesome, delectable and precious, then any wee haue in these Northerne climates, as very well shall appeare to him that will reade the Histories and Nauigations of such as haue traueiled Arabia, India intra & extra Gangem, the Islands Moluccae, America, &c.* 1.227 which all lye about the middle of the burning zone, where it is truely reported, that the great hearbes, as are Radish, Lettuce, Colewortes, Borage, and such like, doe waxe ripe, greater, more sauourie and delectable in taste then ours, within sixteene dayes after the seede is sowen. Wheate being sowed the first of Februarie, was found ripe the first of May, and generally, where

it is lesse fruitfull, the wheate will be ripe the fourth moneth after the seed is sowne, and in some places will bring foorth an eare as bigge as the wrist of a mans arme containing 1000. graines; Beanes, peace, &c. are there ripe twice a yeere. Also grasse being cut downe, will grow vp in sixe dayes aboue one foote high. If our cattell be transported thither, within a small time their yong-ones become of bigger stature, and more fat then euer they would haue bene in these countreys. There are found in euery wood in great numbers,* 1.228 such timber trees as twelue men holding handes together are not able to fathome. And to be short, all they that haue bene there with one consent affirme, that there are the goodliest greene medowes and plaines, the fairest mountaines couered with all sorts of trees and fruites, the fairest valleys, the goodliest pleasant fresh riuers,* 1.229 stored with infinite kinde of fishes, the thickest woods, greene and bearing fruite all the whole yeere, that are in all the world. And as for gold, siluer, and all other kinde of Metals, all kinde of spices and delectable fruites, both for delicacie and health, are there in such abundance, as hitherto they haue bene thought to haue beene bred no where else but there. And in conclusion, it is nowe thought that no where else but vnder the Equinoctiall, or not farre from thence, is the earthly Paradise, and the onely place of perfection in this worlde. And that these things may seeme the lesse strange, because it hath bene accompted of the olde Philosophers, that there coulde no∣thing prosper for the extreme heat of the Sunne continually going ouer their heades in the zo∣diacke, I thought good here to alleadge such naturall causes as to me seeme very substantiall and sure reasons.

First you are to vnderstand that the Sunne doeth worke his more or lesse heat in these lower parts by two meanes, the one is by the kinde of Angle that the Sunne beames doe make with the earth, as in all Torrida Zona it maketh perpendicularly right Angles in some place or other at noone, and towards the two Poles very oblique and vneuen Angles. And the other meane is the longer or shorter continuance of the Sunne aboue the Horizon.* 1.230 So that wheresoeuer these two causes do most concurre, there is most excesse of heat: and when the one is wanting, the rigor of the heat is lesse. For though the Sunne beames do beat perpendicularly vpon any region sub∣iect vnto it, if it hath no continuance or abode aboue the Horizon, to worke his operation in, there can no hote effect proceed. For nothing can be done in a moment. And this second cause mora So∣lis supra Horizontem, the time of the sunnes abiding aboue the Horizon, the old Philosophers ne∣uer remembred, but regarded onely the maner of Angles that the Sunne beames made with the Horizon, which if they were equall and right, the heat was the greater, as in Torrida Zona:* 1.231 if they were vnequall and oblique, the heat was the lesse, as towards both Poles, which reason is very good and substantiall: for the perpendicular beames reflect and reuerberate in themselues, so that the heat is doubled, euery beame striking twice, & by vniting are multiplied, and continue strong in forme of a Columne. But in our Latitude of 50. and 60. degrees, the Sunne beames descend oblique and slanting wise, and so strike but once and depart, and therefore our heat is the lesse for any effect that the Angle of the Sunne beames make. Yet because wee haue a longer continu∣ance of the Sunnes presence aboue our Horizon then they haue vnder the Equinoctial; by this continuance the heat is increased, for it shineth to vs 16. or 18. houres sometime, when it continu∣eth with them but twelue houres alwayes.

And againe, our night is very short wherein cold vapours vse to abound, being but sixe or eight houres long, whereas theirs is alwayes twelue houres long, by which two aduantages of long dayes and short nights, though we want the equalitie of Angle, it commeth to passe that in Som∣mer our heat here is as great as theirs is there, as hath bene proued by experience, and is nothing dissonant from good reason. Therefore whosoeuer will rightly way the force of colde and heat in any region, must not onely consider the Angle that the Sunne beames make, but also the con∣tinuance of the same aboue the Horizon. As first to them vnder the Equinoctiall the Sunne is twice a yeere at noone in their zenith perpendicular ouer their heads, and therefore during the two houres of those two dayes the heat is very vrgent, and so perhaps it will be in foure or fiue dayes more an houre euery day, vntill the Sunne in his proper motion haue crossed the Equinoc∣tiall; so that this extreme heat caused by the perpendicular Angle of the Sunne beames, endu∣••eth but two houres of two dayes in a yeere. But if any man say the Sunne may sealde a good while before and after it come to the Meridian, so farre foorth as reason leadeth, I am content to allow it, and therefore I will measure and proportion the Sunnes heat, by comparing the An∣gles there, with the Angles made here in England, because this temperature is best knowen vn∣to vs. As for example, the 11. day of March, when vnder the Equinoctiall it is halfe houre past eight of the clocke in the morning, the Sunne will be in the East about 38. degrees aboue the Ho∣rizon, because there it riseth alwayes at sixe of the clocke, and mooueth euery houre 15. degrees,

and so high very neere will it be with vs at London the said eleuenth day of March at noone. And therefore looke what force the Sunne hath with vs at noone, the eleuenth of March, the same force it seemeth to haue vnder the Equinoctial at half an houre past eight in the morning, or rather lesse force vnder the Equinoctiall. For with vs the Sunne had bene already sixe houres aboue the Horizon, and so had purified and clensed all the vapours, and thereby his force encreased at noon••; but vnder the Equinoctiall, the Sunne hauing bene vp but two houres and an halfe, had suffici∣ent to doe, to purge and consume the cold and moyst vapours of the long night past, and as yet had wrought no effect of heate. And therefore I may boldly pronounce, that there is much lesse heate at halfe an houre past eight vnder the Equinoctiall, then is with vs at noone; à fortiori. But in March we are not onely contented to haue the Sunne shining, but we greatly desire the same. Likewise the 11 of Iune, the Sunne in our Meridian is 62 degrees high at London: and vnder the Equinoctiall it is so high after 10 of the clocke, and seeing then it is beneficial with vs; à for∣tiori it is beneficiall to them after 10 of the clocke.

And thus haue wee measured the force of the Sunnes greatest heate, the hottest dayes in the yeere, vnder the Equinoctiall, that is in March and September, from sixe till after tenne of the clocke in the morning, and from two vntill Sunne set. And this is concluded, by respecting onely the first cause of heate, which is the consideration of the Angle of the Sunne beames, by a certaine similitude, that whereas the Sunne shineth neuer aboue twelue houres, more then eight of them would bee coole and pleasant euen to vs, much more to them that are acquainted alwayes with such warme places. So there remaineth lesse then foure houres of any excessiue heate, and that onely in the two Sommer dayes of the yeere, that is the eleuenth day of March, and the foureteenth of September: for vnder the Equinoctiall they haue two Sommers, the one in March, and the other in September, which are our Spring and Autumne: and likewise two Winters, in Iune and December, which are our Sommer and Winter, as may well appeare to him that hath onely tasted the principles of the Sphere. But if the Sunne bee in either Tro∣picke•• or approching neere thereunto, then may wee more easily measure the force of his Meri∣dian altitude, that it striketh vpon the Equinoctiall. As for example, the twelfth of Iune the Sunne will be in the first degree of Cancer. Then looke what force the heate of the Sunne hath vnder the Equinoctiall, the same force and greater it hath in all that Parallel, where the Pole is eleuated betweene fourtie and seuen, and fourtie and eight degrees. And therefore Paris in France the twelfth day of Iune sustaineth more heate of the Sunne, then Saint Thomas Island lying neere the same Meridian doeth likewise at noone, or the Ilands Taprobana, Moluccae, or the firme lande of Peru in America, which all lye vnderneath the Equinoctiall. For vpon the twelfth day of Iune aforesaide,* 1.232 the Sunne beames at noone doe make an Isoscheles Triangle, whose Vertex is the Center of the Sunne, the Basis a line extended from Saint Thomas Iland vnder the Equinoctiall, vnto Paris in France neere the same Meridian: therefore the two Angles of the Base must needs be equal per 5. primi, Ergo the force of the heat equal, if there were no other cause then the reason of the Angle, as the olde Philosophers haue appointed. But because at Pa∣ris the Sunne riseth two houres before it riseth to them vnder the Equinoctiall,* 1.233 and setteth like∣wise two houres after them, by meanes of the obliquitie of the Horizon, in which time of the Sunnes presence foure houres in one place more then the other, it worketh some effect more in one place then in the other, and being of equall height at noone, it must then needs follow to be more hote in the Parallel of Paris, then it is vnder the Equinoctiall.

Also this is an other reason, that when the Sunne setteth to them vnder the Equinoctiall,* 1.234 it goeth very deepe and lowe vnder their Horizon, almost euen to their Antipodes, whereby their twilights are very short, and their nights are made very extreeme darke and long, and so the moy∣sture and coldnesse of the long nights wonderfully encreaseth, so that at length the Sunne rising can hardly in many houres consume and driue away the colde humours and moyst vapours of the night past, which is cleane contrary in the Parallel of Paris: for the Sunne goeth vnder their Ho∣rizon but very little, after a sloping sort, whereby their nights are not very darke, but lightsome, as looking into the North in a cleare night without cloudes it doeth manifestly appeare, their twilights are long: for the Parallel of Cancer cutteth not the Horizon of Paris at right An∣gles, but at Angles very vneuen, and vnlike as it doeth the Horizon of the Equinoctiall. Also the Sommer day at Paris is sixteene houres long, and the night but eight: where contrarywise vn∣der the Equinoctiall the day is but twelue houres long, and so long is also the night, in whatsoeuer Parallel the Sunne be: and therefore looke what oddes and difference of proportion there is be∣tweene the Sunnes abode aboue the Horizon in Paris, and the abode it hath vnder the Equinoc∣tiall, (it being in Cancer) the same proportion would seeme to be betweene the heate of the one

place and heate of the other: for other things (as the Angle of the whole arke of the Sunnes pro∣gresse that day in both places) are equall.

But vnder the Equinoctiall the presence and abode of the Sunne aboue the Horizon is equall to his absence, and abode vnder the Horizon, eche being twelue houres. And at Paris the continu∣ance and abode of the Sunne is aboue the Horizon sixteene houres long, and but eight houres ab∣sence, which proportion is double, from which if the proportion of the equalitie be subtracted to finde the difference, there will remaine still a double proportion, whereby it seemeth to follow, that in Iune the heate at Paris were double to the heate vnder the Equinoctiall. For (as I haue said) the Angles of the Sunne beames are in all points equall, and the cause of difference is, Mo∣ra Solis supra Horizontem, the stay of the Sunne in the one Horizon more then in the other. Therefore, whosoeuer could finde out in what proportion the Angle of the Sunne beames hea∣teth,* 1.235 and what encrease the Sunnes continuance doeth adde thereunto, it might expresly be set downe, what force of heat and cold is in all regions.

Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to vs well knowen, and familiarly acquainted by like height of the Sunne in both places, that vnder the Equinoctiall in Iune is no excessiue heat, but a temperate aire rather tending to cold. For as they haue there for the most part a continuall moderate heat, so yet sometime they are a little pinched with colde,* 1.236 and vse the benefite of fire as well as we, especially in the euening when they goe to bed, for as they lye in hanging beds tied fast in the vpper part of the house, so will they haue fires made on both sides their bed, of which two fires, the one they deuise superstitiously to driue away spirits, and the other to keepe away from them the coldnesse of the nights.

Also in many places of Torrida Zona, especially in the higher landes somewhat mountainous, the people a litle shrincke at the cold, and are often forced to prouide themselues clothing, so that the Spaniards haue found in the West Indies many people clothed, especially in Winter, where∣by appeareth, that with their heat there is colde intermingled,* 1.237 else would they neuer prouide this remedy of clothing, which to them is rather a griefe and trouble then otherwise. For when they goe to warres, they will put off all their apparell, thinking it to be combersome, and will alwayes goe naked, that they thereby might be more nimble in their sight.

Some there be that thinke the middle zone extreme hot, because the people of the countrey can, and doe liue without clothing, wherein they childishly are deceiued: for our Clime rather tendeth to extremitie of colde, because wee cannot liue without clothing: for this our double li∣ning, furring, and wearing so many clothes, is a remedy against extremitie, and argueth not the goodnesse of the habitation, but inconuenience and iniury of colde: and that is rather the mode∣rate temperate, and delectable habitation, where none of these troublesome things are required, but that we may liue naked and bare, as nature bringeth vs foorth.

Others againe imagine the middle zone to be extreme hot, because the people of Africa, espe∣cially the Ethiopians, are so cole blacke, and their haire like wooll curled short, which blacknesse and curled haire they suppose to come onely by the parching heat of the Sunne, which how it should be possible I cannot see: for euen vnder the Equinoctiall in America, and in the East In∣dies, and in the Ilands Moluccae the people are not blacke, but tauney and white, with long haire vncurled as wee haue, so that if the Ethiopians blacknesse came by the heat of the Sunne,* 1.238 why should not those Americans and Indians also be as blacke as they, seeing the Sunne is equally distant from them both, they abiding in one Parallel: for the concaue and conuere Superficies of the Orbe of the Sunne is concentrike, and equidistant to the earth; except any man should ima∣gine somewhat of Aux Solis, and Oppositum, which indifferently may be applied aswel to the one place as to the other. But the Sunne is thought to giue no otherwise heat, but by way of Angle in reflection, and not by his neerenesse to the earth: for throughout all Africa, yea in the middest of the middle Zone, and in all other places vpon the tops of mountaines there lyeth continuall snow, which is neerer to the Orbe of the Sunne, then the people are in the valley, by so much as the height of these mountaines amount vnto, and yet the Sunne notwithstanding his neerenesse, can not melt the snow for want of conuenient place of reflections.* 1.239 Also the middle region of the aire where all the haile, frost, and snow is engendred, is neerer vnto the Sunne then the earth is, and yet there continueth perpetuall cold, because there is nothing that the Sunne beames may reflect against, whereby appeareth that the neerenesse of the body of the Sunne worketh nothing.

Therefore to returne againe to the blacke Moores. I my selfe haue seene an Ethiopian as blacke as a cole brought into England,* 1.240 who taking a faire English woman to wife, begat a sonne in all respects as blacke as the father was, although England were his natiue countrey, and an English woman his mother: whereby it seemeth this blacknes procceedeth rather of some natural

infection of that man, which was so strong, that neither the nature of the Clime, neither the good complexion of the mother concurring, coulde any thing alter, and therefore wee cannot impute it to the nature of the Clime. And for a more fresh example, our people of Meta Incognita (of whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hande) that were brought this last yeere into England, were all generally of the same colour that many nations be, lying in the middest of the middle Zone.* 1.241 And this their colour was not onely in the face which was subiect to Sunne and aire, but also in their bodies, which were stil couered with garments as ours are, yea the very suc∣king childe of twelue moneths age had his skinne of the very same colour that most haue vnder the Equinoctiall, which thing cannot proceed by reason of the Clime, for that they are at least ten degrees more towardes the North then wee in England are, No, the Sunne neuer commeth neere their Zenith by fourtie degrees: for in effect, they are within three or foure degrees of that which they call the frosen Zone, and as I saide, fourtie degrees from the burning Zone, where∣by it followeth, that there is some other cause then the Climate or the Sonnes perpendicular reflexion, that should cause the Ethiopians great blacknesse. And the most probable cause to my iudgement is, that this blackenesse proceedeth of some naturall infection of the first inhabi∣tants of that Countrey, and so all the whole progenie of them descended, are still polluted with the same blot of infection. Therefore it shall not bee farre from our purpose, to examine the first originall of these blacke men, and howe by a lineall discent they haue hitherto continued thus blacke.

* 1.242It manifestly and plainely appeareth by holy Scripture, that after the generall inundation and ouerflowing of the earth, there remained no moe men aliue, but Noe and his three sonnes, Sem, Cham, and Iaphet, who onely were left to possesse and inhabite the whole face of the earth: therefore all the sundry discents that vntil this present day haue inhabited the whole earth, must needes come of the off-spring either of Sem, Cham, or Iaphet, as the onely sonnes of Noe, who all three being white, and their wiues also, by course of nature should haue begotten and brought foorth white children. But the enuie of our great and continuall enemie the wicked Spirite is such, that as hee coulde not suffer our olde father Adam to liue in the felicitie and Angelike state wherein hee was first created, but tempting him, sought and procured his ruine and fall: so againe, finding at this flood none but a father and three sonnes liuing, hee so caused one of them to transgresse and disobey his fathers commaundement, that after him all his posteritie shoulde bee accursed. The fact of disobedience was this: When Noe at the commandement of God had made the Arke and entred therein,* 1.243 and the floud-gates of heauen were opened, so that the whole face of the earth, euery tree and mountaine was couered with abundance of water, hee straitely commaunded his sonnes and their wiues, that they should with reuerence and feare beholde the iustice and mighty power of God, and that during the time of the floud while they remained in the Arke, they should vse continencie, and abstaine from carnall copula∣tion with their wiues: and many other precepts hee gaue vnto them, and admonitions touch∣ing the iustice of God, in reuenging sinne, and his mercie in deliuering them, who nothing de∣serued it. Which good instructions and exhortations notwithstanding his wicked sonne Cham disobeyed,* 1.244 and being perswaded that the first childe borne after the flood (by right and Lawe of nature) should inherite and possesse all the dominions of the earth, hee contrary to his fathers commandement while they were yet in the Arke, vsed company with his wife, and craftily went about thereby to dis-inherite the off-spring of his other two brethren: for the which wicked and detestable fact, as an example for contempt of Almightie God, and disobedience of parents, God would a sonne should bee borne whose name was Chus, who not onely it selfe, but all his po∣steritie after him should bee so blacke and lothsome, that it might remaine a spectacle of disobe∣dience to all the worlde. And of this blacke and cursed Chus came all these blacke Moores which are in Africa, for after the water was vanished from off the face of the earth, and that the lande was dry, Sem those that part of the land to inhabite in, which nowe is called Asia, and Ia∣phet had that which now is called Europa, wherein wee dwell, and Africa remained for Cham and his blacke sonne Chus, and was called Chamesis after the fathers name,* 1.245 being perhaps a cur∣sed, dry, sandry, and vnfruitfull ground, fit for such a generation to inhabite in.

Thus you see, that the cause of the Ethiopians blacknesse is the curse and naturall infection of blood, and not the distemperature of the Climate; Which also may bee prooued by this ex∣ample, that these blacke men are found in all parts of Africa, as well without the Tropickes, as within, euen vnto Capo de buona Speranza Southward, where, by reason of the Sphere, should be the same temperature that is in Sicilia, Morea and Candie, where al be of very good com∣plexions. Wherefore I conclude, that the blacknesse proceedeth not of the hotenesse of the Clime,

but as I saide, of the infection of blood, and therefore this their argument gathered of the Africans blacknesse is not able to destroy the temperature of the middle Zone. Wee may therefore very well bee assertained, that vnder the Equinoctiall is the most pleasant and delec∣table place of the worlde to dwell in; where although the Sunne for two houres in a yeere be direct ouer their heades, and therefore the heate at that time somewhat of force, yet because it commeth so seldome, and continueth so small a time, when it commeth, it is not to bee wayed, but rather the moderate heate of other times in all the yeere to be remembred.* 1.246 And if the heate at any time should in the short day waxe somewhat vrgent, the coldnesse of the long night there would easily refresh it, according at Honterus sayeth, speaking of the temperature vnder the E∣quinoctial.

Quódque die solis violento incanduit aestu, Humida nox reficit, paribusque refrigerat boris.

If the heate of the Sunne in the day time doe burne or parch any thing•• the moysture of the night doeth coole and refresh the same againe, the Sunne being as long absent in the night, as so was present in the day.

Also our Aucthour of the Sphere, Iohannes de Sacro Bosco•• in the Chapter of the Zodiacke, deriueth the Etymologie of Zodiacus, of the Greeke word Zoe, which in Latine signifieth Vita, life; for out of Aristotle hee alleadgeth, that Secundum accessum & recessum solis in Zodiaco, fiunt generationes & corruptiones in rebus inferioribus: according to the Sunnes going to and fro in the Zodiake, the inferiour bodies take their causes; of generation and corruption. Then it followeth, that where there is most going too and fro, there is most generation and corrupti∣on: which must needes be betweene the two Tropickes; for there the Sunne goeth too and fro most, and no where else but there. Therefore betweene the two Tropikes, that is, in the middle Zone, is greatest increase, multiplication, generation, and corruption of things,* 1.247 which also wee finde by experience; for there is Sommer twice in the yeere, and twice Winter, so that they haue two Haruests in the yeere, and continuall Spring. Seeing then the middle Zone falleth out so temperate, it resteth to declare where the hottest part of the world should bee, for we finde some places more hote then others.

To answere this doubt, reason perswadeth, the hotest place in the world to bee vnder and a∣bout the two Tropickes;* 1.248 for there more then in any other place doe both the causes of heate con∣curre, that is, the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames, at right angles, and a greater con∣tinuance of the Sunne aboue the Horizon, the Pole there being eleuated three or foure and twen∣tie degrees. And as before I concluded, that though the Sunne were perpendicular to them vn∣der the Equinoctiall, yet because the same continued but a small time, (their dayes being short, and their nights long) and the speedie departure of the Sunne from their Zenith, because of the suddeine crossing of the Zodiake with the Equinoctiall, and that by such continuall course and recourse of hote and colde, the temperature grew moderate, and very well able to bee endured: so nowe to them vnder the two Tropickes, the Sunne hauing once by his proper motion de∣clined twentie degrees from the Equinoctial, beginneth to draw neere their Zenith, which may bee (as before) about the eleuenth day of May, and then beginneth to sende his beames almost at right Angles, about which time the Sunne entreth into the first degree of Gemini, and with this almost right Angle the Sunne beames will continue vntill it bee past Cancer, that is, the space of two moneths euery day at noone, almost perpendicular ouer their heades, being then the time of Solstitium Aestiuale: which so long continuance of the Sunne about their Zenith may cause an extreeme heate (if any be in the world) but of necessitie farre more heate then can bee vnder the Equinoctiall, where the Sunne hath no such long abode in the Zenith, but passeth away there-hence very quickly. Also vnder the Tropickes, the day is longer by an houre and a halfe, then it is vnder the Equinoctiall; wherefore the heate of the Sunne hauing a longer time of ope∣ration, must needes be encreased, especially seeing the night wherein colde and moysture doe a∣bound vnder the Tropickes, is lesse then it is vnder the Equinoctiall. Therefore I gather, that vnder the Tropickes is the hotest place, not onely of Torrida Zona, but of any other part of the world, especially because there both causes of heate doe concurre, that is, the perpendicular fal∣ling of the Sunne beames two monethes together, and the longer abode of the Sunnes pre∣sence aboue the Horison. And by this meanes more at large is prooued, that Marochus in Sommer is farre more hote, then at any time vnder the Equinoctiall, because it is situate so neere the Tropick of Cancer, and also for the length of their dayes. Neither yet do I thinke, that the Regions situate vnder the Tropicks are not habitable, for they are found to be very fruitfull also; although Marochus and some other parts of Afrike neere the Tropike for the drinesse of the

natiue sandie soile, and some a••cidents may seeme to some to be intemperate for ouer much heat. For Ferdinand•••• Ouiedu•• speaking of Cuba and Hispaniola,* 1.249 Ilands of America, lying hard vn∣der, or by the Tropike of C••ncer, saith, that these Ilands haue as good pasture for cattell, as any other countrey in the world.

Also, they haue most holesome and cleare water, and temperate aire, by reason whereof the heat••s of beastes are much bigger, fatter, and of better taste, then any in Spaine, because of the ••anke pasture,* 1.250 whose moysture is better d••gested in the hearbe or grasse, by continuall and tem∣per••t•• heate of the Sunne, whereby being made more fat and vnctious, it is of better and more stedfast nourishment: For continuall and temperate heate doeth not onely drawe much moysture out of the earth to the nourishment of such things as growe, and are engendred in that Clime, but doeth also by moderation preserue the same from putrifying, digesting also, and con∣densating or thickning the said moyst nourishment into a gamme and vnctious substance, where∣by appeareth also that vnder the Tropikes is both holesome, fruitefull, and pleasant habitation,* 1.251 whereby lastly it followeth, that all the middle zone, which vntill of late dayes hath bene comp∣ted and called the burning, broyling, and parched zone, is now found to be the most delicate, tem∣p••rate, commodious, pleasant, and delectable part of the world, and especially vnder the Equi∣noctiall.

Hauing now sufficiently at large declared the temperature of the middle zone, it remaineth to speake somewhat also of the moderate and continuall heate in colde Regions, as well in the night as in the day all the Sommer long, and also how these Regions are habitable to the inhabi∣tants of the same, contrary to the opinion of the olde writers.

Of the temperature of colde Regions all the Sommer long, and also how in Winter the same is habitable, especially to the inhabi∣tants thereof.

THe colde Regions of the world are those, which tending toward the Poles Arc∣tike, and Antarctike, are without the circuite or boundes of the seuen Cli∣mates: which assertion agreeable to the opinion of the olde Writers, is found and set out in our authour of the Sphere, Iohannes de Sacrobosco, where hee plainely saith, that without the seuenth Climate, which is bounded by a Paral∣lel passing at fiftie degrees in Latitude,* 1.252 all the habitation beyonde is discom∣modious and intollerable. But Gemma ••••isius a late writer finding England and Scotland to be without the compasse of those Climates, wherein hee knewe to bee very temperate and good habitation, added thereunto two other Climates, the vttermost Parallel whereof passeth by 56. degrees in Latitude, and therein comprehendeth ouer and aboue the first computation, England, Scotland, Denmarke, Moscouia, &c. which all are rich ••nd mightie kingdomes.

The olde writers perswaded by bare coniec••ure, went about to determine of those places, by comparing them to their owne complexions, because they felt them to bee hardly tollerable to themselues, and so took thereby an argument of the whole habitable earth; as if a man borne in Marochus,* 1.253 or some other part of Barbarie, should at the latter end of Sommer vpon the suddeine, either naked, or with his thinne vesture, bee brought into England, hee would iudge this Re∣gion presently not to bee habitable, because hee being brought vp in so warme a Countrey, is not able here to liue, for so suddeine an alteration of the colde aire: but if the same man had come at the beginning of Sommer, and so afterward by little and little by certaine degrees, had felt and acquainted himselfe with the frost of Autumne, it would haue seemed by degrees to har∣den him, and so to make it farre more tollerable, and by vse after one yeere or two, the aire would seeme to him more temperate. It was compted a great matter in the olde time, that there was a brasse pot broken in sunder with frosen water in Pontus, which after was brought and shewed in Delphis, in token of a miraculous colde region and winter, and therefore consecra∣ted to the Temple of Apollo.

This effect being wrought in the Parallel of fouretie three degrees in Latitude, it was pre∣sently counted a place very hardly and vneasily to be inhabited for the great colde. And how then can such men define vpon other Regions very farre without that Parallel, whether they were inhabited or not, seeing that in so neere a place they so grossely mistooke the matter, and others their followers being contented with the inuentions of the olde Authours, haue persisted willing∣ly in the same opinion, with more confidence then consideration of the cause: so lightly was that opi∣nion receiued, as touching the vnhabitable Clime neere and vnder the Poles.

Therefore I am at this present to proue, that all the land lying betweene the last climat euen vnto the point directly vnder either poles, is or may be inhabited,* 1.254 especially of such creatures as are ingendred and bred therein. For indeed it is to be confessed, that some particular liuing crea∣ture cannot liue in euery particular place or region, especially with the same ioy and felicite, as it did where it was first bred, for the certeine agreement of nature that is betweene the place and the thing bred in that place: as appeareth by the Elephant,* 1.255 which being translated and brought out of the second or third climat, though they may liue, yet will they neuer ingender or bring forth yong. Also we see the like in many kinds of plants and herbs; for example, the Orange trees,* 1.256 al∣though in Naples they bring forth fruit abundantly, in Rome and Florence they will beare onely faire greene leaues, but not any fruit: and translated into England, they will hardly beare either flowers, fruit, or leaues, but are the next Winter pinched and withered with colde: yet it follow∣eth not for this, that England, Rome, and Florence should not be habitable.

In the prouing of these colde regions habitable, I shalbe very short, because the same reasons serue for this purpose, which were alleged before in the prouing the middle zone to be temperate, especially seeing all heat and colde proceed from the Sunne,* 1.257 by the meanes either of the Angle which his beames do make with the Horizon, or els by the long or short continuance of the Suns presence aboue ground: so that if the Sunnes beames do beat perpendicularly at right Angles, then there is one cause of heat, and if the Sunne do also long continue aboue the Horizon, then the heat thereby is much increased by accesse of this other cause, & so groweth to a kinde of extremity. And these two causes, as I sayd before, do most concurre vnder the two Tropicks, and therefore there is the greatest heat of the world. And likewise, where both these causes are most absent, there is greatest want of heat, and increase of colde (seeing that colde is nothing but the priua∣tion and absence of heat) and if one cause be wanting, and the other present, the effect will grow indifferent. Therefore this is to be vnderstood, that the neerer any region is to the Equinocti∣all, the higher the Sunne doth rise ouer their heads at noone, and so maketh either right or neere right Angles, but the Sunne carieth with them so much the shorter time, and causeth shorter dayes, with longer and colder nights, to restore the domage of the day past, by reason of the moi∣sture con••umed by vapour. But in such regions, ouer the which the Sunne rise••h lower (as in regions extended towards either pole) it maketh there vnequall Angles, but the Sunne continu∣eth longer, and maketh longer dayes, and causeth so much shorter and warmer nights,* 1.258 as retain∣ing warme vapours of the day past. For there are found by experience Summer nights in Scot∣land and Gothland very hot, when vnder th•• Equinoctiall they are found very cold.* 1.259 This bene∣fit of the Sunnes long continuance & increase of the day, doth augment so much the more in colde regions as they are nerer the poles, and ceaseth not increasing vntill it come directly vnder the point of the pole Arcticke, where the Sunne continueth aboue ground the space of sixe moneths or halfe a yere together, and so the day is halfe a yere long, that is the time of the Sunnes being in the North signes, from the first degree of Aries vntill the last of Virgo, that is a••l the time from our 10 day of March vntill the 14 of September. The Sunne therfore during the tim•• of these sixe moneths without any offence or hindrance of the night,* 1.260 giueth his influence vpon those lands with heat that neuer ceaseth during that time, which maketh to the great increase of Summer, by reason of the Sunnes continuance. Therefore it followeth, that though the Sunne be not there very high ouer their heads, to cause right angle beames, and to giue great heat, yet the Sun being there sometime almost 24 degrees high doth cast a conuenient and meane heat, which there continueth without hindrance of the night the space of sixe moneths (as is before sayd) during which time there followeth to be a conuenient, moderate and temperate heat:* 1.261 or els rather it is to be suspected the heat there to be very great, both for continuance, and also, Quia virtus vnita crescit, the vertue and strength of heat vnited in one increaseth. If then there be such a moderate heat vnder the poles, and the same to continue so long time; what should moone the olde writers to say there cannot be place for habitation. And that the certainty of this temperate heat vnder both the poles might more manifestly appeare, let vs consider the position & quality of the sphere, the length of the day, and so gather the height of the Sunne at all times, and by consequent the quantity of his angle, and so lastly the strength of his heat.

Those lands and regions lying vnder the pole, and hauing the pole for their zenith, must needs haue the Equinoctial circle for their Horizon: therefore the Sun entring into the North signes, and describing euery 24 houres a parallel to the Equinoctiall by the diurnall motion of Primum mobile, the same parallels must needs be wholly aboue the Horizon: and so looke how many de∣grees there are from the first of Aries to the last of Virgo, so many whole reuolutions there are a∣boue their Horizon that dwell vnder the pole, which amount to 182,* 1.262 and so many of our dayes

the Sunne continueth with them. During which time they haue there continuall day and light, without any hindrance of moist nights. Yet it is to be noted, that the Sunne being in the first de∣gree of Aries, and last degree of Virgo, maketh his reuolution in the very horizon, so that in these 24 houres halfe the body of the Sunne is aboue the horizon, and the other halfe is vnder his only center, describing both the horizon and the equinoctiall circle.* 1.263

And therefore seeing the greatest declination of the Sunne is almost 24 degrees, it followeth, his greatest height in those countreys to be almost 24 degrees. And so high is the Sun at noone to vs in London about the 29 of October, being in the 15 degree of Scorpio, and likewise the 21 of Ianuary being in the 15 of Aquarius. Therefore looke what force the Sun at noone hath in London the 29 of October,* 1.264 the same force of heat it hath, to them that dwell vnder the pole, the space almost of two moneths, during the time of the Summer solstitium, and that without inter∣mingling of any colde night; so that if the heat of the Sunne at noone could be well measured in London (which is very hard to do, because of the long nights which ingender great moisture and cold) then would manifestly appeare by expresse numbers the maner of the heat vnder the poles, which certainly must needs be to the inhabitants very commodious and profitable, if it incline not to ouermuch heat, and if moisture do not want.

For as in October in England we finde temperate aire, and haue in our gardens hearbs and floures notwithstanding our cold nights, how much more should they haue the same good aire, be∣ing continuall without night. This heat of ours continueth but one houre, while the Sun is in that meridian, but theirs continueth a long time in one height. This our heat is weake, and by the coolenesse of the night vanisheth, that heat is strong, and by continuall accesse is still increased and strengthened. And thus by a similitude of the equall height of the Sun in both places appeareth the commodious and moderate heat of the regions vnder the poles.* 1.265

And surely I cannot thinke that the diuine prouidence hath made any thing vncommunicable, but to haue giuen such order to all things, that one way or other the same should be imployed, and that euery thing and place should be tollerable to the next: but especially all things in this lower world be giuen to man to haue dominion and vse thereof. Therefore we need no longer to doubt of the temperate and commodious habitation vnder the poles during the time of Summer.

But all the controuersie consisteth in the Winter, for then the Sunne leaueth those regions, and is ••o more seene for the space of other sixe moneths, in the which time all the Sunnes course is vnder their horizon for the space of halfe a yere, and then those regions (say some) must needs be deformed with horrible darknesse, and continuall night,* 1.266 which may be the cause that beasts can not seeke their food, and that also the colde should then be intollerable. By which double euils all liuing creatures should be constrained to die, and were not able to indure the extremity and iniu∣ry of Winter, and famine insuing thereof, but that all things should perish before the Summer following, when they should bring foorth their brood and yoong, and that for these causes the sayd Clime about the pole should be desolate and not habitable. To all which obiections may be an∣swered in this maner: First, that though the Sunne be absent from them those six moneths, yet it followeth not that there should be such extreme darknesse; for as the Sunne is departed vnder their horizon, so is it not farre from them: and not so soone as the Sunne falleth so suddenly com∣meth the darke night; but the euening doth substitute and prolong the day a good while after by twilight. After which time the residue of the night receiueth light of the Moone and Starres, vntill the breake of the day, which giueth also a certaine light before the Sunnes rising; so that by these meanes the nights are seldome darke; which is verified in all parts of the world, but least in the middle zone vnder the Equinoctiall, where the twilights are short, and the nights darker then in any other place, because the Sunne goeth vnder their horizon so deepe, euen to their anti∣podes•• We see in England in the Summer nights, when the Sunne goeth not farre vnder the horizon, that by the light of the Moone & Starres we may trauell all night, and if occasion were, do some other labour also. And there is no man that doubteth whether our cattell can see to feed in the nights, seeing we are so well certified therof by our experience: and by reason of the sphere our nights should be darker then any time vnder the poles.

The Astronomers consent that the Sunne descending from our vpper hemisphere at the 18 parallel vnder the horizon maketh an end of twilight, so that at length the darke night insueth, and that afterward in the morning the Sun approching againe within as many parallels, doth driue away the night by accesse of the twilight. Againe, by the position of the sphere vnder the pole, the horizon, and the equinoctiall are all one. These reuolutions therefore that are parallel to the equinoctiall are also parallel to the horizon, so that the Sunne descending vnder that hori∣zon, and there describing certaine parallels not farre distant, doth not bring darke nights to those

regions vntill it come to the parallels distant 18 degrees from the equinoctiall, that is, about the 21 degree of Scorpio, which will be about the 4 day of our Nouember, and after the Winter sol∣stitium, the Sunne returning backe againe to the 9 degree of Aquarius, which will be about the 19 of Ianuary; during which time onely, that is, from the 4 day of Nouember vntill the 19 day of Ianuary, which is about six weeks space, those regions do want the commodity of twilights:* 1.267 therefore, during the time of these sayd six moneths of darknesse vnder the poles, the night is de∣stitute of the benefit of the Sunne and the sayd twilights onely for the space of six weeks or there∣about. And yet neither this time of six weeks is without remedy from heauen; for the Moone with her increased light hath accesse at that time, and illuminateth the mone••hs lacking light euery one of themselues seuerally halfe the course of that moneth, by whose benefit it commeth to passe that the night named extreame darke possesseth those regions no longer then one moneth, neither that continually, or all at one time, but this also diuided into two sorts of shorter nights, of the which either of them indureth for the space of 15 dayes, and are illuminate of the Moone accordingly. And this reason is gathered out of the sphere, whereby we may testifie that the Summers are warme and fruitfull, and the Winters nights vnder the pole are tolerable to li∣uing creatures.* 1.268 And if it be so that the Winter and time of darknesse there be very colde, yet hath not nature left them vnprouided therefore: for there the beasts are couered with haire so much the thicker in how much the vehemency of colde is greater; by reason whereof the best and rich∣est furres are brought out of the coldest regions. Also the fowles of these colde countreys haue thicker skinnes, thicker feathers, and more stored of downe then in other hot places. Our Eng∣lish men that trauell to S. Nicholas, and go a fishing to Wardhouse, enter farre within the circle Arctike, and so are in the frozen zone, and yet there, as well as in Island and all along those Nor∣therne Seas, they finde the greatest store of the greatest fishes that are; as Whales, &c. and also abundance of meane fishes; as Herrings, Cods, Haddocks, Brets, &c. which argueth that the sea as well as the land may be and is well frequented and inhabited in the colde countreys.

But some perhaps will maruell there should be such temperate places in the regions about the poles,* 1.269 when at vnder 62 degrees in latitude our captaine Frobisher & his company were trou∣bled with so many and so great mountaines of fleeting ice, with so great stormes of colde, with such continuall snow on tops of mountaines, and with such barren soile, there being neither wood nor trees, but low shrubs, and such like. To all which obiections may be answered thus: First, those infinite Islands of ice were ingendred and congealed in time of Winter, and now by the great heat of Summer were thawed, and then by ebs, flouds, winds, and currents, were driuen to and fro, and troubled the fleet; so that this is an argument to proue the heat in Summer there to be great, that was able to thaw so monstrous mountaines of ice. As for continuall snow on tops of mountaines, it is there no otherwise then is in the hotest part of the middle zone, where al∣so lieth great snow all the Summer long vpon tops of mountaines, because there is not sufficient space for the Sunnes reflection, whereby the snow should be molten. Touching the colde stormy winds and the barrennesse of the country, it is there as it is in Cornwall and Deuonshire in Eng∣land, which parts though we know to be fruitfull and fertile, yet on the North side thereof all a∣longst the coast within seuen or eight miles off the sea there can neither hedge nor tree grow, al∣though they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto: and the cause thereof are the Nor∣therne driuing winds, which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong & tender plants, and suffer scarse any thing to grow; and so is it in the Islands of Meta in∣cognita,* 1.270 which are subiect most to East & Northeastern winds, which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port. Yet notwithstanding all the ob∣iections that may be, the countrey is habitable; for there are men, women, children, & sundry kind of beasts in great plenty, as beares, deere, hares, foxes and dogs: all kinde of flying fowles, as ducks, seamewes, wilmots, partridges, larks, crowes, hawks, and such like, as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large. Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable.

Which thing being well considered, and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobi∣sher,* 1.271 aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation, as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land, and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança, which the Portugals yerely vse: he began first with himselfe to deuise, and then with his friends to conferre, and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest, but also he could proue easie to be performed. And fur∣ther, he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof, and to accomplish or

bring true certificate of the truth, or els neuer to returne againe, knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone, whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortu∣nate. But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage, whereof he had concei∣ued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence, which here for sun∣dry causes I leaue vntouched, yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward, and performe the same. Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets, and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same, as by good witnesse shall well appeare (albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniu∣red him in the reports of the same, saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action, and that they haue learned him the way, which themselues as yet haue neuer gone) but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants, which neuer regard vertue without sure, certaine, and present gaines, he repaired to the Court (from wh••nce, as from the fountaine of our Common wealth, all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance) and there lay∣ed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice. And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and comme••dable enterprise, he was speci∣ally bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke, whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same: and so by meanes of my lord his ho∣nourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause, and by litle and litle, with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection, and had drawen together so many aduen∣turers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall.

He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece, wherein he inten∣ded to accomplish his pretended voyage. Wherefore, being furnished with the foresayd two barks, and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen, hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision, he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576.

One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel, and the other The Michael; and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land, which he iudged to be Frisland (whereof some authors haue made mention) but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast, and the great mists that trou∣bled them not a litle. Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse, which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea, wherein he lost onely foure men.

* 1.272Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter, conueyed themselues pri∣uily away from him, and returned home, with great report that he was cast away.

The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts, although his mast was sprung, and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather, continued his course towards the Northwest, knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending, & that some land should haue a beginning that way; and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards, beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered. And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land, which he called Queene Eli∣zabeths Forland, after her Maiesties name. And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast, he descried another forland with a great gut, bay, or passage, diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder. There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along, and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards, was alwayes by contrary winde detei∣ned ouerthwart these straights, and could not get beyond. Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone, either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts, carried more to the Southwards of the same straights,* 1.273 or els conueyed some other way: where∣fore he determined to make proofe of this place, to see how farre that gut had continuance, and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside, whereof he conceiued no small hope, and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly, and passed a∣boue fifty leagues therein, as he reported, hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent. And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia, and there to be diuided from the firme of America, which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same.

* 1.274This place he named after his name, Frobishers streights, like as Magellanus at y^e Southwest

end of the world, hauing discouered the passage to the South sea (where America is diuided from the continent of that land, which lieth vnder the South pole) and called the same straights, Ma∣gellanes straits.

After he had passed 60 leagues into this foresayd straight, he went ashore, and found signes where fire had bene made.

He saw mighty deere that seemed to be mankinde,* 1.275 which ranne at him, and hardly he escaped with his life in a narrow way, where he was faine to vse defence and policy to saue his life.

In this place he saw and perceiued sundry tokens of the peoples resorting thither. And being ashore vpon the top of a hill, he perceiued a number of small things fletting in the sea afarre off, which he supposed to be porposes or seales, or some kinde of strange fish; but comming neerer, he discouered them to be men in small boats made of leather.* 1.276 And before he could descend downe frō the hill, certaine of those people had almost cut off his boat from him, hauing stollen secretly be∣hinde the rocks for that purpose, where he speedily hasted to his boat, and bent himselfe to his hal∣berd, and narrowly escaped the danger, and saued his boat. Afterwards he had sundry conferen∣ces with them, and they came aboord his ship, and brought him salmon and raw flesh and fish,* 1.277 and greedily deuoured the same before our mens faces. And to shew their agility, they tried many masteries vpon the ropes of the ship after our mariners fashion, and appeared to be very strong of their armes, and nimble of their bodies. They exchanged coats of seales, and beates skinnes, and such like, with our men; and receiued belles, looking glasses, and other toyes, in recompense there∣of againe. After great curtesie, and many meetings, our mariners, contrary to their captaines direction, began more easily to trust them; and fiue of our men going ashore were by them inter∣cepted with their boat,* 1.278 and were neuer since heard of to this day againe: so that the captaine be∣ing destitute of boat, barke, and all company, had scarsely sufficient number to conduct backe his barke againe. He could now neither conuey himselfe ashore to rescue his men (if he had bene able) for want of a boat; and againe the subtile traitours were so wary, as they would after that ne∣uer come within our mens danger. The captaine notwithstanding desirous to bring some to∣ken from thence of his being there, was greatly discontented that he had not before apprehended some of them: and therefore to deceiue the deceiuers he wrought a prety policy; for knowing wel how they greatly delighted in our toyes, and specially in belles, he rang a prety lowbell, making signes that he would giue him the same that would come and fetch it. And because they would not come within his danger for feare, he flung one bell vnto them, which of purpose he threw short, that it might fall into the sea and be lost. And to make them more greedy of the matter he rang a louder bell, so that in the end one of them came nere the ship side to receiue the bel; which when he thought to take at the captaines hand, he was thereby taken himselfe:* 1.279 for the captaine being rea∣dily prouided let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him with maine force boat and all into his barke out of the sea. Whereupon when he found himselfe in captiuity, for very ••holer and disdaine he bit his tongue in twaine within his mouth: notwithstanding, he died not thereof, but liued vntill he came in England, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea.

Now with this new pray (which was a sufficient witnesse of the captaines farre and tedious trauell towards the vnknowen parts of the world, as did well appeare by this strange infidell, whose like was neuer seene, read, nor heard of before, and whose language was neither knowen nor vnderstood of any) the sayd captaine Frobisher returned homeward,* 1.280 and arriued in England in Harwich the 2 of October following, and thence came to London 1576, where he was high∣ly commended of all men for his great and notable attempt, but specially famous for the great hope he brought of the passage of Cataya.

And it is especially to be remembred that at their first arriuall in those parts there lay so great store of ice all the coast along so thicke together, that hardly his boat could passe vnto the shore. At length, after diuers attempts he commanded his company, if by any possible meanes they could get ashore, to bring him whatsoeuer thing they could first finde, whether it were liuing or dead, stocke or stone, in token of Christian possession,* 1.281 which thereby he tooke in behalfe of the Queenes most excellent Maiesty, thinking that thereby he might iustify the hauing and inioying of the same things that grew in these vnknowen parts.

Some of his company brought floures, some greene grasse; and one brought a piece of blacke stone much like to a sea cole in colour,* 1.282 which by the waight seemed to be some kinde of mettall or minerall. This was a thing of no account in the iudgement of the captaine at the first sight; and yet for nouelty it was kept in respect of the place from whence it came.

After his arriuall in London, being demanded of sundry his friends what thing he had brought them home out of that countrey, he had nothing left to present thē withall but a piece of this blacke

stone. And it fortuned a gentlewoman one of the aduenturers wiues to haue a piece therof, which by chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long, that at the length being taken forth, and quen∣ched in a litle vineger, it glistered with a bright marquesset of golde. Whereupon the matter being called in some question, it was brought to certaine Goldfiners in London to make assay thereof, who gaue out that it held golde, and that very richly for the quantity. Afterwards, the same Goldfiners promised great matters thereof if there were any store to be found,* 1.283 and offered themselues to aduenture for the searching of those parts from whence the same was brought. Some that had great hope of the matter sought secretly to haue a lease at her Maiesties hands of those places, whereby to inioy the masse of so great a publike profit vnto their owne priuate gaines.

In conclusion, the hope of more of the same golde ore to be found kindled a greater opinion in the hearts of many to aduance the voyage againe. Whereupon preparation was made for a new voyage against the yere following,* 1.284 and the captaine more specially directed by commission for the searching more of this golde ore then for the searching any further discouery of the passage. And being well accompanied with diuers resolute and forward gentlemen, her Maiesty then lying at the right honourable the lord of Warwicks house in Essex, he came to take his leaue, and kissing her hignesse hands, with gracious countenance & comfortable words departed toward his charge.

A true report of such things as happened in the second voyage of captaine Frobisher, pretended for the discouery of a new passage to Cataya, China, and the East India, by the Northwest. Ann. Dom. 1577.

BEing furnished with one tall ship of her Maiesties, named The Ayde, of two hun∣dred tunne, and two other small barks, the one named The Gabriel, the other The Michael, about thirty tun a piece, being fitly appointed with men, munition, victu∣als, and all things necessary for the voyage, the sayd captaine Frobisher, with the rest of his company came aboord his ships riding at Blackwall, intending (with Gods helpe) to take the first winde and tide seruing him, the 25 day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1577.

The names of such gentlemen as attempted this discouery, and the number of souldiers and mariners in ech ship, as followeth.

ABoord the Ayd being Admirall were the number of 100 men of all sorts, whereof 30 or moe were Gentlemen and Souldiers, the rest sufficient and tall Sailers.

Aboord the Gabriel being Uiceadmirall, were in all 18 persons, whereof sixe were Souldi∣ers, the rest Mariners.

Aboord the Michael were 16 persons, whereof fiue were Souldiers, the rest Mariners.

Aboord the Ayde was

Generalll of the whole company for her Maiesty

Martin Frobisher.

His Lieutenant

George Best.

His Ensigne

Richard Philpot.

Corporall of the shot

Francis Forder.

The rest of the gentlemen

• ...Henry Carew.
• ...Edmund Stafford.
• ...Iohn Lee.
• ...M. Haruie.
• ...Mathew Kinersley.
• ...Abraham Lins.
• ...Robert Kinersley.
• ...Francis Brakenbury.
• ...William Armshow.

The Master

Christopher Hall.

The Mate

Charles Iackman.

The Pilot

Andrew Dier.

The Master gunner

Richard Cox.

Aboord the Ga∣briell was

Captaine

Edward Fenton.

One Gentleman

William Tamfiel••.

The Maister

William Smyth••

Aboord the Mi∣chaell was

Captaine

Gilbert Yorke.

One Gentleman

Thomas Chamberlain••

The Maister

Iames Beare••

ON Whit sunday being the 26 of May, Anno 1577, ••arly in the morning, we weighed an∣ker at Blackwall, and fell that tyde downe to Grauesend, where we remained vntill Mon∣day at night.

On munday morning the 27 of May, aboord the Ayde we receiued all the Communion by the Mini••ter of Graue••end,* 1.285 and prepared vs as good Christians towards God, and resolute men for all fortunes: and towards night we departed to Tilbery Hope.

Tuesday the eight and twenty of May, about nine of the clocke at night, we arriued at Har∣witch in Essex and there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals, vntill Friday being the thirtieth of May, during which time came letters from the Lordes of the Councell, straightly commanding our Generall, not to exceede his complement and number appointed him, which was, one hundred and twentie persons:* 1.286 whereupon he discharged many proper men which with vnwilling mindes departed.

He also dismissed all his condemned men,* 1.287 which he thought for some purposes very neede∣full for the voyage, and towarde night vpon Friday the one and thirtieth of May we set saile, and put to the Seas againe. And sayling Northward alongst the East coasts of England and Scot∣land, the seuenth day of Iune we arriued in Saint Magnus sound in Orkney Ilands,* 1.288 called in la∣tine Orcades, and came to ancker on the South side of the Bay, and this place is reckoned from Blackwall where we set saile first leagues.

Here our companie going on lande, the Inhabitants of these Ilandes beganne to flee as from the enemie, whereupon the Lieutenant willed euery man to stay togither, and went himselfe vnto their houses to declare what we were and the cause of our comming thither, which being vnderstood, after their poore maner they friendly entreated vs, and brought vs for our mo∣ney such things as they had. And here our Goldfiners found a Mine of siluer.* 1.289

Orkney is the principall of the Isles of the Orcades, and standeth in the latitude of fiftie nine degrees and a halfe. The countrey is much subiect to colde, answerable for such a cli∣mate, and yet yeeldeth some fruites, and sufficient maintenance for the people contented so poore∣ly to liue.

There is plentie ynough of Poultrey, store of egges, fish, and foule.

For their bread they haue Oaten Cakes, and their drinke is Ewes milke, and in some partes Ale.

Their houses are but poore without and sluttish ynough within, and the people in nature thereunto agreeable.

For their fire they burne heath and turffe, the Countrey in most parts being voide of wood.

They haue great want of Leather, and desire our old shoes, apparell, and old ropes (before money) for their victuals, and yet are they not ignorant of the value of our coine. The chiefe towne is called Kyrway.* 1.290

In this Iland hath bene sometime an Abbey or a religious house called Saint Magnus; being on the West side of the Ile, whereof this sound beareth name, through which we passed.* 1.291 Their Gouernour or chiefe Lord is called the Lord Robert Steward, who at our being there, as we vn∣derstood, was in durance at Edenburgh, by the Regents commandement of Scotland.

After we had prouided vs here of matter sufficient for our voyage the eight of Iune wee set sayle againe, and passing through Saint Magnus sound hauing a merrie winde by night, came cleare and lost sight of all the land, and keeping our course West Northwest by the space of two dayes, the winde shifted vpon vs so that we lay in trauerse on the Seas,* 1.292 with contrary windes, making good (as neere as we could) our course to the westward, and sometime to the Northward, as the winde shifted. And hereabout we met with 3 saile of English fishermen frō Iseland, bound homeward, by whom we wrote our letters vnto our friends in England. We trauersed these Seas by the space of 26 dayes without sight of any land, and met with much drift wood, & whole bodies of trees. We sawe many monsterous fishes and strange foules,* 1.293 which seemed to liue

onely by the Sea, being there so farre distant from any land. At length God fauoured vs with more prosperous windes, and after wee had sayled foure dayes with good winde in the Poop, the fourth of Iuly the Michaell being formost a head shot off a peece of Ordinance, and stroke all her sayles, supposing that they descryed land, which by reason of the thicke mistes they could not make persit: howbeit, as well our account as also the great alteration of the water, which became more blacke and smooth, did plainely declare we were not farre off the coast.* 1.294 Our Gene∣rall sent his Master aboord the Michaell (who had beene with him the yeere before) to beare in with the place to make proofe thereof, who descryed not the land perfect, but sawe sundry huge Ilands of yce,* 1.295 which we deemed to be not past twelue leagues from the shore, for about tenne of the clocke at night being the fourth of Iuly, the weather being more cleare, we made the land per∣fect and knew it to be Frislande.* 1.296 And the heigth being taken here, we found our selues to be in the latitude of 60 degrees and a halfe, and were fallen with the Southermost part of this land. Betweene Orkney and Frisland are reckoned leagues.

This Frislande sheweth a ragged and high lande, hauing the mountaines almost couered ouer with snow alongst the coast full of drift yce, and seemeth almost inaccessible, and is thought to be an Iland in bignesse not inferiour to England, and is called of some Authors, West Frislande,* 1.297 I thinke because it lyeth more West then any part of Europe. It exten∣deth in latitude to the Northward very farre as seemed to vs, and appeareth by a description set out by two brethren Uenetians, Nicholaus and Antonius Zeni, who being driuen off from Ireland with a violent tempest made shipwracke here, and were the first knowen Christians that discouered this land about two hundred yeares sithence, and they haue in their Sea-cardes set out euery part thereof and described the condition of the inhabitants, declaring them to be as ciuill and religious people as we. And for so much of this land as we haue sayled alongst, com∣paring their Carde with the coast, we finde it very agreeable. This coast seemeth to haue good fishing, for we lying becalmed let fall a hooke without any bayte and presently caught a great fish called a Hollibut,* 1.298 who serued the whole companie for a dayes meate, and is dangerous meate for surfetting. And sounding about fiue leagues off from the shore, our leade brought vp in the tallow a kinde of Corrall almost white,* 1.299 and small stones as bright as Christall: and it is not to be doubted but that this land may be found very rich and beneficial if it were through∣ly discouered, although we sawe no creature there but little birdes. It is a maruellous thing to behold of what great bignesse and depth some Ilands of yce be here, some seuentie, some eightie fadome vnder water, besides that which is aboue, seeming Ilands more then halfe a mile in circuit. All these yce are in tast fresh,* 1.300 and seeme to be bredde in the sounds therea∣bouts, or in some lande neere the pole, and with the winde and tides are driuen alongst the coastes. We found none of these Ilands of yce salt in taste, whereby it appeareth that they were not congealed of the Ocean Sea water which is alwayes salt, but of some standing or lit∣tle moouing lakes or great fresh waters neere the shore,* 1.301 caused eyther by melted snowe from tops of mountaines, or by continuall accesse of fresh riuers from the land, and intermingling with the Sea water, bearing yet the dominion (by the force of extreame frost) may cause some part of salt water to freese so with it, and so seeme a little brackish, but otherwise the maine Sea freeseth not, and therefore there is no Mare Glaciale or frosen Sea, as the opinion hi∣thert•• hath bene. Our Generall prooued landing here twice, but by the suddaine fall of mistes (whereunto this coast is much subiect) he was like to loose sight of his ships, and being great∣ly endangered with the driuing yce alongst the coast, was forced aboord and faine to surcease his pretence till a better opportunitie might serue: and hauing spent foure dayes and nightes sayling alongst this land, finding the coast subiect to such bitter colde and continuall mistes, he determined to spend no more time therein, but to beare out his course towardes the streightes called Frobishers streights after the Generals name, who being the first that euer passed beyond 58 degrees to the Northwardes, for any thing that hath beene yet knowen of certaintie of New found land, otherwise called the continent or firme land of America, discouered the saide straights this last yere 1576.

Betweene Frisland and the straights we had one great storme, wherein the Michaell was somewhat in danger, hauing her Stirrage broken,* 1.302 and her toppe Mastes blowen ouer boord, & being not past 50 leagues short of the straights by our account, we stroke sayle & lay a hull, fea∣ring the continuance of of the storme, the winde being at the Northeast, and hauing lost companie of the Barkes in that flaw of winde, we happily met againe the seuenteenth day of Iuly, hauing the euening before seene diuers Ilands of fleeting yce,* 1.303 which gaue an argument that we were not farre from land. Our Generall in the morning from the maine top (the weather being rea∣sonable

cleare) descried land, but to be better assured he sent the two Barkes two contrarie courses, whereby they might discry either the South or North foreland, the Ayde lying off and on at Sea, with a small sayle by an Ilande of yce, which was the marke for vs to meete togither againe. And about noone, the weather being more cleare, we made the North forland perfite, which otherwise is called Halles Iland,* 1.304 and also the small Iland bearing the name of the sayde Hall whence the Ore was taken vp which was brought into England this last yeere 1576 the said Hall being present at the finding & taking vp thereof, who was then Maister in the Gabriell with Captaine Frobisher. At our arriuall here all the Seas about this coast were so couered o∣uer with huge quantitie of great yce, that we thought these places might onely deserue the name of Mare Glaciale, and be called the Isie Sea.

This North forland is thought to be deuided from the continent of the Northerland,* 1.305 by a lit••le sound called Halles sound, which maketh it an Iland, and is thought little lesse then the Ile of Wight, and is the first entrance of the straights vpon the Norther side, and standeth in the latitude of sixtie two degrees and fiftie minutes, and is reckon••d from Frisland leagues. God hauing blessed vs with so happie a land-fall, we bare into the straights which runne in next hand, and somewhat further vp to the Northwarde, and came as neere the shore as wee might for the yce, and vpon the eighteenth day of Iuly our Generall taking the Goldfiners with him, attempted to goe on shore with a small rowing Pinnesse, vpon the small Ilande where the Ore was taken vp, to prooue whether there were any store thereof to be found,* 1.306 but he could not get in all that Iland a peece so bigge as a Walnut, where the first was found. But our men which sought the other Ilands thereabouts found them all to haue good store of the Ore, whereupon our Generall with these good tidings returned aboord about tenne of the clocke at night, and was ioyfully welcommed of the company with a volie of shot. He brought egges, foules,* 1.307 and a young Seale aboord, which the companie had killed ashore, and hauing found vpon those I∣lands ginnes set to catch fowle,* 1.308 and stickes newe cut, with other things, he well perceiued that not long before some of the countrey people had resorted thither.

Hauing therefore found those tokens of the peoples accesse in those parts, and being in his first voyage well acquainted with their subtill and cruell disposition, hee prouided well for his better safetie, and on Friday the ninteenth of Iuly in the morning early, with his best compa∣nie of Gentlemen and souldiers, to the number of fortie persons, went on shore, aswell to disco∣uer the Inland and habitation of the people, as also to finde out some fit harbor owe for our shippes. And passing towardes the shoare with no small difficultie by reason of the abundance of yce which lay alongst the coast so thicke togither that hardly any passage through them might be discouered, we arriued at length vpon the maine of Halles greater Iland, and found there also aswell as in the other small Ilands good store of the Ore. And leauing his boates here with sufficient guarde we passed vp into the countrey about two English miles, and recouered the toppe of a high hill, on the top whereof our men made a Columne or Crosse of stones heaped vp of a good heigth togither in good sort, and solemnely sounded a Trumpet, and saide certaine prayers kneeling about the Ensigne, and honoured the place by the name of Mount Warwicke,* 1.309 in remembrance of the Right Honorable the Lord Ambrose Dudley Earle of Warwick, whose noble mind and good countenance in this, as in all other good actions, gaue great encourage∣ment and good furtherance. This done, we retyred our companies not seeing any thing here worth further discouerie, the countrey seeming barren and full of ragged mountaines and in most parts couered with snow.

And thus marching towards our botes, we espied certaine of the countrey people on the top of Mount Warwick with a flag wafting vs backe againe and making great noise,* 1.310 with cries like the mowing of Buls seeming greatly desirous of conference with vs: whereupon the Generall be∣ing therewith better acquainted, answered them againe with the like cries, whereat and with the noise of our trumpets they seemed greatly to reioyce, skipping, laughing and dancing for ioy. And hereupon we made signes vnto them, holding vp two fingers, cōmanding two of our men to go a∣part from our cōpanies, whereby they might do the like.* 1.311 So that forthwith two of our men & two of theirs met togither a good space from company, neither partie hauing their weapons about thē. Our men gaue them pins and points and such trifles as they had. And they likewise bestowed on our men two bow cases and such things as they had. They earnestly desired our men to goe vp into their countrey, and our men offered them like kindnesse aboord our ships, but neither part (as it seemed) admitted or trusted the others curtesie. Their maner of traffique is thus,* 1.312 they doe vse to lay downe of their marchandise vpon the ground, so much as they meane to part withal, and so looking that the other partie with whom they make ••rade should doe the like, they themselues

doe depart, and then if they doe like of their Mart they come againe, and take in exchange the others marchandise, otherwise if they like not, they take their owne and depart. The day being thus well neere spent, in haste wee retired our companies into our boates againe, min∣ding foorthwith to search alongst the coast for some harborow fit for our shippes, for the present necessitie thereof was much, considering that all this while they lay off and on betweene the two landes, being continually subiect aswell to great danger of fleeting yce, which enuironed them, as to the sodaine flawes which the coast seemeth much subiect vnto. But when the people per∣ceiued our departure, with great tokens of affection they earnestly called vs backe againe, fol∣lowing vs almost to our boates: whereupon our Generall taking his Master with him, who was best acquainted with their maners, went apart vnto two of them, meaning, if they could lay sure hold vpon them, forcibly to bring them aboord,* 1.313 with intent to bestow certaine toyes and apparell vpon the one, and so to dismisse him with all arguments of curtesie, and retaine the other for an Interpreter. The Generall and his Maister being met with their two companions togither, af∣ter they had exchanged certaine things the one with the other, one of the Saluages for lacke of better marchandise, cut off the tayle of his coat (which is a chiefe ornament among them) and gaue it vnto our Generall for a present. But he presently vpon a watchword giuen with his Mai∣ster sodainely laid hold vpon the two Saluages. But the ground vnderfoot being slipperie with the snow on the side of the hill, their handfast fayled and their prey escaping ranne away and light∣ly recouered their bow and arrowes, which they had hid not farre from them behind the rockes. And being onely two Saluages in sight, they so fiercely, desperately, and with such fury assaul∣ted and pursued our Generall and his Master, being altogether vnarmed, and not mistrusting their subtiltie that they chased them to their boates,* 1.314 and hurt the Generall in the buttocke with an arrow, who the rather speedily fled backe, because they suspected a greater number behind the rockes. Our souldiers (which were commanded before to keepe their boates) perceiuing the danger, and hearing our men calling for shot came speedily to rescue, thinking there had bene a greater number. But when the Saluages heard the shot of one of our caliuers (and yet hauing first bestowed their arrowes) they ranne away, our men speedily following them. But a seruant of my Lorde of Warwick, called Nicholas Conger a good footman, and vncombred with any furniture hauing only a dagger at his backe ouertooke one of them,* 1.315 and being a Cornish∣man and a good wrastler, shewed his companion such a Cornish tricke, that he made his sides ake against the ground for a moneth after. And so being stayed, he was taken aliue and brought a∣way, but the other escaped. Thus with their strange and new prey our men repaired to their boates, and passed from the maine to a small Iland of a mile compasse, where they resolued to tarrie all night; for euen now a sodaine storme was growen so great at sea, that by no meanes they could recouer their ships. And here euery man refreshed himselfe with a small portion of victuals which was laide into the boates for their dinners, hauing neither eate nor drunke all the day before. But because they knewe not how long the storme might last, nor how farre off the shippes might be put to sea, nor whether they should euer recouer them againe or not, they made great spare of their victuals, as it greatly behoued them: For they knew full well that the best cheare the countrey could yeeld them, was rockes and stones, a hard food to liue withall, and the people more readie to eate them then to giue them wherewithall to eate. And thus keeping verie good watch and warde, they lay there all night vpon hard cliffes of snow and yce both wet, cold, and comfortlesse.

These things thus hapning with the company on land, the danger of the ships at Sea was no lesse perilous. For within one houre after the Generals departing in the morning by negligence of the Cooke in ouer-heating, and the workman in making the chimney, the Ayde was set on fire,* 1.316 and had bene the confusion of the whole if by chance a boy espying it, it had not bene speedily with great labour and Gods helpe well extinguished.

This day also were diuerse stormes and flawes, and by nine of the clocke at night the storme was growen so great, & continued such vntill the morning, that it put our ships at sea in no small perill: for hauing mountaines of fleeting yce on euery side, we went roomer for one, and loofed for another, some scraped vs, and some happily escaped vs, that the least of a M. were as dangerous to strike as any rocke, and able to haue split asunder the strongest ship of the world.* 1.317 We had a scope of cleare without yce, (as God would) wherein we turned, being otherwise compassed on euery side about: but so much was the winde and so litle was our sea roome, that being able to beare onely our forecourse we cast so oft about, that we made fourteene bordes in eight glasses running, being but foure houres: but God being our best Steresman, & by the industry of Charles Iackman and Andrew Dyer thē masters mates, both very expert Mariners, & Richard Cox y^e maister Gunner,

with other very carefull sailers, then within bord, and also by the helpe of the cleare nights which are without darkenesse,* 1.318 we did happily auoide those present dangers, whereat since wee haue more maruelled then in the present danger feared, for that euery man within borde, both better and worse had ynough to doe with his hands to hale ropes, and with his eyes to looke out for dan∣ger. But the next morning being the 20 of Iuly, as God would, the storme ceased, and the Ge∣nerall espying the ships with his new Captiue and whole company, came happily abord, and re∣ported what had passed a shoare, whereupon altogither vpon our knees we gaue God humble and hartie thankes, for that it had pleased him, from so speedy peril to send vs such speedy deliuerance, and so from this Northerne shore we stroke ouer towards the Southerland.

The one and twentieth of Iuly, we discouered a bay which ranne into the land, that seemed a likely harborow for our ships,* 1.319 wherefore our Generall rowed thither with his boats, to make proofe thereof, and with his goldfiners to search for Ore, hauing neuer assayed any thing on the South shore as yet, and the first small Iland which we landed vpon. Here all the sands and clifts did so glister and had so bright a marquesite, that it seemed all to be gold, but vpon tryall made, it prooued no better then black-lead,* 1.320 and verified the prouerbe. All is not gold that glistereth.

Upon the two and twentieth of Iuly we bare into the sayde sound, and came to ancker a rea∣sonable bredth off the shore, where thinking our selues in good securitie, we were greatly en∣dangered with a peece of drift yce, which the Ebbe brought foorth of the sounds and came thwart vs ere we were aware. But the gentlemen and souldiers within bord taking great paines at this pinch at the Capstone, ouercame the most danger thereof, and yet for all that might be done, it stroke on our sterne such a blow, that we feared least it had striken away our rudder, and being for∣ced to cut our Cable in the hawse, we were faine to set our fore saile to runne further vp within, and if our stirrage had not bene stronger then in the present time we feared, we had runne the sh••p vpon the rockes, hauing a very narrow Channell to turne in, but as God would, all came well to passe. And this was named Iackmans sound,* 1.321 after the name of the Masters mate, who had first liking vnto the place.

Upon a small Iland,* 1.322 within this sound called Smithes Iland (because he first set vp his forge there) was found a Mine of siluer, but was not wonne out of the rockes without great labour. Here our goldfiners made say of such Ore as they found vpon the Northerland, and found foure sortes thereof to holde gold in good quantitie. Upon another small Iland here was also found a great dead fish, which as it should seeme, had bene embayed with yce, and was in proportion round like to a Porpose, being about twelue foote long, and in bignesse answerable, hauing a horne of two yardes long growing out of the snoute or nostrels.* 1.323 This horne is wreathed and straite, like in fashion to a Taper made of waxe, and may truely be thought to be the sea Uni∣corne. This horne is to be seene and reserued as a Iewell by the Queenes Maiesties comman∣dement, in her Wardrope of Robes.

Tuesday the three and twentieth of Iuly, our Generall with his best company of gentl••men, souldiers and saylers, to the number of seuentie persons in all, marched with ensigne displayde, vpon the continent of the Southerland (the supposed continent of America) where, comman∣ding a Trumpet to sound a call for euery man to repaire to the ensigne, he declared to the whole company how much the cause imported for the seruice of her Maiesti••, our coun••r••y, our credits, and the safetie of our owne liues, and therefore required euery man to be conformable to order, and to be directed by those he should assigne. And he appointed for leaders, Captaine Fenton, Cap∣taine Yorke, and his Lieutenant George Beste: which done, we cast our selues into a ring, and altogither vpon our knees, gaue God humble thanks for that it had pleased him of his great good∣nesse to preserue vs from such imminent dangers, beseeching likewise the assistance of his holy spirite, so to deliuer vs in safetie into our Countrey, whereby the light and truth of these secrets being knowen, it might redound to the more honour of his holy name, and consequently to the ad∣uancement of our common wealth. And so, in as good sort as the place suffered, we marched to∣wards the tops of the mountaines, which were no lesse painfull in climbing then dangerous in de∣scending, by reason of their steepnesse & yce. And hauing passed about fiue miles, by such vnwiel∣die wayes, we returned vnto our ships without sight of any people, or likelihood of habitation. Here diuerse of the Gentlemen desired our Generall to suffer them to the number of twentie or thirtie persons to march vp thirtie or fortie leagues in the countrey, to the end they might disco∣uer the Inland, and doe some acceptable seruice for their countrey. But he not contented with the matter he sought for, and well considering the short time he had in hand, and the greedie desire our countrey hath to a present sauour and returne of gaine, bent his whole indeuour only to find a Mine to fraight his ships, and to leaue the rest (by Gods helpe) hereafter to be well accomplished.

And therefore the twentie sixe of Iuly he departed ouer to the Northland, with the two barkes, leauing the Ayde ryding in Iackmans sound, and ment (after hee had found conuenient harbo∣row, and fraight there for his ships) to discouer further for the passage. The Barkes came the same night to ancker in a sound vpon the Northerland, where the tydes did runne so swift, and the place was so subiect to indrafts of yce, that by reason thereof they were greatly endangered, & hauing found a very rich Myne, as they supposed, and got almost twentie tunn•• of Ore together, vpon the 28 of Iuly the yce came driuing into the sound where the Barkes rode, in such sort, that they were therewith greatly distressed. And the Gabriell riding asterne the Michael, had her Ca∣ble gauld asunder in the hawse with a peece of driuing yce, and lost another ancker, and hauing but one cable and ancker left, for she had lost two before, and the yce still driuing vpon her, she was (by Gods helpe) well fenced fr••m the danger of the rest, by one great Iland of yce, which came a ground hard a head of her, which if it had not so chanced, I thinke surely shee had beene cast vpon the rockes with the yce. The Michael mored ancker vpon this great yce, and roade vnder the lee thereof: but about midnight, by the weight of it selfe, and the setting of the Tydes, the yce brake within halfe the Barkes length, and made vnto the companie within boord a sodaine and fearefull noyse. The next flood toward the morning we weyed ancker, and went further vp the straights, and leauing our Ore behind vs which we had digged, for hast left the place by the name of Beares sound after the Masters name of the Michaell,* 1.324 and named the Iland Lecesters Iland. In one of the small Ilands here we found a Tombe, wherein the bones of a dead man lay toge∣ther, and our sauage Captiue being with vs, & being demanded by signes whether his countrey∣men had not slaine this man and eat his flesh so from the bones, he made signes to the contrary, and that he was slaine with Wolues and wild beasts. Here also was found hid vnder stones good store of fish, and sundry other things of the inhabitants; as sleddes, bridles, kettels of fish∣skinnes, kniues of bone, and such other like.* 1.325 And our Sauage declared vnto vs the vse of all those things. And taking in his hand one of those countrey bridles, he caught one of our dogges and hampred him handsomely therein, as we doe our horses, and with a whip in his hand, he taught the dogge to drawe in a sled as we doe horses in a coach,* 1.326 setting himselfe thereupon like a guide: so that we might see they vse dogges for that purpose that we do our horses. And we found since by experience, that the lesser sort of dogges they feede fatte, and keepe them as domesti∣call cattell in their tents for their eating, and the greater sort serue for the vse of drawing their sleds.

The twentie ninth of Iuly, about fiue leagues from Beares sound, we discouered a Bay which being fenced on ech side with smal Ilands lying off the maine, which breake the force of the tides, and make the place free from any indrafts of yce, did prooue a very fit harborow for our ships, where we came to ancker vnder a small Ilande, which now together with the sound is called by the name of that right Honourable and vertuous Ladie, Anne Countesse of Warwicke. And this is the furthest place that this yeere we haue entred vp within the streites, and is re∣koned from the Cape of the Queenes foreland, which is the entrance of the streites not aboue 30 leagues.* 1.327 Upon this Iland was found good store of the Ore, which in the washing helde gold to our thinking plainly to be seene: wher••upon it was thought best rather to load here, where there was store and indifferent good, then to seeke further for better, and spend time with ieo∣perdie. And therefore our Generall setting the Myners to worke, and shewing first a good president of a painefull labourer and a good Captaine in himselfe,* 1.328 gaue good examples for o∣thers to follow him: whereupon euery man both better and worse, with their best endeuours willingly layde to their helping hands. And the next day, being the thirtieth of Iuly, the Mi∣chaell was sent ouer to Iackmans sound, for the Ayde and the whole companie to come thither. Upon the maine land ouer against the Coun••esses Iland we discouered and behelde to our great maruell the poore caues and houses of those countrey people,* 1.329 which serue them (as it should seeme) for their winter dwellings, and are made two fadome vnder grounde, in compasse round, like to an Ouen, being ioyned fast one by another, hauing holes like to a Foxe or Conny berry, to keepe and come togither. They vndertrenched these places with gutters so, that the water falling from the hilles aboue them, may slide away without their annoyance: and are seated commonly in the foote of a hill, to shield them better from the cold windes, hauing their doore and entrance euer open towards the South. From the ground vpward they builde with whales bones, for lacke of timber,* 1.330 which bending one ouer another, are handsomely compacted in the top together, and are couered ouer with Seales skinnes, which in stead of tiles, fence them from the raine. In which house they haue only one roome, hauing the one halfe of the floure raised with broad stones a foot higher than y^e other, whereon strawing Mosse, they make their nests to sleep in.

They defile these dennes most filthily with their beastly feeding, & dwell so long in a place (as we thinke) vntill their sluttishnes lothing them,* 1.331 they are forced to seeke a sweeter ayre, and a new seate, and are (no doubt) a dispersed and wandring nation, as the Tartarians, and liue in hords and troupes, without any certaine abode, as may appeare by sundry circumstances of our ex∣perience.

Here our captiue being ashore with vs, to declare the vse of such things as we saw, stayd him∣selfe alone behind the company,* 1.332 and did set vp fiue small stickes round in a circle one by another, with one smal bone placed iust in the middest of all: which thing when one of our men perceiued, he called vs backe to behold the matter, thinking that hee had meant some charme or witchcraft therein. But the best coniecture we could make thereof was, that hee would thereby his coun∣treymen should vnderstand, that for our fiue men which they betrayed the last yeere (whom he sig∣nified by the fiue stickes) he was taken and kept prisoner, which he signified by the bone in the midst. For afterwards when we shewed him the picture of his countreman,* 1.333 which the last yeere was brought into England (whose counterfeit we had drawen, with boate and other furniture, both as he was in his own, & also in English apparel) he was vpon the sudden much amazed there∣at, and beholding aduisedly the same with silence a good while, as though he would streine courte∣sie wheth••r should begin the speech (for he thought him no doubt a liuely creature) at length be∣gan to question with him, as with his companion, and finding him dumb and mute, seemed to sus∣pect him, as one disdeinfull, and would with a little helpe haue growen into choller at the mat∣ter, vntill at last by feeling and handling, hee found him but a deceiuing picture. And then with great noise and cryes, ceased not wondring, thinking that we could make men liue or die at our pleasure.

And thereupon calling the matter to his remembrance, he gaue vs plainely to vnderstand by signes, that he had knowledge of the taking of our fiue men the last yeere, and confessing the ma∣ner of ech thing, numbred the fiue men vpon his fiue fingers, and pointed vnto a boat in our ship, which was like vnto that wherein our men were betrayed: And when we made him signes, that they were slaine and eaten, he earnestly denied, and made signes to the contrary.

The last of Iuly the Michael returned with the Aide to vs from the Southerland, and came to anker by vs in the Countesse of Warwicks sound, and reported that since we departed from Iackmans sound there happened nothing among them there greatly worth the remembrance, vn∣till the thirtieth of Iuly, when certaine of our company being a shoare vpon a small Island with∣in the sayd Iackmans sound, neere the place where the Aide rode, did espie a long boat with di∣uers of the countrey people therein, to the number of eighteene or twenty persons,* 1.334 whom so soone as our men perceiued, they returned speedily aboord, to giue notice thereof vnto our company. They might perceiue these people climbing vp to the top of a hill, where with a flagge, they waf∣ted vnto our ship, and made great outcries and noyses, like so many Buls. Hereupon our men did presently man foorth a small skiffe, hauing not aboue si••e or seuen persons therein, which rowed neere the place where those people were, to prooue if they could haue any conference with them. But after this small boate was sent a greater, being wel appointed for their rescue, if need required.

As soone as they espied our company comming neere them, they tooke their boates and hasted away, either for feare, or else for pollicie, to draw our men from rescue further within their danger: wherefore our men construing that their comming thither was but to seeke aduantage, followed speedily after them, but they rowed so swiftly away, that our men could come nothing neere them. Howbeit they failed not of their best endeuour in rowing, and hauing chased them aboue two miles into the sea, returned into their ships againe.

The morning following being the first of August, Captaine Yorke with the Michael came in∣to Iackmans sound, and declared vnto the company there, that the last night past he came to anker in a certaine baye (which sithens was named Yorkes sound) about foure leagues distant from Iackmans sound,* 1.335 being put to leeward of that place for lacke of winde, where he discouered cer∣taine tents of the countrey people, where going with his company ashore, he entred into them, but found the people departed, as it should seeme, for feare of their comming. But amongst sundry strange things which in these tents they found,* 1.336 there was rawe and new killed flesh of vnknowen sorts, with dead carcasses and bones of dogs, and I know not what. They also beheld (to their greatest marueile) a dublet of Canuas made after the English fashion, a shirt, a girdle, three shoes for contrary feete, and of vnequall bignesse, which they well coniectured to be the apparell of our fiue poore countreymen, which were intercepted the last yeere by these Countrey people, about fiftie leagues from this place, further within the Straights. Whereupon our men being in good

hope, that some of them might be here, and yet liuing: the Captaine deuising for the best left his mind behind him in writing, with pen, yncke, and paper also, whereby our poore captiue country∣men, if it might come to their hands, might know their friends minds, and of their arriuall, and likewise returne their answere.* 1.337 And so without taking any thing away in their tents, leauing there also looking glasses, points, and other of our toyes (the better to allure them by such friend∣ly meanes) departed aboord his Barke, with intent to make haste to the Aide, to giue notice vnto the company of all such things as he had there discouered: and so meant to returne to these tents againe, hoping that he might by force or policie intrappe or intice the people to some friendly con∣ference. Which things when he had deliuered to the whole company there, they determined forthwith to go in hand with the matter. Hereupon Captaine Yorke with the master of the Aide and his mate (who the night before had bene at the tents, and came ouer from the other side in the Michael with him) being accompanied with the Gentlemen and souldiors to the number of thirty or forty persons in two small rowing Pin••asses made towards the place, where the night before they discouered the tents of those people, and setting Charles Iackman, being the masters Mate, ashore with a conuenient number, for that he could best guide them to the place, they mar∣ched ouer land, meaning to compasse them on the one side, whilest the Captaine with his boates might entrap them on the other side. But landing at last at the place where the night before they left them, they found them with their tents remoued. Notwithstanding, our men which marched vp into the countrey, passing ouer two or three mountaines, by chance espied certaine tents in a valley vnderneath them neere vnto a creeke by the Sea side, which because it was not the place where the guide had bene the night before, they iudged them to be another company, and besetting them about, determined to take them if they could. But they hauing quickly discried our compa∣nie, lanched one great & another smal boat,* 1.338 being about 16 or 18 persons, and very narrowly esca∣ping, put themselues to sea. Wherupon our souldiers discharged their Caliuers, and followed them, thinking the noise therof being heard to our boats at sea, our men there would make what speede they might to that place.* 1.339 And thereupon indeede our men which were in the boates (cros∣sing vpon them in the mouth of the sound whereby their passage was let from getting sea roome, wherein it had bene impossible for vs to ouertake them by rowing) forced them to put themselues ashore vpon a point of land within the sayd sound (which vpon the occasion of the slaughter there,* 1.340 was since named The bloody point) whereunto our men so speedily followed, that they had little leisure left them to make any escape. But so soone as they landed, ech of them brake his Oare, thinking by that meanes to preuent vs,* 1.341 in carying away their boates for want of Oares. And de∣speratly returning vpon our men, resisted them manfully in their landing, so long as their ar∣rowes and dartes lasted,* 1.342 and after gathering vp those arrowes which our men shot at them, yea, and plucking our arrowes out of their bodies incountred afresh againe, and maintained their cause vntill both weapons and life fayled them. And when they found they w••re mortally woun∣ded, being ignorant what merey meaneth,* 1.343 with deadly fury they cast themselues headlong from off the rockes into the sea, least perhaps their enemies should receiue glory or prey of their dead carcaises, for they supposed vs belike to be Cani••als or eaters of mans flesh. In this conflict one of our men was dangerously hurt in the belly with one of their arrowes, and of them were slaine fiue or sixe, the rest by flight escaping among the rockes, sauing two women, whereof the one be∣ing old and vgly, our men thought shee had bene a deuill or some witch, and therefore let her goe: the other being yong, and cumbred with a sucking childe at her backe,* 1.344 hiding her selfe behind the rockes, was espied by one of our men, who supposing she had bene a man, shot through the haire of her head, and pierced through the childs arme, whereupon she cried out, and our Surgeon mea∣ning to heale her childes arme, applyed salues thereunto. But she not acquainted with such kind of surgery,* 1.345 plucked those salues away, and by continuall licking with her owne tongue, not much vnlike our dogs, healed vp the childes arme. And because the day was welneere spent our men made haste vnto the rest of our company which on the other side of the water remained at the tents, where they found by the apparell, letter, and other English furniture, that they were the same company which Captaine Yorke discouered the night before, hauing remoued themselues from the place where he left them.

And now considering their sudden flying from our men, and their desperate maner of fighting, we began to suspect that we had heard the last newes of our men which the last yere were betray∣ed of these people. And considering also their rauenous and bloody disposition in eating any kind of raw flesh or carrion howsoeuer stinking, it is to bee thought that they had slaine and deuoured our men: For the dublet which was found in their tents had many holes therein being made with their arrowes and darts.

But now the night being at hand, our men with their captiues and such poore stuffe as they found in their tents, returned towards their ships, when being at sea, there arose a sudden flaw of winde, which was not a little dangerous for their small boates: but as God would they came all safely aboord. And with these good newes they returned (as before mentioned) into the Countesse of Warwicks sound vnto vs. And betweene Iackmans sound, from whence they came, and the Countesse of Wa••wicks sound betweene land and land, being thought the narrow∣est place of the Straights were iudged nine leagues ouer at the least:* 1.346 and Iackmans sound be∣ing vpō the Southerland, lyeth directly almost ouer against the Countesses sound, as is reckoned scarre thirty leagues within the Straights from the Queenes Cape,* 1.347 which is the entrance of the Streits of the Southerland. This Cape being named Queene Elizabeths Cape, standeth in the latitude of 62 degrees and a halfe to the Northwards of New foundland, and vpon the same continent, for any thing that is yet knowen to the contrary.

Hauing now got a woman captiue for the comfort of our man, we brought them both together, and euery man with silence desired to behold the maner of their meeting and entertainment,* 1.348 the which was more worth the beholding than can be well expressed by writing. At their first encoun∣tring they beheld each the other very wistly a good space, without speech or word vttered, with great change of colour and countenance, as though it seemed the griefe and disdeine of their cap∣tiuity had taken away the vse of their tongues and vtterance: the woman at the first very sudden∣ly, as though she disdeined or regarded not the man, turned away, and began to sing as though she minded another matter: but being againe brought together, the man brake vp the silence first, and with sterne and stayed countenance, began to tell a long solemne tale to the woman, where∣unto she gaue good hearing, and interrupted him nothing, till he had finished, and afterwards, be∣ing growen into more familiar acquaintance by speech, they were turned together, so that (I thinke) the one would hardly haue liued without the comfort of the other. And for so much as we could perceiue, albeit they liued continually together, yet they did neuer vse as man & wife, though the woman spared not to doe all necessary things that appertained to a good houswife indifferent∣ly for them both, as in making cleane their Cabin, and euery other thing that appertained to his ease: for when he was seasicke, she would make him cleane, she would kill and flea the dogs for their eat••ng, and dresse his meate. Only I thinke it worth the noting, the continencie of them both: for the man would neuer shift himselfe, except he had first caused the woman to depart out of his cabin, and they both were most shamefast,* 1.349 least any of their priuie parts should be discouered, ei∣ther of themselues, or any other body.

On Munday the sixth of August, the Lieutenant with all the Souldiers, for the better garde of the Myners and the other things a shore, pitched their tents in the Countesses Island, and for∣tifyed the place for their better better defence as well as they could, and were to the number of forty persons, when being all at labour, they might perceiue vpon the top of a hill ouer against them a number of the countrey people wafting with a flag, and making great outcries vnto them,* 1.350 and were of the same companie, which had encountred lately our men vpon the other shore, being come to complaine their late losses, and to entreate (as it seemed) for restitution of the woman and child, which our men in the late conflict had taken and brought away; whereupon the Generall taking the sauage captiue with him, and setting the woman where they might best perceiue h••r in the highest place of the Island, went ouer to talke with them. This captiue at his first encoun∣ter of his friends fell so out into teares that he could not speake a word in a great space, but af∣ter a while, ouercomming his kindnesse, he talked at full with his companions, and bestowed friendly vpon them such toyes and trifles as we had giuen him, whereby we noted, that they are very kind one to another, and greatly sorrowfull for the losse of their friends. Our Generall by signes required his fiue men which they tooke captiue the last yere, and promised them, not only to release those which he had taken, but also to reward them with great gifts and friendship. Our Sauage made signes in answere from them that our men should be deliuered vs, and were yet li∣uing, and made signes likewise vnto vs that we should write our letters vnto them, for they knew very well the vse we haue of writing,* 1.351 and receiued knowledge thereof, either of our poore captiue countreymen which they betrayed, or else by this our new captiue who hath seene vs dayly write, and repeate againe such words of his language as we desired to learne: but they for this night, because it was late, departed without any letter, although they called earnestly in hast for the fame. And the next morning early being the seuenth of August, they called againe for the letter,* 1.352 which being deliuered vnto them, they speedily departed, making signes with three fingers, and pointing to the Sunne, that they meant to returne within 3 dayes, vntill which time we heard no more of them, & about the time appointed they returned, in such sort as you shal afterwards heare.

This night because the people were very neere vnto vs, the Lieutenant caused the Trumpet to sound a call, and euery man in the Island repayring to the Ensigne, he put them in minde of the place so farre from their countrey wherein they liued, and the danger of a great multi∣tude which they were subiect vnto, if good watch and warde were not kept, for at euery low wa∣ter the enimie might come almost dryfoot from the mayne vnto vs, wherefore he willed euery man to prepare him in good readinesse vpon all sudden occasions, and so giuing the watch their charge, the company departed to rest.

I thought the Captaines letter well worth the remembring, not for the circumstance of curi∣ous enditing, but for the substance and good meaning therein contained, and therefore haue repea∣ted here the same, as by himselfe it was hastily written.

The forme of M. Martin Frobishers letter to the English captiues.

IN the name of God, in whom we all beleeue, who (I trust) hath preserued your bodies and soules amongst these Infidels, I commend me vnto you. I will be glad to seeke by al means you can deuise for your deliuerance, either with force, or with any commodities within my ships, which I will not spare for your sakes, or any thing else I can doe for you. I haue aboord, of theirs, a man, a woman, and a child, which I am contented to deliuer for you, but the man which I caried away from hence the last yeere is dead in England. Moreouer you may declare vnto them, that if they deliuer you not, I will not leaue a man aliue in their countrey. And thus, if one of you can come to speake with mee, they shall haue either the man, woman, or childe in pawne for you. And thus vnto God whom I trust you doe serue, in hast I leaue you, and to him wee will dayly pray for you.

This Tuesday morning the seuenth of August. An∣no 1577.

Yours to the vttermost of my power, MARTIN FROBISHER.

* 2.1I haue sent you by these bearers, penne, ynke, and paper, to write backe vnto me againe, if personally you cannot come to certifie me of your estate.

* 2.2Now had the Generall altered his determination for going any further into the Streites at this time for any further discouery of the passage hauing taken a man and a woman of that coun∣trey, which he thought sufficient for the vse of language: & hauing also met with these people here, which intercepted his men the last yere, (as the apparell and English furniture which was found in their tents, very well declared) he knew it was but a labour lost to seeke them further off, when he had found them there at hand. And considering also the short time he had in hand, he thought it best to bend his whole endeuour for the getting of Myne, and to leaue the passage further to be discouered hereafter. For his commission directed him in this voyage, onely for the searching of the Ore, and to deferre the further discouery of the passage vntill another time.

On Thursday the ninth of August we began to make a smal Fort for our defence in the Coun∣tesses Island, and entrenched a corner of a cliffe, which on three parts like a wall of good heigth was compassed and well fenced with the sea, and we finished the rest with caskes of the earth, to good purpose, and this was called Bests bulwarke,* 2.3 after the Lieutenants name, who first deuised the same. This was done for that wee suspected more lest the desperate men might oppresse vs with multitude, then any feare we had of their force, weapons, or policie of battel: but as wise∣dome would vs in such place (so farre from home) not to be of our selues altogether carelesse: so the signes which our captiue made vnto vs, of the comming downe of his Gouernour or Prince, which he called Catchoe,* 2.4 gaue vs occasion to foresee what might ensue thereof, for he shewed by signes that this Catchoe was a man of higher statute farre then any of our nation is, and he is ac∣customed to be caried vpon mens shoulders.* 2.5

About midnight the Lieutenant caused a false Alarme to be giuen in the Island, to proue as well the readines of the company there ashore, as also what help might be hoped for vpon the sud∣den frō the ships if need so required, & euery part was found in good readines vpon such a sudden.

Saturday the eleuenth of August the people shewed themselues againe, & called vnto vs from the side of a hil ouer against vs. The General (with good hope to heare of his men, and to haue an∣swere of his letter) went ouer vnto them, where they presented themselues not aboue three in sight, but were hidden indeede in greater numbers behind the rockes, and making signes of de∣lay with vs to intrappe some of vs to redeeme their owne, did onely seeke aduantage to traine our boat about a point of land from sight of our companie: whereupon our men iustly suspecting

them, kept aloofe without their danger, and yet set one of our company ashore, which tooke vp a great bladder which one of them offered vs, and leauing a looking glasse in the place,* 2.6 came into the boate againe. In the meane while our men which stood in the Countesses Island to beholde, who might better discerne them, then those of the boate, by reason they were on higher ground, made a great outcrie vnto our men in the boate, for that they saw diuers of the Sauages creeping behind the rockes towards our men, wherupon the Generall presently returned without tidings of his men.* 2.7

Concerning this bladder which we receiued, our Captiue made signes that it was giuen him to keepe water and drinke in,* 2.8 but we suspected rather it was giuen him to swimme and shift away withall, for he and the woman sought diuers tunes to escape, hauing loosed our boates from a∣sterne our ships, and we neuer a boate left to pursue them withall, and had preuailed very farre, had they not bene very timely espied and preuented therein.

After our Generals comming away from them they mustred themselues in our sight, vpon the top of a hill,* 2.9 to the number of twenty in a rancke, all holding hands ouer their heads, and dan∣cing with great noise and songs together: we supposed they made this dance and shew for vs to vnderstand, that we might take view of their whole companies and force, meaning belike that we should doe the same. And thus they continued vpon the hill tops vntill night, when hearing a piece of our great Ordinance, which thundred in the hollownesse of the high hilles, it made vnto them so fearefull a noise, that they had no great will to tarie long after. And this was done more to make them know our force then to doe them any hurt at all.

Nn Suuday the 12 of August, Captaine Fenton trained the company, and made the souldiers maintaine skirmish among themselues,* 2.10 as well for their exercise, as for the countrey people to be∣hold in what readines our men were alwaies to be found, for it was to be thought, that they lay hid in the hilles thereabout, and obserued all the manner of our proceedings.

On Wednesday the fourteenth of August, our Generall with two small boates well appoin∣ted, for that hee suspected the countrey people to lie lurking thereabout, went vp a certaine Bay within the Countesses sound, to search for Ore, and met againe with the countrey people, who so soone as they saw our men made great outcries, and with a white flag made of bladders sowed together with the guts and sinewes of beasts,* 2.11 wafted vs amaine vnto them, but shewed not aboue three of their company. But when wee came neere them, wee might perceiue a great multi∣tude creeping behinde the rockes, which gaue vs good cause to suspect their traiterous mea∣ning: whereupon we made them signes, that if they would lay their weapons aside, and come foorth, we would deale friendly with them, although their intent was manifested vnto vs: but for all the signes of friendship we could make them they came still creeping towards vs behind the rocks to get more aduantage of vs, as though we had no eyes to see them, thinking belike that our single wits could not discouer so bare deuises and simple drifts of theirs. Their spokesman earnestly perswaded vs with many intising shewes, to come eate and sleepe ashore, with great arguments of courtesie, and clapping his bare hands ouer his head in token of peace and inno∣cencie, willed vs to doe the like. But the better to allure our hungry stomackes, he brought vs a trimme baite of raw flesh, which for fashion sake with a boat-hooke wee caught into our boate:* 2.12 but when the cunning Cater perceiued his first cold morsell could nothing sharpen our stomacks, he cast about for a new traine of warme flesh to procure our appetites, wherefore he caused one of his fellowes in halting maner, to come foorth as a lame man from behind the rockes, and the better to declare his kindnes in caruing, he hoised him vpon his shoulders, and bringing him hard to the water side where we were, left him there limping as an easie prey to be taken of vs. His hope was that we would bite at this baite, and speedily leape ashore within their danger, wherby they might haue apprehended some of vs, to ransome their friends home againe, which before we had taken. The gentlemen and souldiers had great will to encounter them ashore, but the Ge∣nerall more carefull by processe of time to winne them, then wilfully at the first to spoile them, would in no wise admit that any man should put himselfe in hazard ashore, considering the matter he now intended was for the Ore, and not for the Conquest: notwithstanding to prooue this cripples footemanship, he gaue liberty for one to shoote: whereupon the cripple hauing a parting blow, lightly recouered a rocke and went away a true and no fained cripple, and hath learned his lesson for euer halting afore such cripples againe. But his fellowes which lay hid before, full quickly then appeared in their likenesse, and maintained the skirmish with their slings, bowes and arrowes very fiercely, and came as neere as the water suffred them: and with as desperate minde as hath bene seene in any men, without feare of shotte or any thing, followed vs all a∣long the coast, but all their shot fell short of vs, and are of little danger. They had belayed all the

coast along for vs, and being dispersed so, were not well to be numbred, but wee might discerne of them aboue an hundreth persons,* 2.13 and had cause to suspect a greater number. And thus with∣out losse or hurt we returned to our ships againe.

Now our worke growing to an end, and hauing, onely with fiue poore Miners, and the helpe of a few gentlemen and souldiers, brought aboord almost two hundreth ••unne of Ore in the space of twenty dayes, euery man there withall well comforted, determined lustely to worke a fresh for a bone voyage, to bring our labour to a speedy and happy ende.

And vpon Wed••esday at night being the one and twentieth of August, we fully finished the whole worke. And it was now good time to leaue, for as the men were well wearied, so their shooes and clothes were well worne, their baskets bottoms ••orne out, their tooles broken, and the ships reasonably well filled. Some with ouer-straining themselues receiued hurts not a little dangerous, some hauing their bellies broken, and others their legs made lame. And about this time the yce began to congeale and freeze about our ships sides a night, which gaue vs a good ar∣gument of the Sunnes declining Southward, & put vs in mind to make more haste homeward.

It is not a little worth the memorie, to the commendation of the gentlemen and souldiers here∣in, who leauing all reputation apart, with so great willingnesse and with couragious stomackes, haue themselues almost ouercome in so short a time the difficultie of this so great a labour. And this to be true, the matter, if it bee well weyed without further proofe, now brought home doth well wituesse.

Thursday the 22 of August, we plucked downe our tents, and euery man hasted homeward, and making bonefires vpon the top of the highest Mount of the Island, and marching with En∣signe displayed round about the Island, wee gaue a vollie of shotte for a farewell, in honour of the righ honourable Lady Anne, Countesse of Warwicke, whose name it beareth: and so depar∣ted aboord.

The 23 of August hauing the wind large at West, we set saile from out of the Countesses sound homeward, but the wind calming we came to anker within the point of the same sound a∣gaine.

The 24 of August about three of the clocke in the morning,* 2.14 hauing the wind large at West, we set saile againe, and by nine of the clocke at night, wee left the Queenes Foreland asterne of vs, and being cleere of the Streites, we bare further into the maine Ocean, keeping our course more Southerly, to bring our selues the sooner vnder the latitude of our owne climate.

The w••nd was very great at sea, so that we lay a hull all night, & had snow halfe a foote deepe on the hatches.

From the 24 vntil the 28 we had very much wind, but large, keeping our course Southsouth∣east, and had like to haue lost the Barkes, but by good hap we met againe. The height being ta∣ken, we were in degrees and a halfe.

The 29 of August the wind blew much at Northeast, so that we could beare but onely a bunt of our foresaile, and the Barkes were not able to cary any sayle at all.

The Michael lost company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better knowne vnto them, and arriued at Yermouth.

The 30 of August with the force of the wind, and a surge of the sea, the Master of the Gabriel and the Boatswain were striken both ouerboord,* 2.15 & hardly was the Boatswain recouered, hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea, and yet the Barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde.

This Master was called William Smith, being but a yong man and a very sufficient mariner, who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant, told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord, and that the Boatswain had him by the hand, and could not saue him, and so imme∣diately vpon the end of his tale, his dreame came right euilly to passe, and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand, hauing hold on a rope with the other, vntill his force fayled, and the Master drowned. The height being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe, and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two hundreth leagues.

The last of August about midnight, we had two or three great and sudden flawes or stormes.

The first of September the storme was growen very great, and continued almost the whole day and night, and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much beaten with the seas, euery sea almost ouertaking our poope, so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out, and ease the rolling of our ship. And so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe company with vs, and our ship being higher in the poope, and a tall ship, whereon the winde had

more force to driue, went so fast away that we lost sight of them, and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea. The second day of September in the morning, it pleased God of his good∣nesse to send vs a calme, whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine,* 2.16 and al∣most ready to fall away. Wherefore taking the benefite of the time, we slung halfe a dozen cou∣ple of our best men ouer boord, who taking great paines vnder water, driuing plankes, and bin∣ding with ropes, did well strengthen and mend the matter, who returned the most part more then halfe dead out of the water, and as Gods pleasure was, the sea was calme vntill the worke was finished. The fift of September, the height of the Sunne being taken, we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe. In this voyage commonly wee tooke the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne, because the long day taketh away the light not onely of the Polar, but also of all other fixed Starres.* 2.17 And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon, that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued, and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes. Therefore wee alwaies vsed the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse.

Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary winde, making our Souhter way good as neere as we could, to raise our degrees to bring our selues with the latitude of Sylley, wee tooke the height the tenth of September, and found our selues in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes. The eleuenth of September about sixe a clocke at night the winde came good Southwest, we vered sheat and see our course Southeast.

And vpon Thursday, the twelfth of September, taking the height, wee were in the latitude of and a halfe, and reckoned our selues not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley, the weather faire, the winde large at Westsouthwest, we kept our course Southeast.

The thirteenth day the height being taken, wee found our selues to be in the latitude of de∣grees, the wind Westsouthwest, then being in the height of Sylley, and we kept our course East, to run in with the sleeue or chanel so called, being our narrow seas, and reckoned vs short of Sylley twelue leagues.

Sonday, the 15 of September about foure of the clocke, we began to sound with our lead, and had ground at 61 fadome depth, white small sandy ground, and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Syl∣ley, and set our course East and by North, Eastnortheast, and Northeast among.

The sixteenth of September, about eight of the clocke in the morning sounding, we had 65. fa∣dome osey sand, and thought our selues thwart of S. Georges channell a little within the banks. And bearing a small saile all night, we made many soundings, which were about fortie fadome, and so shallow, that we could not well tell where we were.

The seuenteenth of September we sounded, and had ••orty fadome, and were not farre off the lands ••nd, finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shelles, and were shotte betwene Sylley and the lands ende, and being within the bay, we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by East way, but were faine to make another boord, the wind being at Southwest and by West, and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands end, to beare along the channel: and the weather cleered vp when we were hard aboord the shore, and we made the lands end perfit, and so put vp along Saint Georges chanel. And the weather being very foule at sea, we couered some harborough, because our steerage was broken, and so came to ancor in Padstow road in Cornewall.* 2.18 But riding there a very dangerous roade, we were aduised by the countrey, to put to Sea againe, and of the two euils, to choose the lesse, for there was nothing but present perill where we toade: whereupon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy, from whence we were againe driuen, being but an open roade; where our Anker came home, and with force of weather put to Seas againe, and about the three and twentieth of September, arriued at Milford Hauen in Wales,* 2.19 which being a very good harborough, made vs happy men, that we had receiued such long desired safetie.

About one moneth after our arriuall here, by order from the Lords of the Counsell, the ship came up to Bristow,* 2.20 where the Ore was committed to keeping in the Castel there. Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes, arriued in good safetie, who hauing neuer a man within boord ve∣ry sufficient to bring home the ship, after the Master was lost, by good fortune, when she came vpon the coast, met with a ship of Bristow at sea, who conducted her in safety thither.

Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke called the Michael,* 2.21 in the North parts, which was not a little ioyful vnto vs, that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe mee∣ting againe, and wee lost in all the voyage only one man, besides one that dyed at sea,* 2.22 which was sicke before he came aboord, and was so desirous to follow this enterprise, that he rather chose to dye therein, then not to be one to attempt so notable a voyage.

The third voyage of Captaine Frobisher, pretended for the dis∣couerie of Cataia, by Meta Incognita, Anno Do. 1578.

THe Generall being returned from the second voyage, immediately after his ar∣riuall in England, repaired with all hast to the Court being then at Windsore, to aduertise her Maiestie of his prosperous proceeding, and good successe in this last voyage, & of the plenty of gold Ore, with other matters of importance which he had in these Septentrionall parts discouered. He was ••ourteously entertey∣ned, and hartily welcommed of many noble men, but especially for his great ad∣uenture, commended of her Maiestie,* 2.23 at whose hands he receiued great thankes, and most grac∣ious countenance, according to his deserts. Her Highnesse also greatly commended the rest of the Gentlemen in this seruice, for their great forwardnes in this so dangerous an attempt: but espe∣cially she r••ioyced very much, that among them there was so good order of gouernement, so good agreement, euery man so ready in his calling,* 2.24 to do whatsoeuer the General should cōmand, which due commendation gratiously of her Maiestie remembred, gaue so great encouragement to all the Captaines and Gentleman, that they, to continue her Highnesse so good and honourable o∣pinion of them, haue since neither spared labour, limme, nor life, to bring this matter (so well be∣gu••) to a happie and prosperous ende. And finding that the matter of the golde Ore had appea∣rance & made shew of great riches & profit, & the hope of the passage to Cataya, by this last voyage greatly increased, her Maiestie appointed speciall Commissioners chosen for this purpose,* 2.25 gentle∣men of great iudgement, art, and skill, to looke thorowly into the cause, for the true triall and due e••amination thereof, and for the full handling of all matters therunto appertaining. And because that place and countrey hath neuer heretofore beene discouered, and therefore had no speciall name, by which it might be called and knowen,* 2.26 her Maiestie named it very properly Meta Incog∣nita, as a marke and bound vtterly hitherto vnknowen. The commissioners after sufficient triall and proofe made of the Ore, and hauing vnderstood by sundrie reasons, and substantiall grounds, the possibilitie and likelyhood of the passage, aduertised her highnesse, that the cause was of importance, and the voyage greatly worthy to be aduanced againe. Whereupon preparation was made of ships and all other things necessary, with such expedition, as the time of the yeere then required. And because it was assuredly made accompt of, that the commoditie of Mines, there already discouered, would at the least counteruaile in all respects the aduenturers charge, and giue further hope & likelyhood of greater matters to follow:* 2.27 it was thought needfull, both for the better guard of those parts already found, and for further discouery of the Inland and secrets of those countreys, & also for further search of the passage to Cataya (whereof the hope continually more & more increaseth) that certaine numbers of chosen souldiers and discreet men for those pur∣poses should be assigned to inhabite there. Whereupon there was a strong fort or house of tim∣ber,* 2.28 artificially framed, & cunningly deuised by a notable learned man here at home, in ships to be caried thither, wherby those men that were appointed to winter & stay there the whole yere, might aswell bee defended from the danger of the snow and cold ayre, as also fortified from the force or offence of those countrey people, which perhaps otherwise with too great multitudes might oppresse them. And to this great aduenture and notable exploit many well minded and forwad yong Gentlemen of our countrey willingly haue offered themselues. And first Captaine Fenton Lieutenant generall for Captaine Frobisher, and in charge of the company with him there, Cap∣taine Best, and Captaine Filpot, vnto whose good discretions the gouernment of that seruice was chiefly commended, who, as men not regarding peril in respec of the profit and common wealth of their countrey, were willing to abide the first brunt & aduenture of those dangers among a sauage and brutish kinde of people, in a place hitherto euer thought for extreme cold not habitable. The whole number of men which had offered, and were appointed to inhabite Meta Incognita all the yeere,* 2.29 were one hundreth persons, wherof 40 should be mariners for the vse of ships, 30 Miners for gathering the gold Ore together for the next yere, and 30 souldiers for the better guard of the rest, within which last number are included the Gentlemen, Goldfiners, Bakers, Carpenters, & all necessary persons. To each of the Captaines was assigned one ship, aswel for the further sear∣ching of the coast & countrey there, as for to returne & bring backe their companies againe, if the necessity of the place so vrged, or by miscarying of the fleet the next yere, they might be disappoin∣ted of their further prouision. Being therfore thus furnished with al necessaries, there were ready to depart vpon the said voyage 15 saile of good ships,* 2.30 wherof the whole number was to returne a∣gain with their loding of gold Ore in the end of the sommer, except those 3 ships, which should be left for the vse of those Captains which should inhabite there the whole yere. And being in so good

readinesse, the Generall with all the Captaines came to the Court, then lying at Greenwich, to take their leaue of her Maiestie, at whose hands they all receiued great incouragement, and gra∣cious countenance. Her highnesse besides other good gifts, and greater promises, bestowed on the Generall a faire chaine of golde,* 2.31 and the rest of the Captaines kissed her hand, tooke their leaue, and departed euery man towards their charge.

The names of the ships with their seuerall Captaines.

1 In the Aide being Amirall, was the Ge∣nerall

Captaine Frobisher.

2 In the Thomas Allen Uice admirall

Captaine Yorke.

3 In the Iudith Lieutenant generall

Captaine Fenton.

4 In the Anne Francis

Captaine Best.

5 In the Hopewell

Captaine Carew.

6 In the Beare

Captaine Filpot.

7 In the Thomas of Ipswich

Captaine Tanfield.

8 In the Emmanuel of Exceter

Captaine Courtney.

9 In the Francis of Foy

Captaine Moyles.

10 In the Moone

Captaine Vpeor.

11 In the Emmanuel of Bridgewater

Captaine Newton.

12 In the Salomon of Weymouth

Captaine Randal.

13 In the Barke Dennis

Captaine Kendal.

14 In the Gabriel

Captaine Haruey.

15 In the Michael

Captaine Kinnersley.

The sayd fifteene saile of ships arriued and met together at Harwich, the seuen and twentieth day of May Anno 1578, where the Generall and the other Captaines made view, and mustred their companies. And euery seuerall Captaine receiued from the Generall certaine Articles of direction, for the better keeping of order and company together in the way, which Articles are as followeth.

Articles and orders to be obserued for the Fleete, set downe by Captaine Frobisher Generall, and deliuered in writing to euery Cap∣taine, as well for keeping company, as for the course, the 31 of May.

1 INprimis, to banish swearing, dice, and card-playing, and filthy communication, and to serue God twice a day, with the ordinary seruice vsuall in Churches of England, and to cleare the glasse, according to the old order of England.

2 The Admiral shall carie the light, & after his light be once put out, no man to goe a head of him, but euery man to fit his sailes to follow as neere as they may, without endangering one an∣other.

3 That no man shall by day or by night depart further from the Admirall them the distance of one English mile, and as neere as they may, without danger one of another.

4 If it chance to grow thicke, and the wind contrary, either by day or by night, that the Ad∣mirall be forced to cast about, before her casting about shee shall giue warning, by shooting off a peece, and to her shall answere the Uiceadmirall and the Rereadmirall each of them with a piece, if it bee by night, or in a fogge; and that the Uiceadmirall shall answere first, and the Rereadmi∣ral last.

5 That no man in the Fleete descrying any sayle or sayles, giue vpon any occasion any thace before he haue spoken with the Admirall.

6 That euery euening all the Fleete come vp and speake with the Admirall, at seuen of the Clocke, or betweene that and eight, and if the weather will not serue them all to speake with the Admirall, then some shall come to the Uiceadmirall, and receiue the order of their course of Master Hall chiefe Pilot of the Fleete, as he shall direct them.

7 If to any man in the Fleete there happen any mischance, they shal presently shoote off two peeces by day, and if it be by night, two peeces, and shew two lights.

8 If any man in the Fleete come vp in the night, & hale his fellow, knowing him not, he shall giue him this watch-word, Before the world was God. The other shal answere him (if he be one of our Fleete) After God came Christ his Sonne. So that if any be found amongst vs, not of our

owne company, he that first descrieth any such sayle or sayles, shall giue warning to the Admirall by himselfe or any other that he can speake to, that sailes better then he, being neerest vnto him.

9 That euery ship in the fleete in the time of fogs, which continually happen with little winds, and most part calmes, shall keepe a reasonable noise with trumpet, drumme, or otherwise, to keepe th••mselues cleere one of another.

10 If it fall out so thicke or mistie that we lay it to hull, the Admirall shall giue warning with a piece, and putting out three lights one ouer another, to the end that euery man may take in his sailes, and at his setting of sayles againe doe the like, if it be not cleere.

11 If any man discouer land by night, that he giue the l••ke warning, that he doth for mischan∣ces, two lights, and two pieces, if it be by day one piece, and put out his flagge, and strike all his sailes he hath aboord.

12 If any ship shall happen to lose company by force of weather, then any such ship or ships shall get her into the latitude of, and so keepe that latitude vntil they get Frisland. And after they be past the West parts of F••island, they shall get them into the latitude of, and, and not to the Northward of; and being once entred within the S••reites, al such ships shal eue∣ry watch shoote off a good piece and looke out well for smoke and fire which those that get in first shall make euery night, vntill all the fleete be come together.

13 That vpon the sight of an Ensigne in the mast of the Admirall (a piece being shot off) the whole fleete shall repaire to the Admirall, to vnderstand such conference as the Generall is to haue with them.

14 If we chance to meete with any enemies, that foure ships shall attend vpon the Admirall, viz. the Francis of Foy the Moone, the Barke Dennis, and the Gabriel: and foure vpon my Lieutenant generall in the Iudith, viz. the Hopewel, the Armenal, the Beare, and the Salomon: and the other foure vpon the Uizadmirall, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, the Emma∣nuel, and the Michael.

15 If there happen any disordred person in the Fleete, that he be taken and kept in safe custo∣die vn••ill he may con••••niently be brought aboord the Admirall, and there to receiue such punish∣ment as his of the••r offences shall deserue.

By me Martin Frobisher.

Our departure from England.

HAuing receiued these articles of direction we departed from Harwich the one and thirtieth of May. And ••••yling al••ng the South part of England Westward, we at length came by the coast of Ireland at Cape Clea••e the sixth of Iune,* 3.1 and gaue chase thereto a small barke which was supposed to be a Pyrat, or Rou••r on the Seas, but it fell out indeede that they were poore men of Bristow, who had met with such company of Frenchmen as had spo••led and slaine many of them, and left the rest so sore wounded that they were like to perish in the sea, haui••g neither hand nor foote hole to helpe themselues with, nor victuals to sustaine their hungry bodies. Our Generall, who well vnder••tood the office of a Souldier and an Englishman, and knew well what the necessitie of the sea meaneth,* 3.2 pitying much the mis••rie of the poore men, relieued them with Surgerie and salues to heale their hurtes, and with meate and dri••ke to comfort their pi∣n••ng hearts; some of them hauing neither eaten nor drunke more then oliues and stinking wa∣ter in many dayes before, as they reported. And after this good deede done, hauing a large wind, we kept our course vpon our sayd voyage without staying for the taking in of fresh water, or any other prouision, whereof many of the fleete were not throughly furn••shed: and sayling towards the Northwest parts from Ireland, we mette with a great current from out of the Southwest,* 3.3 which caried vs (by our reckoning) one point to the Northeastwards of our sayd course, which current s••emed to vs to continue it selfe towards Norway, and other the Northeast parts of the world, whereby we may be induced to beleeue, that this is the same which the Portugals meete at Capo de buona Speranza, where striking ouer from thence to the Streites of Magellan, and finding no passage there for the narrownesse of the sayde Streites, runneth along into the great Bay of Mexico, where also hauing a let of land, it is forced to strike backe againe towards the Northeast, as we not onely here, but in another place also, further to the Northwards, by good experience this yeere haue found, as shalbe hereafter in his place more at large declared.

Now had we sayled about foureteene dayes, without sight of any land, or any other liuing thing, except certaine foules, as Wilmots, Nodies, Gulles, &c. which there seeme onely to liue by sea.

The twentieth of Iune, at two of the clocke in the morning, the General descried land, & found

it to be West Frisland, now named west England.* 3.4 Here the Generall, & other Gentlemen went ashore, being the first knowen Christians that we haue true notice of, that euer set foot vpon that ground: and therefore the Generall tooke possession thereof to the vse of our Souereigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie, and discouered here a goodly harborough for the ships, where were also certaine little boates of that countrey. And being there landed, they espied certaine tents and people of that countrey, which were (as they iudge) in all sorts, v••ry like those of Meta Incognita, as by their apparell, and other things which we found in their tents, appeared.

The Sauage and simple people so soone as they perceiued our men comming towards them, (supposing there had bene no other world but theirs) fled fearefully away, as men much amazed at so strange a sight, and creatures of humane shape, to farre in apparell, complexion, and other things different from themselues. They left in their tents all their furniture for haste behind them, where amongst other things were found a boxe of small nailes, and certaine red Her∣rings, boords of Firre tree well cut, with diuers other things artificially wrought: whereby it appeareth, that they haue trade with some ciuill people, or else are indeede themselues artifi∣ciall workemen.

Our men brought away with them onely two of their dogs, leauing in recompense belles, loo∣king-glasses, and diuers of our countr••y coyes behinde them.

This countrey, no doubt•• promiseth good hope of great commoditie and riches, if it may be well discouered. The description whereof you shall finde more at large in the second voyage.

Some are of opinion, that this West England is firme land with the Northeast partes of Meta Incognita, or else with Groenland.* 3.5 And their reason is, because the people, apparel, boates, and other things are so like to theirs: and another reason is, the multitude of Islands of yce, which lay betweene it and Meta Incognita, doth argue, that on the Northside there is a bay, which cannot be but by conioyning of the two lands together.

And hauing a faire and large winde we departed from thence towards Frobishers Streites, the three and twentieth of Iune.* 3.6 But first wee gaue name to a high cliffe in West England, the last that was in our sight, and for a certaine similitude, we called it Charing crosse.* 3.7 Then wee bare Southerly towards the Sea, because to the Northwardes of this coast we met with much driuing yce, which by reason of the thicke mistes and weather might haue bene some trou∣ble vnto vs.

On Munday the last of Iune, wee met with many great Whales, as they had bene Por∣poses.

This same day the Salamander being vnder both her corses and bonets, happened to strike a great Whale with her full stemme,* 3.8 with such a blow that the ship stoode still, and stirred nei∣ther forward nor backward. The Whale thereat made a great and vgly noyse, and cast vp his body and taile, and so went vnder water, and within two daies after, there was found a great Whale dead swimming aboue water, which wee supposed was that which the Sala∣mander strooke.

The second day of Iuly early in the morning we had sight of the Queenes Foreland, and bare in with the land all the day, and passing thorow great quantity of yce, by night were entred some∣what within the Streites, perceiuing no way to passe further in,* 3.9 the whole place being frozen ouer from the one side to the other, and as it were with many walles, mountaines, and bulwarks of yce, ch••ked vp the passage, and denied vs entrance. And yet doe I not thinke that this passage or Sea hereabonts is frozen ouer at any time of the yere: albeit it seemed so vnto vs by the abun∣dance of yce gathered together, which occupied the whole place. But I doe rather suppose these yce to bee bred in the hollow soundes and freshers thereabouts: which by the heate of the sommers Sunne, being loosed, doe emptie themselues with the ebbes into the sea, and so gather in great abundance there together.

And to speake somewhat here of the ancient opinion of the frozen sea in these parts: I doe thinke it to be rather a bare coniecture of men, then that euer any man hath made experience of any such sea. And that which they speake of Mare glaciale, may be truely thought to be spoken of these parts: for this may well be called indeede the ycie sea, but not the frozen sea, for no sea consisting of salt water can be frozen, as I haue more at large herein shewed my opinion in my se∣cond voyage, for it seemeth impossible for any sea to bee frozen which hath his course of eb∣bing and flowing,* 3.10 especially in those places where the tides doe ebbe and flowe aboue ten fa∣dome. And also all these aforesayd yce, which we sometime met a hundreth mile from lande, being gathered out of the salt Sea, are in taste fresh, and being dissolued, become sweete and holesome water.

And the cause why this yere we haue bene more combred with yce then at other times before, may be by reason of the Easterly & Southerly winds, which brought vs more timely thither now then we looked for. Which blowing from the sea directly vpon the place of our Streits, hath kept in the yce, and not suffered them to be caried out by the ebbe to the maine sea, where they would in more short time haue bene dissolued. And all these fleeting yce are not only so dangerous in that they wind and gather so neere together, that a man may passe sometimes tenne or twelue miles as it were vpon one firme Island of yce: but also for that they open and shut together a∣gaine in such sort with the tides and sea-gate, that whilest one ship followeth the other with full sayles, the yce which was open vnto the foremost will ioyne and close together before the latter can come to follow the first, whereby many times our shippes were brought into great danger, as being not able so sodainely to take in our sayles, or stay the swift way of our ships.

We were forced many times to stemme and strike great rockes of yce, and so as it were make way through mighty mountaines. By which meanes some of the fleete, where they found the yce to open, entred in, and passed so farre within the danger thereof, with continuall desire to recouer their port, that it was the greatest wonder of the world that they euer escaped safe, or were euer heard of againe. For euen at this present we missed two of the fleete, that is, the Iu∣dith, wherein was the Lieutenant generall Captaine Fenton; and the Michael, whom both we supposed had bene vtterly lost, hauing not heard any tidings of them in moe then 20 dayes before.

And one of our fleete named the Barke Dennis,* 3.11 being of an hundreth tunne burden, seeking way in amongst these yce, receiued such a blow with a rocke of yce that she sunke downe there∣with in the sight of the whole fleete. Howbeit hauing signified her danger by shooting off a peece of great Ordinance, new succour of other ships came so readily vnto them, that the men were all saued with boats.

* 3.12 Within this ship that was drowned there was parcell of our house which was to bee erectedfor them that should stay all the winter in Meta Incognita.

This was a more fearefull spe••tacle for the Fle••te to beholde, for that the outragious storme which presently followed, threatned them the like fortune and danger. For the Fleete being thus compassed (as aforesayd) on euery side with yce•• hauing left much behinde them, tho∣row which they passed, and finding more before them, thorow which it was not possible to passe, there arose a sudden terrible tempest at the Southeast, which blowing from the maine sea, directly vpon the place of the Streites, brought together all the yce a sea-boorde of vs vpon our backes, and thereby debard vs of turning backe to recouer sea-roome againe: so that be∣ing thus compassed with danger on euery side, sundry men with sundry deuises sought the best way to saue themselues. Some of the ships, where they could find a place more cleare of yce, and get a little birth of sea roome, did take in their sayles, and there lay a drift. Other some fa∣stened & mored Anker vpon a great Island of yce, and roade vnder the Lee therof, supposing to be better guarded thereby from the outragious winds, and the danger of the lesser fleeting yce. And againe some were so fast shut vp, and compassed in amongst an infinite number of great countreys and Islands of yce, that they were faine to submit themselues and their ships to the mercy of the vnmercifull yce, and strengthened the sides of their ships with iunckes of cables, beds, Ma••tes, plankes and such like, which being hanged ouer boord on the sides of their ships, might the bet∣ter defend them from the outragi••••s sway and strokes of the said yce. But as in greatest distresse, men of best valour are best to bee discerned, so it is greatly worthy commendation and noting with what inuincible minde euery Captaine encouraged his company, and with what incredible labour the painefull Mariners and poore Miners (vnacquainted with such extremities) to the euerlasting renowne of our nation, did ouercome the brunt of these so great and extreme dangers: for some, euen without boord vpon the yce, and some within boord vpon the sides of their ships, hauing poles, pikes, pieces of timber, and Ores in their handes, stoode almost day and night without any rest, bearing off the force, and breaking the sway of the yce with such incredible paine and perill, that it was wonderfull to beholde, which otherwise no doubt had striken quite through and through the sides of their ships, notwithstanding our former prouision: for plankes of timber of more then three inches thicke, and other things of greater force and big∣nesse, by the surging of the sea and billowe, with the yce were shiuered and cut in sunder, at the sides of our ships, so that it will seeme more then credible to be reported of. And yet (that which is more) it i•• faithfully and plainely to bee prooued, and that by many substantiall witnesses, that our ships, euen those of greatest burdens, with the meeting of contrary waues of the sea, were heaued vp betweene Islands of yce, a foote welneere out of the sea aboue their watermarke,

hauing their knees and timbers within boord both bowed and broken therewith.

And amidst these extremes, whilest some laboured for defence of the ships, and sought to saue their bodies, other some of more milder spirit sought to saue the soule by deuout prayer and meditation to the Almightie, thinking indeede by no other meanes possible then by a diuine Miracle to haue their deliuerance: so that there was none that were either idle, or not well occupied, and he that helde himselfe in best securitie had (God knoweth) but onely bare hope re∣mayning for his best safetie.

Thus all the gallant Fleete and miserable men without hope of euer getting foorth againe, distressed with these extremities remayned here all the whole night and part of the next day, ex∣cepting foure ships, that is, the Anne Francis, the Moone, the Francis of Foy, and the Gabriell, which being somewhat a Seaboord of the Fleete, and being fast ships by a winde, hauing a more scope of cleare, tryed it out all the time of the storme vnder sayle, being hardly able to beare a toast of each.

And albeit, by reason of the fleeting yce, which were dispersed here almost the whole sea ouer, they were brought many times to the extreamest point of perill, mountaines of yce tenne thou∣sand times scaping them scarce one yuch, which to haue striken had bene their present destruc∣tion, considering the swift course and way of the ships, and the vnwieldinesse of them to s••ay and turne as a man would wish: yet they esteemed it their better safetie, with such perill to seeke Sea-roome, than without hope of euer getting libertie to lie striuing against the streame, and beating amongst the Isle mountaines, whose hugenesse and mo••strous greatnesse was such, that no man would credite, but such as to their paines sawe and felt it. And these foure shippes by the next day at noone got out to Sea, and were first cleare of the yce, who now enioying their owne libertie, beganne a n••w to sorrow and feare for their fellowes safeties. And deuoutly kneeling about their maine Mast, they gaue vnto God humble thankes, not only for themselues, but beso••ght him likewise highly for their friendes deliuerance. And euen now whilest amiddest these extremities this gallant Fleete and valiant men were altogither ouerlaboured and fore∣watched, with the long and fearefull continuance of the foresayd dangers, it pleased God with his eyes of mercie to looke downe from heauen to sende them helpe in good time, giuing them the next day a more fauourable winde at the West-Northwest, which did not onely disperse and driue foorth the yce before them, but also gaue them libertie of more scope and Sea-roome, and they were by night of the same day following perceiued of the other foure shippes, where (to their greatest comfort) they enioyed againe the fellowship one of another. Some in mending the sides of their ships, some in setting vp their top Mastes, and mending their sayles and tack∣lings; Againe, some complayning of their false Stemme borne away, some in stopping their leakes, some in recounting their dangers past, spent no small time & labour. So that I dare well ••••ouch, there were neuer men more dangerously distressed, nor more mercifully by Gods proui∣dence deliuered. And hereof both the torne ships, and the forwearied bodies of the men arriued doe beare most euident marke and witnesse. And now the whole Fleete plyed off to Seaward, resoluing there to abide vntill the Sunne might consume, or the force of winde disperse these yce from the place of their passage: and being a good birth off the shore, they tooke in their sailes, and lay adrift.

The seuenth of Iuly as men nothing yet dismayed, we cast about towards the inward, and had sight of land, which rose in forme like the Northerland of the straights, which some of the Fleete,* 3.13 and those not the worst Marriners, iudged to be the North Foreland: howbeit other some were of contrary opinion. But the matter was not well to be discerned by reason of the thicke fogge which a long time hung vpon the coast, & the new falling snow which yeerely altereth the shape of the land, and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners markes.* 3.14 And by reason of the darke mi••ts which continued by the space of twentie dayes togither, this doubt grewe the greater and the longer perilous. For whereas indeede we thought our selues to be vpon the Northeast side of Frobishers straights, we were now caried to the Southwestwards of the Queenes Foreland, and being deceiued by a swift current comming from the Northeast,* 3.15 were brought to the South∣westwards of our said course many miles more then we did thinke possible could come to passe. The cause whereof we haue since found, and it shall be at large hereafter declared.

Here we made a point of land which some mislooke for a place in the straightes called Mount Warwicke: but how we should be so farre shoe vp so suddainely within the said straights the e••∣pertest Mariners began to maruell, thinking it a thing impossible that they could be so farre ouer∣taken in their accounts, or that any current could deceiue them here which they had not by for∣mer experience prooued and found out.* 3.16 Howbeit many confessed that they found a swifter

course of flood then before time they had obserued. And truely it was wonderfull to heare and see the rushing and noise that the tides do make in this place with so violent a force that our ships lying a hull were turned some••imes round about euen in a moment after the maner of a whirle∣poole, and the noyse of the streame no lesse to be heard a farre off, then the waterfall of London Bridge.

But whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull amongst great store of yce in a place they knew not without sight of Sunne, whereby to take the height, and so to know the true eleuation of the pole, and without any cleere of light to make perfite the coast, the Generall with the Captaines & Ma∣sters of his ships, began doubtfully to question of the matter, and sent his Pinnesse aboord to heare each mans opinion, and specially of Iames Beare,* 3.17 Master of the Anne Francis, who was knowen to be a sufficient and skilful Mariner, and hauing bene there the yere before, had wel ob∣serued the place, and drawen out Cardes of the coast. But the rather this matter grew the more doubtfull, for that Christopher Hall chiefe Pilot of the voyage,* 3.18 deliuered a plaine and publique opinion in the hearing of the whole Fleete, that hee had neuer seene the foresayd coast before, and that he could not make it for any place of Frobishers Streits, as some of the Fleete sup∣posed, and yet the landes doe lie and trend so like, that the best Mariners therein may bee de∣ceiued.

The tenth of Iuly, the weather still continuing thicke and darke, some of the ships in the fogge lost sight of the Admirall and the rest of the fleete, and wandring to and fro, with doubtfull opinion whether it were best to seeke backe againe to seaward through great store of yce, or to follow on a doubtfull course in a Sea, Bay, or Streites they knew not, or along a coast, whereof by reason of the darke mistes they could not discerne the dangers, if by chance any rocke or broken ground should lie off the place, as commonly in these parts it doth.

The Uiceadmirall Captaine Yorke considering the foresayd opinion of the Pylot Hall, who was with him in the Thomas Allen, hauing lost sight of the Fleete, turned backe to sea againe, hauing two other ships in company with him.

Also the Captaine of the Anne Francis hauing likewise lost company of the Fleete, and being all alone, held it for best to turne it out to sea againe, vntill they might haue cleere weather to take the Sunnes altitude, and with incredible paine and perill got out of the doubtfull place, into the open Sea againe, being so narrowly distressed by the way, by meanes of continuall fogge and yce, that they were many times ready to leape vpon an Iland of yce to auoide the present danger, and so hoping to prolong life awhile meant rather to die a pining death.

* 3.19Some hoped to saue themselues on chestes, and some determined to tie the Hatches of the shipe togither, and to binde themselues with their furniture fast thereunto, and so to be towed with the ship-bote ashore, which otherwise could not receiue halfe of the companie, by which meanes if happily they had arriued, they should eyther haue perished for lacke of foode to eate, or else should themselues haue beene eaten of those rauenous, bloodie, and Men-eating people.

* 3.20The rest of the Fleete following the course of the Generall which led them the way, passed vp aboue sixtie leagues within the saide doubtfull and supposed straights, hauing alwayes a faire continent vpon their starreboorde side, and a continuance still of an open Sea before them.

* 3.21The Generall albeit with the first perchance he found out the error, and that this was not the olde straights, yet he perswaded the Fleete alwayes that they were in their right course, and knowen straights. Howbeit I suppose he rather dissembled his opinion therein th••n other∣wise, meaning by that policie (being himselfe led with an honourable desire of further discoue∣rie) to induce the Fleete to follow him, to see a further proofe of that place. And as some of the companie reported, he hath since confessed that if it had not bene for the charge and care he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships, he both would and could haue gone through to the South Sea, called Mar del Sur, and dissolued the long doub•• of the passage which we seeke to find to the rich countrey of Cataya.* 3.22

1 Of which mistaken straights, considering the circumstance, we haue great cause to con∣firme our opinion,* 3.23 to like and hope well of the passage in this place. For the foresaid Bay or Sea, the further we sayled therein, the wider we found it, with great likelihood of endlesse continuance. And where in other places we were much troubled with yce, as in the entrance of the same,* 3.24 so af∣ter we had sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues therein we had no let of yce, or other thing at all, as in other places we found.

2 Also this place seemeth to haue a maruellous great indraft, and draweth vnto it most of the

drift yce, and other things which doe fleete in the Sea, either to the North or Eastwards of the same, as by good experience we haue found.* 3.25

3 For here also we met with boordes, lathes, and diuers other things driuing in the Sea, which was of the wracke of the ship called the Barke Dennis,* 3.26 which perished amongst the yce as beforesaid, being lo••t at the first attempt of the entrance ouerthwart the Queenes forelande in the mouth of Frobishers straights, which could by no meanes haue bene so brought thither, n••i∣ther by winde nor tyde, being lost so many leagues off, if by force of the said current the same h••d not bene violently brought. For if the same had bene brought thither by ••ide of flo••d, looke how farre the said flood had carried it, the ebbe would haue recarried it as farre backe againe, and by the winde it could not so come to passe, because it was then sometime calme, and most times contrarie.

And some Mariners doe affirme that they haue diligently obserued, that there runneth in this place nine houres flood ••o th••ee ebbe,* 3.27 which may thus come to passe by force of the sayd current: for whereas the Sea in most places of the world, doth more or lesse ordinarily ebbe and flow once euery twelue houres with sixe houres ebbe, and sixe houres flood, so also would it doe there, were it not for the violence of this hastning current, which forceth the flood to make appearance to be∣ginne before his ordinary time one houre and a halfe, and also to continue longer than his natu∣rall course by an other houre and a halfe, vntill the force of the ebbe be so great that it will no lon∣ger be resisted: according to the saying, Naturam expellas furca licet, v••que recurrit. Although nature and naturall courses be forced and resisted neuer so much, yet at last they will haue their owne sway againe.

Moreouer it is not possible that so great course of floods and current, so high swelling tides with continuance of so deepe waters, can be digested here without vnburdening themselues into some open Sea beyond this place, which argueth the more likelihood of the passage to be hereabouts. Also we suppose these great indrafts doe growe and are made by the reuerberation and reflection of that same current, which at our comming by Ireland, met and crossed vs, of which in the first part of this discourse I spake, which comming from the bay of Mexico, pas∣sing by and washing the Southwest parts of Ireland, reboundeth ouer to the Northeast parts of the world, as Norway, Island, &c. where not finding any passage to an open Sea, but rather being there encreased by a new accesse, and another current meeting with it from the Scythian Sea, passing the bay of Saint Nicholas Westward, it doth once againe rebound backe, by the coasles of Groenland, and from thence vpon Frobishers straights being to the Southwestwardes of the same.

5 And if that principle of Philosopie be true, that Inferiora corpora reguntur à superioribus, that is, if inferiour bodies be gouerned, ruled, and caried after the man••r and course of the supe∣riors, then the water being an inferior Element, must needes be gouerned after the superior hea∣uen, and so follow the course of Primum mobile from East to West.* 3.28

6 But eu••ry man that hath written or consider••d any thing of this passage,* 3.29 hath more doub∣ted the returne by the same way by reason of a great downefall of water, which they imagine to be thereabouts (which we also by experience partly find) than any mistrust they haue of the same passage at all. For we find (as it were) a great downefall in this place, but yet not such but that we may r••turne, although with much a doe. For we were eassier carried in one houre then we could get forth againe in three. Also by another experience at another time, we found this cur∣rent to deceiue vs in this sort:* 3.30 That wheras we supposed it to be 15 leagues off, and lying a h••ll, we were brought within two leagues of the shore contrarie to all expectation.

Our men that sayled furthest in the same mistaken straights (hauing the maine land vpon their starboord side) affirme that they met with the outlet or passage of water which comm••th tho∣row Frobishers straights, and followeth as all one into this passage.

Some of our companie also affirme that they had sight of a continent vpon their larboord side being 60 leagues within the supposed straights: howbeit exc••pt certaine Ilands in the entrance hereof we could make no part perfect thereof. All the foresaid tract of land seemeth to be more fruitfull and better stored of Grasse, Deere, Wilde foule, as Partridges, Larkes, Seam••wes, Guls, Wilmots, Falcons and Tassel gentils, Rauens, Beares, Hares, Foxes, and other things, than any other part we haue yet discouered, and is more populous. And here Luke Wa••d, a Gentleman of the companie, traded m••rchandise, and did exchange kniues, bels, l••oking glasses,* 3.31 &c. with those countrey people, who brought him foule, fish, beares skinnes, and such like, as t••••••t countrey yeeldeth for the same. Here also they saw of those greater boats of the countrey, with twentie persons in a peece.

Now after the Generall had bestowed these many dayes here, not without many dangers, he returned backe againe. And by the way sayling alongst this coast (being the backeside of the supposed continent of America) and the Queenes Foreland, he perceiued a great sound to goe thorow into Frobishers straights. Whereupon he sent the Gabriel the one and twentieth of Iu∣ly, to prooue whether they might goe thorow and meete againe with him in the straights,* 3.32 which they did: and as wee imagined before, so the Queenes foreland prooued an Iland, as I thinke most of these supposed continents will. And so he departed towardes the straights, thinking it were high time now to recouer his Port, and to prouide the Fleete of their lading, whereof he was not a little carefull, as shall by the processe and his resolute attempts appeare. And in his re∣turne with the rest of the fleete he was so intangled by reason of the darke fogge amongst a num∣ber of Ilands and broken ground that lye off this coast, that many of the shippes came ouer the top of rockes, which presently after they might perceiue to lie dry, hauing not halfe a foote wa∣ter more then some of their ships did draw. And by reason they could not with a smal gale of wind stemme the force of the flood, whereby to goe cleere off the rockes, they were faine to let an anker fall with two bent of Cable togither, at an hundred and odde fadome depth, where otherwise they had bene by the force of the tydes caried vpon the rockes againe, and perished: so that if God in these fortunes (as a mercifull guide, beyond the expectation of man) had not carried vs thorow, we had surely perished amidst these dangers.* 3.33 For being many times driuen hard aboord the shore without any sight of land, vntill we were ready to make shipwracke thereon, being forced com∣monly with our boats to sound before our ships, least we might light thereon before we could dis∣cerne the same; it pleased God to giue vs a cleare of Sunne and light for a short time to see and auoyde thereby the danger, hauing bene continually darke before, and presently after. Manie times also by meanes of fogge and currents being driuen neere vpon the coast, God lent vs euen at the very pinch one prosperous breath of winde or other, whereby to double the land, and auoid the perill, and when that we were all without hope of helpe, euery man recommending him∣selfe to death, and crying out, Lord now helpe or neuer, now Lord looke downe from heauen and saue vs sinners, or else our safetie commeth too late: euen then the mightie maker of hea∣uen, and our mercifull God did deliuer vs: so that they who haue bene partakers of these dangers doe euen in their soules confesse, that God euen by miracle hath sought to saue them, whose name be praysed euermore.

Long time now the Anne Francis had layne beating off and on all alone before the Queenes foreland, not being able to recouer their Port for yce, albeit many times they dangerously at∣tempted it, for yet the yce choaked vp the passage, and would not suffer them to enter. And hauing neuer seene any of the fleete since twenty dayes past,* 3.34 when by reason of the thicke mistes they were seuered in the mistaken straights, they did now this present 23 of Iuly ouerthwart a place in the straights called Hattons Hedland, where they met with seuen ships of y^e Fleete againe, which good hap did not onely reioyce them for themselues, in respect of the comfort which they receiued by such good companie, but especially that by this meanes they were put out of doubt of their deare friends, whose safeties long time they did not a little suspect and feare.

At their meeting they haled the Admirall after the maner of the Sea, and with great ioy wel∣commed one another with a thundring volly of shot. And now euery man declared at large the fortunes and dangers which they had passed.

* 3.35 who with much adoe sought way backe againe through the yce from out of the mistaken straights, where (to their great perill) they prooued to recouer their Port. They brought the first newes of the Uizad∣mirall Captaine Yorke, who many dayes with themselues, and the Busse of Bridgewater was missing.* 3.36 They reported that they left the Uizeadmirall reasonably cleare of the yce, but the other ship they greatly feared, whom they could not come to helpe, being themselues so hardly distres∣sed as neuer men more. Also they told vs of the Gabriel, who hauing got thorow from the back∣side, and Western point of the Queenes foreland, into Frobishers straights, fell into their com∣pany about the cape of Good hope.

And vpon the seuen and twentieth of Iuly, the ship of Bridgewater got out of the yce and met with the Fleete which lay off and on vnder Hattons Hedland. They reported of their maruel∣lous accidents and dangers, declaring their ship to be so leake that they must of necessitie seeke harborow, hauing their stem so beaten within their huddings, that they had much adoe to keepe themselues aboue water. They had (as they say) fiue hundreth strokes at the pump in lesse then halfe a watch, being scarce two houres; their men being so ouer-wearied therewith, and with the former dangers that they desired helpe of men from the other ships. Moreouer they declared

that there was nothing but yce and dang••r where they had bene, and that the straights within were fr••zen vp,* 3.37 and that it was the most impossible thing of the world, to passe vp vnto the Coun∣tesse of Warwicks sound, which was the place of our Port.

The report of these dangers by these ships thus published amongst the fleete, with the remem∣brance of the perils past, and t••ose present before their face, brought no small feare and terror in∣to the hearts of many considerate men. So that some beganne priuily to murmure against the Generall f••r this wilfull maner of proceeding. Some desired to discouer some harborow there∣abouts to refresh themselues and reforme their broken vessels for a while, vntill the North and Nor••hwest windes might disperse the yce, and make the place more free to passe. Other some forgetting themselues, spake more vndutifully in this behalfe, saying: that they had as leeue be hanged when th••y came home, as without hope of safetie to seeke to passe, and so to perish a∣mongst the yce.

The Generall not opening his eares to the peeuish passion of any priuate person, but chiefly re∣specting the accomplishment of the cause he had vndertaken (wherein the chiefe reputation and fame of a Generall and Captaine consisteth) and calling to his remembrance the short time he had in hand to prouide so great number of ships their loading,* 3.38 determined with this resolution to passe and recouer his Port, or else there to burie himselfe with his attempt.

Notwithstanding somewhat to appease the feeble passions of the fearefuller sort, and the better to entertaine time for a season, whilest the yce might the better be dissolued, he haled on the Fleete with beleefe that he would put them into harborow: thereupon whilest the shippes lay off and on vnder Hattons Hedland, he sought to goe in with his Pinnesses amongst the Ilandes there, as though hee meant to search for harborowe, where indeede he meant no∣thing lesse, but rather sought if any Ore mig••t be found in that place, as by the sequele ap∣peared.

In the meane time whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull without any certaine resolution what to do, bring hard aboord the lee-shore, there arose a sodaine and terrible tempest at the South∣southeast, whereby the yce began maruellously to gather about vs.

Whereupon euery man, as in such case of extremitie he thought best, sought the wisest way for his owne safety. The most part of the Fleete which were further shot vp within the straights, and so farre to the leeward, as that they could not double the land, following the course of the Generall, who led them the way, tooke in their Sayles, and layde it a hull amongst the yce, and so passed ouer the storme, and had no extremitie at all, but for a short time in the same place.

Howbeit the other ships which plyed out to Seaward, had an extreme storme for a longer season. And the nature of the place is such, that it is subiect diuers••y to diuers windes, according to the sundry situation of the great Alps and mountaines there, euery mountaine causing a seue∣rall blast, and pirrie, after the maner of a Leuant.

In this storme being the sixe and twentieth of Iuly, there fell so much snow, with such bitter cold aire, that we could not scarce see one another for the same, nor open our eyes to handle our ropes and sayles, the snow being aboue halfe a foote deepe vpon the hatches of our ship,* 3.39 which did so wet thorow our poore Mariners clothes, that hee that had fiue or sixe shifts of apparell had scarce one drie threed to his backe, which kind of wet and coldnesse, togither with the ouerlabou∣ring of the poore men amiddest the yce, bred no small sicknesse amongst the fleete, which some∣what discouraged some of the poore men, who had not experience of the like before, euery man perswading himselfe that the winter there must needes be extreme,* 3.40 where they found so vnsea∣sonable a Sommer.

And yet notwithstanding this cold aire, the Sunne many times hath a maruellous force of heate amongst those mountaines,* 3.41 insomuch that when there is no breth of winde to bring the colde aire from the dispersed yce vpon vs, we shall be wearie of the bloming heate and then so∣dainely with a perry of winde which commeth downe from the hollownesse of the hilles,* 3.42 we shall haue such a breth of heate brought vpon our faces as though we were entred within some bath-stoue or hote-house, and when the first of the pirry and blast is past, we shall haue the winde so∣dainely a new blow cold againe.

In this storme the Anne Francis, the Moone, and the Thomas of Ipswich, who found them∣selues able to hold it vp with a saile, and could double about the Cape of the Queenes foreland, plyed out to the Seaward, holding it for better policie and safetie to seeke Searoome, then to hazard the continuance of the storme, the danger of the yce, and the lee-shoare.

And being vncertaine at this time of the Generals priuate determinations, the weather being

so darke that they could not discerne one another, nor perceiue which way he wrought, be••ooke themselues to this course for best and safest.

The General, notwithstanding the great storme, following his own former resolution, sought by all meanes possible, by a shorter way to recouer his Port, and where he saw the yce neuer so little open, he gate in at one gappe and out at another, and so himselfe valiantly led the way tho∣row before to induce the Fleete to follow after, and with incredible paine and perill at length ga•• through the yce, and vpon the one and thirtieth of Iuly recouered his long wished Port after ma∣ny attempts and sundry times being put backe,* 3.43 and came to anker in the Countesse of Warwicks sound, in the entrance whereof, when he thought all perill past, he encountred a great Iland of yce which gaue the Ayde such a blow, hauing a little before wayed her anker a cocke bill, that it stroke the anker flouke through the ships bowes vnder the water, which caused so great a leake, that with much adoe they preserued the ship from sinking.

At their arriuall here they perceiued two ships at anker within the harborough, whereat they began much to maruell and greatly to reioyce, for those they knew to be the Michael, wherein was the Lieutenant generall Captaine Fenton, and the small Barke called the Gabriel, who so long time were missing, and neuer heard of before, whom euery man made the last reckoning, neuer to heare of againe.

Here euery man greatly reioyced of their happie meeting, and welcommed one another after the Sea manner with their great Ordinance, and when each partie had ripped vp their sundry for∣tunes and perils past, they highly praysed God, and altogither vpon their knees gaue him due, humble and hearty thankes, and Maister Wolfall a learned man,* 3.44 appointed by her Maiesties Councell to be their Minister and Preacher made vnto them a godly sermon, exhorting them especially to be thankefull to God for their strange and miraculous deliuerance in those so dan∣gerous places, and putting them in mind of the vncertainetie of mans life, willed them to make themselues alwayes readie as resolute men to enioy and accept thankefully whatsoeuer aduen∣ture his diuine Prouidence should appoint. This maister Wolfall being well seated and setled at home in his owne Countrey, with a good and large liuing, hauing a good honest woman to wife and very towardly children, being of good reputation among the best, refused not to take in hand this painefull voyage, for the onely care he had to saue soules, and to reforme those Infidels if it were possible to Christianitie: and also partly for the great desire he had that this notable voy∣age so well begunne, might be brought to perfection: and therefore he was contented to stay there the whole yeare if occasion had serued, being in euery necessary action as forward as the re∣solutest men of all. Wherefore in this behalfe he may rightly be called a true Pastor and minister of Gods word, which for the profite of his flocke spared not to venture his owne life.

But to returne againe to Captaine Fentons company, and to speake somewhat of their dan∣gers (albeit they be more then by writing can be expressed) they reported that from the night of the first storme which was about the first day of Iuly vntill seuen dayes before the Generals arriuall,* 3.45 which was the sixe and twentith of the same, they neuer saw any one day or houre, wher∣in they were not troubled with continuall danger and feare of death, and were twentie dayes al∣most togither fast amongst the yce. They had their ship stricken through and through on both sides, their false stemme borne quite away, and could goe from their ships in some places vpon the yce very many miles, and might easily haue passed from one Iland of yce to another euen to the shore, and if God had not wonderfully prouided for them and their necessitie, and time had not made them more cunning and wise to seeke strange remedies for strange kindes of dangers,* 3.46 it had bene impossible for them euer to haue escaped: for among other deuises, wheresoeuer they found any Iland of yce of greater bignesse then the rest (as there be some of more then halfe a mile compasse about, and almost forty fadome high) they commonly coueted to recouer the same, and thereof to make a bulwarke for their defence, whereon hauing mored anker, they road vnder the le•• therof for a time, being therby garded from the danger of the lesser driuing yce. But when they must needes forgoe this new found fort by meanes of other yce, which at length would vndermine and compasse them round about,* 3.47 and when that by heauing of the billow they were therewith like to be brused in peeces, they vsed to make fast the shippe vnto the most firme and broad peece of yce they could find, and binding her nose fast thereunto, would fill all their sayles whereon the winde hauing great power, would force forward the ship, and so the shippe bearing before her the yce, & so one yce driuing forward another, should at length get scope & sea-roome. And hauing by this meanes at length put their enemies to flight, they occupyed the cleare place for a prettie season among sundry mountaines and Alpes of yce. One there was found by measure to be 65 fadome aboue water, which for a kind of similitude, was called Salomons porch.

Some thinke those Ilands eight times so much vnder water as they are aboue, because of their monstrous weight. But now I remember I saw very strange wonders, men walking, run∣ning, leaping and shooting vpon the mayne seas 40. myles from any land, without any Shippe or other vessell vnder them.* 3.48 Also I saw fresh Riuers running amidst the salt Sea a hundred myle from land, which if any man will not beleeue, let him knowe that many of our company leapt out of their Shippe vpon Ilandes of yce, and running there vp and downe, did shoote at Buts vpon the yce, and with their Caliuers did kill great Seales, which vse to lye and sleepe vpon the yce, and this yce melting aboue at the toppe by reflection of the Sunne, came downe in sundry streames, which vniting together, made a pretie Brooke able to driue a Mill.

The sayde Captaine Fenton recouered his Port tenne dayes before any man, and spent good tyme in searching for Mine, and hee found good store thereof. He also discouered about tenne Miles vp into the Countrey, where he perceiued neither Towne, Uillage, nor likelihoode of habitation, but it seemeth (as he sayth) barren, as the other parts which as yet we haue entred vpon: but their victuals and prouision went so scant with them, that they had determined to re∣turne homeward within seuen dayes after, if the Fleete had not then arriued.

The Generall after his arriuall in the Countesses sound, spent no time in vaine, but immedi∣atly at his first landing called the chiefe Captaines of his Councell together, and consulted with them for the speedier execution of such things as then they had in hand. As first, for searching and finding out good Minerall for the Miners to be occupyed on. Then to giue good Orders to bee obserued of the whole company on shore. And lastly, to consider for the erecting vp of the Fort and House for the vse of them which were to abide there the whole yeere. For the better handling of these, and all other like important causes in this seruice, it was ordeined from her Ma∣iestie and the Councell, that the Generall should call vnto him certaine of the chiefe Captaines and Gentlemen in Councell, to conferre, consult and determine of all occurrents in this seruice, whose names are as here they follow.

• ...Captaine Fenton.
• ...Captaine Yorke.
• ...Captaine Best.
• ...Captaine Carew.
• ...Captaine Philpot.

And in Sea causes to haue as assistants, Christopher Hall and Charles Iackman, being both very good Pilots, and sufficient Mariners, whereof the one was chiefe Pilot of the Uoyage, and the other for the discouerie. From the place of our habitation Westward, Master Selman was appointed Notarie, to register the whole maner of proceeding in these affaires, that true relation thereof might be made, if it pleased her Maiestie to require it.

The first of August euery Captaine by order, from the Generall and his councell, was com∣manded to bring ashoare vnto the Countesses Iland all such Gentlemen, souldiers, and Myners, as were vnder their charge, with such prouision as they had of victuals, tents, and things necessary for the speedy getting together of Mine, and fraight for the shippes.

The Muster of the men being taken, and the victuals with all other things viewed and conside∣red, euery man was set to his charge, as his place and office required. The Myners were appoin∣ted where to worke, and the Mariners discharged their shippes.

Upon the second of August were published and proclaymed vpon the Countesse of Warwicks Iland with sound of Trumpet, certaine Orders by the Generall and his councell, appoynted to be obserued of the company during the time of their abiding there.

In the meanetime, whilest the Mariners plyed their worke, the Captaines sought out new Mynes, the Goldfiners made tryall of the Ore, the Mariners discharged their shippes, the Gentlemen for example sake laboured heartily, and honestly encouraged the inferiour sort to worke. So that the small tyme of that little leasure that was left to carrie, was spent in vaine.

The second of August the Gabriel arriued, who came from the Uizeadmirall, and beeing distressed sore with Yce, put into Harborough neere vnto Mount Oxford. And now was the whole Fleete arriued safely at their Port, excepting foure, besides the Shippe that was lost: that is, the Thomas Allen, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Moone, whose absence was some lette vnto the workes and other proceedings, aswell for that these Shippes were furnished with the better sorte of Myners, as with other prouision for the habitation.

The ninth of August the Generall with the Captaynes of his counsell assembled together, and began to consider and take order for the erecting vp of the house or Fort for them that were

to inhabite there the whole yeere, and that presently the Masons and Carpenters might goe in hante therewith.* 3.49 First therefore they perused the Bils of lading, what euery man receiued into his Shippe, and found that there was arriued onely the Eastside, and the Southside of the house, and yet not that perfect and entier: for many pieces thereof were vsed for fenders in many Shippes, and so broken in pieces whilest they were distressed in the yce. Also after due examination had, and true account taken, there was found want of drinke and fuel to serue one hundreth men,* 3.50 which was the number appoynted first to inhabite there, because their greatest store was in the Shippes which were not yet arriued. Then Captaine Fenton seeing the scarcitie of the necessary things aforesayd, was contented, and offred himselfe to inhabite there with sixtie men. Whereupon they caused the Carpenters and Masons to come before them, and deman∣ded in what time they would take vpon them to erect vp a lesse house for sixtie men. They requi∣red eight or nine weekes, if there were Tymber sufficient, whereas now they had but sixe and twentie dayes in all to remayne in that Countrey.* 3.51 Wherefore it was fully agreed vpon, and re∣solued by the Generall and his counsell, that no habitation should be there this yeere. And there∣fore they willed Master Selman the Register to set downe this decree with all their consents, for the better satisfying of her Maiestie, the Lords of the Counsell, and the Aduenturers.

The Anne Francis, since shee was parted from the Fleete, in the last storme before spoken of, could neuer recouer aboue fiue leagues within the streights, the winde being sometime con∣trary, and most times the Yce compassing them round about. And from that time, being about the seuen and twentieth of Iuly, they could neither heare nor haue sight of any of the Fleete, vntil the 3. of August, when they descryed a sayle neere vnto Mount Oxford, with whom when they had spoken, they could vnderstand no newes of any of the Fleete at all. And this was the Tho∣mas of Ipswich, who had layne beating off and on at Sea with very fowle weather, and contrary windes, euer since that foresayd storme, without sight of any man. They kept com∣pany not long together, but were forced to loose one another againe, the Moone being consort alwayes with the Anne Francis, and keeping very good company plyed vp together into the streights, with great desire to recouer their long wished Port: and they attempted as often, and passed as farre as possible the winde, weather, & yce gaue them leaue, which commonly they found very contrary. For when the weather was cleare and without fogge, then commonly the winde was contrary. And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly, which would serue their turnes, then had they so great a fogge and darke miste therewith, that eyther they could not discerne way thorow the yce, or els the yce lay so thicke together, that it was impossible for them to passe. And on the other side, when it was calme, the Tydes had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them, that commonly then they were most therewith distressed, hauing no Winde to cary them from the danger thereof.

And by the sixt of August being with much adoé got vp as high as Leicester point, they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare, and so to passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights before spoken of, they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes of the swift Tydes which run in that place, that they were neuer afore so hardly beset as now. And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the darke weather, the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships, who being likewise hardly distressed, signified their danger, as they since reported, by shooting off their ordinance, which the other could not heare, nor if they had heard, could haue gi∣uen them any remedie, being so busily occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles.

* 3.52The Fleeboate called the Moone, was here heaued aboue the water with the force of the yce, and receiued a great leake thereby. Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Anne Francis were sore brused at that instant, hauing their false stemmes borne away, and their ship sides stro∣ken quite through.

Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries, and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes, besides that euery night the ropes of their Shippes were so fro∣zen, that a man could not handle them without cutting his handes, together with the great doubt they had of the Fleetes safety, thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe vnto their Port, as well for that they saw themselues, as for that they heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before, who affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within: They thought it now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together.* 3.53 And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes, desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters. Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich, with his Pilot Richard Cox, and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone, with

his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes. And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin, sundry doubts were there alled∣ged. For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the for∣mer dangers, coueted to returne homeward, saying that they would not againe tempt God so much, who had giuen them so many warnings, and deliuered them from so wonderfull dangers: that they rather desired to lose wages, fraight, and all, then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes. Againe, their Ships were so leake, and the men so wea••ie, that to amend the one, and refresh the other, they must of necessitie seeke into harborough.

But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary, that to seeke into harborough thereabouts, was but to subiect themselues to double dangers: if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring, yet being in, they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the Ice, which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most harboroughs there∣abouts, and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder, driue them vpon the shoare, and bring them to much trouble. Also the coast is so much subiect to broken ground and rockes, especially in the mouth and entrance of euery Harborough, that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and ouer a∣gaine, yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers. For the bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the Land, being full of hils, dales, and ragged Rocks, suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth. For you shall sound vpon the side or hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water, and haue a hundreth, fiftie, or fourtie fadome depth: and before the next cast, yer you shall be able to heaue your lead againe, you shall be vpon the toppe thereof, and come aground to your vtter confusion.

Another reason against going to harborough was, that the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds, seeing that euery night there was new congealed yce, euen of that wa∣ter which remayned within their shippes. And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at Sea, then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough, to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere.

After many such dangers and reasons alledged, and large debating of these causes on both sides, the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his opinion vnto the company to this effect. First concerning the question of returning home, hee thought it so much dishonorable, as not to grow in any farther question:* 3.54 and againe to returne home at length (as at length they must needes) and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete, whether they were liuing or lost, or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not, in the Countesses sound, (as it was to bee thought the most part would if they were liuing) hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them, as hee resolued rather to fall into any danger, then so shamefully to consent to returne home, protesting that it should neuer bee spoken of him, that hee would euer returne without doing his endeuour to finde the Fleete, and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie. Hee put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of fiue t••••••e burthen, which hee had within his Shippe,* 3.55 which was caryed in pieces, and vnmade vp for the vse of those which should inhabite there whole yeere, the which, if they could finde meanes to ioyne together, hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith, whe∣ther it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce, whereby the Shippe might bee brought in after, and might also thereby giue true notice, if any of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not.

But notwithstanding, for that he well perceiued that the most part of his company were ad∣dicted to put into harborough, hee was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto. As first, to search alongst the same coast, and the soundes thereabouts, hee thought it to be to good purpose, for that it was likely to finde some of the Fleete there, which being leake, and sore brused with the yce, were the rather thought likely to be put into an yll harborough, being distressed with foule weather in the last storme, then to hazard their vncertaine safeties amongst the yce: for about this place they lost them, and left the Fleete then doubtfully questioning of harborough.

It was likely also, that they might finde some fitte harborough thereabouts, which might bee behoouefull for them against another time. It was not likewise impossible to finde some Ore or Mine thereabouts wherewithall to fraight their Shippes, which would bee more commo∣dious in this place, for the neerenesse to Seaward, and for a better outlet, then farther with∣in the streights, being likely heere alwayes to loade in a shorter time, howsoeuer the streight should be pestered with yce within, so that if it might come to passe that thereby they might eyther finde the Fleete, Mine, or conuenient harborough, any of these three would serue their present turnes,

and giue some hope and comfort vnto their companies, which now were altogether comfort∣lesse. But if that all fortune should fall out so contrary, that they could neyther recouer their Port, nor any of these aforesayde helpes, that yet they would not depart the Coast, as long as it was possible for them to tary there, but would lye off and on at Sea athwart the place. There∣fore his finall conclusion was set downe thus, First, that the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moone should consort and keepe company together carefully with the Anne Francis, as neere as they could, and as true Englishmen and faithfull friends, should supply one anothers want in all for∣tunes and dangers. In the morning following, euery Shippe to send off his Boate with a suffi∣cient Pylot, to search out and sound the harboroughs for the safe bringing in of their Shippes. And beeing arriued in harborough, where they might finde conuenient place for the purpose, they resolued foorthwith to ioyne and sette together the Pinnesse, wherewithall the Cap∣taine of the Anne Francis might, according to his former determination, discouer vp into the streights.

After these determinations thus set downe, the Thomas of Ipswich the night following lost company of the other Shippes, and afterward shaped a contrary course homeward, which fell out as it manifestly appeared, very much against their Captaine Master Tanfieldes minde, as by due examination before the Lordes of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell it hath since bene prooued, to the great discredite of the Pilot Cox, who specially persuaded his com∣pany against the opinion of his sayd Captaine, to returne home.

And as the Captaine of the Anne Francis doeth witnesse, euen at their conference togither, Captaine Tanfield tolde him, that he did not a little suspect the sayd Pilot Cox, saying that he had opinion in the man neither of honest duetie, manhoode, nor constancie. Notwithstanding the sayde Shippes departure, the Captaine of the Anne Francis being desirous to put in execution his former resolutions, went with his Shippeboate (being accompanied also with the Moones Skiffe) to prooue amongst the Ilands which lye vnder Hattons Hedland, if any conuenient harborough, or any knowledge of the Fleete, or any good Ore were there to be found. The Shippes lying off and on at Sea the while vnder Sayle, searching through many sounds, they sawe them all full of many dangers and broken ground: yet one there was, which seemed an indifferent place to harborough in, and which they did very diligently sound ouer, and sear∣ched againe.

Here the sayde Captaine found a great blacke Iland, whereunto hee had good liking, and certifying the company thereof, they were somewhat comforted, and with the good hope of his wordes rowed cheerefully vnto the place: where when they arriued, they found such plentie of blacke Ore of the same sort which was brought into England this last yeere, that if the good∣nesse might answere the great plentie thereof, it was to be thought that it might reasonably suffice all the golde-gluttons of the world. This Iland the Captaine for cause of his good hap, called after his owne name, Bestes blessing,* 3.56 and with these good tydings returning aboord his Ship the ninth of August about tenne of the clocke at night, hee was ioyfully welcommed of his company, who before were discomforted, and greatly expected some better fortune at his handes.

The next day being the tenth of August, the weather reasonably fayre, they put into the fore∣sayde Harborough, hauing their Boate for their better securitie sounding before their Shippe. But for all the care and diligence that could bee taken in sounding the Channell ouer and ouer againe, the Anne Francis came aground vpon a suncken Rocke within the Harborough,* 3.57 and lay thereon more then halfe drye vntill the next flood, when by Gods Almighty prouidence, contrary almost to all expectation, they came afloat againe, being forced all that time to vn∣dersette their Shippe with their mayne Yarde, which otherwise was likely to ouerset and put thereby in danger the whole company. They had aboue two thousand strokes together at the Pumpe, before they could make their Shippe free of the water againe, so sore shee was brused by lying vpon the Rockes. The Moone came safely,* 3.58 and roade at anchor by the Anne Francis, whose helpe in their necessitie they could not well haue missed.

Now whilest the Mariners were romaging their Shippes, and mending that which was amisse, the Miners followed their labour for getting together of sufficient quantitie of Ore, and the Carpenters indeuoured to doe their best for the making vp of the Boate or Pinnesse: which to bring to passe, they wanted two speciall and most necessarie things, that is, certaine prin∣cipall tymbers that are called Knees, which are the chiefest strength of any Boate, and also nayles, wherewithall to ioyne the plancks together. Whereupon hauing by chance a Smyth a∣mongst them, (and yet vnfurnished of his necessary tooles to worke and make nayles withall)

they were faine of a gunne chamber to make an Anuile to worke vpon, and to vse a pickare in stead of a siedge to beare withall, and also to occupy two small bellowes in steade of one payre of grea∣ter Smiths bellowes. And for lacke of small Yron for the easier making of the nayles, they were forced to breake their tongs, grydiron, and fire••houell in pieces.

The eleuenth of August the Captaine of the Anne Francis taking the Master of his Shippe with him, went vp to the toppe of Ha••tons Hedland,* 3.59 which is the highest land of all the streights, to the ende to descry the situation of the Countrey vnderneath, and to take a true plotte of the place, whereby also to see what store of Yce was yet left in the streights, as also to search what Mineral matter or fruite that soyle might yeeld: And the rather for the honour the said Captaine doeth owe to that Honourable name which himselfe gaue thereunto the last yeere, in the highest part of this Hedland he caused his company to make a Columne or Crosse of stone, in token of Christian possession. In this place there is plentie of blacke Ore, and diuers pretie stones.* 3.60

The seuenteenth of August the Captaines with their companies chaced and killed a great white Beare,* 3.61 which aduentured and gaue a fierce assault vpon twentie men being we••pon••d. And he serued them for good meate many dayes.

The eighteenth of Aug••st the Pinnesse with much adoe being set together,* 3.62 the sayde Cap∣taine Best determined to depart vp the streights, to prooue and make tryall, as before was pre∣tended, some of his company greatly persuading him to the contrary; and specially the Carpen∣ter that set the same together, who sayde that hee would not aduenture himselfe therein for fiue hundreth pounds, for that the boate hung together but onely by the strength of the nayles, and lacked some of her principall knees and tymbers.

These wordes somewhat discouraged some of the company which should haue gone therein•• Whereupon the Captaine, as one not altogether addicted to his owne selfe-will, but somewhat foreseeing how it might be afterwards spoken, if contrary fortune should happen him (Lo h•• hath followed his owne opinion and desperate resolutions, and so thereafter it is befallen him) calling the Master and Mariners of b••st iudgement together, declare vnto them how much the cause imported him in his credite to seeke out the Generall, as well to conf••rre with him of some cau∣ses of weight, as otherwise to make due examinati••n and tryall of the goodnesse of the Ore, whereof they had no assurance but by gesse of the eye, and it was well like the other: which so to cary home, not knowing the goodnesse thereof, might be as much as if they should bring so ma∣ny stones. And therefore hee desired them to deliuer their plaine and honest opinion, whether the Pinnesse were sufficient for him so to aduenture in or no. It was answered, that by carefull heede taking thereunto amongst the yce, and the foule weather, the Pinnesse might suffice. And hereupon the Masters mate of the Anne Francis called Iohn Gray, mansully and honestly offe∣ring himselfe vnto his Captaine in this aduenture and seruice, gaue cause to others of his Mari∣ners to follow the attempt.

And vpon the nineteenth of August the sayd Captaine being accompanied with Captaine Vp∣cote of the Moone, and eighteene persons in the small Pinnesse,* 3.63 hauing conuenient portion of victuals and things necessary, departed vpon the sayd pretended Uoyage, leauing their sh••ppe at anchor in a good readinesse for the taking in of their fraight. And hauing little winde to sayle withall, they plyed alongst the Souther shore, and passed aboue 30. leagues, hauing the onely helpe of mans labour with Dares, and so intending to keepe that shore aboord vntil they were got vp to the farthest and narrowest of the streights, minded there to crosse ouer, and to search likewise alongst the Northerland vnto the Countesses sound, and from thence to passe all that coast along, whereby if any of the Fleete had bene distressed by wrecke of rocke or yce, by that meanes they might be perceiued of them, and so they thereby to giue them such helpe and reliefe as they could. They did greatly feare, and euer suspect that some of the Fleete were surely cast away, and driuen to seeke sowre ••••llets amongst the colde cliffes.

And being shotte vp about fortie leagues within the Streights,* 3.64 they put ouer towardes the Norther shore, which was not a little dangerous for their small boates. And by meanes of a sudden flawe were dryuen, and faine to seeke harborough in the night amongst all the rockes and broken ground of Gabriels Ilands,* 3.65 a place so named within the streights aboue the Countesse of Warwicks sound: And by the way where they landed, they did finde certaine great stones set vp by the Countrey people as it seemed, for markes, where they also made many C••osses of stone, in token that Christians had bene th••re. The 22. of August they had sight of the Countesses sound, and made the placeperfect from the toppe of a hill, and keeping along the Norther shore, perceiued the smoke of a fire vnder a hils side: whereof they diuersly deemed. When they came

neerer the place, they perceiued people which wafted vnto them, as it seemed, with a flagge or en∣signe. And because the Country people had vsed to doe the like, when they perceiued any of our boats to passe by, they suspected them to be the same. And comming somewhat neerer, they might perceiue certaine tents, and discerne this ensigne to be of mingled colours, blacke and white, after the English fashion. But because they could see no Shippe, nor likelihood of harborough with∣in fiue or sixe leagues about, and knewe that none of our men were woont to frequent those partes, they could not tell what to iudge thereof, but imagined that some of the ships being carried so high with the storme and mistes, had made shipwracke amongst the yce or the bro∣ken Islande there, and were spoyled by the countrey people, who might vse the sundry coloured flagge for a policie, to bring them likewise within their danger. Whereupon the sayd Cap∣taine with his companies, resolued to recouer the same ensigne, if it were so, from those base peo∣ple, or els to lose their liues, and all together. In the ende they discerned them to be their coun∣treymen, and then they de••med them to haue lost their Ships, and so to be gathered together for their better strength. On the other side, the company ashoare feared that the Captaine hauing lost his Shippe, came to seeke forth the Fleete for his reliefe in his poore Pinnisse, so that their extremities caused eche part to suspect the worst.

The Captaine now with his Pinnisse being come neere the shoare, commanded his Boate carefully to be kept aflote, lest in their necessitie they might winne the same from him, and seeke first to saue themselues: for euery man in that case is next himselfe. They haled one another according to the manner of the Sea, and demaunded what cheere?* 3.66 and either partie answered the other, that all was well: whereupon there was a sudden and ioyfull outshoote, with great flinging vp of caps, and a braue voly of shotte to welcome one another. And truely it was a most strange case to see how ioyfull and gladde euery partie was to see themselues meete in safetie a∣gaine, after so strange and incredible dangers: Yet to be short, as their dangers were great, so their God was greater.

And here the company were working vpon new Mines, which Captaine Yorke being here arriued not long before,* 3.67 had found out in this place, and it is named the Countesse of Sussex Mine.

After some conference with our friends here, the Captaine of the Anne Francis departed to∣wards the Countesse of Warwicks sound, to speake with the Generall, and to haue tryall made of such mettall as he had brought thither, by the Goldfiners. And so he determined to dispatch a∣gaine towards his ship. And hauing spoken with the General, he receiued order for all causes, and direction as well for the bringing vp of his Shippe to the Countesses sound, as also to fraight his Ship with the same Oare which he himselfe had found, which vpon triall made, was suppo∣sed to be very good.

The 23. of August, the sayd Captaine mette together with the other Captaines (Commissio∣ners in counsell with the Generall) aboorde the Ayde, where they considered and consulted of sundry causes, which being particularly registred by the Notarie, were appoynted where and how to be done against another yeere.

The 24. of August, the Generall with two Pinnisses and good numbers of men went to Beares sound, commanding the sayde Captaine with his Pinnesse to attend the seruice, to see if he could encounter or apprehend any of the people: for sundry times they shewed them∣selues busie thereabouts, sometimes with seuen or eyght Boates in one company, as though they minded to encounter with our company which were working there at the Mines, in no great numbers. But when they perceiued any of our Shippes to ryde in that roade (being be∣like more amazed at the countenance of a Shippe, and a more number of men) they did neuer shewe themselues againe there at all.* 3.68 Wherefore our men sought with their Pinnisses to com∣passe about the Iland where they did vse, supposing there suddenly to intercept some of them. But before our men could come neere, hauing belike some watch in the toppe of the mountaines, they conueyed themselues priuily away, and left (as it should seeme) one of their great dartes behinde them for haste, which we found neere to a place of their caues and housing. Therefore, though our Generall were very desirous to haue taken some of them to haue brought into Eng∣land, they being now growen more wary by their former losses, would not at any time come with∣in our dangers. About midnight of the same day, the captaine of the Anne Francis departed thence and set his course ouer the streights towards Ha••tons Hedland, being about 15. leagues ouer, and returned aboord his Shippe the 25. of August, to the great comfort of his company, who long expected his comming, where hee found his Shippes ready rigged and loden. Wherefore he departed from thence againe the next morning towards the Countesses sound,

where he arriued the 28. of the same. By the way he set his Miners ashore at Beares sound, for the better dispatch and gathering the Ore togither, for that some of the ships were behind hand with their fraight, the time of the yeere passing suddenly away.

The thirtith of August the Anne Francis was brought aground, and had 8. great leakes men∣ded which she had receiued by meanes of the rocks and yce. This day the Masons finished a house which Captaine Fenton caused to be made of lyme and stone vpon the Countesse of Warwickes Island,* 3.69 to the ende we might proue against the next yeere, whither the snow could ouerwhelme it, the frost breake it vp, or the people dismember the same. And the better to allure those brutish and vnciuill people to courtesie against other times of our comming, we left therein diuers of our Countrey toyes, as belles, and kniues, wherein they specially delight, one for the necessary vse, and the other for the great pleasure thereof. Also pictures of men and women in lead, men on horsebacke, looking glasses, whistles, and pipes. Also in the house was made an Ouen, and bread left baked therein for them to see and taste.

We buried the timber of our pretended fort. Also here we sowed pease, corne, and other graine, to proue the fruitfulnesse of the soyle against the next yeere.

Master Wolfall on Winters Fornace preached a godly sermon,* 3.70 which being ended, he celebra∣ted also a Communion vpon the land, at the partaking whereof was the Captaine of the Anne Francis, and many other Gentlemen and Souldiers, Mariners, and Miners with him. The cele∣bration of the diuine mystery was the first signe, seale, and confirmation of Christs name, death, and passion euer knowen in these quarters. The said M. Wolfall made sermons, and celebrated the Communion at sundry other times, in seuerall and sundry ships, because the whole company could neuer meet together at any one place. The Fleet now being in some good readinesse for their lading, the Generall calling together the Gentlemen and Captaines to consult, told them that he was very desirous that some further discouery should be attempted, and that he would not onely by Gods helpe bring home his Ships laden with Ore, but also meant to bring some certi∣ficate of a further discouery of the Countrey, which thing to bring to passe (hauing sometime therein consulted) they found very hard, and almost inuincible.* 3.71 And considering that already they had spent sometime in searching out the trending and fashion of the mistaken straites, therefore it could not be sayd, but that by this voyage they haue notice of a further discouery, and that the hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and encreased, as appeared before in the discourse thereof. Yet notwithstanding if any meanes might be further deuised, the Captaines were con∣tented and willing, as the Generall shoulde appoynt and commaund, to take any enterprise in hand. Which after long debating was found a thing very impossible, and that rather consultati∣on was to be had of returning homeward, especially for these causes following. First the darke foggy mists, the continuall falling snowe and stormy weather which they commonly were vexed with, and now daily euer more and more increased, haue no small argument of the Winters draw∣ing neere. And also the frost euery night was so hard congealed within the sound, that if by euill hap they should bee long kept in with contrary winds, it was greatly to be feared, that they should be shut vp there fast the whole yeere, which being vtterly vnprouided, would be their vtter destruction. Againe, drinke was so scant throughout all the Fleet by meanes of the great leakage, that not onely the prouision which was layd in for the habitation was wanting and wasted, but also each shippes seuerall prouision spent and lost, which many of our company to their great griefe found in their returne since, for all the way homewards they dranke nothing but water. And the great cause of this leakage and wasting was, for that the great timber and seacole, which lay so waighty vpon the barrels, brake, bruised, and rotted the hoopes insunder. Yet notwithstan∣ding these reasons alleaged the Generall himselfe (willing the rest of the Gentlemen and Cap∣taines euery man to looke to his seuerall charge and lading, that against a day appointed, they should be all in a readinesse to set homeward) went in a Pinnesse, and discouered further North∣ward in the straights, and found that by Beares sound and Halles Island, the land was not firme, as it was first supposed, but all broken Islands in maner of an Archipelagus,* 3.72 and so with other secret intelligence to himselfe, he returned to the Fleet. Where presently vpon his arriuall at the Countesses sound, he began to take order for their returning homeward, and first caused cer∣taine Articles to be proclaimed, for the better keeping of orders and courses in their returne, which Articles were deliuered to euery Captaine.

The Fleetes returning homeward.

HAuing now receiued Articles and directions for our returne homewards, all other things being in forwardnesse and in good order, the last day of August the whole Fleete departed

from the C••untesses sound, excepting the Iudith, and the Anne Francis, who stayed for the ta∣king in ••f fresh water, and came the next day and mette the Fleete lying off and on, athwart Beares sound, who stayed for the Generall, which then was gone ashore to dispatch the two Barkes and the Busle of Bridgewater, for their loading, whereby to get the companies and other things abo••rd.* 3.73 The Captaine of the Anne Francis hauing most part of his company ashore, the first of September went al••o to Beares sound in his Pinnesse to fetch his men aboord, but the wind grewe so great immediatly vpon their landing, that the shippes at Sea were in great dan∣ger, and some o•• them forci••ly pu•• from their ankers, and greatly feared to be vtterly lost, as the Hopewell, wherein was Captaine Carew and others, who could not tell on which side their danger was m••st: for h••uing mightie rockes threatning on the one side, and driuing Islands of cutting yce on the other side, they greatly feared to make shipwracke, the yce driuing so neere them that it touched the••r bolt-sprit. And by meanes of the Sea that was growne so hie, they w••re not able to put to sea wi••h their small Pinnesses to recouer their shippes. And againe, the shippes were not able to carrie or lie athwart for them, by meanes of t••e outragious windes and swel••ing s••as. The Generall wil••ed the Captaine of the Anne Francis with his company, for that night to lodge aboord the Busse of Bridgewater, and went himselfe with the r••st of his men aboord the Bar••es. But their numbers were so great, and the prouision of the Barkes so scant, that they pestered one another exceedingly. They had great hope that the next morning the wea∣ther would be faire, whereby they might recouer their shippes. But in the morning f••llowing it was much worse, for the storme continued greater, the Sea being more swollen, and the Fleete gone qu••te out of sight. So that now their doubts began to grow great: for the sh••p of Bridge∣water which was of greatest receit, and whereof they had best hope and made most account, roade so farre to leeward of the harborowes mouth, that they were not able for the rockes (that lay be∣tweene the wind and them) to lead it out to Sea with a saile. And the Barks were already so pe∣stered with men, and so slenderly furnished with prouision, that they had scarce meat for sixe dayes for such numbers.

The Generall in the morning departed to Sea in the Gabriel to seeke the Fleete, leauing the Busse of Bridgewater, and the Michael behind in Beares sound. The Busse set sayle, and th••ught by turning in the narrow channell within the harborow to get to windward: but being put to leeward more, by that meanes was faine to come to anker for her better safetie, amongst a num∣ber of rockes, and there left in great danger of euer getting forth againe. The Michael set sayle to follow the Generall, and could giue the Busse no reliefe, although they earnestly desi∣red the same. And the Capt••ine of the Anne Francis was left in hard election of two euils: ey∣ther to abide his fortune with the Busse of Bridgewater, which was doubtfull of euer getting forth, or else to bee towed in his small Pinnesse at the sterne of the Michael thorow the raging Seas, for that the Barke was not able to receiue or relieue halfe his company, wherein his dan∣ger was not a little perillous.

So after hee resolued to commit himselfe with all his company vnto that fortune of God and Sea, and was dangerously towed at the sterne of the Barke for many miles, vntill at length they espyed the Anne Francis vnder sayle, hard vnder their Lee, which was no small comfort vnto them. For no doubt, both these and a great number more had perished for lacke of victuals, and conuenient roome in the Barks without the helpe of the sayd Ship. But the honest care that the Master of the Anne Francis had of his Captaine, and the good regarde of duetie towardes his Generall, suffered him not to depart, but honestly abode to hazard a dangerous roade all the night long, notwithstanding all the stormy weather, when all the Fleete besides departed. And the Pinnesse came no sooner aboord the shippe, and the men entred, but shee presently shiuered and fell in pieces and sunke at the ships sterne, with all the poore mens furniture: so weake was the boat with towing, and so forcible was the sea to bruise her in pieces. But (as God would) the men were all saued.

At this present in this storme many of the Fleete were dangerously distressed, and were seue∣red alm••st all asunder. Yet, thanks be ••o God, all the Fleete arriued safely in England about the first of October, some in one place and some in another. But amongst other, it was most mar∣ueilous how the B••sse of Bridgewater got away, who being left behind the Fleete in great dan∣ger of neuer getting forth,* 3.74 was forced to seeke a way Northward th••row an vnknowen cha••nell full of rocks, vpon the backe side of Beares sound, and there by good hap found ••ut a way into the North sea, a very dangerous attemp••: saue that necessitie•• which hath no law, forced them to trie masteries. This aforesayd North sea is the same which lyeth vpon the backe side of Frobishers s••raits, where first the Generall himselfe in his Pinnesses, and after some other of our company

haue discouered (as they affirme) a great foreland, where they would haue also a great likeli∣hood of the greatest passage towards the South sea, or Mar del Sur.

The Busse of Bridgewater, as she came homeward, to the Southeastward of Friseland,* 3.75 disco∣uered a great Island in the latitude of 57 degrees and an halfe, which was neuer yet found before, and sailed three dayes alongst the coast, the land seeming to be fruitfull, full of woods, and a cham∣pion Countrey.

There died in the whole Fleet in all this voyage not aboue forty persons, which number is not great, considering how many ships were in the Fleet, and how strange fortunes we passed.

A generall and briefe description of the Countrey, and conditi∣on of the people, which are found in Meta Incognita.

HAuing now sufficiently and truly set forth the whole circumstance, and particu∣ler handling of euery occurrent in the 3. voyages of our worthy Generall, Cap∣taine Frobisher, it shal not be from the purpose to speake somewhat in generall of the nature of this Countrey called Meta Incognita, and the condition of the sauages there inhabiting.

First therefore touching the Topographical description of the place,* 3.76 It is now found in the last voyage, that Queene Elizabeths Cape being situate in latitude at 61. degrees and a halfe, which before was supposed to be part of the firme land of America, and also al the rest of the South side of Frobishers straites, are all seuerall Islands and broken land, and likewise so will all the North side of the said straites fall out to be as I thinke. And some of our company be∣ing entred aboue 60. leagues within the mistaken straites in the third voyage mentioned, thought certainely that they had discryed the firme land of America towards the South, which I thinke will fall out so to be.

These broken lands and Islands being very many in number, do seeme to make there an Ar∣chipelagus, which as they all differ in greatnesse, forme, and fashion one from another, so are they in goodnesse, colour, and soyle much vnlike. They all are very high lands, mountaines, and in most parts couered with snow euen all the Sommer long. The Norther lands haue lesse store of snow, more grasse, and are more plaine Countreys: the cause whereof may be, for that the Souther I∣lands receiue all the snow, that the cold winds and percing ayre bring out of the North. And con∣trarily, the North parts receiue more warme blasts of milder ayre from the South, whereupon may grow the cause why the people couet to inhabit more vpon the North parts then the South, as farre as we can yet by our experience perceiue they doe. These people I iudge to be a kind of Tartar, or rather a kind of Samoed,* 3.77 of the same sort and condition of life that the Samoeds bee to the Northeastwards beyond Moscouy, who are called Samoeds, which is as much to say in the Moscouy tongue, as eaters of themselues, and so the Russians their borderers doe name them. And by late conference with a friend of mine (with whom I did sometime trauell in the parts of Moscouy) who hath great experience of those Samoeds and people of the Northeast, I find that in all their maner of liuing, those people of the Northeast, and these of the Northwest are like. They are of the colour of a ripe Oliue,* 3.78 which how it may come to passe, being borne in so cold a climate, I referre to the iudgement of others, for they are naturally borne children of the same co∣lour and complexion that all the Americans are, which dwell vnder the Equinoctiall line.

They are men very actiue and nimble. They are a strong people and very warlike, for in our sight vpon the toppes of the hilles they would often muster themselues, and after the maner of a skirmish trace their ground very nimbly, and mannage their bowes and dartes with great dexte∣ritie. They go clad in coates made of the skinnes of beasts,* 3.79 as of Seales, Deere, Beares, Foxes, and Hares. They haue also some garments of feathers, being made of the cases of foules, finely sowed and compact togither. Of all which sorts wee brought home some with vs into England, which we found in their tents. In Sommer they vse to weare the hairie side of their coates out∣ward, and sometime goe naked for too much heate. And in Winter (as by signes they haue de∣clared) they weare foure or fiue folde vpon their bodies with the haire (for warmth) turned in∣ward. Hereby it appeareth, that the ayre there is not indifferent, but either it is feruent hote, or els extreme cold, & farre more excessive in both qualities, then the reason of the climate should yeeld. For there is colder, being vnder 62. degrees in latitude, then it is at Wardhouse in the voyage to Saint Nicholas in Moscouie, being at aboue 72. degrees in latitude. The reason hereof per∣haps may be, that this Meta Incognita is much frequented and vexed with Easterne and North∣eastern winds,* 3.80 which from the sea and yce bringeth often an intollerable cold ayre, which was al∣so the cause that this yéere our straits were so long shut vp with so great store of yce. But there is

great hope and likelihood, that further within the Straights it will bee more constant and tem∣perate weather.

These people are in nature very subtill and sharpe witted, ready to conceiue our meaning by signes, and to make answere well to be vnderstood againe. And if they haue not seene the thing whereof you aske them, they will wincke, or couer their eyes with their hands, as who would say, it hath bene hid from their sight. If they vnderstand you not whereof you aske them, they wil stop their eares. They will teach vs the names of each thing in their language which wee desire to learne, and are apt to learne any thing of vs. They delight in Mu••icke aboue measure,* 3.81 and will keepe time and stroke to any tune which you shall sing, both with their voyce, head, hand and feete, and will sing the same tune aptly after you. They will row with our Ores in our boates, and keepe a true stroke with our Mariners, and seeme to take great delight therein. They liue in Caues of the earth,* 3.82 and hunt for their dinners or praye, euen as the beare or other wild beastes do. They eat raw flesh and fish, and refuse no meat howsoeuer it be stinking. They are desperate in their fight, sullen of nature, and rauenous in their maner of feeding.

Their sullen & desperate nature doth herein manifestly appeare, that a company of them being enuironed by our men on the top of a hie cliffe, so that they could by no meanes escape our hands, finding themselues in this case distressed, chose rather to cast themselues headlong down the rocks into the sea, and so be bruised and drowned, rather then to yeeld themselues to our mens mercies.

* 3.83For their weapons to offend their enemies or kill their prey withall, they haue darts, slings, bowes, and arrowes headed with sharpe stones, bones, and some with yron. They are exceeding friendly and kind hearted one to the other, and mourne greatly at the losse or harme of their fel∣lowes, and expresse their griefe of mind, when they part one from another with a mourneful song, and Dirges. They are very shamefast in bewraying the secrets of nature,* 3.84 and very chaste in the maner of their liuing: for when the man, which wee brought from thence into England the last voyage, should put off his coat or discouer his whole body for change, hee would not suffer the woman to bee present, but put her forth of his Cabin. And in all the space of two or three mo∣neths, while the man liued in company of the woman, there was neuer any thing seene or perc••i∣ued betweene them, more then might haue passed betweene brother and sister: but the woman was in all things very seruiceable for the man, attending him carefully when he was sicke, and he likewise in all the meates which they did eate together, woulde carue vnto her of the sweetest, fattest, and best morsels they had. They wondred much at all our things, and were afraid of our horses and other beasts out of measure. They began to grow more ciuill, familiar, pleasant, and docible amongst vs in very short time.

* 3.85They haue boates made of leather, and couered cleane ouer sauing one place in the middle to sit in, planked within with timber, and they vse to row therein with one Ore, more swiftly a great deale, then we in our boates can doe with twentie. They haue one sort of greater boates where∣in they can carrie aboue twentie persons, and haue a Mast with a saile thereon, which saile is made of thinne skinnes or bladders, sowed togither with the sinewes of fishes.

They are good Fishermen, and in their small Boates being disguised with their coates of S••ales skinnes, they deceiue the fish, who take them rather for their fellow Seales, then for de∣ceiuing men.

They are good marke-men. With their dart or arrow they will commonly kill a Ducke, or a∣ny other foule in the head, and commonly in the eye.

When they shoote at a great fish with any of their darts, they vse to tye a bladder thereunto, whereby they may the better find them againe, and the fish not able to cary it so easily away (for that the bladder doth boy the dart) will at length be wearie, and dye therewith.

* 3.86They vse to traffike and exchange their commodities with some other people, of whom they haue such things as their miserable Countrey, and ignorance of Art to make, denieth them to haue, as barres of yron, heads of yron for their darts, needles made foure square, certaine buttons of copper, which they vse to weare vpon their forehads for ornament, as our Ladies in the Court of England doe vse great pearle.

* 3.87Also they haue made signes vnto vs, that they haue seene gold, and such bright plates of met∣tals, which are vsed for ornaments amongst some people with whom they haue conference.

We found also in their tents a Guiny Beane of redde colour, the which doth vsually grow in they hote Countreys: whereby it appeareth they trade with other nations which dwell farre off, or else themselues are great trauellers.

* 3.88They haue nothing in vse among them to make fire withall, sauing a kinde of Heath and Mosse which groweth there.

And they kindle their fire with continuall rubbing and fretting one sticke against another,* 3.89 as we doe with flints. They drawe with dogges in sleads vpon the yce, and remooue their tents therewithall wherein they dwell in Sommer, when they goe a hunting for their praye and prouision against Winter. They doe sometime parboyle their meat a little and seeth the same in kettles made of beasts skins: they haue also pannes cut and made of stone very artificially:* 3.90 they vse prety ginnes wherewith they take foule. The women carry their sucking children at their backes, and doe feede them with raw flesh, which first they do a little chaw in their owne mouths. The women haue their faces marked or painted ouer with small blewe spots: they haue blacke and long haire on their heads, and trimme the same in a decent order. The men haue but little haire on their faces, and very thinne beards. For their common drin••e, they eate yce to quench their thirst withall. Their ••arth yeeldeth no graine or fruit of sustenance for man, or almost for beast to liue vpon: and the people will eate grasse and shrubs of the ground,* 3.91 euen as our kine doe. They haue no wood growing in their Countrey thereabouts, and yet wee find they haue some timber among them, which we thinke doth grow farre off to the Southwards of t••is place, a∣bout Canada, or some other part of New found land: for there belike, the trees standing on the cliffes of the sea side, by the waight of yce and snow in Winter ouercharging them with waight, when the Sommers thaw commeth aboue, and also the Sea vnderfretting them beneath, which winneth dayly of the land, they are vndermined and fall downe from those cliffes into the Sea, and with the tydes and currents are driuen to and fro vpon the coastes further off, and by con∣iecture are taken vp here by these Countrey people, to serue them to planke and streng••hen their boates withall, and to make dartes, bowes, and arrowes, and such other things necessarie for their vse. And of this kind of drift wood we find all the Seas ouer great store, which being cut or sawed asunder, by reason of long driuing in the Sea is eaten of wormes, and full of holes, of which sort theirs is found to be.

We haue not yet found any venemous Serpent or other hurtful thing in these parts, but there is a kind of small flie or gnat that stingeth and offendeth sorely,* 3.92 leauing many red spots in the face, and other places where she stingeth. They haue snow and haile in the best time of their Som∣mer, and the ground frosen three fadome deepe.

These people are great inchanters,* 3.93 and vse many charmes of witchcraft: for when their heads doe ake, they tye a great stone with a string vnto a sticke, and with certaine prayers and wordes done to the sticke, they lift vp the stone from ground, which sometimes with all a mans force they cannot stirre, and sometime againe they lift as easily as a fether, and hope thereby with certaine ceremonious wordes to haue ease and helpe. And they made vs by signes to vnderstand, lying groueling with their faces vpon the ground, and making a noise downeward, that they worship the deuill vnder them.

They haue great store of Decre, Beares, Hares, Foxes, and innumerable numbers of sundry sorts of wild foule, as Seawinewes, Gulles, Wilmotes, Ducks,* 3.94 &c. wherof our men killed in one day fifteene hundred.

They haue also store of haukes, as Falkons, Tassels, &c. whereof two alighted vpon one of our ships at their returne, and were brought into England, which some thinke wil proue very good.

There are also great store of rauens, larkes, and partridges, wherof the Countrey people feed.

All these foules are farre thicker clothed with downe and fethers, and haue thicker skinnes then any in England haue: for as that countrey is colder, so nature hath prouided a remedie thereun••o.

Our men haue eaten of their Beares, Hares, Partridges, Larkes, and of their wild foule, and find them reasonable good meat, but not so delectable as ours.

Their wild foule must be all fleine, their skins are so thicke: and they tast best fryed in pannes.

The Countrey seemeth to be much subiect to Earthquakes.

The ayre is very subtile, piercing and searching, so that if any corrupted of infected body, especially with the disease called Morbus Gallicus come there, it will presently breake forth and shew it selfe, and cannot thereby any kind of salue or medicine be cured.

Their longest Sommers day is of great length, without any darke night, so that in Iuly al the night long, we might perfitly and easily write and reade whatsoeuer had pleased vs, which light∣some nights were very beneficiall vnto vs, being so distressed with abundance of yce as we were.

The Sunne setteth to them in the Euening at a quarter of an houre after tenne of the clocke,* 3.95 and riseth againe in the morning at three quarters of an houre after one of the clocke, so that in Sommer their Sunne shineth to them twenty houres and a halfe, and in the night is absent three houres and a halfe. And although the Sunne bee absent these 3. houres and a halfe, yet it is not

darke that time, for that the Sunne is neuer aboue three or foure degrees vnder the edge of their Horizon: the cause is, that the Tropicke of Cancer doth cut the•• Horizon at very vneuen and obligue Angles. But the Moone at any time of the yeere being in Cancer, hauing North latitude, doth make a full reuolution aboue their Horizon,* 3.96 so that sometime they see the Moone aboue 24. houres togither. Some of our company of the more ignorant sort, thought we might continually haue seene the Sunne and the Moone, had it not bene for two or three high mountaines.

The people are now become so warie, and so circumspect, by reason of their former losses, that by no meanes we can apprehend any of them, although wee attempted often in this last voy∣age. But to say trueth, wee could not bestow any great time in pursuing them, because of our great businesse in lading, and other things.

The Letters patents of the Queenes Maiestie, granted to Master Adrian Gylbert and others, for the search and discouery of the North∣west Passage to China.

ELizabeth by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland Queene, de∣fender of the faith, &c. To all, to whome these presents shall come, greeting: Forasmuch as our trustie and welbeloued subiect Adrian Gylbert of Sand∣ridge in the Countie of Deuon, Gentleman, to his great costes and charges, hath greatly and earn••stly trauelled and sought, and yet doth trauell and seeke, and by diuers meanes indeuoureth and laboureth, that the Passage vnto China and the Iles of the Moluccas, by the Northwestward, Northeastward, or Northward, vnto which part or partes of the world, none of our loyall Subiects haue hitherto had any traffique or trade, may be discouered, knowen, and frequented by the Subiects of this our Realme: Knowe yee therefore that for the considerations aforesayd and for diuers other good considerations vs there∣unto specially moouing, We of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, haue giuen and granted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors, doe giue and grant free libertie, power, and full authoritie to the sayd Adrian Gylbert, and to any other person by him or his heires to be assigned, and to those his associates and assistants, whose names are writ∣ten in a Scedule hereunto annexed, and to their heires, and to one assignee of each of them, and each of their heires at all times, and at any time or times after the date of these presents, vnder our Banners and Ensignes freely, without let, interruption, or restraint, of vs, our heires or succes∣sors, any law, statute, proclamation, patent, charter, or prouiso to the con••rary notwithstanding, to saile, make voyage, and by any maner of meanes to passe and to depart out of this our Realme of England, or any our Realmes, Dominions, or Territories into all or any Isles, Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Portes, Bayes, Creekes, armes of the Sea, and all Hauens, and all maner of other places whatsoeuer, that by the sayde Northwestward, Northeastward, or Northward, is to be by him, his associates or assignes discouered, and for and in the sayde sayling, voyage, and passage, to haue and vse so many shippes, Barkes, Pinnesses, or other vessels of any quantitie or burthen, with all the furniture of men, victuals, and all maner of necessary prouision, armour, weapons, ordinance, targets, and appurtinances whatsoeuer, as to such a voyage shall or may be requisite, conuenient or commodious, any lawe, statute, ordinance or prouiso to the contrary thereof nothwithstanding. And also we doe giue and grant to the sayde Adrian Gylbert, and his sayde associates, an•• to such assignee of him, and his heires, and to the heires and one assignee of euery of his sayde associates for euer, full power and absolute autho∣ritie to trade and make their resiance in any of the sayde Isles, Countreys, Regions, Prouin∣ces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Portes, Bayes, and Hauens, and all maner of other places whatsoeuer with all commodities, prosites, and emoluments in the sayde places or any of them, growing and arising, with all maner of priuiledges, prerogatiues, iurisdictions and royalties both by sea and land whatsoeuer, yeelding and paying therefore vnto vs, our heires and succes∣sors, the tenth part of all such golde and siluer oare, pearles, iewels, and precious stones, or the value thereof, as the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd associates, their heires and assignes, ser∣uants, factors, or workemen, and euery or any of them shall finde, the sayd tenth to bee deliuered duely to our Customer, or other officers by vs, our heires or successors thereunto assigned, in the Portes of London, Dartmouth, or Plimmouth, at which three places onely the sayde Adrian Gylbert, and his sayde associates, their sayde heires and assignes, shall lade, charge, arriue, and discharge all maner of wares, goods, and merchandizes whatsoeuer to the sayde voyage, and newe trade belonging or appertaining. And moreouer, wee haue giuen, granted, and authorized,

and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors, of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, doe giue, graunt, and authorize the sayd Adrian Gilbert, and his sayd associats for euer, their heires and their said assignes & euery of them, that if the aforesayd Iles, Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Ports, Bayes, or Hauens, or any other of the premisses by the sayd Adrian Gylbert or his associats, their heires and their said assignes or any of them, to be found by them, discouered and traffiqued vnto by any trade as aforesayd, shall be by a∣ny other our subiects visited, frequented, haunted, traded vnto or inhabited by the wayes aforesayd, without the special licence in writing of the said Adrian Gylbert and his associats, and their heires and assignes for euer, or by the most part of them, so that the sayd Adrian Gilbert, his heires or as∣signes be one of them, that then aswell their ship, or ships in any such voyage of voyages vsed, as all and singuler their goods, wares, and marchandizes, or any other things whatsoeuer, from or to any of the places aforesayd transported, that so shall presume to visit, frequent, haunt, trade vnto, or inhabite, shall be forfaited and confiscated, ipso, facto, the one halfe of the same goods and marchan∣dizes, or other things whatsoeuer, or the value thereof to be to the vse of vs, our heires or succes∣sours, and the other moytie thereof to be to the vse of the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd asso∣ciats, their heires and assignes for euer: and vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd associ∣ats, their heires and assignes wee impose, giue, assigne, create and confirme this name peculiar to be named by, to sue and to be sued by, that is to wit, by the name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage,* 3.97 and them for vs, our heires and succes∣sours by that name doe incorporate, and doe erect and create as one body corporate to haue con∣tinuance for euer. Moreouer vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert, and his said associats, and vnto their heires and their sayd assignes for euer, by name of the Colleagues of the fellowship, for the dis∣couerie of the Northwest passage, we haue giuen, graunted, and confirmed, and doe by these pre∣sents giue, grant, and confirme full power and authoritie from time to time, and at all times here∣after, to make order, decree and enact, constitute and ordeine, and appoynt all such ordinances, or∣ders, decrees, lawes, and actes, as the sayd new corporation or body politique, Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage, shall thinke meete, necessary, and conue∣nient so that they or any of them be not contrary to the lawes of this realme, and of this our pre∣sent graunt.

And we by our Royall prerogatiue, and fulnesse of our authority, of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge and meere motion, do establish, confirme & ratifie all such ordinances, orders, decrees, lawes and acts to be in so full and great power and authority, as we, our heires or successours may or can in any such case graunt, confirme, or ratifie. And further for the better incouragement of our louing subiects in this discouerie, we by our Royall prerogatiue, and fulnesse of authority for vs, our heires and successours, doe giue, graunt, establish, confirme, ordeine, ratifie and allow by these presents, to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and to his associates, and to the heires and assignes of them and euery of them for euer, and to all other person or persons of our louing subiects what∣soeuer that shall hereafter trauaile, sayle, discouer, or make voyage as aforesayd to any the Iles, Mainelands, Countreys or Territories whatsoeuer, by vertue of this our graunt to be discouered, that the heires and assignes of them and euery of them being borne within any of the Iles, Maine∣lands and Countreys, or Territories whatsoeuer before mentioned, shall haue and inioy all the priuileges of free Denizens,* 3.98 as persons natiue borne within this our Realme of England, or with∣in our allegiance for euer, in such like ample maner and forme, as if they were or had bene borne and personally resiant within our sayd Realme, any law, statute proclamation, custome or vsage to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding.

Moreouer, for the consideration aforesayd by vertue hereof, we giue and graunt vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert, his heires and assignes for euer, free libertie, licence and priuilege, that during the space of fiue yeeres next and immediatly ensuing the date hereof,* 3.99 if shall not be lawfull for any per∣son or persons whatsoeuer, to visit, haunt, frequent, trade, or make voyage to any Iles, Mainlands, Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Ports, Bayes, and Hauens, nor to any other Hauens or places whatsoeuer hitherto not yet discouered by any of our subiects by ver∣tue of this graunt to be traded vnto, without the special consent and good liking of the said Adrian Gylbert, his heires or assignes first had in writing. And if any person or persons of the associats of the sayd Adrian, his heires or assignes, or any other person or persons whatsoeuer, free of this discouery, shall do any act or acts contrary to the tenour and true meaning hereof, during the space of the sayd fiue yeeres, that then the partie and parties so offending, they and their heires for euer shall loose (ipso facto) the benefite and priuilege of this our graunt, and shall stand and remaine to all intents and purposes as persons exempted out of this graunt.

And further by vertue hereof wee giue and graunt, for vs, our heires and successours at all times during the space of fiue yeers next ensuing the date hereof, libertie and licence, and sull authority to the sayd Adrian Gylbert,* 3.100 and his heires and assignes, that if it shall happen any one or moe in any ship or ships sayling on their sayd voyage, to become mutinous, s••di••ious, disordered, or any way virtuly to the preiudice or hinderance of the hope for the successe in the attempt or prosecuting of this discouerie or trade intended, to vse or execute vpon him or them so offending, such punishment, correction, or execution, as the cause shall be ••ound in iustice to require by the verdict of twelue of the companie sworne thereunto, as in such a case apperteineth: That expresse mention of the cer∣taintie of the premisses, or of other gifts or graunts by vs to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his asso∣ciats before this time made is not mentioned in these presents, or any other lawe, act, statute, proui∣so, graunt, or proclamation heretofore made or hereafter to be made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding. In witnesse whereof we haue made these our Letters to bee made paten••s: Witnesse our selfe at Westminster, the sixt day of Februarie, in the sixe and twenty yeere of our reigne.* 3.101

The first voyage of M. Iohn Dauis, vndertaken in Iune 1585. for the discouerie of the Northwest passage, Written by M. Iohn Ianes Mar∣chant, sometimes seruant to the worshipfull Master William Sanderson.

CErtaine Honourable personages and worthy Gentlemen of the Court & Coun∣trey, with diuers worshipful Marchants of London and of the West Countrey, mooued with desire to aduance Gods glory and to seeke the good of their natiue Countrey, consulting together of the likelyhood of the Discouerie of the North∣west passage, which heretofore had bene attempted, but vnhappily giuen ouer by accidents vnlooked for, which turned the enterprisers from their principall pur∣pose, resolued after good deliberation, to put downe their aduentures to prouide for necessarie ship∣ping, and a fit man to be chiefe Conductour of this so hard an enterprise. The setting forth of this Action was committed by the aduenturers, especially to the care of M. William Sanderson Mar∣chant of London, who was so forward therein that besides his trauaile which was not small, hee became the greatest aduenturer with his purse, and commended vnto the rest of the companie one M. Iohn Dauis, a man very well grounded in the principles of the Arte of Nauigation, for Cap∣taine and chiefe Pilot of this exployt.

Thus therefore all things being put in a readines, wee departed from Dartmouth the seuenth of Iune, towards the discouerie of the aforesayd Northwest passage, with two Barkes, the one being of 50. tunnes, named the Sunneshine of London, and the other being 35. tunnes, named the Mooneshine of Dartmouth. In the Sunneshine we had 23. persons, whose names are these following, M. Iohn Dauis Captaine, William Eston Master, Richard Pope Masters mate, Iohn Iane Marchant, Henry Dauie gunner, William Crosse boatswayne, Iohn Bagge, Walter Ar∣thur, Luke Adams, Robert Coxworthie, Iohn Ellis, Iohn Kelley, Edward Helman, William Dicke, Andrew Maddocke, Thomas Hill, Robert Wats Carpenter, William Russell, Chrsto∣pher Gorney boy: Iames Cole, Francis Ridley, Iohn Russell, Robert Cornish Musicians.* 3.102

The Mooneshine had 19. persons, William Bruton Captaine, Iohn Ellis Master, the rest Mariners.

The 7. of Iune the Captaine and the Master drewe out a proportion for the continuance of our victuals.

The 8. day the wind being at Southwest and West southwest, we put in for Falmouth, where we remained vntil the 13.

The 13. the wind blew at North, and being faire weather we departed.

The 14. with contrary wind we were forced to put into Silley.

The 15. wee departed thence, hauing the wind North and by East moderate and faire weather.

The 16. wee were driuen backe againe, and were constrained to arriue at newe Grymiby in Silley: here the winde remained contrary 12. dayes, and in that space the Captaine, the Master and I went about all the Ilands, and the Captaine did plat out and describe the situation of all the Ilands, rocks and harboroughs to the exact vse of Nauigation, with lines and scale thereunto conuenient.

* 3.103The 28. in Gods name we departed the wind being Easterly, but calme.

* 3.104The first of Iuly wee sawe great store of Porposes; The Master called for an harping yron, and shot twise or thrise: sometimes he missed, and at last shot one and st••ooke him in the side, and

wound him into the ship: when we had him aboord, the Master sayd it was a Darlie head.

The 2. we had some of the fish sodden, and it did eat as sweete as any mutton.

The 3. wee had more in sight, and the Master went to shoote at them, but they were so great, that they burst our yrons, and we lost both fish, yrons, pastime and all: yet neuerthelesse the Master shot at them with a pike, and had welnigh gotten one, but he was so strong that he burst off the barres of the pike and went away: then he tooke the boat-hooke, and hit one with that, but all would not preuaile; so at length we let them alone.

The 6. we saw a very great Whale, and euery day we saw whales continually.

The 16. 17. and 18. we saw great store of Whales.* 3.105

The 19. of Iuly we fell into a great whirling and brustling of a tyde, setting to the North∣wards: and sayling about halfe a league wee came into a very calme Sea, which bent to the Southsouthwest. Here we heard a mighty great roaring of the Sea, as if it had bene the breach of some shoare, the ayre being so foggie and full of thicke mist, that we could not see the one ship from the other, being a very small distance asunder: so the Captaine and the Master being in di∣strust how the tyde might set them, caused the Mooneshine to hoyse out her boate and to sound, but they could not finde ground in 300. fathoms and better. Then the Captaine, Master, and I went towards the breach, to see what it should be, giuing charge to our gunners that at euery glasse they should shoote off a musket-shot, to the intent we might keepe our selues from loosing them. Then comming nere to the breach, we met many Ilands of yce floting, which had quickly compassed vs about: then we went vpon some of them, and did perceiue that all the roaring which we heard, was caused onely by the rowling of this yce together:* 3.106 Our companie seeing vs not to returne according to our appoyntment, left off shooting muskets, and began to shoote falkonets, for they feared some mishap had befallen vs, but before night we came aboord againe with our boat laden with yce, which made very good fresh water.* 3.107 Then wee bent our course toward the North, hoping by that meanes to double the land.

The 20. as we sayled along the coast the fogge brake vp, and we discouered the land, which was the most deformed rockie and mountainous land that euer we saw: The first sight where∣of did shew as if it had bene in forme of a sugar-loafe, standing to our sight aboue the cloudes, for that it did shew ouer the fogge like a white liste in the skie, the tops altogether couered with snow, and the shoare beset with yce a league off into the Sea, making such yrkesome noyse as that it see∣med to be the true patterne of desolation, and after the same our Captaine named it, The land of Desola••ion.* 3.108

The 21. the winde came Northerly and ouerblew, so that we were constrained to bend our course South againe, for we perceiued that we were runne into a very deepe Bay, where wee were almost compassed with yce, for we saw very much toward the Northnortheast, West, and Southwest: and this day and this night wee cleared our selues of the yce, running Southsouth∣west along the shoare.

Upon Thursday being the 2••. of this moneth, about three of the clocke in the morning, wee hoysed out our boate, and the Captaine with sixe saylers went towards the shoare, thinking to ••ind a landing place, for the night before we did perceiue the coast to be voyde of yce to our iudge∣ment, and the same night wee were all perswaded that we had seene a Canoa rowing along the shoare, but afterwards we fell in some doubt of it, but we had no great reason so to doe. The Cap∣taine rowing towards the shoare, willed the Master to beare in with the land after him, and be∣fore he came neere the shoare by the space of a league, or about two miles, hee found so much yce, that hee could not get to land by any meanes. Here our mariners put to their lines to see if they could get any fish, because there were so many seales vpon the coast, and the birds did beate vpon the water, but all was in vaine: The water about this place was very blacke and thicke like to a filthy standing poole,* 3.109 we sounded and had ground in 120. fathoms. While the Captaine was rowing to the shoare, our men sawe woods vpon the rocks like to the rocks of Newfoundland, but I could not discerne them, yet it might be so very well: for we had wood floting vpon the coast euery day,* 3.110 and the Mooneshine tooke vp a tree at Sea not farre from the coast being sixtie foote of length and foureteene handfuls about, hauing the roote vpon it: After this the Captaine came aboord, the weather being very calme and faire we bent our course toward the South, with intent to double the land.

The 23. we coasted the land which did lie Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest.

The 24. the winde being very faire at East, we coasted the land which did lie East and West, not being able to come neere the shoare by reason of the great quantitie of yce. At this place, be∣cause the weather was somewhat colde by reason of the yce,* 3.111 and the better to encourage our men,

their allowance was increased: the captaine and the master tooke order that euery messe, being fiue persons, should haue halfe a pound of bread and a kan of beere euery morning to breakfast. The weather was not very colde, but the aire was moderate like to our April-weather in Eng∣land: when the winde came from the land, or the ice, it was somewhat colde, but when it came off the sea it was very hote.

* 3.112The 25 of this moneth we departed from sight of this land at sixe of the clocke in the morning, directing our course to the Northwestward, hoping in Gods mercy to finde our desired passage, and so continued aboue foure dayes.

The 29 of Iuly we discouered land in 64 degrees 15 minutes of latitude, bearing North∣east from vs.* 3.113 The winde being contrary to goe to the Northwestwards, we bare in with this land to take some view of it, being vtterly void of the pester of yce and very temperate. Com∣ming neere the coast, we found many faire sounds and good roads for shipping, and many great inlets into the land, whereby we iudged this land to be a great number of Islands standing toge∣ther. Heere hauing mored our barke in good order, we went on shoare vpon a small Island to seeke for water and wood. Upon this Island we did perceiue that there had bene people: for we found a small shoo and pieces of leather sowed with sinewes,* 3.114 and a piece of furre, and wooll like to Beuer. Then we went vpon another Island on the other side of our shippes: and the Cap∣taine, the Master, and I, being got vp to the top of an high rocke, the people of the countrey ha∣uing espied vs, made a lamentable noise, as we thought, with great ••uteries and skreechings: we hearing them, thought it had bene the howling of wolues. At last I hallowed againe, and they likewise cried. Then we perceiuing where they stood, some on the shoare, and one rowing in a Canoa about a small Island fast by them, we made a great noise, partly to allure them to vs, and partly to warne our company of them. Whereupon M. Bruton and the Master of his shippe, with others of their company, made great haste towards vs, and brought our Musicians with them from our shippe, purposing either by force to res••ue vs, if need should so require, or with courtesie to allure the people. When they came vnto vs, we caused our Musicians to play,* 3.115 our selues dancing, and making many signes of friendship. At length there came tenne Canoas from the other Islands, and two of them came so neere the shoare where we were, that they tal∣ked with vs, the other being in their boats a prety way off.* 3.116 Their pronunciation was very hol∣low thorow the throat, and their speech such as we could not vnderstand: onely we allured them by friendly imbracings and signes of curtesie. At length one of them pointing vp to the Sunne with his hand, would presently strike his breast so hard that we might heare the blow. This hee did many times before he would any way trust vs. Then Iohn Ellis the Master of the Moone∣shine was appointed to vse his best policie to gaine their friendship; who strooke his breast, and pointed to the Sunne after their order: which when he had diuers times done, they beganne to trust him, and one of them came on shoare, to whom we thr••w our cappes, stockings and gloues, and such other things as then we had about vs, playing with our musicke, and making signes of ioy, and dauncing. So the night comming, we bade them farewell, and went aboord our barks.

* 3.117The next morning being the 30 of Iuly there came 37 Canoas rowing by our ships, calling to vs to come on shoare: we not making any great haste vnto them, one of them went vp to the toppe of the rocke, and leapt and daunced as they had done the day before, shewing vs a seales skinne, and another thing made like a timbrell, which he did beat vpon with a sticke, making a noise like a small drumme.* 3.118 Whereupon we manned our boats and came to them, they all staying in their Canoas; we came to the water side where they were: and after we had sworne by the Sunne after their fashion, they did trust vs. So I shooke hands with one of them, and he kissed my hand, and we were very familiar with them.* 3.119 We were in so great credit with them vpon this single acquaintance, that we could haue any thing they had. We bought fiue Canoas of them: we bought their clothes from their backs, which were all made of seales skinnes & birds skinnes; their buskins, their hose, their gloues, all being commonly sowed and well dressed: so that we were fully perswaded that they haue diuers artificers among them. We had a paire of buskins of them full of fine wooll like beuer. Their apparell for heat was made of birds skinnes with their feathers on them. We saw among them leather dressed like Glouers leather, and thicke thongs like white leather of a good length. We had of their darts and oares, and found in them that they would by no meanes displease vs, but would giue vs whatsoeuer we asked of them, and would be satisfied with whatsoeuer we gaue them. They tooke great care one of another: for when we had bought their boats, then two other would come and cary him away betweene them that had solde vs his. They are very tractable people, void of craft or double dealing, and easie

to be brought to any ciuility or good order: but we iudge them to be idolaters and to worship the Sunne.

During the time of our abode among these Islands we found reasonable quantity of wood,* 3.120 both firr••, spruse and iuniper; which whether it came floting any great distance to these places where we found it, or wh••ther it grew in some great Islands neere the same place by vs not yet discouered, we know not; but we iudge that it groweth there further into the land then we were, because the people had great store of darts and oares which they made none account of, but gaue them to vs for small trifles, as points and pieces of paper. We saw about this coast marueilous great abundance of scales skulling together like skuls of small fish.* 3.121 We found no fresh water a∣mong these Islands, but onely snow water, whereof we found great pooles. The cliffes were all of such oare as M. Frobisher brought from Meta incognita. We had diuers shewes of Study or Muscouy glas••e shining not altogether vnlike to Christall.* 3.122 We found an herbe growing vp∣on the rocks, whose fruit was sweet, full of rediuice, and the ripe ones were like corinths.* 3.123 We found also birch and willow growing like shrubbes low to the ground. These people haue great store of fur••es as we iudge. They made shewes vnto vs the 30 of this present, which was the se∣cond time of our being with them, after they perceiued we would haue skinnes and furres, that they would go into the countrey and come againe the next day with such things as they had: but this night the winde comming faire, the captaine and the master would by no meanes detract the purpose of our discouery. And so the last of this moneth about foure of the clocke in the morning in Gods name we set saile, and were all that day becalmed vpon the coast.

The first of August we had a faire winde,* 3.124 and ••o proceeded towards the Northwest for our dis∣couery.

The sixt of August we discouered land in 66 degrees 40 minuts of latitude,* 3.125 altogether void from the pester of ice: we ankered in a very faire rode vnder a braue mount, the cliffes whereof were as orient as golde. This mount was named Mount Raleigh. The rode where our ships lay at anker was called To••nes rode. The sound which did compasse the mount was named Exe∣ter sound. The foreland towards the North was called Dierscape. The foreland towards the South was named Cape Walsingham. So soone as we were come to an anker in Totnes rode vnder Mount Raleigh, we espied foure white beares at the foot of the mount:* 3.126 we supposing them to be goats or wolues, manned our boats aud went towards them: but when we came neere the shore, we found them to be white beares of a monstrous bignesse: we being desirous of fresh vic∣tuall and the sport, began to assault them, and I being on land, one of them came downe the hill right against me: my piece was charged with hailshot & a bullet: I discharged my piece and shot him in the necke; he roared a litle, and tooke the water straight, making small account of his hurt•• Then we followed him with our boat, and killed him with boare-speares, & two more that night. We found nothing in their mawes; but we iudged by their dung that they fed vpon grasse, be∣cause it appeared in all respects like the dung of an horse, wherein we might very plainly see the very strawes.

The 7 we went on shore to another beare which lay all night vpon the top of an Island vnder Mount Raleigh, and when we came vp to him he lay fast asleep. I leuelled at his head, and the stone of my piece gaue no fire: with that he looked vp, and layed downe his head againe: then I shot being charged with two bullets, and strooke him in the head: he being but amazed fell back∣wards:* 3.127 whereupon we ran all vpon him with boare-speares, and thrust him in the body: yet for all that he gript away our boare-speares, and wen•• towards the water; and as he was going downe, he came backe againe. Then our Master shot his boare-speare, and strooke him in the head, and made him to take the water, and swimme into a coue fast by, where we killed him, and brought him aboord. The breadth of his forefoot from one side to the other was foureteene inch∣es ouer. They were very fat, so as we were constrained to cast the fat away. We saw a rauen vpon Mount Raleigh. We found withies also growing like low shrubs & flowers like Primro∣ses in the sayd place. The coast is very mountainous, altogether without wood, grasse, or earth, and is onely huge mountaines of stone; but the brauest stone that euer we saw. The aire was ve∣ry moderate in this countrey.

The 8 we departed from Mount Raleigh, coasting along the shoare, which lieth Southsouth∣west, and Eastnortheast.

The 9 our men fell in dislike of their allowance, because it was too small as they thought: wherupon we made a new proportion; euery messe being fiue to a messe should haue foure pound of bread a day, twelue wine quarts of beere, six Newland fishes; and the flesh dayes a gill of pease more: so we restrained them from their butter and cheese.

The 11 we came to the most Southerly cape of this land, which we named The Cape of Gods mercy, as being the place of our first entrance for the discouery. The weather being very foggy we coasted this North land; at length when it brake vp, we perceiued that we were shot into a very faire entrance or passage, being in some places twenty leagues broad, and in s••me thir∣ty, altogether void of any pester of ice, the weather very tolerable, and the water of the very co∣lour, nature and quality of the maine ocean, which gaue vs the greater hope of our passage. Ha∣uing sailed Northwest sixty leagues in this entrance we discouered certaine Islands standing in the midst thereof, hauing open passage on both sides. Wherupon our ships diuided themselues, the one sailing on the North side, the other on the South side of the sayd Isles, where we stayed fiue dayes, hauing the winde at Southeast, very foggy and foule weather.

The 14 we went on shoare and found signes of people, for we found stones layed vp together like a wall, and saw the skull of a man or a woman.

The 15 we heard dogs houle on the shoare, which we thought had bene wolues, and therefore we went on shoare to kill them. When we came on land the dogges came presently to our boat very gently, yet we thought they came to pray vpon vs, and therefore we shot at them, and killed two: and about the necke of one of them we found a leatherne coller, wherupon we thought them to be tame dogs. There were twenty dogs like masti••es with prickt eares and long bush tailes: we found a bone in the pizels of their dogs. Then we went farther, and found two sleads made like ours in England: the one was made of firre, spruse and oken boords sawen like inch boords:* 3.128 the other was made all of whale bone, & there hung on the tops of the steads three heads of beasts which they had killed.* 3.129 We saw here larks, rauens, and partridges.

The 17 we went on shoare, and in a little thing made like an ouen with stones I found many small trifles,* 3.130 as a small canoa made of wood, a piece of wood made like an image, a bird made of bone, beads hauing small holes in one end of them to hang about their necks, & other small things. The coast was very barren without wood or grasse: the rocks were very faire like marble, full of vaines of diuers colours. We found a seale which was killed not long before, being fleane, and hid vnder stones.

* 3.131Our Captaine and Master searched still for probabilities of the passage, and first found, that this place was all Islands, with great sounds passing betweene them.

* 3.132Secondly, the water remained of one colour with the maine ocean without altering.

Thirdly, we saw to the West of those Isles three or foure whales in askull, which they iudged to come from a Westerly sea, because to the Eastward we saw not any whale.

Also as we were rowing into a very great sound lying Southwest, frō whence these whales came, vpon the sudden there came a violent counter-checke of a tide from the Southwest against the flood which we came with, not knowing from whence it was mainteined.

Fiftly, in sailing twenty leagues within the mouth of this entrance we had sounding in 90 fa∣doms, faire gray os••e sand, and the further we ran into the Westwards the deeper was the water; so that hard aboord the shoare among these Isles we could not haue ground in 330 fadoms.

Lastly, it did ebbe and flow sixe or seuen fadome vp and downe, the flood comming from diuers parts, so as we could not perceiue the chiefe maintenance thereof.

The 18 and 19 our Captaine and Master determined what was best to doe, both for the safe∣gard of their credits, and satisfying of the aduenturers, and resolued, if the weather brake vp, to make further search.

The 20 the winde came directly against vs: so they altered their purpose, and reasoned both for proceeding and returning.

The 21 the winde being Northwest, we departed from these Islands; and as we coasted the South shoare we saw many faire sounds, whereby we were perswaded that it was no firme land but Islands.

The 23 of this moneth the wind came Southeast, with very stormy and foule weather: so we were constrained to seeke harborow vpon the South coast of this entrance, where we fell into a very faire sound, & ank••red in 25 fadoms greene os••e sand. Here we went on shore, where we had manifest signes of people where they had made their fire, and layed stones like a wall. In this place we saw foure very faire faulcons;* 3.133 and M. Bruton tooke from one of them his prey, which we iudged by the wings and legs to be a snite, for the head was eaten off.

The 24 in the afternoone, the winde comming some what faire, we departed from this road, purposing by Gods grace to returne for England.

* 3.134The 26 we departed from sight of the Northland of this entrance, directing our course home∣wards vntill the tenth of the next moneth.

The 10•• of September wee fell with The land of desolation,* 3.135 thinking to goe on shoare, but we could get neuer a good harborough. That night wee put to sea againe thinking to search it the next day: but this night arose a very great storme, and separated our ships, so that we lost the sight of the Mooneshine.

The 13. about noone (hauing tried all the night before with a goose wing) we set saile,* 3.136 & with∣in two houres after we had sight of the Mooneshine againe: this day we departed from this land.

The 27. of this moneth we fell with sight of England. This night we had a marueilous storme and lost the Mooneshine.

The 30. of September wee came into Dartmouth, where wee found the Mooneshine being come in not two houres before.

The second voyage attempted by M. Iohn Dauis with others, for the discouery of the Northwest passage, in Anno 1586.

THe 7. day of May, I departed from the port of Dartmouth for the discouery of the Northwest passage, with a ship of an hundred and twentie tunnes na∣med the Mermayd, a barke of 60. tunnes named the Sunneshine, a barke of 35. tunnes named the Mooneshine, and a pinnesse of tenne tunnes named the North starre.

And the 15. of Iune I discouered land in the latitude of 60. degrees,* 3.137 and in longitude from the Meridian of London Westward 47. degrees, mightily pestered with yce and snow, so that there was no hope of landing: the yce lay in some places tenne leagues, in some 20. and in some 50. leagues off the shore, so that wee were constrained to beare in∣to 57. degrees to double the same, and to recouer a free Sea, which through Gods fauourable mercy we at length obtained.

The 29. of Iune after many tempestuous storms we againe discouered land, in longitude from the Meridian of London 58. degr. 30. min. and in latitude 64. being East from vs: into which course sith it pleased God by contrary winds to force vs, I thought it very necessary to beare in with it, & there to set vp our pinnesse, prouided in the Mermayd to be our scout for this discouery, and so much the rather because the yere before I had bene in the same place, and found it very con∣uenient for such a purpose, wel stored with flote wood, & possessed by a people of tractable conuersa∣tion: so that the 29. of this moneth we arriued within the Isles which lay before this land, lying North northwest, and South southeast, we know not how farre. This land is very high & moun∣tainous, hauing before it on the West side a mighty company of Isles full of faire sounds, and harboroughs. This land was very litle troubled with snow, and the sea altogether voyd of yce.

The ships being within the sounds wee sent our boates to search for shole water, where wee might anker, which in this place is very hard to finde: and as the boat went sounding and search∣ing, the people of the countrey hauing espied them, came in their Canoas towards them with many shoutes and tries: but after they had espied in the boat some of our company that were the yeere before here with vs, they presently rowed to the boate, and tooke hold on the oare, and hung about the boate with such comfortable ioy, as would require a long discourse to be vttered: they came with the boates to our ships, making signes that they knewe all those that the yeere before had bene with them. After I perceiued their ioy and small feare of vs,* 3.138 my selfe with the Mer∣chants & others of the company went a shoare, bearing with me twentie kniues: I had no sooner landed, but they lept out of their Canoas and came running to mee and the rest, and embraced vs with many signes of heartie welcome: at this present there were eighteene of them, and to eche of them I gaue a knife: they offred skinnes to me for reward, but I made signes that they were not solde, but giuen them of courtesie: and so dismissed them for that time, with signes that they should returne againe after certaine houres.

The next day with all possible speede the pinnesse was landed vpon an Isle there to be finished to serue our purpose for the discouerie, which Isle was so conuenient for that purpose,* 3.139 as that we were very wel able to defend ourselues against many enemies. During the time that the pinnesse, was there setting vp, the people came cōtinually vnto vs sometime an hundred Canoas at a time, sometime fourtie, fiftie, more and lesse, as occasion serued. They brought with them seale skinnes, stagge skinnes, white hares, Seale fish, samon peale, smal cod, dry caplin, with other fish, and birds such as the coun••rey did yeeld.

My selfe still desirous to haue a further search of this place, sent one of the shipboates to one part of the lande, and my selfe went to another part to search for the habitation of this people,

with straight commandement that there should be no iniurie offered to any of the people, neither any gunne shot.

* 3.140The boates that went from me found the tents of the people made with seale skinnes set vp vpon timber, wherein they found great store of dried Caplin, being a litle fish no bigger then a pil∣chard: they found bags of Trane oyle, many litle images cut in wood, Seale skinnes in tan-tubs, with many other such trifles, whereof they diminished nothing.

They also found tenne miles within the snowy mountaines a plaine champion countrey,* 3.141 with earth and grasse, such as our moory and waste grounds of England are: they went vp into a riuer (which in the narrowest place is two leagues broad) about ten leagues, finding it still to continue they knewe not howe farre: but I with my company tooke another riuer, which although at the first it offered a large inlet, yet it proued but a deepe bay, the ende whereof in foure houres I attai∣ned, and there leauing the boat well manned, went with the rest of my company three or foure miles into the countrey, but found nothing, nor saw any thing, saue onely gripes, rauens, and small birds, as larkes and linnets.

The third of Iuly I manned my boat, and went with fifty Canoas attending vpon me vp into another sound where the people by signes willed mee to goe, hoping to finde their habitation: at length they made signes that I should goe into a warme place to sleepe, at which place I went on shore, and ascended the toppe of an high hill to see into the countrey, but perceiuing my labor vaine, I returned againe to my boat, the people still following me, and my company very diligent to at∣tend vs, and to helpe vs vp the rockes, and likewise downe: at length I was desirous to haue our men leape with them, which was done, but our men did ouerleape them: from leaping they went to wrestling, we found them strong and nimble, and to haue skil in wrestling, for they cast some of our men that were good wrestlers.

The fourth of Iuly we lan••hed our pinnesse, and had fortie of the people to helpe vs, which they did very willingly: at this time our men againe wrestled with them, and found them as before, strong and skilfull. This fourth of Iuly the Master of the Mermayd went to certaine Ilands to store himselfe with wood, where he found a graue with diuers buried in it,* 3.142 only couered with seale skinnes, hauing a crosse laid ouer them. The people are of good stature, wel in body proportioned, with small slender hands and feet, with broad visages, and smal eyes, wide mouthes,* 3.143 the most part vnbearded, great lips, and close toothed. Their custome is as often as they go from vs, still at their returne to make a new truce, in this sort, holding his hand vp to the Sun with a lowd voice he cri∣eth Ylyaou••e, and striketh his brest with like signes, being promised safety, he giueth credit. These people are much giuen to bleed, and therefore stop their noses with deeres haire, or the haire of an elan. They are idolaters and haue images geeat store, which they weare about them, and in their boats, which we suppose they worship. They are witches, and haue many kinds of inchantments, which they often vsed, but to small purpose, thankes be to God.

Being among them at shore the fourth of Iuly, one of them making a long oration, beganne to kindle a fire in this maner: he tooke a piece of a board wherein was a hole halfe thorow: into that hole he puts the end of a round stick like vnto a bed staffe, wetting the end thereof in Trane, and in fashion of a turner with a piece of lether, by his violent motion doeth very speedily produce fire:* 3.144 which done, with turfes he made a fire, into which with many words and strange gestures, he put diuers things, which wee supposed to be a sacrifice: my selfe and diuers of my company standing by, they were desirous to haue me go into the smoke, I willed them likewise to stand in the smoke,* 3.145 which they by no meanes would do. I then tooke one of them, and thrust him into the smoke, and willed one of my company to tread out the fire, & to spurne it into the sea, which was done to shew them that we did contemne their sorcery. These people are very simple in all their conuersation, but marueilous theeuish, especially for iron, which they haue in great accoūt.* 3.146 They began through our lenitie to shew their vile nature: they began to cut our cables: they cut away the Moonelights boat from her sterne, they cut our cloth where it lay to aire, though we did carefully looke vnto it, they stole our oares, a caliuer, a boare speare, a sword, with diuers other things, whereat the compa∣ny and Masters being grieued, for our better securitie, desired me to dissolue this new friendship, and to leaue the company of these theeuish miscreants: whereupon there was a caliuer shot among them, and immediatly vpon the same a faulcon, which strange noice did sore amaze them, so that with speed they departed: notwithstanding their simplicitie is such, that within ten houres after they came againe to vs to intreat peace: which being promised, we againe fell into a great league. They brought vs Seale skinnes, & sammon peale, but seeing iron, they could in no wise forbeare stealing: which when I perceiued, it did but minister vnto mee an occasion of laughter, to see their simplicitie, and I willed that in no case they should bee any more hardly vsed, but that our owne

company should be the more vigilant to keepe their things, supposing it to be very hard in so short time to make them know their euils. They eate all their meat raw, they liue most vpon fish, they drinke salt water, and eate grasse and ice with delight:* 3.147 they are neuer out of the water, but liue in the nature of fishes, saue only when dead sleepe taketh them, and then vnder a warme rocke laying his boat vpon the land, hee lyeth downe to sleepe. Their weapons are all darts,* 3.148 but some of them haue bow and arrowes and slings. They make nets to take their fish of the finne of a whale:* 3.149 they do all their things very artificially: and it should seeme that these simple theeuish Islanders haue warre with those of the maine,* 3.150 for many of them are sore wounded, which wounds they receiued vpon the maine land, as by signes they gaue vs to vnderstand. We had among them copper oare, blacke copper, and red copper:* 3.151 they pronounce their language very hollow, and deepe in the throat: these words following we learned from them.* 3.152

• Kesinyoh, Eate some.
• Madlycoyce, Musicke.
• Aginyoh, Go fetch.
• Yliaoute, I meane no harme.
• Ponameg, A boat.
• Paaotyck, An oare.
• Asanock, A dart.
• Sawygmeg, A knife.
• Vderah, A nose.
• Aoh, Iron.
• Blete, An eye.
• Vnuicke, Giue it.
• Tuckloak, A stagge or ellan.
• Panygmah, A needle.
• Aob, The Sea.
• Mysacoah, Wash it.
• Lethicksaneg, A seale skinne.
• Canyglow, Kisse me.
• Vgnera, My sonne.
• Acu, Shot.
• Conah, Leape.
• Maatuke, Fish.
• Sambah, Below.
• Maconmeg, Wil you haue this.
• Cocah, Go to him.
• Aba, Fallen downe.
• Icune, Come hither.
• Awennye, Yonder.
• Nugo, No.
• Tucktodo, A fogge.
• Lechiksah, A skinne.
• Maccoah, A dart.
• Sugnacoon, A coat.
• Gounah, Come downe.
• Sasobneg, A bracelet.
• Vgnake, A tongue.
• Ataneg, A seale.
• Macuah, A beard.
• Pignagogah, A threed.
• Quoysah, Giue it to me.

The 7. of Iuly being very desirous to search the habitation of this countrey, I went my selfe with our new pinnesse into the body of the land, thinking it to be a firme continent, and passing vp a very large riuer, a great flaw of winde tooke me, whereby wee were constrained to seeke succour for that night, which being had, I landed with the most part of my company, and went to the top of a high mountaine, hoping from thence to see into the countrey: but the mountaines were so ma∣ny and so mighty as that my purpose preuailed not: whereupon I againe returned to my pin∣nesse, and willing diuers of my company to gather muscles for my supper,* 3.153 whereof in this place there was great store, my selfe hauing espied a very strange sight, especially to me that neuer be∣fore saw the like, which was a mighty whirlewinde taking vp the water in very great quantitie,* 3.154 furiously mounting it into the aire, which whirlewinde, was not for a pusse or blast, but continual, for the space of three houres, with very little intermission, which sith it was in the course that I should passe, we were constrained that night to take vp our lodging vnder the rocks.

The next morning the storme being broken vp, we went forward in our attempt, and sailed in∣to a mighty great riuer directly into the body of the land, and in briefe, found it to be no firme land, but huge, waste, and desert Isles with mighty sounds, and inlets passing betweene Sea and Sea.* 3.155 Whereupon we returned towards our shippes, and landing to stoppe a floud, wee found the burial of these miscreants; we found of their fish in bagges, plaices, and caplin dried, of which wee tooke onely one bagge and departed. The ninth of this moneth we came to our ships, where wee found the people desirous in their fashion, of friendship and barter: our Mariners complained heauily against the people, and said that my lenitie and friendly vsing of them gaue them stomacke to mis∣chiefe: for they haue stollen an anker from vs, they haue cut our cable very dangerously, they haue cut our boates from our sterne, and nowe since your departure, with slings they spare vs not with stones of halfe a pound weight:* 3.156 and wil you stil indure these iniuries? It is a shame to beare them. I desired them to be content, and said, I doubted not but al should be wel. The 10. of this moneth I went to the shore, the people following mee in their Canoas: I tolled them on shore, and vsed them with much courtesie, and then departed aboord, they following me, and my company. I gaue some of them bracelets, & caused seuen or eight of them to come aboord, which they did willingly,

and some of them went into the top of the ship: and thus curteously vsing them, I let them depart: the Sunne was no sooner downe, but they began to practise their deuilish nature, and with slings threw stones very fiercely into the Moonelight, and strake one of her men then boatswaine, that he ouerthrew withall: whereat being moued, I changed my curtesie, and grew to hatred, my self in my owne boate well maimed with shot, and the barks boat likewise pursued them, and gaue them diuers shot, but to small purpose, by reason of their swift rowing: so smally content we returned.

The 11. of this moneth there came fiue of them to make a new truce: the master of the Admiral came to me to shew me of their comming, and desired to haue them taken and kept as prisoners vn∣till we had his anker againe: but when he sawe that the chiefe ringleader and master of mischiefe was one of the fiue, he then was v••hement to execute his purpose, so it was determined to take him: he came crying Iliaout, and striking his brest offered a paire of gloues to sell, the master offered him a knife for them: so two of thē came to vs, the one was not touched, but the other was soone captiue among vs: then we pointed to him and his fellowes for our anker, which being had, we made signes that he should be set at libertie: within one houre after he came aboord the winde came fai••e, where∣upon we weyed and set saile, and so brought the fellow with vs:* 3.157 one of his fellowe still following our ship close aboord, talked with him and made a kinde of lamentation, we still vsing him wel with Yliaout, which was the common course of curtesie. At length this fellow aboord vs spake foure or fiue words vnto the other and clapped his two hands vpon his face, whereupon the other doing the like, departed as we suppose with heauie chere. We iudged the couering of his face with his hands and bowing of his body downe, signified his death. At length he became a pleasant companion a∣mong vs. I gaue him a new sute of frize after the English fashion, because I saw he could not in∣dure the colde, of which he was very ioyfull, he trimmed vp his darts, and all his fishing tooles, and would make okam, and set his hand to a ropes end vpon occasion. He liued with the dry Caplin that I tooke when I was searching in the pinnis, and did eate dry Newland fish.

All this while, God be thanked, our people were in very good health, onely one young man ex∣cepted, who dyed at sea the fourteenth of this moneth, and the fifteenth, according to the order of the sea, with praise giuen to God by seruice, was cast ouerboord.

* 3.158The 17 of this moneth being in the latitude of 63. degres 8. minuts, we fell vpon a most migh∣ty and strange quantitie of yce in one intire masse, so bigge as that we knew not the limits thereof, and being withall so very high in forme of a land, with bayes and capes and like high cliffe land, as that we supposed it to be land, and therefore sent our pinnesse off to discouer it: but at her returne we were certainely informed that it was onely yce, which bred great admiration to vs all conside∣ring the huge quantitie thereof, incredible to be reported in trueth as it was, and therefore I omit to speake any further thereof. This onely I thinke, that the like before was neuer seene: and in this place we had very stickle and strong currents.

We coasted this mightie masse of yce vntill the 30 of Iuly, finding it a mighty barre to our pur∣pose: the ayre in this time was so contagious and the sea so pestered with yce, as that all hope was banished of proceeding: for the 24 of Iuly all our shrowds, ropes and sailes were so frozen, and compassed with yce, onely by a grosse fogge,* 3.159 as seemed to me more then strange, sith the last yeere I found this sea free and nauigable, without impediments.

Our men through this extremity began to grow sicke and feeble, and withall hopelesse of good successe: whereupon very orderly, with good discretion they intreated me to regard the state of this busines, and withall aduised me, that in conscience I ought to regard the saftie of mine owne life with the preseruation of theirs, and that I should not through my ouerboldnes leaue their widowes and fatherlesse children to giue me bitter curses. This matter in conscience did greatly moue me to regard their estates: yet considering the excellencie of the businesse if it might be attained, the great hope of certaintie by the last yeeres discouery, and that there was yet a third way not put in practise, I thought it would growe to my great disgrace, if this action by my negligence should grow into discredite: whereupon seeking helpe from God, the fountaine of all mercies, it pleased his diuine maiestie to moue my heart to prosecute that which I hope shalbe to his glory, and to the contentation of euery Christian minde. Whereupon falling into consideration that the Mermaid, albeit a very strong & sufficient ship, yet by reason of her burthen was not so conuenient and nimble as a smaller bark, especially in such desperate hazzards: further hauing in account her great charge to the aduentures being at 100. li. the moneth, and that in doubtfull seruice: all the premisses con∣sidered with diuers other things, I determined to furnish the Moonelight with reuictualling and sufficient men, and to proceede in this action as God should direct me. Whereupon I altered our course from the yce, and bare Eastsoutheast to recouer the next shore where this thing might be performed: so with fauourable winde it pleased God that the first of August we discouered the

land in Latitude 66. degrees, 33. min. and in longitude from the Meridian of London 70. de∣grees voyd of trouble without snow or ice.

The second of August wee harboured our selues in a very excellent good road, where with all speed we graued the Moonelight, and reuictualled her: wee searched this countrey with our pin∣nesse while the barke was trimming, which William Eston did: he found all this land to be onely Ilands, with a Sea on the East, a Sea on the West, and a Sea on the North. In this place wee found it very hot,* 3.160 and wee were very much troubled with a flie which is called Muskyto, for they did sting grieuously. The people of this place at our first comming in caught a Seale, and with bladders fast tied to him sent him vnto vs with the floud, so as hee came right with our shippes, which we tooke as a friendly present from them.

The fift of August I went with the two Masters and others to the toppe of a hill, and by the way William Eston espied three Canoas lying vnder a rocke, and went vnto them: there were in them skinnes, darts, with diuers superstitious toyes, whereof wee diminished nothing, but left vpon euery boat a silke point, a bullet of lead, and a pinne. The next day being the sixt of August, the people came vnto vs without feare, and did barter with vs for skinnes, as the other people did: they differ not from the other, neither in their Canoas nor apparel, yet is their pronunciation more plaine then the others, and nothing hollow in the throat. Our Sauage aboord vs kept himselfe close, and made shew that he would faine haue another companion. Thus being prouided, I de∣parted from this lande the twelft of August at sixe of the clocke in the morning, where I left the Mermayd at an anker: the foureteenth sailing West about fiftie leagues, we discouered land, be∣ing in latitude 66. degrees 19. minuts:* 3.161 this land is 70. leagues from the other from whence we came. This fourteenth day from nine a clocke at night till three a clocke in the morning, wee an∣kered by an Iland of yce, twelue leagues off the shore, being mored to the yce.

The fifteenth day at three a clocke in the morning we departed from this land to the South, and the eighteenth of August we discouered land Northwest from vs in the morning, being a ve∣ry faire promontory, in latitude 65. degrees, hauing no land on the South. Here wee had great hope of a through passage.* 3.162

This day at three a clocke in the afternoone wee againe discouered lande Southwest and by South from vs, where at night wee were be calmed. The nineteenth of this moneth at noone, by obseruation, we were in 64. degrees 20. minuts.* 3.163 From the eighteenth day at noone vnto the nine∣teenth at noone, by precise ordinary care, wee had sailed 15. leagues South and by West, yet by art and more exact obseruation, we found our course to be Southwest, so that we plainely percei∣ued a great current striking to the West.* 3.164

This land is nothing in sight but Isles, which increaseth our hope. This nineteenth of Au∣gust at sixe a clocke in the afternoone, it began to snow, and so continued all night with foule wea∣ther, and much winde, so that we were constrained to lie at hull all night fiue leagues off the shore: In the morning being the twentieth of August, the fogge and storme breaking vp, we bare in with the lande, and at nine a clocke in the morning wee ankered in a very faire and safe road and lockt for all weathers. At tenne of the clocke I went on shore to the toppe of a very high hill, where I perceiued that this land was Islands:* 3.165 at foure of the clocke in the afternoone wee weyed anker, hauing a faire North northeast winde, with very faire weather: at six of the clocke we were cleare without the land, and so shaped our course to the South, to discouer the coast, whereby the pas∣sage may be through Gods mercy found.

We coasted this land till the eight and twentieth of August, finding it still to continue towards the South, from the latitude of 67. to 57. degrees:* 3.166 we found marueilous great store of birds, guls and mewes, incredible to be reported, whereupon being calme weather, we lay one glasse vpon the lee, to proue for fish, in which space we caught 100. of cod, although we were but badly prouided for fishing, not being our purpose. This eight and twentieth hauing great distrust of the wea∣ther, we arriued in a very faire harbour in the latitude of 56. degrees,* 3.167 and sailed 10. leagues into the same, being two leagues broad, with very faire woods on both sides: in this place wee conti∣nued vntil the first of September, in which time we had two very great stormes. I landed, & went sixe miles by ghesse into the countrey, and found that the woods were firre, pineapple, alder, yew, withy, and birch:* 3.168 here wee saw a blacke beare: this place yeeldeth great store of birds, as fezant, partridge, Barbary hennes or the like, wilde geese, ducks, black birdes, ieyes, thrushes, with other kinds of small birds. Of the partridge and fezant we killed great store with bow and arrowes:* 3.169 in this place at the harborough mouth we found great store of cod.

The first of September at tenne a clocke wee set saile, and coasted the shore with very faire weather. The thirde day being calme, at noone we strooke saile, and let fall a cadge anker, to proue

whether we could take any fish, being in latitude 54. degrees 30. minuts, in which place we found great abundance of cod, so that the hooke was no sooner ouerboord, but presently a fish was taken. It was the largest and the best fed fish that euer I sawe, and diuers fisher men that were with me sayd that they neuer saw a more suaule or better skull of fish in their liues: yet had they seene great abundance.

The fourth of September at fiue a clocke in the afternoone we ankered in a very good road a∣mong great store of Isles, the countrey low land, pleasant and very full of fayre woods. To the North of this place eight leagues, we had a perfect hope of the passage,* 3.170 finding a mightie great sea passing betweene two lands West. The South land to our iudgement being nothing but Isles: we greatly desired to goe into this sea, but the winde was directly against vs. We ankered in foure fathome fine sand. In this place is foule and fish mightie store.

The sixt of September hauing a faire Northnorthwest winde, hauing trimmed our Barke we purposed to depart, and sent fiue of our sailers yong men a shore to an Island, to fetch certaine fish which we purposed to weather, and therefore left it al night couered vpon the Isle: the brutish peo∣ple of this countrey lay secretly lucking in the wood, and vpon the sudden assaulted our men: which when we perceiued, we presently let slip our cables vpon the hal••e, and vnder our foresaile bare in∣to the shoare, and with all expedition discharged a double musket vpon them twise, at the noyse whereof they fled: notwithstanding to our very great griefe, two of our men were slaine with their arrowes,* 3.171 and two grieuously wounded, of whom at this present we stand in very great doubt, one∣ly one escaped by swimming, with an arrow shot thorow his arme. These wicked miscreants ne∣uer offered parly or speech, but presently executed their cursed fury.

This present euening it pleased God further to increase our sorowes with a mighty tempestu∣ous storme, the winde being Northnortheast, which lasted vnto the tenth of this moneth very ex∣treme. We vnrigged our ship, and purposed to cut downe our masts, the cable of our shut-anker brake, so that we onely expected to be driuen on shoare among these Canibals for their pray. Yet in this deepe distresse the mightie mercie of God, when hope was past, gaue vs succour, and sent vs a faire lee, so as we recouered our anker againe and newe mored our ship: where we saw that God manifestly deliuered vs: for the straines of one of our cables were broken, and we only roade by an olde iurke. Thus being freshly mored a new storme arose, the winde being Westnorthwest, very forcible, which lasted vnto the tenth day at night.

The eleuenth day with a faire Westnorthwest winde we departed with trust in Gods mercie, shaping our course for England, and arriued in the West countrey in the beginning of October.

Master Dauis being arriued, wrote his letter to M. VVilliam Sander∣son of London, concerning his voyage, as followeth.

SIr, the Sunneshine came into Dartmouth the fourth of this moneth: she hath bene at Island, and from thence to Groenland, and so to Estoriland, from thence to Desolation, and to our Marchants, where she made trade with the people, staying in the countrey twentie dayes. They haue brought home fiue hundred seale skinnes and an hundred and fortie halfe skinnes and pieces of skinnes. I stand in great doubt of the pinnesse, God be mercifull vn∣to the proore men, and preserue them, if it be his blessed will.

I haue now experience of much of the Northwest part of the world, & haue brought the passage to that likelihood, as that I am assured it must bee in one of soure places, or els not at all. And fur∣ther I can assure you vpon the perill of my life, that this voyage may be performed without fur∣ther charge, nay with certaine profite to the aduenturers, if I may haue but your fauour in the ac∣tion. I hope I shall finde fauour with you to see your Card. I pray God it be so true as the Card shal be which I will bring you: and I hope in God, that your skill in Nauigation shall be gaineful vnto you, although at the first it hath not proued so. And thus with my humble commendations I commit you to God, desiring no longer to liue, then I shall be yours most faithfully to command.

Exon this fourteenth of October. 1586.

Yours to command IOHN DAVIS.

The relation of the course which the Sunshine a barke of fiftie tunnes, and the Northstarre a small pinnesse, being two vessels of the fleete of M. Iohn Dauis, helde after hee had sent them from him to discouer the passage be∣tweene Groneland and Island, written by Henry Morgan seruant to M. William Sander∣son of London.

THe seuenth day of May 1586. wee departed out of Dartmouth hauen foure sailes,* 4.1 to wit, the Mermaid, the Sunshine, the Mooneshine, & the Northstarre, In the Sunshine were sixteene men, whose names were these: Richard Pope Master, Marke Carter Masters mate, Henry Morgan Purser, George Dra∣ward, Iohn Mandie, Hugh Broken, Philip Iane, Hugh Hempson, Richard Borden, Iohn Philpe, Andrew Madock, William Wolcome, Robert Wag carpenter, Iohn Bruskome, William Ashe, Simon Ellis.

Our course was Westnorthwest the seuenth and eight dayes: and the ninth day in the morning we were on head of the Tarrose of Silley. Thus coasting along the South part of Ireland the 11. day, we were on head of the Dorses: and our course was Southsouthwest vntill sixe of the clocke the 12. day. The 13. day our course was Northwest. We remained in the company of the Mer∣maid and the Mooneshine vntil we came to the latitude yf 60. degrees:* 4.2 and there it seemed best to our Generall M. Dauis to diuide his fleete, himselfe sayling to the Northwest, and to direct the Sunshine, wherein I was, and the pinnesse called the Northstarre, to secke a passage Northward betweene Groenland and Island to the latitude of 80. degrees, if land did not let vs. So the se∣uenth day of Iune wee departed from them:* 4.3 and the ninth of the same we came to a firme land of yce, which we coasted along the ninth, the tenth, and the eleuenth dayes of Iune: and the eleuenth day at sixe of the clocke at night we saw land which was very high, which afterward we knew to be Island:* 4.4 and the twelft day we harboured there, and found many people: the land lyeth East and and by North in 66. degrees.* 4.5

Their commodities were greene fish, and Island lings, and stockfish, and a fish which is called Scatefish:* 4.6 of all which they had great store. They had also kine, sheep, and horses, and hay for their cattell, and for their horses. Wee saw also of their dogs. Their dwelling houses were made on both sides with stones,* 4.7 and wood layd crosse ouer them, which was couered ouer with turfes of earth, and they are flat on the tops, and many of these stood hard by the shore. Their boates were made with wood and yron all along the keele like our English boates:* 4.8 and they had nayles for to naile them withall, and fish-hookes and other things for to catch fish as we haue here in England. They had also brasen kettles, and girdles and purses made of leather, and knoppes on them of cop∣per, and hatchets, and other small tooles as necessary as we haue. They drie their fish in the Sun, and when they are dry, they packe them vp in the top of their houses. If we would goe thither to fishing more then we doe, we should make it a very good voyage: for wee got an hundreth greene fish in one morning. Wee found heere two English men with a shippe, which came out of Eng∣land about Easter day of this present yeere 1586, and one of them came aboord of vs, and brought vs two lambs. The English mans name was M. Iohn Roydon of Ipswich marchant:* 4.9 hee was bound for London with his ship. And this is the summe of that which I obserued in Island. We departed from Island the sixteenth day of Iune in the morning, and our course was Northwest,* 4.10 and we saw on the coast two small barkes going to an harborough: we went not to them, but saw them a farre off. Thus we continued our course vnto the end of this moneth.

The third day of Iuly we were in betweene two firme lands of yce,* 4.11 and passed in betweene them all that day vntill it was night: and then the Master turned backe againe, and so away we went towards Groenland. And the seuenth day of Iuly we did see Groenland,* 4.12 and it was very high, and it looked very blew: we could not come to harborough into the land, because we were hindered by a firme land as it were of yce, which was along the shoares side: but we were within three leagues of the land, coasting the same diuers dayes together. The seuenteenth day of Iuly wee saw the place which our Captaine M. Iohn Dauis the yeere before had named The land of Desolation,* 4.13 where we could not goe on shore for yce. The eighteenth day we were likewise trou∣bled with yce, and went in amongst it at three of the clocke in the morning. After wee had cleared our selues thereof, wee ranged all along the coast of Desolation vntill the ende of the aforesayd moneth.* 4.14

The third of day August we came in sight of Gilberts sound in the latitude of 64. deg. 15. min. which was the place where wee were appoynted to meete our Generall and the rest of our Fleete.* 4.15 Here we came to an harborough at 6. of the clocke at night.

The 4. day in the morning the Master went on shore with 10. of his men, and they brought vs foure of the people rowing in their boats aboord of the ship. And in the afternoone I went on shore with 6. of our men, and there came to vs seuen of them when we were on land. We found on shore three dead people, and two of them had their staues lying by them, and their olde skinnes wrapped about them and the other had nothing lying by, wherefore we thought it was a woman. We also saw their houses neere the Seaside,* 4.16 which were made with pieces of wood on both sides, and cros∣sed ouer with poles and then couered ouer with earth: we found Foxes running vpon the hilles: as for the place it is broken land all the way that we went, and full of broken Islands.

The 21. of August the Master sent the boate on shore for wood with sixe of his men, and there were one and thirtie of the people of the countrey which went on shore to them, & they went about to kill them as we thought, for they shot their dartes towards them, and we that were aboord the ship did see them goe on shore to our men: whereupon the Master sent the pinnesse after them, and when they saw the pinnesse comming towards them, they turned backe, and the Master of the pin∣nesse did shoote off a caliuer to them the same time, but hurt none of them, for his meaning was onely to put them in feare. Diuers times they did waue vs on shore to play with them at the foot∣ball,* 4.17 and some of our company went on shore to play with them, and our men did cast them downe as soone as they did come to strike the ball. And thus much of that which we did see and do in that harborough where we arriued first.

The 23. day wee departed from the Merchants Isle, where wee had beene first, and our course from thence was South & by West, and the wind was Northeast, and we ran that day and night about 5. or 6. leagues, vntill we came to another harborough.

The 24. about eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone wee entred into the aforesayd new harbo∣row, and as wee came in, we did see dogs running vpon the Islands. When we were come in, there came to vs foure of the people which were with vs before in the other harborough, and where we rode, we had sandie ground. We saw no wood growing, but found small pieces of wood vpon the Islands & some small pieces of sweete wood among the same.* 4.18 We found great Harts hornes, but could see none of the Stagges where we went•• but we found their footings. As for the bones which we receiued of the Sauages I cannot tell of what beasts they be.

The stones that we found in the countrey were black, and some whi••e, as I thinke they be of no value, neuerthelesse I haue brought examples of them to you.

The 30. of August we departed from this harborough towards England, & the wind tooke vs contrary, so that we were faine to go to another harborough the same day at 11. of the clocke. And there came to vs 39. of the people, and brought vs 13. Scale skins, and after we receiued these skins of them, the Master s••nt the carpenter to change one of our boates which wee had bought of them before, and they would haue taken the boats from him perforce, and when they sawe they could not take it from vs, they shot with their dartes at vs, and stroke one of our men with one of their dartes, and Iohn Filpe shot one of them into the brest with an arrow.* 4.19 And they came to vs againe, and foure of our men went into the shipboate, and they shot with their dartes at our men: but our men tooke one of their people in his boate into the shipboate, and he hurt one of them with his knife, but we killed three of them in their boates: two of them were hurt with arrowes in the brests, and he that was aboord our boat, was shot in with an arrow, and hurt with a sword, and bea∣ten with staues, whome our men cast ouerboord, but the people caught him and carried him on shore vpon their boates, and the other two also, and so departed from vs. And three of them went on shore hard by vs, where they had their dogs, and those three came away from their dogs, and presently one of their dogs came swimming towards vs hard aboord the ship, whereupon our Ma∣ster caused the Gunner to shoote off one of the great pieces towards the people, and so the dog ••ur∣ned backe to land, and within an houre after there came of the people hard aboord the ship, but they would not come to vs as they did come before.

The 31. of August we departed from Gylberts sound for England, and when we came out of the harborough there came after vs 17. of the people looking which way we went.

* 4.20The 2. of September we lost sight of the land at 12. of the clocke at noone.

The third day at night we lost sight of the Northstarre our pinnesse in a very great storme, and lay a hull tarying for them the 4. day, but could heare no more of them.* 4.21 Thus we shaped our course the 5. day Southsoutheast, and sayling vntill the 27. of the sayd moneth, we came in sight of Cape Clere in Ireland.

The 30. day we entred into our owne chanell.

The 2. of October we had sight of the Isle of Wight.

The 3. we coasted all along the shore, and the 4. and 5.

The 6. of the sayd moneth of October wee came into the riuer of Thames as high as Ratliffe in safetie God be thanked.

The third voyage Northwestward, made by M. Iohn Dauis Gentle∣man, as chiefe Captaine & Pilot generall, for the discouery of a passage to the Isles of the Moluccas, or the coast of China, in the yeere 1587. Written by M. Iohn Ianes.

May.

THe 19. of this present moneth about midnight wee weyed our ankers, set sayle, and departed from Dartmouth with two Barkes and a Clincher, the one na∣med the Elizabeth of Dartmouth, the other the Sunneshine of London, and the Clincher called the Helene of Londō: thus in Gods name we set forwards with the wind at Northeast a good fresh gale. About 3. houres after our depar∣ture, the night being somewhat thicke with darknesse, we had lost the pinnesse: the Captaine imagining that the men had runne away with her, wille•• the Master of the Sun∣shine to stand to Seawards, and see if we could descry them, we bearing in with the shore for Plim∣mouth. At length we descried her, bare with her, and demanded what the cause was: they answe∣red that the tiller of their helme was burst. So shaping our course Westsouthwest, we went for∣ward, hoping that a hard beginning would make a good ending, yet some of vs were doubtfull of it, falling in reckoning that ••e was a Clincher; neuerthelesse we put our trust in God.

The 21 we met with the Red Lion of London, which came from the coast of Spaine, which was afrayd that we had bene men of warre, but we hailed them, and after a little conference, we de∣sired the Master to carie our letters for London directed to my uncle Sanderson, who promised vs a safe deliuerie. And after wee had heaued them a lead and a line, whereunto wee had made fast our letters, before they could get them into the ship, they fell into the Sea, and so all our labour and theirs also was lost; notwithstanding they promised to certifie our departure at London, and so we departed, and the same day we had sight of Silley. The 22. the wind was at Northeast by East with faire weather, and so the 23. and 24. the like. The 25. we layd our ships on the Lee for the Sunneshine, who was a romaging for a leake, they had 500. strokes at the pumpe in a watch, the wind at Northwest.

The 26. and 27. wee had faire weather, but this 27. the pinnesses foremast was blowen ouer∣boord. The 28. the Elizabeth towed the pinnesse, which was so much bragged of by the owners report before we came out of England, but at Sea she was like a cart drawen with oxen. Some∣times we towed her because she could not saile for scant wind.

The 31. day our Captaine asked if the pinnesse were stanch, Peerson answered that she was as sound and stanch as a cup. This made vs something glad, when we sawe she would brooke the Sea, and was not leake.

Iune.

THe first 6. dayes wee had faire weather: after that for 5. dayes wee had fogge and raine, the winde being South. The 12. wee had cleare weather. The Mariners in the Sunneshine and the Master could not agree: the Mariners would goe on their voyage a fishing, because the yeere began to waste: the Master would not depart till hee had the companie of the Elizabeth, whereupon the Master told our Captaine that hee was afrayd his men would shape some contrary course while he was asleepe, and so he should lose vs. At length aftermuch talke and many threat∣nings, they were content to bring vs to the land which we looked for daily.

The 14. day we discouered land at fiue of the clocke in the morning,* 4.22 being very great and high mountaines, the tops of the hils being couered with snow. Here the wind was variable, sometimes Northeast, Eastnortheast, and East by North: but we imagined our selues to be 16. or 17. leagues off from the shore.

The 16. we came to an anker about 4. or 5. of the clocke after nonne, the people came presently to vs after the old maner, with crying Ilyaoute, and shewing vs Seales skinnes. The 17. we be∣gan to set vp the pinnesse that Peerson frames at Dartmouth, with the boords which hee brought from London.

The 18. Peerson and the Carpenters of the ships began to set on the plankes. The 19. as we went about an Island, were found blacke Pumise stones, and salt kerned on the rockes very white and glistering.* 4.23 This day also the Master of the Sunneshine tooke of the people a very strong lusty yoong fellow.

The 20. about two of the clocke in the morning, the Sauages came to the Island where out pinnace was built readie to bee launched, and ••ore the two vpper strakes, and carried them away onely for the loue of the yron in the boords. While they were about this practise, we manned the Elizabeths boate to goe a shore to them: our men being either afrayd or amazed, were so long be∣fore they came to shore, that our Captaine willed them to stay, and made the Gunner giue fire to a Saker, and layd the piece leuell with the boate which the Sauages had turned on the one side be∣cause wee should not hurt them with our arrowes, and made the boate their bulwarke against the arrowes which we shot at them. Our Gunner hauing made all things readie, gaue fire to the piece, and fearing to hurt any of the people, and regarding the owners prosite, thought belike hee would saue a Sakers shot, doubting wee should haue occasion to fight with men of warre, and so shot off the Saker without a bullet: we looking stil when the Sauages that were hurt should run away without legs, at length wee could perceiue neuer a man hurt, but all hauing their legges could carrie away their bodies: wee had no sooner shot off the piece, but the Master of the Sunne∣shine manned his boate, and came rowing toward the Island, the very sight of whom made each of them take that hee had gotten, and flee away as fast as they could to another Island about two miles off, where they tooke the nayles out of the timber, and left the wood on the Isle. when we came on shore, and saw how they had spoiled the boat, after much debating of the matter, we agree∣ed that the Elizabeth should haue her to fish withall: whereupon she was presently caryed aboord, and stowed.

Now after this trouble, being resolued to depart with the first wind, there fell out another mat∣ter worse then all the rest, and that was in this maner. Iohn Churchyard one whom our Captaine had appoynted as Pilot in the pinnace, came to our Captaine, and master Bruton, and told them that the good ship which we must all hazard our liues in, had three hundred strokes at one time as she rode in the harbour: This disquieted vs all greatly, and many doubted to goe in her. At length our Captaine by whom we were all to be gouerned, determined rather to end his life with credite, then to returne with infamie and disgrace, and so being all agreed, wee purposed to liue and die to∣gether, and committed our selues to the ship. Now the 21. hauing brought all our things aboord, about 11. or 12. of the clocke at night, we set saile and departed from those Isles, which lie in 64. degrees of latitude,* 4.24 our ships being all now at Sea, and wee shaping our course to goe, coasting the land to the Northwards vpon the Easterne shore, which we called the shore of our Marchants, because there we met with people which traffiqued with vs, but here wee were not without doubt of our ship.

* 4.25The 24. being in 67. degrees, and 40. minutes, wee had great store of Whales, and a kinde of sea birds which the Mariners call Cortinous. This day about sixe of the clocke at night, we espi∣ed two of the countrey people at Sea•• thinking at the first they had bene two great Seales, vntill wee sawe their oares glistering with the Sunne: they came rowing towardes vs, as fast as they could, and when they came within hearing, they held vp their oares, and cryed Ilyaoute, making many signes: and at last they came to vs, giuing vs birdes for bracelets, and of them I had a darte with a bone in it, or a piece of Unicorns horne, as I did iudge. This dart he made store of, but when he saw a knife, he let it go, being more desirous of the knife then of his dart: these people continued rowing after our ship the space of 3. howres.

The 25. in the morning at 7. of the clocke we descried 30. Sauages rowing after vs, being by iudgement 10. leagues off from the shore: they brought vs Salmon Peales, Birdes, and Caplin, and we gaue them pinnes, needles, bracelets, nailes, kniues, bels, looking glasses, and other small trifles, and for a knife, a naile or a bracelet, which they call Ponigmah, they would sell their boate, coates, or any thing they had, although they were farre from the shore. Wee had but few skinnes of them, about 20. but they made signes to vs that if wee would goe to the shore, wee should haue more store of Chichsanege: they stayed with vs till 11. of the clocke, at which time wee went to prayer, and they departed from vs.

The 28. and 29. were foggie with cloudes, the 30. day wee tooke the heigth, and found out selues in 72. degrees and 12. minutes of latitude both at noone and at night,* 4.26 the Sunne being 5. degrees aboue the Horizon.* 4.27 At midnight the compasse set to the variation of 28. degrees to the Westward. Now hauing coasted the land, which wee called London coast,* 4.28 from the 21. of this present, till the 30. the Sea open all the Westwards and Northwards, the land on starboord side East from vs, the winde shifted to the North, whereupon we left that shore, naming the same Hope Sanderson, and shaped our course West, and ranne 40. leagues and better without the sight of any land.* 4.29

Iuly.

THe second of Iuly wee fell witth a mightie banke of yee West from vs, lying North and South,* 4.30 which banke wee would gladly haue doubled out to the Northwards, but the winde would not suffer vs, so that we were faine to coast it to the Southwards, hoping to double it out, that wee might haue run so farre West till wee had sound land, or els to haue beene thorowly resol∣ued of our pretended purpose.

The 3. wee fell with the yce againe, and putting off from it, we sought to the Northwards, but the wind crossed vs.

The 4. was foggie: so was the 5. also with much wind at the North.

The 6. being very cleare, we put our barke with oares through a gap in the yce, seeing the Sea free on the West side, as we thought, which falling out otherwise, caused vs to returne after we had stayed there betweene the yce. The 7. and the 8. about midnight, by Gods helpe we recouered the open Sea, the weather being faire and calme, and so was the 9. The 10. we coasted the yce. The 11. was foggie, but calme.

The 12. we coasted againe the yce, hauing the wind at Northnorthwest. The 13. bearing off from the yce, we determined to goe with the shoare and come to an anker, and to stay 5. or 6. dayes for the dissoluing of the yce, hoping that the Sea continually ••eating it, and the Sunne with the extreme force of heat which it had alwayes shining vpon it,* 4.31 would make a quicke dispatch, that we might haue a further search vpon the Westerne shore. Now when we were come to the Easterne coast, the water something deepe, and some of our companie fearefull withall, we durst not come to an anker, but bare off into the Sea againe. The poore people seeing vs goe away againe, came rowing after vs into the Sea, the waues being somewhat loftie. We truckt with them for a few skinnes and dartes, and gaue them beads, nailes, pinnes, needles and cardes, they poynting to the shore, as though they would shew vs some great friendship: but we little regarding their curtesie, gaue them the gentle farewell, and so departed.

The 14. wee had the wind at South. The 15. there was some fault either in the barke, or the set of some current, for wee were driuen sixe points beyond our course West.* 4.32 The 16. wee fell with the banke of yce West from vs. The 17. and 18. were foggie. The 19. at one a clocke af∣ter noone, wee had sight of the land which we called Mount Raleigh,* 4.33 and at 12. of the clocke at night, we were thwart the streights which we discouered the first yeere. The 20. wee trauersed in the mouth of the streight, the wind being at West, with faire and cleare weather. The 21. and 22. wee coasted the Northerne coast of the streights. The 23. hauing sayled threescore leagues Northwest into the streights, at two a clocke after noone wee ankered among many Isles in the bottome of the gulfe, naming the same The Ea••le of Cumberlands Isles,* 4.34 where riding at anker, a Whale passed by our ship and went West in among the Isles. Heere the compasse set at thirtie degrees Westward variation.* 4.35 The 23. wee departed, shaping our course Southeast to recouer the Sea. The 25. wee were becalmed in the bottome of the gulfe, the ayre being extreme ho••. Master Bruton and some of the Mariners went on shoare to course dogs, where they found ma∣ny Graues and Trane spilt on the ground, the dogs being so fat that they were scant able to run.

The 26. wee had a prety storme, the winde being at Southeast. The 27. and 28. were faire. The 29. we were cleare out of the streights, hauing coasted the South shore, and this day at noone we were in 62. degrees of latitude.* 4.36 The 30. in the afternoone wee coasted a banke of yce, which lay on the shore, and passed by a great banke or Inlet, which lay between 63. and 62. degrees of la∣titude, which we called Lumlies Inlet.* 4.37 We had oftentimes as, we sailed alongst the coast, great ruttes, the water as it were whirling and ouerfalling, as if it were the fall of some great water through a bridge.

The 31. as we sayled by a Headland, which we named Warwicks Foreland,* 4.38 we fell into one of those ouerfals with a fresh gale of wind, and bearing all our sailes, wee looking vpon an Island of yce betweene vs and the shoarre, had thought that our barke did make no way, which caused vs to take markes on the shoare: at length wee perceiued our selues to goe very fast, and the Island of yce which we saw before, was carried very forcibly with the set of the current faster then our ship went. This day and night we passed by a very great gulfe, the water whirling and roaring as it were the meetings of tydes.* 4.39

August.

THe first of August hauing coasted a banke of ice which was driuen out at the mouth of this gulfe, we fell with the Southermost ••ape of the gulfe, which we named Chidleis cape,* 4.40 which lay in 61 degrees 10 minutes of latitude. The 2 and 3 were calme and foggie, so were the 4, 5, and 6. The 7 was faire and calme: so was the 8, with a litle gale in the morning. The 9 was faire, and we had a litle gale at night. The 10 we had a frisking gale at Westnorth∣west. The 1•• faire. The 12 we saw fiue deere on the top of an Island, called by vs Darcies Island.* 4.41 And we hoised out our boat, and went ashore to them, thinking to haue killed some of them. But when we came on shore, and had coursed them twise about the Island, they tooke the sea and swamme towards Islands distant fro•• that three leagues. When we perceiued that they had taken the sea we gaue them ouer because our boat was so small that it could not carrie vs, and rowe after them, they swammne so fast: but one of them was as bigge as a good prety Cow, and very fat, their feet as bigge as Oxe feet. Here vpon this Island I killed with my piece a gray hare.

The 13 in the morning we saw three or foure white beares, but durst not go on shore to them for lacke of a good boat. This day we stroke a rocke seeking for an harborow, and receiued a leake: and this day we were in 54 degrees of lat••tude.

The 14 we stopt our leake in a storme not very outragious, at noone.

The 15 being almost in 52 degrees of latitude, and not finding our ships, nor (according to their promise) any kinde of marke, token, or beacon, which we willed them to set vp, and they pro∣tested to do so vpon euery head land. Island or cape, within twenty leagues euery way off from their fishing place, which our captaine appointed to be betweene 54 and 55 degrees:* 4.42 This 15 I say we shaped our course homewards for England, hauing in our ship but litle wood, and halfe a hogshead of fresh water. Our men were very willing to depart, and no man more forward then Peerson, for he feared to be put out of his office of stewardship: but because euery man was so willing to depart, we consented to returne for our owne countrey: and so we had the 16 faire weather, with the winde at Southwest.

* 4.43The 17 we met a ship at sea, and as farre as we could iudge it was a Biskaine: we thought she went a fishing for whales; for in 52 degrees or thereabout we saw very many.

The 18 was faire, with a good gale at West.

The 19 faire also, with much winde at West and by South.

* 4.44And thus after much variable weather and change of winds we arriued the 15 of September in Dartmouth anno 1587, giuing thanks to God for our safe arriuall.

A letter of the sayd M. Iohn Dauis written to M. Sanderson of London concerning his forewritten voyage.

GOod M. Sanderson, with Gods great mercy I haue made my safe returne in health, with all my company, and haue failed threescore leagues further then my determination at my departure. I haue bene in 73 degrees, finding the sea all open, and forty leagues betweene land and land. The passage is most pr••∣bable, the execution easie, as at my comming you shall fully know.

Yesterday the 15 of September I landed all weary; therefore I pray you pardon my shortnesse.

Sandridge this 16 of September anno 1587.

Yours equall as mine owne, which by triall you shall best know, IOHN DAVIS.

A trauerse-booke

A TRAVERSE-BOOKE MADE BY M. IOHN DAVIS in his third voyage for the discouerie of the Northwest passage. Anno 1587.

Moneth.				Eleuation of the pole.
May. Dayes.	Houres.	Course.	Leagues,	Deg	Min.	The winde.	THE DISCOVRSE.
19		W.S.W. westerly.		50	30	N.E.	This day we departed from Dartmouth at two of the Clocke at night.
20
21	35	W.S.W. westerly.	50	50		N.E.	This day we descried Silly N.W. by W. from vs.
22	15	W.N.W.	14			N.E. by E.	This day at noone we departed from Silly.
22	6	W.N.W.	6			N.E. by E.
22	••	W.N.W.	2
23	15	N.W. by W.	18			N.E.
23	29	W.N.W.	36	50	40		The true course, distance, and latitude.
	3	W.N.W.	2			N.N.E.
	6	N.W. by W.	5			N.E. by N.
	3	W.N.W.	3			N.N.E.
	12	W.N.W.	12			N.E.
Noone the 24	24	W.n.w. Northerly.	25	51	16		The true course, distance and latitude.
	3	W.N.W.	3			N.N.E.
	3	W.N.W.	2••			N. by E.
	6	W. by N.	5			N.
	6	W. by N.	5			N.
	2	S.	••			N.	Now we lay vpon the ••ee for the Sunshine, which had taken a lea••e of 500 strokes in a watch.
Noone the 25	24	W. by N.	20	51	30		The true course, distance•• and latitude.
	3	W.	3			N.N.W.
	3	W.S.W.	2			N.W.
	1	S.W.	1			W.N.W.
	2	W.N.W.	1½			N.
	3	W.N.W.	1••			N.
	3					Calme.
	4	W.N.W.	4			S.S.E.
	5	W.	6			S.S.E.
Noone the 26	24	W. by N. Westerly	23	51	40		The true course, distance, &c.
	11	W.	16			S.S.E.
	6	W.N.W.	2			S.S.E.	We lay at hull•• with much winde•• raine•• and fort.
	7	W.	5			S.E.
Noone the 27	••4	W. northerly.	23				The common course su••••osed.
Noone the 28	24	W.	••••	52	1••	E.S.E.	We towed the pinnesse 18 houres of this day.
Noone the 28	28	W. by n. Northerly.	43	52	13		The true course•• distance, &c.
Noone the 29	24	N.W.	30			S. by E.
	6	N.W.	10			S.
	3	N. by W.	2			W. by N.
	3	W. by N.	3			W. by S.
	12	N.W.	12			S.S.W.
Noone the 20	48	N.W. by N.	65	54	50		The true course, &c.
	9	N.W.	1••			S.W.

Moneth				Eleuation of the pole.
May. Dayes.	Houres	Course.	Leagues	Deg	Min	The winde.	THE DISCOVRSE.
	9	N.W. by W.	12			S.S.W.
	3	W.N.W.	3			N.N.E.
	3	W. by N.	4			N.
30	24	W.n.w Northerly.	27	55	30		The true course, &c.
Iune 1	1••	W.	10			N.N.W
	9	N.W.	8			E.N.E.
	2	N.W.	2••			E.N.E.
1	24	W.n.w Westerly.	17	55	45		The true course. &c.
	1••	N.W.	16			E.S.E.
	6	N.W.	7			S••
	6	N.W.	8			S.S.W.
Noone the 2	2••	N.W. Northerl••.	32	56	55		The true course. &c.
Noone the 5	72	W. by S southerly.	45	56	20		The true cour••e, &c. drawen from di••ers trau••rles.
Noone the 6	24	S.W.	16			W.N.W.
	7	S.W. by W.	6			W. by N.
	5					Calme.
	3	W.N.W.	1			S.
Noone the 7	9	W.N.W.	12			S.
	12	W.N.W.	20			S.
	••	W.N.W.	4			S.
Noone the 8	9	W.N.W.	7			S.
	12	W.N.W.	5			S.
Noone the 9	12	W.N.W.	13			S.E.
Noone the 9	••6	W. by N northerly	86	57	30		The true course, distance, & latitude for 96 houres.
	2	W.N.W.	4			S.E.
		W.N.W.	2			S.E.
	6	W.N.W.	1			Calme.
Noone the 10	12	W.N.W.	16••			E.
	7	W.N.W.	12			E.
	2	N.W.	2			E.
Noone the 11	15	N.W	18			E.N.E.
	12	N.W.	12			E.N.E.
	1••	N.W.	13			E. by S.
Noone the 1••	72	〈…〉〈…〉 by w. norther	78	59	50		The true course, &c. for 72 houres.
Noone the 13	34	N •• w Westerly.	26	60	58	E. by N.
Noone the 14	••4	N.N.W.	32	62	••0	N.E.	This day in the morning at fiue of the clocke we discouered land be•••••• stant from vs at the neerest place si••teene leagues. This land in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Northwest and to the Westwards•• being very mountaineus. The ••i•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this day harlable, and the a••••e sometime foggie, and sometime cleere. •••• foresa••d land hare from vs (so neere as we could iudge) North, No•••••• and Southeast.
	9	W.N.W.	7			N.
	2	N.W.	2			N.N.E.
		N.W. by N.	1			N.E. by N.
15	9	N.N.W.	8			N.E.
N•••••••• the 15	24	N••W•• No••••herly.	22	62	20		The true course. &c.
No••••e t••e 16	••4	N••N••E. Easterl••	14	64			The true course, &c. This 16 of Iune at •• of the clocke in the after•••••• being in the latitude of 64 degrees, through Gods helpe we came to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 among many low islands which lay before the high land. The 17 of Iune set vp our ••innesse. The 20 she was spoiled by the Saue••es. At 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 2•• of Iune we departed from this coast. our two barks for th••n 〈◊〉〈◊〉 voyage, and myselfe in the pinnesse for the discouery. From 〈…〉〈…〉 we shaped our course as ••olloweth.
17
20
〈…〉〈…〉 21	8	W.N.W.	7			S.E.
Noone the 22	4	N.W.	6			S.E.
	1••	N.W.	18			S.E.
	••••	N.	13			S.E.	At this ••••ne we saw great store of whales.
Noone the 23	36	N.W. by N.	42	65	40		The true course. &c.

Moneth.				Eleuation of the pole.
May. Dayes.	Houres.	Course.	Leagues.	Deg.	Min.	The winde.	THE DISCOVRSE.
Noone the 24	24	N. by E Northerly	41	67	40	S.S.E.	The true course, &c. Here the w••ather was very hot. This 24 of Iune at 6 of the clocke at night we met two sauages at sea in their small canoas, vnto whom we gaue bracelets, and nailes, for skins & birds. At 9 of the clocke they departed from vs. The next day at 7 of the clocke in the morning, there came vnto vs 30 sauages 20 leagues off the shore, intreating vs to goe to the shore. We had of them fish, birds, skinnes, darts, and their coast from their backs, for bracelets, nailes, kniues &c. They remainded with vs foure houres, and departed.
27
Noone the 20	••0	N.				S.
	••	N. W.	2			S. W.
	7	N.N.E.	10			S.
	6	N.	8			S. W.
	8	W. N. W.	5			S. E.
Noone the 27	72	N. Westerly.	52	70	4		The true course, &c. for 72 houres.
Noone the 2••	72	N.	4••	72	12		The true course, &c. Since the 21 of this moneth I haue con••••nually coa∣ted the shore of Gronland, hauing the sea all open towards the West, and the land on y• flatboord side East from me. Forthese last 4 dayes the weather hath bene extreame hot and very calme, the Sun being 5 degrees about the horizon at midnight. The compasse in this place varieth 28 degrees toward ye West.
20
Iuly 1	20	N. by S. Westerly	44	71	36	N. W. by N.	The true course, &c. This day at noone wee coasted a mighty banke of ice West from vs.
2	24	S.E.	12	71	9
Noone the 3	8	N.N.W.	11	71	40	N.	This day we fell againe with the ice, seeking to double it our by the North.
Noone the 5	48	S.S.E.	••6	70		N.	The true course, &c.
6	2••	S.S.W.	22	69		Uariable.	The true course, &c. This 6 of Iuly we put our barke thorow the ice, see∣ing the sea free on the West side: and hauing sailed 5 leagues West, we fell with another mighty barre, which we could not passe: and therefore returning againe, we freed our selues the 8 of this moneth at midnight, and so recouered the sea through Gods fauour, by faire winds, the weather being ve••y c••lme.
7
8
Noone the 9	72	E.S.E.	7	68	50	Calme.	The true course, &c.
Noone the 10	24	S.E. by S.	8	68	30	E. by N.	The true course, &c. This day we coasted the ice.
Noone the 11	24	E.N.E.	11½	68	45	Uariable.	The true course, &c.
Noone the 12	24	S.S.E.	16	68		N.N.W.	The true course, &c.
1••	24	E. by S.	20			S.	This day the people came to vs off the shore, and bartered with vs. Bring within the iss••s, & not finding good ankorage, we bare off againe into the sea.
Noone the 14	24	W. by N.	11	67	50	S.	The true course, &c.
Noone the 15	2••	W.S.W.	5	67	45	E.	The true course, &c. This day a great current set vs Well 6 points from our course.
Noone the 16	24	S w by w westerly	22	67	10	S.	The true course, &c. This day we fell wt a migh•••• banke of ice West of vs.
Noone the 18	48	S. by W.	30	65	33	N. fog.	The true course, &c. Collected by di••••rs experiments.
Noone the 19	24	W. Southerly.	17	65	30	S. fog.	The true course, &c. This 19 of Iuly at one a clocke in the afternoone we had sight of the land of Mount Ralegh, and by 12. of the clocke at night wee were thwart the Streights which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gods helpe) I discouered the first yere
20							The 20 day wee trauersed in the mouth of the sayd Streights with a con¦trary winde, bring West, and faire weather.
2••							This •••• day at 2 of the clocke in the afternoone, hauing fallen 60 leagues Northwest•• we ankered among an huge number of isles lying in the bottome of the sayd supposed passage, at which place the water riseth •• fadome v••right. Here as in tobe at anker, a great whale passed by vs, and swam West in a∣mong the isles. In this place a S.W. by W. moone maketh a full sea. Here the compasse varied 30 degrees.
24							The 24 day at 5 of the clocke in the morning we s•••• saile, departing from this place, and shaping our course S.E. to recouer the maine Ocean againe.
25							This 25 we were becalme almost in the bottome of the Streights, •• had the weather maruellous extreame h••••.
26						S.E.	This day b••ing in the Streights w•• ha•• a very quicke storme.
27						S.	Being still in the Streig••••••, we had this day faire weath••••.
N•••••••• the 29				64			At this present we got cleere of the Streights, hauing coasted the South shore, the land ••••ending from hence S.W. by S.
Noone the 30	24	S.S.W.	22	63			This day we coasted the shore, a banke of ice lying thereupon. Also, this 30 ••f Iuly in the afternoone we crossed ouer the entrance or mouth of a great in∣•••• or passage, being 20 leagues broad, and situate betweene 62 & 63 degrees. In which place we had 8 or 9 great rases, currents or ouerfals, lothsomly ced∣ing like the rage of the water •• vnder London bridge, and bending their course into the sayd gulfe.

Moneth.				Eleuation of the pole.
Iuly. Dayes.	Houres.	Course.	Leagues.	Deg	Min.	The winde	THE DISCOVRSE.
31	24	S.by W.	27	62		N.W.	This 31 at noone, comming close by a foreland or great cape, we fell in•••• mighty rase, where an island of ice was carried by the force of the cu•••••••••• fast as our barke could saile with him wind, all sailes bearing. This ••••••n it was the most Southerly limit of the gulfe which we passed ouer the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of this moneth, so was it the North promontory or first beginning of a••u•••• very great inlet, whose South limit at this present wee saw no••. Which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or gulfe this afternoone, and in the night, we passed ouer: where so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 admiration we saw the sea falling down into the gulfe with a mighty 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and toring, and with diuers circular motions like whirle pooles, in such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fortible streames passe thorow the arches of bridges.
August
Noone the 1	24	S.E.by S.	16	61	10	W.S.W	The true course, &c. This first of August we fell with the promonent the sayd gulfe or second passage, hauing coasted by diuers courses for our se••∣gard, a great barke of the ice driuen out of that gulfe.
Noone the 2	48	S.S.E.	16	60	26	Uariable.
Noone the 6	72	S.E. Southerly.	22	59	35	Uariable wt calme.	The true course, &c.
7	24	S.S.E.	22	58	40	W.S.W.	The true course, &c.
8	24	S.E.	13	58	12	W. fog.	The true course, &c.
9	24	S.by W.	13	57	30	Uariable •• calme.	The true course. &c.
10	24	S.S.E.	17	56	40	S.W.by W.	The true course, &c.
11	24	S.E. easterly.	40	55	13	W.N.W.	The true course, &c.
12	24	S.E. easterly.	20	54	32	W.S.W.	The true course. &c.
13	24	S.S.E.	4	54		N.W.	This day seeking for our ships that went to fish, we strooke on a rocke, b•••• among many iles, and had a great leake.
Noone the 14	24	S.S.E.	28	52	40	N.W.	This day we stopped our leake in a storme. The 15 of August at no••n, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the latitude of 52 degrees 12. min. and 16 leagues from the shore, we 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our course for England. in Gods name, as followeth *
* Noone •• 15				52	12	S.S.W.	The true latitude.
16	20	••.s.e halfe paines.	50	51		S.W.	The true course, &c.
17	24	E.by S.	30	50	40	S.	The true course, &c. This day vpon the Banke we met a Bisc••i•••••• either for the Grand bay or for the passage. He chased vs.
18	24	E. by N. Northerly.	49	51	18	W.	The true course. &c.
19	24	E. halfe point north.	51	51	35	Uariable W. & S.	The true course, &c.
20	24	E.S.E.	31	50	50	S.W.	The true course, &c.
Noone the 22	48	E. by N.	68	51	30	S.S.W.	The true course, &c.
22	24	E. by N. Northerly	••3	51	52	S.	The true course, &c.
24	24	E.by N.	31	52	10	Uariable.	The true course, &c. This 24 of August obseruing the variation. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the compasse to vary towards the East, from the true Meridian, er.e d••m.
Noone the 27	72	E. Northerly.	40	52	23	Uariable & calme.	The true course, &c. for 72 houres.
Noone the 29	48	E.S.E.	47	51	28	Uariable W. & N.	The true course. &c.
Noone the 31	48	S.e. by e. Easterly.	14	51	0	Uariable.	The true course. &c.
September 2	48	E. Southerly	65	51		N.W.	The true course, &c.
3	24	E. by S. Easterly.	24	50	50	W.N.W.	The true course•• &c.
4	24	S.E. by E.	20	50	21	N.N.E.	The true course, &c.
5	24	S.E. by E.	18	49	48	N.N.E.	The true course. &c. Now are supposed our selues to be ••5 leagues frō ••••
6	24	E. by S.	15	49	40	N.	The true course, &c.
7	24	E.S.E.	20	49	15	N.N.W.	The true course. &c.
8	24	N.E.	18	49	40
9	24	W.S.W.	7	49	42
10	24	S.E. by E.	8½	49	28	Uariable.
11	24	N.E. by E.	10	49	45	Uariable.
12	24	N.W. by W.	6	50		N.E.
13	24	of •••• S. southerly.	15	49	47	N.E.
15							This 15 of September 1587 we arriued at Dartmouth.
Vnder the title of the houres, where any number exceedeth 24, it is the summe or casting vp of so many other daye•• and parts of dayes going next before, as conteine the foresayd summe.

A report of Master Iohn Dauis of his three Voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage, taken out of a Treatise of his, Intituled The worlds Hydrographicall description.

NOw there onely resteth the North parts of America, vpon which coast my selfe haue had most experience of any in our age: for thrise I was that waye imployed for the discouery of this notable passage, by the honourable care and some charge of Syr Francis Walsingham kinght, principall secreta∣ry to her Maiestie, with whom diuers noble men and worshipfull marchants of London ioyned in purse and willingnesse for the furtherance of that at∣tempt, but when his honour dyed the voyage was friendlesse, and mens mindes alienated from aduenturing therein.

In my first voyage not experienced of the nature of those climates,* 5.1 and hauing no direction ei∣ther by Chart, Globe, or other certaine relation in what altitude that passage was to be searched, I shaped a Northerly course and so sought the same toward the South, and in that my Norther∣ly course I fell vpon the shore which in ancient time was called Groenland, fiue hundred leagues distant from the Durseys Westnorthwest Northerly, the land being very high and full of mightie mountaines all couered with snow, no viewe of wood, grasse or earth to be seene, and the shore two leagues off into the sea so full of yce as that no shipping could by any meanes come neere the same. The lothsome view of the shore, and irksome noyse of the yce was such, as that it bred strange con∣ceites among vs, so that we supposed the place to be wast and voyd of any sensible or vegitable creatures, whereupon I called the same Desolacion: so coasting this shore towards the South in the latitude of sixtie degrees, I found it to trend towards the West, I still followed the leading therof in the same height, and after fifty or sixtie leagues it fayled and lay directly North, which I still followed, and in thirtie leagues sayling vpon the West side of this coast by me named Desola∣tion, we were past al the yce and found many greene & pleasant Isles bordering vpon the shore, but the hils of the maine were still couered with great quantities of snow, I brought my ship among those Isles and there mored to refresh our selues in our weary trauell, in the latitude of sixtie foure degrees or there about. The people of the countery hauing espyed our shippes came downe vnto vs in their Canoas, & holding vp their right hand to the Sunne and crying Yliaout, would strike their breasts: we doing the like the people came aboard our shippes, men of good stature, vnbear∣ded, small eyed and of tractable conditions, by whome as signes would permit, we vnderstood that towards the North and West there was a great sea, and vsing the people with kindenes in gi∣uing them nayles and kniues which of all things they most destred, we departed, and finding the sea free from yce supposing our selues to be past al daunger we shaped our course Westnorthwest thinking thereby to passe for China, but in the latitude of sixtie sixe degrees we sell with another shore, and there found another passage of twenty leagues broad directly West into the same, which we supposed to be our hoped straight, we entered into the same thirty or fortie leagues, finding it neither to wyden nor streighten, then considering that the yeere was spent (for this was the fine of August) not knowing the length of the straight and dangers thereof, we tooke it our best course to returne with notice of our good successe for this small time of search. And so returning in a sharpe fret of Westerly windes the 29. of September we ariued at Dartmouth. And acquainting ma∣ster Secretary Walsingham with the rest of the honourable and worshipfull aduenturers of all our proceedings, I was appointed againe the second yere to search the bottome of this straight, be∣cause by all likelihood it was the place and passage by vs laboured for. In this second attempt the marchants of Exeter,* 5.2 and other places of the West became aduenturers in the action, so that being sufficiently furnished for sixe moneths, and hauing direction to search these straights, vntill we found the same to fall into another sea vpon the West side of this part of America, we should a∣gaine returne: for then it was not to be doubted, but shipping with trade might safely be conueied to China and the parts of Asia. We departed from Dartmouth, and ariuing vpon the South part of the coast of Desolation coasted the same vpon his West shore to the latitude to sixetie sixe degrees, and there ancored among the Isles bordering vpon the same, where we refreshed our selues, the people of this place came likewise vnto vs, by whom I vnderstood through their signes that towards the North the sea was large. At this place the chiefe ship whereupon I trusted, cal∣led the Mermayd of Dartmouth, found many occasions of discontentment, and being vnwilling to proceed, shee there forsook me. Then considering how I had giuen my faith and most constant promise to my worshipfull good friend master William Sanderson, who of all men was the great∣est aduenturer in that action and tooke such care for the performance thereof, that he hath to my

knowledge at one time disbursed as much money as any fiue others whatsoeuer out of his owne purse, when some of the companie haue bene slacke in giuing in their aduenture: And also knowing that I should loose the fauor of M. Secretary Walsingham, if I should shrink from his direction; in one small barke of 30 Tunnes, whereof M. Sanderson was owner, alone without farther company I proceeded on my voyage, and arriuing at these straights followed the same 80 leagues, vntill I came among many Islands, where the water did ebbe and flow sixe fadome vpright, and where there had bene great trade of people to make traine. But by such things as there we found, wee knew that they were not Christians of Europe that had vsed that trade: in fine by searching with our boat, we found small hope to passe any farther that way, and therefore recouered the sea and coa∣sted the shore towards the South, and in so doing (for it was too late to search towards the North) we found another great inlet neere 40 leagues broad, where the water eutred in with violent swift∣nesse, this we also thought might be a passage: for no doubt the North partes of America are all Islands by ought that I could perceiue therein:* 5.3 but because I was alone in a small barke of thirtie tunnes, and the yeere spent, I entred not into the same, for it was now the seuenth of September, but coasting the shore towardes the South wee saw an incredible number of birds: hauing diuers fishermen aboord our barke they all concluded that there was a great skull of fish, we being vnpro∣uided of fishing furniture with a long spike nayle made a hooke, and fastened the same to one of our sounding lines, before the baite was changed we cooke more then fortie great Cods, the fish swim∣ming so abundantly thicke about our barke as is incredible to bee reported, of which with a small portion of salt that we had, we preserued some thirtie couple, or thereaboutes, and so returned for England. And hauing reported to M. Secretarie Walsingham the whole successe of this attempt, he commanded me to present vnto the most honourable Lord high Treasurour of England, some part of that fish: which when his Lordship saw, & heard at large the relation of this second attempt, I receiued fauourable countenance from his honour, aduising me to prosecute the action, of which his Lordship conceiued a very good opinion. The next yere, although diuers of the aduenturers fell from the Action, as all the Westerne marchants, and most of those in London: yet some of the aduenturers both honorable & worshipfull continued their willing fauor and charge, so that by this meanes the next ye••e two shippes were appointed for the fishing and one pinnesse for the discouerie.

* 5.4Departing from Darmouth, through Gods mercifull fauour, I arriued at the place of fishing, and there according to my direction I left the two ships to follow that busines, taking their faithful promise not to depart vntill my returne vnto them, which should be in the fiue of August, and so in the barke I proceeded for the discouerie: but after my departure, in sixeteene dayes the two shippes had finished their voyage, and so presently departed for England, without regard of their promise: my selfe not distrusting any such hard measure proceeded for the discouerie, and followed my course in the free and open sea betweene North and Northwest to the latitude of 67 degrees, and there I might see America West from me, and Gronland, which I called Desolation, East: then when I saw the land of both sides I began to distrust it would prooue but a gulfe: notwithstanding desirous to know the full certainty I proceeded, and in 68 degrees the passage enlarged, so that I could not see the Westerne shore: thus I continued to the latitude of 73 degrees, in a great sea, free from yee, coasting the Westerne shore of Desolation: the people came continually rowing out vnto me in their Canoas, twenty, forty, and one hundred at a time, and would giue me fishes dryed, Salmon, Salmon peale, Cod, Caplin, Lumpe, Stone-base and such like, besides diuers kinds of birds, as Part••ige, Fesant, Guls, Sea birds and other kindes of flesh: I still laboured by signes to know from them what they knew of any sea toward the North, they still made singes of a great sea as we vnderstood them, thē I departed from that coast•• thinking to discouer the North parts of America: & after I had sailed towards the West 40 leagues, I fel vpon a great banke of yce: the winde being North and blew much, I was constrained to coast the same toward the South, not seeing any shore West from me, neither was there any yce towards the North, but a great sea, free, large very salt and blew, & of an vnsearcheable depth: So coasting towards the South I came to the place where I left the ships to fish, but found them not. Then being forsaken & left in this distresse referring my self to the mercifull prouidence of God, I shaped my course for England, & vnhoped for of any, God alone releeuing me, I arriued at Dartmouth. By this last discouery it seemed most manifest that the passage was free & without impediment toward the North: but by reason of the Spanish fleet & vn∣fortunate time of M. Secretaries death, the voyage was omitted & neuer sithens attempted. The cause why I vse this particluar relation of all my proceedings for this discouery, is to stay this ob∣iection, why hath not Dauis discouered this passage being thrise that wayes imploied? How far I proceeded & in what forme this discouery lieth, doth appeare vpon the Globe which M. Sanderson to his very great charge hath published, for the which he deserueth great fauor & commendations.

The discouerie of the Isles of Frisland, Iseland, Engroneland, Estotilaud, Drogeo and Icaria: made by two brethren, namely M. Nicholas Zeno, and M. Antonio his brother: Gathered out their letters by M. Francisco Marcolino.

TN the yere of our Lord 1200 there was in the Citie of Venice a famous Gen∣tleman, named Messer Marino Zeno, who for his great vertue and singular wise∣dome, was called and elected gouernour in certaine common wealths of Italy: in the administration whereof he bore himselfe so discretly, that he was beloued of all men, and his name greatly reuerenced of those that neuer knew or saw his person. And amongst sundry his worthy workes, this is recorded of him, that he pacified certaine grieuous ciuile dissentions that arose among the citizens of Verona: whereas otherwise, if by his graue ad∣uise and great diligence they had not bene preuented, the matter was likely to breake out into hot broyles of warre. He was the first Podesta, or Ruler, that the Common wealth of Venice appoin∣ted in Constantinople in the yeere 1205 when our state had rule thereof with the French Ba∣rons. This Gentleman had a sonne named Messer Pietro, who was the father of the Duke Rinieri, which Duke dying without issue, made his heire M. Andrea, the sonne of M. Marco his brother. This M. Andrea was Captaine Generall and Procurator, a man of great reputation for many rare partes, that were in in him. He had a sonne M. Rinieri, a worthy Senatour and pru∣dent Counsellour: of whom descended M. Pietro Captaine Generall of the league of the Christi∣ans against the Turkes, who was called Dragon, for that in his shield, in stead of a Manfrone which was his armes at the first, he bare a Dragon. He was father to M. Carlo II grande the fa∣mous Procurator and Captaine generall against the Genowayes in those cruell warres, when as almost all the cheife Princes of Europe did oppugne and seeke to ouerthrow our Empire and liber∣tie, wherein by his great valiancie and prowesse, as Furius Camillus deliuered Rome, so he deliue∣red his country from the present perill it was in, being ready to become a pray and spoile vnto the enemie: wherefore he was afterward surnamed the Lyon, and for an eternall remembrance of his fortitude and valiant exploits he gaue the Lyon in his armes. M. Carlo had two brethren, M. Ni∣colo, the knight and M. Antonio, the father of M. Dragon, of whom issued M. Caterino, the fa∣ther M. Pietro da i Crocecchieri. This M. Pietro had sonnes M. Caterino, that died the last yere, being brother vnto M. Francisco, M. Carlo, M. Battista, and M. Vincenzo: Which M. Cateri∣no was father to M. Nicolo, that is yet liuing.

Now M. Nicolo, the knight, being a man of great courage, after this aforesaid Genouan warre of Chioggia that troubled so our predecessours, entred into a great desire and fansie to see the fa∣shions of the worlde and to trauell and acquaint himselfe with the maners of sundry nations and learne their languages, whereby afterwards vpon occasions he might be the better able to doe ser∣uice to his countrey, and purchase to himselfe credite and honour. Wherefore he caused a ship to be made, and hauing furnished her at his proper charges (as he was very wealthy) he departed out of our seas and passing the straites of Gibraltar, he sailed for certaine dayes vpon the Ocean, keeping his course still to the Northwards, with intent to see England and Flanders. Where being assalted in those Seas by a terrible tempest, he was so tossed for the space of many dayes with the sea and winde, that he knew not where he was, till at length he discouered land, and not being able any lon∣ger to susteine the violence of the tempest the ship was cast away vpon the Isle of Friseland. The men were saued, and most part of the goods that were in the ship. And this was in the yere 1380.* 5.5 The inhabitants of the Island came running in great multitudes with weapons to set vpon M. Ni∣colo and his men, who being sore weather-beaten and ouer-laboured at sea, and not knowing in what part of the world they were, were not able to make any resistance at all, much lesse to defend themselues couragiously, as it behooued them in such a dangerous case. And they should haue bene doubtlesse very discourteously intreated and cruelly handled, if by good hap there had not beene hard by the place a prince with armed people. Who vnderstanding that there was euen at that present a great ship cast away vpon the Island, came runing at the noyse and outcryes that they made against our poore Mariners, and dryuing away the inhabitants, spake in Latine and asked them what they were and from whence they came,* 5.6 and perceiuing that they came from Italy and that they were men of the said Countrey, he was surprised with maruelous great ioy. Wherefore promising them all, that they should receiue no discourtesie, and that they were come into a place where they should be well vsed and very welcome, he tooke them into his protection vpon his faith. This was a great Lord, and possessed certaine Islands called Porland, lying on the South side of Frisland, being the richest and most populous of all those parts, his name was Zichmni: and beside the said little Islands, he was Duke of Sorani, lying ouer against Scotland.* 5.7

Of these North parts I thought good to draw the copie of a Sea carde, which amongst other antiquities I haue in my house, which although it be rotten through many yeeres, yet it falleth out indifferent well: and to those that are delighted in these things, it may serue for some light to the vnderstanding of that, which without it cannot so easily be conceiued. Zichmni being Lord of those Sygnories (as is said) was a very warlike and valiant man and aboue all things famous in Sea causes. And hauing the yere before giuen the ouerthrow to the king of Norway, who was Lord of the Island,* 5.8 being desirous to winne fame by feates of armes, hee was come on land with his men to giue the attempt for the winning of Frisland, which is an Island much bigger then Ireland. Wherefore seeing that M. Nicolo was a man of iudgement & discretion, and very expert both in sea matters and martiall affaires, hee gaue him commission to goe aboord his Nauy with all his men, charging the captaine to honour him and in all things to vse his counsaile.

This Nauy of Zichmni was of thirteene vessels, whereof two onely were rowed with oares, the rest small barkes and one ship, with the which they sayled to the Westwards and with little paines wonne Ledouo and Ilofe and diuers other small Islands: and turning into a bay called Su∣dero, in the hauen of the towne named Sanestol, they tooke certaine small barks laden with fish. And here they found Zichmni, who came by land with his armie conquering all the countrey as he went: they stayed here but a while, and led on their course to the Westwards till they came to the other Cape of the gulfe or bay, then turning againe, they found certaine Islandes and broken lands which they reduced al vnto the Signorie & possession of Zichmni. These seas, for asmuch as they sailed, were in maner nothing but sholds & rocks, in so much that if M. Nicolo and the Ueneti∣an mariners had not bene their Pilots, the whole fleete in iudgement of all that were in it, had bene cast away, so small was the skill of Zichmnis men, in respect of ours, who had bene trained vp in the arte and practise of Nauigation all the dayes of their life. Now the fleete hauing done such things as are declared, the Captaine, by the counsaile of M. Nicolo, determined to goe a land, at a towne called Bondendon, to vnderstand what successe Zichmni had in his warres: where they heard to their great content, that he had fought a great battell and put to flight the armie of his enemie: by reason of which victory, they sent Embassadours from all parts of the Island to yeeld the countrey vp into his handes, taking downe their ensignes in euery towne and castle: they thought good to stay in that place for his comming, it being reported for certaine that hee would be there very shortly. At his comming there was great congratulation and many signes of gladnesse shewed, as well for the victory by land, as for that by sea: for the which the Uenetians were honoured and ex∣tolled of all men, in such sort that there was no talke but of them, and of the great valour of M. Ni∣colo. Wherefore the prince, who was a great fauourer of valiant men and especially of those that could behaue themselues well at sea, caused M. Nicolo to be brought before him, and after hauing commended him with many honourable speeches, and praysed his great industrie and dexterine of wit, by the which two things he acknowledged himselfe to haue receiued an inestimable benefite, as the sauing of his fleet and the winning of many places without any great trouble, he made him knight,* 5.9 and rewarded his men with many rich & bountiful gifts. Then departing from thence they went in tryumphing maner toward Frisland, the chiefe citie of that Island, situate ou the South∣east side of the Isle, within a gulfe, as there are many in that Island. In this gulf or bay there is such great abundance of fish taken, that many ships are laden therewith to serue Flanders, Britain, England, Scotland, Norway, and Denmarke,* 5.10 and by this trade they gather great wealth.

And thus much is taken out of a letter, that M. Nicolo sent to M. Antonio his brother, request∣ing that he would seeke some meanes to come to him. Wherefore he who had as great desire to trauaile as his brother, bought a ship, and directed his course that way: & after he had sailed a great while and escaped many dangers, he arriued at length in safetie with M. Nicolo, who receiued him very ioyfully, for that he was his brother not onely in flesh and blood, but also in valour and good qualities. M. Antonio remained in Frisland and dwelt there for the space of 14 yeres,* 5.11 4 yeres with M. Nicolo, and 10 yeres alone. Where they came in such grace and fauour with the Prince, that he made M. Nicolo Captaine of his Nauy, and with great preparation of warre they were sent forth for the enterprise of Estland, which lyeth vpon the coast betweene Frisland and Norway, where they did many dammages: but hearing that the king of Norway was coming towardes them with a great fleet, they departed with such a terrible flaw of winde, that they were driuen vp∣on certaine sholds: were a great part of their ships were cast away, the rest were saued vpon Gris∣land, a great Island but dishabited. The king of Norway his fleete being taken with the same storme, did vtterly perish in those seas: Whereof Zichmni hauing notice, by a ship of his enemies that was cast by chance vpon Grisland, hauing repayred his fleet, and perceiuing himself Norther∣ly neere vnto the Islands, determined to set vpon Island, which together with the rest, was subiect

to the king of Norway: but he found the countrey so well fortified and defended, that his fleete be∣ing so small, and very ill appointed both of weapons and men, he was glad to retire. And so he left that enterprise without performing any thing at all: and in the same chanels he assaulted the other Isles called Islande, which are seuen, Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Mimant, Dambere, and Bres: and hauing spoyled them all, hee built a fort in Bres, where he left M. Nicolo, with certaine small barkes and men and munition. And now thinking he had done wel for this voyage, with those few ships which were left he returned safe into Frisland. M. Nicolo remaining nowe in Bres, deter∣mined in the spring to go forth and discouer land: wherefore arming out three small barkes in the moneth of Iuly, he sayled to the Northwards, and arriued in Engroneland.* 5.12 Where he found a Monasterie of Friers, of the order of the Predicators, and a Church dedicated to Saint Thomas,* 5.13 hard by a hill that casteth forth fire, like Vesuuius and Etna.

There is a fountaine of hot burning water with the which they heate the Church of the Mo∣nastery and the Fryers chambers, it commeth also into the kitchin so boyling hot, that they vse no other ••ire to dresse their meate: and putting their breade into brasse pots without any water, it doth bake as it were in an hot ouen. They haue also smal gardens couered ouer in the winter time, which being watered with this water, are defended from the force of the snow and colde, which in those partes being situate farre vnder the pole, is very extreme, and by this meanes they produce flowers and fruites and herbes of sundry sorts, euen as in other temperate countries in their sea∣sons, in such sort that the rude and sauage people of those partes seeing these supernaturall effects, doe take those Fryers for Gods, and bring them many presents, as chickens, flesh, and diuers other things, and haue them all in great reuerence as Lords. When the frost and snowe is great, they heate their houses in maner beforesaid, and wil by letting in the water or opening the windowes, at an instant temper the heate and cold at their pleasure. In the buildings of the Monasterie they vse no other matter but that which is ministred vnto them by the fire: for they take the burning stones that are cast out as it were sparkles or rinders at the fierie mouth of the hill, and when they are most enflamed, cast water vpon them, whereby they are dissolued and become excellent white lime and so tough that being contriued in building it lasteth for euer. And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them doe serue in stead of stones to make walles and vautes: for being once colde they wil neuer dissolue or breake, except they be cut with some iron toole, and the vautes that are made of them are so light that they need no sustentacle or prop to holde them vp, and they will endure conti∣nually very faire and whole. By reason of these great commodities, the Fryers haue made there so many buildings and walles that it is a wonder to see. The couerts or roofes of their houses for the most part are made in maner following: first they rayse vp the wall vp to his full height, then they make it enclining or bowing in by little and litle in fourme of a vaut. But they are not great∣ly troubled with raine in those partes, because the climate (as I haue saide) is extreme colde: for the first snow being fallen, it thaweth no more for the space of nine moneths,* 5.14 for so long dureth their winter. They feede of the flesh of wilde foule and of fish: for wheras the warme water falleth into the sea, there is a large and wide hauen, which by reason of the heate of the water, doeth neuer freeze all the winter, by meanes whereof there is such concourse and flocks of sea foule and such a∣boundance of fish, that they take thereof infinite multitudes, wherby they maintaine a great number of people round about, which they kepe in continuall worke, both in building and taking of foules and fish, and in a thousand other necessarie affaires and busines about the Monasterie.

Their houses are built about the hill on euery side, in forme round, and 25 foote broad, and in mounting vpwards they goe narower and narower, leauing at the top a litle hole, whereat the aire commeth in to giue light to the house, and the flore of the house is so hot, that being within they feele no cold at all. Hither in the Summer time come many barkes from the Islands their about, and from the cape aboue Norway, and from Trondon,* 5.15 and bring to the Friers al maner of things that may be desired, taking in change thereof fish, which they dry in the sunne or in the cold, & skins of diuers kindes of beasts. For the which they haue wood to burne and timber very artificially car∣ued, and corne, and cloth to make them apparell. For in change of the two aforesaid commodities all the nations bordering round about them couet to trafficke with them, and so they without any trauell or expences haue that which they desire. To this Monasterie resort Fryers of Norway,* 5.16 of Suetia and of other countreys, but the most part are of Islande. There are continually in that part many barks, which are kept in there by reason of the sea being frozen, waiting for the spring of the yere to dissolue the yce. The fishers boates are made like vnto a weauers shuttle:* 5.17 taking the skins of fishes, they fashion them with the bones of the same fishes, and sowing them together in many doubles they make them so sure and substanciall, that it is miraculous to see, howe in tem∣pests they will shut themselues close within and let the sea and winde cary them they care not whe∣ther

without any feare either of breaking or drowning. And if they chance to be driuen vpon any rocks, they remaine sound without the least bruse in the world: & they haue as it were a sleeue in the bottome, which is tyed fast in the middle, and when there commeth any water into the boat, they put it into the one halfe of the sleeue, then fastening the ende thereof with two pieces of wood and loosing the band beneath, they conuey the water forth of the boat: and this they doe as often as they haue occasion, without any perill or impediment at all.

Moreouer, the water of the Monastery, being of sulphurious or brimstonie nature, is conueyed in∣to the lodgings of the principall Friers by certaine vesselles of brasse, tinne, or stone, so hot that it heateth the place as it were a stoue, not carying with it any stinke or other noysome smell.

Besides this they haue another conueyance to bring hot water with a wall vnder the ground, to the end it should not freeze, vnto the middle of the court, where it falleth into a great vessel of brasse that standeth in the middle of a boyling fountaine, and this is to heat their water to drinke & to wa∣ter their gardens, & thus they haue from the hill the greatest commodities that may be wished: and so these Fryers employ al their trauaile and studie for the most part in trimming their gardens and in making faire and beautifull buildings, but especially handsome and commodious: neyther are they destitute of ingenious and paineful artificers for the purpose; for they giue very large payment, and to them that bring them fruits and seedes they are very bountifull, and giue they care not what. So that there is great resort of workemen and masters in diuers faculties, by reason of the good gaines and large allowance that is there.

* 5.18The most of them speake the Latine tongue, and specially the superiours and principals of the Monastery. And this is as much as is knowen of Engroneland, which is all by the relation of M. Nicolo, who maketh also particular description of a riuer that he discouered, as is to be seene in the carde that I drew. And in the end M. Nicolo, not being vsed & acquainted with these cruell colors, fel sicke, and a litle while after returned into Frisland, where he dyed. He left behind him in Venice, two sonnes, M. Giouanni and M. Toma, who had two sonnes, M. Nicolo the father of the famous Cardinal Zeno, and M. Pietro of whom descended the other Zenos, that are liuing at this day.

* 5.19Now M. Nicolo being dead. M. Antonio succeeded him both in his goods, and in his dignities and honour: and albeit he attempted diuers wayes, and made great supplication, he could neuer obtaine licence to returne into his countrey. For Zichmni, being a man of great courage and va∣lour, had determined to make himself Lord of the sea. Wherfore vsing alwayes the counsaile and seruice of M. Antonio, he determined to send him with certaine barks to the Westwards vs, for that towards those parts, some of his fishermen had discoured certaine Islands very rich and populous: which discouery M. Antonio, in a letter to his brother M. Carlo, recounteth from point to point in this maner, sauing that we haue changed some old words, leauing the matter entire as it was.

Sixe and twentie yeeres agoe there departed foure fisher boats, the which, a mightie tempest a∣rising, were tossed for the space of many dayes very desperately vpon the Sea, when at length, the tempest ceasing, and the wether waxing faire, they discouered an Island called Estotiland, lying to the Westwards aboue 1000 Miles from Frisland,* 5.20 vpon the which one of the boats was cast away, and sixe men that were in it were taken of the inhabitants and brought into a faire and populous ci∣tie, where the king of the place sent for many interpreters, but there was none could be found that vnderstood the language of the fishermen, except one that spake Latine,* 5.21 who was also cast by chance vpon the same Island, who in the behalfe of the king asked them what countreymen they were: and so vnderstanding their case, rehearsed it vnto the king, who willed that they should tary in the coun∣trey: wherefore they obeying his commandement, for that they could not otherwise doe, dwell fiue yeres in the Island,* 5.22 & learned the language, and one of them was in diuers partes of the Island, and reporteths that it is a very rich countrey, abounding with all the commodities of the world,* 5.23 and that it is litle lesse then Island, but farre more fruitfull, hauing in the middle thereof a very high moun∣aine, from the which there spring foure riuers that passe through the whole countrey.

The inhabitants are very wittie people, and haue all a••tes and faculties, as we haue: and it is credible that in time past they haue had trafficke with our men, for he said, that he saw Latin bookes in the kings Librarie, which they at this present do not vnderstand: they haue a peculiar language, and letters or caracters to themselues. They haue mines of all maner of mettals, but especial they abound with gold.* 5.24 They haue their trade in Engroneland, from whence they bring furres, brim∣stone & pitch:* 5.25 and he saith, that to the Southwarde, there is a great populous countrey very rich of gold. They sow corne, and make beere and ale, which is a kinde of drinke that North people do vse as we do wine. They haue mighty great woods, they make their buildings with wals, & there are many cities and castles.* 5.26 They build small barks and haue sayling, but they haue not the load stone, nor know not the vse of the compasse. Wherefore these fishers were had in great estimation, inso∣much

that the king sent them with twelue barks to the Southwards to a countrey which they call Drogio:* 5.27 but in their voyage they had such contrary weather, that they thought to haue perished in the sea: but escaping that cruell death, they fell into another more cruell: for they were taken in the countrey and the most part of them eaten by the Sauage people, which fed vpon mans flesh, as the sweetest meat in their iudgements that is.

But that fisher with his fellowes shewing them the maner of taking fish with nets, saued their liues:* 5.28 and would goe euery day a fishing to the sea and in fresh riuers, and take great abundance of fish and giue it to the chiefe men of the countrey, whereby he gate himselfe so great fauour, that he was very well beloued and honoured of euery one.

The fame of this man being spread abroad in the countrey, there was a Lord there by, that was very desirous to haue him with him, and to see how he vsed his miraculous arte of catching fish, in so much that he made warre with the other Lord with whom he was before, and in the e••d preuai∣ling, for that he was more mightie and a better warriour, the fisherman was sent vnto him with the rest of his company. And for the space of thirteene yeres that he dwelt in those parts,* 5.29 he saith, that he was sent in this order to more then 25 Lords, for they had continuall war amongst themselues, this Lord with that Lord, and he with another, onely to haue him to dwell with them: so that wan∣dring vp and downe the countrey without any certaine abode in one place he knew almost all those parts. He saith, that it is a very great countrey & as it were a new world: the people are very rude and voide of all goodnesse, they goe all naked so that they are miserably vexed with colde, neither haue they the wit to couer their bodyes with beasts skins which they take in hunting, they haue no kinde of mettal, they liue by hunting, they cary certaine laures of wood made sharpe at the point, they haue bowes, y^e strings wherof are made of beasts skins: they are very fierce people, they make cruell warres oue with another, and eate one another, they haue gouernours & certaine lawes very diuers among themselues. But the farther to the Southwestwards, the more ciuiltie there is, the ayre being somewhat temperate, so that there they haue cities and temples to idols, wherein they sacrifice men and afterwards eate them, they haue there some knowledge and vse of gold and siluer.

Now this fisherman hauing dwelt so many yeeres in those countreys purposed, if it were possi∣ble, to returne home into his countrey, but his companions despairing euer to see it againe, let him goe in Gods name, and they kept themselues where they were. Wherefore he bidding them far∣well, fled through the woods towards Drogio, and was very well receiued of the Lord that dwelt next to that place; who knew him and was a great enemie of the other Lord: and so running from from one Lord to another, being those by whom he had passed before, after long time & many tra∣uels he came at length to Drogio, where he dwelt three yeres. When as by good fortune he heard by the inhabitants, that there were certaine boates arriued vpon the coast; wherefore entring into good hope to accomplish his intent, he went to the sea side, and asking them of what countrey they were; they answered of Estotiland, whereat he was exceeding glad, and requested that they would take him in to them, which they did very willingly, and for that he had the language of the countrey, and there was none that could speake it, they vsed him for their interpreter.

And afterward he frequented that trade with them in such sort, that he became very rich, and so furnishing out a barke of his owne, he returned into Frislande,* 5.30 where he made reporte vnto this Lord of that wealthy countrey.

And he is throughly credited because of the mariners, who approue many strange things, that he reporteth to be true. Wherfore this Lord is resolued to send me forth with a flect towards those parts,* 5.31 and there are so many that desire to go in the voyage, for the noueltie and strangenesse of the thing, that I thinke we shall be very strongly appointed, without any publike expence at all. And this is the tenor of the letter before mentioned, which I haue here set downe to giue intelligence of another voyage that M. Antonio made, being set out with many barkes, and men, notwithstand∣ing he was not captaine, as he had thought at the first he should: for Zichmni went in his owne per∣son: and concerning that matter I haue a letter in forme following.

One great preparation for the voyage of Estotiland was begun in an vnlucky houre: for three dayes before our departure the fisherman died that should haue bene our guide:* 5.32 notwithstanding this Lord would not giue ouer the enterprize, but instead of the fisherman tooke certaine mariners that returned out of the Island with him:* 5.33 and so making our Nauigation to the Westwards, we discouered certaine Islands subiect to Frisland, and hauing passed certaine shelues we stayed at Le∣douo for the space of 7 daies to refresh ourselues, and to furnish the fleet with necessarie prouision. Departing from thence we arriued the first of Iuly at the Isle of Ilose:* 5.34 and for that the wind made for vs, we stayed not there, but passed forth, and being vpon the maine sea, there arose immediately a cruel tempest, wherwith for eight dayes space we were miserably vered, not knowing where we

were, & a great part of the barks were cast away, afterward the weather waxing faire, we gathered vp the broken peices of the barks that were lost, and sayling with a prosperous winde we discouered land at West.* 5.35 Wherefore keeping our course dir••ctly vpon it, we a••••iued in a good and safe har∣borough, where we saw an infi••it companie of people ready in armes, come running v••••y furiously to the water side, as it were for defence of the Island. Wherfore Zichmni caus••ng his men to make signes of peace vnto them, they sent 10 men vnto vs that could speake ten languages, but we could vnderstand none of them, except one that was of Island.* 5.36 He being brought before our prince and as∣ked, what was the name of the Island, and what people inhabited it, & who gouerned it, answered, that the Island was called Icaria, and that all the kings that reigned there, were called Icari, after the name of the first king of that place, which as they say was the sonne of Dedalus king of Scot∣land,* 5.37 who conquered that Island, left his sonne there for king, and left them those lawes that they retaine to this present, and after this, he desiring to sayle further, in a great tempest that aro••e, was drowned, wherefore for a memoriall of his death, they call those seas yet, the Icarian Sea,* 5.38 and the and the kings of the Island Icari, and for that they were contented with that state, which God had giuen them, neither would they alter one iote of their lawes and customes, they would not re∣ceiue any stranger: wherefore they requested our prince, that hee would not seeke to violate their lawes, which they had receiued from that king of worthy memory and obserued very duly to that present: which if he did attempt, it would redo••und to his manifest des••ruction, they being all re∣solutely bent rather to leaue their life, then to loose in any respect the vse of their lawes. Notwith∣standing, that we should not thinke they did altogether re••use conuersation and traffick with other men, they tolde vs for conclusion that they would willingly receiue one of our men, & preferre him to be one of the chiefe amongst them, onely to learne my language the Italian tongue,* 5.39 and to be in∣formed of our manners and customes, as they had already receiued those other ten of ten sundry nations, that came into their Island.* 5.40 To these things our Prince answered nothing at all, but cau∣sing his men to seke some good harbrough, he made signes as though he would depart, and sayling round about the Island, he espied at length a harbrough on the East side of the Island, where hee put in with all his Fleet: the mariners went on land to take in wood and water, which they did with as great speede as they could, doubting least they should be assaulted by the inhabitants, as it fell out in deed, for those that dwelt therabouts, making signes vnto the other with fire and smoke, put themselues presently in armes and the other comming to them,* 5.41 they came all running downe to the sea side vpon our men, with bowes and arrowes, and other weapons, so that many were s••aine and diuers sore wounded. And we made signes of peace vnto them, but it was to no purpose, for their rage increased more and more, as though they had fought for land and liuing. Wherefore we were forced to depart,* 5.42 and to sayle along in a great circuite about the Islande, being alwayes accompanyed vpon the hil tops & the sea coasts with an infinite number of armed men: and so do••••∣ling the Cape of the Island towards the North, we found many great sholdes, amongst the which for the space of ten dayes we were in continuall danger of loosing our whole fle••t, but that it plea∣sed God all that while to send vs faire weather. Wherefore proceeding on till we came to the East cape, we saw the inhabitants still on the hill tops and by the sea coast keepe with vs, and in making great outcryes and shooting at vs a fa••re off, they vttered their old spitefull affection towards vs. Wherefore wee determined to stay in some safe harborough, and see if wee might speake once againe with the Islander, but our determination was frustrate: for the people more like vnto beasts then men, stood continually in armes with intent to beat vs back, if we should come come on land. Wherefore Zichmni seeing he could not preuaile, and thinking if he should haue perseuered and followed obstinately his purpose, their victuals would haue failed them, he departed with a fayre wind and sailed sixe daies to the Westwards, but the winde changing to the Southwest, and the sea waxing rough, wee sayling 4 dayes with the wind the powp, and at length discouering land, were afraid to approch nere vnto it, the sea being growen, and we not knowing what ••and it was: but God so prouided for vs, that the winde ceasing there came a great calme. Wherefore some of our company rowing to land with oares, returned & brought vs newes to our great comfort, that they had found a very good countery and a better harborough: vpon which newes we towed our ships and smal barks to land, and being entred into the harborough, we saw a farre off a great mountain, that cast forth smoke, which gaue vs good hope that we should finde some inhabitants in the Island, neither would Zichmni rest, although it were a great way off, but sent 100 souldiers to search the countrey and bring report what people they were that inhabited it,* 5.43 & in the meane time they tooke in wood and water for the prouision of the fleet, and catcht great store of fish and sea soule and found such aboundance of birds egges, that our men that were halfe famished, were filled the••ewithall. Whiles we were riding here, began the moneth of Iune, at which time the aire in the Island was

so temperate and pleasant as is impossible to expresse: but when we could see no people at al, we sus∣p••cted greatly that this pleasant place was desolate and dishabited. We gaue name to the heauen calling it Trin, and the point that stretched ou•• into the sea, we called Capo de Trin. The 100 soul∣diers that were sent forth,* 5.44 8 dayes after 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and brought word that they had bene through the Island and at the mountaine, and that the smoke was a naturall thing proceding from a great fire that was in the bottome of the hill, and that there was a spring from which issued a certaine wa∣ter like pitch which ran into the sea, and that thereabouts dwelt great multitudes of people halfe wilde hiding themselues in caues of the ground, of small stature, and very fearefull; for as soone as they saw them they fled into their hol••s, and that there was a great riuer and a very good and safe harborough. Zichmni being thus informed, and seeing that it had a holesome and pure aire, and a very fruitfull soyle and fa••re riuers, with sundry commodities, fell into such liking of the place, that he determined to inhabite it, and built there a citie. But his people being weary and faint with long and tedious trauell began to mu••mure, saying that they would returne into their countrey, for that the winter was at hand, and if they entred into the ha••borough, they should not be able to come out againe before the next Summer. Wherefore he retaining onely the barks with Oares and such as were willing to stay with him, sent all the rest with the shippes backe againe,* 5.45 and willed that I, (though vnwilling) should be their captaine. I therefore departing, because I could not otherwise chuse, sayled for the space of twenty dayes to the Eastwards without sight of any land; then turning my course towards the Southeast, in 5. dayes I discouered land, and found my selfe vpon the Isle of Neome, and knowing the countrey, I perceiued I was past Island: wherefore taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants being subiect to Zichmni, I sayled with a faire winde in three dayes to Frisland, where the people, who thought they had lost their prince. because of his long absence, in this our voyage receiued vs very ioyfully.

What followed after this letter I know not but by coniecture, which I gather out of a piece of another letter, which I will set downe here vnderneath: That Zichmni built a towne in the port of the Island that he discouered, and that he searched the countrey very diligently and discouered it all, and also the riuers on both sides of Engroneland, for that I see it particularly described in the sea card, but the discourse or narration is lost. The beginning of the lett•••• is thus.

Concerning those things that you desire to know of me,* 5.46 as of the men and their maners and cu∣stomes, of the beasts, and of the countries adioyning, I haue made therof a particuler booke, which by Gods help I will bring with me: wherein I haue described the countrey, the monstrous fishes, the customes and lawes of Frisland, Island, Estland, the kingdome of Norway, Esto••iland, Dro∣gio, and in the end the life of M. Nicolo, the knight our brother, with the discouery which he made, and the state of Groneland. I haue also written the life and acts of Zichmni, a prince as worthy of immortall memory, as any that euer liued, for his great valiancie and singuler humanitie, wherein I haue described the discouery of Engroneland on both sides, and the citie that he builded. There∣fore I will speake no further hereof in this letter, hoping to be with you very shortly, and to satisfie you in sundry other things by word of mouth.

All these letters were written by M. Antonio to Messer Carlo his brother: and it grieueth me, that the booke and diuers other writings concerning these purposes, are miserably lost: for being but a child when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, (as the maner of chil∣dren is) I tore them, and rent them in pieces, which now I cannot cal to remembrance but to my ex∣ceeding great griefe. Notwithstanding, that the memory of so many good things should not bee lost: whatsoeuer I could get of this matter, I haue disposed and put in order in the former dis∣course, to the ••nde that this age might be partly satisfied, to the which •••• are more beholding for the great discoueries made in those partes, then to any other of the time past, being most studious of the newe relations and discoueries of strange counteries, made by the great mindes, and indust∣rie of our ancestours.

For the more credite and confirmation of the former Historie of Messer Nicolas and Messer Antonio Zeni (which for some fewe respects may perhaps bee called in question) I haue heere annexed the iudgement of that famous Cosmographer Abraham Ortelius, or rather ••he yealding and submitting of his iudgement thereunto: who in his Theatr••m Orbis, fol. 6. next before the map of Mar del Zur, boroweth proofe and authorit••e out of this relati∣on, to shew that the Northeast parte of America called Esto••iland, and in the original alwayes affirmed to bee an Islande, was about the yeere 1390 discouered by the aforesayd Venetian Gentleman Messer Antonia Zen••, aboue 100 yeeres before euer Christopher Columbus set saile for those Westerne Regions; and that the Northren Seas were euen then sayled by our Europaean Pilots through the helpe of the loadstone: with diuers other particulars concerning

the customes, religion and wealth of the Southern Americans, which are most euiden••ly confirmed by all the late and moderne Spanish Histories of Nueua Espanna and Peru.

ANd here I shall not (as I suppose) commit any great inconuenience, or absurditie, in adding vnto this History of the new world, certaine particulars as touching the first discouery therof, not commonly known. Which discouerie al the writers of our time ascribe & that not vnworthily) vnto Christopher Columbus. For by him it was in a maner first discouered,* 5.47 made knowen•• and profitably communicated vnto the Christian world, in the yeere of our Lord 1492. Howbeit I finde that the North part thereof called Estrotiland, (which most of all extendeth toward our Eu∣rope and the Islands of the same, namely, Groneland, Island, and Frisland,) was long ago found out by certaine fishers of the Isle of Frisland,* 5.48 driuen by tempest vpon the shore thereof: and was af∣terward about the yeere 1390 discouered a new, by one Antonio Zeno a gentleman of Venice; which sayled thither vnder the conduct of Zichmni king of the saide Isle of Frisland, a prince in those parts of great valour, and renowned for his martiall exploits and victories. Of which expe∣dition of Zichmni there are extant in Italian certaine collections or abridgements gathered by Francisco Marcolino out of the letters of M. Nicolo and Antonio Zeni two gentlemen of Venice which liued in those partes. Out of which collections I doe adde concerning the description of Esto••••land aforesaid these particulars following.

Estotiland (saith he) aboundeth with all things necessary for mankinde. In the mids thereof standeth an exceeding high mountaine, from which issue foure riuers that moisten all the coun∣trie. The inhabitans are wittie and most expert in all Mechanicall arts. They haue a kinde of pe∣culiar language and letters. Howbeit in this Kings Librarie are preserued certaine latine bookes, which they vnderstand not, being perhaps left there not many yeeres before by some Europaeans, which traffiqued thither. They haue all kinde of mettals; but especially golde, wherewith they mightily abo••nd. They trafficke with the people of Groneland: from whence they fetch skinnes, pitch and brimstone. The inhabitants report that towardes the South, there are regions abound∣ing with gold, and very populous: they haue many and huge woods, from whence they take tim∣ber for the building of ships and cities, whereof and of castles there are great store. The vse o•• the loadstone for Nauigation is vnknowen vnto them. They make relation also of a certaine region toward the South, called Drogio,* 5.49 which is inhabited by Canibals, vnto whom mans flesh is deli∣cate meat: wherof being destitute they liue by fishing, which they vse very much. Beyond this are large regions, and as it were a newe world: but the people are barbarcus and goe naked: howbe∣it against the colde they cloth themselues in beastes skinnes. These haue no kinde of metall: and they liue by hunting. Their weapons are certaine long staues with sharpe points, and bowes. They wage warres one against another. They haue gouernours, and obey certaine lawes. But from hence more towardes the South the climate is much more temperate: and there are cities, and temples of idoles, vnto whom they sacrifice liuing men, whose flesh they afterwards deuoute. These nations haue the vse of siluer and gold.

Thus much of this tract of landes out of the aforesaide collections or abridgements. Wherein this also is worthy the obseruation, that euen then our Europaean Pilots sayled those seas by the helpe of the loadstone. For concerning the vse thereof in Nauigation, I suppose there is not to be found a more ancient testimonie. And these things I haue annexed the rather vnto this table of Mar del Zur; considering that none of those Authours which haue written the Histories of the Newe world, haue in any part of their writings, mentioned one word thereof. Hitherto Ortelius.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ann. Dom. 1495.
• * 1.2

  Bristol thought y^e meetest port for Westerne discoueries.
• * 1.3

  Freedome frō custome.
• * 1.4

  A record of the rolls touching the voyage of Iohn Ca••ot and Sebastian his sonne.
• * 1.5

  This discourse is taken out of the second vo∣lume of y^e voy∣ages of Baptist•• Ramusius.
• * 1.6

  Seba••tian Cabota Pilot mayor of Spaine.
• * 1.7

  The second voyage of Ca∣bot to the land of Brasil, and Rio de plata.
• * 1.8

  The office of Pilote maior.
• * 1.9

  The great pro∣babilitie of this North∣west passage.
• * 1.10

  A current to∣ward the West.
• * 1.11

  The people of Island say the Sea and yce setteth also West. Iona•• Amgrimus.
• * 1.12

  Copper found in many pla∣ces by Cabote.
• * 1.13

  Cabots voyage from Bristol wherein he dis∣couered New∣found land, & the Northerne parts of that land, and from thence as farre almost as Flo∣rida.
• * 1.14

  Anno D. 1549.
• * 1.15

  Proclus pag. 24.
• * 1.16

  Iustine Lib•• 4.
• * 1.17

  Plin••e,
• * 1.18

  A minore ad m••iu••.
• * 1.19

  Strabo lib. 15.
• * 1.20

  V••lerius Ansel∣mus in Catalogo ••nno••um & p••in∣cipum. fol. 6. Gen. 9.10.
• * 1.21

  We ought by reasons ••ight to haue a re••e∣rent opinion of worthy men.
• * 1.22

  A Nauigation of one Ochther made in king Alfreds time.
• * 1.23

  A perfect de∣scription of our Moscouia voyage.
• * 1.24

  By Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, Chan∣cellor and Bo∣rough.
• * 1.25

  Experimented by our English fishers.
• * 1.26

  Neede makes the old wife to trotte.
• * 1.27

  The Sea hath three motions.

  • ...1 Motum ab ori∣ente in occide••∣tem.
  • ...2 Motum fluxus & refluxus.
  • ...3 Motum circu∣larem.

  Ad coeli motum elementa omnia (excepta ••e••••a) mouentur.
• * 1.28

  Posit•• cau••a, po∣ni••ur effe••••u••.
• * 1.29

  Conteren••••••
• * 1.30

  An obiection answered.
• * 1.31

  The sea doth euermore per∣forme this cir∣cular motion, either in Supre∣ma, or concaua superficie aquae.
• * 1.32

  The yce set westward eue∣ry yeere from Island. Auth. Iona A••••g••imo.
• * 1.33

  The flowing is occasioned by reason that the heate of the moone boyleth, and maketh the water thinne by way of ra∣refaction.
• * 1.34

  An experience to prooue the falling of this current into Mar del Sur.
• * 1.35

  Alcatrarzi be Pellica••es.
• * 1.36

  Baros lib. 9. Of his first De∣cas cap. 1.
• * 1.37

  Written in the discourses of Nauigation.
• * 1.38

  Quinq••e sensu••.

  • 1 Vi••••s.
  • 2 Audi••us.
  • 3 Ol••a••ius.
  • 4 Gustus.
  • 5 Tactus.

  Singula••ia sensu, vni••••r••alia ve••ò mente pe••cipiun∣tur.
• * 1.39

  Lib. 2. cap. 66.
• * 1.40

  Pag. 590.
• * 1.41

  Auouched by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara in his historie of India, lib. 1. cap. 10.
• * 1.42

  This fift rea∣son by later ex∣periēce is pro∣ued vtterly vn∣true.
• * 1.43

  That the In∣dians could not be natiues either of Africa, or of America.
• * 1.44

  Quicquid natu∣rali loco priua∣tur, quam ••••tissi∣mè corrumpitur.
• * 1.45

  Qualis causa ta∣lis effectus,
• * 1.46

  Similium similis ••st ratio.
• * 1.47

  Quicquid cor∣rumpitur à con∣tra••io corrumpi∣tur.
• * 1.48

  Omne ••imile gignit sui simile.
• * 1.49

  True, both in ventis obliquè flan••ibus, as also in ventis ex dia∣metro spiranti∣bus.
• * 1.50

  The words of the king of Portugall, to Andro Vrdaneta a Frier, touch∣ing the concea∣ling of this Northwest passage from England to Ca∣taia.
• * 1.51

  An obiection.
• * 1.52

  Aristotle lib. de mundo, cap. 2. Berosus lib. 5.
• * 1.53

  The North∣west passage assent••d vnto.
• * 1.54

  The first rea∣son.
• * 1.55

  The answer or resolution.
• * 1.56

  Vlsus nonnun∣quam fallitur in suo obiecto.
• * 1.57

  The second reason or alle∣gation.
• * 1.58

  The answer or resolution.
• * 1.59

  The third and last reason or assertion.
• * 1.60

  The answer or resolution.
• * 1.61

  Some doubt of this.
• * 1.62

  This discoue∣ry offered.
• * 1.63

  This discoue∣ry attempted.
• * 1.64

  This discoue∣ry performed.
• * 1.65

  The labour of this discouerie shortned by other mens trauell.
• * 1.66

  Why y^e kings of Spaine and Portugal would not perseuer in this discouery.
• * 1.67

  Pereas qui vm∣bras times.
• 1 1.68

  By the Southeast.
• 2 1.69

  By the Southwest.
• * 1.70

  This is an er∣rour.
• 3 1.71

  By the Northeast.
• * 1.72

  Ortel. tab. Asiae. 3.
• 4 1.73

  By the Northeast.
• * 1.74

  Ob. 1.
• * 1.75

  In Theatro.
• * 1.76

  Ob. 2.
• * 1.77

  Ob. 3.
• * 1.78

  Ob. 4.
• * 1.79

  Ob. 5.
• * 1.80

  Ob. 6.
• * 1.81

  Cic. 1. de orat. Arist. pri. Metaph.
• * 1.82

  Lib. 1. Geog. Cap. 2.
• * 1.83

  Sol. 1.
• * 1.84

  Sol. 2.
• * 1.85

  Ouid. ••. Meta.
• * 1.86

  Sol. 3.
• * 1.87

  Sol. 4.
• * 1.88

  Lib. Geog.
• * 1.89

  No••e.
• * 1.90

  Richard Eden.
• * 1.91

  Lib. 2. Meteor. cap. 1.
• * 1.92

  Plin. lib. •••• cap•• 67.
• * 1.93

  Sol. 5.
• * 1.94

  Sol. 6••
• * 1.95

  Luc. lib. 1•• Pha••sal.
• * 1.96

  What the Easterne cur∣rent is.
• * 1.97

  Lib. 1. Geog. Cap 2.
• * 1.98

  Iune.
• ‖ 1.99

  M. Matthew 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was Cap••aine of the Michael.
• * 1.100

  Fair•• Island.
• * 1.101

  Shotland.
• * 1.102

  By eleuation he mea••eth the distance o•• the sunne from the z••••••th.
• * 1.103

  S. Tronions••
• * 1.104

  Fo••lay Island.
• * 1.105

  Latitude 59. deg. 59. min. ••ere they be∣g•••• to saile West and by North.
• * 1.106

  Iuly the first.
• * 1.107

  The Compasse varying West∣wards one point.
• * 1.108

  The Island of Friseland.
• * 1.109

  The variation of the needle, two points and a halfe to the West.
• * 1.110

  A great drift of yce.
• * 1.111

  The latitude of 62. degrees 2. min.
• * 1.112

  Sight of land supposed to haue bene La∣brador.
• * 1.113

  August.
• * 1.114

  They enter the Strei•• in the latitude of 63. deg. and 8. min.
• * 1.115

  Sight of the Countrey peo∣ple.
• * 1.116

  The descripti∣on of the peo∣ple.
• * 1.117

  5. of our men taken by the people.
• * 1.118

  They returne.
• * 1.119

  September.
• * 1.120

  The Sheld.
• * 1.121

  The Islands Orcades or Orkney.
• * 1.122

  The Orcadi∣ans vpon smal occasion fire their home.
• * 1.123

  No wood in Orkney.
• * 1.124

  Fisher men of ••ngland haue dail•• ••raffike to O••kn••y.
• * 1.125

  In Iune, and Iuly no night in those: West and North∣west regions.
• * 1.126

  Great abun∣dance of Firre trees floting in the sea.
• * 1.127

  Inquire fur∣ther of this current.
• * 1.128

  Yce, snow, and haile in Iune and Iuly.
• * 1.129

  Friseland subiect to fogge.
• * 1.130

  Frobishers streight.
• * 1.131

  Islands of yce comparable to mountaines.
• * 1.132

  Captaine Fro∣bisher his spe∣ciall care and diligence for the benefite of his Prince and Countre••.
• * 1.133

  The order of the people ap∣pearing on shoare.
• * 1.134

  Fierce and hold people. One taken.
• * 1.135

  Richard Cox, Master gun∣ner.
• * 1.136

  Master Iackman.
• * 1.137

  Andrew Dier.
• * 1.138

  Iackmans sound.
• * 1.139

  Possession ta∣ken.
• * 1.140

  Yce needefull to be regarded of seafaring men.
• * 1.141

  Stones glister with sparkles like gold.
• * 1.142

  A common prouerbe.
• * 1.143

  The sea Uni∣corne.
• * 1.144

  The people fled at the sight of our men.
• * 1.145

  Master Phil∣pot.
• * 1.146

  Master Beast.
• * 1.147

  A fierce assault of a few.
• * 1.148

  Faire meanes not able to al∣lure them to familiarity.
• * 1.149

  Boates of skinne••.
• * 1.150

  Our depar••ure from the West shore.
• * 1.151

  The countrey people shew themselues vnto vs.
• * 1.152

  Their vsage in traffique or ex∣change.
• * 1.153

  The people shew them∣selues the third time.
• * 1.154

  The people shew them∣selues againe on ••••rme land.
• * 1.155

  Their ••••r••t meanes to al∣lure vs to shore.
• * 1.156

  Their second meanes.
• * 1.157

  Their third and craf••iest allur••ment.
• * 1.158

  Compassion to cure a craf∣ty lame man.
• * 1.159

  Dogges like vnto wolu••••.
• * 1.160

  They eate dogs flesh.
• * 1.161

  Hoods ••nd tailes to their appar••ll.
• * 1.162

  Their houses of Seale skins and Firre.
• * 1.163

  Their wea∣pons of de∣fence.
• * 1.164

  Three ••orts of heads to their arrowes.
• * 1.165

  Two sorts of darts.
• * 1.166

  Two sorts of boates made of leather.
• * 1.167

  They vse to foule, fish, and hunt.
• * 1.168

  It is to be supposed that their inhabi∣ting is else∣where.
• * 1.169

  Their vse of yron.
• * 1.170

  Anthropophagi.
• * 1.171

  Signes of gold e••••e.
• * 1.172

  Signes of gold from o∣ther people.
• * 1.173

  Description of the Countreis.
• * 1.174

  •• signe of Earthquake•• or thunder.
• * 1.175

  No riuers, but ••uch as the Sunne doth cause to come of snow.
• * 1.176

  A probability that there should be nei∣ther spring or riuers in the ground.
• * 1.177

  Springs nou∣rish gold.
• * 1.178

  Our departur•• from those Countreys.
• * 1.179

  How & when we lost our 2. Barks, which God neuerthe∣lesse restored.
• * 1.180

  The conclu∣sion.
• * 1.181

  Master Yorke.
• * 1.182

  Christopher Hall.
• * 1.183

  The Hopewel.
• * 1.184

  Captaine Ca∣rew.
• * 1.185

  Andrew Dier••
• * 1.186

  Harwich.
• * 1.187

  Dursies.
• * 1.188

  Ireland.
• * 1.189

  Plimmouth.
• * 1.190

  Bristow.
• * 1.191

  Frizeland.
• * 1.192

  The curtesie of our Gene∣rall.
• * 1.193

  Master Kin∣derslie.
• * 1.194

  Bartholomew Bull.
• * 1.195

  The Michael.
• * 1.196

  The Iudith.
• * 1.197

  M. Fenton.
• * 1.198

  Charles Iack∣man.
• * 1.199

  The Countesse of W••rwicks sound.
• * 1.200

  Our entrance & passage, &c.
• * 1.201

  Barke Dionyse.
• * 1.202

  Narow shifts for safetie.
• * 1.203

  Gods proui∣dence.
• * 1.204

  A mountaine of yce appear∣ing in sundry figures.
• * 1.205

  A fog of long continuance.
• * 1.206

  A current to the North∣west.
• * 1.207

  The Gabriel.
• * 1.208

  The people of∣fer to traffike with vs.
• * 1.209

  Warning pie∣ces of fate pas∣sage dischar∣ged.
• * 1.210

  A faire sound betweene the Queenes fore∣land and Iack∣mans sound.
• * 1.211

  An horrible snowe fell in Iuly.
• * 1.212

  The time of our setting for∣ward, &c.
• * 1.213

  The Countesse of Sussex Iland.
• * 1.214

  Winters For∣nace.
• * 1.215

  Dauids sound.
• * 1.216

  The policie of the people for safe••ie of them∣selues.
• * 1.217

  Their speedie flight at our Generals ar∣riuall.
• * 1.218

  Gentlemen should haue inha••ited the Countrey.
• * 1.219

  An house tric∣ked and garni∣shed with di∣uers tr••••k••••s.
• * 1.220

  An outragi∣ous tempest.
• * 1.221

  Our entring the coastes dangerous.
• * 1.222

  The Island in length 25. leagues.
• * 1.223

  This Iland is in the latitude of 57. degrees and 1 second part.
• * 1.224

  Two harbo∣roughs in this Island.
• * 1.225

  Experience to proue that Tor∣rida Zona is ha∣bitable.
• * 1.226

  Marochus more hote then a∣bout the Equi∣noctiall.
• * 1.227

  Marueilo••s fruitfull soile vnder the E∣quinoctiall.
• * 1.228

  Great trees.
• * 1.229

  Commoditi•••• and pleasur•••• vnder the E∣quinoctiall.
• * 1.230

  Heat is cau∣sed by two means that is by his ma∣ner of Angle and by his continuance••
• * 1.231

  Note this reason.
• * 1.232

  Paris in France is as hote as vnder the E∣quinoctiall in Iune.
• * 1.233

  In Iune is greater heat at Paris then vnder the E∣quinoctial.
• * 1.234

  The twilights are shorter, and the nights darker vnder the Equino∣ctial then at Paris.
• * 1.235

  In what pro∣portion the Angle of the Sun beames heateth.
• * 1.236

  They vse and haue neede of fire vnder the Equinoctiall.
• * 1.237

  Colde inter∣mingled with heate vndre the Equino∣ctial.
• * 1.238

  Ethiop••ans blacke, with curled haire.
• * 1.239

  The Sunne heateth not by his neernesse, but onely by reflection.
• * 1.240

  A black Moore•• sonne borne in England.
• * 1.241

  The colour of the people in Meta Incog∣nita.

  The complexi∣on of the peo∣ple of Meta in∣cognita.
• * 1.242

  The cause of the Ethiopians blacknesse.
• * 1.243

  The Arke of Noe.
• * 1.244

  Chus the sonne of Cham accur∣sed.
• * 1.245

  Africa was called Chamesis.
• * 1.246

  Greatest tem∣perature vn∣der the Equi∣noctial.
• * 1.247

  Vndre the E∣quinoctiall is greatest gene∣ration.
• * 1.248

  Greatest heate vnder the Tro∣pic••••.
• * 1.249

  Cuba.

  Hispaniola.
• * 1.250

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.251

  Under the Tropickes is moderate tem∣perature.
• * 1.252

  Nine Cli∣mates.
• * 1.253

  A comparison betweene Ma∣rochus and England.
• * 1.254

  All the North regions are habitable.
• * 1.255

  Elephant.
• * 1.256

  Orange tree.
• * 1.257

  Two causes of heat.
• * 1.258

  Hote nights nere the pole.
• * 1.259

  Colde nights vnder the E∣quinoctiall.
• * 1.260

  One day of sixe moneths.
• * 1.261

  Moderate heat vnder y^e poles.
• * 1.262

  The Sunne neuer setteth in 182 dayes.
• * 1.263

  Horizon a••d Equinoctiall all one vnder the pole.
• * 1.264

  London.
• * 1.265

  Commodious dwelling vn∣der the poles.
• * 1.266

  The nights vnder the pole.
• * 1.267

  The regions vnder the poles want twilights but sixe weeks.
• * 1.268

  Winter nights vnder the pole tolerable to li∣uing creatures
• * 1.269

  An obiection of Meta incog∣nita
• * 1.270

  Meta incognita inhabited.
• * 1.271

  Captaine Frobisher•• first voyage.
• * 1.272

  The Michael returned home.
• * 1.273

  Frobishers first entrance with∣in •• streights.
• * 1.274

  Frobisher•• str••ig••t••.
• * 1.275

  Deere.
• * 1.276

  The first sight of y^e Sauages.
• * 1.277

  Salmon.
• * 1.278

  Fiue English∣men intercep∣ted and taken.
• * 1.279

  Taking of the first Sauage.
• * 1.280

  Frobishers returne.
• * 1.281

  The taking possession of Meta incognita.
• * 1.282

  How the ore was found by chance.
• * 1.283

  Many aduen∣turers.
• * 1.284

  In the second vo••age com∣mission was giuen onely ••or the bring∣ing of ore.
• * 1.285

  They receiu•• the commu∣nion
• * 1.286

  The numbe•• of men in thi•• voyage.
• * 1.287

  The condem∣ned men dis∣charged.
• * 1.288

  The first arri••uall after one departing fr•• England••
• * 1.289

  A Mine of s••l••er fo••n•• in O••kney.
• * 1.290

  Kyrway the chiefe towne of Orkney.
• * 1.291

  S. Magnus sound why so called.
• * 1.292

  Great bodies of trees dri∣uing in the seas.
• * 1.293

  Monstrous fish & strang•• foule liuing onely by the Sea.
• * 1.294

  Water being blacke and smooth, signi∣fieth land to be neere.
• * 1.295

  Ilands of yce.
• * 1.296

  The first sight of Frisland the 4. of Iuly.
• * 1.297

  Frisland de∣scribed.
• * 1.298

  An easie kind of Fishing.
• * 1.299

  White Corrall got by soun∣ding.
• * 1.300

  Monstro••s Isles of yce, in taste fresh, wherehence they are sup∣posed to come.
• * 1.301

  The opinion of the frosen Seas is de∣stroyed by ex∣perience.
• * 1.302

  The Stirrage of the Michaell broken vp tem∣pest.
• * 1.303

  The first en∣trance of the straights.
• * 1.304

  Halles Iland.
• * 1.305

  The descrip∣tion of the straights.
• * 1.306

  No more gold Ore found in the first Iland.
• * 1.307

  Egs & foules of Meta incog∣nita.
• * 1.308

  Si••ares set to catch birds withall.
• * 1.309

  The building of a Columne, called Mount Warwicke
• * 1.310

  The first sight of the countrie people, wa••∣ting with a flagge.
• * 1.311

  The meeting a part of two Englishmen, with two of that countrey.
• * 1.312

  The order of their traffique.
• * 1.313

  Another mee∣ting of two of our men with two of theirs.
• * 1.314

  The English∣men chased to their b••ates.
• * 1.315

  One of that Countreymen taken.
• * 1.316

  The Ayde set on fire.
• * 1.317

  The great dan∣ger of those rockes of yce.
• * 1.318

  Night with∣out darknes in that countrey.
• * 1.319

  Our first com∣ming on the Sou••herland of the sayd straights.
• * 1.320

  A Mine of Blacke lead.
• * 1.321

  Iackmans sound
• * 1.322

  Smiths Iland.
• * 1.323

  The finding of an Vnicornes horne.
• * 1.324

  Beares sound. Lecesters Ilād. A tombe with a dead mans bones in it.
• * 1.325

  Bridles, kniues, and o∣ther instru¦ments found hid among the Rockes.
• * 1.326

  They vse great dogs to draw sleds, and litle dogs for their meat.
• * 1.327

  Thirty leagues disco∣uered within the straites.
• * 1.328

  A good presi∣dent of a good Captain shew∣ed by Captain Frobisher.
• * 1.329

  The maner of their houses in this countrey.
• * 1.330

  Whales bones vsed in stead of timber.
• * 1.331

  The sluttish∣nesse of these people.
• * 1.332

  A signe set vp by the sauage captiue, & the meaning ther∣of.
• * 1.333

  The sauage cap••iue ama∣zed at his co••••treimans picture.
• * 1.334

  Another shew of twenty per∣sons of that countrey in one boate.
• * 1.335

  Yorkes sound.
• * 1.336

  The apparel found againe of our English men which the yere before were taken captiue.
• * 1.337

  A good deuise of Captaine Yorke.
• * 1.338

  The Sauages haue boats of sundry bignes.
• * 1.339

  The English men pursue those people of that countrey.
• * 1.340

  The swift rowing of those people.

  The bloody point.
• * 1.341

  Yorkes sound.
• * 1.342

  A hot skirmish betweene the English and them of that countrey.
• * 1.343

  The desperate nature of those people.
• * 1.344

  The taking of the woman & her child.
• * 1.345

  A prety kind of surgery which nature tea∣cheth.
• * 1.346

  The narrow∣est place of the Straites is 9. leagues ouer.
• * 1.347

  The Queenes Cape.
• * 1.348

  The maner of the meeting of the two cap∣tiues, and their entertainment
• * 1.349

  The shame fast∣nes and chasti∣ty of those Sa∣uage captiues.
• * 1.350

  Another ap∣pearance of the countrey peo∣ple.
• * 1.351

  Th••s•• people know the vse of writing.
• * 1.352

  A letter sent vnto the fiue English cap∣tiues.
• * 2.1

  Postscript.
• * 2.2

  The cause why M. Frobisher entred no fur∣ther within the Streits this yere.
• * 2.3

  Bests bulwarke
• * 2.4

  Their King called Catchoe.
• * 2.5

  How he is honoured.
• * 2.6

  A bladder changed for a looking glasse.
• * 2.7

  No newes of the English captiues.
• * 2.8

  To what end the bladder was deliuered.
• * 2.9

  Those people dancing vpon the hil toppe••.
• * 2.10

  A skirmish shewed to those people.
• * 2.11

  Their ••••ags made of blad∣ders.
• * 2.12

  Great offer••.
• * 2.13

  A hundreth Sauages.
• * 2.14

  They returne. Snow halfe a foote deepe in August.
• * 2.15

  The Master of the Gabriel strooken ouer∣boord.
• * 2.16

  The Rudder of the Aide torne in twain.
• * 2.17

  How the la∣titudes were alwayes taken in this voyage ratherwith the Staffe then ••••••rolabe.
• * 2.18

  The arriual of the Aide at Pad∣stow in Corne∣wall.
• * 2.19

  Our comming to Milford Hauen.
• * 2.20

  The arriuall of the Gabriel a•• Bristow.
• * 2.21

  The Michael arriued in the North parts.
• * 2.22

  Only one man died the voy∣age.
• * 2.23

  M. Frobisher cō∣mended of her Maiestie.
• * 2.24

  The Gentle∣men commen∣ded.
• * 2.25

  Cōmissioners appointed to examine the goodnesse of the Ore.
• * 2.26

  A name giuen to y^e place new discouered.
• * 2.27

  The hope of the passage to Cataya.
• * 2.28

  A forte to be built in Meta Incognita.
• * 2.29

  A hundreth men appoin∣ted to iuhabit•• there.
• * 2.30

  Fifteene sayle.
• * 2.31

  A chaine of gold giuen to M. Frobisher.
• * 3.1

  Cape Cleare the six•• of Iune.
• * 3.2

  A charitable de••••e.
• * 3.3

  Marke this current.
• * 3.4

  West England.
• * 3.5

  Frisland suppo∣sed to be ••••••t••∣nent with Groenland.
• * 3.6

  The 23 of Iune.
• * 3.7

  Charing crosse.
• * 3.8

  A Whale strooke a ship.
• * 3.9

  Frobishers Streites cho∣ked vp with yce.
• * 3.10

  Salt water cannot freeze.
• * 3.11

  Barke Dennis sun••e.
• * 3.12

  Part of the house lost.
• * 3.13

  Another assault.
• * 3.14

  Fogge, snow, and mistes hinder the Mariners markes.
• * 3.15

  A swift cur∣rent from the Northeast.
• * 3.16

  A current.
• * 3.17

  Iames Bea••e a good Mariner.
• * 3.18

  Christopher Hall chiefe Pylot.
• * 3.19

  Hard shifts to sa••e mens ••••es.
• * 3.20

  The coast a∣long y^• South∣side of Gron∣l••nd 60 leagues
• * 3.21

  Mistaken straights which in∣deed•• are no straights.
• * 3.22

  Frobisher could haue passed to Cataia.
• * 3.23

  Faire open way.
• * 3.24

  Reasons to prooue a pas∣sage here.
• * 3.25

  Great in∣drafts.
• * 3.26

  A current to the West.
• * 3.27

  Nine houres flood to three houres ebbe.
• * 3.28

  The sea mo∣neth from East to West continually.
• * 3.29

  Authoritie.
• * 3.30

  Hard but yet possible tur∣ning backe a∣gaine.
• * 3.31

  Traffique.
• * 3.32

  Returne out of the mistaken straights.
• * 3.33

  Great dan∣gers.
• * 3.34

  Anne Francis met with some of the fleete.
• * 3.35

  Francis The foure and twentieth of Iuly we met with the Francis of Foy, of Foy.
• * 3.36

  Bridgwater ship.
• * 3.37

  The Streits frozen ouer.
• * 3.38

  A valiant mind of M. Frobisher.
• * 3.39

  Snow in Iuly
• * 3.40

  Extreme win∣ter.
• * 3.41

  Great heat in Meta Incognita.
• * 3.42

  Unconstant w••ather.
• * 3.43

  The Generall recouereth his port.
• * 3.44

  Master Wolfall Preacher.
• * 3.45

  The aduen∣tures of Cap∣taine Fenton and his com∣panie.
• * 3.46

  Extremitie causeth men to venise new arts aud re∣medies.
• * 3.47

  Yard shifts.
• * 3.48

  Strange won∣ders.
• * 3.49

  Consultation for inhabiting Meta incognita.
• * 3.50

  An hunderd men appoin∣ted to inhabite.
• * 3.51

  No habitation this yeere.
• * 3.52

  The Moone.
• * 3.53

  The Anne Fran∣cis•• the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moone con∣sult.
• * 3.54

  Captaine Bests resolution.
• * 3.55

  A Pinnisse for the inhabiters.
• * 3.56

  Bestes blessing.
• * 3.57

  Anne Francis in danger.
• * 3.58

  The Moone in harborough.
• * 3.59

  Hattons Hed∣land.
• * 3.60

  Pretie stone••.
• * 3.61

  A mightie white Beare.
• * 3.62

  A Pinnesse there bu••••.
• * 3.63

  They aduen∣ture by the streight in a weake Pin∣nesse.
• * 3.64

  40. leagues within the streights.
• * 3.65

  Gabriels Ilands.
• * 3.66

  P〈…〉〈…〉 mibi.
• * 3.67

  Captain Yorke arriued.
• * 3.68

  None of the people will be taken.
• * 3.69

  A house buil∣ded and left there.
• * 3.70

  M. Wolfall a g••dly Prea∣cher.
• * 3.71

  Consultation for a further discouery.
• * 3.72

  Broken I∣lands in ma∣ner of an Ar∣chipelagus.
• * 3.73

  Returne homew••rd.
• * 3.74

  An vnknowen channell into the Northeast, discouered by the Busse of Bridgewater.
• * 3.75

  A fruitful new Island disco∣uered.
• * 3.76

  A Topogra∣phicall de••crip∣tion of Meta Inc••gnita.
• * 3.77

  The people of Meta Incognita like vnto Sa∣moeds.
• * 3.78

  Their na••iu•• colour.
• * 3.79

  Their appar••l
• * 3.80

  The acciden∣tall cause of the cold ayre at Meta Incog∣nita.
• * 3.81

  The Sauages delight in Musicke.
• * 3.82

  ••ard kind of liuing.
• * 3.83

  Their wea∣pon••.
• * 3.84

  Their chastity.
• * 3.85

  Their boates.
• * 3.86

  Traffique with some o∣ther nation vnknowen.
• * 3.87

  Gold.
• * 3.88

  The ••••ewell.
• * 3.89

  How they make fire.
• * 3.90

  Their kettle•• a••d pannes.
• * 3.91

  The people eat•• grasse and ••h••u••s.
• * 3.92

  A strange kind of gnat.
• * 3.93

  Inchanters.
• * 3.94

  The beasts and foules of the Countrey.
• * 3.95

  The length of their day.
• * 3.96

  A full reuolu∣••ion of the Monne aboue their Horizon.
• * 3.97

  The colleagues of the fellow∣ship for the dis∣couery of the Northwest passage.
• * 3.98

  Free Deniza∣tion granted.
• * 3.99

  This Patent remai••ed in force fiue yeeres.
• * 3.100

  Authoritie to proceede at Sea against mutiners.
• * 3.101

  1583.
• * 3.102

  Musicians.
• * 3.103

  They depart from Silley.
• * 3.104

  Iuly.
• * 3.105

  Great store of whales.
• * 3.106

  The r••uling of the yce toge∣ther made a great roaring.
• * 3.107

  Yce turned in∣to water.
• * 3.108

  The Land of Desolation.
• * 3.109

  Very blacke water.
• * 3.110

  Floting wood
• * 3.111

  Colde by ••ea∣son of yce.
• * 3.112

  They saile Northwest∣ward aboue foure dayes.
• * 3.113

  Land in 64 de∣grees 15 min.
• * 3.114

  The sound where our ships did ride was called Gilberts sound.
• * 3.115

  Musicians.
• * 3.116

  The people of the countrey came and con∣ferred with our men.
• * 3.117

  Thirty seuen Canoas.
• * 3.118

  Their musike.
• * 3.119

  Great famili∣••rity with the Sauages••
• * 3.120

  Diuers sorts o•• wood.
• * 3.121

  They may make much ••rame, if they had meanes how to vse it••
• * 3.122

  Moscouie glasse.
• * 3.123

  A fruit like corinths.
• * 3.124

  August.
• * 3.125

  Land in 66 de∣grees 40 min.
• * 3.126

  Foure white beares.
• * 3.127

  A huge whi••e beare.
• * 3.128

  Timber sawen.
• * 3.129

  Fowle.
• * 3.130

  An image.
• * 3.131

  Probabilities for the passage.
• * 3.132

  Wee neuer came into any ba•• before or after, but the waters colour was altered very blackish.
• * 3.133

  Faulcons.
• * 3.134

  Their returne.
• * 3.135

  September.
• * 3.136

  They saile from The land of desolation to England in 14. dayes.
• * 3.137

  Land discoue∣red in 60. de∣grees.
• * 3.138

  Gentle and lo∣uing Sa∣uages.
• * 3.139

  In 100 Cano•••• with diuers commodities.
• * 3.140

  Images, trane ople, and Seale skins in tan tubs.
• * 3.141

  A plaine champion countrey. A goodly riuer.
• * 3.142

  A graue with a crosse layd ouer.
• * 3.143

  The Tartars and people of Iapon are also smal eyed.
• * 3.144

  Their man••r of kindling fire like to theirs in America.
• * 3.145

  A fire made of turfes.
• * 3.146

  Great theeues.
• * 3.147

  Their rude diet.
• * 3.148

  Their weapons.
• * 3.149

  Strange nets.
• * 3.150

  These Islan∣ders warre with the peo∣ple of the maine.
• * 3.151

  Copper oare.
• * 3.152

  Their lan∣guage.
• * 3.153

  Muscles.
• * 3.154

  A strange whirlewinde.
• * 3.155

  Great I∣lands.
• * 3.156

  Slings.
• * 3.157

  One o•• the people taken which afte•• dyed.
• * 3.158

  •• huge quan∣titie of yce in 63. degrees of latitud••.
• * 3.159

  The nature of fogg••s.
• * 3.160

  Great heat.
• * 3.161

  66. degrees 19. minutes.
• * 3.162

  Great hop•• o•• a passage.
• * 3.163

  64. degr. 20 min.
• * 3.164

  A great ••ur∣rent to the West.
• * 3.165

  Ilands••
• * 3.166

  They r••nne 8. dayes South∣ward ••rom 67 to 57. degrees vpon the coast.
• * 3.167

  A harborough in 56. degrees.
• * 3.168

  Faire woods:
• * 3.169

  Store of cod.
• * 3.170

  A perfect hope o•• ••he passage about 54. de∣gr••es and an halfe.
• * 3.171

  Two o•• our men slaine by the Sauages.
• * 4.1

  May.
• * 4.2

  M. Dauis in the latitude of 60. deg. diuideth his fleete into 2. parts.
• * 4.3

  The 7. of Iune
• * 4.4

  Island descry∣••d.
• * 4.5

  66. degrees.
• * 4.6

  Their com∣modities.
• * 4.7

  Their dwel∣lings.
• * 4.8

  Their boats.
• * 4.9

  M. Iohn Roy∣don of Ip••wich.
• * 4.10

  They depar∣ted from Island Northwest.
• * 4.11

  Iuly.
• * 4.12

  Groneland di••••couered.
• * 4.13

  The land of Desolation.
• * 4.14

  Groenland coasted from ••he 7. till the last of Iuly.
• * 4.15

  August.
• * 4.16

  The houses of Gronland.
• * 4.17

  Our men play at footeball with the Sa∣uages.
• * 4.18

  Sweete wood found.
• * 4.19

  A skirmish be∣tween the Sa∣uages and our men.
• * 4.20

  September,
• * 4.21

  The pinnesse neuer re••ur∣ned home.
• * 4.22

  Land descr••••••••
• * 4.23

  Salt kerned o•• the rockes.
• * 4.24

  Isles in 64. degrees.
• * 4.25

  Store o•• Whales in 67. degrees.
• * 4.26

  7•• deg. 12. min.
• * 4.27

  The great va∣riation of the compasse.
• * 4.28

  London coast.
• * 4.29

  Betweene G••onland & the No••th of America aboue 40. leagues.
• * 4.30

  A migh••ie banke of ye•• lying North and South.
• * 4.31

  Extreme heat•• of the Sunne.
• * 4.32

  They were dri∣uen West sixe points out of their course in 67. degrees. 45. minutes.
• * 4.33

  Mount Raleigh
• * 4.34

  The Earle o•• Cumbe••lands Isles.
• * 4.35

  The variation of the compasse 30. deg. West∣ward.
• * 4.36

  The land tren∣deth from this place South∣west and by South.
• * 4.37

  My lord Lum∣leys Inlet.
• * 4.38

  Warwicks Fore∣land.
• * 4.39

  A very forcibl•• current West∣ward.
• * 4.40

  ••••idleys cape.
• * 4.41

  The lord Da••∣cies Island.
• * 4.42

  The fishing place betweene 54 and 55 de∣grees of lati∣tude.
• * 4.43

  Abundance of whales in 52 degrees.
• * 4.44

  They arriue at Dartmouth the 15 of Sep∣tember.
• * 5.1

  The 1. voyage.
• * 5.2

  The 2. voyage.
• * 5.3

  The North parts of Ame∣ric••, all Islands.
• * 5.4

  The 3. voyage.
• * 5.5

  The ship of M. N. Zeno cas•• away vpon ••risland in Ann•• 1380.
• * 5.6

  A forraine prince hap∣ning to be in Frisland with armed men, when M. Zen•• suffered ship∣wracke ther•• came vnto him and spak•• Latine.
• * 5.7

  Zichmni princ•• of Po••land or Duke of Zorani.
• * 5.8

  ••risland the ••ing o•• Nor∣••aye••.
• * 5.9

  N. Zeno, made ••night by Zichmni.
• * 5.10

  Ships laden, with fish at Frisland, ••or Flanders, B••itain, England, Scot∣land, No••way and Denmarke. But not to b•• proued that e∣••er any came thence.
• * 5.11

  A letter sent by M. N. Zeno, from F••island to his brother M. Antonio in Venice.

  The end of the first letter.
• * 5.12

  Eng••on••l••n••.
• * 5.13

  P••eaching Fry••rs of Saint Thom••••.
• * 5.14

  Winter o•• 9. moneths.
• * 5.15

  Trade in sum∣mer ••ime from Trondon to S. Thomas Friers in Groneland.
• * 5.16

  Res••••t of Fry∣••rs from Nor∣way and Sueden, to the Mona∣stery in En∣groneland, called S. Tho.
• * 5.17

  M. F••obishe•• brought these kinde of boats from ••hese par••s in•••• England
• * 5.18

  In the Mona∣stery of Saint Thom••s most of them spake the Latine tongue. The end of the ••. letter.
• * 5.19

  N. Zeno dyed in Frisland.
• * 5.20

  The discouerie of Esto••iland Westward. Sixe fisher∣men taken.
• * 5.21

  Fishermen of Frisland speake Latine.
• * 5.22

  Sixe were fiue ••••eres in Es••o∣tiland.

  One of the fish∣er•• of Frisland, reporteth of Estotiland.
• * 5.23

  Estotiland rich, abounding with all ••he commodities of the world.
• * 5.24

  Abundance of golde.
• * 5.25

  Trade from Estotil••nd, to Engroneland •• Skins, brim∣stone, and pitch: golde, corne, and ••eere, or ale.
• * 5.26

  Many cities and castles.
• * 5.27

  A countrey called Do••gio.
• * 5.28

  The 6 fisher∣men of Frisland on••ly saued, by shewing the maner to take fish.

  The chiefest o•• the 6 fishers, specified before and his com∣panions.
• * 5.29

  In the space of 13 yeeres he serued 25 lords of Drogio.
• * 5.30

  He returned from Estotiland to Frisland.
• * 5.31

  Zichmni min∣ded to send M. Antonio Zeno, with a fleete towards th••s•• parts of Es••o∣tiland.
• * 5.32

  The 4 letter.

  The fisherman dyed that should haue bene inter∣preter.
• * 5.33

  Certaine ma∣riners taken in his s••eede, which came with him from Estotiland.
• * 5.34

  Isle Ilose.
• * 5.35

  Zichmni his discouerie of the Island Ica••ia.
• * 5.36

  An Island man in Ica••ia.
• * 5.37

  The kings of of Icaria called Icari after the name of the first king of that place, who as they report, was sonne to Deda∣lus king of Scots.
• * 5.38

  Icarian S••a.
• * 5.39

  The people of Icaria dest∣rous of the Italian tongue.
• * 5.40

  Ten men of ten sundry nations.
• * 5.41

  Infinite mul∣titudes of ar∣med men in Ica••i••.
• * 5.42

  Zichmni depar∣ted from Icaria W••stwards.
• * 5.43

  100 men sent to discrie the countre••.
• * 5.44

  The 100 soul∣diers returned which had bene through ••he Island, re∣port what they saw and found.
• * 5.45

  M. An••onio Ze∣no, made chief•• captaine of those ships which went back to Fr••sland.
• * 5.46

  The 5 letter.
• * 5.47

  Estotiland first discouered.
• * 5.48

  The second discouerie thereof.
• * 5.49

  D••ogio.