An apologie of the povver and prouidence of God in the gouernment of the world. Or An examination and censure of the common errour touching natures perpetuall and vniuersall decay diuided into foure bookes: whereof the first treates of this pretended decay in generall, together with some preparatiues thereunto. The second of the pretended decay of the heauens and elements, together with that of the elementary bodies, man only excepted. The third of the pretended decay of mankinde in regard of age and duration, of strength and stature, of arts and wits. The fourth of this pretended decay in matter of manners, together with a large proofe of the future consummation of the world from the testimony of the gentiles, and the vses which we are to draw from the consideration thereof. By G.H. D.D.

LIB. IV. Of the pretended decay in matter of manners, together with a large proofe of the future consummation of the world, from the testimo∣nies of the Gentiles, and the vses which wee are to draw from the consideration thereof. (Book 4)

CAP. 1. That there is no such vniversall & perpetuall decay in the manners of men as is pretended, which is first proved in generall, and then from Religion the ground of manners.

SECT. 1. That there is a vicissitude and Revolution in vertues and vices, as there is in Arts & Sciences

SVCH is the neere affinitie and mutuall connexion be∣twixt these foure, Age, Strength, Wit, & Manners, that as the three former ordinarily follow the temper & comple∣xion of the body, so for the most part doth the fourth too; though I must confesse that by the freedome of the will in morall matters we are more masters of the fourth, then of the other three, which are more naturall, and consequently lesse in our power to alter or commaund; as strength then is the comfort of age, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the grace of strength, & vertue, the guide of wit: so age without strength is tedious, strength without wit dangerous, wit without vertue hurtfull and pernicious. If then hauing matched men of latter ages with those of the former in regard of age, strength, & wit, they should not like∣wise

proue matchable in regard of vertue, it were a blemish rather then an ornament, a discommendation then a prayse.

Now though it be true that vice at this day so abounds thorow the world, as it commonly doth, and well may breed a doubt euen in the best, whether these last times be not indeed the worst, and as it were the lees & dregs of all ages; yet when I consider that in these latter ages, (if we compare them with the precedent since the Creation) a great part of the knowne world hath beene converted to the Christian doctrine, and that the Authour of it hath told vs, By their fruites yee shall knowe them; mee thinkes I should wrong both him and it, if I should yeeld that the world hath not thereby beene bettered, euen in regard of civill vertue & morall goodnes: Deus vt parens diligentissimus appropinquante vltimo tem∣pore nuncium misit, qui vetus illud seculum fugatamque Iusticiam reduceret, ne humanum genus maximis & perpetuis agitaretur erroribus; Redijt ergo speci∣es illius aurei temporis, saith Lactantius. God as a most tender father, the * 1.1 end now drawing on, sent his Messenger, who should reduce that old age and banished justice, least mankinde should alwayes be tossed vp & downe with infinite & continuall errours, so as now we haue brought backe againe vnto vs a representation of those golden times.

But as I cannot easily grant that men alwayes, and in all places waxe worse and worse; so I doe not beleiue that alwayes, & in all places they waxe better and better, or that they stand at a stay: But as in the Arts & Sciences; so likewise in matter of manners, there is a vicissitude, an alter∣nation & revolution as before hath beene touched in part. The world is sometimes better & sometimes worse, according to the times of warre or peace, the conditions of Princes & Lawes, and the execution of them. Sometimes vertue increaseth in one kingdome and decreaseth in another, and againe in the same kingdome one vice growes vp and a∣nother withers, at least-wise for a time. This circulation of vertue and vice hath beene obserued, and the obseruation thereof commended to posterity by the soundest & sagest writers in Antiquity: Nisi forte in rebus cunctis inest quidam velut orbis, & quemadmodum temporum vices ita morum vertantur, nec omnia apud priores meliora, sed nostra quoque aetas mul∣ta laudis & artium imitanda posteris tulit, saith Tacitus. Vnlesse perchance there be in all things a certaine circular change, & as there is by turnes * 1.2 an entercourse of times, so also of Customes and Manners. Neither were all things in ancient times better then ours, bur our age hath like∣wise left to posterity many things worthy praise and imitation And a∣gaine, vitia erunt donec homines, sed neque haec continua, & meliorum inter∣ventu * 1.3 pensantur. Vices there will be, as long as men are, but these Iast not alwayes, and they are often recompensed by the intervening of better times. And with him accords the graue Seneca: Hoc maiores no∣stri questi sunt, hoc nos quaerimur, hoc posteri nostri querentur, euersos esse mo∣res, * 1.4 regnare nequitiam, in deterius res humanas & in omne nefas labi: at ista stant loco eodem, stabuntque paululum duntaxat vltra aut citra mota, vt flu∣ctus quos aestus accedens longius extulit, recedens maiore littorum vestigio te∣nuit, nunc in adulterio magis quam in alio peccabitur, abrumpetque frenos pu∣dicitia, nunc conviviorum vigebit furor, & foedissimum patrimoniorum exi∣tium

culina, nunc cultus corporum nimius, & formae cura, prae seferens animi deformitatem; nunc in petulantiam & audaciam erumpet male dispensata li∣bertas, nunc in crudelitatem priuatam ac publicam ibitur bellorum{que} ciuili∣um insaniam, qua omne sanctum ac sacrum profanetur, habebitur aliquando ebrietati honor, & plurimum meri cepisse virtus erit. Non expectant vno loco vitia, sed mobilia & inter se dissentientia, tumultuantur invicem fugantur{que}. Caeterum idem semper de nobis pronunciare debebimus, malos esse nos, malos fuisse, invitus adijciam, & futuros esse. This our Ancestours complained of, this wee complaine of, this our posterity will complaine of, that manners are corrupted, that wickednes reignes, that humane affaires grow worse & worse, but these stand where they were, and so shall re∣maine, being only at times a little remoued; sometimes this way, some∣times that way, as the waues which the tide flowing carries farther in, but ebbing leaues farther off. Sometimes Adultery spreads it selfe more then any other sinne, and immodesty will endure no bridle: and some∣times againe the madnes of feasting is in fashion and the kitching the basest kinde of consuming a mans patrimony; And then againe the im∣moderate decking of our bodies and care of preseruing our beautie, which too much discouers the deformitie of the mind, sometimes liberty dispensed with breaketh out in to desperate boldnes, sometimes into cruelty publique & private, and the rage of civill wars, whereby all holy things and places come to be profaned, and the time will come when drunkennes shall be had in honour, and it shall be held a vertue to swill downe much wine. Vices rest not in any one state or place, but shifting hither & thither, and sighting one against another, they both assault and put one another to flight: But howeuer it goe, it shall al∣wayes be truly said of vs, that wee are naught, naught wee haue beene, (and which I vnwillingly adde) we shall still be naught. And the same Authour hauing related a storie out of Asclepiodorus, how Phillippe of Macedon sent men downe into an old mine to search what store was * 1.5 left in it, and whether the couetousnes of former ages had not drawne it dry, cum magna haec voluptate legi, saith he, intellexi enim saeculum nostrum non novis vitijs sed iam antiquitùs traditis laborare, nec nostra aetate primum auaritiam venas terrarum lapidumque rimatam in tenebris male abstrusa quaesisse: Illi quo{que} Maiores nostri quos celebramus laudibus, quibus dissimiles querimur nos esse, spe ducti montes ceciderunt & supra lucrum sub ruina stete∣runt. This I read with marveilous great content: for thereby I vnder∣stood, that our age was not burdened with new vices, but such as were anciently practised, nor that Auarice now first searched into the veines of the earth & stones, seeking out those things which Nature hath bu∣ried in darkenes. Euen those our Ancestours, whom we so highly ex∣toll, to whom we complaine that our selues are vnlike, in hope of lu∣cre cut thorow mountains and vnder danger of ruine stood vpon their gaine.

It cannot be denyed, but that a wicked Gouernour hath many times a good successour, and a gracelesse father a godly and vertuous sonne.

Egregia est soboles scelerato nata parente: A worthles sire begets a worthy sonne.

Thus Constantine succeeded to Dioclesian, Iouinian to Iulian, Alexander Seuerus to Heliogabalus, Hezekias to Ahaz, & Iosias to Ammon. And doubtles were the son alwayes worse then the faher, the successour then the predecessour, and succeeding ages then the proceeding, vill∣ny had long ere this stretched it selfe to the vtmost period, & that com∣plaint which the satyrist vttered by way of Poeticall aggrauation had long before this time beene verified in truth and in deede:

Non habet vlterius quod nostris moribus addat Posteritas. Nought hath posterity Which to our manners may yet further added be.

SECT. 2. The extreame follie of the ancients, in adoring & invocating images.

IN this comparison of manners, I will first begin with the Religion of the Ancients, which ouer-spread almost the whole world, because from their foule errours in matters of the first Table we shall easily guesse at their grosse irregularities in those of the second, the duties of the latter depending vpon the obseruation of the former: And besides in the very choice & exercise of their Religion will appeare much inhu∣manitie & brutish stupiditie; Their Idols of gold, & siluer, & stone, and wood were to the inspired pen-men of holy writ so ridiculous, that eue∣ry where they inveigh against them as most sottish vani•…•…es, and the worshippers of them, as men voide of common Reason arrow_forward , shewing them∣selues more blockish then the very blockes they adored, in that being themselues made according to Gods image, they worshipped images made with their owne hands, and bestowed vpon their owne workes the Deitie of him, from whom they receiued breath and being.

Their I∣dols are silver and gold, saith the Prophet Dauid, euen the workes of mens hands, they haue a mouth and speake not, eyes haue they and see not, they haue * 1.6 eares and heare not, noses haue they and smell not, they haue hands and touch not, feete haue they and walke not, they that make them are like vnto 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and so are all they that put their trust in them. And the Prophet Esay hauing * 1.7 shewed how a man plants a tree, & when it is grown vp cuts it downe, with part thereof he baketh his bread, with part he rosteth his meate & warmeth himselfe, and with the residue thereof he maketh his god, euen his Idoll: The Carpenter stretcheth out a line, he fashioneth it with a red thread, he planeth and he pourtraieth it with the compasse, and maketh it after the figure of a man, and according to the beauty of a man, that it may remaine in an house; then boweth he and wor∣shippeth, and prayeth vnto it, and saith, Deliuer me for thou art my God: And therevpon inferres, they haue not knowen nor vnderstood, for God hath shut their eyes that they cannot see, and their hearts, that they cannot vnderstand. And the Prophet Ierimy much to like purpose, one cutteth a tree out of the Forrest with an axe, and another decketh * 1.8 it with siluer and with gold, they fasten it with nayles and hammers,

that it fall not, the Idoles stand vp as a palme tree, but they speake not: They are borne because they cannot goe, and then concludes, They dote and are foolish, for the stock is a doctrine of va∣nity. But most liuely & elegantly, yet with scorne and derision haue we this blockish vanity described in the booke of Wisedome. Miserable * 1.9 are they, and among the dead is their hope that call them Gods, which are the workes of mens hands, gold & siluer, and the thing that is in∣vented by Art & the similitude of beasts, or any vaine stone that hath beene made by the hand of antiquity. Or as when a Carpenter cutteth downe a tree meete for the worke, and pareth off all the barke thereof cunningly, & by Art maketh a vessell profitable for the vse of life, and the things that are cut off from his worke he bestoweth to dresse his meat to fill himselfe, & that which is left of these things which is pro∣fitable for nothing, (for it is a crooked peece of wood, & full of knobs) he carueth it diligently at his leisure, & according as hee is expert in cunning, he giueth it a proportion, & fashioneth it after the similitude of a man, or maketh it like some vile beast, and straketh it ouer with vermilion, & painteth and couereth euery spot that is in it; And when he hath made a convenient Tabernacle for it, he setteth it in a wall, & maketh it fast with iron, providing so for it lest it fall: for hee know∣eth that it cannot helpe it selfe, because it is an image that hath need of helpe: Then he prayeth for his goods, & for his marriage, and for his children, hee is not ashamed to speake vnto it that hath no life, hee calleth on him that is weake for health, he prayeth vnto him that is dead for life, he requireth helpe of him that hath no experience at all, & for his journey him that is not able to goe, and for gaine and successe in his affaires, asketh ability to doe of him that is most vnable to doe any thing.

This childish foppery the Primitiue Christians also scoffed & laugh∣ed at, Quae amentia est, aut ea fingere quae ipsi postmodum timeant, aut timere quae finxerunt, saith Lactantius: What a madnesse is it either to make things which themselues feare, or to feare those things which them∣selues haue made. Nec intelligunt homines ineptissimi quod si sentire simu∣lacra & movere possent, vltrò adoratura homines fuissent à quibus sunt expoli∣ta. Neither doe these foolish men vnderstand that the images they a∣dore, had they but sense & motion, would adore them who framed & formed them. Sed haeo nemo considerat, ac mentes eorum penitus succum stul∣titiae perbiberunt: adorant ergo insensibilia qui sentiunt, irrationalia qui sapi∣unt, exanima qui vivunt, terrena qui oriuntur è coelo. Iuvat ergo velut in ali∣qua sublimi specula constitutum vnde vniversi exaudire possint Persianum il∣lud proclamare,

O cur as hominum, ô quantum est in rebus inane, O curvae in terris animae & coelestium inanes!

But these things none considereth, their minds being thoroughly dren∣ched with the liquor of foolishnes: They which haue sence adore things without sence, which haue life things without life, which are from heauen things earthly. It were good then from some high tower that all might heare it, to proclaime alowd that of Persius,

O cares of men! O world all fraught With vanities! O mindes inclined Towards earth, all voide of heau'nly thought!

And Sedulius an ancient Christian Poet, by Nation a Scot, hath excel∣lently described this palpable folly,

Heu miseri qui vana colunt, qui corde sinistro Religiosa sibi sculpunt simulacra, suum{que} Factorem fugiunt, & quae fecêre verentur, Quis furor est quae tanta animos dementia ludit? Vt volucrem, turpem{que} bovem, torvum{que} draconem, Semihominem{que} canem supplex homo pronus adoret.

Ah wretched they that worship vanities, And consecrate dumbe Idols in their hearts, Who their owne Maker God on high despise, And feare the worke of their owne hands and Art! What fury, what great madnesse doth beguile Mens mindes, that man should vgly sh•…•…pes adore Of birds, or buls, or dragons, or the vile Halfe dog halfe man on knees for aide implore.

To these vgly shapes doth Seneca allude: Nu•…•…ina vocant quae si accepto spiritu occurrerent monstra haberentur. Divine powers they call those which if they should meete hauing life put into them, would be held monsters. And one of their owne Poets seemes to •…•…est at their grosse∣nesse herein.

Olim truncus eram ficulnus invtile lignum, Quem Faber incertus scamnum facere•…•…ne, Priapum * 1.10 Maluit esse deum.

Euen now I was the stocke of an old figge tree, Th•…•… workeman doubting what I then should bee, A bench or god, at last a god made mee.

It is indeed true, that the Romanes for a time were altogether without images for any religious vse, but afterward they receiued into their City those of all other Nations by them conquered, so as they who were Lords of the whole world, became slaues to the Idoles of all the World: Which bables, as witnesseth S. Augustine. that learned Varro both bewailed & vtterly condemned in expresse words: Qui * 1.11 primi simulacra Deorum populis posuerunt, ij & civitatibus suis timorem ade∣merunt, & errorem addiderunt: They who first erected Idols for the peo∣ples vse thereby both abolished all feare of the Deitie and introduced errour. But the wise Seneca thus derides them, Simulacra Deorum ve∣nerantur, illis supplicant genu posito, illa adorant, & cum haec suspiciant, fabros qui illa fecere contemnunt: the Images of the Gods they worship, those they pray vnto with bended knees, those they adore, and while they so greatly admire them, they contemne the Artificer that made them.

SECT. 3. Their grosse and ridiculous blockishnesse in the infinite multitude of their gods.

THeir strange infatuation will yet appeare farther vnto vs if wee rise a little higher from the Images to the Gods which they repre∣sented, and surely whether their practice about their images, or their opinion touching their Gods were more grosse and ridiculous, it is hard to define: Whether we regard their number or their condition, or their manner of service. For their number he that reades Boccace his books de Genealogia Deorum, will easily finde them almost numberlesse; so as the Apostle might well say, There be Gods many, and Lords many. Crinitus * 1.12 out of Hesiodus makes them thirty thousand strong: & the Iuppiters alone out of Varro no lesse then three hundred. There were Dij majorum genti∣um, which were worshipped generally throughout the greatest part of the world; & Dij Tutelares, gods of seuerall Nations & Provinces, cho∣sen to be their patrons & guardions, which may be gathered by those high places which Solomon built for his Idolatrous wiues, wherein they worshipped the seuerall Gods of their seuerall Nations, Ashtoreth the * 1.13 Goddesse of the Sidonians, and Milcom the God of the Ammorites, Cbe∣mosh the God of the Moabites, & Molech the God of the Ammonites: so likewise for all the rest of his outlandish wiues, which burnt incense & offered vnto their Gods, whereby it appeareth that euery Nation had a God of his owne, & yet farther may it be seene by the practice of those Nations which Salmanezer transplanted into the Samaritan Cities, of whom it is recorded, that though they feared the Lord, yet they worship∣ped euery one his owne peculiar God, of whom there is a Catalogue in the same place set downe, The Babylonians Succoth Benoth, the Cuthites * 1.14 Nergall, the Hammathites Ashima, the Avites Nibhaz, & Tartak, the Se∣pharvites Adramelech, & Anamelek. And as seuerall Nations & Pro∣vinces chose to themselues their Gods, so did likewise the Cities as we may partly see by that rabble of them mustered vp by Rabshaketh in his Oration to King Hezekiah, where is the God of Hamah and Arpad, * 1.15 where is the God of Sepher-vaim Hevah & Iuah: & in imitation of the Gentiles did the men of Iudah multiply their gods according to the * 1.16 number of their Cities. Neither did Nations, Provinces, & Cities onely affect to haue euery one vnto themselues their owne peculiar and seue∣rall Gods, as their Patrons and defenders, but the same was likewise fol∣lowed by all their seuerall families, who still had their Lares & Deos Pe∣nates, that is, their houshold Gods, as the Protectours of their families, whom because they adored in the secret & inward parts of their hou∣ses, the Poets vse to call Deos Penetrales: Yea and as Pliny reporteth, not only seuerall families had their seuerall Gods, but also euery seuerall person would adopt a seuerall God of his owne; insomuch that hee thought the number of Gods to bee multiplied aboue the number of men. Major Coeli•…•…um populus etiam qu•…•…m hominum intelligi potest, cùm * 1.17

singuli quo{que} ex semetipsis singulos Deos faciant, I•…•…nones Genios{que} adoptando sibi. We may well conceiue greater multitudes of Gods then of men, seeing euery man adop•…•…eth as he pleaseth both greater & small•…•…r gods to himselfe. All which considered, otiosum est per omnia Deorum nomina per•…•…urrere qui colerentur à veteribus, saith Ter•…•…ullian. It were an idle thing to attempt to runne through the names of all the Gods which the Ancients worshipped, they had so many old Gods & new Gods, hee Gods & shee Gods, citty Gods & countrey God, co•…•…mon Gods & proper Gods, land Gods & sea Gods. And with Tertull•…•…an heerein accords S. Augustine, Quando autem possins vno loco libri h•…•…us •…•…∣morari * 1.18 omnia nomina Deorum aut Dearum, quae illi grandibus volum•…•…bus vix comprehendere potuerunt singulis rebus propria dispertie•…•…tes officia Nu∣minum. How can all the names of their Gods and Goddesses bee re∣counted in one chapter of this booke, which themselues could not range within the compasse of many great volumes, appointing a p•…•…rti∣cular God to waite on euery particular thing; nay for some thing, saith he, they had many Gods, as namely for corne they had Segetia for the sowing of it, while it lay vnder the earth Tutelina, when it sprang vp Proserpina, Nodotus when it shut into a blade, when it spired Voluti•…•…a, when the eare opened Patilena, when it brake forth Host•…•…lina, when it blosomed Flora, when it kerned Lacturtia, when it grew ripe Ma•…•…uta, when it was reaped 〈◊〉〈◊〉. His conclusion is, which also shall be mine for this point, Ne omnia commemoro quia me piget quod illos non 〈◊〉〈◊〉: nei∣ther doe I name all, for that it grieueth me to wri•…•…e what they were not ashamed to act.

SECT. 4. The most shamefull and base condition of their gods.

THe quality & condition of their gods was doubtles much more shamefull th•…•…n their multitude. The common opinion touching their great god Iupiter was, that he was intombed in Creete, and his monument was there to be seene. Wherevpon Lactantius wit ily de∣maunds, * 1.19 Quomodo potest Deus esse alibi vivus alibi mortuus, alibi habere templum, alibi sepulchrum? Tell me I beseech you how can the same god be aliue in one place and dead in another, haue a temple dedicated to him in one place, and a tomb erected in another. Nay Callimachus him∣selfe in his hymne on Iupiter, calleth the Cretians lyars in this very re∣spects, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. which part of his hymne is thus translated into Latine by Bonaventura Vulcanius.

At certe mendax est Creta, sepulchrum Quae posuit tibi qui haud moreris, nam semper es idem. The Cretians alwayes lyars are, who rais'd vnto thy name A sepul•…•…her, that neuer diest, but euer art the same.

Moreouer, they gaue diuine honour to notorious common strumpets, as vnto Goddesses, to Venus, to Faula, to Lupa the nurse of Romulus, so called among the sheepheards for the common prostitution of her * 1.20 body, and to Flora, who hauing gained much by her meretricious trade; she made by her will the people of Rome her h•…•…ire, and left a sum

of money, by the vse whereof, her birth-day was yearely to be cele∣brated, with the setting forth of games, which in memorie of her they called Floralia. Nay, their great Goddesse Iuno; they make both the wife and the sister of Iupiter, and Iupiter himselfe with the other gods, no better then Adulterers, Sodomites, murtherers, theeues: Neither were these things concealed or whispered in priuate, but published to the world; they were liuely described by their Painters in their tables, by their Poets in their verses, and acted by their Players vpon their stages. Quanta maiestas putanda est. Quae adoratur in templis, illuditur in theatris, what great maiestie call yee me that, which is adored in the temples, & * 1.21 prophaned in the Theatres. And so farre were the worshippers of these goodly gods from punishing or censuring them therein, that they were highly applauded and approued by the people, and rewarded by the state: Neither were these things written or spoken by Lucian, or such as scoffed at Religion, but by those who professedly vndertooke the prayse of their Gods, Non enim ista Lucilius narrat aut Lucianus qui Dijs & hominibus non pepercit, sed hi potissimum qui Deorum laudes canebant, & * 1.22 quibus credemus si fidem laudantibus non habemus? These things are not re∣ported by Lucilius or Lucianus, who spared neither God nor man, but specially by them who sung the prayses of the Gods; and to whom I pray you in such cases should we giue credit, if not to them, who pur∣posely seeke to commend?

Besides, they worshipped ridiculous gods, as Fortunam, Fornacem, Mu∣tam, the passions of the mind and the diseases of the body, Timorem, Pallo∣rem, Febrem, nay Vices, Priapum, Cupidinem, non nomina colendorum sed crimina colentium, not names fit for Diuine powers to be worshipped, being nothing else but the vices of the worshippers. Heerevnto may be added their silthy gods, Crepitus ventris, Cloacina, sterquilinium, well de∣seruing that reproach which is cast vpon them by Aristophanes, that they were Dij Merdiuori, & so Moses calleth thē in expresse tearmes, dirty dung-hill gods, as the originall is rendred by Iunius & Tremelius. * 1.23 Foure whole dayes, saith Tacitus, Cremona ministred matter to sacke & to burne, and all things beside both holy & prophane being consumed into ashes; the temple of Mephitis without the wals remained vntouch∣ed, either because it stood out of the way, or by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of some diuine vertue of the goddesse: Now would you know what this goodly Lady was, surely none other then the Goddesse of ill sauours: and these kinde * 1.24 of Gods and Goddesses Lactantius deseruedly wisheth to be euer present with their worshippers: Yet not content with this, they worshipped the Devills themselues, they sacrificed vnto diuels not vnto God, saith Mo∣ses: And I say, saith the Apostle, that the things which the Gentiles sacrifice, * 1.25 they sacrifice to Devills and not to God.

What should I speake of the Thebans worshipping a wezell, the Tro∣tans a mouse, the Egyptians an onion or a leeke, and such like contemptible things: which notorious folly, Iuvenall, who liued a while amongst them, thus wittily derides.

Porrum & caepe nefas violare & frangere morsu O sanctas Gentes quibus haec nascuntur in hortis * 1.26

Numina!

A leeke, an onyon ô'tis wickednesse, These once to violate & to eate no lesse, Sweete Saints they are, & holy ones I trow, To whom their gods doe in their gardens grow.

And diuerse such absurd Gods they worshipped, which would make a modest man euen blush to name, as Sybilla hath truly noted:

—Haec adoratis Et multa alia vana quae sane turpe fuerit praedicare Sunt enim Dij hominum deceptores stultorum:

These foolish Gods and many more Like vaine, they worship and adore: Which filthy were to name in Schooles, Such filthy gods deceiue but fooles.

SEC. 5. Their barbarous and most vnnaturall cruelty, in sacrifi∣cing their children to their Gods.

NOw if from the multitude and quality of their Gods we proceede yet a little farther, to search into the manner of their service, wee shall easily finde that more frentike & vnreasonable, then either of the two former. Which madnes of theirs is well set forth by Seneca, Si * 1.27 intueri vacet quae faciunt, quaeque patiuntur superstitiosi, inveniet tam inde∣cora honestis, tam indigna liberis, tam dissimilia sanis, vt nemo fuerit dubita∣turus, furere eos si cum paucioribus furerent, nunc sanitatis patrocinium est insanientium turba: If a man had but the leasure to looke into those things, which men led with superstition both doe & suffer, he shall find them so vnbefitting honest, so vnworthy of ingenuous, so vnlike sound & sober mindes, as no man would doubt but they were starke madde, were but the number of them fewer that thus goe a madding, whereas now the only plea for themselues that they are in their right wits is the number of mad men.

Alexander ab Alexandro hath of set purpose composed an intire * 1.28 chapter touching this point, where the maine matter hee insists vpon, that made the sacrifices of the Heathen most odious, was the effusion of humane blood in the service of their Gods; yet had this barbarous vn∣naturall practice spread it selfe well neere ouer the knowne world: It was in vse among the Troians, as it should seeme by that of Virgill, tou∣ching Aeneas:

Vinxerat & post terga manus quos mitteret vmbris Inferias caeso sparsurus sanguine flammas. * 1.29

Their hands behind their backes he bound whom he had desti∣ned A sacrifice vnto the ghosts, & on whose flames to shed Their blood he purposed.

And againe in another place,

—Sulmone creatos * 1.30

Quatuor hic iuuenes totidem quos educat Vfeus Viventes rapit, inferias quos immolet vmbris Captiuoque rogi perfundat sanguine flammas.

Sulmos foure sonnes aliue he tooke, Vfeus foure sons likewise, Whom to the ghosts he purposed eftsoones to sacrifice, And on those burning carkases to spill their captiue blood.

Whereupon Lactantius cries out, quid potest esse hac pietate dementius, quam mortuis humanas victimas immolare, & ignem cruore hominum tan∣quam * 1.31 oleo pascere? What can be more frentike then this kinde of piety, which sacrificeth liuing men for the ease of the dead, & feedes the fire of the Altar with humane blood, as it were with oyle. The Grecians in like manner were infected with this bloody and deadly disease:

Sanguine placastis Divos & Virgine caesa Cum primum Iliacas Danai venistis ad or as * 1.32 Sanguine quaerendi reditus, anima{que} litandum Argolica.

With blood and offring of a maid the Gods were pacifide, When first to Troy-ward yee were bound, with blood yee must a∣gaine Seeke your returne, with Grecian soule they must be satisfide

The Virgine he meanes was Iphigenia, who was sacrificed in the sight of her father Agamemnon, which gaue occasion to that of Lucretius,

Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum? Such, so much wickednes Religion could perswade.

This wicked custome was likewise taken vp by the Carthaginians, as appeares by Silius Italicus:

Mos fuit in populis quos condidit advena Dido Poscere caedi Deos, veniam, ac flagrantibus aris * 1.33 (Infandum dictu) parvos imponere natos Vrna reducebat miserandos annua casus.

The ancient custome of that state, Queene Dido stablished, Was this, with humane sacrifice the Gods they worshipped. On burning Altars (out alas) their children young they slew, An yearely lot these cruelties did solemnely renew.

And Lactantius reports out of Pescenius Festus, that the Carthaginians ha∣uing * 1.34 for a time intermitted that kind of sacrifice, and being ouerthrown in a battell by Agathocles King of Sicill, for the paci•…•…ying of their God Saturne, whom by their losse they conceiued to be displeased with thē; they sacrificed at once vnto him two hundred children, sons to the chiefe Nobility of the city; whereby perchaunce, saith he, they gaue themselues a greater blowe, then Agathocles their professed enimy had done. The Gaules also our next neighbours were guilty of this diuelish kind of worship, if we may credit Lucan.

Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro T•…•…utates, hor•…•…ens{que} feris altaribus Haesus Et Taranis Scythicae non mitior ara Dianae.

And they that vse with cursed blood their Idoll Gods to please Teutates fierce, & Hesus grimme whom nought else may appease; But sacrifice of humane flesh & Taranis likewise

Worshipt as curst Diana is just after Scythike wise.

Neither were the Moabites free from this horrible sin▪ as may be seene in the 2 of Kings and the 3, where the King of Moab tooke his own son, as some thinke, or others the King of Edoms sonne, & offered him for a burnt offering vpon the wall. And generally it was practised by the Inhabitants of the land of Canaan, Their sons & their daughters they burnt * 1.35 in the fire to their Gods. The parents killed with their owne hands soules desti∣tute of helpe. Good God, that the candle of arrow_back reason arrow_forward should be so farre * 1.36 dimmed, and the image of God defaced in man, as to thinke that an ac∣ceptable sacrifice, which was in truth an horrible & sacrilegious impi∣ety, as if religion did extinguish naturall affection, or that were lawfull at the Altar or in the temple, which in the market place was most vnlaw∣full, and punishable in an high degree: Nonne satius esset pecudum more viuere, saith Lactantius? were it not better to liue as beasts without all sense of religion, then to exercise it in such sauage manner: Yet was not this so strange in the barbarous nations, their religion being heere∣in sutable to their manners, as in the Romans, the professed Masters for∣sooth of Morality & Civility: Yet came this damnable practice long in vse among them too, vntill it was to be abolisht by decree of Senate, du∣ring the Consulship of Cornelius Lentulus, & Licinius Crassus: Which makes me the more to wonder that Virgill held amongst them, as the world then went; an honest vnderstanding man, should after the pub∣lishing of this decree, commend it in Aeneas as an act of piety, and not rather censure it as a most abominable impiety.

Haec culpa non illius fuit qui literas fortasse non didicerat, sed tua qui cum esses eruditus, ignorasti tamen quid esset pietas, & illud ipsum quod nefariè, quod detestabiliter fecit, pietatis esse officium credidisti, saith Lactantius. This was not so much Aeneas his fault, who was perchaunce altogether vn∣learned, * 1.37 as thine, who being indued with knowledge, yet wast ignorant what was piety, & beleeuest that to be a pious act, which he most wic∣kedly & detestablely committed.

But that which I most admire, is, that it should creep in amongst the Iewes, the peculiar people of the true God, as himselfe complaines by the Prophet Ierimy: And they haue built the high places of Tophet, which is in the valley of the son of Hinnon, to burne their sons & their daughters in the * 1.38 fire, which I commaunded them not, neither came it into my heart; By the Pro∣phet Ezekiell, when they had slaine their children to their Idols, then they came * 1.39 the same day into my sanctuary to prrphane it; & by the Prophet Dauid, They were mingled among the Heathen, and learned their workes, and they served * 1.40 their Idols which were a snare vnto them; yea they sacrificed their sons & their daughters vnto Devils, and shed innocent blood, even the blood of their sons and of their daughters, whom they sacrificed vnto the Idols of Canaan, and the land was polluted with blood. Thus Ahaz made molten images for Baalim, and burnt his children for sacrifice before the Idoll Moloch, or Saturne, * 1.41 which was represented by a man like br•…•…sen body bearing the head of a calfe, set vp not far from Hierusalem, in a valley shadowed with wood, called Gehinnon or Tophet, from whence is the word Gehenna vsed for hell. The children offered were inclosed within the carkasse of this I∣doll,

and as the fire increased, so the sacrificers with a noise of Cymbals & other instruments filled the aire, to the end, the horrible cries of the children might not be heard; and hence the place borrowd the name of Tophet, from Top, which signifies a timbrell; of which most detestable impiety, able to make a mans haire stand an end and his heart tremble euen at the relation thereof: Paulus Fagius hath written at large in his Commentary vpon the Chalde Paraphrase, & before him S. Hierome vp∣on * 1.42 the tenrh of S. Matthew, and since him Wolphius in his Expositions on the second booke of Kings, added for supplement of Peter Martyrs, thus sharpely but justly censures it; Fuit autem haec plusquam belluina immani∣tas; quae enim ferae suos catulos non potius ament, amplectantur, foveant, nu∣triant, quam occidant, ne dum crudeliter excruciatos necent; This monstrous inhumanity was more then brutish: for what wild beasts doe not rather loue, imbrace, nourish and cherish their young ones, then kill them & cruelly torment them to death?

SECT. 6. Their monstrous beastlinesse in the worship of Priapus & Berecynthia, as also of their doting follie in their divinations, together with a touch vpon the childish fables of the Iewish Rabbines, the absurd opini∣ons and horrible practises of ancient Heretikes in the pri∣mitiue Christian Church, & the incredible ignorance and superstition of the Romish.

I cannot tell whether their cruelty were greater in the worship of Moloch, or their beastlinesse in the worship of Priapus, described by Gyraldus at large, in his history of the Gods: And Tostatus in his 50 * 1.43 question vpon the 20 of Exodus. It was so obscene, as the very mention of it, cannot but offend chast eares; Hic morbus, hoc crimen, hoc dedecus ha∣bet * 1.44 inter illa sacra professionem quod in vitiosis hominum moribus vix habet inter tormenta confessionem. They professe in the holding of those sacrifi∣ces, that beastly crime, which the most vitious men will hardly confesse vpon the racke. I will therefore skip ouer it as cleanely as I may, as men commonly doe ouer boggs & quagmires. The shape in which this God was represented, was such as nature hath taught vs to hide: The gestures of the Priests in seruing him, such as I wonder their Matrones * 1.45 & Virgines, in whom were any sparkes of modesty, could behold it with patience: And for the people who came to worshippe, the sacrifice being ended, they all stepped aside into a thicked, which was alwayes planted neere the Altar of this God, and there like bruite beasts pro∣miscuously satisfied their lust, thereby as they conceaued best pleasing their God; which was the cause, as it seemes, that the true God com∣maunded, that no groues should be planted neere the place of his wor∣ship, and if any were, they should be cut downe. This Priapus, as S. Hie∣rome & Isidore are of opinion, was the same with that Baal-peor or Beel-phegor, * 1.46 whom the Moabites & Madianites adored, & the Israelites them∣selues for loue of the Madianitish women: And the same S. Hierome

makes Maacha the mother of Asa, guilty of the same villany, in his com∣mentaries vpon the fourth of Hosea, where he thus translates part of the fifteenth chapter of the first booke of Kings: Insuper & Maacham matrem suam amouit, ne esset princeps in sacris Pryapi, & in luco eius: Moreouer hee deposed Maacha his mother, that shee might not be chiefe in the sacri∣fices of Pryapus & his groues.

Of much like condition to this worship of Pryapus, was that of Bere∣cynthia, the mother of the gods, as we finde it described by S. Augu∣stine, out of his owne experience; his words are these. Ante eius Lecti∣cam * 1.47 die solenni la•…•…ationis eius, talia per publicum cantitabantur, à nequissimis scenicis qualia non dico matrem Deorum, sed matrem qualiumcun{que} Senato∣rum vel quorumlibet honestorum virorum, imò vero qualia nec matrem ipso∣rum Scenicorum deceret audire: Such filthy stuffe was by loose lewd var∣lets sung before her charet on the solemne day of her lavation, as was vtterly 〈◊〉〈◊〉, I will not say for the mother of the Gods, but of any Sena∣rour, nay of any honest man, nay of the singers themselues to heare: and perchaunce, sayth he, they would haue blushed to haue spoken that be∣fore their own mothers at home, which before the mother of the Gods in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & hearing of innumerable multitudes of both sexes they boldly sang, & therevpō breaks out into this exclamation, Quae sunt sa∣cri legia, si illa erant sacra? quae inquinatio, si illa lavatio? what should we call sacriledge, if this were sacrificing? what pollution, if this lauation? and if this be sacriledge, then surely the worshipping of God by blasphemies & cur•…•…ings, as did the Lyndians, is a degree beyond sacriledge; who not∣withstanding proceeded so farre in this diuelish mad custome, vt ea sa∣cra pro violaris haberentur, si quando inter solennes ritus vel imprudenti alicui ex•…•…ider et bonum verbum, as witnesseth Lactantius, that they held it a vio∣lation of their sacrifice, if during their solemne Ceremonies, but a good * 1.48 word chaunced to slippe from any man though vnawares. Now what a lamentable case is this, to consider that the common enimy of mankinde should so farre prevaile in blinding their vnderstandings, as to conceiue that the Authour of life should be worshipped with the effusion of hu∣mane & innocent blood, the fountaine of holinesse with brutish impuri∣ty, the father of blessings with execrable cursings?

Heerevnto may be added the vaine divinations which the Romans made vpon the entrals of Beasts, vpon the flying, the feeding, the sin∣ging, the cherping of birds: But the sage Cato & those of the wiser sort well saw the doting folly of these lying vanities, Potest Augur Augurem * 1.49 videre, & non ridere? Can one Diuiner looke vpon another & not smile? And the same Cato, as S. Augustine reports it, when one asked counsell of him in sober earnest, what harme he thought aboded him because * 1.50 Rats had gnawne his hose, he answered with a iest, that it was no strang thing to see that, but it had beene much more straunge if his hose had devoured the Rats. Tully likewise in his disputations touching such arguments, when one to inforce the verity of divination had sayd, that a victorie * 1.51 which fell to the Thebanes, was foreshewed by an extraordinary crowing of cocks, he could reply vpon that with a very smooth & quicke put off, that it was no miracle cockes should crow, but if fishes had so done, that had bin

wonderfull indeede.

I will conclude this point, as Alexander ab Alexandro doth his last * 1.52 booke: Quantum debemus Christo Domino Regi & Doctori nostro, quem 〈◊〉〈◊〉∣rum Deum veneramur & scimus, quo praemonstrante explosa monstrosa fera∣rum Gentium doctrina ritu{que} immani & barbaro, veram religionem edocti▪ humanitatem & verum Deum colimus, evictis{que} erroribus & infandis inep∣•…•…ijs quas Prisci coluere, quid quem{que} deceat & quibus sacris quà{que} mente Deum colere oporteat noscitamus. How much doe we owe to Christ our King & Master, whom we acknowledge and worship as true God, by whose guidance and direction, the monstrous doctrine and barbarous rites of those sauage nations being chased away, and we being taught true Re∣ligion, imbrace civility and the true God; and the errours & vnspeake∣able follies which the Ancients had in honour and reverence, being brought to light, we know what our dutie is, with what ceremonies, and with what minde God is to bee worshipped; which is in effect the same with that of the Apostle, Thankes be to God, who hath deliuered vs from the power of darkenesse, and translated vs into the kingdome of * 1.53 his deere sonne.

If I were disposed to inlarge this discourse, heere might easily be re∣membred the vnsavory tales, the childish fancies and fables of the Iewish Rabbins in their Talmud and Cabal, the most absard opinions and horrible practices of Ancient Heretiques in the Primitiue Church, the incredible igno∣rance & superstition among those, who for the space of many ages were commonly accounted the best, nay the only Christians: But each of these would require a large volume, and are already fully discouered by o∣thers. The first by Gala•…•…inus de arcanis Catholicae veritatis, and Buxdorsius in his Synagoga Iudaica; the second by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Philastrius, Epiphanius, Au∣gustine, •…•…rateolus, Alphonsus à Castro and others; the third by the wri∣ters of the reformed Churches, who haue set themselues to oppose the corruptions and abuses of the Church, or rather the court of Rome: And howbeit the Romanists in requitall heere of would proue their Adversa∣ries doctrine to open a gappe to disobedience and licentiousnes; yet I doubt not but the more sober minded among them, finde that to pro∣ceede, rather out of eagernesse, and heat of disputation, then from any solide arrow_back reason arrow_forward or setled judgement; since it is certaine, that since Luther awakened the world, the manners euen of the Romish Clergy themselues are not a little reformed.

CAP. 2. Touching the Lawes of the Ancient Grecians and Saxons, whereof some were wicked and impious, others most ab∣surd and ridiculous.

SECT. 1. The vnjust and absurd Lawes of Solon the Athenian Emperour.

AS Religion is the hinge vpon which the government of the Politi∣call state depends and mooues, so next after it good and whole∣some Laws serue much for the bettering of a Common-wealth in matter of manners. Law being therefore defined by Plato to bee a rea∣sonable Rule leading and directing men to their due end for a publique good, or∣daining * 1.54 penalties for them that transgresse, & rewards for them that obey. And by Cicero to be the highest and chiefe arrow_back reason arrow_forward grafted in nature, commaunding * 1.55 those things which are to be done, & forbidding the contrary. But by the Civi∣lians most briefly and properly, Lex est sanctio sancta, jubens honesta, pro∣hibens contraria, Law is an holy decree, (that is, a decree not to be viola∣ted) commaunding honest things, and forbidding the contrary. Now * 1.56 as the ancient Paynims were defectiue in points of true Religion: so were they likewise in making just Lawes, sometimes commaunding where they should forbid, and againe forbidding where they should com∣maund, rewarding where they should punish, and punishing where they should reward. I will instance onely in some particular Lawes of the Graecians, and of our Predecessours the Saxons.

Among the Graecians foure Law-makers were most renowned, Solon, Lycurgus, Plato, and Aristotle, two of which actually founded Common-weales, the one the Athenian, the other the Lacedemanian. The other two onely framed them in Idea or speculation, yet all provided Lawes for them, such as they were. I will begin with Solon, accounted one of the seuen Sages in Greece, highly commended for his great wisedome in making Lawes both by Aristotle and Plato, who proposeth him and Lycurgus as patternes for all such as shall institute Common-weales, and devise Lawes for them. Solon then resolving for the releeuing of the poore to make a Law for the abolishing and cancelling all contracts and * 1.57 obligations of debts past, & imparting his minde therein to some of his intire friends, they seeing his resolution, borrowed great store of mo∣ney, and imployed it in the purchase of land, wherevpon it followed that when Solon published his new Law, they remained exceedingly in∣riched, their Creditors defrauded, and he much suspected of deceipt, as to haue had secret intelligence with them, & part of their gaine. And although it seemeth that therein he had wrong, for he lost by his owne Law, as some write, 15 talents which were owing him, yet in two things

he cannot be excused, the one in that he caused not his friends to re∣store the money which they had guilefully borrowed, and the other that without examination of the particular causes and reasons of euery mans debt, he ordained a generall abolition of all debts both good and bad, whereby aswell those which were able to pay, as the vnable were discharged, and all Creditors without difference defrauded, contrary to all equity & justice, which as Cicero saith speaking of the like case, re∣quireth * 1.58 aboue all things that euery man haue his owne, & that equall regard be had to the rich aswell as to the poore; which (saith he) is no way observed, cùm locupletes suum perdunt, & debitores lucrentur alienum, when rich men loose their owne, and debtors gaine that which belong∣eth to other men.

Another of Solons absurd Lawes was, that whosoeuer in any pub∣lique sedition should be nuter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & take neither pa•…•…, should remai•…•… e∣uer after infamous: his arrow_back reason arrow_forward was for that hee thought it not conveni∣ent that any man should so much loue his owne ease, as not to partici∣pate of the trouble of the Common-wealth whereof hee was a member, which arrow_back reason arrow_forward of his together with the Law it selfe, Plutarch wisely and worthily rejecteth, for that it would be an assured meanes to put (as it were) fire to gun-powder, & to set all the Common-wealth on a •…•…ame without helpe of any internall remedy. For (saith he) as in a sicke body all the hope of helpe within it selfe is to be expected from the pa•…•…s that are sound, and therefore when the body is wholly corrupted, there is no helpe of remedy but from abroad, euen so in a politique body sick with sedition, all the internall remedy is to come from the whole sound parts thereof, that is to say, such as are Neutralls, who may labour with the one side, and with the other to compound the quarrell: for o∣therwise where all is in tumult, no remedy can be expected, except it come from abroad, & therefore Plutarch holdeth it for the highest and principall point of Politique Science in any governour to know how ei∣ther to prevent seditions that they neuer grow, or else quickly to ap∣pease them when they are growne, be they neuer so little. For as the least sparke that is may fall into such matter, that it may set an whole house on fire: so the least civill sedition may fall among such persons & in such times that it may put a whole Common-wealth in combustion; and vtterly ruine it.

SECT. 2. The vnreasonable and irreligious Lawes of Lycurgus the Lacedemonian Lawgiuer.

NOw for Lycurgus if wee examine his Common-wealth and the Lawes thereof, we shall finde that he likewise failed both in true prudence and in morall vertue. For whereas a good Lawmaker ought to frame his Common-wealth no lesse to religion, justice, tempe∣rance, then to fortitude, that it may stand & flourish aswell in time of peace, as in time of warre, his Lawes tended principally to make the

people valiant and warlike, wherevpon it followed that the Lacedemoni∣ans flourished so long as they had warres, and when they came to injoy peace, they fell to decay within a while, as Aristotle noteth. Whereby * 1.59 the weaknes of the Lawes of Lycurgus evidently appeared. For as peace is not ordained for warre, but warre for peace, as motion and labour is or∣dained for rest: so in like manner a Common-wealth is rather to bee fra∣med & ordained for peace then for warre: & yet so for both, that it may stand by both: But in the Common-weaelth of the Lacedemonians this was no way performed. For the Lawes of Lycurgus tending onely to make them strong, laborious & valiant, could not make them religious, just & truly temperate. Which for ciuill discipline and peaceable go∣vernment is most requisite. For as for Lawes tending to religion, wee finde none made by Lycurgus, nor any religious act of his but only one, more ridiculous then religious, as that he dedicated an Image to laugh∣ter, which he made a God, or at least would haue to be worshipped for a God, to make the people merry at their publique feasts and meetings; & besides he opened a great gappe to injustice and to all cosenage and de∣ceit: for hee ordained that it should bee lawfull for any man to steale any kinde of meate, so that he were not taken or discouered in the do∣ing of it, and that boyes & children should haue so little allowed them to eate, as they should bee forced to sharke and proole for their better provision to make them thereby more industrious, nimble and quick of spirit, and others more wary and watchfull to keepe well that which they had. Insomuch that who could steale most cunningly was most commended; But who seeth not that this was the next way to fill the Common-wealth with Theeues. For is it likely that those who from their infancy are brought vp in pilfering trifles, will afterwards, when they haue got the habit and ability thereof, forbeare to steale things of great importance? Or can theeues practise their occupation with more safety any way to become in the end most expert, and thereby pernicious to the Common-wealth, then with the warrant and vnder the protection of the Law? seeing the penalty which was ordained for them that were taken with the manner, was not inflicted for the inju∣stice of the fact, but for their lacke of skill and dexterity in the perfor∣mance, which must needes make euery man labour to excéll in the act of theeuery. Finally, when the Law not onely permitteth, but indu∣ceth men to deceiue sometimes, and in some things, doth it not also dis∣pose, and as it were direct them to deceiue as oft and howsoeuer they may. Therefore good and wise Law-makers seeke to prevent euils, & to cut off the occasions of vice, and not to minister matter therevnto, which in our corrupt natures needeth a bridle to restraine it, and not a spurre to prick it forward.

This may also be said in respect of another Law of Lycurgus, indu∣cing to intemperancie and all kinde of incontinencie. For although hee ordained some things notably for the education of youth, tending as it seemed to the repression of concupiscence and dissolute life, as a very spare and homely dyet, hard bedding of reedes, or (as some write) no bedding at all, continuall labour and exercise, one onely garment for * 1.60

the whole yeare & such like; yet it appeareth that his meaning was none other therein, but only the better to inable them to indure the la∣bour and toyle of the warre. For he ordayned other lawes so much in fauour & furtherance of lust & all carnallity, yea in the worst kind, that it might iustly be said, he made his whole common-wealth worse then a Burdell. For he instituted certaine wrestlings, & dances, & other exer∣cises of boyes & wenches naked, to be done in publique at diuers times of the yeare, in the presence both of young and old men, which what effect it might worke in the mindes & manners of their citizens, any man may easily judge, especially, seeing that both their lawes and cu∣stomes, permitted that men should be inamored of boyes, which was held for laudable & necessary for their good education, it being presumed that their louers would carefully instruct them in vertue.

Furthermore adultery which was punished with death, not only by the law of Moses, but also by the lawes of other nations, as a thing per∣nicious to the common-wealth, was not only permitted, but also ap∣proued by Lycurgus his lawe, ordaining, that if an old man married a young wife, she might with her husbands licence, make choyce of any young man that shee liked to haue a child by him, which her husband brought vp as his owne: And if a valiant or vertuous man, as good souldiers were there termed, liked well of another mans wife, he might demaund leaue of her husband to haue issue by her: which was not de∣nyed, but thought convenient for their common-wealth, to maintaine a good race & breed of valiant men; as Plutarch signifieth in defence of this law of Lycurgus.

This then being so, what marvell is it that all sinne of the flesh, and beastlinesse, reigned more in Lacedemonie, then any where else in Greece, as Aristotle witnesseth: Nay, what wonder is it that Almighty God of * 1.61 his just judgement plagued them for it in the end, with a memorable o∣uerthow in the plain of Leuctra, where they lost the dominion of Greece by the occasion and for the punishment of an horrible rape committed * 1.62 by two of their citizens.

SECT. 3. The impious & dishonest Lawes of Plato.

TO Solon and Lycurgus, we may adde Plato and Aristotle, who though they founded no common-weales, as did the other two, yet they framed in writing either of them one, in which they laboured to shew both the excellencie of their owne wits, & perfection of humane policie; wherein neverthelesse they evidently shewed the imbecillity & imperfection of both: For what can be more absurd or more impious, then the community which Plato ordained in his common-wealth, not only of goods & possessions, but also of women, to the end, that no man should haue any thing proper or peculiar to himselfe: in somuch, that Fathers & Mothers should not know their own children, neither yet any child know his owne parents; whereby he thought to

establish in the commō-wealth such a perfect vnity, that no man should be able to say, that is thine, or this is mine: But euery one haue a gene∣rall care of all; whereas if that law were in practice, the vtter ouerthrow of the common-wealth, and of all humane society must needes followe thereon. For Matrimony being taken away, and such a promiscuous and beastly procreation introduced, the naturall loue betwixt parents and their children, brethren, kinsfolke, & allyes, & all consanguinity, kinred, & affinity would be quite abolished: horrible incest betweene kinsfolke, brethren & sisters, father & daughter, mother & sonne which all nations abhorre, would ordinarily be committed: And by occasion of quarrells, which sometimes could not bee avoided; one brother would kill another, the father the sonne, and the sonne the father, for lacke of knowledge one of another: Besides many other great incon∣veniences, declared very particularly and at large by Aristotle in the second booke of his Politiques; And Lactantius in the third of his Di∣vine Institutions, where he proveth this imaginary community of Plato, * 1.63 to take away frugality, abstinence, shamefastnes, modesty, and justice it selfe, the mother of all other vertues. Sic honesta & legitima esse in∣cipiunt quae solent flagitiosa & turpia iudicari, in asmuch as thereby those things are held honest and lawfull, which are commonly accounted foule and wicked. Sic virtutem dum vult omnibus dare, omnibus ademit, & by this meanes, while hee pretended to make all vertuous, hee made all vitious. Nam re•…•…um proprietas & vitiorum & virtutum materiam conti∣net, communitas autem nihil aliud quam vitiorum licentiam: For a proprie∣ty in things, containes in it the subiect matter aswell for vertue as for vice to worke vpon, but community hath nothing in it besides the li∣berty of vice. Qui ergo vult homines adaequare, non matrimonia, non opes subtrahere debet, sed arrogantiam, superbiam, tumorem, vt illi potentes & elati pares se esse mendicissimis sciant; detracta enim diuitibus insolentia & iniqui∣tate, nihil intercrit vtrumne alij divites alij pauperes sint, cum animi pares sint quod efficere nulla res alia preter religionem Dei potest. Putavit ergo fe justitiam invenisse cum eam prorsus everterit, quia non rerum fragilium sed mentium debet esse communitas. Hee then that would bring in an equali∣ty among men, must not take away weddings and wealth, but arrogan∣cy, pride, and swelling, that those, who by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of their great power, are puffed vp, may know themselues to be peeres to the poorest beg∣gars. For remoue insolencie, injustice, and vncharitablenes from the rich, and there will no inconvenience followe from hauing some poore, & others rich: Their minds being equall, which nothing but true reli∣gion can possiblely effect. Plato thought then he had found justice, when indeed he ouerthrew it, in asmuch as there ought not to be a communi∣ty of things, but of minds. And farther, both Aristotle & Lactantius though vpon different reasons, shew, that the vnity which Plato sought by this meanes to establish in his common-wealth, would not follow therevpon: Non invenit concordiam quam quaerebat, quia non videbat vnde oriatur, hee found not that concord he sought for, because hee saw not from whence it sprang. Whereby appeareth his double errour, the one, that he found not that vertue he sought to plant, the other, that he foūd

that vice he sought to preuent; And so I passe to another most disho∣nest & vnreasonable law of his, which was this.

Hauing ordained that young men should for increase of their strength & agility of body, exercise themselues naked at certaine times & in cer∣taine places appointed for that purpose, called Gymnasia; commaunded also not as Lycurgus did in Lacedemonia, that young girles and wenches should daunce naked amongst boyes; but farre more absurdly, that wo∣men in the flower of their youth should daunce, runne, wrestle, ride, & doe all exercises with young men naked aswell as they, which, saith he, whosoeuer misliketh, vnderstandeth not how profitable it is for the common-wealth. But who could imagine that the Prince of Philosophers, (for so was Plato esteemed) could so farre forget himselfe, as hauing in∣stituted and framed his common-wealth to all kinde of vertue, as the only meanes to arriue to perfect felicity, who, I say, considering this, could imagine, that this great Professour, Master, & Teacher of vertue, would not only permit, but also ordaine a thing so contrary to his own profession, to the end of his common-wealth, and to his owne lawes, pre∣cepts, and counsels, as the lasciuious aspect of naked women, whereby the fire of concupiscence being kindled in men, and the bridle of natu∣rall modesty taken from women, what else could follow thereon but all beastly dissolutenes & carnality of life, aswell in the one as in the other. For precepts are giuen, and lawes ordained in vaine against incontinen∣cie, when the occasions, provocations, & nourishments thereof are per∣mitted, which whosoeuer vseth to admit, plaieth with the flame, as doth the fly, and commonly is burned thereby.

SECT. 4. The vnnatutall & vnchast lawes of Aristotle.

BUt perhaps some may thinke that Aristotle, Platoes scholler, who was the wonder of the world for his wit, and vndertooke to cen∣sure & syndicate both his Master, and all other Law-makers before him, saw cleerer in matter of lawes for the reformation of manners and the good of the common-wealth then he. Let vs then examine him a little, and we shall finde that he erred more absurdly then any of them: This may appeare by two of his lawes; whereof the one was, that if a man had any deformed or lame child, he should cast it out like a whelpe, and expose it to perish: And the other was, that if a man had aboue a * 1.64 certaine number of children, which number hee would haue to bee de∣termined according to euery mans ability, his wife should destroy the fruite in her wombe, when she found that she had conceiued; wherein he shewed himselfe more vnnaturall and inhumane then the very bruite beasts. For, as Cicero sayth very well, these two things cannot agree to∣gether, to wit, that nature would haue procreation, and that it would * 1.65 not haue the creature when it is borne to be beloued and conserued; the which appeareth, sayth he, euidently in bruite beasts, whose labour and care in the conseruation of that which is borne of them is such, that we

acknowledge the force and voice of Nature therein. What then can be more dissonant from arrow_back Reason arrow_forward and Nature, then that a man who is borne and naturally inclined to clemency, humanity and piety, should shew himselfe vnkinde and inhumane not towards beasts, but towards men, not towards strangers or servants, but towards his owne off-spring, and that not for any fault of theirs, but for some defect or deformity of bo∣dy, which they could not either prevent or remedy, and ought rather to moue a man to compassion and pitty, then to cruelty. Expectet aliquis ut alieno sanguini parcant, qui non parcunt suo: non possunt innocentes existi∣mari, qui viscera sua in praedam canibus obijciunt, & quantum in ipsis est cru∣delius necant, quam si strangulassent, saith Lactantius. Can any man expect * 1.66 they should spare other mens blood, that spare not their owne? inno∣cent they cannot be held, who expose their owne bowels for a prey to dogges, and as much as in them is, kill more cruelly then if they had strangled them.

Besides such corporall defects doe not alwayes nor often hinder the operation of the minde and vnderstanding, and therefore it may very well happen by the execution of this inhumane Law of Aristotle, not onely that a Father shall be depriued of a sonne, but also the Common-wealth of a serviceable & notable member. For as Seneca saith, ex casa vir magnus exire potest, & ex deformi humilique corpusculo formosus animus & magnus, A worthy man may come out of a base cottage, and a beau∣tifull high spirit out of a low deformed body.

The like may be said of the other Law of Aristotle concerning abor∣tion or the destruction of the Childe in the mothers wombe, being a thing punished seuerely by all good Lawes as in•…•…urious not onely to nature, but also to the Common-wealth, which thereby is depriued of a designed Citizen, as Cicero tearmes it, speaking of a woman of Miletum in Asia, who hauing procured abortion of her childe a little before her time of trauell was condemned to death, neque injuria, saith he, quia de∣signatum * 1.67 reipub. civem sustulisset, & very justly for that shee had made a∣way one that was designed to bee a Citizen of the Common-wealth: In which respect the Civill & Common Law do grievously punish all wil∣full abortion after conception, and the Canonists teach it to bee a mortall sinne.

And heere I cannot forbeare to say somewhat of another Constituti∣on of Aristotles, which I know not whether it were more absurd or ridi∣culous: for whereas he forbade in his Common-wealth the vse of las∣civious pictures and images, lest young men, and specially children * 1.68 might be corrupted by the sight thereof, neuerthelesse in the same Law he excepteth the Images and pictures of certaine Gods, in whom, saith he, the custome alloweth lasciviousnesse, meaning no doubt the painted tables and grauen stories of the adulteries of Iupiter, Mars, Venus, and other Gods and Goddesses, set forth euery-where among the Paynims, as well in private houses as in their Temples and other publique places. Wherein may be obserued the ridiculous absurdity of this great Philosopher, for what could it availe to take away all other wanton pictures and repre∣sentations that might corrupt the mindes of youth, when hee expresly

alloweth the vse of the lasciuious pictures of the Gods, which must needs corrupt them much more? and as it were instill into them vitious affections & desires together with their religion, yea by the example of their Gods; by the imitation of whom they could not but hope to at∣taine aswell to perfection of vertue, as to eternall felicity, beleeuing as they did, that they were true Gods. For how could any man be perswa∣ded that adultery deserued punishment, or was not a great, yea a di∣vine vertue seeing Mars taken tardy with Venus, or Iupiter stealing a∣way Europa in shape of a bull, violating Leda in the forme of a Swan, & entring into the house of Danae by the louer like a goldē showre; would not any man that should be religiously devoted to these Gods, be ani∣mated by the sight thereof to doe the like? yea and children learning their religion, and not only hearing, but seeing every-where by pictures & images that such acts were committed by their Gods, could they ima∣gine that the same were evill and not to be imitated? This is very well declared by Lucian of his owne experience, who in his Dialogues ma∣keth Menippus say thus,

When I was yet but a boy, saith he, & heard out of Homer and Hesiod of the Adulteries, fornications, rapes and se∣ditions of the Gods, truely I thought that those things were very ex∣cellent, and began euen then to be greatly affected towards them: for I could not imagine that the Gods themselues would euer haue com∣mitted adultery if they had not esteemed the same lawfull and good:

And the like signifieth also Cheraea in Terence, who beholding a table wherein it was painted, how Iupiter deceiued Danae when hee came in * 1.69 at the top of the house, saith, that he was greatly incouraged to defloure a young maide by the example of so great a God: at quem Deum, saith he, qui templa coeli summa sonitu concutit, ego homuncio hoc non facerem? ego verò illud ita feci & lubens. But what God was this trow you? marry hee who shakes the highest Temples of Heauen with thunder; and there∣fore might not I who am but a silly wretch doe the like? yes truely I did it and that with all my heart. And it is doubtlesse most true which S. Augustine hath obserued to this purpose, magis intuentur quid fecerit Iupiter, quam quid docuerit Plato vel censuerit Cato: they rather conside∣red what Iupiter did, then what Plato taught, or Cato thought.

SECT. 5. The barbarous and vncivill lawes of the Gaules and the Saxons our Predecessours.

NOw these Lawes of the Graecians were not more dishonest and vnmorall then were those of the Gaules and Saxons our Prede∣cessours vncivill and barbarous; I meane their ordeall Lawes which they vsed in doubtfull Cases when cleere and manifest proofes * 1.70 wanted to try and finde out whether the accused were guilty or guilt∣lesse. These were of foure sorts, as Aeneas Sylvius, Beatus Rhenanus, Iohannes Pomarius, Cornelius Killianus, and others in their Histories and Chronicles report. The first was by Campfight or Combate, the se∣cond

by yron made red hot, the third was by hote water, and the fourth by cold water.

For their tryall by Camp-fight, the Accuser was with the perill of his owne body to prooue the accused guilty, and by offering him his gloue or gantlet to challenge him to this tryall: which the other must either accept of, or acknowledge himselfe culpable of the crime whereof hee was accused. If it were a crime deseruing death, then was the Campe-fight for life and death, and that either on horsebacke or on foot: if the offence deserued imprisonment and not death, then was the Camp-fight accomplished when the one had subdued the other by making him to yeeld, or vnable to defend himselfe, and so be taken prisoner: the accu∣sed had the liberty to choose another in his steed, but the accuser must performe it in his owne person, and with equality of weapons. No wo∣men were admitted to behold it, nor men children vnder the age of thirteene yeares; the Priests and people did silently pray, that the vi∣ctory might fall to the guiltlesse. And if the fight were for life & death, a Beere stood ready to carry away the body of him that should bee slaine. None of the people might crye, skrecke, make any noice, or giue any signe whatsoeuer. And heerevnto at Hall in Suevia (a place ap∣pointed * 1.71 for Campfight) was so great regard taken, that the Executioner stood beside the Iudges with an axe ready to cut off the right hand and left foot of the party so offending. He that being wounded did yeeld himselfe, was at the mercy of the other to be killed or let to liue: if hee were slaine, then was he carried away and honourably buried, and hee that slew him reputed more honorable then before: But if beeing o∣uercome he were left aliue, then was hee by sentence of the Iudges de∣clared vtterly voide of all honest reputation, and neuer to ride on hors∣backe, nor to carry armes.

The tryall by red hot iron, called Fire-Ordeall was vsed vpon accusati∣ons without manifest proofe, though not without suspition, that the ac∣cused might be faulty; the party accused and denying the offence, was adjudged to take red hot iron, & to hold it in his bare hand, which af∣ter many prayers and invocations that the truth might be manifest, hee must either adventure to doe, or yeeld himselfe guilty, and so receiue * 1.72 the punishment that the Law according to the offence committed should award him. Some were adjudged to goe blinde-folded with their bare feete ouer certaine plow-shares, which were made red hot & laid a little distance one from another, and if the party in passing tho∣row them did chaunce not to tread vpon them, or treading vpon them receiued no harme, then by the Iudge he was declared innocent: And this kind of tryall was also practised here in England, (as was likewise the Camp-fight for a while) vpon Emma the mother of K. Edward the Con∣fessour, who was accused of dishonesty of her body with Allwin B. of Winchester, and being led blind-folded to the place where nine hot Cul∣ters were laid, went forward with her bare feet, and so passed ouer them, and being past them all & not knowing it, good Lord, said shee, when shall I come to the place of my purgation, then hauing her eyes vncovered and seeing her selfe to baue passed them, she kneeling down

gaue God thankes for manifesting her innocencie in her preservation, & in memoriall thereof gaue nine Lordships to the Church of Winchester, and King Edward her sonne repenting he had so wrongfully brought his Mothers name into question, bestowed likewise vpon the same * 1.73 Church the Ile of Portland with other revenewes. A much like tryall vn∣to this is recorded of Kunigund, wife to the Emperour Henry the se∣cond, who being falsely accused of adultery, to shew her innocency did in a great & honourable assembly take seaven glowen irons one after ano∣ther in her bare hands, & had thereby no harme.

The tryall called Hot water, Ordeall was in cases of accusation as is a∣fore sayd, the party accused being appointed by the Iudge to thrust his armes vp to the elbowes in seething hot water, which after sundry prayers and invocations he did, and was by the effect that followed judged faulty or faultles.

Lastly, cold water Ordeall was the tryall, which was ordinarily vsed for the common sort of people, who hauing a cord tied about them vn∣der their armes, were cast into some riuer, and if they sunke down to the botttome thereof vntill they were drawne vp, (which was within a ve∣ry short limited space) then were they held guiltlesse, but such as did remaine vpon the water were held culpable, being, as they sayd, of the water rejected & cast vp. These kindes of impious & vniust lawes, the Saxons for a while after their Christianity continued, but were at last by a decree of Pope Stephen the second vtterly abolished, as being a pre∣sumptuous tempting of God without any grounded arrow_back reason arrow_forward or sufficient warrant, and an exposing many times of the innocent to manifest ha∣zard.

CAP. 3. Touching the insufficiencie of the precepts of the Ancient Philo∣sophers for the planting of vertue, or the rooting out of vice, as also of the common errour touching the golden age.

SECT. 1. Touching the insufficiencie of the precepts of the ancient Phi∣losophers for the planting of vertue, and the rooting out of vice; as also of the manners of the Ancients, obser∣ved by Caelius secundus Curio, out of Iuvenall and Tacitus.

TO these lawes of the Graecians and Germans, may be added the o∣pinions & precepts of the Ancient Philosophers, touching vertue and vice, finall happinesse and the state of the soule after this life which were as diverse one to another as they were all erronious and opposite to the truth, the growth of vertue or suppressing of vice. What could possiblely •…•…ore hinder the course of vertue, then the doctrine of the Epicureans, that soueraigne happinesse consisted in pleasure? or more

strengthen the current of vice, then that of the Stoicks, that all sins were equall. The Epicureans though they graunted a God, yet they denyed his prouidence, which should serue as a spurre to vertue, and a bridle to vice. The Stoickes, though they graunted a diuine providence, yet with∣all they stiffely maintained such a fatall Necessity, not only in the events of humane actions, but in the actions themselues, as thereby they blun∣ted the edge of all vertuous endeauours, and made an excuse for vici∣ous courses. Againe, the Epicurean gaue too much way to irregular affe∣ctions; and on the other side, the Stoicke was too professed an enimy to them, though regulated by arrow_back reason arrow_forward ; but both of them doubted, if not de∣nyed the immortality of the soule, whereby they opened a wide gappe to all licentiousnesse, not censureable by the lawes of man, or which the executioners whereof either thorow ignorance could not, or thorow feare or fauour would not take notice of. Which hath often made mee wonder that the common-wealth of the Iewes would suffer such a pesti∣lent sect in the bowels of it, as the Sadduces, who flatly denyed, not only the resurrection of the body, but the immortality of the soule. Since * 1.74 then the Christian religion, and that alone teacheth both, as fundamen∣tall articles of our beleife, and withall a particular providence of God, ex∣tending to the very thoughts, and a particular judgement after this life, rewarding every man according to that he hath done in the flesh, whe∣ther it be good or euill; and besides, requires a reformation of the heart & inward man, the fountaine & source of all outward actions & speech∣es; it is most euident, that howsoeuer our liues bee, yet our rules tend more to vertue and honesty then did those, either of the Gentiles, or of the Iewes; who although they were not all infected with the foule lepro∣sie of the Sadduces, yet it is certaine, that these doctrines and rules were not in the law of Moses & the Prophets so cleerely deliuered, as now they are by Christ & his Apostles in the Gospell; nay the law it selfe per∣mitted vnto thē such a diuorce, though for the hardnes of their hearts, as is not now allowed. And though the Law allowed not Polygamie, yet * 1.75 in regard of their frequent practice, we haue great arrow_back reason arrow_forward to conceiue, that they scarce held it to be a sinne. And the Pharises, though of all o∣ther sects they pretended, and seemed to be the most zealous & strict obseruers of the Lan•…•…; yet teaching others & themselues, practising the observation thereof as they did, only in regard of outward conformity, thereby perhaps made their disciples formall Iusticiaries, but withall * 1.76 damnable hypocrites, boyling in malice, & lust, & couetousnes while they set a faire face on it, and made a goodly semblance of holynes, piety, and devotion. And if it so fared with the Iewes, no marvell that the Gentiles, (their naturall inclination carrying them headlong to wicked∣nes, and withall their religion, their lawes, the doctrine and examples of their Teachers, being as so many provocations to draw them on∣ward) proued such indeede as the Apostle describes them to be in the 1 of the Romanes,

full of all vnrighteousnes fornication, wickednesse, couetousnes, maliciousnes, full of envy, of murther, of debate, of de∣ceite, taking all things in euill part, whisperers, backebiters, haters of God, doers of wrong, proud, boasters, inventers of euill things, diso∣bedient

to Parents, without vnderstanding, couenant breakers, with∣out naturall affection, such as neuer can be appeased, mercilesse, which men though they know the Law of God, how that they which com∣mit such things are worthy of death, yet not only doe the same, but favour them that doe them.

And so I passe from the roote to the fruite, from the causes to the effects, from their lawes & precepts touching manners, to their practice, & customes, & manners themselues. And heere I must freely professe my selfe to accord with Sidonius Apollinaris, ve∣neror antiquos, non ita tamen vt aequaeuorum meorum virtutes & merita post∣ponam: * 1.77 I haue the Ancients in such due respect and veneration as they deserue, yet so as I would not willingly disesteeme or vndervalue the vertues and merits of those who haue liued since, or now liue in the same age with mee. The Ancients I know well, had many great ver∣tues, and wee no lesse vices, yet let no man be so vnwise or vnjust, to sur∣mise that either the former ages were free from notorious vices, or the latter voide of singular vertues. And surely, he that shall reade Bohemus of the manners of the Gentiles, or the bookes of Iudges, the Kings, the Chronicles, the Prophets, and Iosephus of the manners of the Iewes, will ea∣sily acknowledge the former: Wherevnto wee may adde the testimony of Coelius Secundus Curio, a witty and learned man of this age in his Epi∣stle prefixed to his commentary vpon Iuvenall, where he tels vs, that meeting with those verses of Horace.

Damnosa quid non imminuit dies? Aetas parentum peior avis tulit Nos nequiores, mox daturos Progeniem vitiosiorem.

What doth not wastfull time impaire? Our Fathers worse then Gransires are, We worse then they, our progenie More vitious then ourselues will be.

Hee began to doubt of the trueth of them, and therevpon fell to a seri∣ous inquirie thereinto, & for his better proceeding in that search, made speciall choice of two Authours, Tacitus and Iuvenall, the one held as vnpartiall in history as the other in Satyres, to make report what they found in matter of manners in their times, and hauing thorowly con∣sulted with them both, but chiefely with the latter; from them he makes this relation, Quibus auditis, saith he, & nostri seculi cum illa facta conten∣tione deprehendt longe ab illa nostram aetatem vitijs, illam à nostra multis & magnis virtutibus superari: Vpon the hearing of them, and the compa∣ring of this present age with that, I found that ours was much surpassed by that in vice, and that againe by ours in many and great vertues. Yet long before Horace did Aratus in Phoenomenis take vp the same com∣plaint:

Aurea degenerem pepererunt saecula prolem, Vos peiorem illis sobolem generabitis.— Those golden sires a baser race begat: Your race shall be yet more degenerate.

But Hesiod in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is more advised and moderate, hoping, it

seemes, for better times then himselfe saw.

O vtinam quinto hoc minime mihi vivere saeclo, Sed fas vel post nasci, aut ante perire fuisset. Would God this fift age I had neuer seene, But or had died before, or after beene.

For with Ovid I can scarce hope that any should accord & professe,

Prisca iuvent alios, ego nunc me deni{que} natum Gratulor. Let others like old times, but I am glad That in this latter age my birth I had,

SECT. 2. Touching that idle tale of the golden age first forged by Poets, and since taken vp by Historians.

THat which hath deceiued many in this point is that idle tale and vaine fancie forged by the Poets, & taken vp by some Historians, & beleeued by the vulgar of the foure ages of the world. The first of gold, the second of siluer, the third of brasse, & the fourth of yron. Thus e∣legantly described by the wittiest of Poets.

Aurea prima sata est aetas quae vindice nullo * 1.78 Sponte sua sine lege sidem rectumque colebat, Poena metus{que} aberant, nec vincla minacia collo Aere ligabantur, nec supplex turba timebat Iudicis ora sui; sed erant sine judice tuti, &c. Postea Saturno tenebrosa in Tartara misso Sub Iove mundus erat, subijtque argented proles, Auro diterior fulvo, pretiosior aere, &c. Tertia post illam successit ahenea proles, Saevior ingenijs, & ad horrida promptior arma. Non scelerata tamen. De duro est vltima ferro Protinus erupit venae pejoris in aevum Omne nefas, fugêre pudor, verum{que} fides{que} In quorum subiere locum fraudes{que}, doli{que}, Insidiae{que}, & vis, & amor sceleratus habendi.

The golden age was first, which vncompell'd, And without rule in faith and truth excell'd: As then there was not punishment nor feare, Nor threatning Lawes in brasse prescribed were, Nor suppliant crouching prisoners shooke to see Their angry Iudge, but all was safe and free, &c. But after Saturne was throwne downe to Hell, Ioue rul'd, and then the silver age befell. More base then gold, and yet then brasse more pure, &c Next vnto this succeedes the brazen age, Worse natur'd, prompt to horride warre and rage, But yet not wicked stubborne, yr'n the last,

Then blushlesse crimes which all degrees surpast The world surround, Shame, faith and truth depart, Fraud enters, ignorant in no bad Art, Force, treason, and the wicked loue of gaine, &c.

And from hence it seemes was that of Boetius borrowed

Faelix nimium prior aetas Contenta fidelibus arvis. * 1.79 Nec inerti perdita luxu, Facili quae sera solebat Iejunia solvere glande, Nec Bacchica munera nor at Liquido confundere melle, Nec lucida vellera serum Tyrio miscere veneno. Tunc classica saeva tacebant Odijs ne{que} fusus acerbis Cruor horrida tinxerat arma. Vtinam modo nostra redirent In mores tempora priscos.

Thrice happy former age well pleas'd With faithfull fields, from riot free, Whose hunger readily was eas'd With akornes gathered from the tree, They skill'd not with Lyaeus juice, The liquid honey to compound, Nor knew that twice the Serian fleece In Tyrian die was to be drown'd, Alarmes of warre were silent then, And horrid arms all smear'd with blood Through malice shed of cruell men Were yet vnseene. O would to God These times so much degenerate Might turne againe to th'ancient state.

But that all this adoe about the golden age is but an empty rattle & fri∣volous conceipt, like Apuleius his tale of a golden asse, Bodin is so confi∣dent, that he breakes forth into this assertion, Aetas illa quam auream * 1.80 vocant, si ad hanc nostram conferatur, ferrea videri possit. That which they call the Golden age being compared with ours, may well seeme but iron: And in truth he may boldly affirme it, if that be true which Cicero writes of it. Fuit quoddam tempus cùm in agris homines passim bestiarum * 1.81 more vagabantur, & sibi victu ferino vitam propagabant, nec ratione animi quicquam, sed pleraque viribus corporis administrabant. Nondum divinae re∣ligionis non humani officij ratio colebatur, nemo legitimas viderat nuptias, non certos quisquam inspexerat liberos, non jus aequabile quid vtilitatis haberet, ac∣ceperant. Time was when men like beasts wandered in the fields, and maintained their life by the food of beasts▪ neither did they administer their affaires by justice, but by bodily strength: There was no heed gi∣ven either to Religion or arrow_back Reason arrow_forward , no man enjoyed lawfull marriage, nor

with assurance beheld his owne issue, neither were they acquainted with the commodity which vpright Lawes bring with them. During this golden age flourished Camesis & Saturne, & there is no doubt but by Camesis is vnderstood Cham the son of Noah, & by Saturne Nimrod, whose son Iupiter Belus (famous for the deposition of his father, incest with his sister, & many other villanies) saw the last of this age. Now how vertuous these men & times were, appeares by the story of Mo∣ses. Cham like a most vngratious childe discovers and derides the na∣kednesse * 1.82 of his aged & worthy Father, & was therefore deservedly ac∣cursed to be a seruant of servants. Nimrod grandchilde to Cham, as his name signifies, was a notorious Rebell, Robustus venator coram Domino, a * 1.83 great Oppressour, a Robber, as Aristotle numbers robberi•…•… among the se∣verall kindes of hunting: And besides he is thought to haue beene the ring-leader in that out-ragious attempt of building the towre of Babel. And such kinde of men are those Gyants supposed to haue beene, who * 1.84 before this are called Mighty men, men of renowne; In as much as Moses * 1.85 presently adds, And God saw that the wickednesse of man was great in the earth, and that euery imagination of the thoughts of his heart was onely euill continually: And it repented tbe Lord that he had made man on the earth, and * 1.86 it grieued him at his heart. Quibus verbis intelligit, saith Cassanion, tantas * 1.87 ea-tempestate fuisse morum corruptelas, vt omne vitiositatis, nequitiaeque genus vbique regnaret. Cùm autem ex robore & potentia qua isti pollebant nominis celebritatem adepti sint, in eo animadvertere licet qualis fuerit prima mundi nobilitas aestimata, non quae pietatis, justitiae, aliusve cujusdam virtutis specie, & pulchritudine illustris appareret, sed quae solius potentiae, for∣titudinisue titulo sese venditabat: Nam qui tum caeteris valentiores, robustio∣resque erant, ij vim aliis audacter inferentes, nobiliores, praestantioresque cense∣bantur. Vnde fortassis illud invaluit, ut gentilitia quorundam insignia non ni∣si crudelium belluarum, rapaciumque ferarum & volucrium habeant imagi∣nem. By which words he vnderstands, that such and so great was the vniversall corruption of manners in those times, as all kinde of vice and wickednesse euery-where raigned: And in that the men of that age are said to haue gotten renown by meanes of their exceeding great might, from thence we may gather how the first Nobility of the world was valued, not such as was cōspicuous by the beauty & Iustre of piety, justice, or any other vertue, but such only as gloried & contented it self with the title of strēgth & power. For those who then were more mighty and powerfull then others, and were thereby imboldened to oppresse others, were commonly held the most noble and worthy. And happily from hence it was that some families carry in their Scutchions the re∣presentation of wilde beasts or birds of prey. Howsoeuer we are sure that vpon this vniversall invndation of sinne, followed the vniversall deluge of water, washing and cleansing the earth from that abominable filthinesse which had generally infected and polluted it. And as about this time sinne was ripened, so in the very infancy of the world it grew vp so fast, that the second man in the world wilfully murthered the * 1.88 third, being then his only brother. And another of the same race soone after was the founder of Polygamie, and a while after it is added, Then * 1.89

men began to call vpon the name of the Lord, as if till then they had not done it, at least-wise in publique assemblies. And in that, Enoch not long after this, is said to haue walked with God, Iunius giues this note vpon it, * 1.90 id est, non est sequutus malitiam sui seculi, that is, he followed not the wic∣ked courses of the age wherein he liued, and therefore was he translated, least wickednes should alter his vnder standing or deceipt beguile his mind. Haec * 1.91 est illa aurea aetas quae talia mōstra nobis educavit, this is forsooth that good∣ly goldē age which hath brought into the world & bred such foul mō∣sters. After this the world was pestered with a nūber of intollerable Ty∣rants, whom Hercules subdued, and yet was himselfe accounted by ma∣ny a Captaine of Pyrats. And certaine it is, he was most foule, and yet I know not whether more foule, or strong in matter of lust; and both Theseus and Peri•…•…hous (whom he admitted into his society) were of a straine much alike. But because these things happily may seeme fabu∣lous, let vs listen to Thucidides, one of the ancientest & truest fathers of history. He then hath left vpon record, that a little before his time in Greece it selfe so great was the wildnes and barbarousnes thereof, that both by sea and land robberies were commonly practised, and that without any touch of disgrace; it was vsually demaunded of passengers, whether they were Theeues or Pyrats. And Caesar in a manner reports the same of the Germans: Latrocinia nullam habent apud Germanos infamiam quae extra fines cuius{que} civitatis fiunt, at{que} ea iuventutis exercendae atque desi∣diae mi•…•…uendae causa fieri praedicant. It is no discredit among the Germans to robbe, so it be without the bounds of their citties, and this they al∣low for the exercise of their youth & the shunning of idlenes. But particulars are infinite, wherefore I will content my selfe with one na∣tion, & three or foure notorious vices of that Nation. The Nation shall be that of the ancient Romans, I meane before their receiuing of Christi∣anity, because they were commonly reputed the most civill & best dis∣ciplined of the whole world. The speciall vices I will instance in, shall bee their cruelty, their couetousnes, their luxurie, their vaine-glory and am∣bition; and in these will I shew their wonderfull excesse beyond latter ages, concluding with a demonstration, that the most eminent and re∣nowned vertues of the Romanes, as their wisedome & courage, haue like∣wise beene at least matched by some of latter ages, and that in some o∣ther vertues, as namely in modesty and humility, they haue beene much exceeded.

CAP. 4. Of the excessiue cruelty of the Romans towards the Iewes, the Christians, other Nations, one another & vpon themselues.

SEC. 1. Of the Romane cruelty toward the Iewes.

THe savage and barbarous inhumanity of the Romans appeares partly in their cruell handling of the Iewes & Christians, & partly of other Nations: But chiefely in their vnnaturall disposition one towards another and vpon themselues: First then for the Iewes, it is in∣deede true, that by putting to death the Lord of life, and crying alowd, His blood be vpon vs and vpon our children, they wilfully drew vpon them∣selues the Divine vengeance & that dreadfull threate: Loe the dayes shall come when they shall say, happy are the barren and the wombes that haue not borne children, and the paps that haue not giuen sucke. Yet were the Romans, though greater enemies to Christian Religion then the Iewes, appointed by divine providence, as the Executioners of that vengeance, which they performed in a most vnmercifull manner: And in regard of themselues, an vndue & vniust measure. For to let passe all other bloody massa∣cres of them in diverse townes & citties thorow the Romane Empire, af∣ter the passion of our Saviour, and before the destruction of Ierusalem; surely their cruelty acted in the siedge of that citty, recorded by Iose∣phus, was such as were able, even to resolue an heart of steele into teares * 1.92 of blood. It was on every side so straightly begirt, that the besieged by extreamity of famine, were forced to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, not only horses, asses, dogges, rats, & mice, and the leather that couered their shields & buck∣lers, but also the very dung out of their stables; yea, & a Noble woman was knowne to eate her owne child that suckt vpon her breast, wherein no doubt was fulfilled the prophecie of our Saviour, happy are the bar∣ren. Such as were taken by the Romans, were by the commaundement of Titus, crucified before the walls of the citty, to the number of fiue hundred every day, vntill at length (as Iosephus reporteth) there wanted both crosses for the bodies and place for the crosses. Also great numbers of them, who being forced with famine, sought to saue their liues, by yeel∣ding themselues to ther enemies, were nevertheles killed by the merci∣lesse souldier, and their bowels ripped vp, in hope to finde gold therein, vpon a report, or at least a conceite, that the Iewes did swallow their gold to convay it out of the citty by that meanes. Finally, the num∣ber of those which were slaine and died during the siege, was, as wit∣nesseth Iosephus, a million and an hundred thousand, and of the Captiues nine hundred and seventy thousand, whereof Iosephus himselfe was one, and * 1.93 of those, some were condemned to the publique workes, others of the stronger & handsommer sort carried in triumph, and such as were vn∣der

the age of seventeene yeares, were sold for litle or nothing, & those which remained in their countrey, were loaden with such greivous im∣positions and tributes, that they liued in a continuall misery & slauery worse then death. Yet the cruelty of the Romans towards these mi∣serable Iewes ceased not heere, but in the next age, in the time of Traiane the Emperour, within lesse then fifty yeares after the subversion of Ieru∣salem, infinita eorum millia, sayth Eusebius, infinite thousands of them * 1.94 were killed in Egypt, and Mesopotamia, in Macedonia they were vtter∣ly extinguished, and in Cyprus they were all either put to the sword or banished; and a law made, that it should be death for any Iew to arriue there, though he were driven thither by tempest against his will. And in a few yeares after Iulius Severus, being called out of Brittaine by the Emperour Adrian, and sent into Iudea, destroyed almost all the coun∣trey. For as Dyon writeth, he dismantled fifty strong forts, and ra∣zed or burnt nine hundred eighty fiue townes or villages, and killed a∣boue fifty thousand Iewes in battell, besides an infinite number of others that died either by fire, famine, or pestilence, or were sold for slaues. Shortly after Adrians time, they were also miserablely afflicted by the Emperour Antoninus Pius, and after him by Marcus Aurelius, and againe some yeares after that by the Emperour Seuerus, who renewed the de∣crees of Adrian for their exclusion from the sight of their countrey, and triumphed for his great victories against them. Now though it be true, that the wickednes of the Iewish Nation was such, as they well deserued to be thus seuerely punished; yet cannot the Romanes be excused from vnreasonable cruelty in dealing thus vnmercifully with them, as if they had beene beasts rather then men.

SECT. 2. Their cruelty toward the Christians, first in regard of the insatiable malice of their persecutors.

THeir dealing with the Christians, (whom they likewise named Iewes, because our Saviours Apostles & first disciples, were all of that nation) was yet more mercilesse because more vnjust; They pretended the frequent rebellions of the Iewes, to be the arrow_back reason arrow_forward of their great severity towards them: But the Christians they deadly hated and * 1.95 most cruelly persecuted only for their religion, whereas they suffered all religions saue the Christian, to be quietly exercised thorow their do∣minions. Now their cruelty towards the poore Christians appeared in the insatiable malice of their persecutors, the incredible number of those that suffered as Martyrs or Confessors, and the exquisite variety of their tortures. St. Augustine and his scholler Orosius compare the tenne persecutions of * 1.96 the Primitiue Christians, (which as so many raging waues came tum∣bling one vpon the necke of another,) to the tenne plagues of Egypt; the first of which was vnder Nero, whose cruelty or luxury was of the two more monstrous & vnnaturall, cannot easily be determined. He caused Rome to be set on fire, that he might the better conceiue the flames of * 1.97

Troy, singing vnto it Homers verses. His father and brother he poyso∣ned, murth•…•…red his master, wife, & mother, taking an exact view of her dead bodie, commending the proportion of some parts & discommen∣ding others. Besides, he made away whosoeuer was valiant or vertu∣ous in Senate, in citty, in Province without any difference of sexe or age. No marvell then, that being of a disposition so bloody he fell as a bitter storme vpon the Christians, and his cruelty be by S Paule compa∣red * 1.98 to the mouth of a Lyon. Nay by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of that violent persecuti∣on, which vnder him the Christians endured; hee was, as witnesseth S. Augustine commonly reputed Anti-Christ: But certaine it is, that Rome * 1.99 being by his commaund set on fire, he falsely accused & punished most greevously the innocent Christians for it. The second persecution was * 1.100 vnder Domitian, whom Tertullian calls Neronis portionem, Eusebius, •…•…ae∣redem, the one a part, the other the heire of Nero: And Tacitus puts one∣ly this difference betweene them, that Nero indeed commaunded cru∣ell * 1.101 murthers, but Domitian not only commaunded them, but beheld them himselfe. What the world was to expect from him; appeared in his very entrance to the Empire, retyring himselfe euery day into a pri∣vate closet, where he passed his time in killing of flies with a sharp bod∣kin, insomuch that one demaunding who was within with the Empe∣rour, Vibius Crispus made answer, ne musca quidem, not somuch as a flie: But from the blood of flies hee proceeded on to the shedding of the * 1.102 blood of men, so farre, and in so fierce a manner,

—Vt timeas ne * 1.103 Vomer deficiat, ne marrae & sarcula desint. Well might yee doubt Least culters, mattocks, spades, yee soone should be without.

The Authour of the last and most greivous persecution, was Dioclesian, whose raging cruelty towards the Christians, Lactantius sets forth in liuely colours. Nemo h•…•…ius tantae belluae immanitatem potest pro merito des∣cribere, * 1.104 quae vno loco recubans tamen per totum orbem dentibus ferreis saevit, & non tantum artus hominum dissipat, sed & ossa ipsa comminuit & in cineres furit, ne quis extet sepulturae locus. Quaenam illa f•…•…itas, quae rabies, quae insa∣nia est, lucem viuis, terram mor•…•…uis denegasse? No man can sufficiently des∣cribe the cruelty of this so vnreasonable a beast, which lying in one place, yet rageth with his iron teeth thorow the world, and doth not only scatter the members, but breake the bones of men; yea shewes his furie vpon their very ashes, least there should be found any place for their buriall: what rage, what madnes, what barbarous cruelty is this, to deny both the light to the liuing, and the earth to the dead? Where Lactantius seemes to allude to that fourth namelesse beast of Daniell, * 1.105 which was fearefull & terrible, and very strong, it had great yron teeth, it devoured, and brake in peeces, and stamped the residue vnder his feete. And though I haue instanced only in these three, yet it is cer∣taine, that the Authours and Instruments of these persecutions were all of a disposition much alike: Of whom the same Lactantius affirmes, that they haue borrowed the shapes of beasts, and yet were more cruell then they, pleasing themselues in this, that they were borne men, & yet had

they nothing but the outward figure and lineaments of men. For what Caucasus, what India, what Hircania, saith he, ever bred or brought forth so cruell and bloody beasts; the rage of other beasts ceaseth when their * 1.106 appetite is satisfied, & their hunger being slaked, they grow more mild & tame, but the rage of these never ceaseth, their appetite is never satia∣ted with blood; the truth whereof will easily appeare, if in the second place we doe but cast our eyes vpon the infinite multitude of innocent Christians that euery where suffered death, and for none other cause but only the profession of their religion.

SECT. 3. Secondly, in regard of the incredible number of those that suffered.

OMnis ferè sacro Martyrum cruore orbis infectus est, neque vllis vn∣quam magis bellis exhaustus est, saith Sulpitius: well nigh the whole * 1.107 world is stayned with the blood of the Martyrs; neither was it euer in the like sort emptied by any warres. And Gregorie the great al∣most * 1.108 in the same words, totum mundum fratres aspicite, Martyribus plenus est, jam penè tot qui videamus non sumus quot veritatis testes habemus, Deo er∣go numerabiles, nobis super arenam multiplicati sunt quia quanti sunt à nobis comprehendi non possunt. Brethren, looke abroad vpon the whole world, it is filled with Martyrs, we are hardly so many in number to behold them, as we haue witnesses of the truth, who haue sealed it with their blood, in regard of God they are numerable, but in regard of vs they are multiplied aboue the sand on the sea shore, in asmuch as we cannot comprehend their number. And happily those latter words of Gregorie had reference to that of Cyprian, himselfe a glorious Martyr, in his ex∣hortation to Martyrdome: Exuberante postmodum copia virtutis & fidei numerari non possunt Martyres Christiani, testante Apocalypsi & dicente, post haec vidi, &c. The strength of courage and faith afterwards increa∣sing, the Christian Martyrs could not be numbred, according to that testimonie in the Apooalyps. After these things I beheld, and loe a great multitude, which no man could number of all nations, & kindreds, and people, & * 1.109 tongues, stood before the Throne and before the Lambe, cloathed with long white robes, and palmes in their handes: Wherevnto might be added, that other Propheticall passage of the same booke; The wine-presse was troden without the cittie, and blood came out of the wine-presse vnto the horse bridles by the * 1.110 space of a thousand & six hundred furlongs. Which Prophesi•…•… we may well conceiue, to haue beene accomplished to the full, when the very axes & swords of the Executioners were blunted with executions, and them∣selues were forced to giue ouer and sit downe, being vtterly wearied therewith, when the day failing, the bodies of the executed, were burnt in the night, to giue light to passengers; and thirty three Romane Bishops * 1.111 successiuely from S. Peter to Sylvester, were all martyred, when hun∣dreds, thousands, yea tenne or twenty thousands were slaughtered at once: Lastly, when by the testimony of S. Hierome in his Epistle to

Chromatius. and Heliodorus, (if it be his) there was not a day in the yeare to which aboue fiue thousand might not justly be assigned, the Kalends of Ianuarie only excepted. * 1.112

Funditur ater vbi{que} cruor, crudelis vbique Luctus, vbique pauor & plurima mortis imago. Piteous lamenting, dreadfull feare, and blood-shed every where, And many a ghastly shape of death did euery where appeare.

SECT. 4. Thirdly, in regard of the various and divelish meanes and instruments which they devised and practised for the execution or torture of the poore Christians.

NOw though the Romane cruelty sufficiently appeare in the malice of the principall persecutors of the Christians, and the infinite number of Martyrs that suffered, yet doubtlesse the various and diuelish meanes and instruments, which they diuised and practised for their dispatch or torture doth more euidently proue it. Quae autem per totum orbem singuli gesserint enarrare impossibile est? Quis enim voluminum numerus capiet tam infinita tam varia genera crudelitatis? saith Lactantius. * 1.113 Those things which in this kinde thorow the world were euery where acted, to recount were impossible. For what number of volumes can containe so infinite and diverse kindes of cruelty? And againe, dici non potest huiusmodi iudices quanta & quam gravia tormentorum genera ex∣cogitaverint, vt ad effectum propositi sui pervenirent. It cannot be expres∣sed, how many and how greivous kindes of torments those Iudges di∣vised, that they might attaine the end of their purpose. And Gregory to like purpose, Quae poenarum genera novimus quae non tum vires Marty∣rum * 1.114 exercuisse gaudemus? What kinde of punishment can we conceiue which we reioyce not then to haue exercised the strength of the Mar∣tyrs? They were burned in furnaces, they were put into vessels of boy∣ling oyle, they were pricked vnder the nayles with sharpe needles, their breasts were seared, their eyes boored, their tongues cut out, they were rosted at a soft fire with vineger & salt powred vpon them, they were throwne headlong downe the mountaines & rocks vpon sharpe stakes, their braines were beaten out with malles, their bodies were scraped with sharpe shels and the tallents of wild beasts, they were fryed in iron chaires,, and vpon grid-irons, their entrals were torne out and cast be∣fore their faces, they were crucified with their heads downeward, they were hanged by the middles, by the haire, by the feete, their bones were broken with bats, they were torne a sunder with the boughes of trees, and drawne in peeces with wilde horses, they were tossed vpon buls hornes, and throwne to Libards & Lyons; they were couered vn∣der hogs-meate, and so cast to swine, they were stabbed with penknifes, they were dragged thorow the streets, they were fleyd aliue, they were couered in the skins of wild beasts and torne in peeces with dogges, as witnesseth Tacitus, they were set to combate with wild beasts, as wit∣nesseth * 1.115

the Apostle of himselfe,

Non mihi si centum linguae sint, oraque centum * 1.116 Ferrea vox, omnes scelerum comprendere formas, Omnia paenarum percurrere nomina possem.

An hundred tongues, an hundred mouths, an yron voice had I, I could not all those torments name, nor kindes of villany.

SECT. 5. Of their extreame cruelty towards others, their very Religion leading them thereunto, as witnesseth Lactantius.

ANd least we should thinke that this cruelty of the Romanes to∣wards the Iewes & C•…•…ristians was onely in regard of their Reli∣gion, their owne Histories informe vs of the like vpon other Na∣tions, nay their owne very Religion was (it seemes) their strongest mo∣tiue & greatest inducement to cruelty: Nec vllam aliam ad immortalita∣tem viam arbitrantur, quam exercitus ducere, aliena vastare, delere vrbes, op∣pida exs•…•…indere, liberos populos aut trucidare, aut subij•…•…ere servituti, saith Lactantius, They conceiue there is no other way to immortality but by leading Armies, laying waste other mens Dominions, razing * 1.117 cities, sacking townes, rooting out or bringing vnder the yoke of slaue∣ry free-borne people. Si quis unum hominem jugulaverit, pro contami∣nato & nefario habetur, nec ad terrenum hoc domicilium Deorum admitti e∣um fas putant, ille autem qui infinita hominum millia trucidaverit, cruore campos inundaverit, flumina infecerit, non modo in templum, sed etiam in coe∣lum admittitur, apud Ennium sic loquitur Africanus.

Si f•…•…s caedendo coelestia scandere cuiquam est Mi soli coeli maxima porta patet.

Scilicet quia magnam partem generis humani extinxit ac perdidit. O quantis in tenebris Africane versatus es, vel potius Ô Poeta, qui per caedes & sanguinē patere hominibus asoensum in coelum putaveris. Cui vanitati & Cicero as∣sensit; Est vero inquit Africane, nam & Herculi eadem ipsa porta patuit, tanquam ipse planè cum id fieret, janitor fuerit in coelo. Equidem statuere non possum, dolendumne an ridendum putem, cum videam & graves, & doctos, & ut sibi videntur sapientes viros in tam miserandis errorum fluctibus volutari. Si haec est virtus quae nos immortales facit, mori equidem malim quàm exitio esse quamplurimis. If a man kill but one, he is held for a villaine, neither is thought fit to admit him to the houses of the Gods heere vpon earth, but he who murthers infinite thousands, waters the fields, & dies the ri∣vers with blood, is not onely admitted into the Temple, but into Hea∣uen; Thus in Ennius speakes Africanus.

If man by murdering may climbe Heauen, assuredly, The widest gate of Heauen is open laid for me.

Forsooth, because he had extinguished and made away a great part of mankinde. O with how great darknesse art thou compassed Africa∣nus, or rather thou Poet, who thoughtest that by slaughter & blood an

entrance was opened for men into Heauen; yet to this vanity euen Ci∣cero himselfe assents; It is euen so Africanus, saith he; for the same gate was open vnto Hercules, as if himselfe had then beene a Porter in Hea∣ven when that was done. Truly I cannot well determine whether I should rather grieue or laugh when I see graue & learned, & (as to thē∣selues it seemes) wise men, so miserably tossed vp and downe in the waues of Errour: if this be the vertue which makes vs immortall, for mine owne part I professe I would rather die then bee the death of so many. Yet had this doctrine (as it seemes) generally taken such deep roote in the mindes of the Romanes, that hee who shed most blood was held the worthiest & the holiest man, that is most like the Gods, and fit∣test for their hahitation, which is the chiefe arrow_back reason arrow_forward , as I conceiue, that we reade of such wonderfull slaughters committed by them, euen to the astonishment of such as haue beene acquainted but with the prin∣ciples of Christian Religion. Within the space of seuenteene yeares their warres only in Italy, Spaine, & Sicily consumed aboue fifteene hun∣dred thousand men, Quaesivi enim curiosè, saith Lypsius, I haue diligently * 1.118 searched into it. One Caius Caesar, ô pestem, perniciemque generis humani, O plague & mischiefe of mankinde, professeth of himselfe, and boast∣eth in it, that hee had slaine in the warres eleuen hundred ninety two thousand, yet so as the slaughter of his Ciuill warres came not into that account, but onely during his commaund a few yeares in Spaine and France. Quintus Fabius slew of the French one hundred & ten thousand. Cajus Marius of the Cimbri two hundred thousand. Aetius one hun∣dred sixty two thousand of the Hunnes. Polybius writeth that Scipio at the taking of Carthage gaue charge that all should be put to the sword without sparing any; And then addes, that this was a common fashion of the Romans, Videntur enim, saith he, terroris gratia hoc illi facere, itaque frequenter videre est quando Romani civitates capiunt, non homines modo occi∣di, sed canes etiam dissecari, & aliorum animalium membra truncari. It seemes they did it to terrifie others, and therefore it hath beene often seene that the Romanes vpon the taking in of a City, not onely slew the men, but also cut in sunder the dogs, & mangled other liuing Creatures. Servius Galba at his being in Spaine hauing assembled the Inhabitants of * 1.119 three cities vnder a pretence of consulting with them about their wel∣fare, on a sudden slew seuen thousand of them, among whom were the very flowre of their youth. Likewise Licinius Lucullus Consull in the same countrey, put to the sword twenty thousand of the Caucaei by the * 1.120 hands of his souldiers sent into the city against the expresse covenants of their rendring. Octavianus Augustus hauing taken Perusia, sacrificed three hundred of the principall Townsmen, which yeelded themselues * 1.121 (as it had beene beasts) before an Altar erected to Divus Iulius, Anto∣nius * 1.122 Caracalla being incensed against the citizens of Alexandria for some petty jeasts broken vpon him; entering into the citty in a peace∣able manner, & calling before him all their youth, he surrounded them with armed men, who at the signe giuen, fell instantly vpon them, and slew euery mothers son of them, & then vsing the like cruelty vpon the residue of the Inhabitants, hee vtterly emptied a spatious & populous

citty. Volesus Messalla Proconsull of Asia, tooke off with the axe the * 1.123 heads of three hundred in one day, & then walking in & out among the dead bodies with his hands behind him, as if he had performed some noble act, he cryes out, ô rem verè regiam, an exploit worthy a Prince. But me thinkes that of Sulpitius Galba exceedes them all, who entering * 1.124 into Portugall in an hostile manner laid waste the countrey, the Inhabi∣tants wondering thereat, & not knowing the arrow_back reason arrow_forward , neither being guil∣ty to themselues of any offence, they send Ambassadours to renew their former league, he entertaines them, and seemes to take pitty on them that they were thus afflicted, but it may be, saith he, it was your wants that caused you to make some spoyles & shew of warre, I will remedy the matter, I will range you into three parts, & will seat you in a good & fat soile where you may lead the rest of your life more happily & se∣curely: Come with your wiues & children into such a valley, & there will I assigne you your portions. They miserable people come on joy∣fully, being ranged into three bands; to the first of which when hee came, he bids them lay aside their weapons, as being now friends & fellowes, which being laide aside, he sets his souldiers vpon them, and kils them all vpon the place, in vaine calling vpon the Gods, & his faith giuen them. The same course he tooke with the second & third band, before the report of his first bloudy act could come vnto them.

Neither did their cruelty extend only to men, but to townes & citties. Sempronius Gracchus, if we may credit Polybius, razing & laying waste three hundred in Spaine. Nec habet omne aevum opinor quod adstruat his exemplis praeter nostrum, sed in orbe alio, saith Lypsius. I suppose no age can afford examples matchable to these, except ours, but that in another World; where he instances in the Spanish cruelties vpon the naked Indi∣ans. It is true indeed that Theodosius a Christian Emperour for a small * 1.125 matter in comparison, caused seauen thousand Innocents of Thessaloni∣ca being called together into the Theater, as for the beholding of some playes, to be slaine by souldiers vpon the place, and though hee might well for the present purpose bee numbred among the ancient Romane Emperours, yet as a Christian I rather choose to excuse him, & that just∣ly, in as much as being admonished by S. Ambrose he heartily repented of that bloudy fact: & therevpon at the instance of that worthy Prelate made a Law that from thenceforth thirty dayes should passe betwixt the sentence of death and the execution thereof, in as much as the guil∣ty, though spared for a time, might notwithstanding afterwards be exe∣cuted. But the guiltlesse being once executed, could neuer againe bee restored.

SECT. 6. Of their cruelty one towards another by the testimony of Tacitus and Seneca, and first in their civill warres.

NOw that which yet much more aggravates the Romane cruelty is this, that they were not onely thus hard-hearted towards strangers, but without naturall affection, implacable, mercilesse one * 1.126 towards another, as appeareth partly in their factions & civill warres, partly in the tyrannie of their Emperours & inferiour Gouernours, & partly in their bloudy games & pastimes. What a miserable complaint is that which is made by Tacitus. Legimus cum Aruleno Rustico Petus Thras∣ea, Herennio Senefioni Priscus Heluidius laudati essent capitale fuisse, nec in ip∣sos modo Authores, sed in libros eorum saevitum, delegato Triumviris mini∣sterio vt monumenta clarissimorum ingeniorum in comitio ac foro vrerentur, scilicet illo igne vocem populi Romani, & libertatem Senatus, & conscientiam generis humani abolere arbitrabantur, Expulsis insuper sapientiae professoribus, & omni bona arte in exilium acta, ne quid vsquam honestum òccurreret. De∣dimus profectò grande patientiae documentum, & sicut vetus Respub: videt quid vltimum in libertate esset, ita nos quid in servitute: adempto per inquisi∣tiones etiam loquendi, audiendique commercio, memoriam quoque ipsam cum voce perdidissemus, si tam in potestate nostra esset oblivisci quam tacere. Wee read that when Petus Thrasea was praised by Arulenus Rusticus, and Priscus Heluidius by Herennius Senesio, it was made a capitall crime, nei∣ther did their rage extend only to the Authours, but to their bookes. Cōmand being giuen from the Triumviri, that the monuments of those rarewits should be burnt in the pleading & market places. Forsooth in that flame they made accoūt at one blaze to extinguish the voice of the people of Rome, & the liberty of the Senate, & the conscience of man∣kinde. Besides the Professours of wisedome & all ingenuous Arts were banished, that nothing carrying the face of honesty might any-where appeare. Then did wee shew a singular example of Patience, & as for∣mer ages saw the vtmost of liberty, so we of servitude. Moreouer the mutuall commerce of speaking & hearing being by inquisitions abridg∣ed, wee had surely lost our memory together with our voyce, had it bin aswell in our power to forget, as to be silent. Yet more pitifull is that sad complaint of Seneca touching his times: Adeo in publicum missa ne∣quitia * 1.127 est, & in omnium pectoribus evaluit vt innocentia non rara sed nulla sit. Numquid enim singuli aut pauci rupêre fidem? undi{que} velut signo dato ad fas{que} nefas{que} miscendum coorti sunt.

—Non hospes ab hospite tutus, Non socer à genero, fratrum quo{que} gratia rara est: Lurida terribiles miscent aconita Novercae, Imminet exitio vir conjugis, illa mariti, Filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos.

Sed quota pars ista scelerum est? Wickednesse is become so common, and

hath taken in all breasts such deep rooting, that innocency is not onely rare, but no-where to be found: Neither haue single persons, or some few onely transgressed the Law, but as it were at the giuing of a signe men are on all sides euery-where risen vp to the blending & confoun∣ding of right and wrong.

—The host his guest betrayes; Sonnes father in lawes, twixt brethren loue decayes, Wiues husbands, husbands wiues attempt to kill, And cruell step-mothers pale poysons fill, The son his fathers hasty death desires.

And yet how small a part is this of the present villanies.

But the Civill warres was it which chiefly discovered the bloudy & vindictiue disposition of this Nation. Before which, as testifieth Saint Augustine, their dogges, their horses, their asses, their oxen, & all such beasts as liued vnder the service & for the vse of men, of tame became * 1.128 so wild, that they forsooke their mansions & masters, & got them into mountaines & woods, not without the danger of such as offered to re∣duce them to their former condition. And surely this wildnes of the beasts served as a fore-runner of that fiercenesse & inhumanity which afterwards appeared in their Masters. The sedition of the Gracchi be∣ing appeased, Lucius Opimius Consull executed 3000 as being guilty of that conspiracie by judiciall processe, ex quo intelligi debet, saith S. Au∣gustine, quantam multitudinem mortuorum habere potuerit turbidus conflictus armorum quando tantam habuit judiciorum velut examinata cognitio. From * 1.129 whence we may probably gather what multitudes died in the confused conflict of Armies, since so great a number was made away by a legall tryall. But Sylla was he, who vnder pretence of chastising the out-ra∣ges of Marius, filled the city with bloud. Illo bello Mariano atque Syl∣lano * 1.130 exceptis his qui foris in Asia ceciderunt, in ipsa quoque vrbe cadaveribus vici plateae, fora, theatra, templa completa sunt, vt difficile judicaretur quando victores plus funerum ediderunt vtrum prius vt vincerent, an postea quia vi∣cissent. In the warres of Marius & Sylla, besides those which were slaine in the fields abroad, in the city it selfe their streets, their market places, their theaters, their temples were all strewed ouer with carcases, so as it was hard to judge when the Conquerours slaughtered more, ei∣ther first that they might conquer, or afterwards hauing conquered. Sylla alone quem ne{que} laudare, ne{que} vituperare quisquam satis dignè potest, * 1.131 quia dum quaerit victorias Scipionem se populo Romano, dum exercet, Hanniba∣lem representavit, whom no man can sufficiently either commend, or dis∣praise, for that in pursuing his victories hee shewed himselfe as another Scipio to the Romane state, in making vse of them another Hannibal, hee alone I say, by his infamous proscription, bereaued the city of foure thousand & seuen hundred Citizens, whose names he commaunded to be registred in the publique Records, videlicet ne memoria tam praeclarae rei dilueretur, forsooth lest the memory of so notable a fact should be ex∣tinguished, neither were they of the baser ranke of the people, there be∣ing among them no lesse then one hundred & forty Senatours, besides infinite slaughters committed either by his commaund or permission,

neither did he thus rage against those onely who bore Armes against him, but to the number of the proscribed he added the most peaceable citizens if they were rich, he also drew out his sword against women, as not being satisfied with the slaughter of men, Id quoque inexple∣bilis feritatis indicium est, saith Valerius, that was likewise a signe of most vnsatiable cruelty, that hee commaunded the heads of such as he had slaughtered to be cut off & brought into his presence, though retaining neither life nor visage, vt oculi•…•… illa, quae ore nefas erat manderet, that he might feed vpon them with his eyes, because with his mouth he could not: the eies of Marius he plucked out befo•…•…e he depriued him of life, & then brake in pieces all the parts of his body, & Marcus Ple•…•…orius because he fell into a sound at the sight of that execution he cōmanded presently to be slain vpon the place, novus punitor misericordiae, apud quem iniquo animo scelus intueri scelus admittere fuit, a rare punisher of mercy, with whom vnwillingly to behold a wicked act, was to commit wic∣kednesse; but perchance though he thus tyrannized vpon the liuing, he spared the dead, no such matter, for digging vp the ashes of C. Marius, who was sometime Questor, though afterwards his enemy, hee threw them into the river Amen, En quibus actis foelicitatis nomen sibi asseren∣dum putavit, behold with what goodly acts he purchased to himself the name of happinesse. vix mihi verisimilia narrare videor, I scarce seeme to my selfe to report likelyhoods, saith Valerius: And S. Augustine tells vs, that some counselled him, sinendos esse aliquos vivere, vt essent quibus * 1.132 possit imperare: that he should doe well to suffer some to liue, lest there should be none whom he might commaund. And from Quintus Ca∣tulus he deservedly wrested that bitter speech, Cum quibus tandem victu∣ri sumus si in bello armatos, in pace inermes occidimus, with what forces are we likely to vanquish our owne enemies if wee thus kill our own men both armed in warre & vnarmed in peace. And from Lucan it drew those excellent verses, * 1.133

Sylla quo{que} immensis accessit cladibus vltor, Ille quod exiguum restabat sanguinis vrbi Hausit, dum{que} nimis jam putrida membra recidit, Excessit medi•…•…ina modum, nimium{que} secuta est Quâ morbi duxêre manus.

After these barb'rous butcheries revengefull Sylla came, The little bloud that yet remain'd in Rome he spilt the same, And whilst he off the rotten parts doth cut, the reme•…•…die Due measure too much doth exceed, his hands the maladie Pursue too farre.

And that herein he deliuered no more then trueth, or rather indeede came short of it, may sufficiently appeare by this one bloody act; Sylla * 1.134 having vpon his credit received to favour foure Legions (which make vp twenty foure thousand) of the adverse part; he caused them notwith∣standing in publique to be cut in peeces, calling in vaine for mercy at his treacherous hand. And when the Senate hearing their groanes and scritches stood amazed at it; the satisfaction he giues them, was none other then this. Hoc agamus Patres Conscripti pauculi seditiosi iussu meo pu∣niuntur:

My Lords let's to the businesse, as for the tumult you heare, it is only a few mutinous souldiers are punished at my commaund. Vpon which, Lypsius giues this just censure: Nescio quid magis hic mirer, homi∣nem id facere potuisse an dicere: I know not whether of the two I should more wonder at, that a man could either so doe, or so speake. Yet me seemes we need not much wonder at it, since the Senatours themselues were drawne out of the Senate house, as it had beene a prison to execu∣tion. Nay Mutius Scevola, being both a Priest & a Senatour, was slaine, imbracing the very Altar in the temple of Vesta, then which nothing a∣mong the Romans w•…•… held more sacred, and was like to haue quenched with his blood that fire, which was alwayes kept burning by the care of Virgins: Quae rabies exterarum gentium, quae saevitia barbarorum, huic de civibus victoriae civium comparari potest, saith S. Augustine: What rage of forraine nations, what cruelty of barbarians was ever comparable to * 1.135 this victory of fellow citizens vpon each other. Yet was the fire of these broyles scarce quenched before the flame burst out afresh in the civill warres, betwixt Sertorius & Catiline, Lepidus and Catulus, Caesar and Pompey; of which Lucan.

—Alta sedent civilis vulner a dextrae * 1.136 Heu quantum terrae potuit pelagique parari Hoc quem civiles hauserunt sanguine dextrae?

Deepe sticke the wounds which civill armes haue made: What lands, what seas might haue bin purchased, Even with that blood which civill warres haue shed?

And againe,

—Desunt{que} manus poscentibus arvis: They wanted hands For tillage of their lands.

And in another place,

—Generis quo turba reducta est Humani? Hard it was to finde What was become of mankind.

Yet after all this, again vpon the death of Caesar in the Senate the Trium∣uiri, Octavius, Lepidus, and Antony, vnder pretence of revenging his death & reforming the state, like the true schollers of Sylla ordained the like proscription as he had done, proscribing at once the heads of three hundred Senatours, and two thousand Romane Knights: Reade Ap∣pian, & in him a most liuely description of the incredible cruelty of those * 1.137 times, some making themselues away, some flying, some hiding them∣selues in wells and draughts, servants, & wiues, & children, hanging and howling about their masters, and husbands, and parents, but not able to helpe them: Heu scelera quibus nihil acerbius Sol ille vidit visur•…•…sque est ab ortu omni ad occasum, peream ego nisi humanitatem ipsam perijsse dicas fero & ferino illo aevo, they be the words of Lypsius the great patron of the * 1.138 Romane vertues. O horrible cruelty, then which the Sunne neuer saw or shall see any thing more greivous from the rising to the fall thereof. Let me not liue, if you would not beleeue that humanity it selfe was vt∣terly lost out of the world, in that bloudy and barbarous age.

SECT. 7. Secondly, of the cruelty of their Emperours towards their subiects, their Captaines towards their souldiers, their Masters tow∣ards their slaues, and generally of their whole nations.

YEt within a while after pax cum bello de crudelitate certabat & vicit, peace contended with warre which should be more cruell and o∣vercame: * 1.139 I will instance only in Tiberius and Caligula, the third and fourth Emperours, and content my selfe only with a part of Suetoni∣us his testimony concerning their monstrous cruelties. Touching the first, specie gravitatis & morum corrigendorum, sed & magis naturae obtem∣perans, saith he: Vnder a colour of gravity & reformation, but in trueth * 1.140 by a powerfull inclination in his nature he did many such outragious acts, as it gaue occasion among others to the casting out of these verses on him▪

Fastidit vinum, quia iam sitit iste cruorem, Tam bibit hunc avidè quam bibit ante merum. He loatheth wine, & now he after blood doth thirst, Drinks this as greedily as wine he dranke at first.

Nullus à poena hominum cessanit dies, ne religiosus quidem ac sacer; no day was priviledged from executions, no not the most solemne holy dayes. Because Virgins by a received custome were not to be strangled; he cau∣sed * 1.141 the hang-man first to deflower a Virgine, & then to strangle her. He thought death so light a punishment, that when he heard Carnulius had by death prevented his tortures, he cryed out, Carnulius me evasit, Car∣nulius hath escaped me. His thoughts were so intent vpon nothing else but horrible executions, that having by familiar letters invited a Citti∣zen of Rhodes to come to him to Rome, and being informed of his com∣ming, * 1.142 he commaunded him instantly to be put to the racke, and his er∣rour being discovered, to be put to death, least it should be divulged. Having caused men to be drawne on to fill themselues with wine, hee would suddainely commaund their privy parts to be fast bound with lute-strings, that so for want of meanes for avoyding their vrine, they might endure miserable torments.

Caligula, a man of much like temper, succeeded him in the Empire, but in cruelty farre exceeded him. Many of honourable ranke being first * 1.143 branded with infamous markes, he condemned to the mines, or the beasts, or shut them vp like beasts in cages, or sawed them asunder in the middest. And that not for great matters, but either because they had no good opinion of his shewes, or had not sworne by his Genius: He for∣ced fathers to be present at the execution of their sons, and to one, ex∣cusing himselfe by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of his sickenesse, he sent his litter for him, in∣viting him to mirth and iollity. Having recalled one home, who in his Predecessours dayes was sent into banishment, he asked him how hee * 1.144 spent the time while he was abroad, who answered by way of comple∣ment, that he incessantly prayed for the speedy death of Tiberius, & his

succession to the Empire: wherevpon, conceiving that his banished men prayed likewise for his death; he presently dispatched away messengers to the Ilands where they liued in exile, commaunding them all to bee put to the sword. When he desired that a Senatour should be torne in peeces; he hired one, who entring in to the Senate house, should as∣sault him as an enimy to the state, and stabbing him with stillettoes, should leaue him to be torne by others. Neque ante satiatus est quam mem∣bra, & artus, & viscera hominis tracta per vicos atque ante se congesta vidisset: Neither was he satiated before with his eyes he beheld the members & bowels of the man dragged thorow the streets and cast before him. Hee did not commonly execute any, but with many & soft strokes, his com∣maund * 1.145 being now generall and commonly knowne: Ita feri vt se mori sentiat, so strike him that he may feele himselfe to die; Being offended with the multitude for crossing his desires, he was heard to say, Vtinam populus Romanus vnam cervicem haberet, I could wish the people of Rome but one necke; meaning to chop them off at one blowe. He was wont * 1.146 openly to complaine of the vnhappy condition of his times, that they were not made famous by any publique calamity: That Augustus his government was memorable by the slaughter at Varia; & that of Tiberius by the fall of the scaffolds at Fidenae: but his was like to be buried in ob∣livion, by the calme and prosperous current of all things. And there∣vpon would he often wish, for the overthrow of his armies, famine, pesti∣lence, fire, earth-quakes, and the like, & when he was sporting or feasting himselfe, he abated nothing of his inbred and wonted cruelty, but shew∣ed * 1.147 the same fiercenesse both in his words and deedes: Many times while he was dyning were some examined vpon the racke in his presence, and other had their heads stricken off. At Putzoll at the dedication of a bridge, having invited many vnto him from the shore, on the suddaine he giues order for the tumbling of them downe headlong into the sea, & such as tooke hold of any thing to saue their liues, he causes to be beaten off with poles & oares. Being one day very free at a great feast, he sud∣dainely brake forth into a great slaughter: And the Consuls, who were next him, demaunding the arrow_back reason arrow_forward thereof, his answere was, Quid? nisi vno meo nutu jugulari vtrum{que} vestrum statim posse, nothing but this, that at a becke from me, both your throates may presently be cut. In the mid∣dest of his ieasts, when standing neere the statue of Iupiter, he demaunded Apelles the Tragedian, which of the two, himselfe or Iupiter seemed the greater; Apelles making a pause, he commaunds him to be sliced in pee∣ces * 1.148 with rods, now and then commending his voyce calling for mercy, as being sweetely tuneable in the very groaning. As oft as he kissed the necke of his wife or mistresse, he would commonly adde, tam bona cervix simul ac iussero demetur, so faire a necke may be taken off the shoulders when I list: And sometimes he boastingly threatned, that he would wrest it out of the heart of Coesonia his darling with the racke, why he so affecti∣onately loued her, so as it might truly be said of him, that he was indeed none other then lutum sanguine maceratum, a lump of clay soked in blood, and of his times might iustly be verified, what Seneca in his preface to his fourth booke of naturall questions speakes of Caius, sciebam olim sub illo in e∣um

statum res humanas decidisse vt inter misericordiae opera haberetur occidi•…•… vnder him things were brought to that passe as it was reckoned amogst the workes of mercy to be slaine.

Neitheir was this the disposition only of their Emperours, but of their inferiour governours & officers, happily by imitatio of their Emperours: in masters towards their slaues, in Generals towards their souldiers, and generally the whole multitude one towards another. Ved•…•…us Pollio was wont vpon every light occasion, as sometimes for the breaking of a glasse or some such trifle, to cast his slaues into his pond of Lampres, to be devoured by them: Vt in visceribus earum aliquid de servorum su∣orum corporibus & ipse gustaret, saith Tretullian; that the entralls of his * 1.149 Lampres might rellish somewhat of the flesh of his slaues: But Pliny giues this censure vpon it: Invenit in hoc animali documenta sae•…•…ae, non tanquam ad hoc feris terrarum non sufficientibus, fed quia in alio genere to∣tum pariter hominem distrahi spectare non p•…•…terat. He found out in this fish a new kinde of cruelty, not but that the wilde beasts of the earth were sufficient to effect the same, but because he could in none other kind be hold the whole man to be torne in peeces▪ Not much infe∣riour to this, was the rigorous cruelty of their Generalls towards the souldiers, masked vnder the vizar of strict discipline. It is in this kind a memorable example, that Seneca •…•…elates of Piso, who finding a souldi∣er * 1.150 to returne from forraging without his companion, as if he had slaine him whom he brought not backe with him, condemned him to death; his execution being in readines, and he stretching forth his necke to receiue the stroke of the axe, behold in the very instant his compani∣on appeares in the place; wherevpon the Centurion, who had the charge of the Execution, commaunds the Executioner to sheath his sword, and carries back the condemned souldier to Piso, together with his companion, thereby to manifest his innocency, and the whole ar∣my waited on them with joyfull acclamations: But Piso in a rage gets him vp to the Tribunall, and condemnes both the souldiers, the one for returning without his companion, & the other for not returning with him; and herevnto addes the condemnation of the Centurion for stay∣ing the execution without warrant, which was given him in charge; & thus constituti sunt in eodem loco perituri tres ob vnius innocentiam: Three, * 1.151 were condemned to die for the innocency of one. In more ancient times, three of the Albanes named Curiatij, combating with three of * 1.152 of the Horatij Romanes for the Empire, by consent of both their states, two of the Romanes were vanquished by the three Albanes, and the three Albanes againe by one of the Romanes, whose sister having mar∣ried one of the Albanes, because she wept to see her brother weare the spoiles of her husband, she was instantly dispatched by him. Huma•…•…r hu•…•…us vnius foeminae quam vniversi populi Romani mihi videtur fuisse aff•…•…tus, saith S. Augustine; the disposition of this one woman seemeth to * 1.153 me more humane then that of the whole body of the people of Rome. Heere vnto may be added that bloody speech, cast forth by the daugh∣ter of Appi•…•…s Coecus, who being crowded by the multitude, as she came 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seeing some publique shew, Vtinam, inquit; revi vis•…•…at frat•…•…r; ali∣amque * 1.154

classem in Siciliam ducat at{que} istam multitudinem perditum eat, quae me malè nunc miseram convexavit: I wish, saith she, my brother were a∣liue againe, that he might conduct another fleete against Sicilie, and so make away this multitude which thus troubles me: Now her brother Publius Claudius lately before had lost many thousands of the Romanes in an expedition by sea against the Sicilians, and with them his owne life.

SEC. 8. Thirdly, of their cruelty one towards another in their sword∣fights: In which first is considered the originall and in∣crease of these games, aswell in regard of their fre∣quencie, as both the number and quality of the fighters.

ANd no marveill this speech should fall from her comming frō a publique shew, in asmuch as the whole body of this people made the effusion of humane blood, and the slaughtering of men their common sport and pastime. Some they cast to beasts, some they set to fight with beasts, some to fight one with another. These they called Gladiatores, swordplayers, & this spectacle, munus gladiatorium, a sword-fight; in which their skill in defence was not somuch regarded or prai∣sed, as the vndaunted giving or receiving of wounds, and life vnfeare∣fully parted with: neither mattered it who had the hap to surviue, he being reserved but for another dayes slaughter. And here I shall craue pardon, if I descend a little to particulars, and insist somewhat largely vpon some of them; The matter in it selfe seemes to require it, being no doubt very strange to such as are not acquainted with the Romane history, so strange, that in a people so renowned for their morall ver∣tues, it might happily seeme incredible, but that I make it good by the testimony of graue Authours, and which is more; their owne: The te∣stimony of any man against himselfe being in reputation of law of suf∣ficient validity, without either legall exception, or iust suspition. If the Apostle judged the testimony of Epimenides the Poet, forcible against his owne countrey-men the Cretians, why should not wee judge the * 1.155 testimony of the most approved Romane Historiographers, Poets, & Ora∣tours weighty enough, being alleadged against the Romane Nation. First then, I will consider the cruelty of the act it selfe, together with some ag∣gravating circumstances. Secondly, the cruell disposition of the people, in entertaining it with that heat and fervencie of affection, as is won∣derfull. Thirdly, that the Christian Religion was it which first cryed out against it by the pennes of her Divines, and then cryed it downe by the edicts of her Emperours.

The beginning of these kinde of shewes originally sprang from a superstitious conceite, (suggested no doubt by the common enimy of mankind) of sacrificing with the blood of men for the Manes or Ghosts of their deceased parents or neere friends. Iunius Brutus was the first * 1.156

we reade of that began it in honour of his fathers funeralls, about 500 yeares after the Cities foundation. He exhibited to this purpose in the market place, 22 paires of sword-players: Hoc scilicet erat expiare ma∣nes patris, vel potiùs placare diabolum, saith Peter Martyr: This forsooth was to appease his fathers Manes, or rather to please the Devill. After this, they grew so common, that men by their testaments appointed them at their funeralls. Some there are, saith Seneca, who vndertake to dispose of matters, even beyond the tearme of their liues, taking or∣der for stately monuments, pompous funerals, & ad rogum munera, and at the end of their funerals, the exhibiting of sword-fights. And whereas it was in vse only at the funerals of great men, within a while private men tooke it vp, privatorum memorijs Legatariae editiones parentant, saith Tertullian in somewhat an harsh African phrase I confesse, but doubt∣lesse * 1.157 his meaning is, that even private mē by legacies in their last wils, provided for these sword-fights, which by the Romans were called Edi∣tiones. Neither was this vsed at the funeralls of men only, but of wo∣men too. Iulius Caesar exhibiting it at the death and for the honour of his daughter, which none ever did before him▪ and so from a small * 1.158 brooke, it increased to a great and mighty sea, and from matter of Re∣ligion, became a matter meerely of honour in those that gaue it, and of pleasure in those that beheld it. Transijt hoc genus Editionis ab honori∣bus mortuorum ad honores viventium: These shewes passed from the ho∣nour * 1.159 of the dead to the honour of the liuing: The Aediles, the Pretors, the Quaestors, the Consuls, the Priests, the Emperours exhibited them at their birth dayes, at the dedication of publique works & at triumphes, and by degrees they came to set solemne dayes, which they held as festi∣vall, and at the last, not the Magistrates alone, but private men exhibi∣ted them at all times, without difference of persons or dayes. Iuvenall speaking of some that of base fellowes were become rich, addes

Munera nunc edunt & verso pollice vulgi Quemlibet occidunt populariter. * 1.160 Sword-playes they doe bestow, and when they turne the thumbe, They murther whom they list.

And Martiall tels vs of a Cobler that exhibited them,

Das gladiatores sutorum regule Cerdo, Quodque tibi tribuit Subila, sica rapit. Braue king of Coblers, thou sword-players dost maintaine, And what thine awle doth get, the sword soone spends againe.

The number of sword-players thus exhibited, grew in the end to a mul∣titude incredible. Caesar in his Edileshippe exhibited three hundred and twenty paire. Gordianus sometimes 500, & never lesse then an hun∣dred every moneth. Traian by the space of 123 dayes without inter∣mission tenne thousand; but that of Nero exceedes all, and almost be∣leife it selfe: Exhibuit ad ferrum quadringentos Senatores sexcentosque E∣quites * 1.161 Romanos: He brought forth to the sword-fight foure hundred Seanatours and six hundred Romane Knights So that in regard of those excessiue number thus wilfully cast away thorow the Romane Empire, we may justly complaine with Lypsius, Non temere à funere or∣tares, * 1.162

quae revera funus & pestis orbis terrae, credo, imò scio, nullum bellum tantam cladem vastitiemque generi humano intulisse, quam hos advolupta∣tem ludos, numerum cum animis vestris recensete dierum quos dixi hominumque, mentior, si non vnus aliquis mensis Europae stetit vitenis capitum millibus, aut tricenis 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ It seemes vpon good arrow_back reason arrow_forward to borrow its originall from Funeralls; it being in trueth the very funerall and plague of the World, I thinke, nay I know that no warre euer made such havocke of mankinde as those games of pleasure▪ Doe but count the number of dayes & men which I named, & let me•…•… not be credited, if one moneth sometimes did not cost Europe twenty thousand or thirty thousand heads▪ Yet was the expence infinit which these bloudy games cost the masters of them in hiring, in dyeting, in disciplining, in arming, in bringing forth their sword-players, in prepa∣ring the Theater & the like▪ And in this regard as for some noble and meritorious act, they had ti•…•…es & honours bestowed vpon them, & pil∣lars with inscriptions erected to them, and during their shewes they had the power of publique Magistrates: And though those whom they exhibited in the•…•…e games at first were •…•…ues onely or captiues, o∣ver whom they had •…•…us vit•…•… & neci•…•…, power of life & death, yet after∣wards they drew into the sand free men, Knights, Sen•…•…ours, yea Histo∣ries not onely affirme, that Commodus the Emperour did himselfe play the Gladiator in person, but his Statue in that fashion starke naked with his naked sword in his hand is yet to be seene at Rome in the palace of the Farnesi. But that which passeth all bounds of humanity, modera∣tion and modesty is, that Domitian exhibited women in these sword-fights, of which Statius,

Stat sex us rudi•…•… insci•…•…{que}; ferri Et pugnas capit improbus viri•…•…es, * 1.163 Credas ad Tanaim serum{que} Phasin Thermodonti•…•…as calere turmas.

Th'vnskilfull sexe not fit for broyles▪ In bloody fights to manlike toyles: You at Tanais would haue thought Or Phasis, Amazons had fought.

SECT. 9. Secondly, of the fervent and eagen affection of the people to these games, as also that they were in vse in the Provinces, and namely among the Iewes, but refused by the Graecians, and why.

NOw the affection of the people to these bloody games was such, that at the death of a great man they would call for them as due, & mutine if they had them 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The market-place being not a∣ble to containe the multitude that flockt vnto them, they had Theaters & Amphitheaters built if not purposely, yet specially for these shewes,

which places were of incredible both charge & capacity, some one of them being sufficient to hold aboue a hundred thousand persons, & yet all little enough in regard of the infinite troupes that resorted thither. Equidem existimo, saith Tully, nullum tempus esse frequentioris populi quam il∣lud * 1.164 Gladiatorium: Truly I thinke there is at no time a greater concourse of the people then at the sword-playes. And againe, Id autem spectaculi genus erat quod omni frequentia at{que} omni genere hominum celebratur, quo multitudo maximè delecta•…•…; that kinde of shew is it which is most fre∣quented with company of all sorts, & with which the multitude is most delighted. They left all other sporrs to run to this,

Primo actu placeo cum interèa rumor venit Datum iri gladiatores, populus convolat▪ Tumultuantur, clamant, pugnant de loco.

They be the words of the Comicall Poet, My first act pleased them well, when in the meane while a rumor was rais'd that the sword-players were at hand, at which noise the people flocke thither: They striue tumultu∣ously, they cry out, they fight for their places. When the day was ser, they sought the time long before it came, as appeares by that of Seneca, Quicquid interjacet grave est, tam mehercules quam quando dies gladiatorij * 1.165 muneris dictus est, transire medi•…•…s dies volunt. Whatsoeuer fals in between is troublesome, as are the dayes which come between the publishing of the day of the sword-playes & the comming of it. Being assembled, and the sword-players entred the fight, Irascitur populus & injuriam putat * 1.166 quod non libenter pereunt, saith the same Seneca, the multitude growes an∣gry and hold it a wrong and scorne done them, if they dye not willing∣ly. With whō Lactantius accords in sense, & almost in words, Irascuntur etiam pugnantibus nisi celeriter è duobus alter occisus est, & tanquam huma∣num * 1.167 sanguinem sitiant, oderunt mor•…•…s 〈◊〉〈◊〉. They are displeased with the sword-players except one of them be presently slaine: And as if they thirsted for humane bloud, they are impatient of delayes. Such as were wounded, and lay weltering in their blood, they desired to be searched; Ne quis illos simulata morte deludat, lest any should deceiue them with a faigned death: And this was not done onely by men, but by women, by Virgines, by Uirgines devoted to Religion, by the Vestall Virgines themselues.

—Consurgit ad ictus * 1.168 Et quoties Victor ferrum jugulo inserit illa Delicias putat esse suas, pectus{que} jacentis Virgo modesta jubet converso pollice rumpi.

—Rise vp at euery stroke shee must▪ And whiles into the throat the Victors knife is thrust, That's th'onely sport, and then the modest Vestall Priest Turning her thumb commaunds to stab him through the brest.

Besides this, some of them bathed their hands in the bloud of the slain, as Lampridius obserues in the life of Commodus; And which of all is most horrible to imagine, they sucked the recking bloud out of the fresh wounds. For which we haue the testimony of Pliny:

Now a dayes, saith he, you shall see them that are subiect to the falling euill to * 1.169

drinke the very bloud of Fencers & sword-players as out of liuing cups; a thing that when we behold within the same shew-place, Tigres, Ly∣ons, & other wilde beasts to doe, we haue it in horrour as a most feare∣full and odious spectacle, and these monstrous minded persons are of opinion, that the said bloud for sooth is most effectuall for the curing of that disease, if they may suck it breathing warme out of the man himselfe, if they may set their mouth close to the veine, to draw there∣by the very heart bloud, life and all; How vnnaturall soeuer otherwise it be holden for a man to put his lips so much as to the wounds of wild beasts for to drinke their bloud.

So as it seemes they still retained the nature of that wolfe which Romulus their founder sucked, and as their walls were tempered with bloud

Fraterno primi maduerunt sanguine muri With brothers blood the walls at first imbrewed were.

So were their mindes; And yet as if in all this they had done marvel∣lous well, they proclaimed these games, they set vp bills in publique places to signifie the time & the number of the dayes they lasted, toge∣ther with a list of the names and qualities of the sword-players, and some∣times the more to content and provoke the multitude, but too forward of themselues, they set forth and exposed to publique view those Tra∣gicall sports in painted tables, artificially done and to the life, which practise was first begun by Terentius Lucanus, as witnesseth Pliny: All * 1.170 which considered, I haue often wondered at two things, the one that Sathan should so farre prevaile vpon this people in blinding their vnde•…•…nding, being otherwise held a wise Nation, & great Professors of Morality; the other, that the Divine Vengeance should suffer such pro∣digious Cruelty to passe so long vnrevenged: yet Bodin rightly and truly * 1.171 obserues, that by Gods judgement at Fidenae fifty thousand men behol∣ding a sword-fight, were at once slaine by thr fall of a Theater: which notwithstanding this foule practise infected most of their Provinces and Colonies, and so farre wrought it vpon the Iewes themselues, that Agrip∣pa * 1.172 exhibited vnto them vna commissione paria septingenta, seuen hundred paires of Fencers at one sitting, exceeding therein the Romanes them∣selues. And a kinde of shadow hereof we haue resembled in the 2. of Samuel and the 2. Abner said to Ioab, Let the young men now arise and play before vs: and Ioab said, let them arise: Then there arose and went ouer twelue of Beniamin by number which pertained to Ishbosheth the son of Saul, & twelue of the servants of David, & euery one caught his fellow by the head, and thrust his sword in his fellowes side, so they fell downe together. In which com∣bate, saith Peter Martyr in his Commentaries on the place, their mea∣ning was not to decide the controversie by the event of the conflict, for the sparing of blood as was intended in the duells betwixt David and Goliah, the Horatij & the Curiatij, sed nihil aliud hic quaeritur quam vt ho∣mines barbarico & belluino more sese mutuo sauciantes & cadentes, spectanti∣um oculos pascerent horrendo spectaculo: Heere they sought for nothing else but that men wounding and killing one another in a barbarous and a beastly manner, and so falling downe dead before them they might feed the eyes of the beholders with an horride spectacle. Now for the

Graecians, though it be true that the Athenians indeed desired the sword-playes after the Romane manner, yet Demonax gaue them a short & wise answere, prius evertendam esse aram misericordiae quàm tanta atrocitas pub∣licè reciperetur, that the Altar erected to Mercy was first to bee demoli∣shed before so outragious cruelty could with arrow_back reason arrow_forward be admitted.

SECT. 10. Thirdly, these bloudy spectacles were cryed out against by the tongues and pennes of Christian Divines, and then cryed downe by the Lawes and power of Christian Emperours.

BVt after the bright beames of the glorious Gospell of Iesus Christ began to shine through the world, these bloudy games were cryed out against by the writings of Christian Divines, and at last cryed downe and vtterly abolished by the power and edicts of Christian Ma∣gistrates. Lactantius is full and round in this point, Qui hominem quam∣vis * 1.173 ob merita damnatum in conspectu suo jugulari pro voluptate computat, con∣scientiam suam polluit tam scilicet quam si homicidij quod fit occultè spectator & particeps fiat; hos tamen ludos vocant in quibus humanus sanguis effunai∣tur, adeò longè ab hominibus facessit humanitas, vt cùm animas hominum in∣terficiant ludere se opinentur nocentiores ijs omnibus quorum sanguinem vo∣luptati habeant. Hee that makes it his pastime to behold a man put to death, though justly deserving it, staines his Conscience as much as if he w•…•…re guilty of secret murther, yet these they call games in which the bloud of men is shed, so farre is manhood abandoned from men, that they thinke it but a sport, being in trueth themselues more worthy to suffer then they, in the shedding of whose bloud they thus delight. And before him Cyprian, Paratur gladiatorius ludus, ut libidinem crudelium * 1.174 luminum sanguis oblectet; The sword-playes are prepared, that the bloud gushing out may satiate the wicked longing of their cruell eyes. And before him againe Tertullian, Qui ad cadaver hominis communi lege defuncti exhorret, idem in amphitheatro derosa & dissipata, & in suo sanguine * 1.175 squalentia corpora patientissimis oculis desuper incumbit. Hee that startles at the sight of the Corpes of a man dead by the common course of Na∣ture, most patiently and contentedly beholds them in the Amphithea∣ter mangled and all to be goared with their owne blood.

Now as the pens and tongues of the Christians were thus armed a∣gainst this Monster, so were likewise their Lawes & Swords. Constantine the first Christian Emperour was he that first gaue it a deadly wound. Ve∣tuit Idolis sacrificari, vetuit gladiatorum caedibus pollui vrbes; Hee forbade * 1.176 sacrificing to Idoles, and the pollution of cities by the slaughter of sword-players. And the Law it selfe we haue inserted into the Code, * 1.177 Cruenta spectacula in otio civili & domestica quiete non placent, quapropter omninò gladiatores esse prohibemus; such bloudy spectacles in these peace∣able time we like not, and therefore straightly forbid all kinde of sword-playes. Yet after this (such was the madnesse of the people vpon them)

that they were vehemently desired & brake out by starts, but it was a resolute and worthy answere of Theodosius to them earnestly solliciting him for the restitution of these games, Pium Principem oportet non tantum regnare, sed etiam spectare clementer; it behooues a religious Prince not only to reigne but to looke mildely and mercifully, that is, not to accu∣stome himselfe to such cruell spectacles. And to the same purpose writes Prudentius to Honorius.

Iam solis contenta feris infamis arena, * 1.178 Nulla cruentatis homicidia ludat in armis, Nullus in vrbe cadat cujus sit poena voluptas.

Th' infamous sand is now with beasts content, In bloudy armes manslaughter is not playd, Nor pleasure made of death and punishment.

SECT. 11. The Romans being thus cruell towards others, likewise turned the edge of their cruelty vpon themselues, partly by a vo∣luntary exposing themselues to present death in those publique shewes, either for money, or vpon a bra∣very, or by laying violent hands vpon them∣selues; which by their gravest writers was held not onely lawfull and commendable, but in some cases honourable.

THus we see how these bloudy shewes had their birth from Paga∣nisme, but their death frō Christianity, yet before we conclude this point touching the Romane cruelty, it shall not be amisse to consi∣der how by the just judgment of God, they who were thus barbarously cruell towards others, turned the edge of their cruelty vpon their own breasts, and became likewise most vnmercifull and vnnaturall towards themselues; not onely by a voluntary exposing of themselues to death in their Theaters, by encountring with men and beasts, but by holding it lawfull, yea in some cases both commendable and honourable, to lay violent hands vpon themselues, & to cut off the threed and extinguish the lampe of their owne liues. For the first, it is certaine that many of them were well content to sell their liues for money,

—Quanti sua funera vendant, Quid refert? vendunt nullo cogente Nerone. What skils it for how much their death they sell? They sell't, yet them no Nero doth compell.

saith Iuvenal. and Manilius to like purpose.

Nunc caput in mortem vendunt & funus arenae * 1.179 Atque hostem sibi quis{que} parat cum bella quiescunt. In th' Amphitheater to death and slaughter they their head Doe sell, and seeke out enemies when warres are quieted.

And with this did the Christians vpbraid them, Nec vitae quidem suae par∣cunt,

sed extinguendas publicè animas vendunt, saith Lactantius, Neither * 1.180 doe they so much as spare their owne liues, but sell their soules to bee publiquely extinguished, and sometimes they did it vpon a bravery to shew their courage, as appeares by that of Tertullian in his exhortation to Martyrdome, Quot otiosos affectatio armorum ad gladiū vocat, certè ad fe∣ras ipsas affectatione descendunt, & de morsibus & cicatricibus formosiores sibi videntur? How many idle companions onely thorow a vaine affectati∣on of applause are drawne into the sword-fights, nay encounter with wilde beasts, seeming to themselues more beautifull by the scarres and wounds which they there receiue.

Neither did they only thus voluntarily expose their liues for a prize or v•…•…ine-glory to the rage of men or beasts, but which was more cruell, their greatest Clearkes held it not lawfull only, but commendable, and in some cases honourable, to cut off the threed of their owne liues▪ Heere∣vpon he cryes out in the Tragedie.

Vbi{que} mors est optime hoc cavit Deus, * 1.181 Eripere vitam nemo non homini po•…•…est, At nemo mortem, mille ad hanc aditus patent.

Death's every-where, God would it so should be, Life every man from man, death none can take, A thousand wayes thereto wide open lye.

And lest we should thinke this to be but a Poeticall fiction, whereby men are made to speake what the Poet pleaseth, let vs heare the wisest & wor∣thiest among them speaking in good earnest in this matter. Quintilian affirmes, that nemo nisi sua culpa diu dolet, no man is long in paine or s•…•…r∣row * 1.182 vnlesse it be thorow his owne fault, meaning that killing himselfe he may be rid of it when he pleaseth. Yea euen Seneca himself approues of this selfe-homicide in diuerse places, and though himselfe of a con∣trary Sect, yet he highly commends that speech of Epicurus, Malum est * 1.183 in necessitate vivere, necessitas nulla est: Quidni nulla si•…•…? patent vndi{que} ad li∣bertatem viae multae, breves, faciles, agamus Deo gratias quod nemo in vita te∣neri potest. Indeed it is a misery to liue in necessity, but there is no ne∣cessity for a man so to liue, there are many, and short, and easie wayes to free our selues, let vs giue thankes to God that no man can bee compel∣led to liue whether he will or no. And againe, Si me quidem velis au∣dire, hoc meditare, exerce te vt mortem & excipias, & si ita res suadebit, a cer∣sas, * 1.184 interest nihil an illa ad nos veniat, an ad illam nos. If thou wilt follow my counsell, so prepare thy selfe, that thou mayst entertaine death, nay if need be, thou mayst send for it. For it matters not whether death come to vs, or we goe to death. Yea he mockes and derides those that * 1.185 make any scruple thereof, bono loco res humanae sunt, quod nemo nisi vi∣tio suo miser est, placet? Vive: si non placet, licet eo reverti vnde venisti, the condition of our estate in this is happy, that no man is miserable but by his own default: Doth thy life please thee? liue; if it please thee not thou mayst returne when thou wilt frō whence thou camest. And in another * 1.186 place, Quocun{que} respexcris ibi malornm finis est, vides illud praecipitem locum? illac ad libertatem descenditur. Vides illud mare, illud flumen, illud puteum? Libertas illic in imo sedet; vides illam arborem, brevem, horridam, infaelicem?

Pendet inde libertas. Vides iugulum tuum, guttur tuum, cor tuum? effugia servitutis sunt. Nimis mihi operosos exitus monstras, & multum animi at{que} roboris exigentes. Quaeris quod sit ad libertatem iter? quaelibet in corpore to∣to vena. Which way soever thou lookest, there is an end of all evills to be found. Dost thou see an high and steepe place? by falling down from it, thou shalt fall into liberty. Seest thou such a sea, or such a ri∣ver, or such a pit? liberty lies in the bottome of them, if thou haue the heart to cast thy selfe into them. Dost thou see a tree whereon others haue beene hanged? there hangs liberty, if thou wilt hang thy selfe. Dost thou see thine owne necke, throate, heart? they are all places of escape to flie from bondage. Are these too hard and painefull meanes to get out, & wouldest thou yet know the way to liberty? Every veine in thy body is a way to it. To conclude this point, Pliny would haue vs beleeue that our mother earth having pitty on vs, doth bring forth * 1.187 poysons to dispatch our selues out of this wretched world with an ea∣sie draught, without wounding the bodie, or shedding the blood, when there shall be due occasion. And to this purpose, the fact of Cato & Pomponius Atticus, are by their Historians highly commended, as is likewise that of Rasias, by the Authour of the bookes of Macchabees, as * 1.188 a manfull and noble act. But among Christians, though it be some∣times practised, yet it is not taught by them; nay by the Christian reli∣gion, it is straightly forbidden & condemned, and so farre as punish∣ment may light vpon the dead, it is punishable, not only by the Com∣mon, but by the Cannon & Civill Lawes. The Romanes are generally much commended for their courage, their wisedome, their iustice: But I would demaund what courage it is for a man to runne away from mise∣ry, that he may not grapple with it or looke it in the face? What Wise∣dome, to commend their cittizens for dispatching themselues at their owne pleasure, so robbing the state of a member, and perchaunce a very serviceable one, such as Cato was? What iustice, that men either thorow weakenes of mind, or strength of passion not alwayes capable of arrow_back reason arrow_forward , should be permitted to giue sentence, and doe execution vp∣on themselues? And least we should thinke that this was the onely vice this Nation, (somuch renowned for civility and vertue) was sub∣ject vnto; I will likewise in passing touch their Covetousnesse, which was in truth insatiable, and th•…•…en take a larger view of their luxurie, sprea∣ding it selfe into many branches, but all of them most excessiue, & were they not recorded by their owne writers almost incr edible.

CAP. 5. Of the excessiue Covetousnesse of the Romanes, and their in∣satiable thirst, of having more, though by most vniust and indirect meanes.

SECT. 1. Of the excessiue covetousnesse of the Romanes in generall, by the testimonies of Petronius Arbiter, Iuvenall, Galgacus, and Hanniball; and in particular Caecilius Claudius, Mar∣cus Crassus, and specially Seneca the Philosopher are taxed for this vice.

THe rapine and covetousnesse of the Romanes was such, that be∣ing Lords in a manner of all the knowne world, yet therewith they rested not content.

Orbem jam totum Victor Romanus habebat, * 1.189 Qua mare, qua tellus, qua sydus currit vtrumque, Nec satiatus erat,

Now the victorious Romane all the world had won, Sea, land, and all where both the starres their course doe runne, Yet was not satisfied.

These are they, whom braue Galgacus in the life of Iulius Agricola justly stiles Raptores orbis, vnjust robbers of the world who having left no land, saith he, to be spoyled, search also the sea, whom not the East nor West haue satisfied: To take away by maine force, to kill and to spoile falsely they call Empire, and when all is laid waste as a wildernes, that they call peace.

This vnquenchable desire of theirs, Hanniball likewise both truly and wittily expressed; before whom, whē Antiochus mustered a great army prepared against the Romanes, richly furnished with weapons inamiled, ensignes, saddles, bridles, and trap∣pings, imbossed and imbrodered with gold and silver, being demaun∣ded by the King, whether all that gallant shew were not sufficient for the Romanes, his answere was short but sharpe, taxing aswell the Cow∣ardize of Antiochus his souldiers, as the covetousnes of the Romanes: Pla∣ne * 1.190 satis esse credo Romanis haec etsi avarissimi sint, yes truly I beleeue heere is enough for the Romanes though they be most excessiuely couetous. But this honour of theirs afterwards increased infinitely, as appeares by that of Iuvenall,

Vberior nunquam vitiorum copia, nunquam * 1.191 Maior avaritiae patuit sinus. Was never yet more plenteous store of vice, Nor deeper gulfe lay ope of avarice.

And Manilius,

Nullo votorum fine beati, Victuros agimus semper, nec viuimus vnquam. * 1.192

Never contented with our present state, W'are still about to liue, but liue not till too late:

Every man sayth he wishing for that he hath not, but making no rec∣koning of that he hath.

Nec quod habet numerat tantum quod non habet optat

For particulars, Pliny tells vs, that when Asinius Gallus & Martius Censo∣rinus * 1.193 were Consuls died Cecilius Claudius, who signified by his last will & testament, that albeit he had sustained exceeding great losse during the troubles of the civill warres, yet he should leaue behind him at the thoure of his death, of slaues belonging to his retinew foure thousand one hundred & sixteene, in oxen three thousand and six hundred yoke, of other cattell two hundred fifty seaven thousand, and in ready coine, h 1.194 three score millions of sesterces, besides a very great summe he set out for defraying his funerall charges. And for Marcus Crassus, the same Authour in the same chapter affirmes, that he was wont to say, that no man was to be accounted rich and worthy of that title, vnlesse he were able to despend by the yeare, asmuch in revenew, as would maintaine a legion of souldiers. And verily, saith Pliny, his owne lands were e∣steemed worth two hundred millions of Sesterces; and yet such was his a∣varice, that he could not content himselfe with that wealthy estate, but vpon an hungry desire to haue all the gold of the Parthians, would needs vndertake a voyage against them; in which expedition hee was taken prisoner by Surinas, Lieutenant Generall for the King of Par∣thia, who stroke off his head, and powred gold melted into his mouth to satisfie his hunger after it. But I most wonder at Seneca the Philoso∣pher, who every where in his writings bitterly inveighs against these co vetous desires, & yet within foure yeares space gathered he three thou∣sand times three hundred thousand Sesterces, which amounts in our * 1.195 coyne to 2343750 pounds, and in casting vp this summe, both the Translatour of Tacitus his Annales, and Master Brerewood precisely ac∣cords. * 1.196 And whatsoever faire pretence he make in his bookes of mortification and contempt of the world, yet certaine it is, that beside this masse of treasure, he had goodly farmes in the countrey, as ap∣peares by his owne Epistles, and in the citty spacious gardens, & prince∣ly sumptuous palaces, the one mentioned by Iuvenall. Sat. 10.

Senecae praedivitis hortos: The gardens of Seneca the rich: The other by Martiall: lib: 4. Epigram: 40, Et docti Senecae ter numeranda domus: Three houses of Seneca the learn'd.

SECT. 2. Of their wonderfull greedinesse of gold, manifested by their great toyle and danger in working their mines, fully and liuely described by Pliny.

BVt that which much more aggravates this vice of the Romanes is, that commonly they gathered their riches either by violent ra∣pine, extortion, & oppression, or by cunning slights, & base practises, or lastly by the infinite toyle of such as therein they imployed, not without the indangering of the liues of many thousands. I will begin with the last; and that I may the more cleerely and effectually expresse it, I will deliver it in the words of Pliny, where he thus speakes of the earth, torne and rent in sunder for rich mettals and pretious stones.

The * 1.197 misvsages, saith he, which she abideth aboue and in her outward skin, may seeme in some sort tollerable, but we not satisfied therewith, pierce deeper and enter into her very bowells, wee search into the veines of gold & silver, we mine & digge for copper & lead mettals, and for to seeke out gemmes & some little stones, we strike pits deepe within the ground. Thus we plucke the very heart-strings out of her, and all to weare on our finger one gemme or pretious stone. To fulfill our pleasure & desire, how many handes are worne with dig∣ging & delving, that one •…•…oynt of our finger might shine againe. Sure∣ly, if there were any Devils beneath, ere this time verily these mines (for to feede covetousnes & riot) would haue brought them vp aboue ground. And againe in his proeme to his 33 booke, we descend, saith he, into her entralls, we goe downe as farre as to the seate & habitati∣on of infernall spirits, and all to meete with rich treasure, as if the earth were not fruitefull enough, & beneficiall vnto vs in the vpper face thereof, where she permitteth vs to walke and tread vpon her. Now the infinite toyle, the fearefull and continuall danger of these workes, he notably describeth in the fourth chapter of the same booke. The third manner of searching of this mettall is, saith he, so painefull and toylesome, that it surpasseth the wonderfull worke of the Gyants in old time. For necessary it is in this enterprice and businesse to vn∣dermine a great way by candle light, and to make hollow vautes vn∣der the mountaines, in which labour the Pioners worke by turnes, suc∣cessiuely after the manner of a releife in a set watch, keeping every man his houres in just measure, and in many a moneths space, they ne∣ver see the sunne nor day-light. This kinde of worke & mines they call Arrugiae; wherein it falleth out many times, that the earth aboue head chinketh, and all at once without giving any warning setleth & falleth, so as the poore Pioners are overwhelmed & buried quicke: yet say, they worke safe enough, and be not in jeopardy of their liues by the fall of the earth, yet be their other difficulties which impeach their worke: For other whiles they meete with rockes of flint and ragges, which they are driven to cleaue & pierce thorow with fire &

vineger; yet for feare of being stifled with the vapour arising from thence, they are forced to giue ouer such fire-workes, & betake them∣selues oftentimes to great mattockes & pickaxes, yea and to other engines of iron, weighing one hundred & fiftie pound a peece, where with they hew such rockes in peeces, & so sinke deeper & make way before them. The earth and stones which with somuch adoe they haue thus loosed, they are faine to carry from vnder their feete in scuttles and baskets vpon their shoulders, which passe from hand to hand evermore to the next fellow. Thus they moyle in the darke both day & night in these infernall dungeons, and none of them see the light of the day, but those that are last, & next vnto the pits mouth or entry of the caue. Howbeit, be the rocke as ragged as it will, they count not that their hardest worke: For there is a certaine earth re∣sembling a kind of tough clay, which they call white Lome; this be∣ing intermingled with gravell or gritty sand, is so hard baked toge∣ther, that there is no dealing with it; it so scorneth and checketh all their ordinary tooles & labour about it, that it seemeth impenetrable. What doe the poore labourers then? They set vpon it lustily with i∣ron wedges, they lay on load vncessantly with mighty beetles, & ve∣rily they thinke there is nothing in this world harder then this la∣bour, vnlesse it be this vnsatiable hunger after gold, which surpas∣seth all the hardnes & difficulty that is.

Now notwithstanding the great danger and toyle of those workes, infinite was the number which the Romanes imployed therein, as may in part appeare by the same Authour in the same chap: Here sayth he, commeth to my remembrance an Act of the Censors extant vpon re∣cord, as touching the gold mine of Ictimulum a towne in the territory of Verselles, which act contained an inhibition, that the Publicanes, whofarmed that mine of the Citie should not keepe aboue fiue thousand Pi∣oners together at worke there:

By which restraint it should seeme, that their vsuall practise was to keepe more, and this haue wee by Polybius fully cleared, affirming that in the Spanish mines at New Carthage, no lesse then forty thousand men were daily imployed.

SECT. 3. Their vnmercifull pilling and poling, robbing and spoyling the provinces, not sparing the ve∣ry temples and things sacred.

YEt had all this beene in some sort tollerable, had they not here∣vnto added the pilling & poling, the robbing & spoiling of their pro∣vincials; sometimes by open force & rapine, but commonly vn∣der the colorable pretences of tributes or Fees. Demades was wont to say when he was advanced to any place of government; ad auream mes∣sem se venisse, that he was come to a golden harvest; and this was surely the conceite of the Romane Presidents when they went to their charges every one like another Iason, promised to himselfe the bringing backe

of a golden fleece, these were in truth those Harpyes.

—Quarum decerpitur vnguibus orbis, * 1.198 Quae pede glutineo quae tetigêre trahunt. Whose clawes spoyle all the world, whose glewie feet Draw to themselues what ere they touch or meet.

That which Cicero charged Verres with, in the government of Sicilie, was doubtles the common practise of them all in like places; as in part appeares by the conclusion of C. Gracchus his speech to the people af∣ter his returne to Rome from the government of Sardinia, as Gellius re∣lates it; the bagges, saith he, which I carried forth with me full of mo∣ney, * 1.199 I brought backe emptie; whereas others returned home those bar∣els full of silver, which they sent forth filled with wine. They had officers vnder them for their collecting of their tributes, whom they named Publicanes; which word wee haue still retained in our Gospells; but so as it there appeares, they were an odious kind of people, by rea∣son of their vnjust and vnmercifull exactions; whence some (though improperly in regard of the word, yet not impertinently in regard of their snarling and biting conditions) haue stiled them Publicani, quasi publici canes, and if these were dogges, sur•…•…ly the Presidents themselues were wolues & lyons, not leaving the bones till the morrow, as the Prophet describes the Princes & Iudges of Israel. One of them while he was yet * 1.200 trembling at S. Paules sermon touching Righteousnesse, temperance, & the * 1.201 iudgement to come, yet such a corrupt habit had he gotten, that even then he groped him for a bribe, though a man most vnlikely to afford it, aswell in regard of his doctrine and profession, as his poore estate. But some where haue I read of this vnhappy Felix, that hee was inex∣plebilis avaritiae gurges, an vnsatiable gulfe of covetousnes. Such a one, I am sure, was Sylla, who raised out of the lesser Asia alone, twenty thou∣sand talents yearely: Yet Brutus & Cassius went farther, forcing them to * 1.202 pay the tribute of tenne yeares within the space of two, and Anthony in one; by which computation they payd in one yeare two hundred thou∣sand talents, a mighty summe. L. Paulus held one of their best citti∣zens, pretending to make the Epirotes free, as were the Macedonians whom he had conquered, vnder that pretence, calling out tenne of the chiefe of every citty, he advised them to bring forth their gold & sil∣ver, which done, he divided his cohorts among them, & gaue in charge to the Tribunes & Centurions what his pleasure was: In the morning his commaund was executed by the Townesmen, and at foure of the clocke signe was given to his souldiers for the sacking of the Townes. Tantaque praeda fuit, sayth Livie, vt in equitem quadringenti denarij, pediti∣bus * 1.203 duceni dividerentur: So great was the spoyle, as there fell to the share of an horse-man foure hundred denarij, and of a foote-man two hundred. Nay, in Italy it selfe Plemminius Lieutenant to Scipio Afri∣canus * 1.204 proceeded so farre vpon the Locreans, over whom he was set with a garison, that he abstained not from sacrilege, neither did he spoyle other Churches alone, but that of Proserpina, robbing & carrying away, intactos omni aetate the sauros, treasures till then vntoucht. These were strange outrages, that of Galba was indeede lesse outragious but more

base, he being Proconsull in Spaine vnder Nero, the Taraconians sent him for a present a Crowne of gold, affirming that it weighed fifteene pounds. Hee received it, & causing it to be weighed, found it to want three pound, which he exacted from them: Postposito omni pudore, sayth Fulgosus, laying aside all shame, as if it had beene a due debt. And to * 1.205 shew he was no changeling, even after his comming to the Empire, hee gaue with his owne hand to a certaine musitian that pleased him, out of his owne purse 20 Sesterces about three shillings English, & to his stew∣ard at the making vp of his bookes, a reward from his table. This was base, but that of Iulius Caesar most dishonest, who in his first Consulship stole out of the Capitoll three thousand weight of gold, laying vp asmuch gil∣ded * 1.206 copper instead thereof. He sacked in an hostile manner certaine townes of the Portugals, though they disobeyed not his commaunds, but freely & friendly opened their gates vnto him for his entrance. In France he robbed the Oratories & Temples of the Gods, stored with rich offerings & ornaments, & laid waste their Cities, Saepius ob praedam quam ob delictum, saith Suetonius, oftner for loue of booty then for any offence by them committed, and afterwards supplied the expence of his civill warres, his triumphes, his shewes to the people, evidentissimis rapinis & sacrilegijs, by most notorious pillaging & sacrilege. And no marveill, since as witnesseth Cicero in the third booke of his Offices, he had al∣wayes that of Euripides in his mouth.

Si violandum est jus, imperij gratia, Violandum est: If right for ought a man may violate, 'Tis for a kingdome.

And I see not, but that he might as safely hold that justice is to be vio∣lated for treasure, by which Empire is to be gotten & maintained, as for Empire it selfe.

SECT. 4. Of the base and most vnconscionable practises of Tiberius and Caligula, nay even of Vespasian himselfe for the heaping vp of treasure.

NOw if this were the opinion & practise of Iulius Caesar, what should we expect from Nero, Tiberius, & Caligula, of whom the first wasted Italy by contributions and borrowing of money, ru∣ined the provinces, and impoverished the confederates of the people of * 1.207 Rome, and the citties which were called free: Yea the Gods themselues were not priviledged from being made a prey: But the temples in the citty were robbed, & the gold carried away, which the people of Rome in all ages, either in triumphes or vowes, in prosperity or feare had de∣dicated to the Gods: Yea in Achaia & Asia not onely consecrated gifts, but the images of the Gods were taken away; Acratus and Secun∣dus Carinates being sent thither of purpose. The second being presen∣ted with a goodly fish, he sent it to be sold in the market, and being de∣signed * 1.208

here by Cn. Lentulus one of the Augures, and a man of great re∣venewes, * 1.209 neuer left him till thorow feare and anguish hee had brought him to his graue. Also to pleasure Quirinus who had beene Consull, a wonderfull rich man, but childlesse, in hope to be his heire, he condem∣ned his wife Lepida a noble and worthy Lady divorced from her hus∣band after twenty yeares marriage, and accused of contriuing his death by poyson long before. Venon likewise King of Parthia, who being dri∣ven out of his owne Kingdome, and betaking himselfe to the trust of the people of Rome, came to Antiochia with infinite treasure, he caused most perfidiously to be robbed both of it and his life, and of his life for it.

Verum ut hoc in eo horrenda fuerunt, ita quae sequuntur dedecoris plena, as these things in him were horrible, so were those that followed most ab∣ominable and shamefull, saith Fulgosus, in reference to Caligula, the suc∣cessour to Tiberius aswell in vice as Empire. Some with threats he for∣ced to name him their Heire, and if they recouered after the making of * 1.210 their wils, he dispatched them by poyson, holding it ridiculous that they should long liue after their wills were made. For the bringing in of money he set vp stewes both of boyes & women in the palace it selfe, and sent some thorow the streetes to invite men thither for the in∣creasing of the Emperours revenewes, and hauing by this and such like wretched meanes amassed huge summes of treasure, he to satiate his ap∣petite contrectandae pecuniae cupidine incensus, being inflamed with a long∣ing desire of touching money, would sometimes walke vpon heapes of gold, and sometimes as they lay spred abroad in a large roome, rolle himselfe ouer them starke naked. O ingentem nimiamque avaritiam quae in tanto imperio tantum Principem excaecatum in eam vilitatem abjectionem{que} deduxisti, vt neque dedecus suum, neque imperii ignominiam agnosceret, saith Fulgosus, most transcendent & excessiue covetousnes which blinded so great a Cōmander, & cast him into such extremity of basenes as to be∣come a publike Pander & a poysoner for loue of mony, which no inge∣nuous minded man though pressed with extreame necessity would pra∣ctise though in private.

But this was in these Monsters no miracle, I more wonder at Vespasian, who had the reputation (perchaunce by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of their villany▪) of a good Emperour, yet euen he was so impotently covetous, that hee not * 1.211 onely called for the arreareages due in Galbaes time, but raised new tri∣butes, & laid vpon the Provinces more grievous impositions, doubling them in some places, Negotiationes vel privato pudendus propalam exercuit, he publiquely practised such kinde of traffick, as euen a private man would shame to doe; taking vp commodities at a cheap hand, that af∣terward he might vent them at dearer rates: neither did he spare to sell honours to such as sued for them, or absolutions to such as were accu∣sed, whether they proued guiltlesse or guilty, hee was thought of set purpose to haue made choice of the most ravenous poling officers hee could any-where finde out, and to haue advanced them to the highest places, that being thereby growne rich, hee might condemne their persons, and confiscate their goods, and these men hee was com∣monly

said to vse as sponges, Quod quasi & siccos madefaceret, & exprime∣ret humentes, because he both moistned them being dry, and wrung them out being moistned. Nay which was more base, he laid an impo∣sition vpon vrine, and being by his son Titus put in minde of the base∣nesse of it, he tooke a peece of money receiued for that vse, and putting it to his sonnes nostrils, demaunded of him whether he felt any other sauour from it then from any other money, adding withall, Bonus o∣dor lucri ex re qualibet, the smell of gaine is good from any thing what∣soeuer.

SECT. 5. That the whole Nation was deepely infected with the same vice.

ANd to speake a truth, the whole body of this people was so farre possessed with this dropsie, that Salvianus makes it their Natio∣nall * 1.212 disease, Avaritiae inhumanitas proprium Romanorum malum, inhumane covetousnesse is the disease proper to all the Romanes. And with him accords Mithridates in Iustin, Non temerè se lupi vberibus alitos * 1.213 jactare, omnet enim habere luporum animos inexplebiles, sanguinis, imperij, di∣vitiarumque avidos esse & jejunos; that they did not without arrow_back reason arrow_forward boast themselues to be nourished from the dugg of a shee wolfe, inasmuch as they haue all of them insatiable mindes of wolues, greedily thirsting after Empire, bloud and riches. And this well appeared in two publique Acts of theirs, the one was, that a peece of Land being in controversie betweene the Ardeatines and the Aricinians, they both by joint con∣sent * 1.214 referred themselues to the arbitration of the Romanes, binding thē∣selues to stand to their award: but they adjudg'd it to themselues. The other was that the Senate hauing taken great summes of money of cer∣taine tributary Cities to make them free, forced them afterward to pay their old tribute without restoring vnto them the money they had paid for their freedome; which saith Cicero was turpe imperio, a shame to their Empire, Piratarum enim melior fuit fides quam Senatus, for the faith of pi∣rats * 1.215 was better then the faith of the Senate. This was most dishonest, yet I know not whether that which followes were not more dishonou∣rable. Their greatest men tooke to farme their basest tributes before mentioned, & worse then those, yea and sued for them, Non aliter quam militarem aliquam praefecturam aut civilem Magistratum, they bee the words of Euagrius, none otherwise then it had beene some great Com∣maund * 1.216 in the warres, or some principall office in the City. And Iuvenal speaking of those who from small matters were raised to great fortunes thus describes them.

Conducunt foricas, & cur non omnia? cum sint * 1.217 Quales ex humili magna ad fastigia rerum Extollit quoties voluit fortuna jocari.

They draughts (and why not all things else?) doe hire, Being such as fortune when she would be merrie,

To highest place doth raise from lowest mire.

What marvell then if Seneca complaine, Haec ipsa res tot magistratus tot ju∣dices * 1.218 detinet quae Magistratus & Iudices facit pecunia. This selfe-same thing which keepes in so many Magistrates and Iudges, In their places, is it which makes both Magistrates and Iudges, to wit, money; Mercato∣res{que} & venales invicem facti, quaerimus non quale sit quid sed quanti, & be∣ing become Merchants on all hands, we seeke not so much of what qua∣lity things are, but of what price. And all kinde of offices being thus purchased with money, as the places of Iudicature were commonly bought, so was Iustice openly sold. Omnium sermone percrebuit in his ju∣dicijs quae nunc sunt, pecuniosum hominem, quamvis sit nocens, neminem posse damnari, saith Cicero. It is rife in euery mans mouth in these Courts of Iustice, which now are, that a monied man, though he bee guilty cannot be condemned: and againe, nihil tam sanctum quod non violari, nihil tam munitum quod non expugnari pecunia possit: there is nothing so sacred which with money may not be violated, nothing so fenced which may * 1.219 not be razed. Nay Catiline could say of Rome, ô vrbem venalem & maturè perituram si emptorem invenerit! O mercenary city and soone to bee rui∣ned by sale if it might finde but a Chapman.

Not without arrow_back reason arrow_forward then haue some found in the word ROMA, Ra∣dix Omnium Malorum Avaritia, Covetousnesse is the roote of all mis∣chiefe, * 1.220 taking the first letters of those wordes as they lye in their order for the making vp of that name. And not without proper signification * 1.221 did Rome take to her selfe the Eagle for her Ensigne, which as Iob speak∣eth, dwelleth and abideth on the rock, vpon the cragge of the rocke & the strong place: from thence she seeketh the prey, and her eyes behold a farre off, her young ones also suck vp blood, and where the slaine are, there is he. So as generally might be verified of them, what Claudian writes of Ruffinus.

Plenus sevitiae, lucrique cupidine fervens, Non Tartassiacis illum satiaret arenis Tempest as pretiosa Tagi, non stagna rubentis Aurea Pactoli, totumque exhauserit Hermum Ardebit majore siti.

Greedy of filthy gaine, and full of cruelty, Nor can Tartessian sands him of the pretious Tage, Or golden streames of red Pactolus satisfie, Might he all Hermus drink his thirst the more would rage.

Or Strozza of Scaurus.

Scaurus habet villas, vrbana palatia, nummos, Pinguiaque innumeris praedia bobus arat: Huic tamen assiduè maior succrescit habendi Nunquam divitijs exsatiata fames.

Scaurus hath farmes, coine, cities, palaces, With many an oxe his fertile fields he plowes: Yet wealth his hunger neuer satisfies, But his desire to haue still greater growes.

CAP. 6. Of the Romane Luxury in matter of Incon∣tinency and Drunkennesse.

SECT. 1. A touch of the Romane Luxurie in generall, and in particular of the sins of the flesh.

NOw as the Romane Covetousnes was vnsatiable, & their cruelty vn∣quenchable: so was their Luxury most incredible, were it not re∣corded by their owne Writers.

Nunc patimur longae pacis mala, saevior armis * 1.222 Luxuria incumbit, victumque vlciscitur orbem, Nullum crimen abest facinus{que} libidinis ex quo Paupertas Romana perit.

Now suffer we the plagues and mischiefes of long peace, Now is the conquer'd world reveng'd by luxurie, Far worse then armes, and since Rome's poverty did cease, There wanteth no attempt or crime of lecherie.

Pariter{que} & luxuria nata est, & Carthago sublata, saith Pliny, no sooner was * 1.223 Carthage vanquished by vs, but we by luxurie: and these two covetous∣nesse and luxurie mutvally made way each for other:

Luxuriamque lucris emimus luxuque rapinas. We draw on luxurie by vnjust gaine, * 1.224 And rapine by luxurie is drawne on againe:

Eiusmodi tempora constat à Tacito in annalibus esse descripta quibus nulla un∣quam fuerunt turpissimis vitijs foediora, ne{que} aut virtutum steriliora, aut vir∣tutibus inimicitiorae, as witnesseth Causabon in his preface to Polybius: It is evident that those times are by Tacitus described in his Annals, then which neuer were any more fruitfull in most shamefull and abhomina∣ble vices, or of vertues more barren, or to vertue more opposite: The branches of the Romane luxurie were monstrous excesse in all kinde of vn∣cleannesse & incontinency, in diet, in apparell, in retinew of servants, in buil∣dings & furniture of their houses, in bathings & anointings of their bodies, in prodigall gifts, and lastly, in setting foorth their playes & Theatricall shewes. I am not ignorant that Meursius a Netherlander hath composed an en∣tire booke purposely of this subject, intituling it, De luxu Romanorum, of the Romane Luxurie, and concluding it with this censure, damno, damno luxum vestrum Romani, & in hac sententia concludo, O ye Romanes, I damne I damne your Luxury, and with this sentence I conclude: yet is it cer∣taine that hee hath omitted many materiall Collections which might haue beene added, and the most obserueable in him I shall not faile to make choice and vse of. First then for their excesse in the sinnes of the flesh it is evident that they acted more then is now commonly knowne to Christians, and I rather desire the foulenesse thereof should be eter∣nally

buried in oblivion, then by exposing it to publique view defile my penne with it, and perchaunce teach whiles I reprehend. The A∣postle in the first to the Romanes hath given vs a touch thereof; yet so as no doubt but hee concealed much that he knew, and many things by them were practised, which came not to his knowledge. Though this infection were so generally spread, & had taken so deepe root amongst them, that they made but a jest of the foulest sinnes in that kinde. They had certaine pastimes, which they tearmed Ludos Florales, in honour of * 1.225 Flora, a notorious strumpet. Qui ludi tanto devotius quanto turpius ce∣lebrari solent, saith S. Augustine in his second booke de Civitate Dei, and 27 chapter; which games of theirs the more dishonestly, the more de∣voutly they were celebrated. In these the common queanes, which got their maintenance by that trade, ran vp & downe the streetes by day∣light, & in the night with burning torches in their hands, having their whole bodies starke naked, and expressing the most beastly motions & gestures, and vttering the most filthy speeches & songes that could pos∣siblely be imagined. To these the Poet alludes.

Turba quidem cur hos celebret meretricia ludos, * 1.226 Non ex difficili cognita causa fuit. Why queanes these playes doe celebrate I trow, 'Tis not so difficult the cause to know.

Yet to these shamefull, or rather shamelesse pastimes were their youth admitted, thereby adding, as it were fire to tinder, nay their sagest Se∣natours, gravest Matrones, and severest Magistrates were well content to grace them with their presence, as it had bin some very commen∣dable or profitable exercise: But these Florall playes were but once a yeare, their enterludes in the Theater, acted vpon the open stage were al∣most daily, yet so abominable, that the godly d•…•…voute Fathers of the Primitiue Christian Church can hardly write of them with patience, spe∣cially Salvianus, whose words to this purpose are very smart and pier∣cing: Talia sunt, saith he, quae illic fiunt vt ea non solum dicere, sed etiam re∣cordari * 1.227 aliquis sine pollutione non possit. Alia quippe crimina singulas sibi in nobis vendicant portiones, vt cogitationes sordidae animum, impudici aspe∣ctus oculos, auditus improbi aures, ita vt cum ex his vnum aliquid erraverit, reliqua possint carere peccatis, in Theatris vero nihil horum reaetu vacat, quia & concupiscentijs animus & auditu aures, & aspectu oculi polluuntur, quae qui∣dem omnia tam flagitiosa sunt, vt explicare ea quispiam atque eloqui salvo ore non valeat. Quis enim integro verecundiae statu dicere queat illas rerum turpium imitationes. illas vocum ac verborum obscaenitates, illas motuum tur∣pitudines, illas gestuum foeditates, quae quanti sint criminis vel hinc intelligi potest quòd & relationem sui interdicunt. His conclusion is, Quae cum ita sint, ecce qualia aut omnes aut penè omnes Romani agunt. Of such a nature they are which are there acted, that a man cannot speake of them, nor well remember them without some touch of pollution, Other offences challenge to themselues but a part of vs, as impure thoughts the mind, vnchast sights the eyes, wicked speeches the eares; so that when one of these is tainted, yet the rest may be cleere from pollution, but in the Theatre none of them is free from the guilt of infection, in asmuch as

the minde is there defiled with corrupt thoughts, the affections with naughty desires, the eares by hearing, and the eyes by seing, all which are so lewd, that no man without blushing can somuch as name them, much lesse fully describe them. For what modest man is there, who can rccount those representations of beastly actions, those filthy spee∣ches, & motions, & gestures, which how sinfull they are, we may from hence conjecture that they cannot well be related: which being so, behold what manner of things all, or at least-wise the greatest part of the Romanes practise. And this may wee adde to Salvianus, that the Actors of these Comedies were by the state it selfe highly regarded and richly rewarded, as if they had done some profitable peece of service for the Common-wealth. But this kinde of luxurie, as being loathsome in the very handling I briefely passe over, as men lightly skippe over quagmires and proceede to their luxury in diet, and first of their excesse in drinking.

SEC. 2. Of their excesse in drinking.

THis we may partly guesse at, by that which Ammianus Marcelli∣nus * 1.228 writes of their pots, graviora gladijs pocula erant, their pots were heavier then their swords: Among the rest, they had a kind of cups which Horace cals ciboria.

—Oblivioso lavia massico * 1.229 Ciboria imple. Goe fill the biggest cups you may, With liquor that driues care away.

Thought to be the leaues of the Egyptian beane, which are so broad, that Dioscorides for their largenesse compares them to a bonnet, Theo∣phrastus to a Thessalian hat; & Pliny thus describes them vnder the name * 1.230 of Colocassia. The leaues of Colocassia are exceeding large and compa∣rable to the broadest that any tree beareth, of these plaited and infol∣ded one within another, the Egyptians make them cups of diverse formes & fashions, out of which they take no small pleasure to drinke; whereby the leaues of Colocassia, Adrianus Iunius conceiveth Horace his * 1.231 Ciboria to be described. Such a kinde of cup, it seemes, was that, which that mad fellow speakes of in Plautus, vpon casting the dice.

Iacto basilicum propino magnum poclum Ille ebibit. * 1.232

I threw the principall chaunce, and therevpon begin an health in the greatest bowle, and hee instantly pleadges me the whole. Now the principall chaunce was Venus.

—Quem Venus arbitram * 1.233 Dicet bibendi, Whom Venus shall name To be Judge of the game.

And this Lord of misrule in their compotations or drunken meetings,

cald Modiperator, or Magister; his office was to prescribe rules, and to see them executed, and there he commaunded as a Soveraigne Mo∣narch in his kingdome.

Nec regna vini sortiere talis, * 1.234 Nor shalt thou any more by chaunce of dice Win Bacchus kingdome or the drinking price.

Their rules of drinking they borrowed, for the most part, from the Gre∣cians, the most debosht drunken Nation, I thinke that ever was, in so∣much, as their very name is for that quality growne into a proverbe, both in Latine & English. Of these rules, one was to drinke downe the * 1.235 evening starre, and drinke vp the morning starre, ad Diurnam stellam matutinam potantes, saith Plautus. another commonly practised among them, was the drinking of so many healths as there were letters in their Mistresses name.

Naevia sex Cyathis, septem Iustina bibatur, * 1.236 Quinque Lycas, Lyde quatuor, Ida tribus. Six healths to Naevia drinke, seaven to Iustina, To Lycas fiue, to Lyde foure, and three to Ida.

And yet it should seeme by Plutarch in his Symposiaks, that they had a superstitious conceite of drinking foure healths, perchaunce because an euen number.

Aut quinque bibe, aut tres, aut non quatuor: Three drinke, if more, Fiue, but not foure.

These drunken matches were in a manner the dayly trade of their Poets.

Nulla manere diu nec vivere carmina possunt, Quae scribuntur aquae potoribus, Who nought but water d•…•…inke, their rime Cannot endure or liue long time. Nunc est bibendum, nunc pede libero Pulsanda tellus. * 1.237 Now let vs drinke out wit, And daunce & frolicke it.

Neither were their very women free from this excesse. Nay Seneca as∣sures * 1.238 vs, that in this practise they put downe the men themselues; Non minus pervigilant, non minus potant & oleo & mero viros provocant; aequè in∣vitis ingesta visceribus per os reddunt, & vinum omne vomitu remetiuntur, aeque nivem rodunt solatium stomachi aestuantis: They no lesse sit vp late in the night, they drinke no lesse then men themselues, nay they challenge men to the annointing of their bodies, and the swilling down of wine, regorging what they eate & drinke aswell as they; neither doe they forbeare to chaw vpon snow, as men do for the refreshing of their boy∣ling stomackes.

SECT. 3. The same amply confirmed by the testimony of Pliny.

THis vice of excessiue drinking is by some thought to be the Epide∣micall, proper disease of this age: But he that will be pleased pa∣tiently to pervse, & advisedly to consider this ensuing discourse, which I shall heere annexe out of Pliny, will I presume alter his opinion therein, not by excusing the present, but by not excusing the former a∣ges, and the better learne to detest this beastly vice in both. Thus then writeth he, no lesse sharpely then elegantly of this vice, and the great excesse thereof in his time.

If a man marke and consider well the * 1.239 course of our life, we are in no one thing more busie & curious, nor take greater paines then about wine, as if Nature had not given to man the liquor of water which of all other is the most wholesome drinke; and wherewithall other Creatures are well contented: But we think∣ing it not sufficient to take wine ourselues, giue it also to our horses, mules, & labouring beasts, and force them against nature to drinke it. Besides such paines, so much labour, so great cost & charges we are at to haue it, such delight & pleasure we take in it, that many of vs thinke they are borne to nothing else, and can skill of none other contentment in this life: Notwithstanding when all is done, it transporteth & carrieth a∣way the right wit and mind of men, it causeth furie & rage, and indu∣ceth, nay it casteth headlong as many as are given therevnto into a thousand vices & misdemeanours; and yet forsooth to the end that we may take the more cups, and powre it downe the throate more lustily, we let it runne thorow a strainer for to abate & geld, as it were, the force thereof; yea and other devices there be towhet our appetite therevnto, and cause vs to quaffe more freely; nay to draw on their drinke men are not affraid to make poysons, while some take hemlocke before they sit downe, because they must drinke perforce then or else die for it; others the powder of the Pumish stone and such like stuffe, which I am abashed to rehearse, & teach those that be ignorant of such lewdnes. And yet we see those that be the stoutest & most redoubted drinkers, even those that take themselues most secured of danger, to lie sweating so long in the baines & brothell houses for to concocke their surfet of wine, that otherwhiles they are carried forth dead for their labour: You shall haue some againe, when they haue beene in the hot house not to stay so long as they may recover their beddes, no not so much as to put on their sherts, but presently in the place all naked, as they are puffing & labouring still for winde, catch vp great cans and huge tankards of wine (to shew what lusty and valiant Champions they be) set them one after another to their mouth, power the wine downe the throate without more adoe, that they might cast it vp againe and so take more in the place, vomiting and revomiting twice or thrice toge∣ther that which they haue drunke, and still make quarrell to the pot, as if they had beene borne into this world for none other end but to spill

and marre good wine, or as if there were no way else to spend & waste the same but thorow mans body. And to this purpose were taken vp at Rome these forraine exercises of vauting and dauncing the Moriske, from hence came the tumbling of wrastlers in the dust and mire toge∣ther, for this they shew their broad breasts, bare vp the heads, and car∣ry their necks farre back, in all which gesticulations, what doe they else but professe that they seeke meanes to procure thirst, & take oc∣casion to drinke: But come now to their pots that they vse to quaffe and drinke out of: are there not grauen in them faire pourtraites thinke you of adulteries? as if drunkennesse it selfe were not sufficient to kindle the heat of lust, & to teach them wantonnesse. Thus is wine drunke out of libidinous cups, and more then that, he that can quaffe best & play the drunkard most, shall haue the greatest reward. But what shall we say to those (would a man thinke it?) that hire a man to eat al∣so as much as he can drinke, & vpon that condition covenant to yeeld him the price for his wine-drinking and not otherwise. You shall haue another that will injoyne himselfe to drinke euery denier that he hath wonne at dice. Now when they are come to that once, & be tho∣roughly whittled, then shall you haue them cast their wanton eyes vpon mens wiues, then fall they to court faire Dames and Ladies, and openly bewray their folly euen before their jealous and sterne hus∣bands, then I say the secrets of their hea•…•…t are opened and displayed. Some you shall haue euen in the midst of their cups make their wills euen at the board where they sit, others againe cast out bloudy and deadly speeches at randome, & cannot hold but bluit out those words which afterwards they are forced to eat againe, for thus many a man by a lavish tongue in his wine hath come by his death & had his throat cut. And verily the world is now grown to this passe, that whatsoeuer a man saith in his cups is held for sooth, as if truth were th•…•… d•…•…ughter of wine But say they escape these dangers, certes speed they neuer so well, the best of them all neuer seeth the Sunne rising, so drowzie and sleepie they are in bed euery morning, neither liue they to be old men, but die in the strength of their youth. Hence commeth it that some of them looke pale with a paire of flaggie cheekes, others haue bleared and sore eyes, and there be of them that shake so with their hands that they cannot hold a full cup, but shed and powre it downe the floore. Gene∣rally they all dreame fearefully, which is the very b•…•…ginning of their hell in this life) or else haue restlesse nights. And finally if they chance to sleepe (for a due guerdon and reward of their drunkennesse) they are deluded with imaginary conceits of Venus delights, defiled with filthy abominable pollutions: & thus both sleeping & waking they sin with pleasure. Well what becomes the morrow after? they belch sowre, their breath stinketh of the barrell, and telleth them what they did ouer night, otherwise they forget what euer they did or said: they remember no more, then if their memory were vtterly extinct. And yet our jolly drunkards giue out and say that they alone enjoy this life, and rob other men of it: But who seeth not that ordinarily they loose not onely the yesterday past, but the morrow to come? Of all Nati∣ons

the Parthians would haue the glory for this goodly vertue of wine bibbing: & among the Greekes Alcibiades indeed deserved the best game for this worthy feate. But here with vs at Rome, Nivellius Tor∣quatus, a Millanois wan the name from all Romanes and Italians both. This Lombard had gone thorow all honourable degrees of dignity in Rome, he had beene Pretor, and attained to the place of a Proconsull. In all these offices of state he wonne no great name: but for drinking in the presence of Tiberius 3 gallons of wine at one draught & before hee tooke his breath againe, he was dubbed Knight by the surname of Tri∣congius, as one would say, the 3 gallon Knight. And the Emperour sterne, seuere and cruell otherwise though he was, now in his old age, (for in his youthfull dayes hee was giuen ouermuch to drinking of wine) would delight to behold this worthy & renowned Knight with great wonder and admiration. For the like rare gift & commendable qua∣lity men thinke verily that C. Piso first rose, and afterwards was advan∣ced to the Provostship of the City of Rome by the said Tiberius: and namely for that in his court being now Emperour he sate two daies & two nights drinking continually, & neuer stirred foot from the board. And verily Drusus Caesar (by report) in nothing more resembled his Father Tiberius than in taking his drinke. But to returne againe to noble Torquatus, herein consisted his excellencie, that he did it accor∣ding to art (for this you must take withall, there is an Art of drinking, grounded vpon certaine rules and precepts) Torquatus (I say) dranke he neuer so much, was not knowne at any time to falter in his tongue, neuer eased himselfe by vomiting, neuer let it goe the other way vn∣der board: how late soeuer he sate vp at the wine ouer night, he would be sure to relieue the morning watch & sentinel. He drunk most of any man at one entire draught before the pot went frō his head: & for smal∣ler draughts besides, he went beyond all other in number, his winde he neuer tooke whilst the cup was at his mouth, but justly observed the rule of drinking with one breath: hee was not knowne to spit for all this: & to conclude, he would not leaue a drop behinde in the cup, not so much as would dash against the pavement, and make the least sound to be heard, a speciall point & precise law to prevent the deceit of those that drinke for a wager. A singular glory no doubt in him & a rare felicity. Tergilla challenged M. Cicero the younger, son to that M. Cicero the famous Oratour, & reproached him to his face, that or∣dinarily he dranke 2 gallons at once, and that one time aboue the rest when he was drunke he flung a pot at M. Agrippa his head. And truly this is one of the fruites and feates of drunkennesse. But blame not young Cicero if in this point yet he desired to surmount him that slew his father, M. Antonius I meane; for hee before that time strained himselfe, and stroue to win the best game in this feate, making profes∣sion thereof, as may appeare by a booke which he compiled and set forth with this title, Of his owne drunkennesse: wherein hee was not a∣shamed to avow and justifie his excesse and enormities that way, and thereby approued (as I take it) vnder pretence and colour of his drun∣kennesse all those out-rages of his, all those miseries and calamities

that he brought vpon the whole world. This Treatise he vomited & spued out a little before the battle of Actium, wherein he was defea∣ted. Whereby it may appeare very plainely, that as hee was drunken before with the bloud of the Citizens: so still he was the more bloud∣thirsty: For this is a property which necessarily followeth this vice, that the more a man drinketh, the more he may, and is alwayes dry. And heerein spake to good purpose a certaine Embassadour of the Scythians, saying, that the Parthians the more they drunke the thirstier they were.

SECT. 4. In particular this excesse of the Romans in drinking is confirmed by the practise of Anthony, specially at his being with Cle∣opatra, as also by the practise of Clodius sonne to Esope the Tragoedian in drinking of dissolued pearle.

NOw because Pliny hath instanced in Anthony as one of the most notorious drunkards among the Romanes, not onely for the pra∣ctise but for the defence thereof, notwithstanding his eminent place and great commaund, it shall not bee amisse a little farther to en∣quire into some particulars touching his great excesse therein. It is a most shamefull one which Cicero chargeth him with: Sed haec quae ro∣bustioris * 1.240 improbitatis sunt omittamus; loquamar potius de iniquissim•…•… genere levitatis Tu istis faucibus, istis lateribus, ista gladiatoria totius corporis firmi∣tate, tantum vini in Hippiae nuptiis exhauseras, ut tibi necesse esset in Populi Romani conspectu vomere postridie. O rem non modo visa foedam, sed etiam auditu! si inter coenam in tuis immanibus illis poculis, hoc tibi accidisset, quis non turpe diceret? in coetu verò populi negotium publicum gerens, magister E∣quitum, cui ructare turpe esset, is vomens frustis esculentis vinum redolentibus, gremium suum & totum tribunal implevit. But those villanies which require more strength let vs omit, & speake rather of his wicked kind of lightnesse. Thou with those chaps of thine, with those sides, with that ruffian-like strength of thy whole body at the wedding of Hippia didst take in so much wine, that the next day thou must needes vomit in the open view of the people of Rome, a filthy act not onely to be seene but to be heard, if at supper-time in the midst of those thy monstrous pots the same had fallen out, who would not haue cryed out shame on thee? but now the Master of the Horse being about a publique businesse in an assembly of the people where it had beene a shame for such a man to belch, vomiting out gobbets of flesh smelling strongly, therewith filled both his owne bosome and the whole court of Iustice.

This was indeed very foule in it selfe though but once done, euen without the Oratours Rhetoricall aggravation: but his dayly practise of excessiue drinking during his abode with Cleopatra was lesse excusable, because more frequent; touching which Pliny relates two memorable stories, though in different kindes, the one was this.

Here by the way (saith he) I cannot choose but remēber the device of * 1.241 Queene Cleopatra, full of fine wit, and as wicked and mischievous with∣〈◊〉〈◊〉. For at what time Anthony prepared the expedition and journey of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against Augustus, and stood in some doubt & jealousie of the said Queene, for all the faire shew that she made of gratifying him, and doi•…•…g him all pleasure, he was at his taster, and would neither eate nor drinko a•…•…her •…•…able without assay made. Cleopatra seeing how timorous he was, and minding yet to make good sport and game at his needlesse feare and foolish curiosity, caused a Chaplet to be made for M. Anio∣nius, hauing before dipped all the tips and edges of the flowres that went to it in a strong and ranke poyson, and being thus prepared, set it vpon the head of the said Anthony. Now when they had s•…•…tten at meat a good while, and drunke themselues merry; the Queene began to make a motion & challenge to Anthony for to drinke each of them their chap∣lets; and withall beg an vnto him in a cup of wine seasoned and spiced as it were with those flowres which she ware her owne selfe, O the shrewd and vnhappy wit of a woman when shee is so disposed! who would euer haue misdoubted any danger of hidden mischiefe heerein? Well, M. Anthony yeelded to pledge her: off goeth his owne garland, and with the flowres minced small, dresseth his owne cup. Now when he was about to set it to his head, Cleopatra presently put her hand be∣tweene and stayed him from drinking, and withall vttered these words;

My deare heart and best beloued Anthony, now see what she is whom thou so much dost dread & stand in feare of, that for thy security there must waite at thy cup and trencher extraordinary tasters; a strange and new fashion ywis, and a curiosity more nice then needfull; loe how I am not to seeke of meanes and oportunities to compasse thy death, if I could finde in my heart to liue without thee;

which said, she called for a prisoner immediatly out of the gaole, whom she caused to drinke off the wine which Anthony had prepared for himselfe: no sooner was the goblet from his lips againe, but the poore wretch died presently in the place.

The other story he thus relates; Two onely pearles there were to∣gether, the fairest & richest that euer haue beene knowne in the world, and those possessed at one time by Cleopatra the last Queene of Egypt, which came into her hands by the meanes of the great Kings of the East, and were left vnto her by descent. This Princesse when Marcus An∣tonius had strained himselfe to doe her all the pleasure he possibly could & had feasted her day by day most sumptuously and spared for no cost: in the height of her pride and wanton brauery (as being a noble Curte∣zan and a Queene withall) began to debase the expence and provision of Anthony, and made no reckoning of all his costly fare. When hee thereat demaunded againe how it was possible to goe beyond this mag∣nificence of his, she answered againe, that she would spend vpon him in one supper 100 thousand Sestertij. Anthony who would needes know how that might be (for he thought it was impossible) laid a great wager with her about it, and shee bound it again and made it good. The mor∣row after when this was to be tryed, and the wager either to be wonne

or lost, Cleopatra made Anthonie a supper (because she would not make default, and let the day appointed passe) which was sumptuous & royall enough, howbeit there was no extraordinary service seene vpon the * 1.242 board: Whereat Antonius laughed her to scorne, and by way of moc∣kery, required to see a bill with the account of the particulars. Shee againe sayd, that whatsoever had beene served vp already, was but the overplus aboue the rate and proportion in question, affir∣ming still, that shee would yet in that supper make vp the full summe that shee was seased at: yea her selfe alone would eate aboue that recko∣ning, and her owne supper should cost six hundred thousand Sester∣tij: and with that, commaunded the second service to be brought in. The Servitours that waited at her trencher (as they had in charge be∣fore) set before her onely one crewet of sharpe vineger, the strength whereof is able to dissolue pearles. Now shee had at her eares hanging * 1.243 those two most pretious pearles, the singular and onely jewels in the world, and even Natures wonder. As Anthony looked wistly vpon her, and expected what she would doe, shee tooke one of them from her eare, steeped it in the vineger, and so soone as it was liquefied, dranke it off. And as she was about to doe the like by the other: L. Plancius the judge of that wager, laid fast hold vpon it with his hand, and pro∣nounced withall, that Anthony had lost the wager: whereat the man fell into a passion of anger. There was an end of one pearle: But the fame of the fellow thereof may goe therewith. For after that this braue Queene, the winner of so great a wager, was taken prisoner and deprived of her royall estate, that other pearle was cut in twaine, that in memo∣riall of that one halfe supper of theirs, it should remaine vnto posterity, hanging at both the eares of Venus at Rome in the temple Pantheon.

And yet, saith the same Pliny, as prodigall as these were, they shall not goe away with the prize in this kinde, but shall loose the name of the chiefe & principall in superfluity of expence. For long before their time, Clodius the sonne of Aesope the Tragaedian Poet, the only heire of his father who died exceeding wealthy, practised the semblable in pearles of great price: so that Anthony need not be over proud of his triumvirate, seeing that he hath to match him in all his magnificence one little better then a stage-player: Who vpon no wager at all laid (& that was more princely and done like a King) but only in a bravery, and to know what tast pearles had, mortified them in vineger and drunke them vp. And finding them to content his palate wonderous well, because he would not haue all the pleasure by himselfe, and know the goodnesse thereof alone, he gaue to every guest at his table one pearle a peece to drinke in like manner.

The madnesse of Clodius, Horace thus describes.

Filius Aesopi detractam ex aure Metellae * 1.244 (Scilicet vt decies solidum exsorberet) aceto Diluit ingentem baccam, qui sanior ac si Illud idem in rapidum flumen iaceretue cloacam.

The sonne of Esop from Metellas eare, (That he at once ten thousand sols might drinke)

Pluckt off, and it dissolv'd in vineger, As wise as if h'had thrown't into a sinke.

SECT. 5. Of excessiue drinkers among the Romans in regard of the quantity of the liquor; and how both their Princes and people were all generally tainted with this vice.

THese were luxurious drinkers in regard of the pretiousnes of the li∣quor, such as I thinke this age hath not heard of, & God forbid it should. Now for excesse in quantity of wine at one draught or one sitting, Lypsius hath written a large Epistle, wherein he hath made a collection of many examples, borrowed from the ancient Historians to that purpose, the title of it is, de potoribus & Edonibus, of excessiue * 1.245 drinkers and eaters, and beginning with the first of these he thus makes his entrance. Quos vbi & quando non est invenire? in veteri & nostro aevo, in noto & novo orbe videas, & Plinij dicto, nulla in parte mundi cessare ebrie∣tatem. Which kind of men where and when shall you not finde? you may see them aswell in the old as in our age, both in the knowne and new world, and to vse Plynies speech, no part of the world is free from them. To let goe the Graecians, and those Romanes already named, out of Spartianus he tels vs of one Firmus, who vnder Aurelian was Deputy of Egypt; this man being challenged by Barbarus a famous drinker, Situ∣las duas plenas mero duxit, he tooke off two buckets full of wine. Bonosus was such another who lived about the same time, of whom the same Emperour, as witnesseth the same Authour, was wont to say, non vt vi∣vat natus est, sed vt bibat, he was borne not to liue but to drinke: & being hang'd for some misdemeanour, they jeasted on him, amphoram pende∣re non hominem, that a barrell or tankard hung there, not a man: But that which Capitolinus reports of the Emperour Maximinus is almost incredi∣ble: Bibisse saepe in die vini Capitolinam amphoram, that he often dranke in one day an Amphora of the Capitoll, an Amphora containing of our mea∣sure nine gallons, counting a gallon and a pinte to the Congius, whereof the Amphora containes eight; Trepidarem haec scribere, saith Lypsius, sed bonus & priscae fidei Author adserit, quam ego non sugillem: I should feare to write these things; but that I vouch it from an Authour of good credit, which I durst not impeach or question. Yet one instance beyond this againe he brings out of Vopiscus, in the life of Aurelian of one Phagon, who dranke out in one day plus orca, what measure this Orca held, I cannot well determine; neither could Lypsius himselfe, yet thus much he confidently affirmes of it, Scio vas vin•…•…rium fuisse & amphora quidem majus, sed quanto mihi latet, I know for certaine that it was a vessell of wine, and that bigger then the Amphora, but how much I know not.

Now that which most of all infected the state with this beastly vice, was, that the Emperours themselues were deepely infected with it, both heartily affecting it themselues, and highly rewarding it in others. Ti∣berius Nero propter nimiam vini aviditatem, saith Suetonius, by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of * 1.246

his excessiue drinking, was nick-named Biberius Mero; and besides, Piso, whom Pliny told vs before, he advanced to the Provostship of the ci∣ty for that quality; he likewise for the same promoted Flaccus Pomponi∣us to the presidentship of the Province of Syria, stiling them in his let∣ters patents, Iucundissimos & omnium horarum ami•…•…os, his most pleasant companions & friends for all seasons: But that which exceeded the rest, and indeede arrow_back reason arrow_forward it selfe, was that ignotissimum Quaesturae candida∣tum nobilissimis anteposuit ob epotam in convivio propinante se vini ampho∣ram, that he preferred a base fellow, who was a sutor for the Treasu∣rershippe, before the most noble & worthy that stood in competition with him, only for the taking off of an Amphora of wine at a feast which himselfe had began. Now who would not striue to excell and exceed in this lewd practice, when it was in such request & esteeme with the greatest Commaunders? the multitude soone conforming themselues to their manners, specially in naughtines, and being therevnto encouraged by commendation & rewards. And how farre this vnmanly vice had infected the Commons, may appeare by that of Macrobius, who af∣firmes, that at that time when Lex Fannia was made against drunken∣nes, * 1.247 eo res redier at vt pleri{que} ex plebe Romana vino madidi in comitium ve∣nirent, & ebrij de Reipub: salute consulerent; to such a passe were things brought, that the greatest part of the common people of Rome came loaden with wine into the Counsell-house, and being drunke, consul∣ted of the safety of the state.

SECT. 6. Of the costlinesse and curious workemanshippe of the vessell out of which they dranke, which was likewise a meanes to draw them on to excessiue drinking.

NOw as I began this discourse of drunkennesse with the greatnes, so will I end it with the costlinesse & curious workemanship of the vessels out of which they dranke; which was likewise a meanes to draw them on to excessiue drinking. The world (saith Pliny) is given * 1.248 to such inconstancie, as touching silver plate, that a wonder it is to see the nature of men, how variable they be in the fashion and making of such vessell: For no workemanship will please them long. One while we must haue our plate out of Furnius his shop, another while we will bee furnished from Clodius: And againe in a new fit, none will content vs but of Gratius his making (for our cupbords of plate & tables, forsooth, must beare the name of such & such goldsmiths shops:) Moreover, when the toy takes vs in the head. all our delight is in chased and embossed plate; or else so carved, engraven, and deep cut in, as it is rough againe in the hand, wrought in imagerie or flower worke, as if the painter had drawne them. These celatures in their drinking cups were so fram'd, that they might put them on or take them off at pleasure, & were there∣fore called Emblemata: Such was that, whereof the Satirist speakes.

—Stantem extra pocula caprum. * 1.249

—A goat standing out from the cup.

Two of this kinde wrought by the hand of Mentor, cost Lucius Crassus the Oratour one hundred thousand Sestercies: Sometimes were they * 1.250 made of Onix stones drawne out of the mountaines of Arabia, some∣times of mother of pearle, or some rare pretious shels. * 1.251

Cum perfusa mero spumant vnguenta Falerno, Cum bibitur concha. * 1.252 Whē their Falernian wines mingled with oyntments crop, And when they drinke in shels.

And all these kindes they richly inameld with pearles and pretious stones; we drinke, saith Pliny, in rooes of pearle, and garnish our pots * 1.253 with emeralls; it delights vs to hold the Indies in our hands as a provo∣cation to drunkennes, and gold is now become but an accessorie. And for this arrow_back reason arrow_forward had they some at their feasts set to watch their drinking vessell.

—Custos affixus ibidem * 1.254 Qui numeret gemmas vnguesque observet acutos. Fast by some one is set to watch & tell the plate, Least any be purloind by some lime fi•…•…gred mate.

Neither were they content to garnish their cups with pearle and preti∣ous stone, but made them of entire gemmes, they thought not themselues dainety enough, saith Pacatus, nisi luxuria intervertisset annum, nisi hiber∣nae poculis rosae innatassent, nisi aestivam in gemmis capacibus glaciem fal•…•…rna * 1.255 fregissent, vnlesse luxury had chaunged the season of the yeare, vnlesse winter roses swam vpon the top of their po•…•…s, vnlesse their pleasant wines dissolved the summer yce in a large gemme. And such a one was that which Tully mentions; Erat etiam vas vinarium ex vna gemma prae∣grandi * 1.256 trulla excavata, cum manubrio aureo: There was likewise a drink∣ing cuppe for wine made of one entire gemme or pretious stone, with a great hollow bowl & an handle of gold. They had also drinking ves∣sells of Murrin & Crystall of wonderfull great prices. Video isthic Cristal∣lina quorum accendit fragilitas pretium, omnium enim rerum voluptas apud imperitos ipso, quo fugare debet, periculo crescit; Video Murrina pocula, parum scili•…•…et luxuria magno fuerit, nisi quod vomant capacibus gemmis inter se pro∣pinarent: I there see, saith Seneca, their Cristall glasses, whose very brit∣tlenes * 1.257 inhaunces their price: For among the vulgar, their delight in things is increased by the very daunger, which should rather induce them to shun it. I likewise see their Murrin cups, their luxurie being not held sufficient, vnlesse they may in large gemmes drinke that which soone after they vomit vp againe. The price of some of these, Pliny takes the paines particularly to relate: Crescit indies eius rei luxus Mur∣rino * 1.258 octoginta Sestertiis empto, capaci plane ad sextarios tres calice: The ex∣cessiue luxury hereof increaseth daily, a Murrin cuppe of three quarts being sold for foure score thousand Sesterces; one of these bought for three hundred thousand, Petronius, who had beene Consull, brake in pee∣ces a little before his death out of a spite to Nero, vt mensam eius exhaere∣daret, that he might disinherit his table thereof. Another of Cristall, mentioned by the same Authour, I may not forget; alius hic furor, heere

is another kinde of madnesse, one Cristall bowle being bought by the mistris of a family, and shee not ouer rich neither, cost her one hundred & fifty thousand Sesterces. Herevnto might not vnfitly be added the beastly formes of many of their cups,

Vitreo bibit ille Priapo,

Saith Iuvenall; and Pliny to like purpose, in poculis libidines caelare iuvat & per obscaenitates bibere. But I passe from their drunkennesse to their gluttony.

CAP. 7. Of the excessiue gluttony of the Romanes.

SECT. 1. Of their costly tables, their huge platters, the quality; order, and number of their waiters; and also of their Art and Schooles of Carving:

TOuching their excesse in gluttony, it is an Ocean both boundles and bottomles, whether we consider the rarity or the variety of those dishes which at their solemne feasts they presented: But before I come to the furnishing of their tables, it shall not be amisse to say somewhat touching the tables themselues, vpon which they placed, and some monstrous platters in which they served in their provision, and the number & order of their wayting servants. They had tables of silver & some of gold.

Sustentatque tuas aurea mensa dapes. * 1.259 Tables of gold thy dainties doe sustaine.

But their most pretious which they had in greatest request were of Ci∣tron, as appeares by the same Poet in another Epigram: These, as witnes∣seth * 1.260 Petronius Arbiter, they fetched from Africa.

—E•…•…ce Aphris eruta terris Citrea mensa Tables of Citron brought from Africa.

With whom Pliny the rein accordeth, who in his naturall history hath * 1.261 a discourse proper to this purpose.

The Moores, saith he, that border vpon the mountaine Atlas, are stored with abundance of Citron trees, from whence commeth that excessiue expence & superfluity about Citron tables made thereof: And our dames at home by way of re∣venge twit vs their husbands therewith, when we would seeme to find fault with the costly pearles which they weare: There is at this day to be seene a board belonging sometimes to Tullius Cicero, which cost him tenne Thousand Sesterces; a strange matter, considering he was no rich man; but more wonderfull, if we call to mind the severity of that age wherein he lived. Much speech there is besides of Asinius Gallus his table, sold for an eleven thousand Sesterces: Moreouer there are two other which King Iuba sold, the one was prized at fifteene

thousand Sesterces, and the other held little vnder; a round summe, & the price of a good faire Lordship:

which incredible prizes are not∣withstanding confirmed by Seneca, who farther tels vs, they were va∣lued according to their knottinesse: video istic mensas et aestimatum lignum * 1.262 censu Senatoris, eo praetiosius quo illud in plures nodos arbor is infoelicitas torsit: I see there th•…•…ir tables, and a peece of wood valued at a Senatours re∣venew, somuch the more pretious, as the vnhappy tree is wrested into diverse knots. To which passages of Seneca & Pliny, Tertullian seemes to allude, for having produced the instances of Tully & Asinius Gallus mentioned by Pliny, though with some addition to the prices, he pre∣sently addes: Hem quantis facultatibus aestimauêre ligneas ma•…•…ulas, at what high rates did they value these spots in wood. Besides, these tables they supported with Yuorie feet.

Tu libicos Indis suspendis dentibus orbes, * 1.263 Fulcitur testa fagina mensa mihi. Thy Lybian tables Indian teeth doe reare: My Beechen bord an earthen caske doth beare.

And these yuorie feete were artificially carved into the shape of Lyons or the like, which was so common, that without these, their greatest dainties could not rellish to their pallates,

Nil Rhombus nil dama sapit, putere videntur * 1.264 Vnguenta at{que} rosae, latos nisi sustinet orbes Grande ebur: & magno sublimis pardus hiatu:

Nor buck nor Turbet tast, sweet ointments yeeld no sent, And roses stinke, vnlesse huge gaping yvorie Pards Bearing aloft their large round tables giue content.

Yet such was the store which one man possessed of these, that it exceed∣ed some hundreds.

Cum mensas habeat fere trecentas, Pro mensis habet Annius ministros. * 1.265 An hundred ta les Annius hath thrice told, And waiters at his tables manifold.

And Dion reports of Seneca, that notwithstanding his severe and Stoi∣call profession, hee was stored with foure hundred of those Citron ta∣bles. * 1.266

Touching their platters or chargers, no longer since, saith Pliny, then in the dayes of Claudius the Emperour, Drusillanus a slaue of his sur∣named Rotundus, the Senescall or Treasurer vnder him in high Spaine, had a silver charger of fiue hundred pound weight; for the working whereof, there was a forge framed aforehand of set purpose, and the same was accompanied & attended with eight more of a smaller size, weighing fifty pound a peece: Now I would gladly know if it might please you, saith Pliny, how many of his fellowes, such sl•…•…ues I meane as himselfe, there must be to carry the said vessell and serue it vp to the table, or what guests they might be who were to be served with such huge plate: h 1.267 But this is nothing to that Charger of Vitellius, who whiles he was Emperour caused one to be made & finished that cost i 1.268 a million of Sesterces; for the making whereof, there was a fu•…•…nace built of pur∣pose

in the field;

alluding to this monstrous platter Mucianus in his se∣cond Consulship, when he ripped vp in a publique speech the whole life of Vitellius now dead, vpbraided the memoriall of him in these very tearmes, calling his excesse that way, Patinarum paludes, platters as broad as pooles or ponds: And verily, sayth he, that platter of Vitellius came nothing behind another, which Cassius Seuerus reproached As∣pr•…•…nas withall, whom hee accused bitterly, and said, that the poison of that one platter had killed one hundred & thirty persons, who had ta∣sted thereof. Matchable to these, was the famous platter of Esope the * 1.269 Tragaedian, saue that it was more notorious for the daintinesse of the provision which he served in it, then for the massines of the dish it selfe.

Their waiters were sometime•…•… naked wenches Tiberius (sayth Sueto∣nius) sent to Sextius Claudius, that he would come & sup with him, vpon * 1.270 condition, that he should change nothing of his wonted fashion, vtque nudis pu•…•…llis ministrantibus coenaretur; a message worthy of him, who as the same Authour reports in the same place, erected a new office, à vo∣luptatibus, only to devise new pastimes & pleasures. But Seneca des∣cribes * 1.271 the order & number of their waiters more particularly: They had waiting on them, saith he, puerorum infoelicium greges, whole troopes of vnfortunate Ganymedes, they had exoletorum agmina, armies of Exole∣tes growne to mens estat•…•…, these they ranged into severall b•…•…nds accor∣ding to their nations & complexions, they of the same band were all of a smoothnes alike, or had the same lēgth of downy mosse in their chin; nay speciall care was had, that their haire might be sutable, as in length, so in colour and kind: ne quis cui rectior est coma crispulis misceatur, that none whose haire grew long & straight, should be rāked with the curle∣pates. He farther tells vs of the infinite number of their Cookes and Bakers, and such like officers; Per quos signo dato ad inferendam canam dis∣curritur, by whom the wayters run presently vpon the signe given for the car•…•…ying in of supper: his conclusion is Dij boni quantum hominum v∣nus venter exercet, good God, what a number of men doth one belly set a worke; and in another place, Conviuia mehercule horum non posuerim in∣ter * 1.272 vacantia tempora, cum videam quam solliciti argentum ordinent, quam di∣ligenter exoletorum suorum tunicas succingant, quam suspensi sint quomodo a∣per à coquo caesus exeat, quanta celeritate signo dato glabri ad ministeria de∣currunt: quanta arte scindantur aues in frusta non enormia, quam curiose in∣foelices pueruli ebriorum sputa detergant. Truly for my part, I should not put their feasts among their vacant or leasure times, when I see how sol∣licitous they are about the ordering of their plate, how diligently they tucke vp the coates of their Exoletes, how carefull they are in what manner the Bore come out of the Cookes hands and bee served in, how suddainely the smooth-•…•…inne Catamites runne to the dresser vpon the sound given, with what singular art their birdes are cut vp into competent portions, how studiously and curiously their vnhappy boyes wipe out the spuing and spitting of their drunken Ma∣sters.

And to this their artificiall carving and ordering their dishes on the table doth the Satyrist allude, where he intimates Schooles and Masters

of that Art, who taught their Schollers by dishes fashioned in wood after what manner, and with what gesture of the body they should cut them vp.

Sed nec structor erit, cui cedere debeat omnis * 1.273 Pergula, disoipulus Tripheri doctoris, apud quem Sumine cum magno lepus, atque aper, & pygargus, Et Scythicae volucres, & phoenicopterus ingens, Et Getulus oryx, hebeti lautissima ferro Caeditur, & tota sonat vlmea coena Subura.

The carvers at my board disciples neuer were To Doctour Trypherus, with whom none may compare, Sowes milkie teats, the hare, the boare, white buttockt roe, Phesant, Getulian goat, huge Phenicopter too, All dainties with blunt knife he carves as is most meet, And th'Elmen supper sounds through all Subura street.

SECT. 2. That after-ages sometimes reformed the abuse of former times: of the great number and chargeable hire of their Cookes; of Apicius his wastefulnesin belly-cheere, that such wastefulnesse was common among them.

NOw for their provision, I may say with Budaeus, Majora sunt ista * 1.274 omninò nostrae aetatis captu, it was beyond the reach and conceit of our age, so as Pliny heerein hath proued a true Prophet, nos feci∣mus * 1.275 quae posteri fabulosa arbitrentur, wee haue done those things which posterity will not beleeue, but account fabulous. In the handling heereof it shall not be impertinent first to obserue that after-ages some∣times reformed the abuse of former times. Thus Latinus Pacatus in his Panegyricke commends Theodosius for his sobriety and frugality in regard of his Predecessors, in as much as there was then no need ad pe∣num Regiam flagitare remotorum littorum piscem, peregrini aeris volucrem, alieni temporis florem, to take vp and purvay for the Emperours vse and provision a fish of a remote coast, a bird of a strange ayre, or a flowre of a contrary season: Then goes hee on to describe the excessiue Luxury of former ages in respect of the present.

In like manner Macrobius in a conference at a supper betwixt Horus and Cecinna, makes Horus to declaime against the Luxury of his owne * 1.276 times, but Cecinna answeres him by proouing that Antiquity was much more faulty that way. Among other instances and reasons alleadged by him, this is one; that Peacockes egges were formerly sold for fiue pence a peece, which then were nothing worth to be sold: and againe, that anciently so many Lawes were made against it, as Lex Orchia, fan∣nia, * 1.277 didia, Licinia, Cornelia, and others, and then concludes, nisi pessimis ef∣fusissimisque moribus viveretur, profecto opus tot legibus ferendis non fuisset, vetus verbum est, Leges bonae ex malis moribus procreantur: Except men

had then liued in a most inordinate and licentious manner, they had neuer needed the making of so many lawes; it being an old saying, that good Lawes are •…•…ccasioned by euill manners.

Another argument for their excessiue gluttony in former times might be taken from the number and excessiue hire of their Cookes and their wonderfull expences in their Kitchins and at their Tables. For the num∣ber of their Cookes, Aspice culinas nostras, saith Seneca & concursantes in∣ter tot ignes coquos nostros; Looke into our Kitchins, and marke the num∣ber * 1.278 of our Cookes running vp and downe among so many fires. And in another Epistle, innumer abiles esse morbon mirab•…•…is, coquos numera, * 1.279 In Rhetorum ac Philosophorum scholis solitudo est: At quam celebres culinae sunt? quanta circa nepotum focos juvéntus premit? Do you wonder that our diseases are innumerable? number our Cooks if you can: The S•…•…ho les of Rhetoricians & Philosophers are empty: but how are our Kitchins frequented? what multitudes of youth presse about th•…•… chimneyes of vnthrifts? And for their hire, they were wont to complaine, saith Pliny, * 1.280 that the hire of a Cooke was as much as the price of an horse, whereas now a dayes we can hardly get them for the price of three horses: nul∣lusque * 1.281 jam prope mortalis aestimatur pluris, quam qui peritissime censum Do∣mini mergit; and scarce any man is in greater request, then he that can most artificially waste his Masters substance. And what infinite wast they made this way, the onely story of Apicius a famous belly-god may * 1.282 suffice to shew: who •…•…auing spent a million of Sesterces in his Kitchin & sent going besides many great gifts of Princes, and a mighty revenew of the Capitoll in riotous feasting and banqueting, being deepe in debt, he began at last, though sore against his will, to looke into his recko∣nings, & take an account of his estate, & found that all being cast vp, he had yet left vnto himselfe cleare one hundred thousand Sesterces, and therevpon velut in ultima same victurus, veneno vitamfinivit, as if hee should hau•…•… beene forced poore man to liue in a hunger-starved fashion * 1.283 he poysoned himselfe: Quanta luxuria est cui sestertium centies egestas fuit, how great was that Luxurie to which one hundred thousand Se∣sterces seemed poverty? This notable vanity & folly of Apicius, the Epigrammatist most deservedly scoffes at. * 1.284

Dederas Apici bis trecenties ventri, Sed adhuc supererat centies tibi laxum, * 1.285 Hoc tu gravatus ne famem & sitim ferres. Summa venenum potione duxisti, Nil est Apici tibi gulosius factum.

Apicius thou didst on thy gut bestow Six hundred thousand: yet when this was spent One hundred thousand stil remaind, which thou Fearing to suffer thirst and famishment In poyson'd potion drankst: Apicius Of all thy facts this was most gluttonous.

And no marveile Apicius should runne so farre vpon the score and con∣sume such a masse of treasure by this meanes, since it was vsuall to lavish out and devoure whole patrimonies at a sitting,

—Vna comedunt patrimonia mensa.

Quid est coena sumptuosa flagitiosius, & equestrem censum consumente, & tri∣cies tamen Sestertio adijciales coenae frugalissimis Viris constiterunt? What * 1.286 is more •…•…ewde, saith Seneca, then a sumptuous supper wasting a Knights revenewes? yet it stands the most frugall commonly, if it be solemne, in three hundred thousand Sesterces. And he that shall but look into their bils of fare, and take a particular view of the number of their Courses at a feast, & of their dishes at a Course, & of the prises of their dishes, toge∣ther with their long & often sittings, will rather wonder that they spent so little, then that they brought going so much.

SECT. 3. Of their long and often sitting and vsuall practise of vomi∣ting euen among their women, as also of the number of their courses at a sitting, together with the rarity and costlinesse of their severall services.

FOr their long sittings Suetonius reports of Tiberius, that he spent a * 1.287 whole night & two dayes out-right in nothing else but eating & drinking, Noctem continuum{que} biduum epulando, potandoque consump∣sit: And of Nero, Epulas è media die ad mediam noctem protrahebat, he held * 1.288 out his feasts from noone day till midnight. And of Vitellius for often * 1.289 sittings, that he feasted vsually three times, sometimes foure times a day, euery sitting being valued at foure hundred thousand Sesterces, facilè omnibus sufficiens vomitandi consuetudine, being easily able to goe thorow them all by a continuall custome of vomiting: which it seemes was a∣mong them a common practise: Vomunt vt edant; edunt vt vomant: epu∣las, * 1.290 quas toto orbe conquirunt, nec oncoquere dignantur: they vomit that they may eate, and eate againe that they may vomit, and those delicates which they hunt for thorow the world, they vouchsafe not so much as to concoct, nay the very women practised it, ae{que} invitis ingesta visceribus * 1.291 per os reddunt, & vinum omne vomitu remittunt, as well as men they eate against their stomaches that which they soon returne by their mouths, and all their wine they quickly send backe by vomiting: And from hence (as I conceiue) did they vsually rise from their great feasts so co∣lourlesse and indispos'd,

—Vides, vt pallidus omnis Coena desurgat dubia? quin corpus onustum * 1.292 Hesternis vitijs, animum quoque praegravat vnà, Atque affigit humo divinae particulam aurae.

Seest thou how pale they from their doubtfull supper rise? The body furthermore surcharg'd with riotise Of yesterday, weighs downe the soule, and in the mire Of this base earth doth plunge the sparke of heav'nly fire.

The number of their Courses at a sitting were vsually seauen, and that sometimes when they sate privately,

—Quis fercula septem * 1.293 Secreto coenavit avus? Which of our Auncesters vpon Seuen services did sup alone?

But that monster Heliogabalus had serued in at one feast two and twenty severall courses, Exhibuit aliquando & tale convivium vt haberet viginti * 1.294 d•…•…o fercula ingentium epularum; he once made such a feast that hee had serued in, two and twenty Courses, all of the choisest fare.

For their variety of dishes we may partly guesse at them by that ad∣ventitious supper (as Suetonius calls it) which was made Vitellius by his * 1.295 brother, in qua duo millia lectissimorum pis•…•…ium, septem avium apposita tra∣duntur, in which are said to haue beene serued in two thousand of the choisest fish, and seuen thousand fowle.

Now for the delicacie and prices of their dishes, it certainely excee∣ded their variety and number, they were farre fetcht and deare bought Quicquid mare aut terra, aut etiam coelo gigneretur, ad satiandam ingluviem suam natum existimans faucibus ac dentibus suis subdidit, saith Macrobius * 1.296 of Anthony, he devoured with his chaps and teeth whatsoeuer the Sea or Earth or Aire brought forth, as if all had beene borne only to satisfie his luxury. And Salust of Metellus Proconsull in Spaine, Epulae verò exqui∣sitissimae, neque per omnem mudò provinciam, sed trans maria ex Maurita∣nia volucrum & ferarum incognita antea plura genera His feasts were most exquisite not onely of all the dainties which were to bee had in those parts; but many kindes of birdes and beasts before vnknowne in that Countrey were brought from beyond the Seas and out of Mauritania. Quis ganeonum aut l•…•…conum possit vel ausit imitari? Quis nostrum hodie * 1.297 aves aut feras trans mare coenae causâ conquirit: Which of our thriftlesse Belly-gods can or dare imitate him? which of vs now a dayes sends for birds or beasts beyond the Seas to make a Supper? Yet was this practise among them no rare matter, as may appeare by that of Pe∣tronius Arbiter.

Ingeniosa gula est siculo scaurus aequore mersus Ad mensam vivus deducitur▪ inde Lucrinis Eruta littoribus vendunt conchylia coenis Vt renovent per damna famem; jam phasidos vnda Orbata est avibus, muto{que} in littore tantum Solae desertis aspirant frondibus aurae.

The throat is witty, thence the Guilthead that doth cliue Sicilian sea is brought vnto the board aliue. Shelfish they sell that in the lake of Lucrin grew To sup on, by their losse their hunger to renew. The bankes of Phasis now are dumbe, the birds are gone, And on forsaken boughs now breathes the wind alone.

And least we should thinke that he speakes Poetically and hyperbolically, the graue Seneca in his sober and sad manner goes beyond it. Non est ne∣cesse * 1.298 omne perscrutari profundum, nec strage animalium ventrem onerare, nec conchylia vltimi maris ex ignoto littore eruere, Dij istos Deaeque perdant quo∣rum luxuria tam invidiosi imperij sines transcendit, ultra phasin capi volunt

quod ambitiosam popinam instruat, nec piget à Parthis à quibus nondum poenas repetivimus, aves petere, vndi{que} convehunt omnia vota fastidienti gulae quod dissolutus delicijs stomachus vix admittat ab vltimo portatur Oceano. There is no necessity of searching the deepe, nor of filling our bellies with the slaughter of beasts, nor of dragging shell-fish of the most remote seas & the vnknowne shore: The Gods & Goddesses plague them, whose lu∣xury cannot bound it selfe within the lists of so large & so much envied an Empire: It must be taken beyond the river Phasis, which should serue the provision of their ambitious kitchin, neither are they ashamed to borrow birdes from the Parthians, vpon whom they haue not yet taken revenge, from all places they hunc after that which they long for to sa∣tisfie their yawning appetite; nay they fetch that from the farthest part of the Ocean, which their stomacke weakened with delicacies, will hardly admit. And a while after, ô miserabiles quorum palatum nisi ad pretiosos cibos non excitantur, pretiosos autem non eximius sapor aut aliqua faucium dulcedo, sed raritas & diffi•…•…ultas parandi facit. O wretched men, whose pallates are not stirred but with pretious meates, specially when that which makes them pretious is not any singular rellish or excellent, sauour they haue, but onely their scarcitie and difficulty of procuring them.

And heerein Latinus Pacatus in his Panygeri ke a•…•…cords well with Sene∣ca, if he goe not a straine beyond him; Ho•…•…um gulae angustus erat orbis no∣ster, nam{que} appositas dapes non sapore sed sumptu aestimantes, illis demum cibis acquiescebant, quos extremus Oriens aut positus extra Romanum Colchus Im∣perium, aut famosa naufragijs maria misissent: This our world was too narrow for their throates: for not valuing their Cates by their tast but by their cost, they rested content only with that provision which they got from the vttermost parts of the East, or Colchus seated beyond the Romane Empire, or seas infamous with shipwrackes.

—Magis illa placent quae pluris emuntur. * 1.299 That pleaseth most Which dearest cost.

SECT. 4. Of the sumptuous provision of two platters furnished out, the one by Vitellius, the other by Aesope the Tragae∣dian, as also of the horrible excesse of Ca∣ligula and Heliogabalus.

THese dainties wee may partly guesse at by the furnirure of two famous platters, the one of Vitellius, which for the huge bignesse * 1.300 thereof, he was wont to call Minerva's buckler, in this he blen∣ded together the liuers of guiltheads, the braines of fesants and pea∣cockes, the tongues of Phaenicopters, & the melts of Lampres brought from the Spanish & Carpathean Seas, by the Masters of shippes and Gal∣lies. The other of Aesope the Tragaedian, which he furnished out with * 1.301 the rarest singing birds, or such as imitated mans voyce; they cost him

six thousand Sesterces a peece, and the whole platter six hundred thou∣sand: Nulla alia inductus voluptate nisi vt in his imitationem hominis man∣deret, * 1.302 induced herevnto by none other pleasure, sayth Pliny, but that thereby he might eate the imitation of mankind, or perhaps imitatione hominem, mankind by imitation.

To these may be added the horrible excesse of Caligula & Heliogaba∣lus, the former of which, videtur natura edidisse vt ostenderet quid summa * 1.303 vitia in summa fortuna possent, whom nature seemes to haue brought forth, to shew what effects the greatest vices joyned with the greatest fortune could produce. This man, saith Suetonius, nepotinis sumptibus omnium prodigorum ingenia svperavit, in thristles expences exceeded the * 1.304 wits of all the prodigalls that ever were, commentus porten•…•…osissima gene∣ra ciborum at{que} caenarum, inventing most monstrous kindes of meates & suppers, the most orient pearles that were to be gotten, he dissolved in vineger and swallowed downe, and set before his guests bread & victu∣als of gold, aut frugi hominem esse oportere dictitans, aut Caesarem, common∣ly saying, that a man neede bee thrifty or Caesar; yet notwithstanding, saith Seneca, being assisted with the inventions of all his companions, he * 1.305 could hardly finde the meanes to spend the tribute of the Provinces at one supper. Which I wonder Seneca should affirme, considering he pra∣ctised the dissolving & swallowing of pearles.

Now for Heliogabalus, Lampridius thus begins his story. Vitam He∣liogabali Antonini impurissimam nunquam in literas as misissem, ne quis fuisse Romanorum Pricipem sciret, nisi ante Caligulas, & Nerones, & Vitellios Vitellios i∣dem h•…•…uisset Imperium: The most beastly life of Heliogabalus Anto•…•…inus I would neuer haue committed vnto writing, that it might not haue bin knowne, that ever there was such an Emperour of the Romanes, vnlesse Caligula, & Nero, & Vitellius had before sate in the same throne. Of him then, besides his other most abominable filthinesse, he reports for his excesse in diet, that at one supper he caused to be served in the heads of six hundred Ostriches, only for the eating of their braines, being neere the sea, he neuer tasted fish but in places farthest distant from the sea, all his diet was vpon fish: And in the In-land he fed the countrey clownes with the melts of lampres & pikes. To be briefe, coenas & Vitellij & A∣picij vicit, he exceeded the suppers both of Vitellius & Apicius.

SECT. 5. Of the excessiue luxurie of more ancient times.

WHAT should I speake of more ancient times, of the Dicta∣tor Caesar, who borrowed of Hirrius six thousand lampres by weight, for the furnishing out of a triumphall supper, and by * 1.306 weight to be repaid againe; and if such were his store of lampres, what shall we conceiue of his other provision. Of Fabius Gurges, so called for devouring his patrimonie thorow his throate. Of Metellus Pius, * 1.307 who made suppers vltra Romanorum ac mortalium etiam morem, not only beyond the custome of the Romanes, but of mankind. Of Metellus * 1.308

Pontifex, of whom Macrobius having specified the dainties served in at his table in all kindes, concludes, Vbi iam lux•…•…ria tunc accusaretur quando tot rebus farta fuit coena Pontificum? who should then accuse luxurie when the table of the high Priest was furnished with such varietie of rarities? Of Hortensius, who vsually watered, if I may so speake, his plane trees with wine, in somuch, that one day being to plead in a cause, wherein Cicero was likewise retained, he sollicited him to chaunge turnes with him, that so he might returne the sooner to his country farme, to powre wine on his planes with his owne hand; and so curious he was about his fish-ponds, that the same Cicero some-where calls Phillip & him, Pis∣cenarios, pond-men or fish-mongers, & so charie withall of his fish, that sooner should you get by his good will, ex equili rhedarias mulas quàm ex piscina barbatum mullum, his coach mules out of his stable then one bar∣ble * 1.309 out of his pondes: yet was a mule sold sometimes for the price of an house.

—Pluris mula est quam domus empta tibi. * 1.310 More for a mule then for a house thou pai'st.

Of Asinius Celer, who laid downe for one mullet six thousand Sester∣ces, as Tertullian, seaven thousand, as Macrobius, eight thousand, as Pli∣ny, * 1.311 In qua re luxuriam illius seculi eo magis licet aestimare; saith Macrobius, quod Plinius secundus temporibus suis negat fa•…•…ile mullum repertum qui duas pondo libras excederet, at nunc & maioris ponderis passim videmus, & pretia haec insana nescimus: wherein we may the sooner guesse at the luxury of that age, in asmuch as Plinius Secundus affirmes that in his time, 'twas hard to finde a mullet of aboue two pound weight, whereas now wee haue them every where of a greater quantity, and yet are not acquain∣ted with those madde prices. Of Lucullus a great states-man, whom Tully & Pompey meeting by chaunce in the market place, out of a desire they had to know what his daily faire might be, invited themselues to suppe with him that night, but vpon condition, he should giue no war∣ning thereof, for that they desired not to put him to charge: He began at first to put them off with excuses for that time, wishing them rather to agree on the next day; but they importuning him for the present, he demaunded of them, whether or no they would then suffer him to giue order in what roome they should sup; that they permitted: wherevpon he presently dispatches away a message in their hearing, that he would that night suppe in Apollo; within a while they follow after, and finde all things ready in a pompous and princely manner, but knew not the true arrow_back reason arrow_forward , all the cunning lying in the word Apollo: For he had so disposed of his roomes, that being distinguished by names, their pro∣vision & charge when he sate in them was accordingly allotted to thē; by which meanes his steward and cooke, as soone as they heard the roome named, knew presently what to provide. Now among the rest, that which bore the name of Apollo was chiefest, the summe alotted therevnto, being, as witnesseth Plutarch, Quinquaginta millia drachma∣rum, which Budaeus •…•…asts vp to 5000 Crownes, and addes withall, hu∣jusmodi * 1.312 multa à Plutarcho referuntur fidem omnino excedentia, si ex presenti seculo aestimentur: Many such things are reported by Plutarch, which if

they should be valued by the scantling of our present times, would seeme altogether incredible. Of Sergius Aurata or Orata, who bor∣rowed his name from a fish so called, because he loued it most; the first * 1.313 he was that adjudged the price to the Lucrine oysters for tast. Of Li∣cinius Crassus, who, as witnesseth Cicero, being held a graue & stayd man, and most eminent among the citizens of the best ranke & note, mourned in blacke for a Lamprey which died in a pond adjoyning to his house, as it had beene for his daughter; and therevpon was after∣ward commonly called Licinius Murena. Or lastly, of Octavius, Admi∣rall of the Navy, who finding that the Scarus was not to be had in the * 1.314 Italian Seas, dispersed an incredible multitude of them, being brought thither in shippes, betweene Hostia & Campania, miro{que} ac novo exemplo pisces in mari, tanquam in terra fruges aliquas seminavit; by a strange and new example sowed fishes in the sea, as it had beene corne in the field: And the same man, tanquam s•…•…mma in hoc vtilitatis publicae verteretur, as if herein had consisted the well-fare and chiefe happines of the state for fiue yeares imployed his vtmost endeavours, that if among other fishes any fisher-man by chaunce lighted vpon a Scarus, hee should a∣gaine restore him to the sea safe & sound. Belike this was the same Octavius, of whom Seneca relates this pleasant stroy: Mullum ingentis formae, (quare autem non pondus adijcto & aliorum gulam irrito? quatuor * 1.315 pondo & ad Selibram fuisse aie•…•…ant) Tiberius Caesar missum sibi cum in ma∣cellum deferri & venire iussisset, amici inquit omnia me fallunt, nisi istum mullum aut Apicius emerit aut Publius Octavius. Vltra spem illi conie∣ctura processit, licitati sunt, vicit Octavius & ingentem consequutus est inter suos gloriam, quum quin{que} millibus HS emisset piscem quem Caesar vendiderat, ne Api ius quidem emerat. Tiber. Caes being presented with a goodly mul∣let of a vast quantity (but why doe I not adde his weight, that so I may provoke the appetite of others? he was sayd to weigh foure pounds & halfe) sent it presently to the market there to be sold; and my friends, quoth he, I am much mistaken, if either Apicius or Publius Octavius buy him not: It fell out beyond expectation; they both cheapned it, but Octavius carried it away, and thereby got him wonderfull applause among his companions, that he had with fiue thousand sesterces bought a fish which the Emperour sold, and Apicius durst not buy. For mine owne part I cannot tell, whether I should more wonder at the base par∣cimony of Tiberius, or the riotous prodigality of Octavius, that the one being an Emperour should send a fish which was given him for a pre∣sent, to the market to be sold; or the other, being but a private man, should buy it at such a rate, Yet it should seeme by the Satyrist, this price was not so rare, but others outvied it.

—Mullum sex millibus emit, * 1.316 Aequantem sane paribus sestertia libris. He for a mullet did six thousand pay, Which equall pounds did with those thousands weigh.

By which proportion it seemes, they equalled a thousand Sesterces to a pound of fish.

SECT. 6. Of their wonderfull nicenesse in the strangenesse, weight, and newnesse of their fishes, as also of diverse other their strange curiosities about them, and of the vastnesse of their fishponds, and great store of fishes in them.

ANd no marveile since those fishes among them were in greatest request which were brought from remote Seas, their own being in a manner drawne dry,

Mullus erit dominae quem misit Corsica, vel quem * 1.317 Tauromenetanae rupes quando òmne per actum est, Et jam defecit nostrum mare.

That's th'only Mullet which from Corsica is sent, Or from Sicilian rocks, for all our Sea is spent, And altogether failes.

And of the Lampry to like purpose in the same Satyre.

Virroni murena datur quae maxima ve•…•…t Gurgite de Siculo. A Lamprey one on Virto did bestow, The greatest that Si•…•…ilian gulf•…•… did know.

Of their weight they were so curious and observant, that they had them weighed many times at their very tables in the presence of their guests, many standing by and noting it in their table bookes, as witnesseth Am∣mianus Marcelli•…•…us. Poscuntur etiam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aliquoties trutinae ut apposi∣ti pisces & volucres ponderentur, & glires quorū magnitudo saepius delicata non * 1.318 sine tedio praesentium vt antehac invsi•…•…ata laudatur assiduè, maximè cum haec eadem numerantes notarij prope triginta adsistant, cum thecis & pugillaribus. The ballances are sometimes sent for in the middest of their feasts, that the fishes which are set before them, & the birds, & the reare-mice may be weighed, whose excessiue greatnes not without tediousnesse to some present, as being a thing heretofore vnvsuall, is dayly magnified and ex∣tolled, specially when almost thirty Notaries standing by, set downe the exact weight in their table-bookes. To which custome the Poe•…•… alludes.

—Laudas insane trelibrem Mullum. * 1.319 A Mullet thou doest praise Mad man that three pound waighs.

And as the weight much commended their fish & inhanced their price, so did the newnesse & freshnesse thereof: they being come to such a nicenesse & delicacy at last that parum videtur recens mullus nisi qui in * 1.320 convivae manu moreretur, that mullet seemed not new enough which di∣ed not in the guests hand. To this purpose they brought them aliue in glassen bottles filled with water, into the roomes where they sate: in cubile natant pisces, & sub ipsa mensa capitur, qui statim transferatur in men∣sam,

our fishes swimme in our chambers, and that very fish is taken vp vnder our board which is instantly serued in, to our board They took a marveilous delight to see their mullets change colour whiles they were expiring, Mullum expirantem versicolore quadam & numerosa varietate spe∣ctari * 1.321 proceres gulae narrant: The headmen and peeres of Luxury affirme that the mullet when he lies a dying shewes himselfe in many and those very various and changeable colours. But Seneca hereupon cannot hold but desires leaue to leaue his matter a while, and to lash these gluttons. Permitte mihi quaestione sepositâ castigare luxuriam: and then goes on. Quo * 1.322 pervenêre deliciae? & pro putrido jam piscis affertur qui non hodie eductus, ho∣die occisus est; nescio de re magna tibi credere, ipse oportet mihi credam huc af∣feratur, coram me animam agat; ad hunc fastum pervenere ventres delicato∣rum, vt gustare non possint piscem nisi quem in ipso convivio natantem, palpi∣tantemque viderint, To what passe is our daintinesse now come? it is held for a stinking fish which is not that very day drawne out of the water & kild: I cannot trust thee in a matter of so great moment, bring him hither that he may expire in my presence: to such an highth are our belly-gods come, that they cannot taste the fish vnlesse they see him in the very feast swimming and panting. And to this end, saith he, cursu advehitur & gerulis cum anhelitu & clamore properantibus datur via, he is brought in in a posting speed, and way is giuen to the Porters making haste with panting and out-cryes. His conclusion is, non tempe∣ro mihi quin vtar interdum temerariis verbis, & proprietatis modum exce∣dam: non sunt ad popinam dentibus & ventre, & ore contenti, oculis quo{que} gu∣losi sunt. I cannot refraine but that sometimes I must vse vnadvised and improper words, they are not content to play the gluttons with their jawes and belly, and mouth, but they must doe it with their eyes too. And Meursius herevpon inferres, Quae malum hae deliciae? vix credamus * 1.323 nisi ab ipsis authoribus haberemus, quorum fidem hic negare sit piaculum. What a mischiefe, what a nicenesse is this? we should not beleeue it, but that we haue it from those authors whose credit once to question were a kinde of impiety. Yet that Sammonicus Severus writes to Severus the * 1.324 Emperour touching the serving in of the Acipenser or Sturgeon is mee thinkes a degree beyond all that hath beene yet spoken, it therein ap∣pearing that indeed they made their belly their God. Dignatione vestra * 1.325 cum intersum convivio sacro animadverto hunc piscem à coronatis ministris à Tibicine introferri. When your sacred Majesty is pleased to admit me to your feast, I obserue that this fish is euer serued in with musicke: the wayters that beare him wearing garlands or chaplets on their heads. Wherevpon Macrobius makes this Comment, Quasi quada•…•… non delicia∣rum sed numinis pompa, as it had beene not for delight, but for devotion to some divine power.

Since then they were thus curious in the choice of their fish, wee need not much marveile at him in Iuvenal, who

—Circaeis nata forent an * 1.326 Lucrinum ad saxum Rutipinove edita fund•…•… Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsu Et semel aspecti littus dicebat Echini.

No sooner did he taste an Oister, but he knew Whether it from Circes towne, or Lucrin lake they drew, Or from Richborow deepe; and Lobsters also he, What shore them bred can tell when first he doth them see.

But rather that of Martiall touching the Lampryes in Domitians fish∣ponds * 1.327 at Baiae.

Piscator fuge ne nocens recedas Sacris piscibus hae natantur vndae, Qui norunt Dominum, manum{que} lambunt Illam qua nihil est in orbe majus. Quid quod nomen habent & ad Magistri Vocem quis{que} sui venit citatus.

Angler wouldst thou be guiltlesse? then forbeare, For they are sacred fishes which swimme heere, Who know their Soveraigne and will lick his hand, Then which none's greater in the worlds command: Nay more th'haue names, and when they called are, Doe to their severall owners call repaire.

Which latter part is confirmed by Pliny, Spectantur & in piscinis Caesaris * 1.328 genera piscium ad nomen venire, quosdam{que} singulos. In the Emperours fish∣ponds are seene a kinde of fishes which come at the calling of them by their names, and that particular and single ones. And of Antonia the wife of Drusus he reports, that at Baulos she hung jewels as it had beene * 1.329 eare-rings in the gilds of a Lamprey which she loued; and that Horten∣sius the Oratour was seene to shed teares for the death of one whom he dearely affected.

These kinde of fish-ponds for the keeping of Lamp•…•…eyes besides the Emperour diverse private men had, and that so large as is almost incre∣dible what is reported of them, were it not written by Authors of good credit. The same Hirrius whom we mentioned before, receiued for the yearely rents of his buildings raised about his fish-ponds, as witnes∣seth Varro, twelue thousand Sesterces; All which hee disbursed * 1.330 againe in the feeding of his fishes: his farme he sold, and specially in regard of his fish-ponds for foure hundred thousand Sesterces. And Cato (as writeth the same Author, being Guardian to Lucullus, sold out * 1.331 of his fishponds so much fish as hee receiued for it fourty thousand Se∣sterces. But Columella making report heereof out of Varro, whether * 1.332 vpon a mistake or no I know not, makes t•…•…e summe ten times as much: his words are, attamen ijsdem temporibus quibus hanc memorabat Varro lu∣xuriem maxima laudabatur severitas Catonis, qui nihilominus & ipse tutor Luculli grandi aere sestertium quadringentorum millium piscinas pupilli sui venditabat. In those very times in which Varro mentions this Luxury, the severity of Cato was highly commended; yet he being guardian to Lucullus, sold his Wards fishponds for a great summe of foure hundred thousand Sesterces; the difference is great betweene Varro and Colu∣mella, but it should seeme, the one speakes of the fish alone, and th•…•… o∣ther of the fishponds with it. Howsoeuer the summe was doubtlesse very great, which argued their great store of fish, and yet their prices

being so great withall, it must needes argue that their Luxury was vni∣versall, and greater then either their prices or store.

SECT. 7. Of their excessiue gluttony in foule as well as in fish, together with their luxurious appurtenances to their solemne feasts, as also that their gluttony rose with their Empire, and againe fell with it.

NOw as their Luxurie shewed it selfe chiefly in their fish, so like∣wise did it in birds, though not happily so much, yet foule e∣nough to discouer their insatiable appetites: Gellius to this * 1.333 purpose alleageth a notable passage out of a set speech of Favorinus, an ancient Orator, which he vsed in reproach of their luxurious suppers, when he perswaded the Licinian Law for the cutting off of superfluous charge that way, which is the more remarkeable, because in those times. Praefecti popinae at{que} luxuriae negant coenam lautam esse, nisi quum li∣bentissime edis, tum auferatur, & alia esca melior at{que} amplior succenturietur. is nunc flos coenae habetur inter istos, quibus sumptus & fastidium pro facetijs procedit: qui negant vllam avem praeter ficedulam totam comesse oportere: caeterarum avium at{que} altilium, nisi tantum apponatur vt à cluniculis inferio∣ri parte saturi fiant, convivium putant inopia sordere: superiorem partem avi∣um at{que} altilium qui edint eos palatum non habere. The masters of the Art of Cookerie and Luxurie deny it to be a rich supper, vnlesse that meate which you feed vpon with a good stomack be taken off, and more dain∣ty and full dishes be mustered in place thereof. That is now held the flowre of delicacle, when in steed of merriment, costlinesse euen to loathing is substituted: they deny that any bird is to be eaten whole but onely the * gnat-snapper, & except such a quantity of other birds and * 1.334 fatted foule be serued in, and set on, as a man may glut himselfe only with the hinder part of them, they hold it but a poore feast: and such as taste the fore-part, they censure as hauing no palate. The fowle which they specially hunted after and most delighted in, were Phoe∣nicopters, Peacockes, Thrushes and Pigeons. For the first of these I know not what kinde of bird it was, but Martial thus describes it.

Dat mihi penna rubens nomen sed lingua gulosis * 1.335 Nostra sapit, Quid si garrula lingua foret? Red wings gaue me my name, my tongue's a dainty cate, To gluttons: would be more if that my tongue could prate.

Their peacockes grew in greatest request in Varroes time, De pavonibus no∣stra * 1.336 memoria greges habere caepti, & vaenire magno, ex ijs Aufidius supra sexa∣gena millia nummum in anno dicitur capere: Flockes of peacockes began to be kept in our time, and to be held at high rates, Aufidius is sayd to receiue yearely for these birds sixty thousand Sesterces; their bodies being commonly sold for fifty, and their egges for fiue pence a peece.

What reckoning they made of their thrushes in part appeares by that of Martiall.

Inter aves turdus si quid me judice certum est * 1.337 Inter quadrupedes mattea prima lepus. 'Mongst birds the thrush, 'mongst beasts the hare, In my conceite the choisest are.

Of thrushes they had marvellous great abundance, and yet were they very deare; both which, we haue testified by Varro vpon his owne * 1.338 knowledge. In this farme alone, saith he, which is ordained for an O∣rnithon or the keeping of birdes, Quin{que} millia scio venisse turdorum de∣narijs ternis vt sexaginta millia ea pars reddiderit eo anno villae; I know to haue beene sold fiue thousand thrushes for three pence a peece, so as that commodity alone brought in that yeare three score thousand Se∣sterces. And no marveill, since the places in which these were kept, were, as writeth the same Authour, as large as the whole mannor house it selfe. Now for Pigeons, a paire were commonly sold for two hun∣dred Sesterces, if they were faire, for a thousand. And Lucius Accius hauing it seemes some excellent breed, would not sell them vnder foure hundred pence the paire; and this in Varro's age, which was more se∣vere. * 1.339 But afterwards in Columella's time they were held at foure thou∣sand Sesterces, his words are worth the noting, Pretijs earum domini complent arcam, sicut eximius Author Marcus Varro nobis affirmat, qui prodidit, etiam severioribus suis temporibus paria singula [Columbarum] mil∣libus singulis Sestertiorum solita vaenire, nam nostri pudet seculi, (si credere volumus,) inveniri qui quaternis millibus nummûm binas aves mercantur. The owners of them fill their chests with the money which they re∣ceiue for them; as that renowned Authour Marcus Varro affirmes, who witnesseth that even in his times, which were more severe, a paire of pigeons were vsually sold for a thousand Sesterces: For, of the age in which we liue, I cannot speake without blushing, some being found therein (if it be not a matter beyond beleife) who haue laid downe for two of those birds foure thousand sesterces. Yet were they not con∣tent with these store-houses at home, but mustered in the provinces a∣broad whole cohorts of fowlers & hunters to bring them in provision; as Latinus Pacatus hath elegantly expressed it. Vt taceam infami saepe de∣lectu scriptos inprovincijs aucupes ductas{que} sub signis venatorum cohortes mi∣litasse conviuiis. Not to speake of their infamous leavying of fowlers mu∣stered within the Provinces, and whole bands of hunters marching vn∣der severall colours; the end of whose warres, was, to make worke for their feasts: In which, their curiositie likewise about their very bread was such, that the number of them was not the least, saith Gellius in his 15 booke, cap. 19. To whom that of M. Varro in his Satyre, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 might not vnfitly be applied, si quantum operae sumsi•…•…i vt tuus pistor bo∣num faceret panem eius duodecimam philosophiae dedisses, bonus iampridem es∣ses factus, nunc illum qui norunt volunt emere millibus centum, te qui novit nemo centussi: If thou hadst bestowed but the tweft part of that paines in the studie of Philosophie, which thou hast that thy Baker might make thee good bread, thou thy selfe mightest long since haue

beene made good; whereas now they that know him, will be content to lay down for him fiue hundred pounds, but for thee, such as know thee scarce one hundred pence.

Now if I should herevnto adde the appurtenances to these feasts, as their infinite variety of sawces, whereof Seneca, inventae sunt mille condi∣turae * 1.340 quibus aviditas excitaretur, a thousand kinde of sawces are found out for the stirring vp of the appetite; their bathings & annointings be∣fore their feasts, their perfumes & sweet odours in diverse kinds at their feasts; Cr•…•…o sparsa humus, the very floore was strowed over with saffron: the changing of their apparell, as also the roofe of the roome where * 1.341 they sate, with some new device in it at the bringing in of every several course. And lastly, of their damnable practice after their feast ended, not fit to be named among Christians, I should tire both my s•…•…lfe, & the Reader, and some of these I shall perchaunce haue fitter occasion to speake of, when I come to treate of their luxury in buildings and in appa∣rell.

And though it be true in the condition of the state, as in the course of private men.

Nemo repente fit turpissimus.

No man ever arriued to the heighth of villany at first dash, yet when their Empire was at the height, their riches & fulnesse bred such exces∣siue luxurie, as is scarcely matchable in all respects in any nation at any time: But doubtles as farre beyond all that latter ages haue afforded as was the vast extent of their dominions. Neere about the second Punike warre they were come to that passe, that Cato the Censor openly complained, non posse salvam esse vrbem in qua piscis pluris quam bos vaeni∣ret, that it could not goe well with that city, in which a fish was sold for more then an oxe. But in Tiberius his time it was come to another passe, when one fish was valued at the price of aboue tenne oxen, Tres mullos triginta millibus nummûm vaenisse graviter conquestus est, saith Sue∣tonius * 1.342 of that Emperour: He greivously complained that three mullets were sold for thirty thousand Sesterces, which is two thousand Sester∣ces vpon a fish beyond any yet spoken of; which I wonder was forgot∣ten by Pliny in that place where he purposely mentions the excessiue prices of fishes: But as their Empire declined so did their luxury, as we * 1.343 haue heard before out of Macrobius and Latinus Pacatus; by which it appeares that Vices haue their rising, their raigning, and their falling, as all other things haue: As their fewell increaseth, so doe their flame: but that once failing they are soone extinguished.

SECT. 8. That their riot did not only shew it selfe in the delicious choyce of their fare, but in their voracity and gur∣mandizing, in regard of the quantity some of them devoured at a meale.

NEither did their excessiue luxurie shew it selfe only in the delici∣ous choyce of their fare, but there were among them, who like∣wise strangely exceeded in voracity & gurmandizing, in regard of the quantity and weight thereof. Maximinus the Emperour devou∣red many times in one day quadraginta libras carnis, vt autem Cordus di∣cit, * 1.344 etiam sexaginta: forty pounds of flesh, or as Cordus hath it, Sixty. Clodius Albinus another Emperour, did eate somuch, quantum ratio hu∣mana non patitur, as humane arrow_back reason arrow_forward cannot well comprehend it: Nam & quingentas ficus passarias quas Graeci Callistruthias vocant jeiunum come∣disse * 1.345 Cordus dicit, & centum Persica Campana, & melones ostienses decem, & vuarum Lavicarum pondo viginti, & ficedulas centum, & ostrea quadragin∣ta: In the morning fasting, he dispatched fiue hundred dried figges, as writeth Cordus, & an hundred peaches of Campania, and tenne melones of Ostia, and twenty pound weight of grapes of Lavica, besides an hun∣dred * 1.346 gnat-gnappers, & forty oysters.

Dij talem terris avertite pestem, God from such monsters vs defend.

But Phago, in whom Aurelian tooke singular delight for his wonder∣full eating, surpassed in my mind both the former, ridding at one meale in the Emperours presence, aprum integrum, centum panes, vervecem & porcellum, a whole bore, an hundred loaues, a weather, & a young pig: * 1.347 and it should seeme, that this serving in of whole bores was a thing not vnvsuall, even when they sate alone & in private.

—Quis feret istas Luxuriae sordes? quanta est gula quae sibi totos * 1.348 Ponit apros, animal propter convivia natum.

This filthy luxury who can endure? how great a beast Is that same gut, which would whole bores Ordained for feasts) to be before him set.

And the other Satyrist to like purpose.

Rancidum aprum antiqui laudabant, non quia nasus Illis nullus erat: sed, credo, hac mente, quòd hospes * 1.349 Tardiùs adveniens, vitiatum commodiùs, quam Integrum edax dominus consumeret.

Our Ancestours well lik't a rancid boare, not that They had no nose, but (as I thinke) if guests came late, 'Twas thought much fitter they should eate a tainted one, Then the feasts founder should devour one all alone.

Mark Anthony, saith Plutarch, having but twelue guests provided eight boares, one set to the fire after another, that whensoever he came in,

sooner or latter, one at least might come in prime. Nay Caranus, saith A∣thenaeus, set before every guest a boare in a severall dish.

Now I haue beene long, I confesse, in this point, but their infinite va∣nity & extreame madnesse therein hath made me so, the rather for that this excesse is commonly brought as a arrow_back reason arrow_forward of the generall decrease of mankind now a dayes, aswell in strength & stature, as age & durati∣on: And though it be true, that we exceed this way too much, wasting that in superfluous and riotous pampering of our bodies, which would be farre better bestowed on such as want necessaries; yet it is as true, that they as farre exceeded vs this way, as we come short of them in ri∣ches & dominion: And yet I doubt, much of that which hath beene spoken, will hardly be beleeued, though I haue alleadged their owne Authous, and for the most part in their owne words, thereby to adde the greater weight, and procure the greater credit therevnto. Nam vetera nunc ferè hoc fatum habent, vt etsi vera, vix videantur, an sui magni∣tudine, an nostra declinatione, sayth a great Antiquarie, speaking of this * 1.350 very thing: These ancient records are for the most part subject to this destiny, that although they be true, yet they seeme not so, either tho∣row their owne excesse, or our comming so farre short of them: But I hope I shall prepare a way to an easier beleife of that which is past, by that which is now to follow, touching their luxurie in building & appa∣r•…•…ll, and other prodigall expences every way sutable to their luxurie in diet, if not exceeding it.

CAP. 8. Of the Romanes excessiue luxurie in building.

SECT. 1. Of their excesse in the great variety of their farre fetcht and deare bought marble.

THe chiefest materialls of building, in which the Romanes most generally exceeded, was the great variety of their farre fetcht & deere bought Marble: of which Pliny, as being himselfe an eye∣witnesse speakes so feelingly, and yet withall so wittily, that he best de∣serues to be heard: Though I professe to make choyce of his words, as they lie heere & there, and sute best with the present purpose.

It now remaines, (saith he) to write of the nature of stones, that is to say, the principall point of all enormous abuses, and the very height of wast∣full superfluities. For all things else which we haue handled hereto∣fore even to this booke, may seeme in some sort to haue beene made for man, But as for Mountaines, Nature hath framed them for her own selfe, partly to strengthen, as it were certaine ioints within the veines & bowels of the earth, partly to tame the violence of great rivers, and to breake the force of surging waues & inundations of the sea. And yet notwithstanding for our wanton pleasures, and nothing else wee

cut & hew, we loade and carry away those huge hills and inaccessible rockes, which otherwise to passe only over, was thought a wonder. Our Ancestours in time past, reputed it a miracle, & in a manner pro∣digious, that first Hanniball and afterwards the Cimbrians surmounted the Alpes: But now even the same mountaines we pierce through with pickaxe & mattocke, for to get out thereof an hundred sortes of mar∣ble; we cleaue the Capes and Promontories, we lay them open for the sea to let it in; downe we goe with their heads, as if we would lay the whole world even, and make all levell. The mighty mountaines, set as limits to bound the frontiers of diverse countreyes, and to sepe∣rate one nation from another, those we transport and carry from their natiue seate: Ships we build of purpose for to fraught with marble: the cliffes & toppes of high hills they carry to and fro amid the waues & billowes of the sea. Now let every man thinke with himselfe what ex∣cessiue prices of these stones he shall heare anon, and what monstrous peeces and masses he seeth drawne & carried both by land and sea, & then let him consider withall how much more faire & happy a life ma∣ny a man should haue without all this, and how many cannot choose but die for it, whensoever they goe about to doe, or if I should speake more truly, to suffer this enterprise. Also for what vse else or pleasure rather, but only that they might lie in beds & chambers of stones, that forsooth are spotted, as if they never regarded how the darkenesse of the night bereaveth the one halfe of each mans life of those delights & joyes.

SECT. 2. Of their excessiue sumptuousnesse in their temporary or transeunt buildings, made only for pastime to last but for a short time.

NOw their buildings were either private or publique: and the pub∣lique again, either meerly for pleasure or for vse: such were their places for civill assemblies, their bridges, their Aqueducks, their draughts vnder ground, their market places & high wayes; & these, though respectiuely to their severall ends they were very sumptuous, yet be∣cause they were for publique vse, I will not touch, but will only insist vpon their excessiue snperfluity, cast away vpon those which were on∣ly for publique pleasure, or the vaine delight of private men. Among those that were destined to none other end, but game & pastime, their Theaters & Amphitheaters first present themselues to our view, and a∣mong these, the renowned Theater of Scaurus. This Scaurus, saith Pliny, when he was Aedile, caused a wonderfull peece of worke to be made, * 1.351 and exceeding all that ever haue beene known wrought by mans hand, not only those that haue beene erected for a moneth, or such a thing, but even those that haue beene destined for perpetuity, and a Theatre it was: The stage had three lofts one aboue another, wherein were 360 columnes of marble; the base or nethermost part of the stage was all of

Marble, the middle of glasse (an excessiue superfluity, neuer heard of before or after) as for the vppermost, the boards, planks & floores were gilded; the columnes beneath were 40 foot high wanting twaine: and betweene these columnes there stood of statues & images in brasse to the number of 3000. The Theater it selfe was able to receiue 80000 persons to sit well and at ease. As touching the other furniture of this Theater of Scaurus in rich hangings which were cloth of gold, painted tables the most exquisite that could bee found, Players apparell, and o∣ther stuffe meet to adorne the stage, there was such abundance thereof, that there being carried back to his house of pleasure at Tusculum the surplusage thereof, (ouer and aboue the daintiest part whereof hee had dayly vse at Rome) his servants and slaues there, vpon indignation for this waste and monstrous superfluities of their Master, set the said coun∣trey house on fire, and burnt as much as came to an hundred millions of Sesterces. Yet was this magnificent peece of building, by the testimo∣ny of the same Pliny but Temporarium Theatrum, a Theater set vp but for a short time: And in another place, vix vno mense futurum in vsu, * 1.352 scarce to indure for a moneth.

Such a kinde of worke was Caligula his bridge, novum & inauditum * 1.353 spectaculi genus, a new and vnheard of kinde of shew: It reached from Putzoll to Bauly three miles and a quarter: Hee built it vpon ships in a few dayes, and in emulation of Xerxes, ouer this hee marched with the Senate and the Souldierie in a triumphant manner, and in the view of the people, vpon this he feasted and passed the night in dalliance and gaming: but like Ionas his gourd, it was suddenly vp, and suddenly downe, Immensum opus perpendenti, sed cui laudem vanitas detrahit; nam * 1.354 quo fine structum nisi vt destrueretur? a marveilous great worke indeed, but such as the vanity thereof depriued it of commendation, for to what end was it raised but to be demolished: thus sported he, saith Se∣neca, * 1.355 with the power of the Empire, and all in imitation furiosi & externi, & infoeliciter superbi regis, of a forraine, frentique, and vnluckie proud King. Of like nature were those buildings set vp by the commaund of Caracalla, (whom we may not vnfitly or vnjustly call another Caligu∣la) Vbicun{que} hyematurus erat aut etiam putabatur hyematurus, cogebantur * 1.356 amphitheatra & circos struere, et ea ipsa mox diruenda, wheresoeuer hee wintred, or but intended to winter, they were constrained to e∣rect Amphitheaters and Cirkes for publique games, and those within a while to bee taken downe againe: So as vpon the matter they were put to that excessiue charge onely for the imaginary vse of one man.

SEC. 3. Of their infinite expence in their permanent Amphithea∣ters, and the appurtenances belonging thereunto, namely their Curtaines and Arena.

BVt I passe by these transeunt buildings, and come to their perma∣nent, among which the Amphitheater began by Vespasian, but fini∣shed and dedicated by Titus was one of the most famous, Cujus summitatem aegrè visio humana conscendit; the height whereof was such, * 1.357 that the eye of man could hardly reach it. It was reared saith Cassio∣dore; divitiarum profuso flumine; with rivers of treasure powred out, it contained onely vpon the steps or degrees sufficient, and easie seates for eighty seuen thousand, so as the vacant places besides might well con∣taine ten or twenty thousand more. Martiall preferres it before all the rare great workes of Rome.

Omnis Caesareo cedat labor Amphitheatro, Vnum praecunctis fama loquatur opus. To Caesars Amphitheater all other workes must vaile, To sound this one aboue them all Fames trump shall neuer faile.

And in another place hee bestowes vpon it the title of Venerable.

Hic vbi conspicui venerabilis Amphitheatri, Erigitur moles stagna Neronis erant. In that place where sometimes stood cruell Nero's ponds, That venerable peece th'Amphitheater stands.

Now as the masse of treasure was infinite which they cast away in the raising of these buildings; only to make the people sport, so was it in∣credible what they spent in the furnishing of them, and setting foorth their games therein: Quid dicendum est de ijs qui populari levitate ducti, vel magnis vrbibus suffecturas opes exhibendis muneribus impendunt? saith Lactantius: what shall we say of them who being led with popular ap∣plause, * 1.358 spend in exhibiting sword-fights, treasure enough for the buil∣ding or maintaining of great Cities? And Ambrose to like purpose, * 1.359 Magistratus in Theatris, mimis, athletis, gladiatoribus, alijs{que} hujusmodi ge∣neribus hominum totum patrimonium suum largitur & prodigit, vt vnius ho∣rae favorem vulgi acquirat. The Magistrate vpon Theatricall games, jea∣sters, wrastlers, swordplayers, & such kind of men, lavishes out his whole patrimony, and that onely to purchase the applause of the people for an houre: And surely wee may well conceiue and beleeue as much whe∣ther we consider their frequency, or their appurtenances: for the former of which Augustus alone is said to haue set foorth publique games in his owne name for himselfe foure and twenty seuerall times: And for * 1.360 other Magistrates who either were absent or wanted meanes to goe thorow with it three and twenty. Nay Titus at the dedication of his Amphitheater held them for an hundred dayes together. Now for the appurtenances I may say,

—Materiam superabat opus.

The workmanship did farre the stuffe exceed.

They were beyond the strangenesse of their buildings, their whole fur∣niture was sometimes of siluer, as that of Iulius Caesar, and C. Antonius, * 1.361 sometimes of gold, thus Nero for the ostentation of his greatnes to Te∣ridates King of Armenia couered ouer not the stage only, but the whole * 1.362 Theater with gold: All the instruments then vsed and furniture there∣of were likewise guilded, and the vaile or curtaine which hung ouer them to keepe th•…•…m from the heat of the Sunne was all of purple, im∣broadered with starres of gold, ex quo & dies ille aureus appellatus, from * 1.363 whence that was euer after called, the golden day. To these kinde of cur∣taines which were doubtlesse of very great charge, being coloured and shadowing so spacious a place doth Lucretius allude,

Et vulgo faciunt id lutea rufa{que} vela, Et ferrugina cum magnis intenta theatris Per malos vulgata trabes{que} trementia pendent: Nam{que} ibi concessum Caveai subter & omnem S•…•…nai speciem, patrum, matrum{que}, Deorum{que} Inficiunt, cogunt{que} suo fluitare colore.

So doe those curtaines yellow, russet, red, When o're the Theaters streacht out and spred, On masts and beames they trembling hang: for then The scaffolds vnderneath, and all the Scene Of Gods, of Fathers, and of Matrons graue, They with their colours die, and cause to waue.

Herevnto may be added the Arena, the place below in which their games were exhibited, so called, for that it was strowed ouer with sand for the drinking in of the bloud which was spilt vpon it, and officers they had purposely for this businesse, who in the Lawes and Writings of the Christian Doctours are tearmed Arenarij, Sanders, who as they first strowed it ouer, so betweene whiles during the same sitting, they renewed it againe, as appeares by those verses of Martial, where hee speakes of a Lyon suddenly inraged who slew two of those Sanders,

Nam duo de tenera juvenilia corpora turba, Sanguinem rastris quae renovabat humum: Saevus & infoelix furiali dente peremit, Martia non vidit majus Arena nefas.

Two youthfull bodies of that company, Which did with rakes the bloudie ground renew; With furious tooth the savage Lyon slew, A fouler deed the sand did neuer see.

This place Nero in steed of sand caused to be strowed ouer with dust of * 1.364 gold, himselfe being to try a match of Chariot-driving therein: and so did Caius Caligula, Edidit & Circenses quosdam praecipuos minio & Chryso∣colla * 1.365 constrato Circo; he set forth certaine notable games in the Circus, be∣ing strowed ouer with vermilion and dust of gold.

SECT. 4. Of their incredible expence in the •…•…iring and arming, and dieting of their sword-players, in the hunting, bringing home, feeding, and keeping of their wilde beasts, in other admirable shewes to the asto∣nishment of the beholders, in refreshing the specta∣tors with pretious and pleasant perfumes, & the like, & lastly in casting their largesse among the people, neither was this▪ the pract•…•…se of the Emperors only, but of private men.

BVt the greatest expence of all was the multitude of Fencers who were all hired for great prizes (and great arrow_back reason arrow_forward , their liues being exposed to evident hazard) besides the arming and dieting of them before they entred, and if they exhibited beasts, it is almost past credit, the relations that are made by Historians touching their number. The Emperour Probus commaunded to be let loose at once, a thousand * 1.366 Ostrichges, a thousand stagges, a thousand wilde boares, and a thousand fallow deere, besides wilde goates, wilde sheepe, and other beasts, all which he gaue ouer to the mercy, or rather the rage of the people, euery one to catch what he could▪ the Circus being set all ouer with tall and mighty trees, which by the Souldiers were taken vp by the rootes as they grew in the woodes, and there planted with greene turfe about them, and fastned with beames and yrons. The next day hee let in to the same place centum jubatos leones, one hundred maned or crested Ly∣ons▪ which with roaring filled the ayre as it had beene with thunder, one hundred Leopards of Lybia, one hundred of Syria, one hundred Lyonesses, and three hundred beares. Now if wee should cast vp the expence he was at for the hunting, for the bringing home, for the fee∣ding and keeping of all these, it is not for an ordinary reach to compre∣hend: yet stood he not alone in this kinde. Gordianus exhibited in one day an hundred wilde beasts of Lybia, and in another, one thousand beares, as Capitolinus in his life witnesseth.

And they striued as it should seeme who should outvy one another in rarity of shewes, & riotousnesse of expence, euen Titus himselfe, who in their stories is named, Deliciae generis humani, the delight or delicacy of mankinde, marveilously exceeded this way. He set forth the whole tra∣gedie of Orpheus, so that creeping rockes and running woods were exhi∣bited in the Arena, as Martial hath well expressed it.

Quicquid in Orp•…•…o Rhodope spectasse theatr•…•… Dicitur, exhibuit Caesar Arena tibi. Repferunt 〈◊〉〈◊〉, miranda{que} sylva cucurrit, Quale fuisse nemus creditur Hesperidum.

What Rhodope in Orpheus Theater did see Th'Amphitheater that exhibits vnto thee O Caesar: Rockes doe creep, and woods doe moue apace,

The Orchard such they say of Atlas daughters was▪

Nay there were that together with Land-Beasts brought in Sea-Mon∣sters, as the Sea-calfe and the Sea-horse, which Calphurnius at the games of Carinus testifies that himselfe beheld,

Nec solum nobis sylvestria cernere monstra Contigit, Aequoreos ego cum certantibus vrsis Spectavi vitulos & equorum nomine dignum * 1.367 Sed deforme pecus.

Nor onely did I see wood Monsters there, But Sea-calves also tugging with the beare, And that mis-shapen vglie beast withall, Which we not without cause the Sea-horse call.

And that which was more strange, they brought in the Sea it selfe, and therein ships, representing the forme of a sea-fight. But Heliogabalus went beyond all conceit: Fertur in Euripis vino plenis naves Circenses * 1.368 exhibuisse, they be the words of Lampridius, he is said to haue exhibited shippes in the Circus, sayling and contending in wine. It was in Horten∣sius a great folly and vanity to water his plane trees with wine, but for shippes to sayle and contend in wine was a most monstrous superlatiue madnesse.

Now amid all these sights, it was ordinary to refresh the spectatours with pleasant perfumes from gummes, or sweete water, or oyntments, * 1.369 or balsamum, or saffron mixed with wine, or somewhat in that kinde, which they conveyed in close pipes through the whole Amphitheater; and the fight ended, they commonly cast a largesse among the people, wrapping vp the names of those things in little pellets, which they in∣tended to giue, and every one as he could catch them, brought them to the Masters of the games, who delivered them the thing it selfe spe∣cified in their pellet. Such gifts Titus cast abroad by the space of an hundred dayes (as witnesseth Dion) for so long his games lasted, and many of them were of good value, as appeares by the testimony of the same Authour, not only meate, and drinke, and apparell, but vessells of silver and gold, horses, cattell, slaues, and the like▪ but it is wonder∣full what Nero did in this kinde, to the forenamed hee added curious pictures, pearles, and pretious stone, yea naves insulas, agros, ships, hou∣ses, * 1.370 farmes: O res vix Suetonio fidissimo testi credendas, things hardly to bee credited, though delivered by Suetonius a most faithfull Historian

Neither was this the practise of Emperours only, but even of private men. Cicero testifies of Milo, that in these kind of games he wasted three patrimonies; and Vopiscus with some indignation relates the like * 1.371 of Messalla, Legat hunc locum Iunius Messalla, quem ego liberè culpare audeo; ille enim patrimonium suum Scaenicis dedit, haeredibus abnegavit: Let Iunius Messalla reade this place, whom I dare freely accuse, for that he hath cast away his patrimony vpon stage-players, and defrauded his heires thereof; and then reckoning many particulars of his wastfull riot that way, at length he thus concludes, Et haec quidem idcirco in literas misi, vt futuros editores pudor tangeret, ne patrimonia sua proscriptis legitimis haeredi∣bus mimis & bal•…•…tronibus deputarent: These things haue I therefore com∣mitted

to writing, that such as heereafter set forth these kind of games, might blush to conferre their patrimony vpon jesters and base raskalls, excluding their lawfull heires.

SECT. 5. Of their superfluous expence, as in the number and large∣nes, so likewise in tbe beauty and ornament of Bathes; which were likewise of little other vse then for pleasure.

BVt leaving their Theaters & Amphitheaters which were onely for pleasure, let vs take a view of their Bathes, which were likewise of little other vse, at least-wise as they vsed them; as appeares by that of Artemidorus, Balneum nihil aliud suo aevo fuisse quam transitum ad coenam, that a bath in his time was nothing else but a passage to supper, so as they which often tooke repast, washed as often; it being noted of Commodus the Emperour, that he washed seaven or eight times in a day. And among the Christians, Sisinius a Bishop was censured as intemperate for washing twise in a day: Yet a wonder it is to consider, to what an infinite height these kind of buildings for Bathings amounted, aswell in regard of their number & largenesse, as their beauty & ornament. Agrippa, as witnesseth Pliny, during his Aedilship, built for publique and free vse * 1.372 one hundred & seaventie, and the same Authour there addes, that at Rome in his time their number was infinite: and for their largenesse, some of them, sayth Olimpiodorus, were ingenti, & Cassiodorus mirabili magni∣tudine, of a•…•… huge & wonderfull bignesse: Ammianus is more particu∣lar, * 1.373 Lavacra in modum Provinciarum extructa, Bathes built in the man∣ner of Provinces; the Antoninian, or rather Dioclesian Bathes alone, were so capacious, as they contained for the vse of washing, Sellas mille sexcen∣tas, eas{que} è marmore polito factas, one thousand six hundred severall seates, * 1.374 and those all of polished marble.

Neither was the ornament & beauty of these bathing places vnsutable to their number and largenesse; which Seneca in his eighty sixt Epistle hath most elegantly expressed, and withall bitterly censured, where speaking of the meanesse of the Bath which Scipio Africanus vsed, while he lived in banisnment, where Seneca wrote that Epistle, he thus goes on: At nunc quis est qui sic lavari sustineat, pauper sibi videtur ac sordidus ni∣si parietes magnis & pretiosis orbibus praefulserint, nisi Alexandrina marmora numidicis crustis distincta sint, nisi illis vndi{que} operosa & in picturae modum variata circumlitio praetexatur, nisi vitro condatur Camera, nisi Thasius lapis quondam rarum in aliquo spectaculum templo, piscinas nostras circumdederit, nisi aquam argentea epistomia fuderint, & adhuc plebeias fistulas loquor: Quid cum ad Balnea libertinorum pervenero? quantum statuarum? quantum Co∣lumnarum & nihil sustinentium, sed in ornamentum positarum & impensae causâ? eo deliciarum venimus vt nisi gemmas calcare nolimus: But who is there now, who would be content to wash as he did, he seemes to him∣selfe poore & base, whose walls doe not shine with great and pretious

circles, vnlesse betweene the marble of Alexandria, be inlaid the sha∣vings of that of Numedia, vnlesse they haue a border round about it with diverse colours in manner of pictures, vnlesse their arched roofe be covered over with glasse, vnlesse the Thasian stone, heretofore a rare sight in some Temple, compasse our ponds; vnlesse silver cockes powre vs forth water; & as yet haue I spoken but of the ordinary & common pipes, how much beyond all this are the Bathes of freed men? how many statues, how many pillars haue you there, for none other vse, but only for ornament & expence? we are now come to that delicacie, that we can tread vpon nothing but jewels. By which liuely description a man should thinke, he rather spake of the pallaces of some great Prin∣ces, then of their common Bathing roomes, ordained for none other vse, then the washing off of the swet & filth of their bodies. Yet with Seneca in some parts of his description Statius accords.

Nil ibi plebeium nunquam Temesaea notabis * 1.375 Aera, sed argento foelix propellitur vnda Argento{que} cadit, labris{que} nitentibus instat, Delicias mir•…•…ta suas.

There's nothing vulgar, there's no Temesaean brasse, But happy waters there through silver conduits passe, From silver fall, and into glistering cisterns runne, (Admiring their delights) with expedition,

Thereby signifying, that not only the pipes, thorow which the water ranne, and the cockes & conduites, out of which it ranne, but the ci∣sterns too, into which it fell were all of pure silver. And touching the glasse, he touches that too.

Effulgent Camerae, vario fastigia vitro, In species animos{que} nitent. The arched roofes doe shine & glister gloriously, Of diverse glasse compos'd, both to the mind & eye.

Pliny goes farther, and tells vs, that not only the sides of the cisterns, in * 1.376 which they bathed were of silver, but the seats & footing or the bottōe, so as they could hardly stand for sliding vpon it, vt eadem materia & probris serviat & cibis, so as the same matter, saith he, is made to serue both at our tables, and for base vnworthy offices.

SECT. 6. Of the endlesse masses of treasure which they powred out in the erecting & adorning of Temples, for the worship of those images which they forged to themselues, or at least∣wise knew well enough were no Gods.

BEfore wee enter into their private houses, it shall not bee amisse in passing from their Bathes by the way, to cast a glance vpon their Temples & Statues. Had their temples beene consecrated to the honour & service of the true God, I should haue highly commended their great expence in the building & beautifying of them, as a worke

of piety and devotion: But being dedicated to Idolls & Devills, & such * 1.377 as themselues, at leastwise the wiser sort amongst them, either laughed at, or beleeved not, the excessiue charge which that way they were at, was not onely excessiue vanity & folly, but most prophane & impious both superstition & superfluity. The number of their Temples onely in the citty of Rome, was foure hundred twenty foure, the greatest part of * 1.378 which was no doubt very magnificent, shining with gold, and jeat, and marble, as appeares by that of Rutilius.

Confundunt{que} vagos delubra micantia visus Ipsos crediderim sic habitare Deos. And glistering temples wandring eyes confound, So dwell the Gods I thinke on heavenly ground.

And these chiefely, as I conceiue doth Claudian intend speaking of Rome.

—Quae luce metalli, Aemula vicinis fastigia conserit astris. Who with her mettalls light doth shine; And with the neighbour starres her tops confine.

But most elegantly and fully hath Arnobius expressed it: Sint ergo haec licet ex molibus marmoreis structa, laquearibus aut renideant aureis, splende∣ant * 1.379 hic gemmae, & sydereos evomant variata interstitione fulgores, terra sunt haec omnia & ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vilioris materiae concreta: Though they be built with piles of marble, and their vautes shine with gold; though they glister with pretious stone, which dart forth & sparkle abroad beames like the starres in a various distance, yet all these things are but earth, made of the dregges of the basest matter.

Amongst them all, that of the Capitoll was most eminent & stately, it tooke its name, as witnesseth Arnobius, à Capite Toli, from the head of a man so named, which at the laying of the foundation was digged vp: It was foure times ruined, and three times againe reedified: It was first built by the Tarquines, Secondly by Sylla, but dedicated by Lutati∣us Catulus; in which. Augustus bestowed vpon the seate of Iupiter Sede∣cem * 1.380 millia pondo auri & quingenties Sestertiûm in gemmis, sixteene thou∣sand weight of gold, and fiue hundred times an hundred thousand Se∣sterces in jewels: Thirdly by Vespasian; fourthly & lastly, by Domitian. The height whereof was such, that Silius brings in Iupiter, thus prophe∣cying of Domitians raysing it.

Aurea Tarpeia ponet Capitolia rupe, Et junget nostro templorum culmina coelo. He on Tarpeian rocke shall place the golden Capitole, Andshall advance his Temples top as high as heavenly pole.

With whom Tertullian fully agrees in sense, and almost in words: Nam etsi à Numa concepta relligio est, nondum tamen aut simulachris aut templis * 1.381 res divina apud Romanos constabat, & nulla Capitolia coelo certantia, sed teme∣raria de Cespite altaria: Though religion were first brought in by Numa, yet then had the Romanes neither images nor temples for divine ser∣vice, no Capitoll contending with heaven for height, but altars were set vp of the turfe that came next to hand. And no doubt but the length &

breadth were every way answereable to the height; the excessiue charge that Domitian was at in the building heereof, Martiall after his flattering manner hath wittily described, telling him, that thereby hee * 1.382 had so fa•…•…re obliged Iupiter & all the Gods, that if they should empty their coffers and make sale of all they had, they could never make him sufficient recompence, but would be forced to turne •…•…anke-rupts.

Q•…•…antum iam superis Caesar coelo{que} dedisti, Si repetes, & si Creditor esse ve•…•…is? Grandis in Aetherio licet anctio fiat Olympo, Cogantur{que} Dei vendere quicquid habe•…•…t Conturbabit Atlas, & non erit •…•…cia tota Decid•…•…t tecum qua pater ipse deûm. Pro Capitolinis quid enim tibi solvere templis Quid pro Tarpeiae frondis honore potest? &c. Expectes & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Auguste necesse est, Nam tibi quod solvat non habet Arca Iovis

If Caesar, wh•…•…t on Gods & heaven thou hast bestow'd, Thou shouldst as Creditour call in, and all that's ow'd, Though in the Etheriall skies portsale of all were made, And all the Gods were forc't to sell what ere they had, Atlas would bankerupt proue, and to the prince of heaven Not one ounce would remaine to make all reckonings even. For for the Capitols great temples how can he, Or for Ta•…•…peian oakes & laurels satisfie? &c. Thou must, ô Caesar, needes a while forbeare & stay, For why, Io•…•…es coffers yet haue not wherewith to pay.

By which it appeares what account they made of the Gods, to whom they dedicated these Temples: Nay Domitian himselfe the founder of the Capitoll, is so bold with them, as if they had indeed beene his deb∣tours, or at least-wise his companions to stile himselfe in his edicts, Do∣minus & Deus noster sic fieri iubet, our Lord & God so commaunds, vn∣de * 1.383 institutum posthac vt nec scripto quidem nec sermone cuiusquam appellare∣tur aliter: And from thence forth was it ordained, that no man should giue him other title either in writing or speech. Now for the riches & ornament of the Capitoll, we may in part giue a guesse at it by this, that there was spent only vpon the gilding of it supra duodecem millia ta∣lentorum, aboue twelue thousand tallents: It was gilded all over, not the inner roofe only, but the vtter covering which was of brasse or cop∣per, but the doores were layd over with thicke plates of gold, which remained till Honorius his raigne, and then in a dearth of coyne, Stilicho mandasse per hibetur (saith Zozimus) vt fores in Capitolio Romano quae auro magni ponderis erant obductae laminis ijs spoliarentur: Cum autem qui hoc fa∣cere iussi erant, idagerent, in parte for•…•…um scriptum reppererant, [infoelici Regi servantur:] Quod eventus docuit: nam Stilicho paulo post infoeliciter perijt. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is said to haue given commaund, that the doores of the Capitoll, which were laid over with massie gold, should be robbed of those plates, and when they who had it in charge put it in execution, they found ingraven vpon a part of the doore these wordes, [They are

reserved for an vnfortunate King] which the event proved to be true, for Stiliche within a while after perished vnfortunately.

Next to the Capitoll was the Pantheon, the Temple of honour, of For∣tune, of the City, strange Idolls, and that of Peace inferiour to none. It was built by Vespastan, three hundred foote in length it was, and in breadth two hundredth; so as Herodian defervedly calls it, Maximum & pulcherimum omnium in vrbe operum▪ the greatest and fairest of all the workes in the city: Wherevnto he addes, ditissimum, ornamentis auri & argenti excultum, the most sumptuous in ornaments of gold & filver: of which Iosephus thus writes, Omnia in hoc templum collata & disposita sunt ob quae homines videndi cupiditate antea per totum orbem vagabantur. Vpon * 1.384 this temple were bestowed all the rarities which men before traveiled thorow the world to see. And Pliny, ex omnibus quae retuli clarissima * 1.385 quae{que} in vrbe, jam sunt dicata à Vespasiano Principe in te•…•…plo Pacis, of all the choyce peeces that I haue spoken of, the most excellent are laid vp and dedicated by Vespasian the Emperour in the temple of Peace: Thus they made Idolls to themselues, which the simplest of them could not but discerne were no Gods, and then without measure or arrow_back reason arrow_forward , powred out infinite masses of treasure in the serving & worshipping of them.

SECT. 7. Of their wonderfull vanity in erecting infinite numbers of sta∣tues, and those very chargeable, & that to themselues.

YEt in this was some pretence of Religion, but in their Statues they worshipped themselues, vainely imagining thereby to aeternize their names. Quidam aeternitati secommendari posse per statuas aesti∣mantes eas ardenter affectant, at{que} auro curant inbracteari, saith Ammianus Marcellinus, some hoping to recommend themselues to eternity by * 1.386 statues, infinitely affect them, causing them to be overlaid with gold. This itching humour of theirs, pene parem vrbi populum dedit quàm natu∣ra procreavit: in time begat almost as many inhabitants to the city as na∣ture * 1.387 brought forth, meaning that the number of their statues, did in a manner equall their citizens: And no marveile, they being sine numero, without number, in somuch as they filled every corner, pestered their * 1.388 streetes and straightned their wayes, which gaue occasion to that Edict of Claudius, whereby private men were inhibited the erecting of statues * 1.389 to themselues, but by leaue first obtained from the Senate, such only excepted as had done some publique service.

For the prize of the stuffe whereof they were made, the most com∣mon and basest of them were of Marble, the rest of yvorie, & silver, and gold, and those solide & ma•…•…sie, Statuas sibi in Capitolio non nisi aureas ar∣genteas{que} poni permisit, ac ponderis certi, they be the wordes of Sutonius * 1.390 touching Domitian, he forbad any statues to be erected to him in the Capitoll, saue only of gold & silver, & those of a certaine weight, which weight perchaunce those verses of Statius expresse,

Da Capitolinis aeternum sedibus aurum,

Quo niteant sacri centeno pondere vultus. Grant to the Capitoll eternall gold, wherein Those sacred faces of one hundred weight may shine.

But that of Commodus fare exceeded this weight, Statuam mille librarum * 1.391 auream habuit▪ he had a Statue erected to him of a thousand pound weight. Now as they were at this great charge in the making and ere∣cting of their Statues: So were they likewise in the guarding of them. They were kept with no lesse caution, then they were set vp with care & cost: And to this purpose maintained they an Officer of great honour who had the title of Comes Romanus giuen him. This man with his soul∣diers * 1.392 walked thorow the streets of the citie in the night to see good or∣der: but chiefly to provide that no wrōg should be offred to the Statues▪ thus prodigally carefull they were of their owne shadowes, and as prodi∣gally carelesse of the liues of others: so as I cannot easily determine whether their cruelty were greater in the one, or their folly in the other.

SECT. 8. Their prodigall sumptuousnesse in their private buildings, in regard of their largenesse and height of their houses, as also in regard of their marble pillars, walls, roofes, beames, & pave∣ment full of Art and cost.

NOw for their dwelling houses and private buildings. Claudian speaking of Rome thus sets them out in generall.

Qua nihil in terris complectitur altius aether Cujus nec spatium visus, nec corda decorem, Nec laudem vox vlla capit.

On earth nought higher doe the Heavens embrace: Her largenesse sight, her beauty hearts, her praise Tongue comprehends not—

It was the vaunt of Augustus, marmoream se relinquere quam lateritiam ac∣cepisset; that he left the City of marble hauing found it of brick: but S. Hieroms complaint, Vivimus quasi altero die morituri, & aedificamus quasi * 1.393 semper in hoc seculo victuri, we so feed as if we were to die to morrow, & so build as if we were here to liue for euer. The largenesse of their hou∣ses was strange, and such as a man would wonder what vse they could haue of it: The wordes of Valerius are to this purpose very pertinent, where speaking of Quintius Cincinnatus, to whom the Dictatorship was offered, though he plowed but foure acres of land, with some indigna∣tion he addes, angustè se habitare nunc putat cuius domus tantum patet quan∣tum * 1.394 Cincinnati rura patuerunt; he thinkes he is straightned in his dwel∣ling, whose house is no larger then were all Cincinnatus his grounds. Some of Neroes slaues had Kitchins that tooke vp aboue two acres of * 1.395 ground; and the Lands of those who laid the ground of their Empire were of lesse extent then the Cellars of some that came after▪ so that * 1.396 by this proportion their houses came almost to the greatnes of Cities,

domos at{que} villas cognover is in vrbium modum exaedificatas, they be the words of Salust wee may vnderstand their houses & farmes to bee built in the manner of Cities. Nay they went beyond them: aedificia priva∣ta laxitatem vrbium magnarum vincentia, private mens houses exceeded * 1.397 the largenesse of great Cities. And of these sometimes they joyned two or three together, as Catiline in his Oration to his Souldiers vp∣braides his enemies; and in this sense it seemes is Martial to be vnder∣stood.

Et docti Senecae ter numeranda domus. * 1.398 And leerned Seneca's thrice to be numbred house.

Neither was the height of their houses disproportionable to the large∣nesse.

Aedificant auro sedes{que} ad sydera mittunt. They build with gold and raise their seats vnto the starres.

There were of them who built to the height of their chiefest Temples that of Hercules and Fortune, nay exceeded the Capitoll it selfe.

Aedificator erat Centronius, & modo curvo Littore Caietae summa nunc Tyberis arce. * 1.399 Nunc Praenestinis in montibus alta parabat Culmina villarum, Graecis longe{que} petitis Marmoribus, Vincens Fortunae at{que} Herculis aedem. Vt spado vincebat Capitolia nostra Posides.

Centronius was a builder, sometimes on Crooked Caietas shore, sometimes vpon Tiburs high top raising his palaces, And on Praenestine hils fetching from Greece And farre away his marbles, to controll (As th'Eunuch Posid did our Capitol) The Church of Fortune and of Hercules.

Yet to this height they farther added somewhat by planting gardens & orchards & groues vpon their house toppes: therein like Antipodes run∣ning a contrary course to nature, as Seneca truly and justly taxes them. Non vivunt contra naturam qui pomaria in summis turribus serunt, quorum * 1.400 sylvae in tectis domorum ac fastigijs nutant, inde ortis radicibus quo improbae cacumina egissent? Doe they not liue contrary to the rules of Nature, who make themselues orchards vpon their highest towres, whose woods shake vpon the tops of their houses, their roots there springing vp where the top should haue reached?

Neither was the riches and ornament vnsutable either to the largenes or height of their building. Thither they called to their great expence the most skilfull Architects from Greece and Asia, and all the parts of the knowne world, Quibus ingenium & audacia erat, etiam quae natura de∣negavisset, * 1.401 per artem tentare, whose wit and daring was such, that by art they attempted to effect that, which Nature seemed to deny. Among the rest of their ornaments, their infinite number of marveilous high pillars, and those of diverse sorts of the choisest kinds of marble was not the least. The height of some of them was 38 foot, and to their height was their beauty and greatnes euery way answerable. Pueros reperti in * 1.402

littore calculi leves, & aliquid habentes varietatis delectant, nos ingentium 〈◊〉〈◊〉 columnar•…•…m sive ex Aegyptijs arenis, sive ex Afric•…•… solitudinibus ad∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 porticu•…•… aliquam vel capacem populi coenationem ferunt. Children are delighted wit•…•… pebble stones or shells of diverse colours taken vp from the shore, and we with diverse spots of huge marble pillars, drawne hi∣•…•…her from the sands of Egypt, and the deserts of Afri•…•…a, for the suppor∣ting of a gallery or some spatious dining roome. Their number was likewise very great,

Pendent innumeris fastigia nixa columnis. * 1.403 Whose roofe doth rest on pillars numberlesse.

Sometimes an hundred of them stood together

At tua •…•…entenis incumbunt tecta columnis. * 1.404 Thy roofe vpon an hundred pillars stayes▪

Sometimes as many more, as in the house built by Gordianus in the Pre∣nestine * 1.405 way, ducentas columnas vno peristylo habens, hauing in one entry or gallery two hundred pillars distinguished by fifties from diverse coun∣trves, and all of an equall height. And if wee desire to know the price of some one of these, Crassus tels vs •…•…ecem column•…•… centum millibus num∣mûm * 1.406 emi, I bought ten pillars for one hundred thousand Sesterces. And as their pillars were of solide marble, so their walls were artificially crusted ouer with peeces of diverse colours Miram•…•… parietes tenui mar∣more * 1.407 inductos, cùm fciamus quale sit quod absconditur, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nostris imponi∣mu•…•…▪ We stand wondring at the walls laid ouer with thinne crusts of marble, though we know well enough what lyes vnder them, wee are content to cosen our owne eyes To this Lucan alludes,

Nec summis crustatadomus, sectis{que} nitebat Marmoribus. Nor was the house with crusts of marble lin'd, Nor with hewen stones of pretious marble shin'd.

And Fabianus Papyrius, In hos igitur exitus varius ille secator lapis, vt tenui * 1.408 fronte parietem tegat: To this purpose is that diversly coloured stone sawed into diverse peeces, that with a thinne surface it may couer the wall. The first inventor or setter vp of this device was Mamurra, as witnesseth Pliny out of Cornelius Nepos. * 1.409

But their beames exceedes these wals being all guilded ouer. * 1.410

Auratasnè trabes an mauros vndi{que} postes Mirer? But whereat should I wonder most, The golden beames or yvorie post? Non tanarijs domus est mihi ful•…•…a columnis▪ * 1.411 Nec Camera auratas inter eburna trabes. Nor is my house on Spartan pillars plac't, Nor yvory roofe with guilded beames is grac't.

And they were laid ouer either with thick guilding or plates of gold. * 1.412

—Crassum{que} trabes absconder at aurum▪ Thick gold did hide the beames.

As were likewise their roofes.

—Crasso laquearia fulta metallo. —Thick mettall lin'd the roofes. * 1.413

This their best Authors euery-where testifie and censure. Quò pertinent haec atria columnata? quò variae istae colorationes? quò aurata lacunaria? to what vse are their entries set with rowes of pillars of diverse colours? to what end are their roofes guilded? they be the words of M•…•…sonius in Stobaeus. The roofe of the Capitoll, saith Pliny, was not guilded till * 1.414 the razing of Carthage, Quae nunc & in privatis domibus auro teguntur▪ which now a daies euen in private mens houses are covered with gold▪ Nay he goes farther and tels vs, that this practise passed from the roofs and beames, to their chambers and walls, Qui & ipsi jam tanquam vasa inaurantur, which are now guilded as well as our drinking vessels. With whom S. Hierome accords, Auro parietes, auro laquearia, •…•…uro fulgent. ca∣pita * 1.415 columnarum, with gold their walls, with gold their roofes, with gold the heads of their pillars shine. And heerein they had diverse shapes artificially exprest, as it appeares by Statius, and pretious stones heere & there glistering among.

Vidi artes veterum{que} manus varijs{que} metalla * 1.416 Viva modis, labor est auri memorare figuras, Aut ebur, aut dignas digitis contingere gemmas.

Their ancient workes their liuing mettals I Of sundry forts did see, a labour t'were To tell the shapes of gold, the yvory, The pretious stones on fingers fit to weare.

But that which I thinke was more costly then gold, was their admira∣ble variety and change of roofes, with-drawing one face, and exhibi∣ting another at their pleasure, Versatilia Coenationum laquearia ita coag∣mentant, vt subinde alia facies, at{que} alia succedat, & toties tecta quoties fercula mutentur. They so fram'd the moueable roofes of their dining roomes * 1.417 that one face succeedes another, which they vary as often as they serue in a new course. And it should seeme by Rutilius that in these they som∣time represented groues with birds singing in them.

Quid loqu•…•…r inclus•…•…s inter laquearia sylvas Vernul•…•… qua vario carmine ludit avis. They pleasant groues within their rooofes doe shut, Where birds doe chant and vary many a note.

And from these sometimes they cast downe flowres in such abundance that they buried men vnder them Oppressit in triclinijs versatilibus pa∣rasitos suos violis & floribus, sic vt animam aliqui efflaverint, cum eripi ad summam non possent, saith Lampridius of Heliogabalus, He so ouer-loaded his jesters in his dining roomes that had changeable roofes, with vio∣lets and other flowres, that some of them died vpon the place, being brought to that passe as at last they could not be rescued. Nay so cu∣rious they were, that the very floore which they trode vpon must an∣swere the roofe, Impenditur cura vt lacunaribus pavimentorum respondeat * 1.418 nitor, a speciall care must be had, that the shining of the floore must bee answereable to the roofe. And in another place, domus etiam qua calcatur * 1.419 pretiosa, divitijs per omnes angulos dissipatis: pretious things are spred there euen where men tread, riches being scattered thorow euery cor∣ner of the house. And this excessiue curiosity Statius glances at.

Dum vagor aspectu vultus{que} per omnia duco, Calcabam nec opinus opes: Nani splendor ab alto Defluus, & nitid•…•…m referentes aiera testae Monstravere solum, varias vbi picta per artes Gaudet humus, suberant que novis Asarota figuris.

Whilst to and fro my wandring eyes survaid All things, vnwares on riches did I tread, Downe from aboue came light, the roofe the aire Reflecting on the soyle, shewed what lay there, The artificiall pavement seem'd to smile, And figures new were pictur'd on the tile.

SECT. 9. The profuse expences of Domitian and Nero in their buildings, as also of Caligula in his madde workes.

NOw as the greatest part of these was ordinary even in private mens houses, so we may well conceiue that the palaces of the Emperours farre exceeded them. I will instance only in two, those of Domitian & Nero. Touching the former, Plutarch treating of the sumptuous furniture of the Capitoll, thus writes. Quod si quis hu•…•… Capitolij magnificum instructum miretur, idem si Domitiani in aula v∣nam porticum vel basilicam, vel balneum, vel pellicum dietam viderit, excla∣met cum epicharmo.

Non liberalis aut benignus tu clues, Pro•…•…ustone gaudes. Not bountifull nor liberall Art thou, but plainely prodigall.

If any wonder at this magnificent structure of the Capitoll, the same man if in Domitians palace he should behold but one gallery, or hall, or bath; or parlour for his Con•…•…ubines, he would presently cry out with Epicharmus, &c. where he makes all the glory of the Capitoll, which we haue in part opened before, to bee but as a triflle or toy, in compa∣rison of Domitians owne house.

The other was that of Nero, which himselfe named domum auream, a golden house; and Suetonius in his life thus describes it. Vestibulum eius fui•…•…, in quo Colossus centum viginti pedum staret ipsius effigie, tanta laxitas * 1.420 vt porticus triplices milliarias haberet. Item stagnum maris instar, circum∣septum aedificijs ad vrbium speciem. Rura insuper arvis at{que} vinetis & pas∣cuis sylvis{que} varia cum multitudine omnis generis pecudum ac ferarum, in cae∣teris partibus cuncta auro lita distincta gemmis vnionum{que} conchis erant. Cae∣nationes laqueatae tabulis eburneis versatilibus vt flores, & fistulatis vt vn∣guenta desuper spargerentur, praecipua Caenationum rotunda quae perpetuo di∣ebus ac noctibus vice mundi circumageretur: Ejusmodi domum cum absolutam * 1.421 dedicaret, hactenus comprobavit, vt se diceret quasi hominem tandem habitare caepisse. In the porch was set a Colossus shaped like himselfe of one

hundred and twenty foote high, the spaciousnes of the house was such, that it had in it three galleries, each of them a mile long, a standing poole like a sea, beset with buildings in the manner of a citty; fields, in which were areable grounds, pastures, vineyards, and woods, with a various multitude of tame & wilde beasts of all kindes. In the other parts thereof, all things were covered with gold, and distinguished with pretious stones or mother of pearle. The supping roomes were roofed with yvorie plankes, that were moueable for the casting downe of flowers, and had pipes in them for the sprinkling of oyntments. The roofe of the principall supping roome was round, which like the hea∣ven perpetually day & night wheeled about. This house when he had * 1.422 thus finished and dedicated, hee so farre forth approved of it, that hee said, hee had began to dwell like a ma•…•….

I had thought nothing could be added to this extreame madnesse of Nero & Domitian, which made me resolue here to conclude this chap∣ter; but I know not whether that Caligula, though perchaunce in some∣what a different kinde exceed them both Fabricavit & de Cedris li∣burnicas * 1.423 gemmatis puppibus versicoloribus velis magna thermarum, & porti∣cuum, & tricliniorum laxitate, magna{que} etiam vitium & pomiferarum arbo∣rum varietate: quibus discumbens de die inter choros at Symphonias littora Campaniae perag•…•…et. In extructionibus Praetoriorum atque villarum omni ratione posthabita, ni il tam efficere concupiscebat quam quod posse effici nega∣retur, * 1.424 & jactae itaque moles infesto ac profundo mari excisae rupes durissimi Silicis, & Campi montibus aggere aquati, & complana•…•…a fossuris 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iuga, incredibili quidem celeri•…•…ate, cum morae culpa capite lueretur. He buil•…•… of Cedar, barges or gallifoists, their sternes being set with pearle and pretious stone, carrying sayles of diverse colours, having in them bathes, galleries, and parlours of great largenesse, with great varietie of vines and trees bearing fruite, lying along in these amid his musicke of voyces and instruments, he was carried vp & downe vpon the coast of Campania. In the building of his countrey or mannour houses, setting aside all arrow_back reason arrow_forward , hee desired nothing somuch to be done, as that which was denied could be done: so as that he would lay huge mighty piles in the deepe sea, to stop the course of it, he would cut thorow rockes of the hardest flint, equall the Champian to the mountaines, and levell the toppes of high hills; and all this he did with speed incredible, the least delay being presently punished with death.

SECT. 10. That the Romanes luxurious excesse in their houshold∣stuffe and the ornaments of their houses, was sutable to that of their buildings.

WEE may adde as an appendix to their luxury in buildings, that in their houshold-stuffe, and the ornaments of their houses; their excesse in their tables, and dishes, and cups I haue al∣ready touched, as being appurtenances of their luxury in diet, passing

by these then we may take a survey of the rest. And first of their beds: These were either Tricliniares or Cubiculares, such as they vsed for diet, or lodging, in their supping roomes, or their chambers. These by de∣grees came to be of silver, then were they gilded, & lastly of pure mas∣sy gold: which Carvilius Pollio first brought in vse: And Suetonius re∣ports of Iulius Caesar, in aureo lecto veste purpuria decubuisse, that hee layd * 1.425 him downe in a bed of gold with a purple covering. And Gellius of more ancient times out of Favorinus Stratus; auro, argento, purpura, am∣plior * 1.426 aliquot hominibus quam Dijs immortalibus adornatur: a bed for some men is furnished more magnificently with gold, & silver, & purple, then for the Gods immortall. These they likewise perfumed with rich & pretious odours, which the Epigrammatist deservedly laughs at.

Quid thorus à Nilo? quid Sindone tectus olenti? Ostendit stultas quid nisi morbus opes. * 1.427 What meanes thy bed from Nile, & quilt perfumed so? What doth thy sicknes but thy foolish riches show?

Next their beds wee may set their Chariots, which were in a manner running beds, as their beds were a kind of standing chariots. These He∣liogabalus had not only of gold, but set with pearle and pretious stone. * 1.428 And such a one belike was that whereof Martiall speakes,

Aurea quod fundi pretio carruca paratur. * 1.429 That for a mannours price thou boughtst a golden coach.

So as that which the Poet fained of the Chariot of the Sunne, might in∣deed be verified of theirs.

Aureus axis erat, temo aureus, aurea summae, * 1.430 Curvatura rotae, radiorum argenteus ordo. The axel-tree was gold. the beame, the wheele, The spokes of silver were—

Their harnesse belonging to these was likewise very costly, & the Ca∣parizons of their horses & mules imbroidered with gold & silver. Of these Nero when he journied had never lesse then a thousand; his mules * 1.431 being shod with silver, and his muleters richly apparelled: but Poppaeia his wife therein exceeded him, causing the choisest of her traveiling * 1.432 beasts to be shod with gold: Yet Heliogabalus went a straine farther, and put it to a baser vse; as he made water in Myrrinis & Onichinis, in Mur∣rin vessels and of the Onix stone, so made he his stoole pans of gold: * 1.433 Which Pliny out of Messala likewise reports of Anthony, in contumeliam naturae vilitatem auro fecit opus proscriptione dignum, to the reproach of na∣ture * 1.434 he vsed gold to the basest offices, a worke even worthy proscripti∣on. And the same doth Martiall vpbraid Bassa with:

Ventris onus misero nec te pudet excipis auro, * 1.435 Bassa. Thy bellies load thou doest exonerate, O Basse, in gold, yet shamest not thereat.

Their caldrons, their seething pots, their gridirons, & frying-pans were vsually of silver, as witnesseth Vlpian, & Pliny, vasa coquinaria ex argen∣to * 1.436 fieri queritur; Calvus the Oratour complaines, that our very kitching vessels are all of plate. The same Pliny affirmes, that the price of a can∣delsticke

was the salarie or stipend of a Tribune, which was fifty thou∣sand Sesterces: Nay a little hatchet or axe, if we may credit Martiall, * 1.437 was sould for foure hundred thousand.

Cum sieret tristis solvendis auctio nummis, Haec quadringentis millibus empta fnit. When sale was made that debts might be defraid, Foure hundred thousand for this was well paid.

Now for ornament of their houses, they bought them pictures of exces∣siue prices: the counterfeit taken from a table made by Pausias, wherein was represented his mistris Glycera with a chaplet of flowers in her hand, curiously plaited and twisted; Lucius Lucullus bought of Dyonisi∣us a Painter of Athens, and it cost him two talents of silver. Cydias * 1.438 in a table, represented the Argonautes, for which Hortensius the Ora∣tour was content to pay one hundred fòrty foure thousand Sesterces. And what difference is there heerein betweene vs and children, sayth Seneca, who value counterfeit rings, and jewels, and bracelets at high * 1.439 prizes, nisi quod nos circa tabulas & statuas insanimus chariùs inepti, saue that wee dote about statues and pictures, playing the foole at a deerer rate.

But as they were luxurious in the price, so were they likewise in the worke it selfe, which many times was lascivious & beastly.

Quae manus obscaenas depinxit prima tabellas, Et posuit casta turpia visa domo * 1.440 Illa puellarum ingenuos corrupit ocellos Nequitiae{que} suae noluit esse rudes.

The hand that first lascivious picture drew, And filthy sights in houses chast did shew He maids chast eyes did first corrupt, and he Would haue them traind vp in their lechery.

Thus did Tyberius adorne his chambers, Cubicula plarifariam disposita * 1.441 tabellis ac sigillis lascivissimarum picturarum ac figurarum adornavit. So did Hor. Speculato cubiculo scorta dicitur habuisse disposita, &c. They had like∣wise * 1.442 for ornament the shells of Tortoisses artificially wrought, & in∣gentibus emptas, bought at wonderfull high rates. But I leaue their hou∣ses, * 1.443 together with the stuffe & ornament thereof, and come to their ap∣parell and ornament of their bodies, in which they exceeded as much or more then in their houses.

CAP. 9. Of the Romanes exessiue Luxury in their dressing and apparell.

SECT. 1. How effoeminate they were in regard of their bodies, specially about their haire.

THeir effoeminate softnes and nicenes in regard of their bodies, Seneca hath well both obserued and censured: Adhuc quicquid * 1.444 est boni moris extinguimus levitate & politura corporum, muliebres munditias antecessimus, colores meretricios matronis quidem non induendos viri sumimus, tenero & molli ingress•…•… suspendimus gradum, non ambulamus, sed repimus: whatsoeuer is yet left of good fashion we extinguish it by the decking and trimming of our bodies, we haue exceeded the neat∣nesse of women, euen wee men weare light and whorish colours, not becomming matrons, we fashion our gate to a wanton & mincing pace, we doe not walke but creepe. And of the same hee grievously com∣plaines in the proeme to the first booke of his Controversies: Capillum frangere, & ad muliebres munditias vocem extenuare, mollitie corporum certa∣re cum foeminis, & immunditijs se excolere munditijs nostrorum adolescentium specimen est: it is now held the accomplished gallentry of our youth to frisle their haire like women, to speak with an affected smalnes of voice, and in tendernes of body to match them, & to bedeck themselues with most vndecent trimmings. But their extreame curiosity in plaiting and folding their haire, he in another place most liuely describes, and as sharply, but justly reprooues: Quomodo irascuntur, si tonsor paulo negligen∣tior * 1.445 fuit tanquam virum tonderet? quomodo excandescunt si quid ex juba sua decisum est? si quid extra ordinem jacuit, nisi omnia in annulos suos reciderūt? Quis est istorum qui non malit Remp. turbati, quàm comam? Qui non solicitior sit de capitis sui decore, quā de salute? qui non comptior esse malit, quā honestior? How doe they chafe if the barbour be neuer so little negligent, as if he were trimming a man? How doe they take on if any thing belopped off of their feakes or fore-tops? if any thing lye out of order, if euery thing fall not euen into their rings or curles, which of these would not rather choose that the state whereof he is a member should be in com∣bustion then his haire should bee displatted? who is not much more sollicitous of the grace of his head then of his health? who maketh not more account to be fine then honest? Euen Iulius Caesar himselfe was * 1.446 this way too too nice, Circa corporis curam morosior, vt non solum to•…•…dere∣tur diligenter ac raderetur, sed velleretur etiam, vt quidem exprobraverunt: He was too studious about the care of his body, so as he was not onely curiously cut, but shaven, nay had his haires pluckt off with pincers, which some vpbraided him with. No marveile then if Nero exceeded this way: Circa cultum habitum{que} adeo pudendus, so shamefull was hee in * 1.447 the dressing of himselfe, that he alwayes wore his haire after the Greeke

fashion plaited behind. These plaitings they likewise besmeered with oyntments and perfumes,

Et matutino sudaus crispinus amomo * 1.448 Quantum vix redolent duo funera. And Crispin sweating with his oyntments and perfume, Two funerals scarce smell so much I dare presume.

And for the face they vsed so much slibber-sauce, such dawbing and painting, that a man could not well tell,

—facies dicatur an vlcus. * 1.449 May it a face or els a botch be call'd?

Suetonius reports it of Otho, that he shaved every day, and rubbed his * 1.450 face ouer with moistned bread, id{que} instituisse à prima lanugiue, ne barba∣tus vnquam esset, and that this he practised from the time of his first ap∣pearance of the haires on his chinne, that he might neuer haue a beard. Neither were these things onely practised by them, but Schooles they * 1.451 had to teach them, and open shoppes to sell what they had in this kinde.

SECT. 2. Of the prefsing, plaiting, store, die, and prize of their gar∣ments, as also of their rings and jewels of inestimable value.

NOw as they were thus effoeminate and curious about their Bo∣dies, so were they likewise about the apparelling of them, Their garments were artificially pressed; ponderibus ac mille tormentis splendere cogentibus, with waights and a thousand rackings and tortures * 1.452 to make them shine the brighter.

Sic tua suppositis perlucent praela lacernis. * 1.453 So doe thy presses shine with garments vnder-laid.

And as they were thus artificially pressed, so were they most curiously plaited, as appeares by this, that Hortensius hauing one day with much adoe composed himselfe to the looking-glasse, he commenced a suit a∣gainst his fellow in office, for that meeting him by chaunce in a narrow way, he had disordered the plaites of his Robe, & capitale putavit quod * 1.454 in humero suo locum ruga mutasset, he held it a capitall matter that a fold vpon his shoulder was displaced. And therefore Tertullian alluding heereunto accompts it among the commodities of his cloake, that it * 1.455 needed no Artificer, qui pridie •…•…ugas ab exordio formet, who the day be∣fore he wore it, should set in due forme & order the plaites thereof: & a while after, etiam cum reponitur nulli cippo in crastinum demandatur: whē it is laid aside, it is not cōmitted to the stocks till the morrow. Of these they had such variety and store, that Nero was neuer seene twise in the * 1.456 same garment, & when a Praetor intending to set forth the most sumptu∣ous & magnificēt shewes he could devise, came to Lucullus to borrow of him some store of short clokes; his answer was, that he would take a time to see if he had so many as the Praetor desired; and the next day sending

to know what number would serue the turne, it being told him an hun∣dred, * 1.457 ducentas accipere jussit, he bid them take two hundred. But Ho∣race speaketh of a farre greater number, no lesse then fiue thousand. * 1.458

—Chlamydes Lucullus vt aiunt Si posset centum scenae praebere rogatus, Qui possum tot? ait tamen & quaeram, & quot habebo Mittam. Post paulò scribit sibi millia quinque Esse domi chlamydum, partem vel tolleret omnes,

Lucullus asked once, if he could lend Vnto the stage one hundred cloakes, replyed How can I man, so many? yet Ile send As many as I haue when I haue tried, Soone after writes, fiue thousand cloaks I haue, Take all, or part, as many as you craue.

Sic micat innumeris arcula synthesibus * 1.459 At{que} vnam vestire tribum tua Candida possint Apula non vno quae grege terra tulit.

The chest with supper garments infinite, Shines in like manner, and thy fleeces white From more then one flock in Apulia shorne By one whole tribe suffice well to be worne.

When they went to the publique Bathes, they had of these so many * 1.460 brought after them as might well suffice a dozen men; At their pub∣lique feasts they chaunged often only for ostentation to shew their va∣riety, at least so often as severall courses were served in:

Vndecies vna surrexti Zoile coena * 1.461 Et mutata tibi est Synthesis vndecies. Eleuen times at one supper thou O Zoilus didst arise: As many times thou didst I trow Thy mantle change likewise.

Neither was the price vnsutable to their store, they dared to lay downe for a cloake ten thousand Sesterces.

Millibus decem dixti * 1.462 Emptas lacernas munus esse Pompillae. Pompilla gaue thee thou didst boast, A cloake that might ten thousand cost.

And in another Epigram,

Emit lacernas millibus decem Bassus. * 1.463 Ten thousand Bassus for a cloake did pay.

Now that which principally hoised vp the price of the garments to this immoderat hight, was the rich dye which they borrowed frō shelfish Quibus eadem mater luxuria paria paenè etiam margaritis pretia fecit, which our Luxury, saith Pliny, hath brought to prizes almost equall to those of pearles. A pound of violet purple in the time of Augustus, as witnesseth * 1.464 Cornelius Nepos, who liued and wrote during his raigne, was sold for an hundred pence, in steed whereof the Tyrian double dye grew in vse, * 1.465 which could not be bought for a thousand.

Their lightnesse farther appeared in the light apparell which they wore; This is the making of that fine say, whereof silke cloath is made, saith Pliny) which men also are not abashed to pvt on and vse, because in summer time they would goe light and thin. And so farre doe men * 1.466 draw back now a dayes from carrying a good corslet and armour on their backs, that they thinke their ordinary apparell doth over-loade them. And these transparent garments the Satyrist thus deservedly in∣veighs against.

—Sed quid Non facient alij cùm tu multitiasumas Cretice, & hanc vestem populo mirante perores In Proculas & Pollineas? Est maecha Labulla, Damnetur si vis, etiam Carfinia: talem Non sumet damnata togam. Sed Iulius ardet, Aestuo, Nudus agas, minus est insania turpis. En habitum quo te leges acjura ferentem Vulneribus crudis populus modò victor, & illud Montanum positis audiret vulgus aratris. Quid non proclames in corpore judicis ista Si videas? quaero an deceant multitia testem? Acer & indomitus, libertatis{que} magister Cretice pelluces?

What will not others doe, since Creticus doth vse Light garments, and therein Pollineas doth accuse And Proculas, while as the vulgar sort therefore Both game and wonder makes. Labulla playes the whore Condemne her if thou wilt, condemne Carfinia too, Yet will she not condemn'd weare such a gowne I trow. But Iuly scaldeth, and I fry. Plead naked then, Lesse shame 'tis to be mad. Behold the weed wherein The conquering people yet fresh bleeding from the warre And hardie mountainer leauing both plough and share May heare thee talke of law and right, didst thou but see A judge in such attire, what out-cryes would there bee? Would lawne a witnesse fit? Thou Creticus so sad, So fierce, so free, art in transparent garments clad.

Heereunto they added rings and jewels of inestimable value at the battle of Cannae the Carthaginians gathered frō the fingers of the slaugh∣tered * 1.467 Romans who died in that battle threc modii, which by Hannibal were sent to Carthage as a token of the greatnes of his victory. Nonnius the Senatour, being proscribed by Anthony, betooke himselfe to flight, and of all his goods carried with him onely one ring, wherein was set an opall Quem certum est, seftertiis viginti millibus aestimatum, which it is * 1.468 certaine was valued at twenty thousand sesterces. Rings they wore vpon euery finger,

Per cujus digitos currit levis annulus omnes, On whose each finger was a gold ring set. * 1.469

Nay for euery joint they had a ring, and that set with a pretious stone,

exornamus annulis digitos, & in omni articulo gemma disponitur, we garnish * 1.470 our fingers with rings, & vpon euery ioynt shines a pretious stone, saith Seneca; & Pliny some will haue the little finger loaden with three rings; nay now adayes, the middle finger onely excepted, all the rest are char∣ged with them, at{que} etiam privatim articuli minoribus alijs, yea and every ioint by themselues must haue some lesser rings & gemmals to fit them. * 1.471 And if as all this had bin too litle, they wore vpon one ioint pretious stones.

Sardonichas, Smaragdos, Adamantas, Iaspidas vno. * 1.472 Versat in articulo Stella Severe meus. Sardonyx, Smaragd, Iasper, Diamond, My Stella weares on one ioint of his hand.

Parum scilicet fuerit in gulas condi maria, nisi manibus, auribus, capite, toto{que} corpore à foeminis juxta viris{que} gestarentur: forsooth it was too little that the seas were made for our gluttony, vnlesse we also wore them vpon our hands, in our eares, vpon our heads, and over our body, saith Pliny, * 1.473 speaking of the great abundance of pearle and purple, that was worne aswell by men as women. To this luxury of theirs in the vse of rings may not vnfitly be added, that the rings which they wore in summer, in winter they layd aside, and insteed of them vsed others, distingui∣shing them into summer and winter rings. Luxuria (saith Probus) invene∣rat alios annulos aestivos alios vero hyemales. And Iuvenal. Sat. 1.

—Cum verna Canopi Crispinus Tyrias humero revocante lacernas, Ventilet aestivum digitis sudantibus aurum, Nec sufferre queat major is pondera gemmae.

—When an Egyptian slaue Crispin, a Tyrian cloake shall on his shoulders haue, And summer gold-ring on his sweating fingers weare, Nor can endure the weight of greater gemme to beare.

SECT. 3. The great excesse and immodesty of their women in the same kinde.

NOw if their men were heerein thus effoeminate, wee may well conceiue their women exceeded more: Video sericas vestes, si ve∣stes vocandae sunt, in quibus nihil est quo defendi aut corpus, aut deni{que} * 1.474 pudor possit. Quibus sumptis, mulier parum liquidò nudam se non esse jurabit. Haec ingenti summa ab ignotis etiam ad commercium gentibus accersuntur, vt Matronae nostrae, ne adulteris quidem, plus sui in cubiculo quam in publico o∣stendunt. I see their silken clothes, if they may be called clothes, where∣with neither their bodies nor shame are covered; which a woman wea∣ring, cannot safely sweare that she is not naked: Yet are these at huge prizes, fet from Nations with whom we haue no traffique, that our wo∣men may expose no lesse to the publique view, when they come a∣broad, then they doe to their Paramours in the bed. This immodesty of the women is thus also taxed by Horace.

Cois tibi paene videre est Vt nudam.

In her lawne shee doth appeare Almost, as if shee naked were.

Now besides this, they were so loaden with costly ornaments, that one Poet tells vs.

Pars minima est ipsa puella sui, The least part of her selfe a maiden is. * 1.475

And another,

Matrona incedit census induta Nepotum. The Matron jets attir'd in all her heires estate. * 1.476

And a third.

Per{que} caput ducti lapides, per colla manus{que}, * 1.477 Et pedibus niveis fulserunt aurea vincla. The head, the necke, the hands were deckt with pretious stone, And chaines of gold did shine their snowie feete vpon.

I my selfe haue seene, sayth Pliny, Lollia Paulina, late wife and after wi∣dow to Caius Caligula the Emperour, when shee was dressed and set out, * 1.478 not in stately wise, nor of purpose for some great solemnity, but onely when shee was to goe to a wedding supper, or rather to a feast when the assurance was made, & great persons they were not that made the said feast; I haue seene her, I say, so beset and bedeckt all over with eme∣rauls and pearles ranged in rewes one by another round about the tyre of her head, her cawle, her borders, her perruke of heire, her bungrace & chaplet at her eares pendant, about her necke a carcanet, vpon her wrests in bracelets; and vpon her fingers in rings, that she glistered and shone again as she went. The value of these ornaments she esteemed & rated at foure hundred hundred thousand Sesterces, and offered openly to proue it out of hand; by her books of accounts & reckonings. Their ropes of pearle were so rich, that S. Hierome tells vs, vno filo villarum in∣sunt * 1.479 pretia, vpon one rope hang the prizes of diverse Lordships. And Tertullian, vno lino decies Sestertium inseritur, vpon one twine were threa∣ded vp tenne hundred thousand Sesterces. And againe, saltus & insu∣las * 1.480 tenera cervix fert, the tender necke carries woods and Ilands vpon it; nay, one pearle which Iulius Caesar bought for Servilia the mother of Brutus, Sexagies Sestertio mercatus est, cost him sixtie hundred thousand Sesterces: But specially they exceeded in the jewels they wore in their * 1.481 eares. Quare vxor tua locupletis domus censum auribus gerit, sayth Sene∣ca, why doth thy wife weare in her eares the revenewes of a rich fami∣lie: * 1.482 And in another place, Video vniones, non singulos singulis auribus com∣paratos: iam enim exercitatae aures oneri ferendo sunt. Iunguntur inter se & insuper alij binis supponuntur. Non satis muliebris insania viros subiecerat, ni∣si bina ac terna patrimonia auribus singulis pependissent. I see their pearles not fitted single to their eares, which are now invred to the bearing of weight; they are coupled together, and others are added to the two first, the madnesse of our women had not sufficiently brought men into subjection, did they not hang two or three patrimonies at each eare. And with him Pliny accords, Binos ac ternos auribus suspendere foeminarum gloria est, to hang these by couples or more in each eare, is the pride of our women. And their luxury (sayth he) hath found out a name for

this, calling it Crotalia, as if they gloried in the sound and striking of the pearle each against other. Nay he goes farther, affectant{que} iam & pau∣peres lictorem foeminae in publico vnionem esse dictitantes: It is come to that passe, that even the poorer sort affect the same fashion. Their common saying being, that a pearle is the womans serjeant to waite vpon her when shee shewes her selfe abroad. But their extreame folly heerein, hath Tertullian after his African manner wittily expressed, Graciles au∣rium * 1.483 cutes Kalendarium expendunt, the tender libbets of their eares con∣sume their Kalender, that is saith the learned Iunius in his notes on that passage, vniversum domus censum qui praescribitur in Kalendario: the whole revenew or expence of their house, which was set down in their Kalender, or rentrole, or count-booke: Yet had this beene more tolle∣rable, had they not worne them vpon their feete too. Pliny can hard∣ly speake of this with patience; Let our women, (sayth he) haue their * 1.484 pearle & pretious stones vpon every finger, about their necks, in their eares, vpon their chaplets and treases, etiamnè pedibus induitur? must they needes weare them vpon their feete? And in another place, but not without some indignation too, Quin & pedibus nec crepidarum tantum ob∣stragulis, * 1.485 sed totis soculis addunt: ne{que} enim gestare iam margaritas nisi cal∣cent ac per vniones etiam ambulent satis est: Nay, they garnish their feete with them, and not only the higher, but the lower part of their slippers; so as now it is not held sufficient to weare pearle, vnlesse we tread and walke vpon it. And the same hath Tertullian likewise observed, in pe∣ronibus * 1.486 vniones emergere de luto cupiunt, the pearle in their shooes labours to keepe it selfe out of the mire. But Lampridius tells vs of Heliogabalus, that he wore jewels curiously engraven on his feete, which (sayth hee) moved laughter to all men, quasi possent sculpturae nobilium artificum vide∣ri in gemmis quae pedibus adhaererent, as if the gravings of famous Artifi∣cers could be discerned in jewels that were set on his feete.

SEC. 4. More of the excessiue nicenes of their women, as also of Cali∣gula his monstrous phantasticalnesse in his apparell, together with their extreame vanity in the multitude of their servants and slaues waiting on them.

BEsides all this excesse in apparell, their nicenesse was such, that if but an haire were amisse, they called a councell about them, for the reforming of it.

—Tanquam famae discrimen agatur * 1.487 Aut animae.— As if their credit or their life in question were.

Nay, if but tenuis radiolus, the least beame pierced thorow any little hole of their fanne, or a fly chaunced to sit vpon it, queruntur quod non sint a∣pud Cymmerios natae, sayth Ammianus Marcellinus, they presently com∣plaine, * 1.488 that they were not borne among the Cymmerians. Their look∣ing-glasses were in height & breadth answereable to their bodies, ingra∣even

in their borders with gold and silver, and embossed with pretious stone: Et pluris vnum ex his foeminae constitit quam antiquarum dos fuit illa * 1.489 quae publicè dabatur imperatorum pauperum filiabus: Some one of these hath stood a woman more then was the dowry of the Ancients: Yea that which by publique allowance was givē the daughters of the poo∣rer Emperours. And within a while after, jam libertinorum virgunculis in vnum speculum non sufficit illa dos quam dedit Populus Romanus filiae Sci∣pionis: Now adayes that dowry, which the people of Rome gaue with Scipio his daughter, will not suffice to buy a glasse for the daughter of a manu-missed slaue. Now that dowry was vndecem millia aeris, eleven thousand asses: what then shall we thinke of the daughters of their free∣borne Citizens, of their Knights, of their Sen•…•…tours: Surely these, as they were superiour in meanes and ranke, so were they likewise in expence.

I will conclude this discourse of apparell with Caligula his monstrous phantasticallnesse therein, described by Suetonius, Vestitu ne{que} patrio ne∣que civili, ac ne virili quidem aut deni{que} humano semper vsus est. Hee vsed * 1.490 not the apparell of his countrey, nor that which was civill or manlike, and sometimes not somuch as humane: for at times would he imitate Deorum insignia, the ensignes of the Gods: And at other times againe, would he come abroad & sit in judgement, in socco muliebri in womens slippers, wherein Suetonius seemes to allude to that story, which is by Seneca reported more at large. Caesar (sayth he) gaue to Pompeius Poenus * 1.491 his life, if he giue it who takes it not away: But being acquitted and gi∣ving thankes, he reached forth his left foote for him to kisse: Now they who goe about to excuse him heerein, as being not done out of insolen∣cy, aiunt, socculum auratum imo aureum margaritis distinctum ostendere eum voluisse, say for him that it was but to make shew of his gilded, nay gol∣den slipper set with pearle.

To their excesse in apparell, may not vnfitly be added the extreame vanity in the multitude of their servants & slaues wayting on them. Am∣mianus speakes of fifty attending, whē they went to the publique Bath: * 1.492 And in another place he cals them familiarum agmina, troopes of hous∣hold servants: and Pliny, mancipiorum legiones, legions of slaues, which * 1.493 as a traine they drew after them. Horace tells vs, that Tigellius had of∣ten two hundred that followed him at heeles: But Athenaeus much * 1.494 exceedes him, decem •…•…mò viginti mille, & plures quo{que} servos habent, non * 1.495 quaestus causà vt ille Graecorum ditissimus Nicias, sed pleros{que} in publico comi∣tantes•…•…. They haue tenne, nay twenty thousand servants and more, not somuch to make againe of them as did Nicias, the richest of the Graeci∣ans, but the greatest part to waite on them when they went abroad. And me thinkes, Seneca againe outvies Athenaeus, Familia bellicosis nationibus * 1.496 maior, a family more populous then some warlike Nations. Nelther were the women in this excesse inferiour to the men, but rather went beyond them. Marcellinus describes the order of ranging their ser∣vants * 1.497 when they went abroad, as it had beene an army marching in the field: And S. Hierome calls one part of them, an army, noli ad publicum subinde procedere & spadonum exercitu praeeunte viduarum circumferri li∣bertate: * 1.498 Doe not walke abroad with an army of Eunuches, marching

before you after the manner of licentious widowes: insomuch as they were driven to haue their Nomenclatores, controllers or remembrancers to tell them the names of their servants and people about them, so many they were. Many of these they bought at a deare rate, and clad richly: They vsually payd for a slaue six thousand Sesterces: And Iulius Caesar layd downe such incredible prizes for some of them, that himselfe was ashamed thereof: Sic vt rationibus vetarct inferri, so as he gaue speciall * 1.499 charge it should not be brought into his accounts. But their Ieasters were commonly the dearest:

Morio dictus erat viginti millibus emi, * 1.500 Redde mihi nummos Gargiliane: sapit. A foole I bought for twenty thousand price: Restore it back, Gargilian, he is wise.

And for the rich apparelling of them at times, wee haue a me∣morable place in Seneca, diligentius quàm intra privatum larem vestita & * 1.501 auro culta mancipia, & agmen servorum nitentium; their slaues are more carefully apparelled and decked with gold when they appeare in pub∣lique, then within doores, and the troopes of their Servants shining and glittering.

SECT. 5. Of their prodigall, or rather prodigious gifts of their Emperours, and the extreame vn∣thriftinesse of private men.

I May happily seeme to some to haue beene tedious in dwelling too long vpon the excessiue Luxury of this people: but surely their ex∣treame folly & madnesse therein haue made me so: And if not the rarity, yet the variety of the matter hath beene such as I presume it can∣not quickly cloy the appetite of an attentiue Reader. And though much hath beene said, yet much more might be added, specially touch∣ing their prodigall, or rather prodigious gifts, which their great Patron Iu∣stus Lypsius thus censures. Si quis Midas fuisse fingatur qui omnia tacta * 1.502 faciat aurea defecerit inaurare quantum isti sunt largiti: If we could faine a Midas that should turne all he touched into gold, surely he would be weary to make the gold they gaue. And againe, Vbi estis qui novum orbem & novas in eo divitias reperist•…•…? huc ite, ostendent & effundent eas Duumvi∣ri isti vnâ largitione: where are you that speake of a new world, and the great treasure that is there to be found? Come hither and behold two Duumviri (meaning Anthony and Octavius) that will empty it all at one gift: And would you know to what great good purpose all these pro∣fuse largitions were? the same Author shall tell you, though somwhat against his will, vt ad imperium veniant, imperium paenè ipsum donant: They in a manner giue away the Empire, that they may come vnto it. Quid? donant? perdunt certè, & quomodo tot isti pecuniar•…•… cumuli sine aper∣ta pernitie Provinciarum, Civium{que} colligi potuere: What said I, they giue away? nay they rob and spoyle the Empire, in as much as so great

masses of treasure could not possibly bee gathered without the evident ruine as well of the Citizens as of the Provincials. Caligula in lesse then a yeare scattered and consumed those infinite heapes of gold and silver which Tiberius his Predecessour had layd vp, vicies ac septies millies se∣stertium, * 1.503 seuen and twenty hundred millions of Sesterces. Of Vitellius, Iosephus yeeldes this testimony, Octo menses ac dies quin{que} potitus imperio * 1.504 jugulatur in media vrbe, quam si vivere diutius contigisset, ejus luxuriae satis esse imperium non potuisset; hauing raigned eight moneths & fiue dayes he was slaine in the midst of the City, whose luxury should he haue li∣ued longer, the Empire could not haue satisfied: And lest wee should thinke Iosephus passionate heerein, as being a Iew and oppressed by the Romanes, against the testimony of Tacitus himselfe a Romane and partiall for his Countrey wee cannot except: let vs then heare his evidence touching the same Vitellius: Ipse abundè ratus si praesentibus frueretur, nec * 1.505 in longum consultans novies millies sestertium paucissimis mensibus interver∣tisse creditur, he holding it fully sufficient if he injoyed th•…•… present, and not caring for the future, within the compasse of a few moneths, is said to haue set going nine hundred millions of Sesterces; which summe Budoeus casting vp, thus pronounces of it, hanc ego summam non minorem * 1.506 ducenties vicies quinquies centenis millibus esse dico, I affirme that this summe is no lesse then twenty fiue hundred thousand Crownes. And for Ne∣ro, divitiarum ac pecuniae fructum non alium putabat quam profusionem, he thought there was no other end of money and riches but to cast them * 1.507 away. Those hee held base fellowes, who tooke any account of their expences, but gallant and noble spirits, if they wasted and lavished it out: He in nothing so much commended & admired his Vncle Caius, as for that in so short a space hee brought going the infinite masses of treasures which Tiberius had hoarded vp, Quare nec largiendi nec absu∣mendi modum tenuit, so as he neuer ended giuing and wasting:

—Velut exhausta redivivus pullulet arca * 1.508 Nummus. As if when nought did in the chest remaine, Moneyes would grow there and revive againe.

When once he had giuen so vnreasonable a summe, that his mother A∣grippina * 1.509 thought it fit to restraine his boundlesse prodigality, she caused the whole summe to be laid before him on a table as hee was to passe by, that so the sight of it might worke in him a sense of his folly; but he suspecting it belike to be his Mothers device, commaunds presently so much more to be added therevnto, and withall was heard to say aloud, Nesciebam me tam exiguum dedisse, I knew not that I gaue so little. To Terridates (which scarce seemes credible to Suetonius himselfe) during his abode in Italy by the space of nine moneths he allowed dayly octin∣genta nummûm millia, eight hundred thousand Sesterces: And besides at his parting for a farewell, bestowed on him Sestertium millies, no lesse then an hundred millions; the rest of his prodigall gifts were not dis∣proportionall thereunto, so that in the whole, bis & vicies millies sesterti∣um * 1.510 donationibus Nero effuderat, he cast away in prodigall needlesse gifts two and twenty hundred millions of Sesterces. Menecrates a fidler, and * 1.511

Specillus a fencer, triumphalium virorum patrimonijs aedibus{que} donavit, hee * 1.512 rewarded with the patrimonies and houses of Triumphers: Nay Luxu∣riae tam effraenatae fuit, saith Orosius, so luxuriously wastefull he was, be∣yond all arrow_back reason arrow_forward and measure, vt piscaretur retibus aureis quae purpureis fu∣nibus extr•…•…bebantur, that he would not fish but with nets of gold drawne with purple coloured coards. Neither was his gaming vnanswereable to his giuing, Quadringenis in punctum sestertijs aleam lusi:, he adventured foure hundred Sesterces vpon euery pick of the dice. * 1.513

But yet all this might perchance seeme more tollerable in their Em∣perours, had not their private men according to the proportion of their meanes gone beyond them in these mad monstrous prodigalities. Py∣ramides Regum miramur, saith Pliny, cùm P. Clodius quem Milo occidit Se∣stertium centies & quadragies octies domo empta habitaverit, quod non secus ac * 1.514 regum insaniam miror. Doe we wonder at the Pyramides of the Aegyp∣tian Kings, since Clodius whom Milo slew dwelt in an house which cost one hundred forty eight hundred thousand Sesterces, which truely I as much admire as the madnes of those Kings. And going on, touches Milo himselfe vpon the same veine: Ita{que} & ipsum Milonem sestertium septingenties aeris alieni debuisse inter prodigia animi humani duco: And Mi∣lo himselfe to haue beene indebted seuen hundred hundred thousand Sesterces, I cannot but ranke it among the prodigies of humane wit. Curio the son ran in debt, as witnesses Valerius, Sestertium sex centies, sixe hundred hundred thousand Sesterces, * 1.515

—Decies centena dedisses * 1.516 Huic parco paucis contento, quin{que} diebus Nilerat in loculis.

Ten hundred thousand were you pleasd to giue Unto the sparing man, so well content With litle, yet might he but fiue dayes liue, In fiue dayes all would be consum'd and spent.

Sayth Horace of Tigellus. And Martial of Cinna.

Bis quartum decies non toto tabuit anno, Di•…•… mi•…•…i non hoc est Cinna perire citò? * 1.517

An hundred thousand eighteene times Lesse then one yeare did spend: Tell me, O Cinna, is not this To come soone to an end.

CAP. 10. Of the Romanes extreame arrogancie and confidence in admiring and commending themselues together with their grosse and base flattery, specially to their Emperours: and lastly their impudent, nay impious vain-glory and boasting of their owne Nation and City.

SECT. 1. Of their extreame arrogancy in admiring and commending, and euen deify∣ing themselues.

THus haue we seene the Covetousnes and Cruelty, but specially the prodigious Luxury of this Nation (so renowned in History for their Vertucs, as if they had beene the onely patternes and Masters of morality) in part displayed: Neither were these three vices the onely ones which they were generally and notoriously subject vnto, I might instance in many more, but will onely touch by the way their extreame arrogancy and confidence admiring and commending themselues & their owne personall abilities, their grosse and base flattery to others, specially their Emperours both liuing and dead; and lastly their impudent, nay impious vain-glory and boasting of their owne Nation and City. For the first of those, so farre they were from humility, that their greatest Mo∣ralists, no not the Stoicks themselues any where in their writings remem∣ber it as a vertue, it being indeed the proper vertue of Christian Religi∣on; Nay so farre they were from ranging it among the Vertues, that they held it a Vice,

—Faciunt animos humiles formidine Divûm. To feare the gods doth much abase the mind.

No marueile then that whereas wee finde the pen-men of holy Scrip∣ture publishing to the world, and registring to posterity their owne in∣firmities, those men on the other side vaunt euery-where of their worth and sufficiency. Martial, if he haue nothing else to brag of, will stand vpon his singular gift in trifling.

Ille ego sum nulli nugarum laude secundus. In praise for toyes I second am to none. * 1.518

Ovid thus boldly concludes his Metamorphosis.

Iam{que} opus exegi quod nec Iovis ira, nec ignis Nec poterit ferrum, nec edax abolere vetustas. Now haue I finished the worke, which nor Ioues ire, Nor sword abolish shall, nor ravening time, nor fire.

And in another place:

Mantua Virgilium laudet, Verona Catullum, Romanae gentis gloria dicar ego. Let Mantua Virgill praise, Catull Veron

But glory of Rome let me be tearm'd alone.

And Horace is no way behind him.

Exegi monumentum are perennius * 1.519 Regali{que} situ Pyramidum altius, Quod non imber edax, non Aquilo impotens Possit diruere, aut innumerabilis Annorum series & fuga temporum.

A monument then brasse more lasting, I, Then Princely Pyramids in site more high, Haue finished, which neither fretting showres, Nor blustering windes, nor flight of yeares and houres, Though numberlesse can raze.

And though it be true that they divined aright, yet doubtlesse, such arrogant confidence, or rather confident arrogancie touching the fruites of their owne braines, would better haue sounded out of other mens mouths, and more modesty (the very grace and crowne of other vertues and gifts) haue much better beseemed them. What a vaine∣glorious vnsavory verse was that of Tullies owne making, touching the good government of the state during his Consulship.

O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam. O happy Rome & fortunate Through me, and through my Consulate.

But their Emperours went farther; Dioclesian calling himselfe the brother of the Sunne & Moone, and in salutations, not admitting any to farther familiarity then the kissing of his toe. Nay Augustus, so∣much magnified by them, made a supper, in which Suetonius witnes∣seth, Deorum Dearum{que} habitu discubuisse convivas, & ipsum pro Apolline * 1.520 ornatum, that his guests sate downe in the habite of Gods and God∣desses, and himselfe attired like Apollo: But this was but a play, though such as Augustus himselfe blushed to heare of. Domitian (as before hath beene touched) went to it in good earnest, sending out his writes with this forme, Dominus & Deus noster sic fieri jubet, Our Lord & God so commaunds it to be: vnde institutum posthac vt ne scripto quidem ac ser∣mone * 1.521 cujusquam appellaretur aliter, from thence forth it was ordained, that he should neither by the writing nor speech of any man be other∣wise named: Yet these were but words, Caligula proceeded to deedes.

—Divûm{que} sibi poscebat honores, * 1.522

Assuming and challenging to himselfe, not the name only but the ho∣nours due to the Gods: Hee caused the statues of the Gods, among which was that of Iupiter Olympicus, to be brought out of Greece, and ta∣king off their heads, commaunded his owne to be set on insteed there∣of, and standing betweene Castor and Pollux, exhibited himselfe to bee worshipped of such as resorted thither, Templum etiam numini suo pro∣prium & Sacerdotes & excogitatissimas hostias instituit, he farther erected a Temple; and instituted both Priests, & most exquisite sacrifices to the service of himselfe. In his temple stood his image of gold taken to life, which every day was clad with the same attire as was himselfe, his sacri fices were phaenicopters, peacockes, bustards, turkeyes, pheasants, & all

these were daily offered, and at nights in case the moone shined out full and bright, he invited her to imbracements & to lie with him, but the day he would spend in private conference with Iupiter Capitolinus, sometimes whispering and laying his eare close to him, and sometimes againe talking aloud as if he had beene chiding: Nay being angry with heaven, because his interludes were hindred by claps of thunder, and his banquetting by flashes of lightning, ad pugnam provocavit Iovem, he * 1.523 challenged Iupiter to fight with him, & quidem sine intermissione Home∣ricum illum exclamans versum, and without ceasing roared out that verse of Homer.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, None is, ô Iupiter, more mischievous then thou.

Insteed of which verse of Homer, some copies haue this Hemistichium,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Dispatch thou me Or I will thee.

Wherevpon Seneca inferres (as well he might) Quanta dementia fuit? pu∣tavit aut sibi noceri, ne à Iove quidem posse; aut se nocere etiam Iovi posse: what extreame madnesse was that, to thinke that either Iupiter could not hurt him, or that himselfe could hurt Iupiter? Good God? who would ima∣gine that pride & selfe-loue should so farre intoxicateand infatuate a man (captivated to sinne and sensuality) as to make him vtterly to for∣get himselfe to be a man, and commaund others to worshippe him as a God, or which is more, aboue God! But surely heerein I must confesse, they be somewhat the more to be pittied, and the rather to be pardo∣ned, for that the Gods whom they worshipped, had not only bin men, but like themselues, too notoriously wicked: And withall I am perswa∣ded, the grosse flattery of their subjects, but specially the Poets, drew them on to the acting of that, which perchaunce of themselues they were inclinable enough vnto.

SECT. 2. Of their grosse and base flattery, specially toward their Emperours both living and dead.

HOw notable doth Martiall play the Parasite with Domitian, tel∣ling him, that if the Gods should sell all they had, they would not be able to satisfie their debt to him, but would be forced to turne bancke-rupts.

Grandis in Aetherio licet auctio fiat Olympo Cogantur{que} Dei vendere quicquid habent * 1.524 Conturbabit Atlas, &c.

And againe,

Exspectes & sustineas Auguste necesse est, Nam tibi quod reddat non habet arca Iovis.

But this in Martiall a professed flatterer, is more tollerable then in Vir∣gill & Lucan, who carry the name of graue and sad Poets, yet the one

divides the Empire betweene Iupiter & Augustus.

Divisum imperium cum Iove Caesar habet. 'Twixt Ioue & Caesar th'Empire shared is.

And the other professes, that all the outrages committed in their civill warres, were nothing displeasing vnto them, but rather acceptable and advantagious, in regard they holpt to prepare a way for Nero's com∣ming to the Empire.

His Caesar Perusina fames mutinae{que} labores, * 1.525 Accedant fatis, aut si quid durius istis: Multum Roma tamen debet civilibus armis Quod tibi res acta est.

Adde Caesar to these fates Modena broiles, Perusin famine, or else harder toiles: Yet Rome to civill arms thou art in debt Since all this worketh to thy benefit.

And againe

Quod si non aliam venturo fata Neroni Invenêre viam, * 1.526 Iam nihil ô Superi querimur scelera ista nefasque Hac mercede placent.

If other way the fates could not invent For Nero's comming, then we rest content, This villanie, ô Gods, this foule offence Mislikes vs not with so great recompence.

And when Domitian challenged to himselfe divine worship, how ready were they to sooth him in it. Magisteria Sacerdotij ditissimus quis{que} & ambitione & licitatione maxima vicibus comparabant, Every one as he was richest by great sutes and bribes, got him a turne in the Magistracie of the Priest-hood; nay quidam eum latialem Iovem consalutârunt, there wanted not some among them, who saluted him by the name of Iupiter Latialis. But this I must acknowledge, as it was foule in the highest degree, so was it vnvsuall: For though, as noteth Prosper in their peti∣tions * 1.527 to their Princes, they vsually stiled them, Numini vestro, Perenni∣tati vestrae, to your divine power, to your eternity: Quae vanitas non ve∣ritas tradidit at{que} execrabilia sunt, which vanity not verity hath found out, and are indeed abominable. Nay the Emperours themselues in their Rescripts, shamed not to write, Perennitas nostra, aeternitas nostra, numen nostrum, &c. And we sometimes reade, oracula Augusti for Edicta. Yet Deorum honor Principi non ante habetur quam agere inter homines desierat, saith Tacitus: We doe not commonly giue the honour of the Gods to * 1.528 our Princes as long as they liue; thereby implying, that assoone as they were deceased, they did it. Though Augustus, while he was yet li∣ving was worshipped as a God, not in Rome perchaunce and Italy (for that he refused) yet abroad in the Provinces: Wherevpon temples were erected vnto him, and a Colledge of Priests both men and women: and coynes were stamped with rayes or beames about his head: whence the Poet:

Praesenti tibi maturos largimur honores.

To thee while thou dost liue Honours divine we giue.

Now the Ceremonies of the Apotheosis or deifying their Empe∣rours, (as appeares in Herodian and others) was briefely thus. After the * 1.529 Princes death, the body being sumptuously and honorablely interred, they framed an image of waxe, resembling in all respects the party de∣ceased, but palish and wanne as a sicke man; and so being laid at the en∣try of the palace in an yvory bed, covered with cloath of gold the Se∣nate & Ladies assisting in mourning attire; the Physitians daily, resor∣ted to him to touch his pulse and consider in college of his disease, do∣ctorally at their departure, resolving that hee grew in worse and worse tearmes and hardly would escape it. At the end of seaven dayes (du∣ring which time, saith Xiphilinus, there stood a page with a fanne of pea∣cockes feathers to keepe off the flies from the face, as if he had beene but asleepe) they opened and found by their learning, (the crisis belike being badde) that the patient was departed. Wherevpon some of the Senate appointed for that purpose, and principall gentle-men taking vp the bed vpon their shoulders, carried it thorow Via sacra into the Forum, where a company of young Gentle-men of greatest birth stan∣ding on the one side and maydes of the other, sung hymnes & sonnets the one to the other in commendation of the dead Prince, entuned in a solemne and mournfull note, with all kind of other musicke and melo∣die, as indeed the whole ceremonie was a mixt action of mourning and mirth, as appeareth by Seneca at the consecration of Claudius: who thus floutes at it. Et erat omnium formosissimum (funus Claudij) & impensa cu∣raplenum, * 1.530 vt scires Deum efferri, tibicinum, Cornicinum, omnis{que} generis aeneatorum tanta turba, tantus Conventus, vt etiam Claudius audire possit. It was the goodliest shew and the fullest of sollicitous curiositie, that you might know a God was to be buried; so great was the rabble of trum∣petters, cornetters and other Musitians, that even Claudius himselfe might haue heard them. After this, they carried the herse out of the citie into Campus Martius, where a square tower was built of timber, large at the bottome, and of competent height to receiue wood & fag∣gots sufficiently, outwardly bedeckt & hung with cloath of gold, ima∣gerie worke, and curious pictures. Vpon that tower stood a second turret in figure and furniture like to the first, but somewhat lesse, with windowes and doores standing open, wherein the herse was placed, & all kinde of spiceries and odours, which the whole world could yeeld, heaped therein: And so a third and fourth turret, and so forth, grow∣ing lesse and lesse toward the toppe: The whole building representing the forme of a lanthorne or watch-tower, which giveth light in the night. Thus all being placed in order, the Gentle-men first rode a∣bout * 1.531 it, marching in a certaine measure: then followed others in open coaches with robes of honour, and vpon their faces vizards of the good Princes, and honourable personages of ancient times. All these Ce∣remonies thus being performed; the Prince which succeeded taketh a torch, and first putteth to the fire himselfe, and after him all the rest of the company, and by and by as the fire was kindled out of the toppe

toppe of the highest turret, an Eagle was let fly to carry vp his soule into heaven, and so he was afterward reputed, and by the Romanes ado∣red among the rest of the Gods▪ Marry; before the consecration it was vsuall, that some Gentlemen at least, should bestow an oath to proue their Deitie, Nec defuit vir Praetorius quise efligiem cremati euntem in coe∣lum vid•…•…sse iurasset, sayth Suetonius of Augustus: neither was there wan∣ting * 1.532 one who had beene Praetor (Dion names him Numerius Atticus) to sweare, that he saw his Effigies mounting into heaven. The like was testified of Drusilla, sister and wife to Caius, by one Livius Geminius a Senatour, of which Dio thus writes. One Livius Geminius a Senatour * 1.533 swore, that he saw Drusilla ascending vp into heaven, and conversing with the Gods, wishing to himselfe and his children vtter destruction if he spake an vntruth, calling to witnesse both sundry other Gods, and specially the Goddesse her selfe of whom he spake. For which oath he received a million of Sesterces, which makes 7812^l 10^s Sterling. What a deale of fopperie and impiety was here mixed together. Yet this lesson, as Sir Henry Savill frō whom I haue borrowed the greatest part of * 1.534 this last narration (conjectures, they may seem to haue learned of Procu∣lus Iulius, who took an oath not much otherwise for Romulus deitie, whō the Senate murdered and made a God; from whence this race of the Ro∣man Gods may seeme to haue taken beginning. And I doubt not, but many of the wiser sort of the Romanes themselues secretly laughed at this folly, sure I am that Lucan durst openly scoffe at it.

—Cladis tamen huius habemus Vindictam quantum terris dare numina fas est * 1.535 Bella pares Superis facient civilia divos: Fulminibus manes, radijs{que} ornabit & astris, Inque Deum templis jurabit Roma per vmbras.

Yet of this slaughter such revenge we haue As heavenly powers may give, or earth can craue: Gods like to those aboue these civill warres Shall make, and Rome with lightning, beames, & starres Shall them adorne, and in the temples where The Gods doe dwell shall by their shadowes sweare.

It is true, that in our time after the death of the late Charles in France, his image was laid in a rich bed, in triumphant attire, with the Crowne vp∣on his head, and the coller of the order about his necke, & forty dayes at ordinary houres, dinner and supper was served in with all accusto∣med ceremonies, as sewing, water, grace, carving, say taking, &c. all the Cardinalls, Prelats, Lords, Gentlemen, & Officers attending in far greater solemnity, then if he had been aliue. Now this I confesse, was a pe•…•…ce of flattery more then needed, but not comparable to that of the Romans, in making their Emperours Gods, which they might well haue conceived, was neither in the power of the one to giue, nor of the o∣ther to receiue. Yet was not this honour conferred vpon their Empe∣rours alone; Tully, as wise as he would be held, would needes haue his daughters deified, and the same did Adrian by Antinous his minion, which no doubt might as wel be justified as Caligula's, making his horse

a Priest, or the same Adrians erecting monuments to his dead dogges.

SECT. 3. Of their impudent, nay impious vaine-glory, and boasting of their owne nation and city.

YEt their inordinate preposterous Zeale in extolling every where their Empire and cittie beyond measure, and modesty, and truth, seemes to haue exceeded this toward their Emperours; & from hence I beleeue hath chiefely growen in the world so great an admira∣tion of them in many things beyond all succeeding ages, and their de∣serts: But certaine it is, that never any people vnder the Sunne, more daringly chalenged to themselues the toppe of all perfection. Nulla vnquam Respub. nec maior nec sanctior, nec bonis exemplis ditior fuit, sayth Livie, Never was there any common-wealth more ample or holy, or * 1.536 rich in good examples. Gentiu•…•… in toto orbe praestantissima vna & in omni virtute haud dubie Romana exstitit, saith Pliny: The Romane Nation hath beene doubtlesse of all others in all kinde of vertue the most excellent. Nulla Gens est quae non aut ita subacta sit, vt vix exstet; aut ita domita, vt qui∣escat; aut ita pacata, vt victoria nostra imperio{que} laetatur, sayth Tully: There is no Nation which either is not so vtterly vanquished, as it is extingui∣shed; or so mastered, as it is quieted; or so pacified, that it rejoyceth in our victorie and Empire and Claudian,

Haec est exiguis quae finibus orta tetendit In geminos axes, parvaque à sede profecta Dispersit cum sole manus.

Small were her confines when she first begun, Now stretcheth to both poles; small her first seat, Yet now her hands shee spreadeth with the Sunne.

This seemed not enough vnto Caecilius, against whom Arnobius writes, for he sayth, that the Romans did, Imperiu•…•… suum, vltra solis vias, prapaga∣re: They inlarged their dominion beyond the course of the Sun. And Ovid, he commeth not a steppe behind them in this their exaggerated amplification. For he sayth, that if God should looke downe from heaven vpon the earth, he could see nothing there without the power of the Romanes.

Iupiter, arce sua, totum cum spectet in orbem, Nil, nisi Romanum, quod tueatur, habet. * 1.537

Yea, and (as Egesippus recordeth) there were many that thought the Ro∣mane Empire so great, and so largely diffused over the face of the whole earth, that they called orbem terrarum, orbem Romanum, the globe of the earth, the globe of the Romanes, the whole world, the Romane world. Hyper∣bolicall speeches, which though Lypsius put off with an animosèmagis quam superbè dicta, as arguing rather magnanimitie then ostentation; yet Dyonisius Halicarnassaeus somewhat more warily limits them thus: Roma∣na vrbs imperat toti terrae quae quidem inaccessa non sit, the citty of Rome commaunds the whole earth, where it is not inaccessible: But Lypsius himselfe more truly, quicquid oportunum aut dignum vinci videbatur vi∣cit,

it overcame whatsoeuer it could well overcome, or thought worthy the ouercomming. And Macrobius (though himselfe a Roman ingenu∣ously * 1.538 acknowledgeth Gangem transnare aut Caucasum transcendere Romà∣ni nominis fama non valuit The fame of the Romans as great as it was, yet was neuer so great as to be able to swimme ouer the Riuer Ganges, or climbe ouer the mountaine Caucasus, so that euen their fame came short of their swelling amplifications vsed by their Orators and Poets, but their Dominion came much shorter, as is expressely affirmed by the same Author, Totius terrae quae ad coelum puncti locum obtinet, minima quae∣dam * 1.539 particula à nostri generis hominibus possidetur. Though the whole Earth compared with the Heauens bee no bigger then a Center in the midst of a Circle, yet scarce the least parcell of this little earth, did euer come into the hands of the Romans.

Yet how could a man well devise to say more then Propertius hath said of that City.

Omnia Romanae cedant miracula terrae Natura hic posuit quicquid vbi{que} fuit. All miracles to Rome must yeeld, for heere, Nature hath treasur'd all what's euery-where.

Except Martial perchaunce out-vy him.

Terrarum Dea gentium{que} Roma Cui par est nihil & nihil secundum. * 1.540 Of Lands and Nations Goddesse, Rome, and Queene, To whom novght peere, nought second yet hath beene.

Which Frontinus seemes to borrow from him, but with some addition * 1.541 of his owne, Romana vrbs indiges terrarum{que} Dea, cui par est nihil & nihil secundum. Now saith Crinitus, alleaging those words of Frontinus, Eos * 1.542 dicimus ferè indigetes, qui nullius rei egeant, id enim est tantum Deorum, wee vsually call those indigites, which want nothing, for that is proper to the Gods. Hubertus Golzius in his treasure of Antiquity hath effigiated two * 1.543 peeces of coine, the one with a Greeke Inscription 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the o∣ther with this in Latin, ROMA DEA, the meaning of both being that Rome was a Goddesse, neither was this figuratiuely, but properly vn∣derstood, she hauing advanced her selfe into the number of the Gods, as witnesseth Dion in Augustus; nay erected Temples, and addressed sa∣crifices to her selfe, as testifie Victor and Onuphrius in their descriptions of Rome, which Prudentius a Christian Poet both glances at, and deserved∣ly derides,

—Colitur nam sanguine & ipsa * 1.544 More Deae, nomen{que} loci se•…•… numen hàbetur, At{que} Vrbis Veneris{que} pari se culmine tollunt Templa, simul geminis adolentur thure deabus.

Shee Goddesse-like is worshipped with blood, A places name is hallowed for a god: As high as Venus Cities Church doth rise, And joint to both they incense sacrifice.

And Lucan, as to a Goddesse, directs his prayer solemnely vnto her,

—summi{que} ô numinis instar Roma saue c•…•…ptis. * 1.545

—And thou as greatest power divine, Favour, O Rome, this enterprise of mine.

Her Temple was situate vpon mount Palatine, as appeares by that of Claudian, bringing in the Provinces as suppliants to visite the God∣desse.

Conveniunt ad tecta Deae, quae candida lucent Monte Palatino. * 1.546 They meet at th'Goddesse Temple which doth shine So white and glorious on mount Palatine.

But this was in truth such a mad drunkennesse with pride and self-loue, that Lypsius himselfe cannot hold from crying out, O insaniam aedificijs * 1.547 & inanimato corpori non vitam solùm attribuere, sed numen. O strange mad∣nesse, to ascribe vnto houses and stones and a dead body not life onely, but a deity: And being now a Goddesse, shee might well take to her selfe that of old Babylon, a type of her pride, I sit as a Queene, and am no wid∣dow, * 1.548 & shall see no sorrow, and challenge to her selfe aeternity as most blas∣phemously she did, as is to be seene in the coine of the Emperour Pro∣bus, * 1.549 in which we haue Rome set forth sitting in her Temple in a victori∣ous triumphant manner, hauing on the one side this inscription, Con∣serv: vrbis suae, and on the other, Romae aeternae, and so is it expressely na∣med both by a 1.550 Symmachus, and b 1.551 Ammianus Marcellinus. And Sueto∣nius testifies in the life of Nero (cap. 11) that of all their seuerall kindes of playes, pro aeternitate imperij susceptos appellari maximos voluit, those which were exhibited for the aeternity of the Empire should bee had in greatest state, in which persons of all orders and sexes played their parts. Whereby S. Hierome, not without good arrow_back reason arrow_forward expounds * 1.552 those words in the Revelation, I saw a woman sit vpon a scarlet coloured beast, full of names of blasphemy, and so doth Prosper Aquitanicus, aeterna cùm dicitur quae temporalis est vti{que} nomen est blasphemiae, in that she is cal∣led * 1.553 eternall, being transitory, it is doubtlesse a name of blasphemy.

CAP. 11. Wherein the objections brought in behalfe of the Romanes touching their pretended Iustice, prudence and fortitude are exami∣ned and fully answered.

SECT. 1. The first objection touching the pretended Iustice of the Romanes answered out of Lactantius.

BVt happily it may be said, that as fertile grounds abound as well in weedes as wholesome hearbes: so the Romanes had many ver∣tues no lesse commendable, then odious & detestable vices, which to be ignorant of were childish simplicity, to dissemble or suppresse, en∣vious

partiality. The principall of these vertues are pretended to bee their justice, their prudence, and their fortitude. But if there bee a chaine of all the Vertues, (as both Aristotle and their own great Oratour haue taught) so that he who truly possesseth one, is owner of all, and he that wants but one, vpon the matter hath none at all, but shadowes insteed of substances, then certainly the Romans, whom we haue prooved to be excessiuely cruell, covetous, luxurious, ambitious and vain-glorious, could not properly be said to be either just, wise, or valiant, but rather formall then just, crafty or cunning then wise, adventurous or daring then vali∣ant. And I would willingly learne, how they who with such an insati∣able thirst of gaine and glory (as hath beene shewed) robbed, spoyled, oppressed, not the provincials onely, but their owne fellow Citizens, can be said to be just, or how they who admitted so many so base Gods and Goddesses, and honoured them with such beastly prophane services, can be said to be wise; or lastly how they who were wholly drowned in softnes and in delicacy, could be truly valiant; And I will neuer doe that wrong to Christian Religion, as not to beleeue, but that it hath yeal∣ded more just, more wise, more valiant, then Pagan Rome euer did. And therein if Tertullian in his Apologetique, Cyprian against Demetrianus, Lactantius in his Institutions, and Augustin in his bookes de Civitate dei erre not, I am sure I am right.

I will first then take a view of their •…•…ustice, Nec est difficile dicere, cur * 1.554 Deorum cultores justi & boni esse non possint (saith Lactantius, striking in∣deed at the very root of their injustice) it is not hard to say why the worshippers of such Gods cannot be either just or good, he goes on and particularizeth in the seuerall branches of their injustice. Quomodò enim sanguine abstinebunt qui colunt cruentos Deos Marte•…•… at{que} Bellonam? quo∣modò aut parentibus parcent qui expulsorem patris sui Iovem, aut natis ex se infantibus qui colunt Saturnum? quomodò pudicitiam tuebuntur qui colunt Deam nudam & adulteram, & quasi apud Deos prostitutam? quomodò se à ra∣pinis & fra•…•…dibus abstinebunt qui Mercurij furta noverunt, docentis non frau∣dis esse decipere sed astutiae? quomodo libidine coercebunt qui Iovem, Herculem, Liberum, Apollinem, caeteros{que} venerantur quorum adulteria & stupra in ma∣res & faminas non tantùm doctis nota sunt, sed exprimuntur etiam in Thea∣tris, at{que} cantantur vt sint omnibus notiora. Possuntne inter haec justi esse ho∣mines, qui etiamsi natura sint boni ab ipsis tamen Dijs erudiantur ad injustiti∣am? ad placandum enim Deum quem colas, iis rebus opus est quibus illum gau∣dere ac delectari scias, sic fit vt vitam colentium Deus pro qualitate numinis sui formet: quoniam religiosissimus est cultus imitari. How should they abstaine from blood who worship bloody Gods as Mars and Bellona? how should they either spare their Parents who worship Iupiter, or their children who worship Saturne? How should they haue a care of their chastity who worship a naked and adulterous Goddesse, as it were the prostituted strumpet of the Gods? How should they abstaine from ra∣pine and cosenage who are acquainted with the thefts of Mercury tea∣ching, that to deceiue was not fraude but wylinesse? how should they bridle their lust who adore Iupiter, Hercules, Bacchus, Apollo and the rest, whose adulteries and incontinencies both with males and females are

not onely knowne to the learned, but are acted and sung in their Thea∣ters, that so they may bee knowne to all. Is it possible for men in this case to be just? who though they were naturally well disposed, yet by the examples of their very Gods are they taught injustice. For to please the God you worship. it is requisite you doe such things as you know he is delighted with, and may giue him content: so as according to his owne quality and condition he formes and conformes the liues of such as worship him, in as much as imitation is the most religious kinde of worship.

Yet notwithstanding all this, it seemes by the same godly Father that they stood much vpon their owne just and vpright dealing, reproaching the Christians with the contrary, which giues him occasion in another place thus to expostulate the •…•…atter with them. Audent igitur homines * 1.555 improbissimi justitiae facere mentionem qui fer as immanitate vincunt,

—Lupi ceu Raptores atra in nebula quos improba ventris Exegit caecos rabies. Like ravening wolues whom in a gloomie day, Their bellies rage driues forth to seeke their pray.

Verùm hos non ventris, sed cordis rabies efferavit, nec atra in nebula, sed aperta praedatione grassantur: nec eos vnquam conscientia scelerum revocat, ne sanct•…•…∣ac pium nomen justitiae ore illo violent, quod cr•…•…ore innocentium tanquam ri∣ctus bestiarum madet. Doe these most dishonest men dare mention ju∣stice who exceede the sauage Beasts in cruelty, &c. But these not so much the fiercenesse of their stomacks, as of their owne wicked hearts hath inraged, neither doe they slinke in the darke, but make havocke & lay waste by open violence. Neither are they euer touched with any remorse of Conscience for prophaning the holy and divine name of ju∣stice with those mouthes which like the chapps of beasts are died with the blood of Innocents. And lest we should conceiue he thus speaks by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of their cruelty towards the Christians, he goes on in the same Chapter, and tels vs, Non de nostro sed ex illorum numero semper existunt qui vias obsideant armati maria praedentur, vel si palam grassari non licuit, ve∣nena clam temperent, qui vxores necent vt dotes earum lucrentur, aut maritos vt adulteris nubant: qui natos ex se pueros aut strangulent, aut si nimium pij fuerint exponant: qui libidines incestas, nec à filia, nec à sorore, nec à matre, nec à sacerdote contineant; qui adversùs cives suos, patria •…•…{que} conjurent. Qui de∣ni{que} sacrilegia committant & Deorum quos colunt, templa dispolient. They are not of ours, but yours, who rob by the high wayes, and turne pyrats by Sea. Or if open violence will not serue the turne, they prepare poy∣son, who make away their wiues, that they may gaine their dowries, or their husbands, that they may marry with their Adulterers, who either strangle their infants, or if they bee very devout, expose them, who forbeare not incestuous lustes with their owne daughters, their sisters, their mothers, no nor with their consecrated Priests, who treacherously conspire against their owne Country; Lastly, who com∣mit sacriledge, and robbe the Temples of those very Gods whom they worship.

And least wee should imagine, that he speakes of the Gentiles in gene∣rall, and not rather of the Romanes in particular, he referres vs to the te∣stimonies of Seneca & Lucilius. Qui volent scire plura, Senecae libros in ma∣num sumant, qui morum vitiorum{que} publicorum, & descriptor verissimus, & accusator acerrimus fuit. They who desire to vnderstand more hereof, let them take into their hands Seneca's bookes, who both most truly de∣scribes, and most sharpely censures the publique manners and vices. And to the testimonie of Seneca, he addes that of Lucilius: Sed & Luci∣lius tenebrosam istam vitam circumscriptè breviter{que} depinxit his versibus: Lucilius also hath briefely and pithily painted out that base kinde of life.

Nunc vero à mane ad noctem f•…•…sto atque profesto, Totus item pariter{que} die populus{que} patresque Iactare, indufori se omnes, decedere nusquam Vni se, atque eidem studio omnes dedere, & arti, Verba dare vt cautè possint, pugnare, dolose Blan•…•…iri, certare, bonum simulare virum se, Insidias facere, vt si hostes sint omnibus omnes.

From morne to night on dayes profane or festivall, They meete at th'common place commons and fathers all, There they bestirre themselues, thence will they not depart, One selfe same study all attending and one art.. How closely they may cheat, striue, flatter cunningly, Contend, and as good men pretend sincerity, Yet vndermine, as each were others enimy.

Nostro autem populo quid tale potest obijci? Cuius omnis religio est sine scelere & sine macula vivere? But now vnto those of our profession what can be objected in this kinde? whose religion consists wholy in this, to liue without wickednes and pollution? Nay so much he stands vpon the powerfulnes of Christian Religion, that he makes it beyond all the rules of Morall Philosophy, strongly effectuall to expell vice, and plant in men all kinde of vertue: Da mihi virum qui sit iracundus, maledicus, ef∣fraenatus: paucissimis Dei verbis tam placidum quâm ovem, reddam. Da cu∣pidum, avarum, tenacem, jam tibi eum liberalem dabo, & pecuniam suam pro∣prijs * 1.556 plenisque manibus largientem. Da timidum doloris ac mortis: jam cru∣ces & ignes & Phalaridis taurum contemnet. Da libidinosum, adulterum, ganeonem; jam sobrium, castum, continentem videbis. Da crudelem, & sangui∣nis appetentem; jam in veram clementiam furor ille mutabitur. Da injustum, insipientem, peccatorem; continuò & aequus, & prudens, & innocens erit. Ad quòd efficiendum non mercede, non libris, non lucubrationibus opus est. Gratis ista siunt, facilè, citò: pateant modo aures, & pectus sapientiam sitiat. Giue me a man that is wrathfull, foule-mouthed, vnruly, with a few words of Gods booke, I will make him as gentle as a lambe. Giue me one that is close-fisted▪ covetous, greedy of money: I will send him backe vnto thee, liberall, bountifully distributing his money with his own hands Giue me one that is fearefull of torment and death, he shall soone des pise crosses, and fires, and Phalaris his bull. Giue me a lecher, an adul terer, a haunter of brothell houses; you shall see him sober, chast, con∣tinent.

Giue me one that is cruelly disposed, and thirsting after blood, that fury of his shall be changed into true clemency. Giue me one who is vnjust, vnwise, a sinner; he quickely shall be just, wise, vpright. For the effecting whereof, there is no need of a reward, of bookes, of wat∣chings, those things are done gratis, easily, suddainly: onely let the eares be open, and the heart long for wisedome. Thus writes Lactan∣tius, and much more to this purpose, attributing a quickning efficacie to the divine oracles of Gods word, in the reformation of manners, which was not to be found in the writings of any of the Heathen.

SECT. 2. The same answere farther confirmed by the testimonie of Saint Augustine.

St Augustine presses them farther, that their Gods never taught them to be good, or at least-wise, that their Priests never published any precepts tending that way in the name of their Gods. Dicatur in quibus locis haec docentium Deorum solebant precepta recitari, & à Cultori∣bus * 1.557 eorum populis frequenter audiri; sicut ostendimus ad hoc Ecclesias institu∣tas, quaquaversum religio Christiana diffunditur. Let it be shewed in what places such precepts, given by direction of their Gods, were wont to be read and heard of the people, who came frequently to worship them, as we shew that among vs, temples are to that purpose erected, as far•…•…e as Christian Religion is spread: Where (sayth he in another place) out of the Prophets, the Gospells, the Acts of the Apostles, the Epistles, ma∣ny * 1.558 things are read to the people being assembled, against covetousnes & luxury, so excellent, so divine, as if they were rather thundrings from heaven, then wranglings from the Philosophers Schooles. And for the particular point in matter of justice, hee floutes at Salust for saying, that jus bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quàm natura valebat, right and * 1.559 equity did as much prevaile with them, through the goodnes of their Nature, as by the force of the Lawes, Ex hoc jure ac bono credo raptas esse Sabinas; quid enim justius & melius quàm filias alienas fraude spectaculi indu∣ctas * 1.560 non à parentibus accipi, sed vi vt quisque poterat a•…•…ferri: From this loue of right I trow it was that the Sabin women were ravished. For what can be more just, then not to receiue from their parents hands, but to take and carry away by violence other mens daughters, drawne on vnder the pretence of beholding a spectacle. From the same loue of this right too belike Iunius Brutus being Consull, caused Lucius Tarquinius Collati∣nus, husband to Lucretia, an innocent and good man and his Collegue to quite both his office and the city, only because he bore the name & was of kinne to the Tarquins: Quod scelus favente vel patiente populo fecit à quo populo consulatum idem Collatinus sicut etiam ipse Brutus acceperat: And this most vnjust act he did by the favour or connivence of the peo∣ple, from whom Collatinus had received his Consulship as well as Brutus. From the loue of this right, it likewise came to passe that Marcus Ca∣millus, who had done his countrey so great service, being questioned through the insolency of the Tribunes & the envy of his great vertues,

tam ingratam sensit quam liberaverat Civitatem, vt de sua damnatione cer∣tissimus in exilium sponte discederet, & decem millibus aeris absens etiam dam∣naretur, mox iterum à Gallis vindex patriae futurus ingratae: He found that city which hee had saved so ingratefull, that being fully assured, hee should haue sentence passe against him, he put himselfe into voluntary banishment, & being absent, they laid a mulct vpon his head of 10000 asses, though he were afterward recalled to free his vnthankfull coun∣trey from the forces of the Gaules. To these examples of injustice in o∣ther places he addes the vnjust putting to death of Rhemus by his bro∣ther Romulus, their vnjust warre vpon the Albans the mother of Rome, * 1.561 the vnjust exile of Scipio Affricanus at Linternum in Campania, where he ended his dayes, giving straight charge, ne saltem mortuo in ingrata pa∣tria * 1.562 funus fieret, that being dead, his funeralls should not be solemnized in his vngratefull Countrey. Nay Salust himselfe he confutes by testi∣monies drawne from his owne writings, where he tells vs, that discord, covetousnes, ambition, and other mischiefes which were wont to waite vpon prosperity, post Carthaginis excidium maxime aucta, after the fall of Carthage mightily increased, and from that time, Majorum mores non paulatim vt antea sed torrentis modo praecipitati, the ancient manners * 1.563 not by degrees as before, but like a torrent were carried downe head∣long. By which confession of Salust, it appeares, that it was not somuch the goodnesse of their Nature, as the aemulation and feare of Carthage that bridled them, and kept them in order. S. Augustines conclusion in the fore alleadged chapter is: Multa commemor are jam piget foeda & in∣justa * 1.564 quibus agitabatur illa Civitas: Cum potentes plebem sibi subdere cona∣rentur, plebs{que} illis subdi recusarent & vtriusque partis defensores magis studi∣is agerent amore vincendi quàm aequum & bonum quicquam cogitarent. So many were the foule and vnjust acts with which this Citty was burde∣ned, that it grieveth me to recount them whiles the Nobility sought to trample vpon the Commons, and these againe refused to obey them, & the chiefe abettours on both sides were rather carried with faction then louc of justice.

Nusquam tuta fides,— Faith is no where to be found, * 1.565

is the complaint of one of their Poets; and of another,

—Qua terra patet fera regnat Erinnys, * 1.566 Infacinus jurasse putes. As farre as land doth reach doth fierce Erinnys rage, A man would thinke they sworne had to all outrage:

And of a third,

Simplicitas, cujus non audeo dicere nomen: * 1.567 Simplicity, whose name I dare not speake for shame.

SEC. 3. Another answere, that none can be truly just which are not truly religious, nor any truly religious which professe not the Christian Religion.

ANd to speake a truth, so naturall is the vnion of true religion with justice, that we may boldly deeme there is neither, where both are not: For how should they be vnfainedly just, whom Religi∣on * 1.568 doth not cause to bee such, or they religious, who are not found such by the proofe of their just actions? If they which imploy their labour and travaile about the publique administration of Iustice, fol∣low it only as a trade with vnquenchable and vnconscionable thirst of gaine, being not in heart perswaded that Iustice is Gods owne worke, and themselues his Agents in the businesse; the sentence of right, Gods * 1.569 owne verdict, and themselues his Priests to deliver it: formalities of justice doe but serue to smoother right, and that which was necessari∣ly ordained for the common good is through shamefull abuse, made the cause of common misery. It is moreover the proper effect of true Religion, to qualifie all sorts of men, and to make them in publique af∣faires the more serviceable, Governours the more apter to rule with conscience, inferiours for conscience sake the willinger to obey. Gau∣dere & gloriari ex fide semper volumus (sayth the good Emperour Theo∣dosius * 1.570) scientes magis religionibus quàm officijs & labore corporis, vel sudore Rempub. nostram contineri: We will alwayes rejoyce and glory in our faith, aswell knowing that our Empire consists rather by Religion, then any other meanes. And doubtles the Christian Religion hath heerein the start of all others, that it strikes so much vpon the soule, whereby it is brought to passe, that men fearing God, are thereby a great deale more effectually then by positiue lawes restrained from doing evill, in asmuch as those lawes haue no farther power then over our outward actions only, whereas vnto mens inward cogitations, vnto the privy intents and motions of their hearts, Christian Religion serveth for a bridle. What more savage, wilde, and cruell then man, if he see him∣selfe able, either by fraud to over-reach, or by power to over-beare the lawes wherevnto he should be subject. Wherefore in so great bold∣nesse to offend; it behooveth that men should be held in awe, not by a vaine surmise, but by a true apprehension of that which no man may thinke himselfe able to withstand. Summum praesidium regni est justitia ob apertos tumultus, & religio ob occultos: The chiefe safeguard of a king∣dome * 1.571 is justice against open disorders, & religion against secret. And our best writers of the Primitiue Church forgat not to presse this against the Ethnicks, Vos scelera admissa punitis, apud nos & cogitare peccare est; vos conscios time tis nos etiam conscientiam solam, sine qua esse non possumus, saies Minutius Faelix: You punish wicked acts committed, with vs to thinke wickedly is a sinne; you feare to be convinced of guiltinesse, we * 1.572 feare the guiltinesse of our conscience, which wee alway carry about

with vs, and without which we cannot be. But aboue all, Tertullian notably vrgeth this point. Tanta est prudentia hominis ad de•…•…onstrandum * 1.573 bonùm quanta authoritas ad exigendum, tam illa falli facilis quam ista con∣temni. Age ideo quid plenis dicere, non occides, aut docere, ne irascaris qui∣dem? quid perfectius prohibere adulterium an etiam ab oculorum solitaria con∣cupiscentia arcere? quid eruditius de maleficio, an et de maleloquio interdicere? quid instructius injuriam non permittere an nec vicem injuriae sinere? Such is the wisedome of man to direct what is good, as is his authority to exact it, the one may as easily be deceived, as the other contemned. Which commaunds more fully? either he who sayth, thou shalt not kill, or he who charges not to be angry: which of the two is more per∣fect, to forbid adultery, or to restraine the eyes from concupiscence? whether more wisely done, to forbid evill deedes, or evill words? whe∣ther more like to do good, the not permitting of injuries, or the not suffering the revenge of them? And besides all this, the Ethnickes only threatned the death of the body to malefactors, but we (sayth the same Tertullian) feare to offend God, & pro scientiae plenitudine, & pro latebra∣rum difficultate, & pro magnitudine cruciatus, non duiturni, verum sempi∣terni: in regard of the fulnes of his knowledge, the difficulty of being hid, and the greatnes of the punishment, not for a long time, but for e∣ver. And thus haue we seene that the ancient Romanes, neither were, nor indeed had the meanes to be so just as is pretended; or as the Chri∣stians were, whom they persecuted. But it will be said, that howsoe∣ver they might bee defectiue in matter of justice, yet they excelled in wisedome and courage: Let vs then take a view of these, and first of their wisedome.

SECT. 4. The second objection touching the pretended wisedome of the Romans, answered by taking a briefe view of of their courses, but specially by the testimony of Pliny.

IF we should speake of true wisedome, it is only that which serues to make vs wise vnto salvation, which without true Religion can never be attained, as Lactantius most divinely: Omnis sapientia hominis in * 1.574 hoc vno est, vt Deum cognoscat & colat, hoc nostrum dogma, haec sententia est: quanta ita{que} voce possum testificor, proclamo, denuntiö, hoc est illud quod Philo∣sophi omnes in tota sua vita quaes•…•…erunt, nec vnquam tamē investigare, compre∣hendere, aut tenere valuerunt, quia religionem aut pravam retinuerunt, aut totam penitus sustulerunt: All the wisedome of man consists only in this, that he know and worship God, this is our doctrine, this our opinion, and this with as loud voyce as I can, I testifie, professe, proclaime: This is it which all the Philosophers during their whole life haue sought, and yet could never finde out, comprehend, or attaine vnto, be∣cause they either retained a corrupt religion, or wholy extinguished it. I would willingly learne how they, who (as hath already beene pro∣ved) worshipped stockes and stones, the workes of their owne hands, or

such a rabble of filthy, wicked, odious Gods, and that in such a beastly or cruell manner like men voyde of common arrow_back reason arrow_forward , could be sayd to be wise? Or how they, who suffered the most notorious vices of their Gods to be described by their Poets, acted by their Players, drawne to life by their Painters, whom they highly applauded and rewarded, as if thereby they meant to instruct their youth in vertue, could be said to be wise? Or how they, who wasted such infinite masses of treasure in such vaine buildings, banquettings, & spectacles could be said to be wise? Or they, who by their sword-playe•…•… or wilde beasts (only to satisfie their beastly pleasure) devoured so many millions of men, as might haue served to inlarge or preserue their Empire, could bee said to bee wise? Or how they, who gaue way to men to make themselues away vpon all occasions as they thought fit, nay exhorted them to it, & com∣mended them for it (which must needes bee a meanes to weaken their state) could be said to be wise? Lastly, how they, who professed that they most desired to traine vp their citizens to a militarie course of life, and yet suff•…•…red them to wallow in all kinde of luxurie, could be said to be wise? What great peece of wisedome did they ever shew in the ma∣king of their Lawes, or in their stratagems of warre, which hath not bin exceeded, or at least-wise equalled by the Christians in latter ages. But the notable follie of the whole body of this state, notoriously appeared in one action of theirs, which I finde thus at large described and censu∣red by pli•…•…y their Country-man, and a great admirer of his owne Na∣tion.

Certes, when I consider and behold the monstrous humors of * 1.575 these prodigall spirits, my mind is drawn away still from the progresse of mine intended journey, & forced I am to digresse out of my way, and to annexe vnto this vanity of Scaurus as great folly of another, not in Masonry and marble, but in Carpentry and timber: And C. Curio it was, he who in the civill warres betweene Caesar and Pompey lost his life in the quarrell of Caesar. This Gentle-man desirous to shew pleasure vnto the people of Rome, at the funeralls of his father deceased, as the manner then was; and seing that he could not out-goe Scaurus in rich and sumptuous furniture, was put to his shifts, and de∣vised to surpasse him in wit, since hee could not come neere him in wealth. And what might his invention be? Certes it is worth the know∣ledge; if it were no more but this, that we may haue joy of our owne conceites and fashions, and call our selues worthily as our manner is Majores, that is to say superiour every way to all others. This Curio then in aemulation of Scaurus caused two Theaters to bee framed of timber and those exceeding bigge, howbeit so as they might bee tur∣ned about as a man would haue thē; approach neere one to the other, or bee removed farther asunder as one would desire; and all by the meanes of one hooke apeece that they hung by, which bare the weight of the whole frame; the counterpoise was so even, and all the whole fabrique thereof sure and firme.

Now he ordered the matter thus, that to behold the severall stage-playes and shewes in the fore-noone be∣fore dinner, they should be set backe to backe, to the end, that the sta∣ges should not trouble one another; and when the people had taken

their pleasure that way, he turned the Theaters about in a trice against the after-noone, that they affronted one another, and toward the lat∣ter end of the day, and namely when the fencers and sword-players were come in place, he brought both the Theaters neerer together (and yet every man sate still & kept his place according to his rank & order) in somuch as that by the meeting of the hornes or corners of them both together in compasse, he made a faire round Amphitheater of it, & there in the middst betweene hee exhibited indeede vnto them all joyntly a sight and spectacle of sword-fencers, fighting at sharpe, whom hee had hired for that purpose. But in truth a man may say more truly, that hee carried the whole people of Rome round about at his pleasure, bound sure enough for stirring or removing.

Now let vs c•…•…me to the point and consider a little better of this thing. what should a man wonder at most therein, the deviser or the de∣vise it selfe? The workeman of this fabrique, or the Master that set him a worke? Whether of the twaine is more admirable, either the vertu∣rous head of him that devised it, or the bold heart of him that vnder∣tooke it? To commaund such a thing to be done, or to obey, and yeeld, and goe in hand with it? But when wee haue sayd all that we can, the folly of the blind and bold people of Rome went beyond all, who tru∣sted such a ticklish frame, & durst sit there in a seate so moueable▪ loe where a man might haue seene the body of that people, which is Com∣maunder and ruler of the whole earth, the Conqueror of the world, the disposer of kingdomes & Realmes at their pleasure, the divider of coun∣tryes and Nations at their wils, the giver of lawes to forraine states, the vicegerent of the immortall Gods vnder heaven, and representing their image vnto all mankind, hanging in the aire within a frame at the mer∣cy of one onely hooke, rejoycing, & ready to clap hands at their owne daunger: What a cheape market of mens liues was heere toward? what was the losse at Cannae to this hazard? how neere vnto a mischiefe were they, which might haue hapned heereby in the turning of a hand? Cer∣tes, when there is newes come of a city swallowed vp by a wide chink, and opening of the earth, all men generally in a publique commiserati∣on doe greeue thereat, and there is not one but his heart doth yearne; and yet behold the Vniversall state and people of Rome, as if they were put into a couple of barkes, supported betweene heaven and earth, and sitting at the deuotion only of two pinnes or hookes. And what spe∣ctacle doe they behold? a number of Fencers trying it out with vnre∣bated swords? Nay ywis but even themselues rather entred into a most desperate fight, and at the point to breake their neckes every mothers sonne, if the scaffold failed never so little and the frame went out of joynt.

SECT. 5. The third objection touching the pretended fortitude of the Romans answered, in asmuch as their Empire is by their owne writers in a great part ascribed to Fortune, & by Christians may be referred to Gods speciall providence for the effe∣cting of his owne purposes, rather then to a∣ny extraordinary worth in them.

NOw that which is most of all stood vpon, aswell by the Romanes themselues, as by their Proctours & Patrons is their great forti∣tude & courage, as appeares in their subduing the greatest part of the knowne world: and in truth, placing their chiefe happinesse in the honour and glory of their names; & withall, supposing that there was for the purchasing thereof no readier meanes, then the sacryficing of their liues for the inlarging & advancement of their Empire; they were in this regard for the most part, even prodigall of their blood: But shall we call that fortitude, which neither aimed at justice, nor was guided by true wisedome, or rather obstinacie & adventurous boldnes? It is very true, that they were often in their warres very successefull: but

—Careat successibus opto, Quisquis ab eventu facta notanda putat. May that mans actions never well succeed, Who by th'event doth censure of the deed.

By the confession of their owne writers they owed as much to Fortun•…•… as their valour, whom therefore they made a Goddesse and placed in hea∣ven.

Te facimus Fortuna Deam coeloque locamus. Thee, Fortune, we a Goddesse make, And grant thee place in heaven to take.

These two Fortune & Fortitude, Ammianus so chayneth & linketh to∣gether, as neither of them could well be wanting in the raysing of their Empire: Roma vt augeretur sublimibus incrementis foedere pacis aeternae vir∣tus convenit at{que} fortuna, quarum si altera defuisset ad perfectam non venerat summitatem: That Rome should rise to that height & greatnes, Forti∣tude & Fortune made a league of eternall peace, so as had either of them beene wanting, it could never haue risen to that perfection. Both of them performed their parts heerein, seeming to striue which should precede the other, which Plutarch disputes at large in his booke de for∣tuna Romanorum, and Florus hath briefely, but roundly & cleerely ex∣pressed. Ad constituendum Romanum imperium virtutem ac Fortunam contendisse videri, that to the stablishing of the Romane Empire, Fortitude & Fortune seemed to contend which should be most forward. Now if themselues attributed as much to fortune as to their fortitude wee may well conceiue that the latter was short of the former rather then otherwise.

And surely, if by Fortune we should vnderstand Gods Providence, we

may safely say, that for the effecting of his owne purposes (though hap∣pily vnknowne to thēr) ather then for any extraordinary worth or merit in them, he conferred vpon them the Empire of the world. As Augustus Caesar was by Gods speciall providence directed in taxing the world, * 1.576 that so euery man repairing to his owne Citty, Christ by that meanes might be borne in Bethleem, as was fore-told by the Prophet Micah: so * 1.577 likewise was he by the same hand and power settled in the Empire, that he might thorow the world settle an vniversall peace, when the Prince of Peace was to be borne into it, as was foretold by another Prophet, They * 1.578 shall beate their swords into plow-shares, and their speares into pruning hookes. And may we not well conceiue that the world was therefore by the di∣vine Providence brought vnder the yoake of the Roman government, made subject to their Lawes, and acquainted with their language, that so when the Emperours themselues should become Christians, as after∣wards they did, the propagation of the Gospell of Iesus Christ might finde an easier passage. The Romans then perchaunce might challenge, that as due to their owne worth in the conquering of the world, which is rather to be ascribed to the hand of Heauen, disposing these earthly Monarchies for the good of his Church, or for the chastising of his ene∣mies: * 1.579 To which purpose he gaue to Nebuchadnezzar such great victo∣ries and large Dominions. Thou O King art a King of Kings, for the God * 1.580 of heaven hath giuen thee a kingdome, power, and strength, and glory, which was not for any extraordinary worth or vertue that we read of in Ne∣buchadnezzar, but only to make him as a staffe or a rod in his hands for the scourging of other rebellious nations, an instrument for the accom∣plishment of his own designes. Answerable whereunto is that memora∣ble speech of S. Augustin. Non tribuamus dandi regni at{que} imperij potestatē nisi Deo vero qui dat faelicitatē in regno coelorū solis piis, regnum verò terrarū * 1.581 & piis & impiis, sicut ei placet cui nihil injustè placet; Let vs not referre the power of conferring Kingdomes, but only to the true God, who giues happines in the kingdome of heauen only to the godly, but these earth∣ly kingdoms, both to the godly & vngodly, as pleases him whō nothing pleases that is vnjust. I conclude this point with that of Salomon, The * 1.582 race is not alwayes to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, nor bread to the wise, nor riches to men of vnderstanding, nor yet favour to men of skill, but time and chaunce hapneth to them all. The meaning is, that the successe of these outward things is not alwayes carryed by desert, but by chance in re∣gard of vs, though by providence in regard of God.

SECT. 6. Secondly, the Romanes hauing no right or iust title to those Nations they subdued, we cannot rightly tearme their strength in conquering them fortitude.

SEcondly, sicut non martyrem poena, sic non fortem pugna, sed causa facit, as the torture doth not make a martyr, so doth not the conquest, but the justnesse of the cause make a valiant man, if the Romanes then cannot shew vs by what right they conquered the world, wee will neuer call their strength in conquering it, Fortitude, or crowne it with the name of Vertue, vnlesse w•…•…hall, we shall call the out-rage of rob∣bers and cut-throats who with fire and sword spoyle and lay waste all they can, Courage and Valour. Remota ita{que} justitia quid sunt regna nisi magna latrocinia, saith S. Augustine, take away the justnesse of the cause, and tell me what is the acquisition of Kingdomes, but great robberies; * 1.583 vnlesse we should say, that the killing and robbing of one is a sinne, but of many a vertue, as S. Cyprian wittily speakes, homicidium cùm admittunt * 1.584 singuli crimen est, virtus vocatur cùm publicè geritur, impunitatem sceleribus acquirit, non innocentiae ratio, sed saevitia magnitudo: when one single man commits a single murther that's a grievous offence, when it is common∣ly and publiquely done, that's a vertue: They purchase impunity not by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of their innocencie, but the greatnes of their Cruelty. When a Pyrate was convented before the great Alexander for robbing vpon * 1.585 the Seas, and demaunded what he meant so to doe, or by what right he did it, his answere to that Emperour was by way of recrimination; by the same right (sayth he) as you robbe the world, which was elegan∣ter & veraciter responsum, (they be the words of S. Augustine) a trim and true answere: For what was Alexander, if we should tearme him aright, but

Faelix terrarum praedo non vtile mundo Editus exemplar. A robber of the world, yet prosperous, And to mankinde example dangerous.

Or rather as the same Poet speakes,

Terrarum fatale malum fulmen{que} quod omnes Percuteret populos pariter{que} & sydus iniquum Gentibus. Earths fatall euill, a thunder-bolt of warre, Striking all Nations, an vnluckie starre.

And Seneca professeth both of him and his father Philip, that they were * 1.586 to mankinde no lesse plagues, quam invndatio qua planum perfusum est, quam conflagratio qua magna pars animantium exaruit, then a land flood which drownes all the champian, or a burning drought wherewith the greatest part of cattle perish.

Now that which hath been spoken of Alexander, the Romans may as properly be applyed to themselues, Foelix scelus virtus vocatur, vnjust

attempts if they be fortunate in the event are called vertues: and some actions there are of that nature, quae nunquam laudantur nisi peracta, which are neuer commended till they are ended; and surely so it was with the Romans, & for proofe that their attempts were indeed for the most part vnjust, we need goe no farther then that of Mithridates in Salust, Roma∣ni * 1.587 arma in omnes habent, in eos acerrima quibus victis spolia maxima sunt, the Romans make warre vpon all, and that vpon them most fiercely, from whom being conquered they hope for the greatest booty. And againe, Romanis cum nationibus populis Regibus cunctis vna & vetus bellandi Causa est Cupido profunda imperii & divitiarum. The Romans haue one old and common quarrell with all Nations, people, kings, an vnquenchable thirst of Empire and riches, with whom Galgacus in Tacitus fully ac∣cords, * 1.588 Raptores orbis postquam cnncta vastantibus defuere terrae, & mare scrutantur: si locuples est hostis avari, si pauper ambitiosi, quos non oriens non occidens satiaverit; Robbers of the world they are, and after that they haue laid all places waste, land wanting for them to spoile, they search into the Sea, if the enemy be rich, their covetousnesse mooues them to invade him, if poore their ambition, so as neither East nor West can sa∣tisfie their insatiable appetite. And though wee should perchaunce suspect the testimonies of Mithridates and Galgacus, as being their ene∣mies, yet against that of Lactantius we cannot well accept. Isti qui ever∣siones * 1.589 vrbium, populorum{que} summam gloriam computant, otium publicum non ferent, rapient, saevient, & injuriis insolenter illatis humanae societatis faedus ir∣rumpent, vt habere hostem possint, quem sceleratius deleant, quam lacessierint: But they who account the subversion of cities and states their greatest glory, will not endure the publique peace, they will rob and spoyle, and most insolently offering wrongs, will violate the league of humane so∣ciety, that they may haue an enemy whom they may more injuriously vanquish then they haue injustly provoked.

I am not ignorant that Cicero in defence of his owne Nation tells vs, noster populus socijs defendendis terrarum omniū potitusest, our people by de∣fending their associats, became Masters of the world: but I would wil∣lingly be informed whether or no they did not often set their associates to cōplaine without a cause, or abet them in vnjust quarrels; & I desire that Cicero or any other Roman should tell me truely what just arrow_back reason arrow_forward of warring they had vpon the Carthaginians in the first Punick warre. I know there is a pretence coyned that it was vnder-taken in defence of the Mamertins whom the Carthagineans and Syracusians intended to chastise for their villanous treachery committed vpon Messana a City in Sicily where they lay in garrison, putting to the sword all the Inhabi∣tents, & dividing the spoile among themselues, and Decius Campanus a Roman Prefect with his Legion consisting of 4000 Souldiers being re∣ceiued into Rhegium for the safeguard thereof against Pyrrhus, by the example and assistance of the Mamertins did the like. Now it is true the Romans at the instance of the people of Rhegium did justice vpon their owne Countrymen; yet the Mamertins guilty of the same foule fact, and that in a higher degree, they tooke into their protection, and made it the pretence of their first warre vpon the Carthaginians, their

ancient friends and allies. But it is certaine that no company of Pyrats▪ Theeues, Outlawes, Murderers, or other such Malefactors, can by any good successe of their villany obtaine the priviledge of Civil Societies to make league or truce, yea or to require faire warre, but are by all meanes as most pernitious vermin to be rooted out of the world. Wherefore we may safely esteeme this action of the Romans so farre from being justifi∣able by any colour of confederacie made with them, as that contrary∣wise by admitting this nest of murtherers and theeues into their prote∣ction, they justly deserued to bee warred vpon themselues: Yet after this warre ended, and a peace solemnely concluded, when the Carthagi∣nians made a doubtfull warre vpon their rebellious Mercenaries of Sar∣dinia, the Romans perceiuing that Carthage beyond their hope had reco∣vered her feete againe, began to strike at her head: On the suddain they denounced warre against this infeebled and impoverished Citie vnder a shameles pretence that the preparations made for Sardinia were made indeed against Rome it selfe. The Carthaginians knew themselues at that time vnable to resist, and therefore yeelded to the Roman demaund, re∣nouncing vnto them all their right in Sardinia: But this was not enough they would haue 1200 talents in recompence belike (for I see not what arrow_back reason arrow_forward they could alleage) of the great feare which they had indured of an invasion from Carthage. It is indeed plaine, that they impudent∣ly sought occasion of warre: but necessity taught the Carthaginians pa∣tience, and the money was payde how hardly soeuer it was raised. Let not Rome then complaine of the punicke faith in the breach of Cove∣nants, she her selfe hath broken the peace already which Amilcar pur∣posed to make her dearely repent, but what Amilcar liued not to per∣forme, was accomplished by Hannibal his renowned sonne.

SECT. 7. Thirdly, that the Christians in suffering for Religion surpassed the Romane fortitude.

THirdly, if true fortitude consist as well in suffering, as in doing, nay rather in suffering chearefully and constantly, then in doing valiantly, as the Prince of Philosophers, & great Master of morality hath taught vs, Ex eo fortes appellantur quòd res molestas at{que} asperas fortiter ferant, from thence are they tearmed manfull, that they manfully in∣dure * 1.590 bitter and shatpe brunts; and from him the Poet,

Fortiter ille facit, qui miser esse potest. He it is doth valiantly, That can miserable be.

Then I will be bold to say, that the Christian Religion hath yeelded more vndaunted invincible spirits, then euer Pagan Rome did, nay, then all the Pagan Religion euer did: so as I cannot sufficiently wonder what should induce Machiavell to conceiue or affirme that the Christian Religion serued to make men cowards, and that Paganisme was in that * 1.591 respect to bee preferred before it. Surely hee that shall advised∣ly reade the Ecclesiasticall-Story, what incredible multitudes,

with what alacritie, and what exquisite torments they endured, will soone I thinke be of another mind; they were so farre from shunning death, that they ranne to meete it halfe way, kissed it, imbraced it, in what vgly terrible shape soever it appeared; in so much that our wri∣ters of the Primitiue Church dare match them, as well they might with the most hardy & resolute of the Romans, yea and to preferre them be∣fore these. Nostri autem (sayth Lactantius) (vt de viris taceam) pueri & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tortores suos taciti vincunt & expromere illis gemitum nec ignis potest. Eant Romani & Mutio glorientur aut Regulo, quorum alter necan∣dum se hostibus tradidit quod Captivum puduit vivere, alter ab hostibus de∣praehensus * 1.592 cum videret mortem se vitare non posse, manum foco in•…•…ecit vt pro facinore suo satisfaceret •…•…osti quem voluit occidere, eaque poena veniam quam meruerat accepit: Those of our profession (not to speake of the men) e∣ven boyes & tender young women doe with silence conquer their Ex∣ecutioners, from whom not the fire it selfe can wring so much as a groane. Let the Romanes goe then and boast of their Mutius & Re∣gulus, of which the one offered himselfe to death by the hand of the e∣nimy, * 1.593 for that he was ashamed to liue in captivity; the other being at∣tatched by the enimy, when he saw he could not avoyd death, burnt his hand in the fire, that so for his wicked attempt he might make satis∣faction to the enimy, whom he sought to dispatch, and by that penance purchased he an vndeserved pardon: But with vs behold those who are for their sexe infirme, and weake for their age, suffer themselues wholy to bee torne in peeces, and burnt not through any necessity, for they might avoyd' it if they would, but willingly and readily because they trust in God. Eusebius takes a larger scope and makes a boldner chal∣lenge, including not the Romanes alone, but the Graecians, and any other not Christians. Ex omnibus qui vnquam vel apud Graecos vel apud Barbaros propter animi magnitudinem illustres, & hominum sermone celebrati sunt, nul∣lus * 1.594 cum divinis & eximijs nostri temporis Martyribus Dorotheo & suis soda∣libus imperatorum ministris comparari potest: Among all those who either among tho Graecians or Barbarians haue beene renowned for their mag∣nanimitie, none of them all could be matched with those divine & he∣roycall Martyrs of our time Dorotheus and his Companions the Empe∣rours servants. After these in time but in learning and zeale nothing inferiour vnto them: S. Augustine confidently maintaines the same truth: Hoc sequuti sunt Martyres qui Scaevolas, & Curtios, & Decios non si∣bi inferendo * 1.595 poenas, sed illatas ferendo: & virtute vera quia vera pietate & in∣numera multitudine superarunt: This rule our Martyrs followed, who not by laying violent hands on themselues, but by patiently enduring others exceeded the Scevol•…•…▪ the Curtij, the Decij both in true forti∣tude, because joyned with true piety, and besides in multitudes innume∣rable. And lastly, before a•…•… these, Tertullian both saw, and publique∣ly * 1.596 taught the same truth. Multi apud vos ad tolerantiam doloris & mor∣tis hortantur, vt Cicero in Tusculanis, vt Seneca in Fortuitis, vt Diogenes, vt Pyrrhon, vt Callimachus, nec tamen tantos inveniunt verba discipulos quantos Christiani factis docendo: Many among you exhort men to a constant and patient enduring of griefe & death, as Cicero in his Tusculanes, Seneca in

his remedies against fortune, Diogenes, Pyrrhon, and Callimachus; yet their writings and words finde not so many Schollers as doe the Chri∣stians, teaching by their deedes & deaths.

But because the Romans stand so much vpon their valour in suffering for their countrey, it were not hard to instance in many Christians, who might justly be paralled with the chiefest of them in that kinde, I will content my selfe only with one example, and that of the Burgesses of Calais, as I finde it reported by Pasquier.

The towne of Calais during the raigne of Philip de Valois being brought to those straights, that now * 1.597 there was no more hope left, either for succour or victuals; Iohn Lord of Vienna, who there commaunded for the King, began to treate about the rendring of it, desiring only that they might giue it vp with safety of their liues and goods; which conditions being offered to Edward King of England, who by the space of eleven moneths had straightly besieged it; he being exceedingly inraged, that so small a town should alone stand out against him so long, and withall calling to mind that they had often galled his subjects by sea, was so farre from accepting of their petition, that contrariwise hee resolved to put them all to the sword, had he not beene diverted from that resolution by some sage Counsellours then about him, who told him, that for having beene faithfull and loyall subjects to their Soveraigne, they deserved not to be so sharpely dealt with: Wherevpon Edward changing his first pur∣pose into some more clemencie, promised to receiue them to mercy, conditionally that six of their principall Towensmen, should present him the keyes of the Towne bare-headed & bare-footed, & with hal∣ters about their neckes, their liues being to bee left to his disposition: Whereof the Governour being advertised, he presently gets him into the market-place, commaunding the bell to be sounded for the con∣venting of the people; whom being assembled, hee acquainted with the articles which he had received, touching the yeelding vp of the towne, and the assurance of their liues which could not bee graunted but with the death of six of the chiefe of them: With which newes they being all of them exceedingly cast downe & perplexed, on the suddaine there rises vp one of their Company called Stephen S. Peter, one of the richest & most sufficient men of the town, who thus spake alowd: Sir, I thanke God for the goodes he hath bestowed on me, but more that he hath given me this present opportunity to make it known that I prize the liues of my Countrey-men & fellow burgesses aboue mine owne: At the hearing of whose speech and sight of his forward∣nes, one Iohn Daire and foure others after him made the like offers, not without great abundance of teares & prayers from the common peo∣ple, who saw them so freely and readily sacrifice all their particular respects for the weale of the publique, & instantly without any more adoe they addressed themselues to the King of England with the keyes of the towne, with none other hope but of death: to which (though they held themselues assured thereof) they went as cheerefully as if they had bin going to a wedding. Yet it pleasing God to turne the heart of the English King at the instance of his Queene and some of the

Lords, they were sent backe againe safe and sound.

Now who can say that our France hath not her Horatij, Quinti; Curtij, & Decij? Wee haue ours aswell as the Romanes had theirs: but a certaine kind of base∣nes in vs more ready to apprehend and admire the worth of strangers then of our owne Nation, makes vs happily not to beleeue so: Now that which Pasquier writes of his Nation, and truly, as I thinke in com∣parison with the Roman valour in suffering for their countrey, wee may as confidently speake of ours & others perchaunce of theirs.

SECT. 8. That as the Christians haue surpassed the Romans in the passiue part of fortitude, so haue they matched them in the actiue, and that the partiall overvaluing of the Romane man∣hood by their owne Historians, is it chiefely which hath made the world to think it vnmatchable.

FOurthly and lastly, as the Romans were thus surpassed in the passiue part of fortitude: so were they matched in the Actiue, many times meeting with those, that either put backe their forces without losse, or with victory put them to the worst. Iulius Caesar their great experienced and most renowned Captaine after all his valiant acts and triumphs, what adoe did hee make to doe any thing worth the remem∣brance vpon this Iland then inhabited by naked Brittains, and those divided: And though Velleius Paterculus the Court Historiographer beare vs in hand, bis penetratam Britanniam à Caesare, that Brittainy was twice throughly invaded by Caesar, yet Lucan tels vs another tale,

Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis: To th' Britons whom he sought his coward backe he turnd.

And Tacitus a graue Authour, Britanniam tantum ostendisse non tradidisse Romanis, that he only shewed, but delivered not Britannie to the Romans. And sure he did so little, that both Horace and Propertius agree in it that he left them vntouched, or at least vnconquered:

Intactus aut Britannus vt descenderet * 1.598 Sacra Catenatus via: Or that the Britons, yet vntouched, may Be led in chaines along the sacred way.

Sayes the one: And the other.

Te manet invictus Romano Marte Britannus. —Vnconquered Britannie, By Romane armes reserved is for thee.

The Gaules in their contention with them they found so stout & hardy, as Tully himselfe confesseth, that with other Nations the Romans fought for dominion, but with the Gaules for preservation of their owne safe∣ty, who once vnder the conduct of Brennus entred the citty of Rome it selfe, sacked it and burnt it. Pyrrhus King of the Epirots encountred them in Italy it selfe, and vanquished them in two severall battailes, in the former of which they were through feare stricken with such a con∣sternation

& forgetfulnes of their discipline, that they tarried not so∣much as to defende their campe, but ran quite beyond it, leaving both it and the honour of the day entirely to Pyrrhus, though the Consull himselfe were then in the field with a select army. But Hanniball was indeed the man, who made the Romanes know that they were but men made of like mettall as others are. Like a haile storme he came thun∣dring downe from the Alpes & Pyrrenaean mountaines vpon Italy. At Ticinum now called Pavia, after a long tedious journey, having scarce refreshed his wearied army, consisting of severall Nations, and there∣fore the harder to be held together & commaunded, he beate Scipio the Consull, and sent him (with the losse of almost all his horses) wounded out of the field: And within a while after fighting with both the Con∣suls Scipio & Sempronius at Trebia, there escaped of six & thirty thousand of the Romans, but tenne thousand of all sorts horse and foote. Not long after, this againe he encountred with Flaminius another Consull at the lake of Thrasymene, who was slaine in the place, accompanied with fifteene thousand dead carkases of his Countrey-men. And Cetro∣nius being sent by Servilius the other Consull to the ayde of Flaminius, his strength only served to increase the misadventure, being charged and the greatest part of them cut in peeces by Maharball, the rest yeeld∣ing themselues to mercy. The Romans being put to these straights, choose a Dictator that was Fabius Maximus, who like a cloud hung vpon the toppes of the hils, but durst not come downe into the plaines to fight with Hanniball, though he saw the countrey fired & spoiled by him before his eyes. Wherevpon two new Consuls are chosen Ae∣milius Paulus & Terentius Varro. For the dispatch of the warre great for∣ces are leavied, and at Cannae they come powring vpon him with assu∣rance of victorie. The whole summe of Hanniball's army in the field this day was, tenne thousand horse and forty thousand foote; his eni∣mies having two to one against him in foote, & he fiue to three against them in horse: But heere againe he routed and foyled them, in somuch as the Romanes were all in a manner either slaine or taken prisoners: Of men of speciall note there died in the great battell, besides Paulus the Consull, two Questors or Treasurers, one and twenty Colonells or Tribunes of the souldiers, foure score Senatours, or such as had borne office; out of which they were to bee chosen into the Senate, and many of these were men of marke, as having beene Aediles, Praetors or Consulls, among whom was Servilius the last yeares Consull, and Minutius late Master of the horse: besides all this, the number of the Romane Knights that lay slaine on the place, & of the common souldiers was almost incredible: Whereas on the side of Hanniball there died but foure thousand Gaules, fifteene hundred Spaniards and Africans, and two hundred horse or there-abouts, a losse not sensible in the joy of so great a victorie, which had he pursued as Maharball advised him, and forthwith marched a∣way towards Rome then destitute both of men and money, it is little doubted but that the warre had presently beene at an end: But he be∣leeued not so farre in his owne sufficiencie and good fortune, and was therefore told that he knew how to get, not how to vse a victorie: Yet

had not his supplies promised & expected from Carthage, partly by the malice of Hanno, and partly by the sloath & parsimonie of the Carthagi∣nians, beene too long deferred, it is to be thought the Romans would ne∣ver againe haue recovered that blow. For after this, he performed in Italy many noble & worthy exploits, marching home even to the gates of Rome it selfe; and had he beene supplied with victuals in all likeli∣hood, had carried it.

Now that which hath made the world conceiue the Romane Magna∣nimity to be vnmatchable, is the partiall overvaluing of their manhood by their owne Historians, and the too much slighting of all others in comparison with themselues. I will instance only in two or three pas∣sages. Livie to disgrace Hannibal writes, that a little before the stri∣king of the battell at Cannae, de fuga in Galliam dicitur agitasse, he is sayd * 1.599 to haue bethought himselfe of flying into Gaule, which was in truth very incredible, the difficulties considered which Hannibal before had passed, and the tearmes he then stood in. This tale therefore Plutarch omitteth, who in the life of Hanniball takes in a manner all his directi∣ons from Livie. My second instance is this: Fabius an ancient Roman Historian (from whom Livie borrowes much) sayth of Amilcar the fa∣ther of Hanniball, & his men at Erix a towne in Sicill; that hauing cleane spent their strength, and being broken with many miseries, they were glad to submit themselues vnto the Romans: But Polybius a graue writer, censureth this report of Fabius, as fabulous & partiall, in as much as the * 1.600 contrary therevnto is to be found in the life of Amilcar, set downe by Aemilius Probus, confessing that Erix was in such sort held by the Car∣thaginians, that it seemed to be in as good condition, as if in those parts there had not beene any warre. Though then we may not reprehend in that worthy Historian Livie, the tender loue of his countrey, which made him giue credit to Fabius & others: Yet must we not for his sake beleeue those lies which the vnpartiall judgement of Polybius hath condemned in the writers that gaue them originall. My third, & last instance is, that the great Captaine Fabius or Livie in his person, ma∣keth an objection vnto Cneus Scipio, which neither Scipio nor Livie for * 1.601 him doth answere, that if Asdruball the brother of Hanniball, and sonne of Amilcar were vanquished, as Scipio would say, by him in Spaine; strange it was, and as little to his honour, as it had beene extreamely dangerous to Rome, that the same vanquished man should invade Italy: And it is indeed an incredible narration, that Asdruball being closed in on all sides, and not knowing how to escape out of the battell, saue only by a steepe descent of rocks over a great river that lay at his back, ranne away with all his monie, Elephants, and broken troupes over Ta∣gus directly toward the Pyrenees, and so toward Italy, vpon which hee fell with more then threescore thousand Souldiers. Wherefore wee can but be sorry, that all Carthaginian records of their warres with Rome (if there were any) being vtterly lost, wee can knowe no more thereof, then what it hath pleased the Romans to tell vs, vnto whom it were no wisedome to giue too much credit. Albericus Gentilis, by nation an Italian, late professour of the Civill-Lawes in the Vniversity of Oxford,

well versed in the Roman storie, hath written two learned bookes de armis Romanorum; In the former of which hee clearely proues, that the Romans got the reputation of so great justice, and wisedome, & valour only from the testimonie of their owne writers, who were in their rela∣tions most partiall: notwithstanding, sayth he, Sunt vel in his ipsis plura & disiecta passim, & quasi in amplo naufragio dissipata quae per sedulam ope∣ram collecta, vincere vulgi opinionem, Consensum hominum inveteratum su∣perare, persuasionem de virtute Romanorum bellica tollere possunt: Even in them are many passages to be found scattered heere & there, as it were after some great shipwracke, which being diligently collected and put together, might serue to vanquish the vulgar opinion, to roote out the inveterate & common consent, to weaken the strong perswasion of men touching the warlike manhood of the Romans. And alleaging that place of Cicero in his Oration for murena, virtus militaris populo Romano nomen vrbi Romae aeternam gloriam peperit; The military vertue of the Romanes wanne to themselues fame, and to their Citty aeternall glory, imo non i∣ta est M. Tulli, sayth he, sed fraus, avaritia, audacia, crudelitas, illud vobis imperium pepererunt, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 terrae reliquum simpliciorem, justiorem, humani∣orem, faciliorem, moderationem subegerunt. Tullie, it is not so, but fraud, co∣vetousnesse, impudence, cruelty got you the Empire, and subdued the rest of the world more innocent; more just, more courteous, more mercifull, more moderate, more peaceable then yourselues: and this he doth not barely affirme, but substantially makes it good through that booke, though in the next, he seeme to haue spoken in the person of another.

I will conclude this long, though I trust not tedious discourse of the Romans with a dispute of Sir Walter Rawleigh's handling that probleme, proposed and discussed by Livie, whether the great Alexander could haue prevailed against the Romans, if after his Easterne conquest he had bent all his forces against them. Where having delivered his opini∣on against Livy for Alexander, together with his reasons, inducing him therevnto, he goes on preferring the English both before the Macedoni∣an & the Roman: wherein if he speake arrow_back reason arrow_forward , let him be heard, if not, let him bee censured: But for mine owne part I must confesse, I know not well how to answere his arguments, so pressing & ponderous to me they seeme, whether affection haue clouded my judgement heerein, I leaue it to others to judge, his words then are these:

SECT. 9. The English not inferiour to the Romane in valour & magna∣nimity, by the iudgement of Sir Walter Rawleigh.

NOw in deciding such a controversie, saith he, me thinkes it were not amisse for an English-man to giue such a sentence be∣tween * 1.602 the Macedonians & Romans, as the Romans once did (being chosen Arbitrators) between the Ardeates & Aricini that stroue about a peece of land; saying, that it belonged vnto neither of them, but vnto the Romans themselues. If therefore it be demaunded, whether the

Macedonian or the Roman were the best Warriour? I will answere, the Englishman. For it will soone appeare to any that shall examine the noble acts of our Nation in warre, that they were performed by no ad∣vantage of Weapon; against no savage or vnmanly people; the enemy being farre superiour vnto vs in numbers and all needfull provisions, yea as vvell trayned as vvee, or commonly better, in the exercise of Warre.

In what sort Philip wanne his Dominion in Greece; what manner of men the Persians and Indians were whom Alexander vanquished; as likewise of what force the Macedonian Phalanx was, and how well ap∣pointed against such armies as it commonly encountred: any man that hath taken paines to read the fore-going story of them, doth sufficient∣ly vnderstand. Yet was this Phalanx neuer or very seldome able to stand against the Roman Armies: which were embattailed in so excellent a forme, as I know not whether any Nations besides them haue vsed, ei∣ther before or since. The Roman weapons likewise both offensiue & defensiue were of greater vse, then those with which any other Nation hath serued, before the fierie instruments of gun-powder were knowne. As for the enemies with which Rome had to doe, we finde that they who did ouer-match her in numbers, were as farre over-matched by her in weapons; and that they of whom shee had little advantage in armes, had as little advantage of her in multitude. This also (as Plu∣tarch well obserueth) was a part of her happinesse, that shee was neuer ouer-laid with too great warres at once.

Heereby it came to passe, that hauing at first increased her strength by accession of the Sabines; hauing wonne the state of Alba, against which she adventured her owne selfe, as it were in wager vpon the heads of three Champions; and hauing thereby made her selfe Princesse of Latium, she did afterwards by long warre in many ages extend her Dominion ouer all Italy. The Carthaginians had well nigh oppressed her: but their souldiers were Mercenarie: so that for want of proper strength they were easily beaten at their owne doores. The Aetolians and with them all or the most of Greece assisted her against Philip the Macedonian: he being beaten, did lend her his helpe to beat the same Aetolians. The warres against Antiochus and other Asiatiques, were such as gaue to Rome smal cause of boast, though much of joy: for those opposites were as base of courage as the lands which they held were a∣bundant of riches. Sicil, Spaine, and all Greece fell into her hands by v∣sing her ayde to protect them against the Carthaginians and Macedoni∣ans.

I shall not need to speake of her other conquests: it was easie to get more when she had gotten all this. It is not my purpose to disgrace the Roman valour (which was very noble) or to blemish the reputatiō of so many, or so famous victories: I am not so idle. This I say, that among all their warres, I finde not any wherein their valour hath ap∣peared comparable to the English. If my judgement may seeme ouer∣partiall, our warres in France may helpe to make it good.

First therefore it is well knowne that Rome (or perhaps all the World

besides) had neuer so braue a Commaunder in warre as Iulius Caesar; & that no Roman Army was comparable vnto that which serued vnder the same Caesar. Likewise it is apparant that this gallant Army which had giuen faire proofe of the Roman courage, in good performance of the Helvetian warre, when it first entred into Gaule; was neuerthelesse vtterly disheartned when Caesar led it against the Germans. So that we may justly impute all that was extraordinary in the valour of Caesars men, to their long exercise vnder so good a Leader, in so great a warre. Now let vs in generall compare with the deedes done by those best of the Roman souldiers in their principall service, the things performed in the same country by our common English souldiers, levied in hast from following the Cart, or sitting on the shop-stall, so shall we see the diffe∣rence. Heerein will we deale fairely, and beleeue Caesar in relating the Acts of the Romans: but will call the French Historians to witnesse what actions were performed by the English. In Caesars time France was inhabited by the Gaules a stout people, but inferiour to the French by whom they were subdued; euen when the Romans gaue them assi∣stance. The Country of Gaule was rent in sunder (as Caesar witnesseth) into many Lordships: Some of which were gouerned by petty kings, others by the multitude, none ordered in such sort as might make it ap∣plyable to the nearest neighbour. The factions were many and vio∣lent, not onely in generall through the whole Country, but betweene the petty States, yea in euery Citty, and almost in euery house. What greater advantage could a Conquerour desire? yet there was a greater: Ariovistus with his Germans had ouer-runne the Country, and held much part of it in a subjection, little different from a meere slauery: yea so often had the Germans prevailed in warre vpon the Gaules, that the Gaules (vvho had sometimes been the better souldiers) did hold them∣selues no vvay equall to those dayly invaders. Had France beene so prepared vnto our English Kings, Rome it selfe by this time, and long ere this time vvould haue beene ours. But vvhen King Edward the third began his vvarre vpon France, he found the vvhole country setled in obedience to one mighty King: a King whose reputation abroad was no lesse then his puissance at home, vnder whose Ensigne the King of Bohemia did serue in person, at whose call the Genowayes and other neighbour States were ready to take Armes: Finally a King vnto whom one a 1.603 Prince gaue away his Dominion for loue: b 1.604 another sold a∣way a goodly City and Territory for money. The Country lying so open to the Roman, and being so well fenced against the English, it is note-worthy, not who prevailed most therein (for it were meere vanity to match the English purchases with the Roman Conquest) but whether of the two gaue the greater proof of military vertue therein. Caesar him∣selfe doth witnesse, that the Gaules complained of their own ignorance in the Art of Warre, and that their owne hardinesse was over-mastered by the skill of their enemies. Poore men, they admired the Romane Towres and Engines of battery raised and planted against their wals, as more then humane workes. What greater wonder is it that such a people was beaten by the Roman, then that the Caribes a naked people,

but valiant as any vnder the skye, are commonly put to the worse by small numbers of Spanyards? Besides all this wee are to haue regard of the great difficulty that was found in drawing all the Gaules or any part of them to one head, that with joint forces they might oppose their as∣sailants, as also the much more difficulty of holding them long to∣gether: For hereby it came to passe that they were neuer able to make vse of oportunity: but sometimes compelled to stay for their fellowes, and sometimes driven to giue or take battaile vpon extreame disadvan∣tages, for feare least their company should fall asunder: as indeed vpon any little disaster they were ready to breake and returne euery one to the defence of his owne. All this, (and which was little lesse then all this) great oddes in weapon gaue to the Romanes the honour of many gallant victories. What such helpe? or what other worldly helpe then the golden mettall of their souldiers had our English Kings against the French? were not the French as well experienced in feats of warre? yea did they not thinke themselues therein our superiours? were they not in armes, in horse, and in all provision exceedingly beyond vs? Let vs heare what a French Writer sayth, of the inequality that was betweene the French and English, when their King Iohn was ready to giue the on-set vpon the Black Prince at the battaile of Poictiers. Iohn had all ad∣vantages * 1.605 ouer Edward, both of number, force, shew, countrey, and con∣ceit, (the which is commonly a consideration of no small importance in worldly affaires) and withall, the choise of all his horsemen (estee∣med then the best in Europe) with the greatest and wisest Captaines of his whole Realme. And what could he wish more?

I thinke it would trouble a Romane Antiquary to finde the like ex∣ample in their Histories; the example, I say, of a King, brought prisoner to Rome by an army of eight thousand, which he had surrounded with forty thousand, better appointed, and no lesse expert Warriours. This I am sure of, that neither Syphax the Numidian, followed by a rabble of halfe scullions, as Livy rightly tearmes them, nor those cowardly kings Perseus and Gentius, are worthy patternes. All that haue read of Cressie and Agincourt, will beare me witnes, that I doe not alleadge the battle of Poictiers for lack of other as good examples of the English vertue: the proofe whereof hath left many a hundred better markes in all quarters of France, then euer did the valour of the Romans. If any man impute these victories of ours to the long-Bow, as carrying farther, piercing more strongly, and quicker of discharge then the French Crosse-Bow: my answere is ready; that in all these respects, it is also (being drawne with a strong arme) superior to the musket; yet is the musket a weapon of more vse. The Gun and the Crosse-bow are of like force when discharged by a boy or woman, as when by a strong man: weakenes or sicknes, or a sore finger makes the long bow vnserviceable. More parti∣cularly, I say, that it was the custome of our Auncestors to shoot for the most part, point blanck: and so shall hee perceiue that will note the cir∣cumstances of almost any one battaile. This takes away all objection: for when two Armies are within the distance of a butts length▪ one flight of arrowes or two at the most can be deliuered before they close.

Neither is it in generall true, that the long-bow reacheth farther, or that it pierceth more strongly then the Crosse bow: but this is the rare effect of an extraordinary arme: wherevpon can be grounded no com∣mon rule. If any man shall aske: How then it came to passe that the English wanne so many great battailes, hauing no advantage to helpe him? I may with the best commendation of modesty, referre him to the French Historian: who relating the victory of our men at Creuant, where they passed a bridge in face of the enemy, vseth these wordes; * 1.606 The English comes with a conquering brauery, as he that was accusto∣med to gaine euery-where without any stay: hee forceth our Guard placed vpon the bridge to keepe the passage. Or I may cite another place of the same Author, where he tells how the Britons being invaded by Charles the eight, King of France, thought it good policy to apparel a thousand and two hundred of their owne men in English Cassacks; ho∣ping that the very sight of the English red Crosse would bee enough to terrifie the French. But I will not stand to borrow of the French Histori∣ans (all which, excepting De Serres and Paulus Aemilius, report won∣ders of our Nation) the proposition which first I vndertooke to main∣taine, That the military vertue of the English prevailing against all man∣ner of difficulties, ought to be preferred before that of the Romanes, which was assisted with all advantages that could be desired. If it be demaunded; why then did not our Kings finish the Conquest as Caesar had done? my answere may be (I hope without offence) that our kings were like to the race of the Aeacidae, of whom the old Poet Ennius gaue this note; Belli potentes sunt magè quam sapienti potentes; they were more warlike then politique. Who so notes their proceedings, may finde that none of them went to worke like a Conquerour, saue only King Henry the fift, the course of whose victories it pleased God to interrupt by his death. But this question is the more easily answered, if another bee first made: Why did not the Romanes attempt the Conquest of Gaule before the time of Caesar? why not after the Macedonian warre? why not after the third Punick, or after the Numantian? At all those times they had good leisure, & then especially had they both leisure and fit opor∣tunity, when vnder the conduct of Marius they had newly vanquished the Cimbri and Teutones, by whom the Country of Gaule had beene pi∣teously vvasted. Surely the vvords of Tully vvere true, that vvith other Nations the Romans fought for Dominion with the Gaules for the preseruation of their owne safety.

Therefore they attempted not the Conquest of Gaule, vntill they were Lords of all other Countryes to them knowne. We on the other side held only the one halfe of our owne Iland; the other halfe being inhabited by a Nation (vnlesse perhaps in wealth and numbers of men somewhat inferiour) euery way equall to our selues: A Nation anci∣ently and strongly allied to our enemies the French, and in that regard enemies to vs: So that our danger lay both before and behinde vs, and the greater danger at our backs, where commonly we felt, alwayes we feared a stronger invasion by Land then wee could make vpon France, transporting our forces ouer Sea.

It is vsuall with men that haue pleased themselues in admiring the matters which they finde in ancient histories, to hold it a great injurie done to their judgement, if any take vpon him by way of comparison to extoll the things of latter ages. But I am well perswaded, that as the divided vertue of this our Iland hath given more noble proofe of it selfe, than vnder so worthy a Leader that Roman armie could doe, which afterwards could winne Rome and all her Empire, making Caesar a Monarch: So heereafter by Gods blessing, who hath converted our greatest hinderance into our greatest helpe, the enimie that shall dare to trie our forces, will finde cause to wish, that avoiding vs, he had rather encountred as great a pu∣issance as was that of the Romane Empire. Thus farre Sir Walter Raw∣leigh, comparing the Romane valour with the English, and if we should compare them with the Turkes, it is certaine that the Romans in the like space of time, never subdued the like quantity of land, so excellently fertile, and abounding in warlike people as did they. In lesse then three hundred yeares, from Ottoman to Mahomet the third, they wanne all those goodly Countreyes from Tauris in Persia to Buda in Hungarie, ly∣ing East, & West, and North, and South, from Derbent neere the Cas∣pian Sea, vnto Adena, vpon the gulfe of Arabia, each of which con∣taines about 3200 miles. So as all the noise which the Roman writers haue made about the vnmatchable valour of their men, is but like the huge armour which Alexander left in the Indies after his conquering of those Nations, serving rather to amaze the world, then rightly to in∣forme it.

CAP. 12. Wherein the generall objections touching the worlds decay in matter of Manners, are answered at large.

SECT. 1. Two objections drawne from arrow_back reason arrow_forward , and both answered: The one, that since the first plantation of Christian Religion, men haue from time to time degenerated: The other, that the multitude of Lawes, and Lawyers, and Law-suites, and the multi∣plicitie of words in writings & convayances, ar∣gue the great sicknes & malice of the pre∣sent times in regard of the former.

ANd thus I hope I haue now sufficiently cleered the point, that the ancient Romans (who are in stories most magnifi∣ed of any Nation vnder heaven for their morall vertues) excee∣ded latter ages in many foule vices, and haue by latter ages beene e∣qualled, if not exceeded even in those vertues, wherein they seemed most to excell. And heerein haue I chiefely aimed at the honour of Christ & Christian Religion; which being rightly vnderstood and pra∣ctised, without apish superstition on the one side, or peeuish singula∣rity

on the other, serues no doubt to make men more morally vertuous then any other religion, that either at this day is, or since the Creation hath beene professed in the world; I speake, not only in regard of Iu∣stice & temperance, but of wisedome & fortitude; and besides, for contempt of the world, austerity of life, patience, humility, modesty, charity, chastity, obedience, piety, and singular devotion, it hath doubtlesse yeelded men altogether vnmatchable. But it will bee said, that since the first plantation of Christian Religion, men haue from time to time degenerated, so as the farther they are removed from the Primitiue Professours, who burned in zeale and shined in good workes, the worse they haue growne: Wherevnto I answere, that the primitiue times, as∣well in that they came neerer to Christ & his Apostles, as likewise, be∣cause they were subject to the fierie triall of persecution were indeede purer then the succeeding ages, in which together with peace & plen∣tie, pride & luxury, oppression & vncharitablenes crept in, till at length they, who should haue been the principall lights & guides in the Church, became in all manner of vncleanes, cruelty, covetousnesse, & ambition little inferiour to the worst of the Roman Emperours. But heere then, things being now come to this height, appeared the speciall provi∣dence of Almighty God, in sending some zealous spirits to awaken the world, to rouze vp Christian Princes, to tell the Prelates their owne: And though therevpon followed a rent in the Church, yet withall there followed a reformation of manners, at least-wise in regard of scandalous & notorious vices, even among them, who refused, and still refuse reformation in matter of doctrine; the liues of their Popes, their Cardinalls, •…•…eir Bishops, their Priests, are in appearance much amended, what within these two or three hundred yeares, by the confession of their owne writers, they were; who we may well thinke, were ignorant of much, and much out of feare or favour they concealed: But somuch haue they published to the view of the world, as would greeue an ho∣nest man to reade, & shame a modest to write, which they shamed not to act, nay boasted of being acted: And for the other part, which pro∣fesses & maintaines the reformation, I hope they will not say, that they are thereby made the worse in matter of manners; God forbid but they, who professe themselues reformed in matter of dostrine, should like∣wise shew themselues reformed in matter of Manners. And sure I thinke we may safely say, that fewer rebellions, robberies, murthers, sorceries and the like, haue beene heard of, and more pious and charitable workes seene in our Land since the Reformation of Religion, then in the like compasse of yeares since the first plantation thereof amongst vs.

It will perchance bee said againe, that the multitude of Lawes, and Lawyers, & Law-sutes, and the multiplicity of words in writings & con∣vayances for Law businesses, argue the great sickenesse and malice of the times in regard of the former: To which it may truly be replied, that the multitude of Lawes giues occasion to the number of Law-suites, and that to the increase of Lawyers; and they againe serue to increase the multiplying of words in Convayances. Now that which giues occa∣sion to a greater multitude of Lawes, is not, as I conceiue, so much the

increase of vice, as of knowledge and zeale in the Law-makers; common swearing, simple fornication, prophaning of the Lords day and the like, in former times were scarce known to be sinnes; but being now by the light of the Gospell discovered to be such, and that in an high degree, as they are straitely forbidden by Gods Law, so is the edge of our lawe, turned against them. Besides, it is certaine, that no Law can be so caute∣lously framed for the preventing of all inconveniences in that kind, but that the wit of man armed with malice, will finde meanes to wrest the letter, or frustrate the intent of it; from whence other Lawes haue sprung vp for the cleering of the ambiguity, or supplie of the defect of the former; it is not then so much the malice of the present age, as th•…•… of all ages succeeding one another therein, which hath occasioned such a masse of Lawes, as their burden is in a manner now as cumbersome, as were the mischiefes they were made to prevent, prius vitijs laboravimus nunc Legibus, Tacitus spake it of his times, but it may well enough bee verified of ours; we formerly were burdened with vices, but now with Lawes. If then a wise choice were made out of the whole bodie of the Lawes, of the most vsefull and proper for the present times, and they severely executed, the rest being repealed and abrogated, it would proue both easier for the subject, and happier for the weale publique. Now for the number of Law-suites, it hath alwayes beene observed, that in times of peace and plenty, as riches increase by manufactures, and tillage, and trading, so doth the number of controversies. Our Fore∣fathers for many agés together lived for the most part in Civill Warres and continuall alarmes; so as the sword then determined the controver∣sie, and not the Law; since then the sword hath bin sheathed, no marveile that the Law & Courts of Iustice haue bin more in request. Moreover, the fall of the Monasteries and the alienating of their Lands into so ma∣ny hands, hath no doubt bin a great meanes to set Lawyers a worke since that fall, more then in former ages. And what is it but the set∣ting of men a worke which sets vp a trade, and multiplies the profes∣sours thereof? And as the number of professours multiplie, so doe the diversitie of their conceites and inventions; many eyes seing more then one can, which is the cause, that both more flawes are found in Con∣vayances, and consequently more clauses and cautions thrust into them for the preventing of the like.

SECT. 2. Another objection answered, taken from the Scriptures, which in diverse places seeme to say, that the last times shall be the worst.

BUt the great doubt which troubles most men, is, that the Scrip∣tures seeme in diverse places to say, that the last times shall be the worst; and to this end are commonly alleadged these passages: Because iniquity shall abound, the loue of many shall waxe cold. When the * 1.607 Sonne of Man commeth, shall he finde faith on the earth? Now the Spirit

speaketh expressely, that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, gi∣ving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devills. This know also, that in * 1.608 the last dayes perillous times shall come, for men shall be lovers of their owne selues, covetous, boasters; and evill men and seducers shall waxe worse and worse, * 1.609 deceiving and being deceived. There shall come in the last dayes, scoffers wal∣king after their owne lusts. Beloved, remember yee the words which were spo∣ken * 1.610 before of the Apostles of our Lord Iesus Christ, how that they told you there should be mockers in the last dayes, who should walke after their owne vn∣godly * 1.611 lusts. These are all, or at least-wise the principall passages which I haue either found alleaged, or can remember to that purpose. Where∣•…•…to I first reply in generall, that put the case they all inferred a decay in matter of Manners toward the end of the world, yet doth not that necessarily inforce a perpetuall & vniversall declination since the fall of man; but men may be (as doubtlesse they haue been) sometimes better & sometimes worse by interchange, and at the last worst of all. But I would demaund how it can hang together, that we should expect the subversion of Antichrist & his kingdome, & the conversion of the whole Nation of the Iewes to the saving knowledge of the truth, before the end of the world, and yet withall affirme or beleeue, that the whole world still hath, & doth, & shall to the end thereof grow worse and worse? For mine owne part I must professe, that I know not how to reconcile so different and contradictorie opinions. But for the better clearing and vnderstanding of the passages alleaged, it will be needfull to consider in what sense The last dayes in holy Scripture are to be taken. Some there are, who referre them to the dayes of Antichrist: but others vpon better warrant to the dayes of Christ, from his first comming in the flesh, to his second comming to judgement. Thus the Prophet I∣sayah, It shall come to passe in the last dayes, that the Mountaine of the Lords * 1.612 house shall be established in the toppe of the mountaines. And Micah to the same purpose, and so neere in the same words, as if he borrowed them * 1.613 from Esay. Now the dayes of Christs kingdome are therefore called the last dayes, not onely because it set an end to the kingdome of the Iewes, but because none other Priest-hood, or Sacrifice, or Sacraments, or Law are to succeede in place thereof. As man is a little world, so the age of the world like that of man, is distributed into diverse stops or pe∣riods. It hath its infancie, child-hood, youth, perfect estate, & old age. And as in man old age may, and sometime doth last as long as all the rest, so may it fall out in these times of the kingdome of Christ, and yet they be still the last times. Thus the time of Iob from his restitution to his death, is said to be his last dayes, or latter end, though it comprehend * 1.614 one hundred and forty yeares, which in the life of man is a long space. And if by the last dayes we should vnderstand the times neere approach∣ing to the worlds end, no small advantage might thereby vnawares be given to the Iewes, who would beare vs in hand that the Messias is not yet come, because the last times are not yet come: Whereas we on the other side say for our selues and truly, that the last times are come; not therefore because they approach neere to the worlds end, but because the Messias is come. Vpon which ground the Apostles themselues,

in imitation belike of the Prophets, likewise tearme it the last times. In the last times he hath spoken to vs by his Sonne, saith S. Paul. And S. Iohn, * 1.615 Little children, it is the last time, and as you haue heard that Antichrist shall come, euen now are many Antichrists, whereby we know that it is the last time. Since which time we know sixteene Centenaries of yeares haue passed. So as the Apostles could not well tearme their times the last in regard of any neare approach to the worlds end: but because they liued vnder the Kingdome of Christ. And if I should thus expound those alleadged passages, I should conceiue the interpretatiō were not vnsound. Augustin I am sure in his Epist. to Hesichius allowes it. Calvin in divers places beats * 1.616 vpon it, Per dies extremos satis tritum est regnum Christi designari: and in another place more fully to our present purpose, Sub extremis diebus * 1.617 comprehendit vniversum Christianae Ecclesiae statum, vnder the tearmes of the last dayes hee comprehends the vniversall estate of the Church of Christ. Herevnto may be added that which some latter learned Diuines touching this point haue obserued, that the Hebrew word signifies ei∣ther extremitie or posterioritie, as I may so speake. Whence it is somtimes rendred Last, and sometimes Latter, both in Greeke, Latine, and other Languages, and those two promiscuously taken the one for the other. Thus the Apostle in 2 Timothy and the 3. calls that the last times, which before in his former Epistle and 4 chapt. he had called the Latter times, and that word which in the last of S. Marke, our former Translations * 1.618 rendred Finally, our last hath turned Afterward: nay whereas wee reade in the Prophet Ioel, It shall come to passe afterward, S. Peter (by divine inspi∣ration * 1.619 no doubt) hath rendred it, It shall come to passe in the last dayes. But very remarkeable are the words of old Iacob to this purpose when hee lay a dying, and by the spirit of Prophesie foretold what should become of his sonnes, I will tell you saith he, that which shall befall you in the last dayes, in which prediction of his, though it be true that some things cō∣cerne the Kingdome of Christ, as that touching Iudah, the Scepter shall not depart from Iuda; nor a Lawgiuer from betweene his feet vntill Shiloh come; yet is it as true that many things in that Prophesie, both concerning Iu∣dah and the other Patriarches and Tribes descending from them were fulfilled long before the incarnation of CHRIST, and not long after the death of Iacob. In like manner the same word is vsed by Daniel in the Interpretation of Nebuchadnezzars dreame. There is a God in heauen * 1.620 that revealeth secrets, and maketh knowne to the King what shall be in the lat∣ter dayes or last dayes: Which same speech in the 45 v. following hee a∣gaine repeates in these tearmes: The great God hath made knowne to the King what shall come to passe hereafter. And though it be most certaine that some of those things there fore-shewed, were none otherwise ful∣filled then in the kingdome of Christ, as namely that in the 44. v. in the dayes of these Kings shall the God of Heauen set vp a Kingdome which shall ne∣uer be destroyed: yet withall it may not, it cannot be denyed but the grea∣test part of them were accomplished before our Saviours apparelling himselfe with our flesh, and some of them, to wit, the setting vp of the Persian Monarchy but 63 yeares after Nebuchadnezzars dreame or vision, and Daniels prediction. And hence it is that Iunius and Tremelius render

the Hebrew word in both those passages of Genesis and Daniel; with Se∣quentibus, or Consequentibus temporibus, which implies nothing else but times following and ensuing. Those Prophesies then of S. Peter and S. Paul touching the great wickednesse of the latter or last times, may well bee vnderstood either of the Kingdome of Christ, as hath beene said, or of times following theirs, and not necessarily neere approaching the end of all time.

SEC. 3. The passages of Scripture alleadged to that purpose, parti∣cularly and distinctly answered.

NOW for the particular passages: That prophesie of S. Paul touching Apostates, forbidding to marry, and commanding to ab∣staine from meates was accomplished in Eustathius, the Encratits or Tatians, the Marcionists, the Manichaeans, the Cathari, the Cataphrygians or Montanists, who all vented their heresies in those two points within lesse then two or three hundred yeares of the Apostles. And if wee should with some latter Writers referre that whole prophesie to the defection of the Roman Church, I thinke we should therein doe her no wrong: Howsoeuer it is fully agreed vpon, both by them and vs, that the prophesie was long since fulfilled. The same in effect may be said of his other prophesie in his second Epistle: Ne{que} enim aetatem suam cum nostra comparat, sed potius qualis futura sit regni Christi conditio docet, sayth judicious Calvin in his Commentaries vpon that place, Hee doth not compare his owne age with ours, but rather teaches what the Conditi∣on of Christs Kingdome was to be. And that which the Apostle addes of Euill men and Seducers, that they shall waxe worse and worse, deceiuing and being deceiued, is not sufficient to evince a perpetuall and vniversall decli∣nation. For though some euill men grow worse, yet others may, and by Gods grace doe grow from bad to good, and from good to better: and euen of the same men doth the same Apostle tell vs in the same place, They shall proceede no farther, but their folly shall be mani∣fest * 1.621 vnto all men. As for S Peter and his prophesie touching the last dayes, it is cleere that it was accomplished when S. Iude wrote his Epistle in as much as he points in a manner with his finger to that passage of S. Peter not only vsing the same words, but putting vs in mind that he had them expressely from the Apostles of the Lord Iesus: the onely difference be∣twixt S. Peter and S. Iude is this, that the one foretells it, and the other shewes how it was euen then fulfilled.

But I passe from the Schollers to the Master, from the Apostles to our Saviour himselfe and his prophesies touching this point, recorded by the Evangelists, whereof the first is in Mat. 24. Because iniquity shall abound the loue of many shall waxe cold. For the exposition of which words we are to know that our Sauiour in that chapter speaketh of the signes fore-running aswell the destruction of Ierusalem as the consummation of the World, and so twisteth as it were, or weaueth them one within a∣nother, that it is hard to distinguish them: yet by the consent of the best

expositours, the former of these is to bee referred to the first part of the chapter, and so consequently this prophesie was long since accompli∣sned: the meaning of it to be this, that such and so cruell shall bee the persecution of Christian Religion, that many who otherwise had a good minde to embrace it, shall forsake both it and the Professours thereof, leauing them to the malice of their Persequutors. And to this purpose doe both Maldonate and Aretius bring the Example and words of S. Paul, At my first answere no man stood with me, but all men forsooke mee, I * 1.622 pray God it be not laid to their charge. Our Saviours second prophesie to this purpose is recorded in the 18 of S. Luke, When the Sonne of man cometh shall he find faith on the earth? Which words both Calvin and Ian∣senius referre not precisely to the time of Christs comming to judgment, but extend them to the generall state of men euen from his Ascension to his second Comming: Disertè Christus à suo in Coelum ascensu vs{que} ad redi∣tum homines passim incredulos fore praedicit, saith Calvin; Christ expressely teacheth, that from his ascension euen till his returue, many vnbelee∣vers shall euery-where be found. But Iansenius somewhat more cleerely and fully, Non tantum significat defectum & paucitatem fidei in hominibus qui vivi reperientur in novissimo die, sed etiam in hominibus cuiuslibet tempo∣ris. He doth not onely intimate the defect and scantnesse of faith which shall be found in men at the last day, but in those of all ages. To these passages may be added that in the 12 of the Revelation, Woe to the * 1.623 Inhabitants of the earth and of the sea, for the divell is come downe vnto you hauing great wrath, because he knoweth that he hath but a short time: but the time there spoken of (as the soundest Interpreters expound it) is not cal∣led short in respect of the end of the World (which to the divell is vt∣terly vnknowne) but of his binding vp for a thousand yeares whereof he was fore-warned: and besides though the shorter his time bee, his rage be the fiercer, yet is not his intended and desired successe alwayes answereable to the fiercenesse of his rage, the Lord holding him, as it were in a teather, or chaine, and setting him bounds, as hee doth to the raging waues of the sea, hither to shalt thou goe, and no farther.

SECT. 4. The last doubt touching the comming of Antichrist answered.

THE last doubt is concerning Antichrist, who many thinke shall come neere toward the end of the World, and consequently it shall then be filled with all kinde of impiety, impurity, and mise∣ry, the attendants of his comming, and that much beyond all former times. But if Antichrist be already come, and that long since, then will the validity of this argument proue vtterly ineffectuall. And certainely such hath beene the wickednesse and calamity of all ages, that as Bellar∣mine speakes: Omnes veteres animadvertentes suorum temporum malitiam * 1.624 suspicati sunt tempora Antichristi imminere. All the Ancients considering the malice of their times, suspected that Antichrist was at hand. Thus S.

Cyprian of his time, Scire debetis & pro certo credere & tenere pressurae diem * 1.625 super caput esse caepisse & occasumsaeculi atque Antichristi tempus appropin∣quasse. Yee ought to know, and for certaine to hold and beleeue, that the day of pressure is euen ouer our heads, and that the consummation of all things, & the comming of Antichrist doth approach. Lactantius of his, omnis expectatio non amplius quam ducentorum videtur annorum, the * 1.626 end of our expectation seemes not to extend beyond the space of two hundred yeares at farthest. S. Hierome of his, Qui tenebat de medio fit, & * 1.627 non intelligimus Antichristum appropinquare? he which held or with-held is remoued out of the way, and doe we not vnderstand that Antichrist is at hand? S. Gregory of his, omnia quae praedicta sunt fiunt: rex superbiae prope * 1.628 est, all things that were foretold are accomplished, the King of Pride cannot be farre off. And lastly S. Bernard of his, Superest vt reveletur homo peccati silius perditionis; What remaines but that the man of sinne, * 1.629 the sonne of perdition bee revealed. From which, two things for our present purpose may be gathered, the one, that extreame prophanesse hath raigned in the world almost in all ages, aswell as in the present, such as they, who then liued, thought, could not well be exceeded. The other that if they looked out for the comming of Antichrist so long since, by all likelyhood he is already come into the world, and that long agone. S. Iohn tells vs, that in his time there were many Antichrists, * 1.630 fore-runners no doubt and harbengers, as it were to the great Antichrist that was to come. And S. Paul 〈◊〉〈◊〉 euen then the mystery of iniquity began to worke: if he were then conceiued, in all likelyhood he should be born * 1.631 ere now, if the egge were then layed, shall wee imagine that the Coca∣tric•…•…s not yet hatched? was the seed then cast into the ground, and this cursed weed not yet sprung vp?

Credat Iudaeus Apella Non ego. Beleeu't who list for me indeed, It ne'r shall come into my creed.

SECT. 5. The argument of greatest weight to proue that Antichrist is already come.

BVt among so many and strong arguments as haue beene, & justly may be brought to proue that Antichrist is already come, there is one which to me hath euer seemed of greatest weight: You know, * 1.632 sayth the Apostle, speaking of the man of sin, the sonne of perdition, what with-holdeth that he might be revealed in his time: And againe, onely he who now letteth, will let vntill he be taken out of the way. So as vpon the remo∣ving of that obstacle which hindered his comming, he was then to bee revealed, as the wordes plainly import. Now what that hinderance should be, the vnanimous consent of the Ancients both Greeke & Latins is, that it was the Roman Empire that then flourished. So Chrysostome, Theophylact, Oecumenius, Ambrose, Primasius, Sedulius, and the Greeke Scho∣liast

in their severall expositions vpon the place: Tertullian in his booke de resurrectione carnis, and the thirty second Chapter of his Apologie. Cyrillus Hyerosolymitanus in Catech•…•…si 15. Hi∣erome in his eleventh question to Algasia, in his Commentaries vp∣on the 25 of the Prophet Ierimy, in his Treatise to Gaudentius & Geron∣tia; and lastly S. Augustine in his 20 booke de civitate Dei, & 19. cap. And with the Ancients heerein agree the latter writ•…•…rs on both sides, aswell Romish as Reformed, being warranted by the like Prophesies both of Daniell, and Saint Iohn in his Revelation. And in truth the Apostles * 1.633 warinesse in not naming it expressely, least thereby he should incurre hatred against the Christian Professours and Religion, shewes as much. That then which remaines to be inquired into, is, whether that ob∣stacle, which by the Apostle is said to haue hindred the revealing of An∣tichrist be taken out of the way or no, that is, whether that Roman Em∣pire which then flourished, be now dissolved. It is then most certaine, that that Empire for the west ended in Augustulus, and the Emperour which now is, is the successour of Charlemaigne, an Emperour of a new erection: Neither hath he the dominions or the power of the former Emperours, but only the name and title,

Stat magni nominis vmbra. * 1.634 Of a great name he but the shadow is.

He hath not the city of Rome which should denominate the Roman Em∣perour, nor any part of Italy, no nor somuch as a Castle, or an house, or a foot of land as Emperour. We may then rather call him the German Emperour then the Roman; and yet surely his commaund in Germany is very small too. The Romanists then in this case seeme to me to deale with him, as the Iewes did with Christ, they giue him the title, but take and keepe his rights from him. Or they call him Roman Emperour per∣chaunce, because he takes, or as they pretend, should take his Oath of allegiance to the Bishop of Rome: And that the Empire which was in be∣ing in the Apostles time, is indeed dissolved; some of the a 1.635 Romanists themselues, though happily vnawares confesse. Ante adventum An∣tichristi facienda erat discessio, vt Gentes discedant à Romano Imperio, sicut jam factum cernimus, sayth Anselme, before the comming of Antichrist, there was to be a falling away of the Nations from the Romane Empire, as we see it already done. And Thomas, Quid hoc est quod jam diu gen∣tes recesserunt à Romano imperio, & tamen nondum venit Antichristus, what shall we say to this, that long since the Nations fell away from the Ro∣mane Empire, and yet Antichrist is not come. And Lyra, Romanum im∣perium florebat tempore Pauli, à quo recesserunt quasi omnia regna negantia ei subijci & redditionem tributi jam à multis annis: illud etiam imperium caruit imperatore pluribus annis: The Roman Empire flourished in Pauls time, from which almost all kingdomes are falne away, denying subje∣ction and the payment of tribute to it: And besides, that Empire hath wanted an Emperour now for the space of many yeares. Neither doe they only acknowledge, that the Empire which flourished in the A∣postles time, is dissolved, but that the Emperour which now is, retaines rather the shadow then the power of the ancient Empire. And this con∣fession

we haue out of the mouths even of Iesuites themselues. Quam∣pridem Romanum imperium in eas angustias redactum est, vt vix tenuem quandam vmbram Imperij retineat, long since was the Roman Empire brought to those straights, that it scarce retaines a thin shadow of that Empire, sayth Iustinianus. And Salmeron most fully, Imperium Roma∣num jam diu eversum est: Nam qui nunc est Imperator Romanus, levissima est vmbra Imperij antiqui; vs{que} adeo vt ne quidem vrbem Romae possideat, & jam per multos annos Romani Imperatores defecerunt: The Roman Empire was long since dissolved: For he, who is now Roman Emperour, is but a light shadow of the ancient Empire, so as he doth not possesse somuch as the Citty of Rome, and now for many yeares haue the Romane Empe∣rours failed. I would demaund then, whether a name, a title, a shadow can hinder the comming of Antichrist, or be divided among ten Kings, and shared out into ten kingdomes? if it cannot, then is Antichrist vn∣doubtedly already come into the world.

Now what he is, or where we should finde him, or when he came, I leaue that to others to dispute or demonstrate; it is for my purpose suffi∣cient that he is come, and that long since; yet if we should a little more narrowly search into the matter, who I pray you, is more likely to be the man, then he, who hath specially advanced his throne vpon the Em∣perours ruines, who hath thrust himselfe into the Emperours seate, the Imperiall City▪ the head and mistresse of the Empire; then he, who hath taken vpon himselfe the Majesty, the power, the ensignes, the robes of the Emperour, though in some what a different kinde; And that the Bi∣shop of Rome hath so done, Pasquier in his Recearches of France, Machia∣vell * 1.636 in his Florentine history, Sigonius in his history of the kingdome of Italy, and Guicciardin in his, in part declare: But Lypsius hath set it downe so cleerely & particularly, as we may easily guesse, and need doubt no lon∣ger, who it is, that hath succeeded into the Emperours roome. I will set downe his words at large as I finde them in his preface to his Admi∣randa. Mira Dei benignitas in hanc vrbem, cum Legionum vim eripuit, Legum attribuit, cum armis imperare noluit, sacris indulsit: Et sic quo{que} fe∣cit eam decus, tutelam, columen rerum. Atqui Senatus ille vetus non est inqui∣unt, non ille sed alius, & vide in ista purpura ex omni nostro orbe selectos pro∣ceres moribus, prudentia, annis, spectandos. Si vetus ille Cyneas redeat & hunc consessum videat, nihil ambigat vel cum regibus iterum, vel cum heroibus comparare. Quid tributa? non tam multa, sed magis innoxia & vltronea sunt. Quid Legationes gentium? nec eae desunt, & ex noto ignoto{que} orbe (tan∣ta diffusio Majestatis hujus est) concurritur, & jura ac leges Sacror•…•…m hinc pe∣tunt, ipsi Reges ac Principes adeunt & inclinantur, & obnoxia capita vni huic Capiti submittunt: Great is the bounty of God towards this citty, when he deprived it of the strength of Legions, he strengthned it with Laws; when he would no longer haue it rule with force of armes, he armed it with holy orders: And so likewise did he make it both the ornament and the safety of things. But you will say, the old Senate is not there to be found, indeed not the same, but another there is insteed thereof, and there you may see clad in that purple the choisest worthies of Chri∣stendome, and the most venerable for manners, for wisedome, for yeares.

If the old Cyneas were aliue againe and beheld this assembly, he would nothing doubt to compare it againe with Kings and Princes. What should I speake of their tribute? indeed it is not so great, but more in∣nocently imposed & willingly payd. What of the Embassages from forraine Nations? neither are they wanting: Hither they resort both from the knowne & vnknowne parts of the world (so farre is this Ma∣jesty spread) and seeke for Lawes & Constitutions in religious affaires; nay Kings & Princes heere present themselues, and all bow downe and submit their heads to this one head.

CAP. 13. That the world shall haue an end by Fire, and by it be entirely consumed.

SECT. 1. That the world shall haue an end, is a point so cleere in Christi∣an Religion, that it needeth not to be proved from the prin∣ciples thereof, neither is he worthy the name of a Christian who makes any doubt of it.

HAving now by Gods assistance done with mine Apologie of his Providence in the preservation of the world, least I should seeme thereby to vndermine or weaken the article of our faith touch∣ing the worlds end; it remaines, that according to promise I endeavour to confirme it, not so much from Scripture which no true Christian can doubt of: And besides, the passages thereof to this purpose, specially in the new Testament are so many and cleere, as to be ignorant of them were stupiditie no lesse grosse, then to deny them phophane impiety. In this chapter then I will propose three things to my selfe; first, to proue by the testimony of the Gentiles, that the world shall haue an end. Se∣condly, that it shall haue an end by fire: Thirdly and lastly, that it shall by fire be totally & intirely consumed. That the world shall haue an end is as cleere in Christianity, as that there is a Sun in the firmament: And therefore, whereas there can hardly be named any other article of our faith, which some Heretiques haue not presumed to impugne or call into question; yet to my remembrance I never met with any who questio∣ned this; & though at this day many & eager be the differences among Christians in other points of Religion, yet in this they all agree & ever did, that the world shall haue an end, and that there shall be a resurre∣ction of the dead, and a day of judgement. And surely as by the event of many things already fallen out, we are sure that was true which the Prophets & Apostles foretold of them: So arc we as certaine, that all o∣ther things, and this in particular shall come to passe, which they haue likewise foretold, though happily we cannot set downe the time or manner of their event. And i•…•… asmuch as we, who now liue, haue seen the accomplishment of many prophesies foretold by the pen-men of

holy writ, which our forefathers saw not, if we stedfastly beleeue not the fulfilling of those which are yet to come in their due time, we shall thereby be made the more guilty, and the lesse excusable before God. Howsoever if we beleeue (as we all pretend) the Scriptures to be the liuely oracles of God, and to haue bin indited by the divine & sacred inspiration of the holy Ghost; we cannot but withall beleeue that the consūmation of the world shall most vndoubtedly in due time, though to vs most vncertaine, be accomplished. Now as the cleere light of this truth hath by Gods grace so brightly shined among Christians, that except they wilfully shut their eyes against it, they cannot but appre∣hend and imbrace it: So did it appeare to the Iewes, though not in so * 1.637 conspicuous a manner; yea, some sparkes of this truth haue beene scat∣tered even among the Gentiles themselues, so as it were a shame vnpar∣donable for vs Christians not to acknowledge it, or somuch as once to doubt of it.

SECT. 1. That the world shall haue an end, by the testimonie of the Gentiles.

SEneca disputing this question, whether a wise man be so sufficient∣ly content with himselfe as he needs not the helpe of any fr•…•…end; * 1.638 puts the case, Qualis futura est vita sapientis, how he would liue be∣ing destitute of friends, if he were cast into prison or banished into some desart, or cast vpon some strange shoare; his answere is, Qualis est Iovis cum resoluto mundo, &c. as Iupiter shall liue when the world shall be dissolved, contenting himselfe with himselfe. And againe more cleerely: Quidenim mutationis periculo exceptum? non terra, non coelum, non * 1.639 totus hic rerum omnium contextus quamvis Deo agente ducatur, non semper tenebit hunc ordinem, sed illumex hoc cursu aliquis dies deijciet, certis eunt cuncta temporibus, nasci debent, crescere, ext•…•…ngui. Quaecun{que} vides supra nos currere at{que} haeo quibu•…•… innixi at{que} impositi sumus velut solidissimis carpen∣tur 〈◊〉〈◊〉. What is there which is prviledged from danger of change? not the earth, not the heavens, no nor this whole frame of Creatures, though it be guided by the finger of God, it shall not alwaies obserue this order, but some one day at last shall turne it out of his course. For all things haue a time to be borne, to increase, and then a∣gaine to die & be •…•…ntinguished. All those things which thou seest whee∣ling over our Heads, and even those vpon which we are seated and set∣led, as being most solide, shall be surprized and leaue to be. And in another place. Si potest tibi solatio esse commune fatum, nihil constat loco stabili, & nihil qua sint loto stabit. Omnia sternet abducet{que} secum vetustas, sup∣primet * 1.640 montes, maria sorbebit▪ If the common destiny of all things may a∣ny whit comfort thee, there is nothing setled in a stable course, nothing shall alwayes remaine in that state it now stands in; time shall carry downe all things with it, it shall levell the mountaines and swallow vp the seas•…•… And lastly, in his Naturall questions, vnus humanum genus * 1.641

condet dies, one day shall burie all mankinde. Yet it should seeme, that withall he held a restoring of all things againe: Omne ex integro animal generabitur dabitur{que} terris homo inscius scelerum & melioribus auspicijs na∣tus: * 1.642 Sed illis quo{que} innocentia non durabit nisi dum novi sunt, citò nequitia sub∣repet. All Creatures shall be againe restored, and mankind shall againe be sent to inhabite the earth; but a kind voyd of wickednes and borne to a better fortune: yet shall not their innocencie long endure neither, but only whiles they are yet fresh and new, afterward vngratiousnes will by degrees creepe vpon them.

Aelian, as I haue already touched to another purpose in the eight booke of his Historie, telleth vs, that not only the mountaine Aetna (for * 1.643 thereof might be given some arrow_back reason arrow_forward , because of the daily wasting and consuming of it with fire) but Parnassus and Olympus did appeare to be lesse and lesse to such as sayled at sea, the height thereof sinking as it seemed; and therevpon inferres, that men most skilfull in the secrets of nature did affirme, that the world it selfe should likewise perish & haue an end. His premises I haue in another place sufficiently disproved, but his conclusion inferred therevpon, I cannot but highly approue, & most willingly accept of, as a rich testimony for the confirmation of our Christian doctrine (touching the end of the world) delivered from the pen of a Gentile, nay he positiuely affirmes it to haue beene the opi∣nion of the most skilfull in the secrets of Nature: And certaine it is, that the greatest part of Philosophers before Aristotle, Heraclitus, Empedo∣cles, * 1.644 Anaxagoras, Democritus and others, as they held that the world had a beginning in time, so did they likewise, that in time it should haue an end: And since Aristotle, the greatest part (his followers only ex∣cepted) haue ever constantly maintained the same; in somuch, that the very Epicures heerein accord with the Stoickes, though in other opini∣ons they differ as fire and water, as may appeare in Lucretius, by sect an Epicurean, and for his wit much esteemed among the Ancients.

Principio maria▪ ac terris, coelumque tuere * 1.645 Hor•…•…m naturam triplicem, tria corpora Memmi, Tres species tam dissimiles, tria talia texta, Vna dies dabit exitio, multos{que} per annos Sustentata ruet moles & machina mundi.

Behold, O Memmi, first the earth, the sea, The heaven, their three-fold nature, bodies three, Three shapes so farre vnlike, three peeces wrought And woven so fast, one day shall bring to naught, And the huge frame & engine of this all Vpheld so many yeares, at length shall fall.

And Ovid speaking of Lucretius, seemes to haue borrowed from him part of these very words,

Carmina sublimis tum sunt peritura Lucreti * 1.646 Exitio terras cum dabit vna dies. Lucretius loftie rimes so long shall liue Till to this earth one day destruction giue.

And Lucan as he differs not much from Lucrece in name, so doth he ful∣ly

accord with him in this opinion.

—Sic cum compage soluta Saecula tot mundi suprema coegerit hora. * 1.647 Antiquum repetens iterum Chaos omnia mixtis Sydera Syderibus concurrent, ignea pontum Astra petent, tellus extendere littora nolet, Excutietque fretum, fratri contraria Phaebe, Ibit, & obliquum bigas agitare per orbem Indignata diem poscet sibi, totaque discors Machina divulsi turbabit foedera mundi.

—So When the last houre shall So many ages end, and this disjoynted all To Chaos backe returne: then all the starres shall be Blended together, then those burning lights on high In sea shall drench, earth then her shores will not extend But to the waues giue way, the moone her course shall bend Crosse to her brothers, and disdaining still to driue Her chariot wheels athward the heavenly orbe shall striue To rule the day, this frame to discord wholy bent The worlds peace shall disturbe, and all in sunder rent.

SECT. 3. That the world shall haue an end by fire, proved like∣wise by the testimony of the Gentiles.

ANd as they held that the world should haue an end, so likewise that this end should come to passe by fire. Exustionis hujus odor quidam etiam ad Gentes manauit, sayth Ludovicus Vives, speaking of the generall combustion of the world, some sent of this burning hath * 1.648 spread it selfe even to the Gentiles. And Saint Hierome in his comment on the 51 of I say; Quae quidem & Philosophorum mundi opinio est omnia quae * 1.649 cernimus igni peretura, which is also the opinion of the Philosophers of this world, that all which we behold shall perish by fire. Eusebius is more particular, affirming it to be the doctrine of the Stoicks, and name∣ly * 1.650 of Zeno, Cleanthes & Chrysippus the most ancient among them. Cer∣taine it is, that Seneca a principall Scholler, or rather Master of that sect, both thought it & taught it: Et Sydera Syderibus incurrent, & omni fla∣grante materia vn•…•… igne quicquid nunc ex disposito lucet ardebit: The starres * 1.651 shall make inrodes one vpon another, and all the whole world being in a flame, whatsoever now shines in comely and decent order shall burne together in one fire. Panaetius likewise the Stoick feared, as witnesseth Ci∣cero, ne ad extremum mundus ignesceret, least the world at last should be * 1.652 burnt vp with fire. And with the Stoicks heerein Pliny agrees, Consu∣mente vbertatem seminum exustione in cujus vices nunc vergat aevum, the heate burning vp the plentifull moisture of all seedes, to which the world is now hastening. Nume•…•…us also saith, good soules▪ continue, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vntill the dissolution of all things by

fire. And with the Philosophers their Poets accord. Lucan as hee held that the world should haue an end, so in speciall by fire, where speaking of those whom Caesar left vnburned at the battle of Pharsalia hee thus goes on.

Hos Caesar populos si nunc non vsserit ignis, Vret cum terris, vret cum gurgite ponti. * 1.653 Communis mundo superest rogus, ossibus astra Misturus.

If fire may not these corpes to ashes turne, O Caesar, now, when earth and seas shall burne, It shall: a common fire the world shall end, And with these bones those heau'nly bodies blend.

As for Ovia he deduces it from their propheticall records.

Esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur affore tempus * 1.654 Quo mare, quo tellus, convexa{que} regia coeli Ardeat, & mundi moles operosa laborat.

Besides he calls to minde how by decree Of fates a time shall come when earth and sea, And Heavens high Throne shall faint, and the whole frame Of this great world shall be consum'd in flame.

Which he borrowed, saith Ludovicus Vives, ex fatis indubiè Sybillinis, vn∣doubtedly from the Oracles of Sybilla. And indeed verses there are which goe vnder the name of Sybilla to the very same purpose.

Tunc ardens fluvius coelo manabit ab alto Igneus atque locos consum•…•…t funditus omnes * 1.655 Terramque, Oceanumque ingentem, & caerula ponti Stagnaque, tum fluvios, fontes, ditemque Severum Coelestemque polum, coeli quoque lumina in unum Fluxa ruent, formâ deletâ prorsus eorum Astra cadent etenim de coelo cuncta revulsa.

Then shall a burning floud flow from the Heavens on high, And with its fiery streames all places vtterly Destroy, earth, ocean, lakes, rivers, fountaines, hell, And heavenly poles: the Lights in firmament that dwell, Loosing their beauteous forme shall be obscur'd, and all Raught from their places down from heaven to earth shall fall.

He that yet desires farther satisfaction in this point may reade Eugubi∣nus his tenth booke de Perenni Philosophia, & Magius de exustione Mun∣di. And so I passe to my third and last point proposed in the beginning of this Chapter, which is that the whole world by fire shall totally and intirely be consumed.

SECT. 4. That the world shall be by fire totally and finally dissolved and annihilated, prooved by Scripture.

I Am not ignorant that the opinions of Divines touching the manner of the Consummation of the world haue beene as different as the greatest part of them are strange and improbable; some imagining that all the Creatures which by Almighty God were made at the first beginning, shall againe be restored to that perfection which they injoy∣ed before the fall of man. Others that the Heauens and Elements shall onely be so restored; others that the Heauens and onely two of the E∣lements, the Aire and the Earth, others againe, that the old world shall be wholly abolished, and a new created in steed thereof; and lastly o∣thers which I must confesse, to me seemes the most likely opinion and most agreeable to scripture and arrow_back reason arrow_forward , that the whole world with all the parts and workes thereof (onely men and Angels, and Divels, and the third Heauens, the mansion-house of the Saints and blessed Angels, and the place and instruments appointed for the tormenting of the damned, excepted) shall be totally and finally dissolued and annihila∣ted: As they were made out of nothing, so into nothing shall they re∣turne againe; In the prooving whereof I will first produce mine owne arguments, and then shew the weakenes of the adverse.

Man lieth downe, and riseth not, saith Iob, till the heauens be no more. Of old hast thou laide the foundation of the earth, and the heauens are the worke of * 1.656 thy hands, They shall perish, but thou shalt endure, saith the Psalmist, which the Apostle in the first to the Hebrewes, and the 10. and the 11. repeates * 1.657 almost in the same words, Lift vp your eyes to the heauens, and looke vpon the earth beneath; for the heauens shall vanish away like smoake, and the earth shall waxe old as doth a garment, saith the Prophet Esay: and in another * 1.658 place: all the host of heauen shalbe dissolved, & the heauen shalbe rolled together as a scroll, & all their host shall fall downe as the leafe falleth off from the vine, * 1.659 and as a falling fig from the figge tree. To the former of which wordes S. Iohn seemes to allude, And the heauen departed as a scroll which is rolled toge∣ther, * 1.660 Heauen & earth shall passe away, but my word shall not passe away, saith our Saviour. The day of the Lord will come as a theefe in the night, in the * 1.661 which the Heauens shall passe away with a great noise, and the Elements shall melt with fervent heate▪ The earth also, & the workes that are therein shall be burnt vp, saith S. Peter. And I saw a great white throne, & him * 1.662 that sate on it from whose face the earth and the heauen fled away, and there was found no place for them, saith S. Iohn. Now I would demaund whether being no more, as Iob; perishing, as David; vanishing away like smoake, dissol∣ving, rolling together, falling downe as a withered leafe or a dry fig from the tree, as Esay; passing away, as our Saviour; passing away with a great noise; melting with feruent heate, burning vp as S. Peter; or lastly flying away, so as their place be found no more, as S. Iohn; doe not include an vtter abolition, or

at leastwise exclude a restitution to a perfecter estate: once Beza I am sure is so evidently convinced by the alleadged words of S. Peter, that * 1.663 he plainly confesses the dissolution the Apostle there speakes of to be a kinde of annihilation: And both a 1.664 Tilenus & b 1.665 Meisnerus are confident, that those who hold a restitution will neuer be able to reconcile their o∣pinion with the alleadged Scriptures. If we looke back to higher times before S. Hierome we shall not easily finde any who maintained it. And certaine it is, that Clement in his Recognitions, or whosoeuer were the Author of that worke, brings in S. Peter reasoning with Simon Magus, & * 1.666 teaching that there were two Heauens, the one Superius & invisibile, & aeternum quod Spiritus beati incolunt: the highest, invisible and eternall, which bl•…•…ssed spirits inhabite; the other inferius, visibile, varijs distinctum syderibus, corruptibile, & in consummatione saeculi dissolvendum, & prorsus abolendum, lower, visible, distinguished, with diverse starres, corrupti∣ble, and at the worlds end to be dissolued and vtterly abolished. Now though that worke were not Clements, yet was it doubtlesse very anci∣ent being quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus, and Origen, and remembred by S. Hierome in his Commentaries vpon Esay, and is of sufficient autho∣rity against those who receiue it: for my selfe I stand not vpon his au∣thority, * 1.667 but the rock of Scripture and arrow_back reason arrow_forward drawne from thence, and the force of naturall discourse.

SECT. 5. The same farther prooved by arrow_back reason arrow_forward .

THE first then, and as I conceiue the most weighty argument is taken from the End of the Worlds creation, which was partly and chiefely the glory of the Creator, and partly the vse of man, the Lord Deputy as it were, or Viceroy thereof. Now for the glory of the Creator, it being by the admirable frame of the World manifested vnto man, man being remoued out of the world, and no Creature being ca∣pable of such a manifestation besides him, wee cannot imagine to what purpose the frame it selfe should bee left and restored to a more perfect estate. The other end being for mans vse, either to supply his necessity in matter of diet, of Physick, of building, of apparell; or for his instruction, direction, recreation, comfort and delight; or lastly that therein as in a looking-glasse he might contemplate the wis∣dome, the power, and the goodnesse of God; when he shall attaine that blessed estate, as he shall haue no farther use of any of these, enjoying perfect happinesse, and seeing God as he is, face to face, the second or * 1.668 subordinate end of the Worlds being must needs be likewise frustrate: And what other end can bee giuen or conceiued for the remaining or restoring thereof, for mine owne part I must professe I cannot conceiue. And to affirme that it shalbe restored, & withal to assigne no end where∣fore, is ridiculous and vnreasonable. An house being built for an in∣habitant, as the World was for man; If it bee decreed that it shall no more be inhabited, it were but vanity to repaire, much more to adorne

and beautifie it farther. And therefore when mankinde shall bee dis∣lodged and remoue from hence, therevpon shall instantly ensue the Consummation or End, not the reparation or restitution, but the End of the world. So the Scriptures call it in plaine tearmes, and so I beleeue * 1.669 it. And in truth some Divines, considering that of necessity some end must bee assigned, haue falne vpon ends so absurd and vnwarrantable, that the very naming of them were sufficient to make a man beleeue there was no such matter indeed. Some then, and that of our owne Church, and that in published bookes for the clearing of this objection, haue fancied to themselues an intercourse of the Saints (after the resur∣rection) betwixt heauen and earth, and that full Dominion ouer the Creatures which by the fall of Adam was lost. Others are of opinion that the Earth after the day of judgement being renewed with fire, and * 1.670 more pleasantly apparelled, shall be the mansion of such as neither by their merits haue deserued heauen, nor hell by their demerits. And lastly others, that such as haue died in their infancy without circumci∣sion * 1.671 or Baptisme might possesse it. Now what meere dreames these are of idle braines, if I should but endeavour to demonstrate, I feare I should shew my selfe more vaine in vouchsafing them a confutation, then they in publishing them to the World. And yet they are the best wee see that Learned men by the strength of their wits can finde out.

My second arrow_back reason arrow_forward shall be drawne from the nature of the world, and the quality of the parts thereof, which are supposed shall bee restored to their originall integrity, and so in that state euerlastingly remaine. I will begin with the vegetables and Creatures endued with sense, & con∣cerning them would willingly learne, whether they shall bee all resto∣red, or some onely, namely such as shall be found in being at the day of Iudgment: if all, where shall we finde stowage for them? Surely we may in this case properly apply that which the Evangelist in another case v∣ses figuratiuely, if they should all be restored: euē the world it self could not cōtain the things which should be restored. if some only, thē would I gladly know why those some should be vouchsafed this great honour & not all, or how these creatures without a miracle shalbe restrained frō propagating & multiplying, & that infinitly their kinds by a perpetuall generatiō. Or lastly, how the several individuals of these kinds shall cō∣trary to their primitiue natures, liue & dure immortally: But to make a good & sound answere to these demaunds, is a point of that difficulty, that the greatest part of Divines rather choose to leaue out the mixt bo∣dies & preferre only the heavens & the elements to this pretended dig∣nity of restitution; though about the number of the Elements to be resto∣red they all agree not. But heere againe I would demaund, whether the world without the mixt bodies, can truly be sayd to be more perfect and beautifull then before, whether the inbred and inseparable quali∣ties of the Elements, as thickenesse and thinnesse, weight & lightnesse, heate & cold, moisture & drynesse shall remaine? if they shall not, how shall they remaine Elements? if they shall, how without a miracle shall they be suspended from a mutuall intercourse of working one vpon a∣nother,

and a production of Meteors & mixt bodies? And how shall the Earth disvested of the vegetables which apparelled her, and appea∣ring with her naked and dustie face, be sayd to be more amiable then before? Finally, if the heavens according to their Essence shall remaine, how shall they naturally & without a miracle stand still, being now na∣turally inclined to a circular motion? Or how without a miracle shall the light be increased, and yet the warmth springing from thence be a∣bated, nay wholy abolished? Or if the warmth shall remaine, how can it choose but burne vp those parts of the Earth, vpon which it never ceases to dart perpendicular beames? Or how can the Sunne stand still, and yet inlighten both the Hemespheres, or the starres of that Hemesphere which it inlightens at all appeare? To these demaunds, Pererius makes a short answere, and in my judgement a very strange one, and vnworthy the penne of so great a Clarke, that some of these things God hath al∣ready done, that we might be induced the more readily to beleeue, that they both may, and shall be done againe: And for instance, he allea∣geth the standing still of the Sunne & Moone at the prayer of Iosuah, & the restrayning of the burning force of the fire, in the Babylonian fur∣nace; but withall foreseing that those were miracles, for satisfaction therevnto he concludes: Non agere autem inter se qualitates elementorum, nec lu em Syderum calefacere, quamvis nunc ingens esset miraculum, tunc ta∣men posita semel mundi renovatione non erunt miracula. It were now a great miracle, that the qualities of the Elements should not mutually worke each vpon other, or that the light of the starres should not produce warmth, but then the world being renewed, they shall be no miracles. Indeed if the world were so to be renewed as the former essence of it were to be destroyed, or the former qualities to be entinguished, then should I happily allow of his arrow_back reason arrow_forward as probable & passable; but now granting that the same Identicall forme and matter shal, still continue, & that the former qualities shall not be abandoned but perfected, not al∣tered in kinde, but only in degree; I cannot see how it should be held & tearmed a great miracle heeretofore, which shall not be so heereaf∣ter. And whereas it is said, that the bodies of the Saints shall then na∣turally liue without meate, which now without a miracle they cannot doe, we must consider, that though the substance of their bodies shall remaine, yet the qualities of them shall be intirely changed, so farre as the Apostle is bold to call it a spirituall bodie. And besides, we may be * 1.672 bold to challenge a speciall priviledge vnto the bodies of the Saints, the temples of the holy Ghost, which without speciall warrant cannot be yeel∣ded to any other Corporeall substance. And withall we must remem∣ber, that for the resurrection of the bodie, wee haue an Article in our Creede & most cleere proofes from Scripture, but for the restitution of the Creatures no one such sufficient proofe, as the mind of a Christian desirous to be truly informed, can rest fully satisfied therein. Such as they are I will not conceale them: These places then are to that pur∣pose commonly alleaged.

SECT. 6. The arguments commonly alleadged from the Scriptures for the renovation of the world, answered.

WHom the heavens must containe till the times of the Restitution of all things. He layed the foundations of the earth that it should not * 1.673 be removed for ever, sayth David. And Solomon, one generation passeth and another commeth, but the earth abideth for ever. * 1.674

Behold I create new heavens and a new earth, and the former shall not be re∣membred, nor come into mind. To which words of the Prophet, S. Iohn * 1.675 seemes to allude, And I saw a new heaven and a new earth, for the first hea∣ven * 1.676 and the first earth passed away, and there was no more Sea. And for the increase of the light of the Planets and other starres, that passage of the same Prophet is vsually alleadged: The light of the Moone shall be as the light of the Sunne, and the light of the Sunne seaven fold: But the pretended * 1.677 proofes most stood vpon, are drawne from S. Paules Epistles, The fashi∣on * 1.678 of this world passeth away; the fashion not the substance. And againe, The Creature it selfe also shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption, into the glorious liberty of the sonnes of God. And lastly, heerevnto they adde * 1.679 the words of the Psalmist, Thou shalt change them, and they shall be changed: * 1.680 not abolished but chaunged: Which words are againe by the Apostle ta∣ken vp and repeated, Heb. 1. 12. These are, I am sure, the strongest, if not all the pretented proofes that are commonly drawne from the holy Scripture and pressed for the maintenance of the adverse opinion; the strength of which, I thinke I shall so put backe, as it shall appeare to any indifferent Iudge, that it is in truth but forced and wrested. The pas∣sages I will consider in order as they are alleaged, & severally examine their validitie to the purpose they are vrged. First then whereas wee out of the Greeke reade the Restitution of all things, the Syriake Interpre∣ter hath it vsque ad Complementum temporum omnium, to the end of all times, whereby none other thing can be vnderstood then the finall con∣summation of the world; but to take the words as we finde them, The times of restitution are vndoubtedly the same, which Saint Peter in the next verse saue one going before, had tearmed times of refreshing, and by them is meant the actuall fulnesse and perfection of our redemption, quo∣niam restitutio illa adhuc in cursu est adeo{que} redemptio quando adhuc sub one∣re servitutis gemimus, sayth Calvin, because our restitution and conse∣quently our redemption as yet is but imperfect, whiles we groane vn∣der the burden of servitude. To the second it may be sayd, that in the course of nature, the earth should remaine for ever without decay or di∣minution, had not the Creator of it decreed by his almighty power to abolish it: But I rather chuse to answere with Iunius, who vpon the first place taken out of the Psalme, giues this note, tantisper dum saeculum dura∣turum est, as long as time shall endure: and vpon the second this, homi∣nis vani comparatione, in comparison of the vanishing estate of man. The earth then is sayd to remaine for ever, as Circumcision and the Leviticall

Law are sayed to be perpetuall, not absolutely, but comparatiuely. Now for the new heavens and the new earth: it should seeme by the places allea∣ged, that if it be litterally to be vnderstood of the materiall heavens, they shall not be renewed as the common opinion is, but new Created, (creation being a production of some new thing out of nothing: So as it shall not be a restitution of the old, but a substitution of new, in asmuch as the Prophet Esay addes, the former shall not be remembred, nor come into minde: And Saint Iohn, the first heaven and the first earth passed away, and there was no more Sea. And Saint Peter, The heavens shall passe away with * 1.681 a noise, and the elements shall melt with heate, and the earth with the workes that are therein shall be burnt vp. And of this opinion, Beza in one place * 1.682 seemes to haue beene: Promittuntur novi Coeli ac nova terra, non priorum restitutio, sive in eundem sive in meliorem statum, nec ijs possum assentiri, qui hanc dissolutionem ad solas qualitates referendam censent. There are pro∣mised new heavens and a new earth, not the restitution of the old ei∣ther vnto their former or a better state, neither can I assent vnto them, who referre this dissolution to the qualities alone. But seing belike the singularity and absurditie of this opinion, he recalls himselfe in his an∣notations vpon the very next verse. But the truth is that by new hea∣vens * 1.683 and a new earth is to be vnderstood in the Prophet Esay, the state of the Church during the kingdome of Christ: and in Saint Peter and S. Iohn, the state of the Saints in the heavenly Ierusalem. For the Prophet, that which I affirme will easily appeare to any vnderstanding Reader that pleaseth to pervse that Chapter; specially if therevnto we adde the latter part of the next touching the same point. For as the new heavens and the new earth which I will make, shall remaine before me, sayth the Lord: so shall your * 1.684 seed and your name continue, and from moneth to moneth, and from sabbaoth to sabbaoth shall all flesh come to worship before me, saith the Lord. Vpon the alleaged passage of the former chapter Iunius & Tremelius giue this note, Omnia instauraturus sum in Christo, I will restore all things in Christ: Referring vs for the farther illustration thereof to that of the same Pro∣phet in his 25 chapter at the 8 verse. And for the exposition of the lat∣ter passage in the 66 chapter, referres vs to that in the 65 going before. So that aswell by the drift and coherence of the text, as by the judge∣ment of sound Interpreters, materiall heavens and earth are not there vn∣derstood. Which some of our English Translatours well perceiving, haue to the first passage affixed this note, I will so alter and change the state of the Church that it shall seeme to dwell in a new world: And to the second this, Heereby he signifieth the kingdome of Christ, wherein his Church shall be renewed. Yet I will not deny but that the Prophet may in those words likewise allude to the state of the Saints in the heavenly Ierusalem. To which purpose, S. Peter seemes to apply them, according to his promise, sayth he, we looke for new heavens and a new earth wherein dwelleth Righte∣ousnes, that is, by the consent of the best expositours, righteous and just men, who after the day of judgement shall dwell no longer vpon the Earth, but in the heavenly Ierusalem. Which Saint Iohn more liuely describes in the 21 of the Revelation; for having sayd in the first verse, And I saw a new heaven and a new earth, he presently addes in the second,

as it were by way of Exposition of the former: And I Iohn saw the holy Citty new Ierusalem, comming downe from God out of heaven, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband; and by the sequele of that Chapter and the latter part of the precedent, it cleerely appeares (whatsoever Bright-man dreame to the contrary) that he there describes the state of the Saints after the day of judgement, and the glory of that place which they are eternally to inhabite; being such, that it had no need of the Sunne nor of the Moone to shine in it, the glory of God inlightning it, and the Lambe being * 1.685 the light thereof: And Iunius thus begins his Annotations on that chap∣ter: Nunc sequitur historiae propheticae pars secunda de statu futuro Ecclesiae coelestis post Iudicium vltimum: Now followes the second part of this propheticall history of the future state of the Church triumphant after the day of Iudgement: And with him therein accord the greatest part of the soundest and most judicious Interpreters.

The other passage alleaged of the Prophet Esay touching the increase of light in the Sunne and Moone is likewise vndoubtedly to be vnder∣stood of the restauration of his Church, according to the tenour of the * 1.686 chapter, and the annotation of Iunius annexed therevnto, Illustrissima erunt & gloriosissima omnia in restitutione Ecclesiae, all things shall then be more beautifulll and glorious in the restitution of the Church. And with him fully accord our English notes, when the Church shall be restored, the glory thereof shall passe seaven times the brightnesse of the Sunne. For by the Sunne and Moone which are two excellent Creatures, he sheweth what shall bee the glory of the Children of God in the kingdome of Christ.

Now for the words of the Apostle, The fashion of this world passeth a∣way, what other thing intends he, but that in these wordly things, there * 1.687 is nothing durable and solide, elegantly thereby expressing the vanitie of them, in which exposition, both Iunius & Calvin agree.

That of the same Apostle in the 8 to the Romans, touching the deli∣vering of the Creature from the bondage of corruption, into the glorious li∣berty * 1.688 of the Sonnes of God, is I confesse in appearance more pressing. But this passage the great wit of Saint Augustine found to be very obscure * 1.689 and perplexed, in somuch as not a few vnderstand those words of Saint Peter of this particular, that in Saint Paules Epistles some things are hard to be vnderstood. It were then in my judgement no small presumption vp∣on * 1.690 a place so intricate and difficult peremptorily to build so vncertaine a doctrine. But because it is so hotly vrged as a testimony vnanswere∣able, let vs a little examine the parts and sense thereof. First then it is cleere, that the Creature may be delivered from the bondage of corruption, and yet not restored to a more perfect and beautifull estate, in asmuch as being annihilated, it is thereby freed from that abuse of wicked and vngratefull men, which heere it is of necessity still subject vnto. But all the doubt is, how the Creature shall be made partaker of the glorious li∣berty of the Sonnes of God. I hope no man will dare to affirme that they shall be with them Coheires of eternall blessednes, as the words seem to im∣port; how then are they made partakers of this glorious liberty? But in asmuch as when the sonnes of God shall be made partakers thereof, the Creature shall be altogether freed from the bondage of corruption: So

as that, into the liberty of the sonnes of God, is no more then together with the liberty of the Sons of God, or, by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of the liberty of the Sons of God, as Saint Chrysostome hath expounded it. They which main∣taine any other future liberty in the Creature by way of restitution or bettering it, are bound soundly to answere all the arguments before al∣leaged, and withall to yeeld a sufficient arrow_back reason arrow_forward why some Creatures are to be restored and not all, since the name of Creature is equally attri∣buted to all and not to some only. Surely S. Ambrose in his Exposi∣tions vpon that place, durst goe no farther then we doe, habet enim in la∣bore posita Creatura hoc solatium quoniam habebit requiem, cum crediderint omnes quos scit Deus credituros: the Creature travelling in paine hath this comfort, that it shall rest from labour, when they shall all beleeue, whom God knowes are to beleeue. And in truth this is as much as we neede beleeue, and as the words being favourablely interpreted doe inforce.

The last testimony mustered against vs was taken from the Psalmist, Th•…•…u shalt change them and they shall be changed: But since in the same * 1.691 verse he likewise tels vs, They shall perish; what change shall we there vn∣derstand? Surely for the same thing to bee sayd to bee chaunged into a better and more perfect estate, and yet withall at the same time to perish, cannot properly be verified. We are to know then that a thing may be chaunged, not only by alteration, which is a chaunge in the quality, but by augmentation or diminution, which is a chaunge in the quantity; by corruption, which is a chaunge in the substance; or lastly, (though in a larger, and perchaunce somewhat vnusuall acceptation) by annihilation, which is a totall abolishing of the substance: And this in truth is the greatest chaunge that may be, it being ab ente ad non ens simpliciter, from a being to a not being wholy. And of such a chaunge must the Psal∣mist of force be vnderstood, if we will reconcile him with himselfe, and the passages before alleaged; or (if this satisfie not) we may say (as some doe) that the heavens shall be changed in regard of vs; insteed of visible and materiall heavens, (the vse of which wee now injoy) wee shall be translated to an heaven immateriall and invisible, the Coelestiall Paradise, the heavenly Ierusalem, which in holy Scriptures is likewise tearmed a new heaven. Notwithstanding all this (for the reverence I beare anti∣quitie) I will not be peremptory in the point: But truly me thinkes, that a few obscure places should rather be expounded by many cleere, then the cleere wrested to the obscure.

CAP. 14. Of the Uses we are to make of the Consummation of the world, and of the day of Iudgement.

SECT. 1. That the day of the worlds end shall likewise be the day of the generall iudgement thereof, and that then there shall bee such a iudgement, is proved aswell by arrow_back reason arrow_forward as the testimonie of the Gentiles.

WHatsoever be the manner of the worlds end, most certaine it is, an end it shall haue, and as certaine that then we shall all ap∣peare before the Iudgement seate of Christ, that every man may re∣ceiue according to that which he hath done in his body, whether it be good or e∣vill. * 1.692 If we yeeld that there is a God, and that this God is Almighty & just (which of necessity he must be, or otherwise he may not be God) it cannot be avoyded, but that after this life ended, he administer justice vnto men, by punishing the wicked and rewarding the righteous: Since in this world the one commonly liue in ease and prosperity, and the o∣ther in misery and persecution. Shall not then the Iudge of all the world doe right? doubtles he shall and will. Some therefore he punisheth exem∣plarily * 1.693 in this world, that we might from thence haue a tast or glimce of his present iustice: And others he reserveth to the next, that from thence we might haue an assurance of a future iudgement, which is ei∣ther particular, as we are single persons at the day of the separation of the soule from the body, which wee may call the Privy Sessions of the soule; or vniversall, as we are parcels of mankinde, at the last day, which we may call the generall Assise both of soule and bodie.

And that there shall be such a generall judgement, beside the particular, we haue these reasons to induce vs to beleeue it. First, that the body of man rising from his sepulchre at that day may be partaker of eternall * 1.694 punishment or glory with the soule, even as in this life it was partici∣pant of the vertues or vices which the soule did execute; as they either sinned together, or served God together: So is it most fit that they should receiue the sentence of eternall life or death together. Yet be∣cause the soule both may, and often doth, either sinne or serue God without the bodie, but the body of it selfe can doe neither without the soule; therefore is it as requisite, that the separated soule should either suffer paine or injoy blisse, whiles the body rests in the graue: And be∣ing revnited and married againe vnto the body, should partake more either of blisse or paine then it.

As this first arrow_back reason arrow_forward is taken from the Essentiall parts, so the second rea∣son, that there shall be an vniversall and publique judgement, is drawne from the Actions of the persons to be judged & their rewards. Though it be true then, that if men were rewarded in secret both in soule and in

in bodie according to their actions the justice of God might by that meanes be preserved, yet could it not be sufficiently manifested, vnlesse this judgement were acted in the publique view of the whole world. Many good men haue heere been openly oppressed and troden vnder foote; and on the other side, the wicked haue flourished in abundance of outward peace & temporall felicity, which hath made the best of Gods servants at times to stagger and stand amazed thereat: But then shall they and all the world cleerely see, and confid•…•…ntly professe to the honour of Divine justice, Verily there is a reward for the righteous, doubtles there is a God that judgeth the Earth. And in regard of this conspicuous * 1.695 manifestation of Gods justice and full accomplishment thereof at the last day, not a few of the Greeke & Latine Fathers, as also the holy Scriptures themselues in sundry places seeme to say, the retribution of our workes in the flesh shall be differred till then. Now besides this honour which shall accrew to the justice of God, both wicked sinners and the blessed Saints of God shall then receiue their rewards and finall paiments open∣ly in the sight and hearing of each other, to the end, that the griefe and shame of the impious, and the triumphant joy of the vertuous and reli∣gious, might therby be the more increased. For what greater heart∣breaking and confusion can there bee to the one, then to haue all their secret faults layd open, and the sentence of Condemnation passed vp∣on them in the presence of them whom they derided and vilified; or what greater comfort and content to the other, then to be justified and rewarded in the view of them, who were their professed enemies.

Lastly, as our blessed Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ, (who shall then ap∣peare as Iudge) at his first comming into this world was contemptible in the eye of wordlings, and dishonoured publiquely both in his life and death: So was it convenient, that once in this world hee should shew his power, and Majesty, and that in the sight of all his Creatures, but specially of his wicked enimies, who after that day are never to see or behold him more.

To these reasons may be added the testimonie of the very Gentiles, of Hydaspes, Hermes, & Sybilla; whereof the first having described the ini∣quity * 1.696 of the last age, sayes that the godly and righteous men being se∣vered from the vntighteous, shall with teares and groanes lift vp their hands to heaven imploring the helpe of Iupiter, and that therevpon Iu∣piter shall regard the earth, heare their prayers and destroy the wicked: Quae omnia vera sunt praeter vnum quod Iovem dixit illa facturum quae Deus faciet, saith Lactantius, all which things are true, saue one, which is, that * 1.697 he ascribes that to Iupiter which God shall doe. And besides (sayth he) it was not without the cunning suggestion of Sathan left out that then the Sonne of God shall be sent from the father, who destroying the wicked, shall set the righteous at liberty. Which Hermes notwithstan ding dissembled not. Part of Sybilla's verses alleadged by Lactantius in Greeke, may thus be rendred in Latine & English:

Huic luci finem imponent cum fata supremum, Iudicium aethereus Pater exercebit in omnes, Iudicium humano generi imperiumque verendum.

When God shall to this world its fatall period send Th'immortall, mortall men in judgment shall arraigne, Great shall his judgment be, his Kingdome without end.

And againe,

Tartareumque chaos tellure hiscente patebit Regesque aetherij sistentur judicis omnes Ante thronum.

Tartarean Chaos then Earth opening wide shall show, And then all kings before Gods judgment seat shall bow.

And in another place.

Coelum ego convolvens penetralia caeca recludam Telluris, functique & fati lege soluti Et mortis stimulo exurgent, cunctos{que} tribunal Ante meum Iudex statuam, reprobosque, probosque.

Rolling vp Heauen I will Earths secret vaults disclose, Deaths sting also and bonds of fate will I vnloose: Then shall the dead arise, and all both small and great, Both good and bad shall stand before my judgment seat.

Ouer and aboue these Prophets and men of learning, Peru the South part of America doth yeeld to vs an ignorant people, who by the light * 1.698 of Nature and a generall apprehension (for God knoweth they haue nothing else) doe beleeue that the World shall end, and that there shall be then a reward for the good and for the euill according to their desert.

SECT. 2. The consideration of this day may first serue for terrour to the wicked, whether they regard the dreadfulnesse of the day it selfe, or the quality of the Iudge by whom they are to be tryed.

THe certainty then of this vniversall Iudgment at the last day be∣ing thus cleerely prooued, not only by the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, but by the light of arrow_back Reason arrow_forward and the testimo∣nies of the Gentiles, the consideratiō thereof may justly serue for terrour to the wicked, it being to them a day of wrath and vengeance; for Com∣fort to the Godly, it being to them a day of refreshing and full redempti∣on; and lastly for admonition & instruction to both. First then it may justly serue for matter of extreame terrour to the wicked, whether they regard the dreadfulnes of the day in which they shall be tryed, or the quality of the Iudge by whom they are to be tryed, or the nature & number of their accusers that shall bring in evidence against them, or the presence of such an assembly of men and Angels before whom they shall be arraigned, or their owne guiltinesse and astonishment, or lastly the sharpnesse and severi∣ty of the sentence that shall passe vpon them. The very face and counte∣nance of that day shall be hideous and dismall to looke to, it shal be apparel∣led with horrour and affrightment on euery side: That day is a day of * 1.699 wrath, a day of trouble and heavinesse, a day of destruction and desolation, a day

of gloominesse and darknesse, a day of clouds, stormes and blacknesse, a day of the trumpet and alarme against the strong cities and against the high towres. Then shall the Sun be darkned, and the Moone shall be turned into bloud, and the starres shall fall from heauen as it were withered leaues from their trees, and the powers of heauen shall be shaken, and the graues shall vo∣mit vp their dead bodies, the heauens shall passe away with a noise, and shriuel together like scorched parchment, the elements shall melt & dis∣solue with heat, the sea & flouds shall roare, & the Earth with the works that are therein shall be burnt vp, there shall be horrible clapps of thun∣der & flashes of lightning, voyces & earthquakes, such as neuer were since men dwelt vpon the earth: such howling, such lamentations, such skriches shall be heard in euery corner, that the hearts of men shall tremble & wither for very feare and expectation of those things which at that day shall befall them. And now tell me what mortall heart can choose but ake and quake at the remembrance of these vnspeakable in∣comprehensible terrours. The Law was giuen with thunder & light∣nings, and a thick cloud vpon the mount, with an exceeding lowde and shrill sound of the trumpet, so that all the people were afrayde, yea so terrible was the sight, that Moses said, I feare and quake. Now if Moses * 1.700 the servant of the Lord quaked to heare the first trumpet at the giuing of the Law, how shall the wicked, condemned in their owne Consci∣ence, tremble and quake to heare the second at the execution thereof?

Specially being arraigned at the barre of such a Iudge, apparelled with Robes of Majesty, & attended with millions of Angels: A Iudge so soueraigne as there lyes no appeale from him; so wise as nothing can escape his knowledge; so mighty as nothing can resist his power, so vp∣right as nothing can pervert his justice, who neither can bee deceiued with sophistry, nor blinded with gifts, nor terrified with threats. They shall looke vpon him whom they haue wounded and gored with the speare of their blasphemies, with the nailes of their cursings and cursed oathes; whō they haue buffeted & spit vpon with their impiety & pro∣phanesse; whō they haue again crucified to themselues by their divelish & damnable actions, trampling his pretious Bloud vnder foot by their impenitencie, putting him to open shame by their infidelity, making a mock of him by their obstinacy, and turning his grace into wantonnes by their presumption. Holy Augustine in one of his Sermons of the last Iudgment, brings in this glorious Iudge thus expostulating the matter with these miscreants at that Day.

O man with mine owne handes * 1.701 did I fashion thee out of the slime of the earth: into thy earthly mem∣bers did I infuse a spirit: I vouchsafed to bestow vpon thee mine own Image: I placed thee among the delights of Paradise: but thou con∣temning the vitall efficacy of my Commandements, choosedst rather to listen to the tempter, then thy God. And when being expelled out of Paradise by arrow_back reason arrow_forward of sin thou wert held in the chaines of death, I was inclosed in the Virgins wombe, I was layde in the cratch, I was wrapped in swathing cloathes, I endured the scorne of infancy & the griefe of manhood, that so being like vnto thee, I might make thee like vnto my selfe. I bore the buffetings & spittings of scorners, I dranke

vineger mixed with gall, I was scourged with whippes, crowned with thornes, nayled to the crosse, gored with a speare, & that thou mightest be freed from death, in torments I parted with my life: Looke vpon the print of the nayles, behold the skarres of my wounds: I took vpon me thine infirmities, that I might impart vnto thee my glory. I vnder∣went the death due to thee, that thou mightst liue for euer. I was buried in a sepulchre, that thou mightest raigne in Heauen. Why hast thou wilfully lost that which I by my sufferings purchased for thee? Why hast thou spurned at the gratious gift of thy Redemption. I complaine not of my death, only render vnto me that life for which I gaue mine. Render me that life which by the wounds of thy sinnes thou dayly killest. Why hast thou polluted with more then beastly sensuality that Temple which in thee I consecrated to my selfe? Why hast thou stai∣ned my body with filthy provocations? Why hast thou tormented me with a more grievous crosse of thy sinnes, then that vpon which I sometimes hung: for the crosse of thy sinnes is more grievous (in as much as vnwillingly I hang vpon it) then that other which taking pi∣ty vpon thee, & to kill thy death I willingly mounted. I being impassi∣ble in my selfe vouchsafed to suffer for thee: but thou hast despised God in man, salvation in mine infirmity, pardon from thy Iudge, life from my crosse, and wholesome medicine from my sufferings.

Now what flinty or steely heart in the world could choose but resolue it selfe into teares of bloud vpon such an expostulation were it moistned with any drop of grace? But heerevnto might be added, that thou hast often joyned with his enemies against him, turned the deafe eare to the mini∣stery of his Word, jested at his threatnings, neglected his gratious invi∣tations, quenched his holy inspirations, abused his Sacraments & his patience, which being long abused at length is turned into fury. This Lambe of God therefore shall then shew himselfe as a Lyon, he shall then put on righteousnesse for a brest-plate, & take true judgment in steed of an helmet, then shal he put on the garments of vengeance for cloathing, & be clad with zeale as with a cloake; Then shall hee come in strength as a storme of haile, & as a whirlewinde breaking and throwing downe whatsoeuer standeth in his way, as a rage of many waters that flow and rush together. The mountaines shall melt & fly away at his presence, a burning fire shall run before him, and on euery side of him a violent tempest. And if Felix himselfe a Iudge trembled to heare Paul (who as a prisoner was arraigned before him) disputing of this Last Iudgment, how shall the guilty prisoners tremble before the face of this Iudge, be∣ing both the Iudge and the party offended? If the Iewes who came to attach him fell backward at the hearing of his voyce in the dayes of his humi∣lity, how shal the wicked stand amazed & confounded at his presence when he comes to judge them in glory & Maiesty? Surely for them to endure the fiercenes of his angry countenance wilbe intollerable, and yet to fly from it impossible, & the more intollerable will it be in regard of the nature and number of their accusers.

SECT. 3. Of the nature and number of their accusers.

THe Creatures shall accuse them whom they haue abused to vani∣ty, to luxury, to drunkennesse, to gluttony; to covetousnesse, to ambition, to revenge, and being then freed from their bondage, they shall freely cōplain of this vnjust vsurpation. Good men shall accuse them, as having bin most disdainfully scorned, wronged, oppressed, and troden vnder-foot by them. Their Companions shall accuse them, as ha∣ving beene drawne into sin by their wicked intisements and examples. Their Teachers and Gouernours shall accuse them, as hauing beene irre∣verent toward their persons, & rebellious against their instructions and commaunds. Their Children and Servants shall accuse them, as hauing beene negligent in their education in vertue and piety. The Prophets and Apostles shall accuse them as hauing beene carelesse in the observation of their writings. The good Angels shall accuse them whose directions they haue refused to follow. The Divels shall accuse them in that they haue betrayed their Lord and Captaine to march vnder their banners. Their owne Consciences shall bitterly accuse & vpbraid them: the body shall accuse the soule as being the principall agent, and the soule the bo∣dy as being a ready instrument: The appetite shall accuse arrow_back reason arrow_forward as be∣ing too sensuall & indulgent; & arrow_back reason arrow_forward the appetite, as being irregular & inordinate: all the faculties of the Soule, all the senses & members of the body shall accuse each other: nay which is worst of all, the Iudge him∣selfe shal be thy accuser, representing those transgressions to thy memo∣ry, & laying them close to thy charge which either thou hadst forgot∣ten & cast behinde thee, or didst perchaunce not know, or not acknow∣ledge to be sinnes, Sweet IESVS, which way will the poore Sinner turne himselfe in the midst of all these accusers & accusations. To con∣fesse thē then will serue but to increase his shame; to deny them, but to aggravate his fault, & consequently his punishment: nay deny them hee cannot, being convinced by two euidences against which there can bee no exception, the booke of the Law, & the booke of his owne Conscience, the one shall shew him what he should haue done, & the other what hee hath done; against the booke of the Law; hee shalbe able to speake no∣thing, his Conscience telling him that the commaundements of the Lord are pure and righteous altogether: and for the booke of Conscience, a∣gainst that he cannot possibly except, it being alway in his owne kee∣ping, so as it could not be falsified, & whatsoeuer shall then be found written therein, he shal freely acknowledge to haue beene written with his owne hand: Silence then shall be his safest plea, and astonishment his best Apologie.

The rather, for that all these accusations shalbe brought in and layde against him in the presence of the blessed Saints and glorious Angels which shall then be vnto him a terrible and feareful spectacle, aswel in regard of their infinite number, as their inresistable strength. We read of di∣verse

holy men, who vpon the sight of an Angell haue beene cast into such pittifull fits, that their spirits haue fayled them, their breath hath forsaken them, their joynts haue bin loosed and for the time they haue bin as dead bodies without all appearance of sense or life. Now if holy men haue been so much moved with the sight of one Angell bringing them good tidings and conversing familiarly with them, into what in∣conceiueable gulfes of horrour shall the reprobate be plunged vpon the sight of so many millions, all armed with indignation against them, and desire of the full and finall execution of their Creators will? If an army of men marching with banners displayed bee terrible to behold, how dreadfull shall those innumerable hoaste of heavenly souldiers appeare to the face of their enimies? and if one of them slew foure score and fiue thousand in one night, what mortall weight shall conceiue any hope of standing before such multitudes, who as they are now sent forch to mi∣nister for their sakes that are heires of salvation: so then shall they sepa∣rate the just from the vnjust, and shall execute vengeance vpon them that shall be heires of damnation, casting them into a fornace of fire, where shall be wayling and gnashing of teeth. So as they shall not be bare Spectatours, but principall Act•…•…urs in that lamentable tragedie. We finde, that when but one of them descended to role away the stone frō our Saviours Sepulchre, there was a great Earth-quake, and for feare of him, the keepers of the Sepulchre were astonied, and became as dead men: Into what extremity then of confusion and perplexity shall the wicked be driven, when they shall perceiue such troupes of these migh∣ty and glorious Creatures assembled, not only to be witnesses of their shame and just condemnation, but agents in their execution? Besides all this, it shall be acted in the presence of those blessed Saints whom they alwayes held their greatest enemies; and what greater bitternesse can be imagined, then to be layd open and reproached in the sight of a mans enimies, and to see them in the meane time advanced to honour, triumphing and insulting vpon his miseries, as the Saints then shall doe vpon impenitent sinners, admiring and applauding the justice of their Creat•…•…r, and as assistants, approving the equity of that sentence which he shall pronounce, and which the Condemned themselues likewise cannot but justifie.

In asmuch as then in an instant shall be represented vnto themselues, and discovered in the open view of the whole world, all the horrible, foule, bloody, crying, roaring sinnes that ever they committed, together with all the circumstances of time, and place, and persons, and manner, and measure. Then shall they giue a particular strict account of all the blessings, of all the gifts and graces which God hath bestowed vpon them, of all the faculties of their soules, of all the senses and members of their bodies, as it were of so many talents committed to their charge, how they haue vsed, or rather abused them. Then shall they giue an account, how they haue profited by all those wholsome lessons they haue heard, and fatherly chastisements they haue beene corrected with, how they haue entertained those good motions that God hath put into their hearts; how they haue withstood the Suggestions of Sathan, & the temp∣tations

of the world and the flesh. Then shall they giue an account, not only of their greivous haynous sinnes of presumption and malice, com∣mitted against the light of their Conscience wittingly, willingly, & wil∣fully, with an high hand and striffe necke, but of filthy rotten speeches, prophane writings, vnsavory jests, nay of every idle word, nay of every loose and lewd thought; not only of outward, publique, notorious trans∣gressions, but of secret practises, mischievous plots & projects, knowne only to God and their owne soules. Lastly, not only of sins of Commissi∣on, but of the omission of good duties, and of their pretious time mis∣spent, passing the greatest part thereof in eating, and drinking, & sleep∣ing, and dancing, and gaming, in haunting taverns, and play-houses, and dicing-houses, and brothell-houses, which should haue been spent in the workes of Charity, of Piety, or those of their private calling. Good God, what shall the poore sinner now say, what shall he doe for the levelling and cleering of these accounts? shall he call for mercy? he hath alrea∣dy shut that doore against himselfe. Shall he fly to his Saviour? hee is now become his Iudge. Shall he implore the intercession of the Saints and Angells? neither will they intercede if they might be heard, nor shall they be heard, though they would intercede. O hard distresse, sayth devoute Anselme, on the one side will be his sinnes accusing him, on the other side justice terrifying him, vnder him the gulfe of hell gaping, aboue him the Iudge frowning, within him a Conscience stinging, with∣out him the world burning. Finding no way then to releiue or excuse himselfe, hee shall seeke to hide himselfe in dens and among the clefts of the rockes, and shall say vnto the hills and mountaines, fall vpon me and cover me from the presence of him that sitteth vpon the Throne, and from the wrath of the Lambe, for the great day of his wrath is come, and who can stand? and if the righteous be hardly saved, where shall the impenitent sinner appeare? Yet no remedie, stand forth and appeare they must at the open barre or Gods justice, and there receiue their last doome; Depart from me yee Cursed, in∣to everlasting fire prepared for the Devill and his Angells.

SECT. 4. Or lastly, the dreadfulnes of the sentence which shall then be pronounced vpon them.

O Mercifull Lord, what a dolefull, what as dreadfull sentence is this? Depart from thee O Christ? why thou art all things, and therefore the losse of thee is an vniversall losse of all things. Thou art the greatest good, and therefore to be deprived of thee is the greatest evill. Thou art the very Center and perfect rest of the soule, and therefore to bee pulled from thee is the most cruell separation that can be. It was the richest promise that thou couldst make to the pe∣nitent theefe, and the sweetest voyce that he could heare, This day thou shalt be with me in Paradise. Lord whither shall we goe from thee, saith one of thine Apostles, and the other only wisheth to be dissolved, that he may be with thee. The Wisards of the East when they recovered

the sight of the starre that but led vnto thee, being yet in the state of in∣firmitie and humilitie, rejoyced with an exceeding great joy: and thy forerunner the Baptist at the voyce of thy blessed mother sprang for joy, being yet in the wombe; how then would they haue beene reple∣nished and ravished with joy to haue seen thee in thy Kingdome of glo∣ry, and tormented with griefe to haue bin commaunded out of thy pre∣sence? specially considering, that with thee is the well of life, in thy presence is the fulnes of joy, and at thy right hand there are pleasures for evermore. By parting from thee then, wee part from the blisfull vision of the face of God, from the fruition of the happy fellowship of the holy Angels and so∣ciety of Saints, and consequently from happinesse it selfe. What re∣maines then, but that parting from happinesse, wee should indeede be∣come most miserable and accursed Caitifs. Depart from me yee Cur∣sed. Men sometimes curse where God blesses, and blesse where God curses: They can only pronounce a man cursed, they cannot make him so: but heere it is otherwise: for with this powerfull and righteous Iudge, to pronounce is to make: when he cursed the figge tree, it instant∣ly withered: And as these impenitent Sinners loved cursing, so shall it come vnto them; and as they loved not blessing, so shall it be farre from them. As they cloathed themselues with cursing like a rayment, so shall it come into their bowels like water, and like oyle into their bones; it shall be vnto them as a gar∣ment to cover them, and for a girdle wherewith they shall be alway girded. Cur∣sed shall be the day of their conception, & cursed the day of their birth: Cursed they shall be in their soules, and cursed in their bodies; Cursed in their thoughts, and cursed in their desires; cursed in their speeches, and cursed in their actions; Cursed in the haynousnes of their sinne, and cur∣sed in the grievousnesse of their punishment: cursed in their punishment of losse, for their aversion from the Creator, Depart from me; and cursed in their punishment of sense, for their conversion to the Creature, Depart from me into everlasting Fire. Of all the Creatures appointed by Almigh∣ty God, to be instruments for the execution of his vengeance, water and fire are noted to haue the least mercy: And therefore with fire & brim∣stone consumed he the filthy Sodomites, a type of this hellish fire, as So∣dome was of hell it selfe. If creating an element heere for our comfort, I meane the fire, he made the same so insufferable as it is, in such sort, as a man would not hold his onely hand therein one day to gaine a king∣dome; what a fire thinke you hath he provided for hell, which is not created for comfort, but only for torment? Our fire hath many diffe∣rences from that, and therefore is truly sayd of the holy Fathers, to be but as a painted or fained fire in respect of that. For first our fire was made to comfort, as I haue sayd, and▪ that only to afflict and torment: Our fire hath need to be fed continually with wood and fewell, or else it goeth out, that burneth eternally without feeding, and is vnquench∣able; for that the breath of the Lords owne mouth doth blowe and nourish it. Our fire worketh only vpon the body, immediatly vpon the soule being a spirit it cannot worke, that worketh vpon the soule separated from the bodie, as it likewise doth vpon the Apostate Angells, and vpon both soule and bodie rejoyned. Our fire giveth light which of it selfe is

comfortable, that admitteth none, but is full of dismall darkenesse. Our fire may be extinguished, or the rage of it abated with water, that can∣not. Ours breedeth weeping, that not only weeping but gnashing of teeth, the ordinary effect of cold. Such a strange and incredible fire it is, that it implies contraries, and so terrible is this Iudge to his enimies, that he hath devised a wonderfull way, how to torment them with bur∣ning heate and chilling cold both at once. Lastly, our fire consumeth the food that is cast into it, and thereby in short space dispatcheth the paines, whereas that afflicteth & tormenteth, but consumeth not, to the end, the paines may be Everlasting as is the fire.

O deadly life, O immortall death, what shall I tearme thee? Life? and wherefore then dost thou kill? Death? and wherefore then dost thou endure? There is neither Life nor Death but hath something good in it. For in life there is some ease, and in death an end, but thou hast neither ease nor end: What shall I tearme thee? even the bitternesse of both. For of death thou hast torment without any end, and of life the continuance without any ease, so long as God shall liue, so long shall the damned die; and when he shall cease to be happy, then shall they also cease to be mi∣serable. A starre which is farre greater then the earth, appeareth to be a small spot in comparison of the heavens, much lesse shall the age of man seeme; yea much lesse the age and continuance of the whole world in regard of this perpetuity of paines. The least moment of time if it be compared with tenne thousand millions of yeares, because both tearmes are finite, and the one a part of the other, beareth, although a very small, yet some proportion: but this or any other number of yeares in respect of endlesse eternity is nothing, lesse then just nothing: For all things that are finite may bee compared together, but betweene that which is finite, and that which is infinite, there standeth no comparison. O sayth one holy Father in a godly meditation, if a sinner damned in hell did know that hee had to suffer those torments no more thousand yeares then there be sands in the sea or grasse leaues on the ground, or no more thousand millions of ages then there be Creatures in heaven, hell, and in earth, he would greatly rejoyce, for that he would com∣fort himselfe at the leastwise with this cogitation, that once yet the matter would haue an end: But now, sayth this good man, this word never breaketh his heart, considering that after an hundred thousand millions of worlds (if there might be so many) he hath as farre to his journeyes end, as hee had the first day of his entrance into those tor∣ments. And surely if a man that is sharpely pinched with the goute, or the stone, or but with thetoothach, and that they hold him but by fits, giving him some respite betweene-whiles, notwithstanding doe thinke one night exceeding long although he lie in a soft bed, well applied & cared for; how tedious doe wee thinke eternity will seeme to those that shall be vniuersally in all their parts continually without intermission, per∣petually without end or hope of end schorched in those hellish flames, which besides that they are everlasting, haue this likewise added, that they are prepared for the Devill and his Angells?

Prepared, by whom? surely by the Iudge himselfe, who giues the sen∣tence.

Now if but mortall Iudges should set and search their wits to de∣vise & prepare a punishment for some notorious malefactour, what grievous tortures doe they often finde out? able to make a man tremble at the very mentioning of them, what kinde of punishment then shall wee conceiue this to be which this immortall King of Heauen & Earth, this Iudge both of the quick & dead hath prepared? Surely his inven∣tion this way is as farre beyond the reach of all mortal wits (were they all vnited in one braine) as is his power. It must needes be then a tor∣ment insufferable, vnspeakable & incomprehensible which hee hath set himselfe to prepare: But for whom? for the Divell and his Angels, that is, for the Arch-traitour, the chiefe rebell that stands out against him, & hath stood out against him since the first Creation of the World. How art thou fallen from heauen O Lucifer sonne of the morning! thou saydst in thine heart, I will exalt my throne aboue, beside the starres of God, & I will bee like vnto the most high: Therefore hath hee cast thee downe to the bottomlesse pit of hell, there te be imprisoned in everlasting chaines vnder darknesse to the iudgment of this great day of the generall assise, then & there shalt thou re∣ceiue thy compleat & finall sentence: and then shall those miscreants who haue chosen rather to hearken to thy intisements, to yeeld to thy temptations, to march vnder thy banner, and with thee & thine Angels to stand out in open rebellion against their Liege Lord, then to yeeld their due obedience to him, who by so many obligations might deser∣vedly challenge it from them: Then I say, shall they who haue thus sinned with thee, suffer likewise with thee: & as thou labouredst by all means to make them like thy self insin: so shalt thouthen as earnestly la∣bour to make them like thy selfe, as in the kinde, so likewise in the degree of thy punishment: that as the Saints shall resemble the blessed Angels in heauen, so they may in all respects resemble thee & thy cursed Angels in hell. And thus haue wee in part heard the terrour of this last day in regard of the obstinately wicked; Let vs now heare what Comforts the remembrance and meditation thereof may justly afford the righ∣teous, that is, such as by Gods grace endeavour to liue a vertuous and re∣ligious life.

SECT. 5. Secondly, the consideration of this day may serue for a speciall comfort to the godly, whether they meditate vpon the name and nature of the day it selfe in regard of them, or the assurance of Gods loue and favour towards them, and the gracious promises made vnto them.

THese Comforts then arise first from the name & nature of the day in regard of them: Secondly, from the assurance of Gods loue and fa∣vour toward them, & from the gracious promises made vnto them: Thirdly, from the quality and condition of the Iudge by whom they are to

be tryed: and lastly, from the sweetnes of the sentence which shalbe pro∣nounced on their behalf. First then, this day howbeit it shalbe very tert rible to impenitent sinners, yet to the Servants of God shall it be a day of ioy & triumph, a day of Iubilee & exultation, or as the Scriptures tearme it a day of refreshing & redemption. Neither ought this to seem strange, since the same Sun which melteth the wax, hardneth the clay, the same beams exhale both stinking vapours out of the dunghilis & sweet savours out of flowres, the beame is every way the same which workes vpon them, only the difference of the subjects which it workes vpon, is it that thus diversifies the effects. When the Iudges in their Assises come to the bench or place of judgment apparelled in skarlet robes, invironed with holdbards, attended on with great troopes, assisted by the principall knights and gentlemen of the Country, all this is a pleasing sight to the innocent prisoner, because hee hopes that now his innocency shal ap∣peare in the face of the Country, and that the day of his deliuerance is come: whereas to the guilty it is a dreadful sight, because he knowes that the day of his tryall, & consequently of his condemnation and ex∣ecution cannot be farre off: in like manner when the gibbet or gallows is set vp, the ladder, the halter, the hangman & all in readines for the ex∣ecution, this to the good subject & true man is a pleasing spectacle, be∣cause it is for their peace & safeguard: but a spectacle full of horrour to the condemned theefe or murtherer who are there instantly to be executed. To such as are straitly besieged in a Castle or City, when a powerful Army is raised to rescue them, & draweth neere to the place, and is come within sight, the neighing and trampling of the horses, the glittering of the armour, the clashing of weapons, the beating of the drumme, the sounding of the trumpet, yea the roaring of the cannon to them are as swe•…•…t musick, because they know all this to be for their succour and reliefe: but to the besiegers the noyse is terrible, be∣cause they know it is to assault, remoue and vanquish them: & this sure∣ly shall be the difference betwixt the faithfull and the vnrighteous at the day of iudgment. The Maiesty & Glory of Christ, the traine of in∣numerable Angels attending on him, the shrill sound of the trumpet summoning all flesh to appeare before his Tribu-nall at this great & ge∣nerall Assises, and all other solemnities belonging to the pomp & mag∣nificence thereof, as it shall vtterly daunt and confound the one, in as much as they know themselues guilty of all those enormities and out-rages wherewith they shall be charged, so shall it cheere vp the other, for that they are thē fully to be cleered in the presence of men & Angels frō those vnjust aspersions & imputations whichtheir enemies haue cast vpon them, they are to be freed from all those wrongs and oppressions they haue sustained, they are to be rescued from that narrow siege, that fierce assault, that long & strong battery which by sinne, the world, the flesh, & the Divell hath beene laid to their soules; so as all those fearefull signes fore-running the last end, as the trembling of the earth, and the shaking of the powers of heauen, shall be vnto them as the Earthquake was to Paul and Silas, which serued to loose their fetters and manicles, and to open vnto them the prison doores and set them at liberty.

Neither can it in truth be otherwise, considering the loue & favour which Almighty God beares them. He hath redeemed them with the pretious Blood of his deare Sonne, he hath begotten them by the in∣corruptible seed of his word, hee hath illuminated and sanctified them with his Spirit, he hath sealed them by his Sacraments, he hath pacified their guilty Consciences with his grace, delivered them out of dangers, supported them in their temptations, relieued them in their distresses, resolued them in their doubts, made all things worke together for the best vnto them; and will he forsake them at this last tryall? no, no, herein he setteth out his loue toward them, seeing, that while they were yet sinners; Christ died for them, much more being now iustified by his Blood, shall they bee saued from wrath thorow him. For if when they were enemies they were recon∣ciled to God by the death of his Sonne; much möre being reconciled shall they bee saued by his life: if they were pardoned thorow his death when they were enemies, they shall much more be saued by his life now that they are friends. For how incredible is it, nay how impossible, that he who pardoneth an enemy should condemne a friend. He loued them whiles they yet bore the image of the Diuell, and will he not much more loue them now, since he hath in part repaired his owne Image in them. They were deare vnto him when there was in them no goodnesse, & can hee now abandon them being made partakers of that goodnes which him∣selfe hath wrought in them. Being then pluckt out of the power of darknesse, let them neuer feare to be rejected by the Father of lights; ha∣ving the blessed Angels sent forth to minister for their sakes, let them neuer feare to be deliuered ouer vnto, or in the finall sentence to be joi∣ned with the Divell and his Angels. What shall we then say to these things? if God be on our side who can be against vs, who spared not his owne Sonne, but gaue him for vs all to death, how shall he not with him giue vs all things also? Who shal lay any thing to the charge of Gods chosen? it is God that iustifieth: who shall condemne? it is Christ which is dead, or rather which is risen againe. Who shall separate vs from the loue of Christ? shall tribulation or anguish, or perse∣cution, or famine, or nakednesse, or perill, or sword? nay in all these things wee are more then conquerours thorow him that loued vs. And wee are perswaded that neither death, nor life, nor Angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor heighth, nor depth, nor any other creature shall be able to separate vs from the loue of God which is in Christ Iesus our Lord.

And as the loue and favour of God in Christ doth thus arme his chil∣dren against the terrour of the day of iudgment, so doe likewise the gra∣cious promises made vnto them, which imbolden them to say again with the blessed Apostle, I haue fought a good fight, I haue finished my course, I haue kept the faith, from henceforth is laid vp for me the Crowne of righteous∣nesse which the Lord the righteous Iudge shall giue me at that day, and not to me only, but vnto all them also that loue that his appearing. If I shall then re∣ceiue a Crowne of righteousnesse I need not feare hell fire: if the righ∣teous Iudge himselfe will giue it me, I need not stand in awe of his se∣verity: if he shall giue it to all those who loue that his appearing, I need not tremble at the thought thereof; nay I haue rather great arrow_back reason to be glad and rejoyce thereat, and when I see those things come to passe,

to looke vp & lift vp mine head, as being well assured that my redemp∣tion draweth neere. And not only my redemption, but mine advance∣ment to honour, euen in that very act of Iudgment: the bench rather then the barre being my place there, & my selfe being ordained not to stand forth as a prisoner, but to sit as a Iudge. Verily I say vnto you, that when the Sonne of man shall sit in the Throne of his Maiesty, yee which followed me in the regeneration shall sit also vpon twelue thrones, and iudge the twelue tribes of Israell, sayth Truth it selfe. Which priviledge lest we should thinke to be restrained only to his Apostles, one of them by good war∣rant extends it to all the faithfull. Doe ye not know saith he, that the Saints shall iudge the world? that is, wicked men who haue oppressed vs: And againe, Know ye not that we shall iudge the Angels? that is, wicked spirits who haue tempted or assaulted vs. Now what folly is it to be a∣frayde of that judgment where we our selues shall be Iudges, and that of our greatest enemies? nay what incouragement should it bee to re∣ceiue if need were, the sentence of death for Christs sake, since it is cer∣taine that as Christ himselfe shall judge Pilate before whom hee was ar∣raigned, and by whom he was wrongfully condemned: so also shall we in some sort at leastwise as Assessors with him & approouers of his sen∣tence, judge our Iudges. For although Christ our Head principally and properly shall be the Iudge, yet wee that are his members shall haue a branch of his authority, and shall be as it were joyned in commission with him.

SECT. 6. Or the quality and condition of the Iudge in respect of them by whom they are to be tryed: or lastly, the sweetnesse of the sentence which sh•…•…ll then be pronoun∣ced on their behalfe.

BVt setting this Commission aside, what a comfort will it bee to the Godly to be summoned, to be assembled, to be separated from the goates by the ministery of those very Angels who were appoin∣ted to be their guardians, to pitch their tents round about them; and to beare them vp with their hands that they might not dash their foote a∣gainst a stone? nay what joy vnvtterable, with their eyes to behold and looke vpon that Sauiour of theirs (appearing in Maiesty as a Iudge) who redeemed them with his heart blood, and gaue his life as a ransome for them, in whom they haue trusted, on whom they haue beleeued, to whom they haue prayed, for whom they haue suffered, with whom they shall be glorified? Their Father, their Husband, their Master, their Head, their Physitian, their Advocate and Intercessour: and can the fa∣ther condemne the sonne, the husband the wife, the Master his faithfull servant, the head his members, the Physitian his patient, the Advocate his Client? How happy is our case then, that hee must be our Iudge that was himselfe judged for vs▪ and our assurance is, that hee will not condemne vs, that hath already be•…•…ne condemned for vs: No, he

will be so farre from condemning vs, that then and there hee will fully acquit vs in the sight of the whole world, and pronounce that favoura∣ble sentence on our behalfe, Come yee blessed of my Father, inherite a king∣dome prepared for you from the foundation of the world.

A judiciall sentence shall I call it, or rather a brotherly & gratious in∣vitation? Come ye blessed of my Father: Come, that where the husband is, there may the wife be; that where the father is, there may the sonnes be; that where the Master is, there may the servants be; that where the Captain is, there may the souldiers be; that where the king is, there may the subjects be, that where the head is, there may the members be. Come, it was thy voice sweet Savior whiles thou wert yet in the state of humi∣lity, Come vnto me all ye that are weary & heavy laden & I will refresh you: & dost thou still retaine the same sweetnes and familiality, being now in glory, and that whiles thou art sitting vpon the throne of justice? Good Lord, how dost thou at the same instant shew thy selfe terrible as a Ly∣on to thine enimies, & yet gentle as a Lamb to thy friends? frowning vp∣on the one, and yet smiling on the other, commaunding the one out of thy presence with an Ite, Goe; and inviting the other to approach neere with a Venite, Come. Come, come my deare hearts, now is the time that you must rest from your labours, that your teares must be wip'd off, that your long expectatiō & longing hope must be turned into fruitiō: your race is at an end, you must now receiue the prize; your wrestling at an end, you must now receiue the garland, your combating at an end, you must now receiue the Crowne, Come yee Blessed of my Father. Blessed in your liues, and blessed in your deaths; blessed in your election, blessed in your vocation, blessed in your adoption, blessed in your justification, bles∣sed in your sanctification, and now for accomplishment of all, most bles∣sed in your glorification: And the fountaine of all this your blessednes, is none other then the very Father of blessings, my Father and your Fa∣ther, mine by nature, yours by grace, mine by eternall generation, and yours by spirituall regeneration: And whom the Father blesses, the Son cannot but most lovingly and tenderly imbrace. Come yee blessed of my Father. what to doe? to inherit a Kingdome. Least my words should seeme to be but winde, least my promises should seeme to be vaine, and your patience and beleeving vaine; Come & receiue that which I haue promised, and you haue beleeved; Come and take actuall possession of it; yet not as a purchase of your owne, but as an inheritance; not as wa∣ges, but as a reward; not as bought by the value of your merits, but con∣ferred vpon you by the vertue of my sufferings, and the benediction of my Father as the cause, and your sonne-shippe and obedience as the condition. Your title is good, your evidence faire, so as no exception can be taken to your right, nothing so much as pretended or pleaded to disinherit you. Come on then chearefully, make hast and enter vpon it, my selfe will leade you the way, follow me. But what may it bee gracious Lord that wee shall possesse? surely no lesse then a Kingdome. This reward is sometimes set forth vnto vs vnder the name of a pleasant garden or Paradise of delight; sometime of a stately magnificent palace; sometime of a large and beautifull Cittie: but here of a Kingdome, a glo∣rious,

a spacious, a secure, a durable Kingdome, whose King is the Trini∣ty, whose Law is Divinitie, whose measure aternity, as farre beyond all the kingdomes of this world, and all the guilded pompe, the glittering power and riches of them, as the greatest earthly Monarch is beyond the King in a play. Earthly Monarches haue their secret pressures and pin∣ches, they haue their feares, and cares, and griefes, and envy, and anger, and sickenes mixed with their joyes and contents, or at least by turnes succeeding them: Somewhat is ever wanting to their desires, and full of doubtes and jealousies they are that their dominions may be either im∣paired or invaded: And if they were free from the possibility of all those, yet may they in a moment, and that by a thousand wayes be ar∣rested by death, and then all their honour lies in the dust, all their thoughts perish: But now with them that inherit this heavenly King∣dome it is not so: they haue joy and content at full without the least in∣termission or diminutiō, without the least mixture of any feare, or care, or griefe, or envy, or anger, or any other troublesome passion whatsoe∣ver. They are out of all doubt & jealousie of loosing that which they possesse, either in whole or in part; they are confident and secure that neither this Kingdome can be taken from them by rebellion or invasion, nor they from it by death or deposition. And herein againe doth this Kingdome excell all other kingdomes, that it is of Gods speciall preparing. And such happinesse he hath prepared in it for them that shall possesse it, as eye hath not seene, eare hath not heard, tongue cannot vtter, neither hath at any time entred into the heart of man. Such as his imaginati∣on cannot apprehend, nor his vnderstanding possiblely conceiue. O my Lord, if thou for this vile body of ours hast given vs so great and innu∣merable benefits from the firmament, from the aire, from the earth, from the sea; by light, by darkenesse, by heate, by shadow, by dewes, by showers, by windes, by raines, by fishes, by beasts, by birds, by mul∣titude of hearbes, and variety of plants, and by the ministery of all thy Creatures: O sweete Lord, what manner of things, how great, how good, and how innumerable are those which thou hast prepared for vs in our heavenly Kingdome, where we shall see thee face to face, and raigne with thee eternally? If thou doe so great things for vs in our pri∣son, what wilt thou giue vs in our palace? If thou givest so many things in this world to good and evill men together, what hast thou layd vp for only good men in the world to come? If thine enemies and friends together are so well provided for in this life, what shall thy only friends receiue in the life to come? If there be so great solaces in these dayes of teares, what joy shall there be in that day of marriage? If our jayle and prison containe so great matters, what shall our Kingdome doe? O my Lord and God, thou art a great God, & great is the multitude of thy magnificence & sweetnes; and as there is none end of thy greatnes, nor number of thy mercies, nor bottome of thy wisedome, nor measure of thy beauty: So is there no end, number, or measure of thy rewards to them that loue & serue thee.

SECT. 7. Thirdly, the consideration of this day may serue for admonition to all.

SEing then that all these things must be dossolved, what manner persons ought we to be in holy conversation and godlines? looking for, and hasting vnto the comming of that day, in which we all shall appeare before the judgement seate of Christ, that every man may receiue according to that hee hath done in his body, whether it be good or evill. Truly I know not (sayth S. Chrysostome) what others doe thinke of it, for my selfe, it makes mee often tremble when I consider it. And holy Hierome, whatsoever I am doing, saith he, whether I be eating, or drinking, or sleeping, or wa∣king, or alone, or in company, or reading, or writing, me thinkes I ever heare the shrill sound of the Archangels trumpet, summoning all flesh to appeare, and crying aloud, Surgite mortui & venite ad judicium, a∣rise yee dead and come away to judgement. The remembrance hereof is like a bitter pill to purge out the malignitie of many wanton and vaine humours, or like a strainer, all our thoughts, and speeches, and actions which passe thorow it, are thereby cleansed and purified. As the bird guideth her bodie with her traine, and the shippe is steered with the rudder, so the course of a mans life is best directed with a continuall re∣course vnto his last end. It is hard for a man to thinke of that and to thinke evill, or not to thinke of it and thinke well. Therefore when Salo∣mon had spoken of all the vanities of men, at last he opposes this memo∣randum as a counterpoise against them all, Remember for all these things thou shalt come to judgement: as if he should say, men would never speake as they speake, nor doe as they doe, if they did but thinke that these speeches & deedes of theirs should one day come to judgement. Whatso∣ever thou takest in hand then, remember the end, and that finall account which thou art to make, and thou shalt never doe amisse. S. Augustine I remem∣ber in the entrance of one of his sermons touching the day of Iudgement, makes a kind of Apologie for himselfe, that he treated in their hearing so often of that subject, telling them, that he did it for the discharge of his owne dutie, and for their good: it being better (sayth he) hereto in∣dure a little bitternes, and hereafter to injoy eternall sweetnes, then here to be fedde with false joyes, and there to indure reall and eternall punishments: But hee might haue justly excused himselfe (had any ex∣cuse needed in such a case) by the example of our blessed Saviour, who in his Gospells; and his Apostles, who in their Epistles, beate vpon this point no one more frequently: The knowledge and publishing where∣of to the world hath in all ages beene held so necessarie, that not the Prophets alone, whose writings are read in our assemblies at this day, plainely foretold it, but Enoch the seaventh from Adam prophesied thereof; nay Adam himselfe, if we may beleeue Iosephus. And that no man might plead ignorance herein; the light of this trueth (as hath al∣ready * 1.702 beene touched) shined among the very Gentiles before the incar∣nation of Christ.

A great shame were it then for vs Christians not to beleeue it, but a greater shame to our selues, and to our profession, a disgrace, & a scan∣dall to infidels, to professe that we beleeue it, and yet to liue worse then Infidels. Mahometans, & Iewes, & Pagans shall rise in judgemens against a number of Christians and shall condemne them, for that standing vp in the Congregation, and with their mouths openly professing this arti∣cle, that they beleeue that Christ shall come againe to judge both the quicke & dead; yet their thoughts, their desires, their passions, their acti∣ons, their words are such & so foule, as it evidētly shewes they beleeue not, or they vnderstand not, or they remember not what they professe. Shall I thinke that the common drunkard & glutton doth beleeue and re∣member, that at this day he must giue an account of the abuse of Gods Creatures, of making his belly his God, his kitchin his Chappell, and his Cooke his Priest? Shall I thinke that the prophane swearer and blasphe∣mer doth beleeue & remember, that at this day he must giue an account of every idle word, much more then of his hellish oathes and damnable blasphemies, wherewith he teares in peeces the name of God, & infects the very aire he breaths in? shall I thinke that the Hypocrite, who seekes to bleare the eyes of the world, doth beleeue & remember, that at this day he must giue an account of his glozing & shifting, and that then his hypocrisie shall be vncased & laid open to the view of the world? shall I thinke that the Parasite doth beleeue and remember, that at this day he must giue an account of preferring the favour of men before the loue and service of God? Shall I thinke the Slanderer doth beleeue and re∣member, that at this day he must giue an account of wounding and kil∣ling his brother in his good name by his tongue, or pen, or both? Shall I thinke the Adulterer doth beleeue and remember, that at this day he must giue an account of giuing the reines to his vnbridled appe∣tite without any checke or controll? Lastly, doth the malicious man be∣leeue and remember, that at this day hee must giue an account of his bloody practises or plots; the ambitious man, of making his honour his Idoll; the covetous, of his oppression and extortion? Let themselues a lit∣tle consider of the matter, and they will easily grant it to be vnreasona∣ble, that any man should beleeue it to be a part of their beleife.

SECT. 8. As likewise for instruction.

LEt vs then either strike it out of the articles of our Creede, or let vs so endeavour to liue, as it may appeare, that we doe not only pro∣fesse it with our mouthes, but assuredly beleeue it with our hearts. Let the civill Magistrate shew that he beleeues it, by forbearing to make his will a law, & by a conscionable care in the governing of those who are committed to his charge, and providing that they may liue vnder him a quiet and peaceable life in all godlines and honesty. Let the Divine, the Messenger of the Lord, who preacheth it to others, shew that he be∣leeues it himselfe, by forbearing base and indirect meanes to rise to

honour, (which he is most vncertaine how long, or with what content he shall hold) and by feeding the flocke of God which depends vpon him, ca∣ring for it, not by constraint, but willingly, not for filthy lucre, but of a ready minde, not as Lording it over Gods heritage, but as being a patterne to the flocke, and when that chiefe sheepheard shall appeare, he shall receiue an incorrup∣tible Crowne of glory; Let that severe call euer ring in his eares, Come giue an account of thy stewardship. There shall Andrew come in with Achaia by him converted, to the saving knowledge of the truth: Iohn with A∣sia, Thomas with India, Peter with the Iewes, and Paul with the Gentiles; and what shall we then say for our selues, if wee cannot bring forth so∣much as one soule converted by vs in the whole course of our ministe∣rie? Let the Counsellours shew that he beleeues, it by giuing counsell ra∣ther wholesome then pleasing, not for faction but for conscience, and by forbearing to make the good of the state the stalking horse of his pri∣vate ends. For though he digge never so deepe, yet he who now sear∣ches and shall then judge his heart digs deeper. Let the Courtier shew hee beleeues it by vsing his favour to the countenancing and advancing of vertue and suppressing of vice, and by forbearing to varnish & guild over foule projects or smother honest motions with faire semblances, looking rather to the worths and necessities of petitioners, then to their purse and power. Let the militarie man shew that hee beleeues it by forbearing to thinke, that a prophane oath is an ornament of speech, or that violence, rapine, and outrage, are the best Characters of a souldier; or that vnjust effusion of blood & Duells shall then passe for manhood, or that his stoute lookes and braue resolution shall then any thing availe him. Let the Nobility and Gentry shew that they beleeue it, by for∣bearing to make marchandise of Church livings committed to their care only in trust, to strippe the backes of the poore, that they may ap∣parell their wals, and to snatch their meate from their mouthes, that they may giue it to their hawkes and dogges. For if they shall stand a∣mong the goates on the left hand and heare that dolefull sentence, Goe y•…•… cursed, who cloathed not the naked and fed not the hungry, tell me what shall become of them, who by extortion and oppression, by vn∣conscionable racking of rents and wresting from them excessiue fines, make them naked & hunger-starved; nay grinde the face of the poore, and eate their flesh to the bare bones? Let the Iudges shew that they beleeue it, by forbearing to giue sentence for feare or favour, much lesse for gold or gifts, as well knowing & remembring, that themselues must one day giue a strict account to this supreame Iudge, from whose sentence lyeth no appeale. Let the Lawyer shew that he beleeues it, by forbear∣ing to spin out the suites of his Clients, to whip him about from Court to Court, and to set his tongue to sale for the bolstering out of vnjust causes, which his owne Conscience tells him to be such, least that cause which here perchance he gained to his Client and got credit by, proue there to be his greatest shame and vtter ruine, where all his sophistrie & subtile quirks will not serue his turne. Let the merchant shew that he beleeues, it by for bearing lies aswel as oathes, by putting his confidence in God, not in his wedge of gold, and by often calling to minde, that

whither soever he trauell, or what bargaine soeuer he make, Hee stands by him as a witnes who shall hereafter be his Iudge. And what folly were it for a theefe to steale in the presence of the Iudge before whom he must be arraigned? Let the Farmer and Countryman shew that he be∣leeues it by their just laying out of the Lords portions to his Ministers, as knowing that though they haply deceiue his Ministers, yet the Lord himself they cannot deceiue, & that the double damages thē of their bo∣dies & souls wilbe infinitly more grievous thē their treble damages here. Finally, let all sorts make it appeare, that they indeed doe not professe it only but beleeue it by shewing that reverence & respect to the word, to the Sacraments, to the Ambassadours to the house, to the day, to the servants, to the members of him who then shall be the reiudge, that they may with comfort & confidence appeare in his presence. The least good worke now done for his sake and to his honour, shall then steed vs more then the treasure of both the Indies, then all the kingdomes of the world & the glory of them. Then our indignation & revenge vpon our selues, our compunction and contrition for our sins committed against this Iudge, shall refresh vs and cheare vs. For if we would iudge our selues we should not be iudged. Then shall our resisting of alluring temptations, our patient induring bitter afflictions & chastisements, our sufferings, losses, disgraces, banishments for the Truths sake serue vnto vs as so many soveraigne and pretious Cordials: for when we are iudged we are chastened of the Lord, because we should not be condēned with the world. Let vs heare the end of all, Feare God and keepe his commaundements, for this is the whole duty of man: For God will bring euery worke vnto iudgment with euery secret thing, whether it be good or euill. Euen so, come Lord Iesus, come quickly. How long Lord, how long, holy and true?

Not vnto vs, O Lord, not vnto vs, but vnto thy name giue the glory.

BOETHIVS lib. 1 metr. 7.

—Tu quoque si vis Lumine claro cernere verum, Tramite recto carpere coelum Gaudia pelle, pelle timorem, Spem{que} fugato, Nec dolor adsit, Nubila mens est, Vinctaque frenis Haec vbi regnant.

If with cleare eye thou wilt see Truth, and in the right way tread, Ioy and hope chase farre from thee, Banish sorrow, banish dread. Cloudy, fettered fast with chaines, Is the minde where passion raigne.

Whatsoeuer I haue written in this or any other booke, I humbly submit to the censure of the Church of England.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Lib 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 7
• * 1.2

  Annal. l. 3. c. 12.
• * 1.3

  Cerealis apud Tacitum, hist. l. 4.
• * 1.4

  De benef. l. 1. c. 10.
• * 1.5

  Natural. Quest. l. 5. cap. 15.
• * 1.6

  Ps. 115. 4.
• * 1.7

  Cap: 44 9. &c.
• * 1.8

  Ier. 10. 3. &c.
• * 1.9

  Cap. 13. 10. &c
• * 1.10

  Hora•…•…us.
• * 1.11

  De Civit. Dei l. 4. c. 31.
• * 1.12

  1 Cor. 8. 5. De 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dis∣ciplina 3. 14.
• * 1.13

  1 King. 11.
• * 1.14

  2 King. 17.
• * 1.15

  Capl 18.
• * 1.16

  Ier. 2. 28. 11. 13
• * 1.17

  Lib. 2. cap. 7.
• * 1.18

  De Ciui•…•…. Dei l. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.19

  Lib. 1. c. 11.
• * 1.20

  Lactantius. l. 1. c: 20.
• * 1.21

  Lactant. l 5. c. 21.
• * 1.22

  Cap. 9.
• * 1.23

  Deos stercore•…•…s, Deut. 29. 17. Hist. l. 3. c. 6.
• * 1.24

  Sir H. Savill in his marginall notes on that place. Deut. 32. 13.
• * 1.25

  1. Cor. 10. 20.
• * 1.26

  Satyr: 15.
• * 1.27

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 fragmentis.
• * 1.28

  Dierum G•…•…ia∣lium. l. 6 c. 26.
• * 1.29

  Aeneid. 11:
• * 1.30

  Aeneid. l. 10.
• * 1.31

  Lib. 5. c. 10.
• * 1.32

  Aeneid. l. 2.
• * 1.33

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.34

  Lib. 1. c. 21.
• * 1.35

  V 27. Deut 12 31.
• * 1.36

  Wisedome 12. 6.
• * 1.37

  Lib. 5. c. 10.
• * 1.38

  Ier. 7. 31.
• * 1.39

  Ezek. 23▪ 39.
• * 1.40

  Psal. 106. 35. 36 37. 38.
• * 1.41

  2 King. 16. 3. 2 Chron. 28. 3. Selden de Dis Syris.
• * 1.42

  In Lev•…•…icum.
• * 1.43

  Syntagm. 8.
• * 1.44

  August. de Civ. Dei, 6. l. 8. cap.
• * 1.45

  Nos pudore pulso 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sub Iove Coleis a∣pertis.
• * 1.46

  Lib. 1. contra Iouinianum, c. 12. Originim, c. 8. Numb. 25. 5.
• * 1.47

  De Ciui•…•…. Dei lib. 2. c. 4.
• * 1.48

  Lib. 1. c. 21.
• * 1.49

  Cicero de divi∣natione, l. 2.
• * 1.50

  De doctor. Chri∣stiana, l. 2. c. 21.
• * 1.51

  De divinatione, lib. 2.
• * 1.52

  Die•…•…um Genia∣lium.
• * 1.53

  Coloss. 1. 13.
• * 1.54

  De Legibus.
• * 1.55

  Lib. 1. de Legi∣bus.
• * 1.56

  See Fi•…•…z Her∣bert in his Treatise of Po∣licie and Reli∣gion. part. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.57

  Plutarch in Solone.
• * 1.58

  Offic. lib. 2.
• * 1.59

  Pol. 2. 7.
• * 1.60

  Iustin. l. 3.
• * 1.61

  Po•…•…it. l 2. c. 7.
• * 1.62

  Doidor: Sicul•…•…s. 15. c. 14.
• * 1.63

  Cap. 1. 2. 3. & 4. Cap. 21. 22.
• * 1.64

  Polit. 7. c. 16.
• * 1.65

  Lib. 3. de Fini∣bus.
• * 1.66

  Lib. 6. cap. 20.
• * 1.67

  Cic. per A. Clu∣entio.
• * 1.68

  Pol. 7. 17.
• * 1.69

  In Eunuch.
• * 1.70

  Pasq 4. 1. 2. Verstig. c. 3.
• * 1.71

  Munsler. l. 3.
• * 1.72

  Aventin. l. 4.
• * 1.73

  Camden in Dorcet.
• * 1.74

  Act. 23. 8.
• * 1.75

  Mat. 19. 8.
• * 1.76

  Mat. 5.
• * 1.77

  Lib. 3. Ep. 8.
• * 1.78

  Ovid. Met.
• * 1.79

  Lib. 2. Met. 5
• * 1.80

  Method. Hist. c. 7.
• * 1.81

  Cicero de inven∣tione Rhetor. l. 1
• * 1.82

  Gen. 9. 22.
• * 1.83

  Cap. 10. v. 9.
• * 1.84

  Cap. 11. 4.
• * 1.85

  Gen. 6. 4.
• * 1.86

  V 5. 6.
• * 1.87

  De Gygant. c. 1.
• * 1.88

  Gen 4. 8.
• * 1.89

  Gen. 4. 26
• * 1.90

  Gen. 5 23.
• * 1.91

  Wisedome. 4 11. Bodin. loco ci∣tato.
• * 1.92

  De bello Iudai∣co, l. 6, & 7.
• * 1.93

  Lib 7. c. 17.
• * 1.94

  Lib. 4. c. 2.
• * 1.95

  Tacitus Annal. 15. 10.
• * 1.96

  De Ciuit. Dei l. 18. c. 52.
• * 1.97

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 37.
• * 1.98

  2 Tim. 4 17.
• * 1.99

  De Ci•…•…. Dei, l. 20. c. 19.
• * 1.100

  T•…•… Annal.
• * 1.101

  In vi•…•…a. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.102

  Sue•…•…on. c 3.
• * 1.103

  Iuvenal. Sa∣tyr. 3.
• * 1.104

  Lib. 5. c. 11▪
• * 1.105

  Daniel. 7 7.
• * 1.106

  L. 5. c. 11.
• * 1.107

  Sacr. Histor. l. 2
• * 1.108

  Homilia 27 in Evangelia.
• * 1.109

  Apocal. 7. 9.
• * 1.110

  Cap. 14. 20.
• * 1.111

  Tac. Aunnl. 15. 10.
• * 1.112

  Lactantius, 5. 11.
• * 1.113

  Lib. 5. c. 11.
• * 1.114

  Moral. 32. 12.
• * 1.115

  Annal. 15: 10.
• * 1.116

  1 Cor. 15 32. Virg. Aen. l. 6.
• * 1.117

  Lib. 1. c. 18.
• * 1.118

  De Const. l. 2. c. 21.
• * 1.119

  Valerius l. 9. c. 6. Paul. Diac. l 4. c. 9.
• * 1.120

  Appianus in Ibericit
• * 1.121

  Su•…•…t onius.
• * 1.122

  Xiphi•…•…inus & Herodianus.
• * 1.123

  S nec. de Ira l. 2 cap. 5.
• * 1.124

  Lypsit admiran∣da l. 4. c. 6.
• * 1.125

  Paul. Diac. hist. mise. l. 13. 6. 4.
• * 1.126

  Rom. 1. 30.
• * 1.127

  De Ira l. 2. c: 8.
• * 1.128

  Deciv. Dei. l. 3. c, 23.
• * 1.129

  Cap. 24.
• * 1.130

  Cap. 27.
• * 1.131

  Valerius lib, 9. cap. 2.
• * 1.132

  Aug d•…•… Civit. Dei lib. 3▪ c. 28.
• * 1.133

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.134

  Vale•…•…us lib. 9
• * 1.135

  De Civit. Dei l. 3. c. 29.
• * 1.136

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.137

  De bellis civi∣li•…•…us. l. 4.
• * 1.138

  De constantia, lib. 2. c. 24.
• * 1.139

  August.
• * 1.140

  Suet. in Tiber. c. 59.
• * 1.141

  Cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.142

  c. 62.
• * 1.143

  Suet. Calig. c. 27.
• * 1.144

  c. 28.
• * 1.145

  c 30.
• * 1.146

  c. 31.
• * 1.147

  c. 32.
• * 1.148

  c. 33.
• * 1.149

  Tertullian d•…•… Pallioc. 5. Lib: 9: c: 23:
• * 1.150

  De Ira, l. 1. c. 16
• * 1.151

  Seneca Ibid▪
• * 1.152

  〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
• * 1.153

  De 〈◊〉〈◊〉 l: 3: c: 14
• * 1.154

  Gellius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 10: c: 6.
• * 1.155

  Titu•…•…. 1. 12.
• * 1.156

  Floru•…•….
• * 1.157

  De Spectac.
• * 1.158

  Suetonius, c. 26.
• * 1.159

  Tertullian.
• * 1.160

  Saty•…•… •…•…3:
• * 1.161

  Suetonius, c. 12.
• * 1.162

  Sermon. Satu•…•…. 1: 1•…•…:
• * 1.163

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.164

  Oratione pro Sestio.
• * 1.165

  De •…•…revit▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.166

  Do Ira lib. 1.
• * 1.167

  Lib. 6. c. 20.
• * 1.168

  Prudentius.
• * 1.169

  Lib. 28. c. 1.
• * 1.170

  Lib. 35. 7.
• * 1.171

  Method•…•… Hist. c. 7. Tacitus Annal. 4. 14.
• * 1.172

  Iosephus l. 19.
• * 1.173

  Lib. 6. c. 20.
• * 1.174

  Epist. ad D•…•…∣natum.
• * 1.175

  De spectacul•…•…s.
• * 1.176

  Euseb. l 4 de vita Constant.
• * 1.177

  Lib. 2. Tit. •…•…3
• * 1.178

  Lib. vlt. contra Symachum.
• * 1.179

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.180

  Lib. 5. c. 9
• * 1.181

  O•…•…dipus apud Sen cam Theb. act. 1. scen. 1.
• * 1.182

  In pr•…•…emio l. 6.
• * 1.183

  Epist. 1•…•…
• * 1.184

  Epist. 70.
• * 1.185

  Epist. 70.
• * 1.186

  De Iral. 3. c. 15
• * 1.187

  Pl•…•…ny, l. 2. c. 63.
• * 1.188

  Macch•…•…. 2. 14.
• * 1.189

  Petronius Ar∣biter.
• * 1.190

  Macrobius. l 2. cap. 2. E•…•… Gellio, l. 3. c. 6.
• * 1.191

  Iuven. Sat. 1.
• * 1.192

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.193

  Pliny, l. 33. c. 10
• h 1.194

  according to •…•…octour Hol∣land, whose translation of Pliny I com∣monly follow, as a so his computation of the Romane coynes, men∣tioned by that Authour.
• * 1.195

  Tacitus, An∣nal. l. 13. c. 10.
• * 1.196

  De pouderibus, c. 19.
• * 1.197

  Lib: 2: c: 63.
• * 1.198

  Rutili•…•…: Itiner. 1.
• * 1.199

  15: 12:
• * 1.200

  Zephany, 3. 3.
• * 1.201

  Act. 24. v. 26. 27.
• * 1.202

  App•…•…anus, l. 5. bellorum civilium. Plutarch.
• * 1.203

  Lib. 45.
• * 1.204

  Idem. l 43.
• * 1.205

  Lib. 8.
• * 1.206

  Sueton. c. 54.
• * 1.207

  Tac. Annal. 15. 11.
• * 1.208

  Seneca Epist. 95.
• * 1.209

  Suet. cap. 49
• * 1.210

  Sueton. c. 38. & in sequen•…•…ibus.
• * 1.211

  Suet. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.212

  Lib. 7. de Pro∣v•…•…n. i•…•….
• * 1.213

  Lib 36.
• * 1.214

  Liv. dec. 1. l. 3
• * 1.215

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3▪
• * 1.216

  Lib 3. c. 39.
• * 1.217

  Iuven. Sa. 3.
• * 1.218

  Epist. 116.
• * 1.219

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.220

  1 Tim. 6. 1•…•…▪
• * 1.221

  Cap. 39. v. 2•…•…▪ 29. 30.
• * 1.222

  Ivven, Sat. 6
• * 1.223

  33. 1.
• * 1.224

  Man. lib. 4.
• * 1.225

  Alexander ab Alexandro 6. 8:
• * 1.226

  Ovid. Fastor. 5:
• * 1.227

  De Gubernat D. il. 6.
• * 1.228

  Lib: 22:
• * 1.229

  Carm. l: 2. od. 7.
• * 1.230

  Lib: 21: c: 15:
• * 1.231

  Lib: 1: Ani•…•…ad: cap: 10:
• * 1.232

  Plautus in Cur∣cul one.
• * 1.233

  Horace Carm: l: 2: od: 7:
• * 1.234

  Horace Carm. l. 1. od. 4.
• * 1.235

  Pergr•…•…cari. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 merry. Greeke. in men:
• * 1.236

  Martiall.
• * 1.237

  Horace Car: l. 1. od: 37,
• * 1.238

  Epist: 95:
• * 1.239

  Pliny. l. 14: c: 12:
• * 1.240

  Philip. 2.
• * 1.241

  Plin. l. 21. c. 3.
• * 1.242

  coenam para vi•…•… pollucibilem Macrobius Sat. 3. 17.
• * 1.243

  Monstruosae magnitudini•…•… Macrobius. Sat: 3 17.
• * 1.244

  Serm. 2.
• * 1.245

  Ep. 63 ad Con∣•…•…ubernales suos.
• * 1.246

  Cap. 42.
• * 1.247

  Saturnal: l: 3: c: 17:
• * 1.248

  33. 11:
• * 1.249

  Iuvenal: Satyr.
• * 1.250

  Pliny. l. 33. c. 11.
• * 1.251

  Idem 36: 7:
• * 1.252

  Iuven: Satyr: 6:
• * 1.253

  Lib: 33: 11.
• * 1.254

  Iuven: Satyr. 5.
• * 1.255

  Jn Panygerico
• * 1.256

  6: in 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.257

  De beneficijs, l. 7. c. 9.
• * 1.258

  37. 2:
• * 1.259

  Martial. l 3. E∣pigr. 31.
• * 1.260

  Lib. 4. Epig. 89. In Satyrico.
• * 1.261

  Lib. 13. c. 15.
• * 1.262

  De benefici•…•…, l. 7. c 9. the taxe of a Senatour was then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sestertium, twelue hun∣dred thousand Sestertii, Suet: Aug. 41. De Pallio c: 5:
• * 1.263

  Martial: l. 2. E∣pig. am, 43.
• * 1.264

  Iuvenal. Salyr. 11,
• * 1.265

  Martiall: l. 7: Epigr▪ 47.
• * 1.266

  Lips. l 1 manu∣duct: ad Stoi∣cam Philos. ca. 18. Lib. 33: c: 11:
• h 1.267

  Lib. 35. c 12,
• i 1.268

  Decics Sester∣tium according to Budaeus: but if you reade ac∣cording to Ho•…•…t manus, ducenties it is twenty times as much more
• * 1.269

  Plin. l. 10 c. 51. Seneca Ep. 95.
• * 1.270

  Cap: 42.
• * 1.271

  Epist 95.
• * 1.272

  De brevitate vitae. c. 12
• * 1.273

  Iuv. l, 4. Sat. 11.
• * 1.274

  Lib. 4. de Asse.
• * 1.275

  Lib. 33. c. 3.
• * 1.276

  Saturnal. l. 3. c. 13.
• * 1.277

  Cap. 17.
• * 1.278

  Epist. 115.
• * 1.279

  95.
• * 1.280

  Lib: 9 17.
• * 1.281

  Trium b•…•…rum, not t•…•…ium pho∣•…•…um as s•…•…me read it.
• * 1.282

  Plin. 9. 17.
• * 1.283

  Seneca de con∣solatione ad Albinam c. 10.
• * 1.284

  Martial. l. 3. Epigr. 22.
• * 1.285

  It seemes it should be read •…•…er trecen∣ties.
• * 1.286

  Iuven. Sat. 1. Seneca Ep. 95.
• * 1.287

  Cap. 42
• * 1.288

  Cap. 27
• * 1.289

  Cap. 12.
• * 1.290

  Seneca de Con∣solatione ad Albinam c 9.
• * 1.291

  Seneca epist. 95
• * 1.292

  Hor. Sat. 2. l. 2.
• * 1.293

  Hor. Sat. 1.
• * 1.294

  Lampridius.
• * 1.295

  Cap. 13.
• * 1.296

  Saturn. 3. & 17
• * 1.297

  Lipsius.
• * 1.298

  Deconsolat. ad Albinam c: 9
• * 1.299

  Iuvenal. Satyr: 11.
• * 1.300

  Suet. c. 13.
• * 1.301

  Valer. l: 9: c: 1:: Senec: Ep: 96
• * 1.302

  Tertul. de Pal∣lio: Pl. 10. 51.
• * 1.303

  Seneca de con∣solatione ad Albinam, c. 9:
• * 1.304

  Cap: 37.
• * 1.305

  De Consol. ad Abinam: cap. 9:
• * 1.306

  Macrobius, Saturn. 2: 11: Pliny, 9. 55.
• * 1.307

  Macrob: Saturn: 3: 13:
• * 1.308

  Salust.
• * 1.309

  Varro de re rustica. 3. 17.
• * 1.310

  Martial. l. 3. E∣pigr. 2.
• * 1.311

  Tertul: de Pal∣lio: Macr: Satur: 3. 16: Pl. 9: 17:
• * 1.312

  Lib: 4:
• * 1.313

  Macrob: Satur. 3. 15.
• * 1.314

  Idem: 3: 16:
• * 1.315

  Epist. 95:
• * 1.316

  Iuvenal. Satyr: 4.
• * 1.317

  Iuven. Sa•…•…yr. 5.
• * 1.318

  Lib. 28.
• * 1.319

  Hor. l. 2. Sat. 2.
• * 1.320

  Sen. nat. quest. 3. 17.
• * 1.321

  39. 17▪
• * 1.322

  Cap. 18.
• * 1.323

  Cap. 14.
• * 1.324

  Macrob. Sat. 3. 16.
• * 1.325

  Philip. 3. 19.
• * 1.326

  Iuven. Sat. 4.
• * 1.327

  Lib. 4. epig. 30.
• * 1.328

  Lib. 10. 70.
• * 1.329

  Lib. 9, 35.
• * 1.330

  De re ru•…•…ica 3, 17.
• * 1.331

  Ibid. c. 2
• * 1.332

  Lib. 8. c. 16.
• * 1.333

  15. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.334

  Ficedula.
• * 1.335

  Lib. 13. Epig. 71
• * 1.336

  Lib. 3. c. 6.
• * 1.337

  Lib: 13: Epig. 92
• * 1.338

  Lib: 3: cap: 2:
• * 1.339

  Lib: 3: c: 7. Lib: 8. cap. 8:
• * 1.340

  Epistola. 95.
• * 1.341

  Salust: of Me∣tellus:
• * 1.342

  Cap: 34:
• * 1.343

  Lib. 9: c. 17:
• * 1.344

  Cap•…•…olinus.
• * 1.345

  Idem.
• * 1.346

  A bird like a nightingall, feeding on figges.
• * 1.347

  Vopiscus in Au∣reliano:
• * 1.348

  Iuven: Satyr: 1:
• * 1.349

  Horat: l: 2: Sat: 2.
• * 1.350

  Lypsiius, Epist: select. 63.
• * 1.351

  Lib. 36: Cap: 15:
• * 1.352

  Lib. 36 c. 2.
• * 1.353

  Sueton. c. 19
• * 1.354

  Lypsius.
• * 1.355

  Me brenit-vitae cap. 18:
• * 1.356

  Dio.
• * 1.357

  Ammianus.
• * 1.358

  Instit. lib. 6.
• * 1.359

  Sermone 81.
• * 1.360

  Suetonius.
• * 1.361

  Plin. l. 33. c 3.
• * 1.362

  Idem Ibidem.
• * 1.363

  Dio Cassius in Nerone.
• * 1.364

  Plin. 33. 5.
• * 1.365

  Suetonius c. 18
• * 1.366

  Vopiscus in Probo.
• * 1.367

  Hippopotamos.
• * 1.368

  Dio in Nerone.
• * 1.369

  Apuleius. Spartianus in Adriano. Seneca Ep. 90.
• * 1.370

  Suet. c. 11•…•… Lypsius.
• * 1.371

  In Carin•…•….
• * 1.372

  Lib: 36.
• * 1.373

  Lib: 16:
• * 1.374

  Olympio•…•…rus in Excerptis.
• * 1.375

  In bal•…•…o •…•…∣trusci.
• * 1.376

  Lib. 33. 12:
• * 1.377

  1 Cor. 10. 20.
• * 1.378

  Notitia Impe∣r•…•…:
• * 1.379

  De Templis.
• * 1.380

  Dio, 55.
• * 1.381

  I•…•… Apologetico.
• * 1.382

  Lib. 9: Ep: 4.
• * 1.383

  Sue•…•…on. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.384

  Lib. 7. Excid•…•….
• * 1.385

  Lib. 34. 8.
• * 1.386

  Lib: 16:
• * 1.387

  Cass•…•…dorus. l: 7.
• * 1.388

  Victor:
• * 1.389

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. •…•…ltimo.
• * 1.390

  Cap: 13:
• * 1.391

  Dion in Com∣pendio.
• * 1.392

  Cassi•…•…dorus l. 7.
• * 1.393

  Epist. ad Gau∣dentium.
• * 1.394

  Lib. 4. c. 6.
• * 1.395

  Plin. 18. 2
• * 1.396

  36. 15.
• * 1.397

  Sen•…•… de Beues. 7. 10.
• * 1.398

  Lib. 4. epig. 40.
• * 1.399

  Iuven. Sat. 14
• * 1.400

  Epist. 122.
• * 1.401

  Tacit. Annal. 15. 10.
• * 1.402

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 36. 2. S•…•…ec. ep. 115.
• * 1.403

  Statius in Epi∣thalam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 St•…•…lla
• * 1.404

  Martial. 5. 13.
• * 1.405

  Capitolinus in Gordiano 3.
• * 1.406

  Valerius 9. 1:
• * 1.407

  Sen•…•…a Ep. 116
• * 1.408

  Seneca Contr•…•…∣vers. 2: 1.
• * 1.409

  Lib. 36. c: 6▪
• * 1.410

  Statius in Ti∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 Majlij Vopisci.
• * 1.411

  Propertius.
• * 1.412

  Lucanus.
• * 1.413

  Statius.
• * 1.414

  33. 3.
• * 1.415

  Ep. ad Gauden∣tium.
• * 1.416

  In 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.417

  Senec. ep. 90
• * 1.418

  Senec. ep. 115.
• * 1.419

  De Tranq. c. 1.
• * 1.420

  Cap. 31.
• * 1.421

  Algentem rapi∣at Coenatio So∣lem. Iuvenal. Sat. 7.
• * 1.422

  See Tacitus of this house, Annal. 15. c. 10.
• * 1.423

  Suet. c: 37•…•…
• * 1.424

  Contracta p•…•…s∣ces aequora sen∣tiunt •…•…actis in al•…•…um molibus: •…•…orat.
• * 1.425

  Plin. 33. 11. c. 49.
• * 1.426

  15. 8.
• * 1.427

  Martial. 2. 16.
• * 1.428

  Lampridius.
• * 1.429

  Martial: 3. 62.
• * 1.430

  Ovid. Met: 2:
• * 1.431

  Sueton: c. 30:
• * 1.432

  Plin: 33: 11:
• * 1.433

  Lampridius.
• * 1.434

  Lib: 33: 3.
• * 1.435

  Lib: 1: 37:
• * 1.436

  L. cum aurum. Plin: 33: 11:
• * 1.437

  14. 35.
• * 1.438

  Pl: 35: 11:
• * 1.439

  Ep. 115.
• * 1.440

  Propertius.
• * 1.441

  Sueton. 43.
• * 1.442

  Idem in vita Horati•…•….
• * 1.443

  Seneca de bene∣ficiis pretiis 7. 9.
• * 1.444

  Nat. quaest. 7. 31.
• * 1.445

  De brevitate vitae cap. 1•…•….
• * 1.446

  Suetonius c. 45
• * 1.447

  Suetonius c. 51
• * 1.448

  Iuven. Sat. 4
• * 1.449

  Iuven: Sat. 6
• * 1.450

  Cap. 12.
• * 1.451

  Senec. ep. 91.
• * 1.452

  Senec. de tran∣quill. c. 1.
• * 1.453

  Martial 2▪ 46
• * 1.454

  Macrob. Satur. 3. 13.
• * 1.455

  De Pallio c. 5
• * 1.456

  Suelonius c. 30.
• * 1.457

  Plutarchus in Lucullo.
• * 1.458

  Epist▪ 6.
• * 1.459

  Martial. lib. 2 epig 46.
• * 1.460

  M•…•…rcellinus lib. 28.
• * 1.461

  Martial. lib. 5. epig. 81.
• * 1.462

  Epig. l. 4. ep. 61.
• * 1.463

  8. 10.
• * 1.464

  Lib. 9. c 35.
• * 1.465

  Lib. 9. c. 39.
• * 1.466

  Lib. 11. c. 23.
• * 1.467

  Plin. 33. 1.
• * 1.468

  Plin. l. 37. c. 6.
• * 1.469

  Martial. 5 63.
• * 1.470

  Senec: Nat. Quaest. l: 7: 31:
• * 1.471

  33. 1.
• * 1.472

  Martial. 5. 11:
• * 1.473

  Lib. 9: c: 35:
• * 1.474

  Sén. de Benes: 7: 9:
• * 1.475

  Ovid.
• * 1.476

  Propert. l: 3: Eleg. 11:
• * 1.477

  Manilius, l: 5:
• * 1.478

  Lib: 9: 35:
• * 1.479

  In vita Pauli 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.480

  De habitu mu∣liebri: cap: 9:
• * 1.481

  Sueton: cap: 50:
• * 1.482

  De vita beata, cap. 17: De benef. 7: 9.
• * 1.483

  De habitu muli∣ebri, cap 9.
• * 1.484

  Lib. 33. 3.
• * 1.485

  Lib. 9. 35:
• * 1.486

  De habitu mu∣liebri. 7. cap:
• * 1.487

  Iuvenall.
• * 1.488

  Lib. 28.
• * 1.489

  Sen Nat: Quaest. l. 1. 17.
• * 1.490

  Cap: 52:
• * 1.491

  De benef. l. 2. 12
• * 1.492

  Lib. 28.
• * 1.493

  Lib. 14.
• * 1.494

  Lib. 1. Satyr. 3.
• * 1.495

  Lib. 6.
• * 1.496

  De ben. 7: 10:
• * 1.497

  Lib. 14:
• * 1.498

  Ep. ad Furiam.
• * 1.499

  Sue ton. c. 47.
• * 1.500

  Martial. l. 8, epig. 13.
• * 1.501

  De Tranq. c. 1
• * 1.502

  De Magn. Rom. 2. 12.
• * 1.503

  Suetonius. 37.
• * 1.504

  Debello Iudai col. 5.
• * 1.505

  Histor. 2. 27
• * 1.506

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.507

  Sueton. c 30
• * 1.508

  Iuven. l. 2. sat. 6
• * 1.509

  In Dionis Com∣pendio.
• * 1.510

  Tacit. Hist. l. 1. c. 0.
• * 1.511

  Suetonius c. 30
• * 1.512

  Suetonius c. 3⁰
• * 1.513

  Suetonius.
• * 1.514

  Lib. 36. 15.
• * 1.515

  Lib. 9. 1.
• * 1.516

  Hor. l. 1. Sat. 3
• * 1.517

  Lib. 9. epig. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.518

  Ad Avitum 6. 1
• * 1.519

  Carm, l: 3: od: 30
• * 1.520

  Cap: 70.
• * 1.521

  Sueton. cap: 13.
• * 1.522

  Suetou cap. 22
• * 1.523

  Senec. de Ira. l. 1: c: 16:
• * 1.524

  These verses of Mariell are vpon another occasion, for∣merly allea∣ged and en∣glished.
• * 1.525

  Lib: 1:
• * 1.526

  Ibid.
• * 1.527

  In •…•…imidio Tem∣poris: cap: 7:
• * 1.528

  Annal. l. 15:
• * 1.529

  Lib: 4:
• * 1.530

  In ludo de mor∣t•…•…:
• * 1.531

  P•…•…arus:
• * 1.532

  Cap. 100.
• * 1.533

  Lib: 59:
• * 1.534

  Annot. in T•…•…▪ l. hist: 1. c: 1:
• * 1.535

  Lib. 7.
• * 1.536

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.537

  Fast.
• * 1.538

  De Somn. Sc•…•…p. 2. 10.
• * 1.539

  Ibid.
• * 1.540

  Lib. 12. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.541

  Libro de aquae •…•…uctibus.
• * 1.542

  De hon. disc. l. 1. c. vlt.
• * 1.543

  Cap. 1: & 3.
• * 1.544

  Lib. 1. cont. Symmachum.
• * 1.545

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.546

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.547

  De Mag•…•…. Rom. 3. 6.
• * 1.548

  Isay 47. 8. Revel. 18. 7
• * 1.549

  Hubert•…•… Gol∣zius rerum An∣tiq. c. 4.
• a 1.550

  Apud 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ep. 30.
• b 1.551

  Lib. 15. c. 6. & 16. 6.
• * 1.552

  Ep. ad Algasia•…•… q. 11.
• * 1.553

  In dimidio tem∣poris c. 7.
• * 1.554

  Lactant. Instit. l. 5. c. 10.
• * 1.555

  Lib. 5. c. 9.
• * 1.556

  Lib: 3: c: 26:
• * 1.557

  De Civ. Dei: lib: 2: c. 6:
• * 1.558

  Cap: 19:
• * 1.559

  Cap: 17:
• * 1.560

  raptas siue mo∣re Sabinas, Vir: an. 8:
• * 1.561

  Lib: 3: c. 21.
• * 1.562

  he that desires to see more of their mon∣strous ingra∣titude towards their best de∣seruing citi∣zens, let him reade Va∣lerius. lib. 5. c. 3.
• * 1.563

  2. 18:
• * 1.564

  2. 17:
• * 1.565

  Virgill.
• * 1.566

  Ovid.
• * 1.567

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.568

  Hooker: 5. 1.
• * 1.569

  2: Chron. 19. 6.
• * 1.570

  C: Tb. l. 16. tit. 2
• * 1.571

  Cardan desapi∣ent. lib. 3.
• * 1.572

  In Octau.
• * 1.573

  Apolog. adoe•…•…. Gente•…•…. 45.
• * 1.574

  Lib: 3
• * 1.575

  Lib: 36: cap: 15:
• * 1.576

  Luc. 2.
• * 1.577

  5. 2.
• * 1.578

  Esay 2. 4.
• * 1.579

  •…•…r. 43. 10.
• * 1.580

  Dan. 2. 37.
• * 1.581

  De civ. dei. 5. 21
• * 1.582

  Ecclesiastes 9. 11.
• * 1.583

  De Civ. de•…•… 4. 4.
• * 1.584

  Ad Donatum.
• * 1.585

  Nonius Mar∣cellus ex Cice∣ro•…•… lib. de Repub. 3.
• * 1.586

  Nat. quaest. praes. lib. 3.
• * 1.587

  Epist. ad Reg•…•… Arsocen.
• * 1.588

  In vita Iulij Agricola.
• * 1.589

  Lib. 1: c. 18.
• * 1.590

  E•…•…. 3. 12.
• * 1.591

  Dis. l. 1. 11. 12. 13 14.
• * 1.592

  Lib. 5. c. 13:
• * 1.593

  See for this point Lau∣rent Valla in his 2 booke de voluptate.
• * 1.594

  Lib. 8: c. 6.
• * 1.595

  De Ciu. Dei, 5 14.
• * 1.596

  Apolog. 50. ad Gentes.
• * 1.597

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 43.
• * 1.598

  Horat. Ep•…•…. o•…•…. 7.
• * 1.599

  Lib. 22.
• * 1.600

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.601

  Lib. 28.
• * 1.602

  Hist. of the world, l. 5: part. 1. cap. 1. Sect. 1.
• a 1.603

  The Dol∣phine of Vien∣nois.
• b 1.604

  The King of Maiorca.
• * 1.605

  Iohn de Serres.
• * 1.606

  Iohn de Serres.
• * 1.607

  Mat. 24. 12. Luc. 18. 8. 1. Tim 4. 1.
• * 1.608

  2. Tim: 3 1.
• * 1.609

  v. 13.
• * 1.610

  2. Pet. 3. 3
• * 1.611

  Iude. v. 17. 18.
• * 1.612

  2. 2.
• * 1.613

  4. 1.
• * 1.614

  42. 12. 16.
• * 1.615

  Heb. 1. 2. 1: 2. 18.
• * 1.616

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.617

  In Epist, Iud•…•…. I•…•… 2. Tim. 3. 1.
• * 1.618

  14.
• * 1.619

  2. 1•…•…. Act. 2. 17.
• * 1.620

  2. 28.
• * 1.621

  V. 9.
• * 1.622

  1 Tim. 4. 16.
• * 1.623

  V. 12.
• * 1.624

  De Rom. Pont. 3. 3.
• * 1.625

  Lib. 4. epist: 7.
• * 1.626

  Lib. 7. cap. 25.
• * 1.627

  Ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de Monogamia.
• * 1.628

  Lib 4. ep. 38.
• * 1.629

  Serm. 6. in Psal. 9.
• * 1.630

  1 ep. 2. 18
• * 1.631

  2 Thess. 2. 7
• * 1.632

  2 Thess. 2. 6. 7.
• * 1.633

  Daniel 7: Revel. 17.
• * 1.634

  Lucan. l. 1.
• a 1.635

  In 2 Thess. 2.
• * 1.636

  Lib. 1. Lib. 3. Lib. 4.
• * 1.637

  Buxdofius Sy∣llag. Iud. c. 1.
• * 1.638

  Epist. 9. circa fi∣nem.
• * 1.639

  Epist. 71.
• * 1.640

  De consolatione ad Martiā, 26.
• * 1.641

  Lib. 3. cap. 19.
• * 1.642

  Cap. 30.
• * 1.643

  Cap. 11.
• * 1.644

  Oecumenius in Collectaneis su∣per 3. post Petri
• * 1.645

  De Rerum 〈◊〉〈◊〉∣tura 3.
• * 1.646

  in Eleg.
• * 1.647

  Lib. 1: Ph•…•…os.
• * 1.648

  De ver. fid. Christ. l. 1.
• * 1.649

  An•…•…e medium.
• * 1.650

  De prepar. E∣van. 3. 15.
• * 1.651

  De Consol. •…•…d Mart. c. 26.
• * 1.652

  Ludou. Vives. de ver. fid. Christ. lib. 2. Lib. 7. 16.
• * 1.653

  Lib. 7.
• * 1.654

  Metamorph. 1
• * 1.655

  Lib 2. or acul•…•…∣rum.
• * 1.656

  14. 12.
• * 1.657

  102. 5. 6.
• * 1.658

  51. 6.
• * 1.659

  34. 4.
• * 1.660

  Revel 6. 14.
• * 1.661

  Mat 24. 35. Mark: 13. 31.
• * 1.662

  2. 3. 10. Revel. 20. 11.
• * 1.663

  In Rom. 8. 20
• a 1.664

  De extrem•…•… Iudicio.
• b 1.665

  In Sobria Philosoph. par. 1 sect. 3. cap. 3. quaest. 5.
• * 1.666

  Lib. 2. & 3.
• * 1.667

  Cap. 14. ante medium.
• * 1.668

  1 Cor. 13.
• * 1.669

  Mat. 24. 3
• * 1.670

  Catharinus in 1 Pet. 3.
• * 1.671

  Salmeron in eundem locum.
• * 1.672

  1. Cor. 15. 44.
• * 1.673

  Act. 3. 22. Psal. 104. 5.
• * 1.674

  Eccles. 1. 4.
• * 1.675

  Esay. 65: 17.
• * 1.676

  Revel: 21. 1: & S. Peter: 2: 3: 13:
• * 1.677

  30. 26.
• * 1.678

  1. Cor: 7: 31.
• * 1.679

  Rom. 8: 21.
• * 1.680

  Psal: 102. 26:
• * 1.681

  v. 10.
• * 1.682

  In Rom. 8. v. 20:
• * 1.683

  v: 21.
• * 1.684

  Cap. 66. v. 22. 23.
• * 1.685

  v 23.
• * 1.686

  30.
• * 1.687

  1. Cor. 7. 31.
• * 1.688

  v. 21.
• * 1.689

  in lib. 83. quest. 67.
• * 1.690

  2. ep. 3. 16.
• * 1.691

  Psal. 102. 26.
• * 1.692

  2. Cor. 5. 10.
• * 1.693

  Gen. 18. 25.
• * 1.694

  See Raimundus Sebundus his naturall The∣ologie. & Raymundus Lullius in de∣monst. art. fidei.
• * 1.695

  Psal. 58: 11:
• * 1.696

  Eusebius de p•…•…aeparati ne 11. 18. 20. & 123.
• * 1.697

  Lactan. 7. 1•…•….
• * 1.698

  Surius in com. an. 1558.
• * 1.699

  Zephany 1. 15. 16.
• * 1.700

  Exod. 19.
• * 1.701

  Serm. 67.
• * 1.702

  Antiq. l. 1. c. 4.